YALE
UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

This book was digitized by Microsoft Corporation in
cooperation with Yale University Library, 2008. You
may not reproduce this digitized copy of the book for
any purpose other than for scholarship, research,
educational, or, in limited quantity, personal use. You
may not distribute or provide access to this digitized copy
(or modified or partial versions of it) for commercial purposes.

TH4
PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT
OF FRANCE,
AT DIFFERENT PERIODS BEFORE
THE REVOLUTION,
HISTORICALLY AND PHILOSOPHICALLY CONSIDERED.
SHEWING
THE PROGRESS OF
THE FRENCH MONARCHT
FROM LIMITED TO ABSOLUTE*
WITH
THE CAUSES OF ITS DOWNFALL.
BY JOHN ANRDEWS, LL.D.

LONDON:
PRINTED FOR R. PITKE ATHLEY, TAVISTOCK-STR.EET,
COVENT-GARDEN. 1799-

P RE PA C E.

At

k,N inveftigation of thqfe caufes that have prepared
the, changes .and revolutions, which the affairs of
this world feem liable periodically to experience* is, of
all ftudies, the moft fraught with entertainment and in-
ftruction. We are told by a Poet, that " The proper ftudy" ot
" mankind is man." Conformably to this maxim, whicfo
is evidently founded on juft grounds, hiftorical enquiries
into the caufes of thofe events that have altered the
deftinies of nations, and given a new afpeft to the face of
things, are, of all others, the moft conducive to the for
mation of right conceptions, and proper judgments^ of
human transactions*
Fertile as the prefent asra has been in a multiplicity of
ftriking events, we may reasonably prefume, that reflect
ing people are naturally folicitous to know whence they
a 2 originated

iv PREFACE.
originated, and what were the primitive fources from
which flowed thofe great and extraordinary commotions
that have fhaken, and are ftill fhaking, all Europe to its
very foundations, and have already overturned 4fome of
the moft confiderable. States and Kingdoms in Chriften-
dom? Among thofe nations that have felt the effects of thofe
caufes that are now operating, and ftill threaten to con
tinue their operations, the French nation ftands foremoft,
and has felt them more deeply than any other. Placed
in the centre of the European fyftem, it feems fated to
take the lead in all thofe political tranfactions which, by
their importance and magnitude, arreft and fix the atten
tion of mankind. The hiftory of that people is at the
fame time fo intimately connected with that of all the na
tions furrounding them, that by becoming acquainted
with their affairs, one cannot fail to obtain a very exten-
five infight into thofe of their neighbours.
Another inducement, ftill more material and cogent, _
offers itfelf on this occafion. The French have, during
a long time, been confidered as at the head of all the
European nations, not only as being the moft numerous,
potent, and formidable among them, but alfo as excelling
in all the polite arts and intellectual endowments. This,
of courfe, has procured them an influence which they
have had the policy to carry to its fartheft extent, and to
render inftrumental for the accomplifhment of many an
ambitious fcheme: it being well known that the empire
which is obtained over the mind may be readily exerted fox

PREFACE. v
for the effecting of thofe purpofes in the, contemplation
of artful and defigning men.
This influence was kept in conftant exertion, and they
omitted no opportunity of availing themfelves of it to the
utmoft, in all occurrences, little or great, as frequently
experienced by thofe with whom they had bufinefs to
tranfact, either of a public or private nature.
To this influence it was owing that they were viewed
in fo many refpects, by other nations, as the models fit-
teft to be copied. Hence the -ideas, manners, and cuf-
toms, prevalent in France, were long held up as prece
dents for. the imitation of Europe; which, with an affec
tation and fervility, that have defervedly difgraced it in
the opinion of difcernihg individuals, fubmitted to an al-
moft uniyerfal adoption of every thing that came recom
mended under the name of French, without bellowing
the leaft confideration, whether it were ufeful or perni
cious ; whether it merited to be followed as an example,
or to be treated with derifion, and beheld with averfion
and contempt?
A people fo long and fo generally propofed as a pat
tern to others, is doubtlefs deferving of a ferious and
particular examination. ' The propoffeflions fo diffufively
entertained in its favour, ought to be weighed with a ri7
gorous impartiality, and not fuffered to preponderate
againft the .common intereft of other nations. The,
world is unhappily too ready to admit the pretentions to
fuperior

THE

PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT

OF

FRANCE CONSIDERED.

PART THE FIRST.
From Clovis to Charlemain.
JL HE Revolution, which has occafioned fuch
aftonifhing changes in the government and cha
racter of the French, is an object that commands
the deepeft attention of all thinking men. It
may be confidered as a total transformation of
that great and celebrated nation, into another
people ; differing from what they were in
every political, and almoft, every religious re-
fpedt, and likely to become the 'efficient and
not remote caufe of amazing alterations in the
b fortunes

4 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT fj?&B.T I.
valour and fuccefs. "Whoever was noted 'for his
courage, acted as a memher of government, and
was liftened, to with deference.
In the divifion of the fpoil, the degree of bra
very and martial {kill, that 'had contributed to
vi&ory, was chiefly confidered. As the leaders
were chofen for thefe qualities, they claimed of
courfe, the largeft Ihare. It was only in the affairs
of war that pre-eminences were allowed, . On
other occafions a perfect equalityfubfifted between
all individuals, and no one arrogated dominion
or authority over another. Differences were
fettled according to cuftoms, to. which every one
fubmitted without exception. ,
Among tribes of men fo little ufed to depenr
dence on particular perfons, it was natural they
fhould fuffer.no perpetuation of power that might
endanger that exceflive freedom of which they
were fo jealous. We find accordingly that fuc-
ceffion to power and authority of any kind, was
regulated not by birth, but the choice, of the
community. The bravefl and moft. intelligent
were always chofen, unlefs indeed thefe qualities
were eminently confpicuous in a fon or near re
lation ; who then was promoted preferably to
others who wer&aot fupeiior in thofe. reflects, or
whofe fuperiority was doubtful. It

PARTI.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. ' <J ;
'It was not till after; their Settlement in Gaul,
that their notions in thefe matters began to vary,
and that they feemed lefs tenacious of, the cuftom
of election, and willing to admit of an hereditary*
tranfmiffion of power, efpecially as- it happened
that thofe to whom it was adjudged, were men
of remarkable .valour and capacity, i But even
this power was.ftilLas heretofore confined to the
field. In all other cafes there appears to have
fubfifted the moft uncontrolled freedom of ac
ting.- Individuals, were at large in every trans
action of; life, and bound by no obligations to
one perfon more thanto another. They enjoyed
an indifcriminate community of rights; and the
only distinction known. among them, was that
which arofe from the Superiority, of perfonal qua
lifications. Such was the general fyftem of focietyamong
the anceftors of the French. They adhered to
it with deep-rooted pertinacity, 'efteeming it the
only fyftem worthy of men who valued their free
dom, .and were determined to part with it on no
account. ¦ Conformably to thefe notions, in which
they gloried, they called themfelves Franks, or
Freemen, and held all who differed from them in
their, government and political tenets, not pof-
feffed of freedom. (
b 3 In

€ THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART I.
In the mean time, the only bufinefs in which
they conceived there was any dignity or honour,
was war and conqueft. This being the only
occupation they looked up<in as reputable,
their temper and inclinations were of courfe
wholly martial. They carried this difpofition from
public into private tranfa&ions, and in all difputes
were prone to appeal to the decifion of the fword.
They were a robuft and hardy race of men,
trained up from their infancy and very birth, to
whatever could render their bodies ftrong, vi
gorous, and patient of all fort of hardfhips.
Thus inured to early toil and fatigue, it became
to them a mere habit and paftime. They defied
all the labours, dangers, and trials of life, de-
fpifing death, and encountering with- habitual
intrepidity the various viciffitudes of the inceffant
and deftruetive Scenes of warfare, in which they
fpent their lives.
As the country they forfook, was much lefs
favoured by nature than that which they invaded,
the climate, through want of cultivation in a
rugged and extenfive region, was very rigorous,
and fitted them for thofe arduous enterprizes that
require constitutions able to bear the fevereft
feafons. It

PART I.j OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. *J
It was not till they had totally forfaken their
fbrefts, and fettled in the milder habitations of
Gaul, that they began fomewhat to relax of their
auftere manner of living, and to adopt the cuf-
toms of the inhabitants whom they had fubdued.
But this they only did in part : their ferocity
yielded but a little to the more gentle and ci
vilized habits of their new fubjects, and the pride
arifing from their Superiority in arms, prevented
them from feeling much efteem, and paying
much deference to people whom they had con
quered. Brought however by degrees to relifh a lefs
ferocious ftate of life, they alfo remitted of that
fiercenefs and invincible obftinacy, with which
they had maintained their native and long efta-
( blifhed habits and notions. Among thefe the
jealoufy of their freedom diminifhed, and they
abated of that perpetual fpirit of dread with which
they viewed whatever had the rernoteft tendency
to infringe it. Gradually their chiefs obtained an
afcendancy over them, which arofe partly from
the larger allowance of lands and of booty feized
from the vanquifhed, which enabled them to be
morehofpitable and liberal than the commonality,
and partly from the confidence placed in thoSe
chiefs who had moft Signalized themfelves. Hence

S THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART I.
HenceinproceSsof time through indolence and
want of vigilance on the part of the people, and
through artifice and dexterity in thofe, who en
joying ampler poffeffions, were able to maintain
followers and adherents, the rights and liberties/
common to, and exercifed by all indiscriminately,
were afferted with Superior boldnefs and SucceSs,
by the more opulent. Thus that equality of
ranks and claims which had been the inseparable
companion, and the firmeft Support of their for
mer freedom, vanifhed by degrees, and at length
was utterly forgotten. The pretenfions of the
rich multiplied imperceptibly without meafure ;
and they never refted, until they had fettled
hereditary diftinftions in their families, and li
mited thofe powers and privileges to the few,
which of neceffity rendered them the abfplute
lords and matters of the many.
In the eftablifhment of this immoderate aristo
cracy among the French, originated the misfor
tunes which afflicled them during fo many centu
ries. The great pofTeffors of lands monopolized in
time all the power of the ftate, and threw off all
Subjection to law and juftice. Force became the
fole ftandard of right among them, and their un
happy vaffals were Sacrificed without hefitation,
and in contempt of all humanity, in the endlefs
difpute

PART I.J OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. 9
diSputes wherein their barbarous " difpofition in
volved them.
Happier it would have been, had the oppreiTed
multitude, wearied out with ill-treatment, choSen
in the hour of defperation, fome refolute chief
tain to avenge their wrongs, and punifh their
oppreSSors. Had the power thus conferred upon
him, terminated in deSpotiSm^ even Such a go
vernment would have proved more eligible than:
a State of perpetual devaftation and bloodlhed in
every province of the kingdom.
So contentious and Sanguinary was the fpirit
of thofe tyrannical owners of large eftates, that
while the realm was at peace with all its fur-
rounding neighbours, it often experienced more
mifery than if it had beent engaged in exter
nal hoftilities. Thefe. would have, only affected
thofe parts on the frontiers, that were expofed to
the enemy; but in theSe inteftine feuds between
powerful individuals, every diftricl: was filled
with maffacres.
The moft fortunate and formidable of the pri
mitive leader's :of the French;, or Flanks, as they
were then denominated, in their invafion of Gaul,
was CLOVisthe First of that name. He pofTefled in

IO THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT £pART fl
in common with their other chieftains, the ne
ceffary qualities of courage and military fkill j
but he added to them uncommon fagacity and
penetration. His activity was indefatigable, and
he had the happy talent of difcovering and im«
proving every opportunity that his .reftlefs difpO-
fition was continually in queft of, for the attain
ment of his various purpofes. But thefe unfor
tunately were dictated by the moft iniquitous
ambition ; and his cruel -temper fcrupled not to
employ the moft fanguinary means to compafs
every object he propofed.
Such was the principal founder of the empire
of the Franks in Gaul. His authority at firft, like
that of the chiefs that preceded him, was ex*
tremely limited. Hiftory reprefents him as occa-i
fionally engaged in perfbnal contefts with his in
ferior officers, and even his private foldiers : but
he quickly made himSelf their Superior, and found
means to compel them to implicit obedience.
His conftant fucceffes and great victories raifed
him gradually to Such a height of perSonal repu
tation, that all competition fell before him ;
and he attained at laft to the higheft degree of
arbitrary power, and tranfmitted it to his fa
mily. But

PARTI.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. II
But the abfolute fway which he had eftablifhed,
did not laft. His fucceffors were not able to pre-
ferve it ; and the grandees recovered their for
mer credit and importance} of which however
they made no ufe for the fervice of the com
munity. The public fpirit of the nation was foon
loft in the numberlefs contefts for power, that
occupied it under the defcendants of Clovisj
many of whom were equal to him in cruelty,
though none of them had his abilities.
His pofterity degenerated finally in fuch a
manner, as to lofe all efteem and refpect ; and
the fovereignty was transferred to a new race.
The laws, cuftoms, and manners of the French
during this firft period of. their fettlement in
Gaul, remained uncivilifed and barbarous. Af
ter the eftablifhment of chriftianity among them,
fuperftition was fuperadded to the abfurdity of
many of their former ufages, and the mixture of
both in various inftances was equally horrid and
ridiculous. Their minds continued uncultivated,
and their ideas grofs to a degree hardly credible.
Nothing among other cafes, places this in a
ftronger light, than their method of punifhing
criminals ; which was by taxing them for crimes,
however

il THE- PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART Ii
however atrocious, not according to their enor
mity, but the rank of the guilty. >
For a length of centuries th« moft ftupid and
prepofterous tenets were held up as indubitable!
truths, and infatuated all claffes. The Specula
tive notions adopted even by thoSe who pretend^
cd to Some degree of knowledge, were inconfiftenr.
with any ihadbw of reafdning. Enchantment,
witchcraft," and magic influence of all forts, were
predominant in the perfuafion of all people.
When the inclemency of feafons, or the peft of
destroying infects had deftroyed or detrimented
the fruits of the earth, demons and evil geniuSes
were efteemed the perpetrators oS the miSchief;
and thofe unhappy- wretches, either male or fe
male, 'whom uncouthnefs of figure, or oddity of
behaviour, rendered objects of Suspicion to a filly
and prejudiced multitude, Sound it difficult to
efcape their fury :- — Nor was it the mere vulgar
that debafed itfelf by fuch barbarities : men of
fuperior Stations were equally prone to-tfre-m, and
no lefs ready to infift on judicial proceedings, in
order to afcertain the guilt or the innocence of
the 'parties fufpected; Thofe proceedings were
of a defcription that excite one knows not moft of

KART I.]* OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. 15
of which, indignation or contempt: fuch as trials
by water, by fire, and numberlefs others too
tedious as well as too ridiculouSrto particularife.
Immerfion in water, Sor inftance, without fink
ing, was fatal to the immerfed, as it was reputed
an evidence of guilt. Handling red-hot iron
without burning, was no lefs frequently required,
to clear a fufpected character. In Suits. for goods
and chatties it was common when the cafe was
not clear, to leave the decifion to what was called
the judgment of the crofs ;- which was in fact to.
the Strength or adroitnefs of two perfons; of
whom he that kept his, arms the longeft fpace of
time outftretched, won the caufe he was feed to,
defend in this Strange manner.
From private litigations this infatuation af-
cended into public transactions. We read of
tw© royal: competitors, who on the eve of bat-
tle^ agreed to adjuft their claims by Similar trials
of the rectitude of their refpective claims.
As to Demoniacs, the conviction of their ex-*
iftence remained long in full force. Even fo.
lately as the middle of the laft century, France
exhibited fome ihameful enormities of this na-
ture. During the ministry of Cardinal Richelieu,.
a man whofe genius, one might think, would never

14 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART I.
never have countenanced fo infamous a delufion,
a dreadful inftance of credulity was manifested at
Laudun, a town become noted ever Since the Story
of the devils, who at that time took poffeflion of
the bodies of feveral nuns there, at the in f ligation
of one Grandier a prieft, who was legally convict
ed of the crime, and executed without mercy.
Nor fhould Englifhmen forget that at a far
later period, no longer ago than towards the clofe
of the laft century, fimilar tales of horror dif-
graced our colonies in North America, and
proved how little the emigrators to that country
had divefted themfelves of the very worft kinds
of credulity and fuperftition.
Nor let us forget that even at the prefent day,
in the, midft of thofe pretences to a more enlighten
ed perception of things, to which the Romifli
clergy lay claim, the practife of exorcifing, the
term which they appropriate to the cafting out of
unclean Spirits, fubfifted till the late revolution,
The belief of the frequent agency of invifible be
ings, is far from obliterated among numbers of
the ignorant multitude; with whom Stories are
current of the Supernatural power they occafio-
nally exert in the behalf of thofe with whom they
are fuppofed to be connected by reciprocal com pacts

PART I.J OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. t$-
pacts. Thefe abfurdities need not however be
reftricted to the French nation, nor to the Roraifh.
clergy. From the description of the fuperftitious be
haviour of the ancient French in the particulars
enumerated, may be inferred what opinions they
entertained in the moreeSTential points of religion.
This in the Strictest truth, was little better than
a heap of ceremonious abfurdities on the one
part, and the tameft fubmiffion to the moft SenSe-
lefs notions on the other. Little was ufually the
difference between the inftrudtors and the in-
ftructed. The groffeft ignorance was nearly the
portion of both.
It is far from improbable, that fuch priefts and
monks as were guilty of carrying on impoftures,
as it is likely fome Of them were, thought they
acted a very laudable part, and therefore pioufly
tranfmitted the fraud to their fucceffors in office,
as a kind of inheritance ; and poflibly from fimi-
lar motives of miftaken piety, deceived even
thefe into. a firm convi&ion of the reality of what
they delivered to the croud as matters of fact.
This appears the more natural and candid way
pf accounting for the multiplicity of miraculous events,

¦\6 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART I.
events, with which the legends of thofe ages are
filled, and for the prodigious numbers of relics
that were held fo long in veneration. For how
ever corrupt human nature is liable to be, in the
apprehenfion of Sortie, it Seems not capable of fo
much depravity, as that fo immenfely; numerous
a body of men, as the fecular and regular clergy,
Should have unanimoufly concurred in cherifhing
and Supporting knowingly a traditional Syftem of
impofition and forgery for a courfe of ages.
Were it poffible however for the deceitfulnefs
of man to rife to fuch a height, the profound
ftupidity prevalent in thofe days, in whatever
related to religious matters, rendered it eafy to
hatch the moft wonderful and miraculous ftories,
and to procure them a rapid circulation and cre
dit among people, who were always ready to de
vour with open belief whatever was offered to
them under the fanction of religion.
. Their credulity was in fact boundlefs. The
hiftories of thofe times are difgraced by conti
nual incredibilities, from the romantic turn of all
who meddled with writing. Whence it may not
without fome reafon be inferred, that we can no
more depend on their authenticity, whenever
they relate pai ticujars of an extraordinary nature, than

PART I.J OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. 17
than upon what more ancient writers have deli
vered concerning the two or three firft ages of
Rome, or the Egyptian priefts taken upon them
to record of their primitive dynafties.
Morality and devotion confifted much lefs in
the practice of virtue, than in the fcrupulouS ob
servance' of unmeaning rites, and needlefs forms
of worfhip. Pure, manly integrity of life, di
verted of church farce and fcenery, was not ad-
tniifible as any proof of goodnefs. TJnlefs a man
followed the example of the croud, in the de-
monftration of his religious principles, real fanc-
tity of manners availed him nothing. The
greateft proof that individuals could give of their
piety, was by renouncing all innocent recreations,
debarring themfelves from every comfort, an4
inflicting all manner of pains and chaftiSements
on their bodies. Thus in the warmth of devo-
tional zeal, the men would throw into the fire
their various implements of paftime, and the wo
men thofe of perfonal decoration. They would of
ten fhut themfelves up in retirements, and remain
Secluded for a length of time from the conversa
tion and fight of friends and relations. Some
times, as an expiation of their fins, they would
wear fackcloth, or go barefooted a long pilgrim
age; or they would abftain from flefh, and all
c Savoury

1 8 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [pARf U
Savoury food ; and take no more nourifhment
than was abfolutely indifpenfib'le for the preserva
tion of exiftence. Others would whip thern-
Selves with knotted cords, or tie an iron chain
round their waift, next to their Skin. Such
modes of penance lafted a number of ages, and
were practifed even by perfonages of the higheft
rank.- A penitential inftrument of this kind was
found on the body of Charles of Blois, when
he was defeated and flain by his competitor for
the Duchy of Britanny, John ofMoNTEORT. This
happened fo late as in the times of our Edward-
the Third } an age as famous for fuperftition as
for chivalry.
Where cuftoms, laws and religion, exhibited
fuch groffneSs and barbariSm, it was natural that
manners fhould reSemble them. Under the firft
race of their kings, they were accordingly rude
and almoft favage. From the higheft to the
loweft individuals, politenefs was totally un
known. Perfons of the greateft confequence and
authority, led the way in the perpetration of all
forts of violence and brutality ; and their infe- '
riors were not backward in imitating them. Am
bition and avarice were the ruling paffions of the
great, and Supported by all the atrocious means
in iheir power. Whatever conduced to thepur- poSes,

&ARTlJ OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. I{)
pofes they had in view, was employed without
difcrimination or remorfe. The worft deceit and
hypochrify was current in their tranfartions, and
pafTed for policy. Thus treachery and perfidious
deeds characterifed the moft confpicuous perfon-
ages. Their mutual intercourfe was accompa
nied with miitruft of each other, and with fufpi-
cions that left no room for that confidence and
reciprocal fenfe of honour, which are equally the
ttobleft ornament-, and the pureft delight of fo
ciety; Notwithstanding the introduction of chriftia-
nity am6ng the French, in the reign of Clovis,
they ftill remained barbarians. Clovis himfelf
was a monfter of inhumanity; and though' not
deficient in zeal for the propagation of the faith
he had embraced, yet he was in truth a difgrace
to the religion of which he took upon him to be
the protector^
It is no lefs remarkable than aftonifhing, that
Clovis* the firft chriftian king of France, and
Con'stantine, the firft chriftian emperor, fhould
in this refpect have borne fo ftriking a refem-
blance to each other. It authorifes the furmife
that political motives influenced what is called
their converfion, notwithftanding the ridiculous
c 2 fables

4<J the people and government £part I.
fables fabricated by interefted impofture, and
blindly countenanced by, credulity ; the purport
of which Was, that heaven was immediately and
vifibly concerned in both of thofe events. ,
. France, under the pofterity of Clovis, became
the Scene of every fpecies of domeftic horrors.
To fay nothing of the civil contefts that occa
sioned So much bloodfhed, the want of order and
good government, threw the country into uni-
verfal confufion. The different parts of that vaft
kingdom, were like fo many diftant countries ;
and the communication between them was almoft
impracticable for private individuals. None but
numerous bodies of men armed and provided
with neceffaries for fubfiftence, much in the na
ture of the caravans that traverfe the wilds of
Afia at this day, durft venture to undertake a
journey of any confiderable length. . Whoever
was obliged to travel alone the Space of half a
fcore leagues, was careSul to make a will previous
to So perilous an enterprise, as the dangers he
was liable to encounter, rendered his return un
certain. Hence may be judged how little of commerce
and trade was known. The Jews, who carried
on the firft, as they had done for centuries among the

PART I.J OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. 21
the Greeks and Romans,, were few in Gaul, after
its Subjugation by the Franks ; owing to the un-
fettled Situation it was in, and the deplorable
want of almoft all kind of police. They whom
the powerful thirft of gain induced to rifle them
felves in the midft of So much diSorder, were,
from the fuperftitious zeal of the times, in con
tinual hazard of their effects, and not a little of
their lives.
Thofe individuals who exercifed trades, were
few in number, from, the fmall demand for the
conveniences of life : the elegancies of which
people hardly entertained a notion of. Coarfe
feafting, hunting, and rude games of ail de
nominations, were the luxurious paftimes and
diverfions of the great, with an admixture of
grofs gallantry, fuch as one may SuppoSe muft
have prevailed among men who could neither
write nor read, and whoSe principal merit con-
fifled in feats of bodily vigour and activity.
The clergy, and efpecially the monks, who were
in exclufive poffeffion of what learning was then in
vogue, might rather be faid to have been the
keepers and pre'fervers of the means of future
erudition and literature, than their cultivators.
They did little more than tranferibe and tranfmit
c 3 to

22 .THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENR [PART I.
to better times the manufcripts that fell into their-
hands. From the darknefs that overfpread all claffes of
the laity, they Were paffively Subordinate to the
clergy, .who were almofir equally illiterate; but
who monopolizing, as it were, the little educaT
tion then known, became lordly and tyrannical,
and arrogated great power, notonlyin Spiritual but
alSo in temporal matters. The management of
church affairs being wholly confined to them,
they had conftant opportunities of jmpofing on,
the imbecillity pf the laity ; who being plunge
ed in the deepeft ignorance, readily yielded to
their ufurpations, and crouched with the bafeft
abjedtnefs under the moft ignominious of all fla-
very, that of the mind : obeying without refift-
ance every injunction emanating from the mouths
of their ecclefiaftical directors, who found means
to become judges and arbitrators in almoft an.
tranfaftions, whether of a private or public
nature, or whether they related to gofpel or tq
law. This dominion of the priefthpod lafted many
ages. Its duration did not indeed properly ter
minate until the aera of the reformation. It was
attended with a multitude of bad confequences,

PART I.J OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. 23
as may be eafily conceived by thofe who are di-.
vefted of religious prejudices. But the worft
confequence was the flavifh dependance which it
eftablifhed throughout Chriftendom, on the fee
of Rome ; whofe policy it was to fupport the
pretenfions of the clergy, and to maintain the
ftricteft alliance and intimacy with the Sacerdotal
order, by which its own intereft was So zealoufly
upheld. This connexion between the Pope and the
Pfiefthood, was in fact equally neceffary for the
defigns of both ; which were evidently to enflave
the underftandings of mankind, in order to do
mineer over them without controul. It was
not furprifing therefore, that ecclefiaftics Should
every where inculcate an implicit deference, and
a boundlefs veneration for the Roman pontiff;
and that he fhould reciprocally efpoufe the caufe
of men who acted fo faithfully and fo warmly in
his behalf.
It may here be; noticed that this adherence to
papal authority, fubfifts unimpaired to this day,
among the bigoted part of the French, who
unhappily for their country, are not a few. The
clergy of France, efpecially, have fignilized their
attachment to the fee of Rome in a manner that
c 4 fully

24 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT f_PART I,
fullv puoves how deeply they are prepoffefied in
favour of its Supremacy, and how little, for that
reafon, theyare entitled' to the claim of being
enlightened, and free from the blind fubmiffion
of their predecefTors ; fince, while they continue
perfuaded, that a foreign power has a right to
exercife any Sway, temporal or Spiritual, over
their own country, they fhew themfelves evi
dently the enemies to its independence, in what
ever manner they may. think proper to colour
fuch pretenfions.
The mutual combination of powers between
the See of Rome and the hierarchy pf France, long
kept-tint kingdom in the pi ofoundeft Subjection
to fpiriiual tyranny. The pride and hwghtinefs of
the Roman bilhop. was no lefs. experienced in that
country, than in the many others profeffing to be
under has authority. Excommunications and ana
themas of every Sort that human imbecillity'has,
at divers times been prone to Submit to, were
Scattered among the French with no IeSs audacity
and profufion, than among thoSe nations who,
like them, became the SenfeleSs and tame victim?
of prieftiy delufion.
Such were the confequences of religion per
verted and iil underftood, in thofe unfortunate and

PAR.T I.J OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. 2£
and iron ages, as they have been rightly ftiled by
thofe hiftorians, who difdained to ftoop to the
fervile prejudices of the times in which they
wrote, and who in fpite of the darknefs and danT
gers thev dwelt in, had penetration enough to
,difcern thefe evils, and fpirit to expofe them.

END OF THE FIRST PART. \

PART

IM PART THE SECOND.

From Charlemainto Henry the Fourth,

TfflS ftate of things lafted with little alteration
to the time of Charlemain; who began like
Augustus, with blood and barbarity ; but finally
proved one of the beft and greateft monarchs,
and was the. brighteft ornament of his age and
nation. The endeavours of this celebrated Prince, and
of our no lefs famous Alfred, to reftore learning
in their refpective kingdoms, Shew the miferable
condition of the human mind in their days, and
to how low an ebb literature was reduced. Al
fred, it is known, complained that none of the
Englifh clergy understood Latin Sufficiently to
read the prayers ©f the church : and at Char-
'lemain's

PART II.] -' OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. 21?
remain's acceffion, it was deemed enough that a
prieft fhould underftand the Latin of the Lord's
prayer. Such however were the preceptors to
whom the people were required to pay'impljcit
.deference. An inftance of the ignorance of the French at
the commencement of the reign of Charlemain,
is that the Englifh, who were themfelves rude
and illiterate, yet were thought competent to
furnifh the French with inftructors. That prince,
publicly invited from this ifland, the men of
learning it had, fuch as they were, in order to
eftablifh what was to bear the pompous title of the
jiniverfity of Paris, of which he is reputed the
primitive founder.
But the efforts of Charlemain for the reftora-
tion of learning, did not open the minds of the
French to real knowledge. They continued as
before the flaves of their clergy; the belief in
whofe divine right to pronounce judgment in
the moft capital cafes, even thofe relating to the
ftate itfelf, was woefully experienced by no lefs
a man than the fon and fucceffor to Charlemain
himfelf, Lewis, furnamed the Kind-hearted,
but by others, with much more propriety, the
Feeble. This

28 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART II.
r This unfortunate prince was cited before an
affembly of bifhops, who folemnly depraved him
of his crown in the moft humiliating and infult-
ing manner, and confined him to a prifon. All
this was done by ecclefiaftical authority. The
lift of crimes imputed to him by, this affembly,
was truly curious, as it forcibly points out the
fuperftition of the times. Among other objects
of crimination, he was accufed of having banifhed
feveral churchmen, of having appointed the
meeting of a national reprefentation during Paf-
fion week, and of having marched his army on
an afh Wednefday. •
Never indeed had religious infatuation reigned
with more excefs and violence than at this pe
riod. Grandees, princes, and fovereigns, whofe
lives had been fpent in blood and carnage, thought
to expiate their crimes by ending their days in
monasteries, under a monaftic habit. Others,
whoSe repentance began Sooner, hoped to obtain
remiffion of their iniquities, by appropriating
their money, fometimespart of the. wealth which
they had unjuftly accumulated, to the foundation
of convents and Similar uSes.
In the mean time Such was the temper, and
fuch the ideas of clergymen, that they mixed not
only

PART II.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. 2<>
only in civil affairs, as migiflrates and umpires,
but made a very conSpicuous figure in mili
tary transactions. They went to war like the
laity, and fought with no lefs animofity and
fury. Priefts and dignitaries of the churchy
abbots and bifhops, engaged in battle without
hefitation or remorfe, or Seeming to think it in
the leaft inconfiftent with their profeffion.
Nor was the readinefs of the vulgar clafles to
efpoufe the perfonal quarrels of their respective
lords and chieftains, a matter lefs aftonifhing.
They not only yielded without examination or
reflection to the injunctions of their Superiors} to
attend them to the field, but rufhed to battle
with as much fiercenefs and rage, as if the cauSe
they were to fight for, could in any fhape be re
puted their own.
The many civil wars waged in France during
thefe barbarous ages, were uncommonly destruc
tive. The flaughter committed in battle was
ufually dreadful, and Strongly marked the San
guinary difpofition that pervaded all ranks of
men. No lefs than a hundred thouSand men, ac
cording to the unanimous accounts of the times,
fell in the celebrated battle of Fontenai, fought
between the three fons of Lewis the fon of
Charlemain

30 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART Its
Charlemain; two of whom were contending
for their portion of the empire, with their elder
brother Lotharius, who claimed the whole.
Never do the French hiftorians mention this
horrible day, without venting their indignation
at fo much blood Spilt in a mere family quarrel^
efpecially between three fuch worthlefs and def-i
picable princes.
The contraft between Charlemain and his
fucceffors was truly Striking. This renowned
prince in his latter years, aimed in the fincerity of
his heart at rendering his people happy and flou-
rifhing. Under him the French experienced a re
gular and equitable monarchy. Potent and for
midable as he had rendered himfelf by a feries of
Splendid victories and fucceffes, he loft not fight of
the duties incumbent on a king, and entertained
juft and rational ideas of government. 'He clofed
his reign as he ought to have begun it, and in the
midft of his greatnefs, thought himfelf accounta^
ble to the public. The laws and decrees by which
the realm was governed, emanated from the joint
corifent of fovereign and people ; and were en
acted by flated affemblies, confifting of deputies
elected by the nation, wherein he prefided, and ,
all legiflative acts were paffed by the majority of
Suffrages. Thus the deliberative power refided
unitedly

J«ART II. J OF FRANCE'CONSIDERED. , 31
unitedly in people and king, he retained alone
the executive.
But this Salutary order of things terminated
with this great prince. Through want of abi
lities and fpirit in his fucceffors, the great feudal
lords, in conjunction with the clergy, ufurped
the fovereignty, and reduced the people to the
heavieft oppreffion and fervitude. In the lapfe
of two centuries, the pofterity of Charlemain
met with the fame fate which the race of Clovis
had experienced, and loft the crown precifely by
the fame means. A potent family poffeffed it
felf by degrees of the Sovereign power, to the ex-
clufion of the reigning princes ; and finally
uSurped the crown, in the perfon of Hugh
Capet, the founder of that royal line of which
the late unfortunate Lewis the Sixteenth was
the laft.
But the fubftitution of this new race of kings
to the preceding, did not ameliorate the condi
tion of either prince or people, who both conti
nued fubject to the fame ecclefiaftical tyranny
"that had occafioned fo many mifchiefs. The
crown was dependent on the nobles, while the
great body of the people ftill remained in a ftate >:
of the moft deplorable vaffalage. The

3? THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART II.
• ¦ The fuperftitious infatuation of the times wa9
fuch, that the papal excommunication was fuf-»
ficient to involve the whole kingdom in confu-
fion. Robert, the fon and fucccffor of Hugh
Capet, for contracting, a marriage difapproved
of by the fee of Rome, was excommunicated by
that haughty and defpotic court, and incurred fa
much abhorrence, as to be forfaken by all but
two of his attendants : and even they, in order
to avoid contamination, threw into the fire the
leavings of his table, without daring to partake
of them.
While religion was thus made an inftrument of
tyranny, civil government was throughout an
engine of arbitrary power. The feudal fyftem
reigned triumphant in all its horrors* The mo
narch, deprived of his executive.) power by the
rebellious ariftocracy, exercifed little authority
beyond his perfonal domains. The people at
large were the legal bondfmen of the great land
holders; who under the denomination of barons,
counts, and other titles, kept the community in
the ftricteft Slavery.
So infultingly wanton was their exerciSe of
fway, that they infefted the public roads like
highwaymen, and exacted tolls and contributions of

>ART 11.] OP FRANCE CONSIDERED. Jj

pf money and effeas front travellers Snd psfen-
gers through theiri eftates. •
The fact was, that emboldened by the irnpti*
hity refulting from power, and;by a fyftem dFlfc*
giflation framed in the phrenzy of tyranny, and
trampling on the common rights of human fia^
ture4 the proud and unfeeling nobles lorded it
OVer the plebeian claffes, with an inhumanity that
hardly knew any limits* and that w&tiid appear
almoft incredible, did not authentic records ftill
fubfift, to prove the extent of their barbarous
treatment of the vulgar, and in what feiifeJefs
contempt they were wont to bold all individuals
of the common denominatidns in Society ; how*
ever- ufeful, Or even reputable, their profefficms
find avocations muft have been acknowledged by
aM perfons not blinded by the rtioft fenfelefs afro*-
gante and prejudice.
It was not till towards the middle bf the twelfth
century, under the reign of Let^is the Sixth,
that the inhabitants of town's arfd be/roughs ob
tained fome liberties and fr^cfctfe^ for which
they paid large Sums of money rcf the great Ml
bles and poffeffors of land, of wham they had be-
fbSe this emancipation been 'efteetned the pro-
perty, as much as trie very cattle" bn* their eftates-.
d '"¦ Hence

34 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART II.
Hence arofe the .municipal government of
mayors, fheriffs, and other civil magiftrates. This
emancipation was owing in a confiderable degree,
to the fpirit "that prompted the crufades ; which
at that epocha were in their greateft vigour. The
great feudal lords and nobility engaged in thefe
enterprizes, wanting money to defray the charged
of their long and expenfive expeditions, were
glad to procure it at any rate ; and readily Sold
the right of freedom to thofe who were able to
purchafe it.
This enfranchifement of a large portion of the
community, opened a new fcene, and atoned in
a confiderablemeafure for the depopulation and
wretchednefs occafioned by the cruSades in Seve
ral countries in Europe, but in none more than
in France. Situated in the centre of this part of
the world, it was here principally this religious
phrenzy was introduced and propagated by the
intrigues and machinations of the court of Rome.
France appeared the propereft place where to fix
this Spiritual illufion, and whence it might with
more readinefs; and facility be circulated through .
the Surrounding parts of chriftendom.
It proved- accordingly a grand fupport of the
jpapal fyftem, through the fubjeaion it brought all

PART II. J OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. 35
all people under to the various power's affumed by
the Roman fee on this occafion, and which were
implicitly fubmitted to through the ignorance and
imbecility of the times.
It was however in the midft of this ehthufiaftic?
period, that France beheld one of the beft princes
that ever graced its throne, Lewis the Ninth,
not undefervedly on account of his many public
and private virtues, dignified with the epithet of
Saint. His religion in moft refpects w>as truly
chriftian and manly. Both clergy and laity felt
and acknowledged his foyereign authority. He
knew equally how to fet limits to the encroach
ments and pretentions of churchmen^ and to keep
within bounds the arrogance and proud claims
of the nobles. The people found in him a con
stant and refolute proteaor againft their tyran
nical lords. He maintained with unabated vigor'
the laws enacted in favour of the Subordinate
claffes, and procured as many others as appeared
neceffary to fecure them againft oppreffion. Hap
py, could he have wholly diverted himfelf of
the fupdrftitious fpirit of the times, • especially of
that fatal delufion which impelled him to the un
fortunate crufade, "where he personally experienced
fo many calamities, and to that ftill more difaf-
trous one which deprived him of his life* and
d 2 his

,36 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART II.
his fubjeas of a king who deferved as well as
poffeffed, their fincereft attachment afld venera
tion. Such kings as Lewis the Ninth were no lefs
fare in France than in other realms. The French
had reafon long to lament him. His grand-fon,
Philip the Fair, a bold and high-fpijrited prince,
though far inferior iri kingly virtues and 'qualifi
cations to his grand-father, refembkd him how
ever in a very mentor ipus point. This; was the
resolution with, which he oppoSed the undue pre*
tenfions of the church. His example taught the
French to behold the fee of Rome with much
Jefe. awe than their ancejlors had done. Nor
were • they wanting to the, opportunities he af-,
forded them of encreafing the municipal freedom
they had acquired. He had frequent occafion to
be highly provQked at the endeavours of the up
per claffes, to weaken the royal authority, and
was at the fame time ¦'Convinced that his beffc
fupport would bf found in the artaehnttentj
of the* commonalty, who bad- nothing to ex-
flea from, the gceat» but the fame ill treat-.
* ment their forefathers had So long experienced.
Erom thefe motives he was always inclined to
countenance the lower -orders., and tp augment
their pjavileges^ Literature alfo met with. a pro-
teaor

part n.j of prance considered. 37
teaof in that prince, through the mediation of his
tutor, the celebrated Gilbert Colonne, to Whom
the public was indebted for better encouragements
to learning, and more judicious modes of educa-
tion than had hitherto been prevalent.
Much, however, of the ancient ferocity of
difpofition ftill Subfifted. The cruel treatment
of the knights called Templars, caft an indelible
ftain on this age. It was no lefs owing to the
general readineSs to believe in abSurdities, than
to the vindiaive and fanguinary temper, to
gether with the criminal avidity of thofe who
were concerned in their deftruaion. The accu
sations on which it was founded, were equally
ridiculous and incredible ; but the king was their
fworn enemy, and the Pope united with him
againft thofe unfortunate men, whofe lofty Stile
of living was their principal crime, and whofe
immenfe riches became in a great meafure the
prey of their enemies.
It was under the auSpices of Philip the Fair,
that deputies from the cities and towns were re
gularly admitted to the afferfibiies, formed here
tofore of the nobles and clergy. From this date
the third eftate, as the French term it, cprififting
of the commons of the realm, became more re-
D 3 Spected

38 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART If.
fpeaed and lefs fubjea to the oppreffions of the
great. It was indeed the intereft of the crown
to cultivate the clofeft harmony with the body
of the people, b,y pioteaing them againft a proud
and domineering nobility, whofe encroachments
on the royal power were juftly dreaded, as they
fo often reduced it to a dependence on them, to
the difordering of the whole kingdom. Haying
therefore fuccefsfully pppofed thofe faaious nor
bles, through the aid of the people, and brought
the feudal order tp a more regular fubmiftion to
the laws, it was equally juft and politic, that
the plebeian. claffes, by whofe cp-ojperatiyeftrength
this great alteration had in a material degree been,
effeaed, fhould reap the recpmpence of their
fidelity to the executive power. •'<
From the rejgn of Philip the Fair, towards.
the clofe of the thirteenth , century, the third
eftate continued to gain ground, and to poffefs
confiderabl?; importance in all affairs. It aaed a
confpicuous part under his fucceffors, efpecially
Philip the Sixtth, the firft king of the royal
branch of Valois, and the competitor for the
crown of France with our famous Edward the
Third. From this epocha to that of Charles
the Seventh, France was alternately torn with
inteftine feuds, or affailed and ravaged by the
viaorious

PART Il.T OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. 29
-viaorious arms of the Englifh. The better for
tune of this latter prince reftored the affairs of
his kingdom, and the people who had faithfully
Stood by him in his difficulties, found him very;
willing to return their attachment by an equit
able government.
t During the period that Iafted from Philip the
Fair to Lewis the Eleventh, a fpace of about
two hundred years, the papal power underwent
a gradual decline in France. But this did not
alter the fuperftitious temper of the French in
other refpeas. They continued, like their neigh-;
bours, the flaves of thofe abfurdities that had
been fo long prevalent in the Chriftian world*
Had this adherence to eftablifhed doftrines, how
ever abfurd, not been attended with the deadlieft
hatred and rancour towards thofe who did not
conform to the popular and Settled belief of the
public, fociety might have remained undifturbed,
as it certainly matters not what religious per-
fuafions are adopted by mankind, provided they.
are not repugnant to good morals, and to the-
peace of the community. But the zeal which
accompanied their belief, would not permit them
to tolerate any difference of opinion, and excited
the bloodieft persecution of thofe who diffented
from them, and had the courage to avow their
d 4 fentiments.

4» THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT fPART II.
fenfeiments. This unchriftian and inhuman dif-
p&fitiAn had in truth chataaerifed all the ages of
ignorance, and in no final] degree even thofe that
are confidered as- more enlightened periods.
France nam, like the reft of Chri'fteradpm during
the dark ages, abetted with the blindeft fervour
thofe multifarious orders of monaftics and friars,
instituted by the fcii felefs devotion of the times,
and fo warmly copnt-enainced by the fee of Rome,
of which they* proved the, conftant and devoted
champions. :. Thefe orders rofe into fuch, confe-,
quence, that whatever related to thenn, appeared
of the utmoft importance. Even the very forcm
of their habit became an ohjea of deep confider-
ation. , A difpute having arifen between the
members of a particular fraternity of the Franeif-,
cans, about the proper cut and fhape of thcip
hood, the hatred atl£l animoftty of the contend.-!
ing parties, arofe to fuch a height, as to engage
the inoft ferious attention of the Chriftian world,
5^er* became at length fo warmly intereftedinthe
<juair«l, that thofe unhappy members of the coik
tending fraternity, whpfe opinions and praftices
in this ridiculous affair, happened to meet with,
the difapprobation of the ruling power, were
' treated like the v-ileft malefactors, and juridically
condemned to the. flames. While

FART II.3 OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. 41
While fuch barbarities were exercifed by Chris
tians upon their fellow profeffors of the fame
faith and do&rines, it was not furprifing that
heated by religious fury, they fhould feel nocom-
paffion for that unfortunate portion of mankind,
vhich h^s for fuch a duration of ages been con
fidered by the generality of Christians, as a race
of men juitly devoted to the deteftatipn of the
faithful, and deServing of every calamity that
couid prvffibly befall, or be infliaed upon them.
Such were the ideas entertained of the Jews.
They were accordingly treated as the outcafts of
human nature. States and fovereigns looked
upon them as lawful prey ; whom it was juftifia-
ble to purfue and to Strip of their all at pleafure.
In order to render them odious, and thereby to
warrant the commiffion ®f barbarities upon them,
every bafe and malicious report was circulated
that could blacken them, and readily believed by
the credulous multitude. Sometimes they were
ace u fed of poifoning fountains, weHs, and rivers ;
Sometimes of dealing in witchcraft, of Spreading
epidemical difeafes by their incantations, of Slab
bing eonfecrated wafers, and of butchering
Chriftian infants by way of Sacrifice. Thefe
eharges, however guoundlefs and abfurd, were
not the lefs credited, and expofed them to the
moft

42 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT fpART m
moft barbarous ufage that fuperftitious rage and
execration could fuggeft to people who were ac
tuated by- that dreadful and inexorable fpirit,
which is kindled by religious revenge. They
were plundered, n-iaffucred, and put to death by
every fpecies of torment and torture ; and it was
efteemed great lenity, only to rob them of their
property, and drive them into banifhment.
Thofe ages of barbarity lafted till towards the
commencement of the Sixteenth century. They
were not however at all times equally atrocious.
Refpites occasionally took place ; but they were
purchafed at enormous prices, and . this ill-fated
generation never could look upon their condition
as liable and fecure from popular violence, even
when protected by the ftate; fo deep-rooted was
the opinion of men, that they were unworthy of
all mercy.
In this defcription of the French, during thefe
ignorant and infatuated ages, it would be doing
them injuftice not to include all their neighbours
without exception. The other European nations
were no lefs guilty of thofe outrages on human
nature, that are produced by religion ill un-
derftood and inveloped in thofe prepofterous
notions and praaices, that are conftantly the re
mit

f ART II.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. 45
fult of want of* knowledge on the one hand, and
pf interested impofture on the other. To fay no
thing of thofe fatal prejudices which men, not
unenlightened in other refpedts, have unhappily
taken up in their early years, and which, unfor
tunately for mankind, are authorized by public
credulity, and, to the terror of all who dare to ex.
ercife their reafon, are ftiled the religion of the
ftate.- Sometimes indeed the current prejudices were
eventually beneficial. A grievous and highly op-
preffive tax refolved upon by a king of France,
Charles the Sixth and his council, was with
drawn upon the moment of paffing, on the
arifing of a dreadful Storm : and our Third
Edward was by a fimilar cauSe deterred from the
further profecution of hostilities in France, and
induced to liften to terms of peace. »
But oftener were thefe prejudices fatal, Thus
among other inftances of notoriety, we find un
der Lewis the Tenth, fon and fucceffor to
Philip the Fair, the Parliament of Paris, which
contained fome individuals of great knowledge
and merit, ftill fo far led aftray by the dark and
credulous fpirit of thofe times, as to Sentence to
the ftake a celebrated Minifter of State, together with

44 THE PEOPLE AND government [part lit
with his wife and daughter, who had, to ufe the
horrid, though judicial language. adopted on that
occafion, beep legally conviaed of Sorcery.
In the midft of this ignominious fubjection to
religious prejudices, the French were not unmind
ful of the civil rights^they had acquired, and
maintained them upon occafion with much refo
lution. Even the Sanguinary and deSpotic Lewis
the Eleventh reSpected their privileges, not in
deed through the affeaion he bore to his people,
but from the neceffity of relying on their fupport
againft thofe difcontentsand combinations among
the great, with which he had to contend. Nor
can it ftriaiy be faid, that in the emancipa
tion of the commonalty from feudal bondage, the
preceding monarchs did not confult their own
intereft, much more than that of the nation.
•
The policy of Lewis the Eleventh in his
friendly condua to the inferior orders, gained
him great popularity, and proved of effential
fervice to the crown, in accuftorning the people
to look up to it for proteaion in all cafes wherein
they needed affiftance againft the fuperior orders.
From his time the French became much attached
to their monarchs, and readily feconded them in
the many enterprises abroad, which originated from

*ART ».] ©F FRANCE CONSIDERED. 45
from their family pretentions. No nation in Eu
rope produced braver officers and foldiers than
the French, during thofe wars that were waged
by Charles the Eighth, Lewis the Twelfth,
and Francis the First.
Under this latter monarch the French began
to make a confpicuou* figure in literature and
learning, and in the polite arts v of which that no
lefs munificent than valiant Prince was a more
celebrated proteaor than any of his cotemporary
Sovereigns. It is with forrow that historic truth
compels one to record, that he was fo little divefted
of bigotry, as to order feveral of his fubjeas to
be burned, for having embraced Lutheranifm.
But the fpirit of reform was become too
powerful for him or his fucceffors to refift. Sound
knowledge had at this period begun to make fo
rapid a progrefs in France, that numbers through
out all claffes were daily throwing off the fhackles
of popery. Even the Romanifts themfelves yield
ed no longer an implicit obedience to the diaates
ef the Roman fee. The council of Henry the
Second, fon and fucceffor to Francis, refuSed
to recogniSe the council of Trent, and openly
protefted againft its authority. This

46 the people and government [part ii<
This Spirited fneafure; -was not however duly
feconded. The cenfures of Rome ftill appeared
formidable to the religious pufillanimity that in
fluenced the ruling .men in Henry's court; He
was himSelf notorioufly bigoted to the other
Romifh tenets in the whole extent of their ab-
furdity, and bore the moft violent hatred to
thofe who differed froflTmim in fuch matters, as
he fully fhewed by his rude treatment of fome of
the moft refpeaable perSons in his court, who ex-
preffed themSelves favourably reSpeaing the Pro-
teftant doarines.
"3 ii : . » j ' .
i The epocha which began with Francis, though.
fignalifed by the commencement of the reforma
tion, and the intelleaual improvements owing to
this event and his patronage of letters, was how
ever very unpropitious to the internal govern
ment of. France, by the venality which he intro
duced into the departments of the law. To the
difgrace of equity and of common fenfe, and to
the univerfal difcontent and indignation of the
French, thefe official places became objeas of
public fale< and continued fo till the late revolu
tion. One of the firft and moft popular aas of
its promoters, being the fuppreffion of this fcan-»
dalous praaice. . : iod.^

It

PART II.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. 47.
It was alfo during this epocha, the French
nobility were completely brought under the ab-
folute power of the crown* and that very few
traces were fuffered to remain of their former in
dependence. An equal degree of obedience to the
authority pf the crown among all ranks, which
had been fo jeffeaually enforced by Lewis the
Elf.venth, became now the ruling fyftem of ad
miniftration ; it was carried to the utmoft extent;
and Supported with indefatigable zeal, by the
warm adherents to Royal Government, as indif-
penfibly neceffary to Secure the tranquillity of the
kingdom. • ,. .
But the prerogatives lodged by this fyftemin the
hands of the Monarch, much exceeded the powers
which had primarily been intended by thofe who
had co-operated in the downfal of the feudal no
bility. Their defign was only to fet bounds to
the tyranny of the upper orders, and by no
means to Strip them intirely of their dignity and
priviledges. But a moderate portion of their for
mer greatnefs would not Satisfy thefe unreasona
ble and haughty nobles. Had they condefcend-
ed to make a common caufe with the third eftate,
and oppofed jointly with them the encroachments
pf the crown, this would have remained limited,
and the Nobles in conjunaion with the Commons,
1 would

48 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART II*
would have continued to enjoy* very confiderable
privileges, and not become fubjea to the fole will
of the Sovereign; But that proud race thought
it beneath them fo unite^with the inferior claffes,*
aaid chofe rather to pbey implicitly the royal com
mands, than to place themfelves on a level with
people whom -they undervalued, in order to dif-
pute the King's authority; notwithstanding this
was the only means left them to prevent its be
coming despotic. ,
Thus it was the crown became gradually para
mount to all claims. The powers of the nobiKty,
once fo formidable, were diminifhed on every
occafion. Titles excepted, together with fome
rtKfigPificarit badges of honour, that high-minded1
generation was reduced to as humble a ftate of
fubmiflion, as the lowlieft degree of people iri the
kingdom. A ^ell-merited punishment for their
haughty and fenfeleSs defertion of the Commons,
when by aiding them to affert their franchifes and
juft rights, they might haVe preferved their
own. ¦-' \---;- !¦:/., 6..
¦i: Uli , ,:¦';. *-«*
The new mode of levying troops, conduced no1
lefe than the foregoing caufes, to the advance-'
frueBt of the kirigry power, and to ffre' exaltation
of the throne -above1 aff law -and refift-iiice. The
military

PART II.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. 40
military, force of the realm no longer confifted of
the poffeffors of lands, who by their tenures were
bound, together with their leffer tenants, and a
certaia number of burghers and citizens, to bear
arms for the fervice of the public. Tins method
of railing armies was totally laid afide, as leaving
too much power in the hands of the community*
Soldiers and officers were now lifted in the king's
name, and paid folely out of his coffers; which
were fuppiied by taxes demanded with little or
no fpecification of the purpofes for which they
were wanted. The largeft fums were raifed with
out confulting either the nobles or third eftate,
about the propriety of their expenditure. Whe
ther the king was engaged in the neceffary de
fence and proteaion of the realm, or whether he
was involved in quarrels or enterprizes relating
purely to his perfon and family, the fame com
pliance was equally expeaed with every requifi-
tion he might think proper to make; and it would
have been confidered as highly derogatory and in-
fulting to his dignity, to condemn or to cenfure
the royal pleafure.

The civil and military power thus concentered
wholly in the crown, was further increafed by the
immenfe influence it acquired over the. clergy;
which was now reduced intirely to dependence
e on

50 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART IT,
on the royal will in all matters pf ecclefiaftical pre
ferment. After many Struggles on the part of the
Roman fee, it had been fettled at length, during
the reign pf Francis the FirsT, that all bene
fices in France fhould be at the nomination of the
king. Inverted with fuch authority, it was not fur-
prifing the crown fhould become abfolute, and
that faving that fpecies of perfonal freedom which
refults from mildnefs of manners and general ci
vilization, the government of France fhould in
reality be exclufively lodged in the councils of the
king and his minifters. Such it certainly was
with little deviation or interruption, the confu-
fions arifing from the league excepted, till the
Stupendous changes that have lately happened.
During this long Space, containing, nearly three
hundred years, the fyftem that ruled France, was
evidently arbitrary, and fometimes exercifed with
great Severity, notwithftanding the politenefs and
feftivity of difpofition, which has juftly been at
tributed to the French, and which ufually fup-<
pofes a tendency to gentlenefs and humanity id
the rulers, as well as in the people at large.
But thefe qualities, though they may form the'
common charaaer of a nation, do not preclude the

PART II.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. rf
the commiffion of enormous offences againft them
in times Of great diforder and fermentatipn. To
thefe all nations are liable ; but they fhould not
invalidate the good opinion refulting from its
condua in better days. The maffaCring of the
Proteftants, and the other atrocities committed
in confequence of religious feuds, are Of this
nature, and have happened in other countries as
well as in France. They fhould therefore be attri- '
buted folely to the caufe which immediately pro
duced them, without leaving any particular or
national Stain on the charaaer of a people ; fince
we find that in all countries the fame effeas have
invariably flowed from thofe unhappy caufes.
Whenever aauated by enthufiafm, whatever the
motive, men are apt to plunge into a fatal obli
vion of both private and public duties, and to
difgrace themfelves by thofe crimes and enormi
ties, at which they would fhudder at another
feafon. Hiftory both ancient and modern is full
pf fuch inftances.
' It was however during this period of abfolute
power, that France exhibited two charaaers that
will never be forgotten in the annals of French
patriotism. The firft was the truly illuftrious
Lhopital, Chancellor of the Kingdom, in the
ftormy reign of Charles the Ninth. He was
e 2 the

£2 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART Hi
the moft virtuous and intrepid afferter of the laws
ever known in that country. j Yet he lived at a
time when civil and religious confufions were at
the higheft, and when violence had fuperfeded all
law. Heliad the courage to attempt the aboljtipri
•of that legal venality of offices introduced under
Francis, and what was no lefs difficult, tto fup-
prefe the irregularities that were prevalent among
the clergy, and proved of the higheft difgrace to
religion. He Strove in the midft of a divided and
furious people, to ftop the progrefs pf fanaticifrn,
and to ftem the torrent of rancour, intolerance^
and perfecution. He had the happinefs to fuc-
ceed fo far, as to procure excellent laws to be en-
aaed for" thpfe Salutary purpoSes. But he had to
deal with men who were deaf to all reafoning,
and hurried away by all thofe paffions that are
born of animofity and faaion. He was indeed
refpeaed and admired ; but his abilities were loft
upon a world attentive only to the moft bloody
altercations, and inexorable revenge, and Spurred
on to mutual deftruaion, by the Unrelenting
Spirit of religious inveteracy.
The fecond of thefe patriotic charaaers was
a jjoffcflpr of the throne, Henry the Fourth,
truly defervi.ng the name of Great. No Sovereigp
ever laboured with more ^ncerity to render his
people

PART H.J OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. 53
people happy, and his kingdom flourifhing, nor-
difpiayed a clearer perception of his duties as well
as of his rights. Whatever belonged to legiflar
tion he left to the deliberation of the worthieft 1
men and wifeft heads in his councils and parlia
ments, and never took upon himfelf to iffue a
decree that had not undergone the moft free and
ample difcuffion. He referved to himfelf and his
minifters only the political relations of his king
dom with other States. This divifion of power
between the Sovereign and the different depart
ments of government, by afiigning to each the,
tafk with which it was beft acquainted, was pro-
duaive of an internal tranquillity and content
to which France had long been a Stranger.
There was hardly any probable method of con
tributing to the comfort and welfare of his Sub-
jeas' left unattempted by this excellent Prince.
His mind "was continually intent on thofe objeas,
and he would perfonally enter into the various
details relating to the introduaion and encourage
ment of thofe arts and manufaaures that were
wanted in his kingdom. France at his acceffion
to the crown, was in a ftate of univerfal defla
tion ; and he left it well cultivated, and the
country people efpecially in a condition of pros
perity that had never been recorded. Such a
e 3 Monarch*

54 ' THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART II,
Monarch well merited the praifes that have been
bellowed on his memory, from generation to
generation, particularly when we compare hirn
with the Subsequent Princes, and his Minifters,
with thpSe that followed.
The French under this great and good King,
became themfelves a great and good people,
The dreadful cuftom of duelling excepted, which
was in truth the epidemical vice of the age* and
extended its horrors through every part of Europe,
the French were distinguished by a variety of
praife- worthy and amiable qualities, and became in
feveral refpeas an.objea of efteem and affeaion
to their neighbours. It was chiefly at this time;
that France began to attraa the notice of Fo
reigners, as a country deferring pf infpeaion, and
the inhabitants as a race of men eminently con-
verfantin thear,t of rendering life happy, and of
endearing themfelves to travellers, by their hof-
pitable and polite manners and behaviour.
The ceffation of the civil wars on account of
religion, and the freedom of worfhip granted to
the Proteftants, had calmed that violent and jea-*
lous Spirit, to which the ill ufage they had re
ceived from the Romania's had given bitth.
They abounded with individqals of extraoidi-
* nary

PART II.] OF PRANCE CONSIDERED. $$
nary merit, both in arms and arts. No indivi
duals cultivated literature with more fuccefs.
The writings that remain of the great leaders of
the Proteftant party, do honour both to them
and the nation. They not only, were excellent
officers and commanders, but Some of the moft
illuftrious patriots and ftatefmen of Henry's
Court were of that perfuafion.
Their former antagpnifts, the zealous partizans,
pf Rome, hid alfo been foftened into a milder
condua towards them, by the example of their
Sovereign ; who was too little the Have of Super-
ftition, to afford it the leaft countenance, or to
encpprage whatever had a tendency to diSpute
and controverfy ; fully convinced that true vir
tue and piety did not exclusively belong to any
particular fpft of chriftianity. As fhe greatneSs
of his perfonal charaaer, no lefs than that of his
ftation, rendered him an objea of univerfal ref-
pea, to all the fenfible part of his fubjeas, re
ligious feuds and heart-burnings Spbfided among
all thoSe that were defirous of public peace and
profperity. As he feleaed his minifters indis
criminately out of both perfuafions, and. mani-
fefted no partiality on account of their refpeaive
attachment to either, the moft perfea harmony
fubfifted between them ; and the civil bufineSs of
the

$6 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART II.
¦,; ,. . . , ...» I I ' " ' ¦
V
the kingdom Suffered no injury from the diffe
rence in" opinion among individuals, touching fpi-
ritual matters. The general confequence was
confcPrd and tranquillity throughout the nation,
and a hap'py oblivion of paft animofities.
This profperous order of things terminated
with the life of Henry. The manner of his death
revived in no fmall meafure,, the enmity between
the Roman and Proteftant parties in France,
as his affafllnatiori had been perpetrated by a zea
lot of the Rbmrfh ' perfuafion., and been at the
Same time' prompted by triotives of religious ha
tred. The fufpicions, well or ill founded, that arofe
in confequence of this deplorable event, threw
the court and government into a ftate of confu-
fion, that communicated itfelf to the whole na
tion. The- lofs it had fuftained, was the niore
felt and fomented,' as it forefaw the Supreme
power would devolve into hands, very unfit to
poffefs it. Faaions and parties began to be
formed, and the dif6rders that had So terribly
afniaed*the kingdom, were again apprehended.
The Succeffor to the Throne, was a child not
ten years of age, of a feeble conftitution, and no
pro-

PART II.] PF FRANCE CONSIDERED. 57
promising capacity. He was left under the; gui
dance of a mother, born of a family that had
already given a Queen to France, who had con-,
tributed to work a prodigious chapge in the dif-
pofitions of the principal perfpnages of the realm;
and had been, not improperly, accufed of having
cohfiderably altered and corrupted the charter
and morals of the court and chief nobility. This
was the celebrated Catharine of Medicis, Con-
fort to Henry the Second, a woman well knPwn
in the French hiftory, for the mifchief , fhe did
to that nation.
Mary of Medicis, widow pf Henry the
Fourth, inherited from her family and country,
a difpofition, that led her into intrigues, equal
ly detrimental to her own peace, and, the king
dom's welfare. The French, long torn with
civil diffentions, were in want of a quiet and
Steady adminiftration of their internal concerns,
in order, if it fhould become requifite, to profe-
cute with fpirit the defigns projeaed by Henry';
but they now beheld the reverfe of fuch a fyftem,
and that whatever might be the politics of govern
ment abroad, the kingdom would be involved in
troubles at home.

At

58 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART II,
At fhe death of Henry the Fourth, the French
were an united, a mighty, and a formidable people.
The plans framed by that aaive and enterprizing
Prince, in order to perpetuate and fecure the fu
ture tranquility of Europe, were through his inr
defatigable exertions, on the point of being car
ried into execution. The French were confidered
as the friends and allies of all the European nati
ons, againft the fchemes of dominion, and the
tyrannical views of the Hpufe of Auftria. This
ambitious Houfe, was at this time in aaual pof-
feffion of Spain, Portugal, the major part of
Italy, an immenfe portion of Germany, Hungary,
and the Low Countries, with pretentions that
were indefinite, and alarming to all the Powers of
Chriftendom. The determination of Henry was
to fupprefs this exorbitant and dangerous Power,
and to reduce it within Such bounds, as might
Secure the independency of the Princes and States
of Europe. The condition of France' was fully
adequate to this attempt. It's people were rich
and flourifhing, brave and warlike. They wire
warmly affeaed to their King and Government,
and confiding in his wiSdom and patriotism, were
ready to co-operate with their purSes and perfons,
in every undertaking he might propoSe.

But

PART II.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. 59
But the views, as well as the genius of this
great Monarch died with him. Mary of Medi-
cis, though an ambitious, was a weak woman of
no abilities. She dropped at once the vaft de-
figns of Henry, and adopted meafures direaiy
oppofite 10 thofe he had formed and conduaed
with fo much policy and fkii! almoft to the period
of their completion. The bigoted notions in
which fhe had been educated, led her to abandon
the conneaions he had entered into with the Pro-
teftant Powers, and to,contraa the ftriaeft inti
macy with their greateft enemies, the Emperor
and the King of Spain.
The judicious part of the French Nation, be
held with grief and indignation, the infult offered
by thefe meafures to the memory of their worthy
and beloved Sovereign, and forefaw in theSe igno
minious beginnings, a futurity very different from
the happy times they had enjoyed under his Go
vernment. In lieu of extending the influence and
reputation of France, they only perceived a nar
row fpirit of domineering andperfecutionat home,
which would of courfe filj the Kingdom with in
ternal commotions, and terminate in general dif-
content and National opprefiion.
The truth was, the Court had determined to
rule without controul, and to' that intent was
refolved

6& i the people and government [part ir.
reSolved to remove every irripedimeht that flood
in its way. The forms of a Free Government
ftill remained in the States- general, which confix
nued- occafionally to affemble. The diSorders
caufed by her rafhrieSs ;andill-condua, obliged
her to call them together. But when they' we're
met) it was Soon discovered by the partizans of
the deSpotic Syfterri in contemplation, 'that unlefs'
an affembly of this nature could be rendered inca
pable of fulfilling the ends of its meeting1, either
by being overawed, or won Over through bribery
or fair promifes, or what might prove as effcaual,
by introducing divifions and difcord among the
members, they would probably, foon or late,
become mindful •¦ of their duties, as well as of
their own importance, and make the Court feel/
the weight of both,
From- thefe motives the adherents to the Court'
Faaion in the States', exerted all their endeavours,
to fow difunion; among them, and to convert
their attention to fuch unimportant objeas, as.
might take up a length, of difcuffion, and divert
them from material points. The intrigues of
the Court fucceeded accordingly to the utmoft
extent of its wifhes. The moft frivolous queftions
employed their time, and brought them into
public difgrace and contempt. "The fuperior or
ders

PART II.] OP FRANCE CONSIDERED. 6l
ders made it their bufinefs, as uSual, to treat the
inferior with arrogance and diSdain, and to differ
with them on the moft trivial Subjeas. The
Commons on their part aaed with an indecifion,
and a want of .unanimity.among themfelves, that
gave every poffible advantage to their adverfari-
es. The States were diflblved at laft to the
great joy , of the Court, without 'having done any
thing worthy of their dignity, and of the charac-
,fcer they ha.d.fprrneriy fupported.
This feparation was remarkable for putting a
final ciofe to the democratic part of the French
Conftitution. The third eftate funk into the
loweft degree of infignificancy, through its mis
management and pufitlanimity on this critical oc
cafion j which at once decided its fate, by ma->
king it an objea of fcorn and derifion to thinking
people, who never could forgive a numerous and
powerful body of men, rio lefs than the repre
sentatives of the Nation, for having met together
without doing the leaft fervice to their country.
France from this dayioft all refpea for thefe
meetings, and never expreffed the leaft defire to
fee them renewed, till thofe univerfal difcontents
and complaints that preceded the late Revolution,
and were owing to cauSes of So peculiar a nature, that

#2 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [pART iLi
that wherever they happen to exift in a fimilar
degree of ftrength, they muft infallibly produce!
the fame effeas.
The Court in the meantime having cbmpaffed
its intent in the diffolution of the States general,
Secretly purpofed never to Summon them again^
left they fhould recover the Spirit they now Seemed
to have loft, and reSolve to make the Natibn
amends Sor the breach of fidelity to its interefts*
of which they had been So notorioufly and fo ig-*
nominioufly guilty;

END OF THE SECOND PART.

PART

PART THE THIRD,

From Henry the Fourth, to Lewis the
Fourteenth.
IN no part of Europe did the Spirit that prompt
ed the reformation, produce more memorable
events than in France. The dawn of literature,
which had fucceeded to the fcenes of ignorance
and barbarifm that had So long diSgraced the
European nations, irradiated France in a peculiar
manner, and prepared the minds of men for the
reception of more luminous ideas than they had
been ufad to, during the dark ages that had late*.
ly overfpread the Chriftian world.
But as the diffufion of that Species of know
ledge to which the reformation was owing, wa*
inimical to the long fettled opinions, and to the
intereft

64 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART III.
interefts of the Romifh clergy, as well as to the
fee of Rome, it met with an oppofition that in
volved ' France in the moft bloody contentions.
The difpute was, in a manner, between learning
and ignorance, and the partizaas on either fide
were equally zealous in the caufe. To fuch a
height at length did rage and violence ariSe, that
men became affraid of appearing too learned, and
knowing, as the poffeffion of any book out of
the common track, was dangerous to the owner.
A rigid conformity to 'the moft frivolous cuftoms
was infifted on ; and even the leaft deviation from
the eftablifhed modes of feftivity, laid people
open to fufpicion, and was reputed almoft cri
minal. Such was the abhorence they were held
in, who embraced the tenets of the reformers,
that they were deemed unfit for fociety, and even
excluded from convivial intercourfe. All forms
of godd breeding gave way to the fury that ani
mated their eriemies. Perfons of the firft rank
arid dignity, and of the moft fpotlefs and re-
fpeaable charaaer, were liable to be afperfed as
the wofft of men, the moment they avowed the
principles of the reformation. The very Princes
of the royal family, when SuSpeaed of inclin
ing to the hew opinions, were expofed to the
'hatred and detefhtion of the public. It Seemed
as if the French had refolved to revive th'pfe hor
rible

PART lUi] J3F FRANCE CONSIDERED. ,6j
rible times, when the Pope's excommunication
could deprive a Prince of his courtiers, and ren
der his very domeftics averfe to give his perfon
the moft neceffary attendances
This outrageous difpofitidiv was carried at laft
to So fatal an extremity, that royalty itfelf was
no longer a Safeguard Srom the utmoft malice and
implacibility of the fanatic multitude. , Thus for
teftifying a defire of reconciliation with the Pro-
teftant party, Henry the Third became odious
to all his Romifh Subjeas, and fell a viaim, as
well as his fucceffor, Henry the Fourth, to that
atrocious zeal which rendered murders and af-
faffinations meritorious, when committed on ac
count of religion; ,
FranCe remained in this deplorable fituation
more than half a century ; and as if the devafta-
tions and maffacres perpetrated during this Space,
had not been Sufficient td Satisfy the fpirit of al
tercation,- and quench the' Sanguinary thirft for
mutual daughter, when public feuds had fubfided
by the fetttement of Henry the Fourth upon the
throne, and the religious freedom Secured to the
Pr.oteftant party by the edia of Nantz, another de
mon arofe to let out the beft .blood in the nation.
The phrenzy of duelling, which, afterinfefting.the
f world

'615 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART III!.
tvorld in a lefs deftruaive degree, for a long fe-
fies of years', was now arrived at its height ; and
from, the influence of which no rank however ex
alted, no condition however obiUre was any pro-'
teaion. Ecclefiaftics, even bifhops, drew their
fwords in perSbnal quarrels.
In addition to this fatal propenfity tp decide'
every private difpute by the Sword, a quarrelfome
and contentious Spirit became at laft So diffufive,
¦ that it entered into the churches and cloyfters.-
Priefts and monks, with, their lay attendants^
when their proceffions met in the ftreets, encoun
tered like parties in war. Parifhes engaged with
'parifhes, and convents contended with convents'
for the right of precedence. This madnefs in-
fefted even the courts of judicature ; between
Which, befide Sundry other frays Pf lefs confer
quence, a memorable- battle was fought in the
cathedral of Notre Dame at Paris.'
Notwithftanding the ingenuity arid quicknefs
of parts juftly attributed to the French, the in-
¦troduaion of polite learning among them, was
not accompanied by thofe Solid and ufeful im
provements, without whkh ornamental know
ledge contributes little to the grandeur of a na-<
tion. Navigation and commerce, which by the
invention

PART III.] bF FRANCE CONSIDERED. ' 67
invention of the mariner's corhpafs, and the dif-
cPvery of America, were flourishing among their
rival neighbours, made but a flPw progreSs a-
morig them. The reigns of Lewis the Twelfth,
Francis the First, and Henry the Second,
which took up more than the firft half of the
fixteenth century, were confumed in Soreign
wars. ThoSe of Francis the Second, Charle^
fc'ie Ninth, and Henry the Third, which made
up the latter part of it, were filled with civil
diffentioiis. The firft years of Henry the Fourth
were n6 lefs tumultuous ; and though the paci
fication that ehfued, gave him an opportunity to
Signalize his ability to govern his people in a
manner conducive to their happineSs, yet this
jperiod of his reign was unfortunately for them
of too fhort a duration, to lay a permanent foun
dation of future profperity. After the lamenta
ble death of that excellent Prince, they relapfed'
into their former broils, and their unavoidable
confequences, diforder and confufion throughout
the kingdom, and a total negleft' and oblivion of
the public welfare.
During the former part of this long zera, the
Unfkilfulnefs of the Frerich, or rather their igno
rance of elegant manufaaures, was notorious.
As an inftance of which, the ufe of filk at that
1 2 time

68 the people and1 government [part irr«
time was fo rare in France* that it was worn by
few but perfonages of the very higheft rank. His
torians mention as a remarkable particularity, (hat
Henry the Second wore filk Stockings at the
wedding of this daughter to Philip the Second
of Spain. This was about the middle of the
fixteenth century. They were the firft that had
been fabricated in France.
In other individuals the ufe of filken apparel
would have been thought an almoft criminal pre
emption. The heads of the Gallican Ghurch,
in their fynodal decrees, forbad it to the ecclefia-
ftics of their refpeaive diocefes, as a piece of
vanity and worldly luxury, derogating from the
facrednefs and gravity of their funaions and
character, and of a pernicious tendency to
the morals of their flock, by fetting them an
example of indulgence in expenfive and ruinous
finery. Such allegations are a Sufficient proof how little
the filk manufaaury was known ; and other paf*
fages in the like Strain, might be cited, to Shew
how unimproved the French were at that day in
the arts of manual dexterity, and in the contrivance
apd fabrication,, of. the conveniencies and embel-
lifhments of elegant living..
•¦"..• The

jvART III.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. 60,
The civil wars that followed foon after thq
death of Henry the Second, were of courfe
highly unfavourable to the introduaion of luxu
rious improvements, and even of uleful arts ;
and the French remained unacquainted with
many of the inventions of their neighbours,, till
towards the commencement of the feventeeth
century ; when the Miniftry of Henry the Fourth,
after the entire extinaion of the civil wars, be
gan to turn their attention towards the encou
ragement of the arts and occupations of peace.
Flad the reign of this Monarch been more tail
ing, his people would probably have made con
siderable progreSs both in trade and manufaaures
of every denomination, as the fpirit and ingeni
ous difpofition of the French would have met
with no impediments, and as their rapid advance
ment in both, during the fhort trial of their ta
lents for Such purfuits, amply demonftrated their
aptitude But the lofs of fuch a patron of their a-
bilities as Henry, damped at once the vigour
which they had difplayed in the career he had fo
carefully traced out for their exertions, and threw
back, tor many years, the genius and capacity of
£he natives of France.

* 3 Thr"

70 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART III.
The difturbances that agitated the kingdom,
till after the middle of the laft century, when
Lewis the Fpurteenth affumed the government,
prevented the national induftry from making
any remarkable progrefs. Meanwhile, the ma
terials of their gaiety in drefs, which was 4aily
increafinga were almpft all imported from other.
countries. Italy Supplied them with Silk and vel
vet, Holland and Flanders with fine linens and
laces, and England with cloth. Every article
of uncommon refinement and elegance, was pur-
chafed from abroad. A circumftance of which
one of their poets who flourifhed under Lewis
the Fourteenth, takes remarkable notice in his
writings, when celebrating the Superior felicity
pf his own times to the paft, he mentions the
fuppreffion of feveral political evils, and of this
in particular, by faying, that foreigners were now
deprived of thofe Servile tributes, which the
luxury of Frzm.ce had heretofpre paid to their
fujperior ingenuity.
Such would not have proved the deftiny of
France, had the plans of internal regulations and
improvements introduced by Henry the Fourth
been duly profecuted; but the fortune of France
died with him. The

PART III.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. fl
The inability of his widow, Mary of Me-
dicis, to replace a Prince of his capacity, threw
the affairs of the kingdom into fuch confufion,
and fo little was the refpea preferved for govern
ment, that notwithftanding it had engroffed al-
moft all power by the diffolurion of the States,
factions ftarted up in every province, headed by
the grandees of the realm, who feemed deter
mined to pay no obedience to the Queen-Re
gent. That imprudent Princefs had beftowed hef
confidence on a woman of her country, who*
had accompanied her into France in no higher
.capacity than of a domeftic attendant. This wo*
man had obtained fuch an afcendancy over the
Queen, that fhe confulted and was guided by her
in all matters, thofe of ftate not excepted. Her
hufband partook of the royal prepoffeffion fo far
as to be raifed to the high dignity of Marshal
of France ; a promotion that filled the French
nobility with indignation.
But, befides this great exaltation, the Queen
placed him at the head of affairs, to the difgufl
of the whole nation ; which complained of her
cpndua as an infult to the national capacity, as
F+' if

f2, THE JEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART HI#,
if there were no man of fufficient abilities to fill
fuch a place, without recurring to a foreigner. ,
-¦The King, a weak yputh, was fecretly biaffed
againft him, by the representations of a young
and artful courtier, afterwards, the famous Con-
ftable Deluynes, and was prevailed upon to
deprive him of his authority. This was effeaed
iq a manner highly disgraceful to the charaaer of
thofe who executed the orders he had giv^n,
which were to arreft him ; but they barbaroufly
murdered him, under pretence that he meant to.
refift. The truth was, that the French nobles,.
and indeed the whole, nation, bore him the moft
violent hatred,and were glad pf an opportunity of
\yreakipg their vengeaqce pn a favourite who was
a foreigner, and whofe adminiftration had been.
exercifed with fo high a hand, that he had
ventured to arreft a Prince of the blood, whp
was at the head of the oppofifion to his mea
fures. The hatred of the people to this foreigner,
was prompted by their perfuafion, that he was
instrumental in the execution of the Queen and,
Court's defigns to rple the kingdom defpptically.
Aauated by this mptiye, they Saw with Satisfac tion

f ART III.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. 73
tion his wife' condemned to die, as having parti-?
cipated in his guilt j though, to the fhameof the
tribunal that paft fentence upon her, fhe loft
her life for having praaifed forcery upon the
Queen, her miftrefs, in order to inflave her
mind; fo ignorant, or fo malicious were her
judges, From the fuperftitious infatuation, ftill
reigning in Chriflendom, the belief of her guilt
might have been real, as abfurdities of the like
nature, ftill difgraced other countries, no lef£
than France.
The deftruaion of this favourite, put an end
to the power affumed by the Queen •, and the
Public entertained hopes, that by this punifh-
ment qS a Minifter, who had abetted arbitrary
meafures, Succeeding Minifters would be de
terred from treading in his fteps. But the
choice made by the young King, was by no
means favourable to their expeaations. The
Conftable of Luynes, who now replaced the
Queen's fayounte, Marfhal Dancre, was as
little qualified to gain popularity, as his , pre-
deceffor ;, and had he not been taken off by an
immature death, would probably have beep,
difgraced by his fickle matter.

The

74 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT' (PART lir„
The man whom, in an evil hour for France,
Lewis the Thirteenth now feleaed for his Mi-
m'fter, was the celebrated Cardinal Richelieu.
His mind was great and capacious, and adapted
to the moft arduous and extraordinary enter
prises ; but his perfonal ambition and thirft of
power was boundlefs, and to this ruling paffion
all Ms talents and abilities were made fubfervient
in the moft immoderate degree.
In order to render his exaltation permanent,
he refolved to exert all his genius and fuperior
qualities, in fuch a manner as to convince the
King of his intire devotion to the Sole intereft
of the Crown, and of , his determination to place
the Royal Prerogative above all restraint. This
was a grateful pbjea to Lewis ; who? though a
Prince pf very moderate underftanding, was ex
ceedingly jealous of his authprity, and defirous
to increafe it tp the utmoft. The Cardinal, whq
by Seconding the King's views, gratified his own
Juft of power, ferved him with a zeal and fidelity,
accompanied at the fame time with fuch a Strain
of policy, and fo continual a Series of SucceSs, as,
railed his mafter to the higheft Summit of power,
ever yet enjoyed by a King of France over his
country and people.

All

PART III.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. 7$
All this, however, was not effeaed without
the tnpft ftrenuous pppofition on the part of his
enemies. Thefe confifted of alii the grandees in
the realm, thofe. only excepted, whofe attach
ment and Services he had taken the precaution
to Secure by favours and benefits : but even
thefe were not always found Sufficient to infure
their good wifhes to his plans ; which were fa
evidently contrary to the freedom and indepen
dence of the French Nobility, that his whole ad
miniftration was in a great meafure taken up in
pou-nteraaing their fucoeflive intrigues and ma
chinations againft his perfon and defigns.
As the tptal enflayement of France was the
objea he had continually in view, all the powers
of his mind were conftantly employed in deviling
means to effea it. The democracy was already
destroyed, but the ariftocracy ftill remained ;
and the Commons of France Wiere not averfe to
countenance Such nobles as appeared to entertain
patriotic intentions. The number of thefe,
however, was So Small, and perfonal aims were
fo manifeftly the caufe pf their. opposition to the
Minifter, that his fuppreffion of their endeavours
to difpbffefs him of his authority, occafioned
little difcontent among the people at large. That

7*6 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART III.
That body of men of whom he flood the moft
in fear, was the Proteftant part of the nation.
They constituted a powerful Republic in the
midft of the Monarchy. Aauated by that en-.
thufiaftic fpirit in defence of their religion,
which is the ftrongeft of all motives, they ap
peared the moft formidable enemy he would
have to Subdue. As the Romifh party, how
ever, formed an incomparable majority, and
were no lefs zealous in fupport of their perfua-
fion, and ftimulated by that religious rancour
which renders men fo implacable in their en
mity, he harboured no doubt of being effeaually
Seconded by them in his defigns againft the Pro-,
teftants. In order to crufh them with the whole weight,
pf their enemies, he concealed his intentions
refpecting the ariftocratic party, that he might
Secure their co-operation in this great under
taking. He fucceeded So completely as to
unite under the Royal Standard all the Romifh
nobility and commons in the kingdom. Their
Superiority of Strength proved So irrefiftible,
that after a moft vigorous oppofition, the Pro-
teflants were compelled to fubmit to the con?
ditions impofed upon them by the Court. Having

Part nr;j Of France cpNsidered. 77
Having Succeeded in this firft objea, he avail
ed himSelf of the Strength and credit he had
thereby attained, to proceed immediately in his
projea- againft the nobles ; whom he propofed to
ftrip of every priviledge they ftill retained, that
could enable them to exert any degree of inde
pendency on the Court and miniftry.
The more effeaually to terrify all opponents,
he refolved to commence the plan of humbling
the grandees, by compelling the greateft fubjea
in the kingdom, the King's own brother, to
comply with the royal will in Such an inftance as
was purely domeftic, and ought in natural juf
tice to have been left to his own decifion.
This was the choice of a wife, which was made
' for him by his royal brother, at the inftigation
of the Minifter ; and with which, after a fruit-
kfs refiftance; he was Sorced to coincide. To
ftrike the greater terror, two noblemen of the
firft rank and conSequence, who were the confi
dents of the Duke of Orleans, the King's bro
ther, were both Sentenced to loSe their heads,
for having abetted his averfenefs to obey the
King's commands.
A transaction of this nature, fhewed at once
what they were to expea, however eminent and
diftinguifhed,

78 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT fJPART IU.
diftinguiffieaV, whd darft to diSobey the royal
will. Brit a deed of So much afrdcity, though it could
hot fail tcriritimidate, Spread alfo fuch ah alarm
at the defjiotifm that was now rearing its head
over all orders of meri, that forire of the greateft
individuals in the realm united in a refolution to
£tit a flop to thefe arbitrary meafures, by pro-
Curing the depofition of the Cardinal, and a
puniflinaeHt of him proportionate to his deferts;
They took' occafion of the King's being ill, to
accelerate their determinations ; which would
certainly have been executed in cafe of the King's
demife : but he recovered ; and the Cardinal,
*vho was informed of their intentions, took the
teoft inexorable revenge on every one Of them*
In this manner he prbcured: either the death,
Or the ruin of every man who ventured to op*-
pofe him, equally to the dread and indignation
of the public ; which, though it confidered him
as a perfon of extraordinary abilities, could not
approve of that atrocious difpofition which led
him to Sacrifice all opponents under the pre^
tence of State neceffity, and was convinced that
his meafures might' have been compaffed with
much lefs effufioii of blood. The

Fart in.]} of France considered. if
The Cardinal had now attained thofe two ob-
jeas he had long aimed at, as indifpenfible for
rendering the crown abfolute. The Proteftants
and the nobles were thoroughly deprived of all
power and confequence, and obliged to pay' the
moft implicit obedience to government. He had
now another objea in view, ; the accomplifhing
of which his intention was to make the juftifica-s
tion of the two former. This was to rendef
France formidable abroad, and to procure her
fo extehfive an influence over the affairs of Eu
rope, as fhould confer on the French miniftry'
the honour and dignity of being umpires in all
difputes that might arife between the different
courts in Chriftendom.
The lofty mind of Richelieu1 was peculiarly
Calculated for the formation of fuch a defign^
and his fagacity and right knowledge of the
temper of his countrymen, led him to perceive^
that if he could Succeed in fuch a plan, the glory
that would hence redound to the nation, wpuld
obliterate all their refentments, and caft a veil
Pver the many cruel deeds he had committed in
his miniiterial capacity.
Another end of equal importance, was the
iieceffity of finding fuch- employment for the
nobility,

So THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART UTl
nobility, as would gratify their difpofition ; which
was So reftlefs and impatient of inaaion, that
unlefs he were to provide a vent for it abroad,
hefprefaw it might burft forth again at home, and
give him poffibly more ti ouble to reduce a fecond
time, than he had experienced at the firft*
Thus it was that France was converted into art
instrument of ambition in the harids of this
afpiring Minifter, chiefly that no difturbancei
might arife at home, to endanger the power hd
had acquired, and was refolved to maintain at
any coft. r ;
The firft fteps that were taken to forward this
projea, were, to do him juftice, fair and equita-*
ble. He propofed no more at the outfet, than
to curb the ambitious defigns of the Houfe of
A-uftria; which was manifeftly endeavouring to
deftroy the independency of every Prince and
State that appeared unable to refift her arms, and,
to carry the pr pgrefs oS theSe as Sar as it could be
extended. It was laudable, therefore to fet bounds to fo -
iniquitous a career : but this was in truth only a
fecondary objea in the politics of Richelieu.
It came in aid of his primitive view, which was to

PART III.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. 8t
tp eftabjifh, an arbitrary government in his own
country: and this could not have been accom-
plifhed but by diverting the, attention of the.
principal perfonages in France to foreign enter-
prizes, which only at that period could have,,
employed them fufficiently to prevent them from
continuing their oppofition to his domeftic mea.
fures. This interefted fcheme of this haughty and
artful Minifter, , laid the foundation for that
interference of the French in all the affairs of,,
Europe, which has charaaerized their politics.
ever finee. It gave a turn to the difpofitions of
all Succeeding Minifters, and even of the very
people. Dazzled by the Splendour of his fuc-
ceffes, and by the renown that refulted to the
French name and nation, they Sorgot the fatal
price they were paying for this fplendid figure j
which was no lefs than a confirmation of flavery
at home, and an expence abroad, that abforbed
all their pecuniary refources, by draining the
kingdom of fuch immenfe fums for the fupport
of tlieir foreign connexions, and of the vaft
armies employed for thofe purpofes, as termi
nated at laft in the total ruin of their finances.
g , ^ The

&Z THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [pART Ifl,
The profecufion of the fchemes framed by
Richelieu, afforded him that opportunity which
he had long fought, of governing entirely by a
military force. The numerous armies he was
riow empowered toraifein purfuing the fyftem
adopted, ferved effeaually to Strengthen his
power, by curbing the fpirit of the nation. As
the States-General had been laid afide, with an
intention to Summon Such meetings no more,
no pr»vifion was needed in order to bribe the
members. r- But had Such meetings been Suffered
to take place, he was amply provided with the means
to overawe them, had they been diSpoSed to refufe
the wagesof corruption; which, however, experi
ence proves to be irrefiftibleinducemen^to coincide
with the views of the worft Minifters, even in
governments originally the beft conftituted.
' Exalted in this manner above all controul,
and Supported by a Monarch whofe thirft after
power abetted every meafure propofed by this
crafty politician, he determined to employ all
the means that offered, whether fair or foul, in
the profecution of that plan which was to effea
the downfal of the Austrian power. Thef$
means, it muft be acknowledged, were not more
difhonourable nor nnjuft than thoSe by which the
Houfe of Auftria had rifen to power. Diffimula- tion,

PART III.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED; 83
treachery, and intrigues of the bafeft kind, had
been the common methods adopted bv the mil
niftries of that ambitious family. The Cardinal
thought it therefore no impropriety to combat
fuch enemies with their own weapons. Honour
and generofity were wholly out of the.queftion
with both parties ; and it is difficult to deter
mine which of the two, the Houfe of Auftria or
the Houfe of Bourbon, aaed the meaneft and
moft guilty part in the political tranfaaions of
thofe, as well as of other times.
Armed with this refolution to ufe indifcrimi-
nately all modes, of aaing, he attacked the Auf-
trians in every fhape and manner that his fertile
genius could devife. His emiffaries,' conforma
bly to his example and injunaions, fowed en
mity and diffatisfaaion in every quarter where
they might injure the enemy ; who did not in
deed deferve better ufage, as he had fully adopt
ed the precedent, and was treated precifely as
he had treated others.
The refult was, that in the courfe of a very
few years, the Imperial branch of the Houfe of
Auftriai was defeated in all its projea of arbitrary
dominion in Germany ; and reduced to the ne-
ceflity of compounding almoft for its exiftence.
g 2 The

84 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART.III.
The Spanifh branch, at the fame time, met
with So many difafters andlpffes, that it became
finally the mere.fhadowof the great ppwer it had
formerly been. i,r,v
Thefe, doubtlefs, were mighty achievements
in the eye of thofe politicians w.hp cpnfiderqd only
the performance of them, without adverting to
their confequences. But thefe were completely
ruinous by the change they wrought jn the ideas
and temper of the French. NPtonly the govern-.
ment became haughty and pi eSumptuous in its
intercourse with Foreign States, but the Nation
itSelf partook of this overbearing difpofition, in
the Same manner the Spaniards had done during
the sera of their grandor.
The miniftry of France Saw with pleafure this
alteration in the minds of Sie French, as it fitted
them for the purpofes intended ; which were to
make them willing inflrriments of the ambition
which had now taken poffefiion of the Court, and
totally forgetful of the difference between their
prefent andpaft Conftitution. .,

There were-hot wanting however fome indivi
duals, to remind their countrymen pf the lofs
« Ji -ioi jj - ,-'-: _¦-, . they

PART. III.] OF FRANCE CONSIO-ERED.,. 85,
they had incurred of their ancient fyftem of go
vernment, and how much their preSent Situation.
differed from their paft ; but as they expreffed
fhemSeives rather by infinuations than by expli
cit affertions, which would have been too danger
ous, the impreffions they made, were not Suffi
ciently powerful to awaken the nation from the
lethargy into which it. had been thrown by the
dread of that tremendous weight of po*er caft
into the miniflerial Scale, and the terrible exer-
cife of which had fpread uniyerfal terror,
Such indeed was the vindiaivc djfpofiMon of
RigHelieu, that even when brought by illnefs
to the eve of diffolution, he ftill was bufied in
Scenes of blppd, ? A confpiracv had been formed
againft him by a young Courtier, who, Swayed
by the Sanguinary Spirit of the tirne.», h.j<J re-
folved to make his way to the C<»r finds piace
and power, by his' perionai deifruai°n- B t the;
Minifter, confcious of the hate borne him from
fomany quarters, and that no rnearuies would
be ikept with him by his enemies, maintained Cq
many fpie$in conftant employ, that due intelli
gence was brppght him of the defigns in a^v^-
tio.n againli him. He had full nine to prevent
them, by; Seizing the confpiratorsj the principal
G 3 Of

86 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART III.
of whom^was a perfon whofe fortunes he had
made, by introducing him to the King, whofe
Savourite he became. For that reafon his trea
chery to the Cardinal, his benefaaor, rendered
his fate unpitied. It was only the fituation of
Richelieu himfelf, whofe death was daily ex-
peaed, that raifed -an expeaation, he would
not in fuch circumftaiices have fhut his heart to
mercy. After a life fpent in a continual feries of tranf-
aaions of the moft extraordinary nature, all of
them diftinguifhed either by their greatnefs, their
atrocity, or the genius that conduaed them
this Samous Minifter cloSed his latter Scene, by
declaring with his laft breath, that whatever he
had done in his official capacity, proceeded from
a convidtion of its reaitude, and that the wel
fare of France had always been the motives of his
aaions. His charaaer has been fufficiently drawn by
the events'of his adminiftration, He came into
power at a time when a Prince was feated on the
Throne, whofe charaaer was remaikably fuited
to that of fuch a Minifter. Lewis the Thir
teenth, though not without fome parts, was of
a tardy

PART III.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. 87
a tardy and unfettled difpofition : his mind was
narrow andSufpicious; convinced of his own in
ability to govern, he ftill repined at the neceffity
of entrufting that tafk to others, and was fo
mean fpirited as to envy that fuperiority of abi
lities, which was exerted for his fervice. The
Cardinal was an endlefs objea of difguft to him,
not to fay of hatred. His former Minifters had
experienced the like averfion, and not one of
them had been able to Secure his good will. But
in the midft of this poverty of talents, he pof-
feffed a qualification that enabled him to render
the talents of others completely ufeful to himfelfj
in the profecutipn of that objea which was al
ways neareft his heart, the obtaining of abfolute
and unlimited, power. This qualification was
obftinacy carried to the moft inflexible and un
feeling extreme. His mother, his Queen, and
all his family felt it's effeas in their turn. It
was owing merely to this temper, which Some
have dignified with the name of firmnefs, that
he could not be prevailed upon to part with
Richelieu, oS whoSe capacity to Serve him effec
tually to the utmoft of his wifhes and expec
tations, he was deeply fenfible ; and whom he,
therefore, retained to his laft hour, as a man
whofe daring and unyielding difpofition, would
G 4 encoun-

88 THE people and government [part III.'
encounter and carry him through all Oppofitions
and difficulties, however bafe and atrocious the
means to overcome them. ... ' . .
The;reign of Lewis the- Thirteenth, was an
epocha, which will never be forgotten by thofe
Frenchmen whp are duly converfant in the pro-
greSs of defpotifm in their country. It w&s
marked by an almoft entire extinaion of political
freedom. It's commencement was attended with
the deltruaion of the democracy, by the total
ceflation of the States General of the kingdom,
It's continuance was no lefs fignalifed by the
overthrow of the ariltocracy, through the ma
chinations of a bold and unprincipled Minifter,
who for the advancement and maintenance,„of a
fyftem conducing to his perfonal power, tram
pled upon the public and private rights of fub-
jeas, and reduced them to a ftate of pafiive obe^
dience to the Crown ; which, at his demife, had
ingulphed nearly all the privileges of the higheft
and loweft orders of the nation, and kept it in the
profoundeft awe and Servitude.
The only part of the nation, that retained' the
leaft portion of weight and importance, was the
Parliament of Paris -, which, through the pri
vilege

PART HI'."] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. S9
vilegeit preferved of regiftering the Royal Edias,
-before they obtained the Strength of laws,, ftill
commanded a degree of refpea and consideration
from the moft haughty and enterprifing Minis
ters. Richelieu himfelf, in the plenitude of his
power, did not dare to infringe it's privileges;
and whenever he propofed to carry any point,
wherein its intervention was neceflaty, he pre-
vioufly took the precaution to fecure its com
pliance by conciliatory means.
As the admihifteririg of juftice was exclusively
lodged in the Parliaments, and as the members
of thofe affemblies were ufually perfons of known
integrity, the people looked up to them with a
Species of veneration, as the fureft proteaors of
the laws, and the only refuge they could apply
to in cafes of public or private oppreffion. The
remonftrances which they occasionally preSented
in favour of the people, were, though often dis
regarded, ftill frequently produaive of fervice,
iby removing or mitigating thofe grievances that
arofe from heavy taxes, or Severe laws.
Standing in this advantageous^ light, it would
perhaps not have been altogether Safe to have
treated them with harfhnefs or contempt. The
Cjrpwn and its Minifters felt their confequence; and

QO THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART III.
and though determined to feize the firft oppor
tunity of lowering it, yet, not having found a
proper one, they judged it wifeft to temporize,
and if none fhould offer, to ufe Secret and filent
means of effeding a diminution of their power
and importance.
The clergy was in the mean time completely
devoted to the crown ; which poffeffing the do
nation of all ecclefiaftical preferments, govern
ed that immenfe body without controul. The
Pope indeed interfered in fundry fpiritual mat
ters ; but as they did not relate to the effentials
of the Romifh faith, and no difference fubfifted
in thoSe reSpeas, the French ecclefiaftics profef-
fed the warmeft attachment to the crown, and
were upon all occafions ready to efpoufe its caufe
againft all opponents.
The mixture of Proteftants with Romanifls
throughout the kingdom, and the free admiffion
of the former to places of truft and profit in
all official departments, and even to thofe of the
higheft eminence in the State, had given birth to
a liberty of fpeech upon religious fubjeas, which
had not a little weakened the implicit deference
to the authority of the Romifh priefthood. The
tenets of that perfuafion, though conftituting the
predominant

PART III.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. 9 1
predominant religion of the realm, were ftill at
tacked in the fpeeches and writings of the Pro-
teftants ; and this party, though Subordinate to
the other, was beheld with a jealous eye, both
by the adherents to the church of Rome, and by
the Court. The latter especially viewed them as
the remains of a formidable republic, that had
fubfifted in the bofom of the monarchy to its
great detriment and continual danger, and which
required to be conftantly kept in a ftate of de-
preffion, and narrowly watched j as the fpirit that
once animated it, might otherwife break out
again, and lay claim to the ancient privileges of
which it had been deprived.
Such was the general ftate of France when
Lewis the Thirteenth died, leaving his king
dom to an infant, and the regency to his Queen,
Ann of Austria, daughter of Philip the Third,
King of Spain. She was a woman of an agree
able difpofition, rather than of folid parts ; and
like Mary of Medicis, the widow to Henry the
Fourth, calculated to be governed intirely by a
favourite Minifter.
The choice fhe made on this occafion, feemed
to have been didated by the efteem fhe enter
tained for the opinion of Cardinal Richelieu.
» ' Whether

Q2 THE PEOPfcfc AND GOVERNMENT [PART. III.
Whether this fubtile Minifter perceived in th©r
man he had recommended to his mafter,,
Lewis the Thirteenth, any refemblance of his
own abilities, or-that being not only a complete
politician, but alfo a churchman like himfelf, he;
thought him the propereft inftrument to be em
ployed in perfeaing the fabric of defpotifm-
he had raifed, certain it is, that he expreffed'
himSelS decidedly in his favour, preferably to all
other competitors, and reprefented him to both.
King and Queen, as one that would, completely
anfwer all; their views, and fully replace him in
every part of his adminiftration. a- i ' i ,v
Such was the description given by Cardinal
Richelieu, of his Succeffor, Cardinal Maza-
rin. Previous^to the King's. deiriSe, he Itood
high in his. good graces, and ftill higher in thofe
of the 'Queen; who embraced the ft? ft opportu
nity of placing him at the head of affairs..
His promotion was far from being generally
acceptable to the public. Two ecclefiaftics Suc-
ceffively inverted with the Supreme government
cS the realm, was a circumftance that recalled to
the minds of the French'^ how differently their
favourite Sovereign, Henry the Fourth, thought
in thefe matters, and how little inclined he ha4
Shewn

PART HI.] OF, FRANCE CONSIDERED.

93

{hewn himfelf to govern by churchmen. But
what was more fuprizing, the Parliament, con
trary to the intereft of the kingdom, was fo weak
and improvident as to declare the Queen fole and
abfolute Regent, in contradiaion to the laft will
of the King, who , had appointed a council of
regency ; which, had it remained, would have
afforded opportunities for, parliament to abridge
the excefliye authority uSurped by the Cpurtj
and to re-eftablifh many pf" the privileges of
which, it had unjuftly defpoikd the different or
ders of the realm.
Cardinal Mazarin on his exaltation to ppwer,
had certainly an ample field wherein to exercife
his talents for the benefit of the French nation.
Exclufive of the abilities displayed by Richelieu
in exalting the power of the crown,, in crulhing
domeftic oppofition, and in curbing the Houfe
pf Auftria, he paid but a moderate attention to
the internal welfare of the kingdom. The en
couragement of trade and manufaaures, which
the great Henry v/as fo zealous to introduce into
Fiance, did not charaaerize his adminiftration.
They remained much on the fame footing they
were at that Monarch's death. Literature in
deed met with a munificent patron in the Cardi
nal, and he rewarded Us . cultivators with a rea
ding's

94 THE PEOPLE AND. GGVERNMENT [PART III.
dinefs that won him the attachment of all the
French literati in his time. The inftitution of
the French academy, owing to his care, laid the
foundation of that politenefs and elegance which
rendered the French language fo much the ftudy
of other nations. But in this famous eftablifh-
inent the criticiSers of Richelieu have difcovered
other motives than merely the encouragement of
polite learning. They afcribe to him two very
different views; the firft was to find employment
for the bufy wits in France, whofe animadverfion
on his condua he dreaded ; the fecond was to
diffufe the French language into foreign parts;
and thereby to engage the partiality of foreigners,
and imperceptibly to reconcile them to the no
tions and ideas current among the French, in
order to foften by fuch means the enmity and
Spirit of oppofition to the politics of France.
Without entering into thefe Speculations, it
ought to be acknowledged, that the memory of
RicHELiim, however deferving abhorrence for
his eftablifhment of arbitrary power in his coun
try, and the Sanguinary means he uSed to accom-
plifh it, merits on the other hand the approbation
of his countrymen, for having promoted litera
ture in fo liberal and fplendid a manner. Before
his time, the tafte of the French was incorrect: and

PART III.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED* Cj$
and grofs. They cultivated indeed the field of
polite learning, but it was urilkilfully. Neither
in profe nor verfe had they produced any thing
that could ftriaiy be reputed elegant. Their
dramatic produaions difplayed little merit, and
it was much more the excellence of the matter,
than the manner, that recommended their pro-
faic works. He roufed their emulation fo effec
tually, that fince his days no European nation
has made a nobler progrefs in the cultivation of
letters. After paying this tribute of applaufe to that
part of his charaaer which claims it, let it alfo
be remembered, that thofe branches of literature
which he patronized, were not the philofophic
and profound. Thefe ftill remained negfeaed ;
or, what was worfe, falSeandSuppofititious know
ledge was fubftituted in their ftead. The fchol-
aftic abfurdities, fo long in vogue, ftill maintain
ed their ground in the French univerfities, and
were Studied with the utmoft application and
affiduify. Whoever excelled in them, was Sure
of obtaining reputation, and academical prefer
ments. In the mean time thofe numberlefs branches of
bufinefs oS all denominations, on which the
middle

y.6. THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART III.
middle claffes of foqiety depend, for their fub-
fiftencey were in a rugged, and unpolifhed ftate.
Arxhiitea.ure and painting indeed were advancing'
tp:Some 'perfeaio.n ; but thofe Superior objects of,,
imDrovement, on which the Strength and impor
tance qf .a natioq are. founded, were unaccounta
bly pegleaed,. Commerce and Shipping were at ,
the loweft.ebb. Henry the Fourth had turned.
hjs thoughts to the increafe of navigation ; and it,
began to make fome appearance in his latter years :
but it foon fell away in the Succeeding reign ; and
became at laft of fo little fignification, that Riche
lieu, whofe afpiring mind aimed at making a
figure at fea as well as at land9j was conftrajned*..
to his great mortification, to apply to his Dutch
allies for jfhips and feamen on. Sundry occafions.
. Some colonies had been founded through the
adventuring difpofition of private individuals ;
but they were mpflly left to their own exertions,
and met with but little proteaion frprrt the pub
lic. Maritime expeditions of any confequence,,
were totally unknown ; and a regular military
marine had not been thought of. When our
Charles the First difpatched a fleet to the Succour
of Rochelle, befieged by Lewis the Thirteenth
in perfon, his Minifter, Richelieu, had no fleet
of any fort to oppoSe that pf England. His only
. refource

PART III.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. 97
refpurce on this critical occafion, was to throw
an immenfe dyke, cpntrived with prodigious
labour and expence, acroSs the entrance of the
harbour, in order tp prevent the Englifh from
furnifhing the befieged with neceffaries. But
this contrivance Would have proved fruitlefs, had
the hefieged held out fome hours longer : for on
the very next day after they had Surrendered, a
Strong tide broke in upon the dyke, and Swept it
entirely away.
Many were the other wants and deficiencies,
both in what related to public exigencies, and to
the profecution of thofe arts and occupations
that require mote than common dexterity, and
contribute to the corhforts and conveniences of
life. The ingenuity of the French^ through the
neglea and indolence of their rulers, Seemed as
it were at a fland, and to Wait for an opportunity'
ef aaing.

END OF THE THIRD PART.

h £art

PART THE FOURTH.

From Lewis the Fourteenth, to the Re*
gency of the Duke of Orleans.
g:UCH was the lot of. France till the reign of
Lewis the Fourteenth;, which, from, a mul
tiplicity of caufes, brought about the moft fur-
prifing change in that country and nation, and
gave it an appearance to which it had long been
an utter Stranger. From a liftleffneSs in the pro-
fecution of trade and commerce, they engaged
at once in mariufaaures and bufinefs of every
defcription ; and from a total want of fhipping,
they in a fhort fpace extended their navigation
to every quarter oSthe globe; and eftablifhed
colonies and plantations in every' part of the
world, where the other Europeans had made
fettlements. This

£ART IV.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED*. pQ
This indeed mayjuftiy be deemed the epocha,
when the French might be Said to have rifen
above water. Until then, neither their indus
try, nor their intelleas, had been Sufficiently
exerted, or called Sorth, to difplay their extent.
.Prejudices- of various kinds-pmany of them no
lefs pernicious than abfurd, poffeffed a confidera-
ble degree of fway over the minds, even of per
fons highly removed above the vulgar. To Say
nothing of religious credulity, and the fuperfti-
tipus ideas and praaiGes to which it gave occa
fion, the idle tales of apparitions, fairies, and
other preternatural forts of beingsj were ftill
current, and had their weight with the majority.
Aftrolpgy continued a reigning ftudy j and
prime Minifters confulted it's profeffors and
adepts as infallible guides* Other modes of illu-
fion fubfifted, and were in vogue among many
individuals of the better, and even of the
higheft claffes; tfence one may duly infer . that
bold and manly thinking was little known. Cer
tain it is, that philosophical : knowledge • had
hardly any exiftence. What went by the name
of. philofophy, was that jargon which during fo
many ,ages had infefted the fchools under the
affumed name and authority of Ariftbtle. The
principal ,part of polite learning,: confifted in the
intelligence of Greek and Latin. Until the efta-
h 2 . blifhmenfi

J£0 THE f EOPtfe AND GOVERNMENT fPART IV.
blifhment of the French Academy, which was
only fome years before this period, they had
not cultivated their own language with any
gff ajt degree of fuccefs.
The infeftine commotions that took place
fhorrly sjfter the demife of Ltwis the Thir*
TEENfH, and during the greateft part of the mi
nority of his fon and fucceflbr, Lewis the Four
teenths were the laft ftruggles of that pride
asp.d independence of all government, which had
charaaerifed the upper orders of the French
NoblefTe ; in whom the temper and claims of
the ancient ariflocracy ftill remained, after the
fupprelfion of the democracy during the Re*
gency of Marv of Medicis, as it has been
j*qticed. The people at large were too fenfible how much
the two oth« orders, the nobility and clergy,
Had contributed to this, fupprefiton, to efpoufe
with cordiality the. caufe of men, who, were
they to fucceed in their defigns to lower the au
thority of the crown, would probably beftow
little attention upon the interefts of the inferior
claffes, whatever pretences they held forth in
order to procure their co-operation in the con- teft

PART IV.] OF7 FR'AWci CONSIDERED. idl'
teft they were* ricfv^ engaged ill agairiff the
Court. To fuch rriotives as thefe was owing the little
unanimity and" decifion that marked the oppo-'
fition to government. The Parliament of Paris
endeavoured irt vairi to revive thofe popular
notions which had in former times animated the
people tb unite againft oppreflidn. The oppo-0
nents to the Court confuted chiefly5 of rhalcon-*
ten:s, whofe ambition had not been gratified;
arid thofe wbo fided with them, were their per-
fonal friends' and' dependents. TheParlia'tnent'
indeed afforded fome individuals who might
dcfervedlybe fliled patriots; and if was in' fup
port of them and their meafures, that a" confi-
derable number of the inhabitants of the metro-'
polis and other places took up arms. But the
diffennons th it happened on frivolous pretences
among the heads of the oppofition,' foon con
vinced the commonalty, that they were not"
adapted to the bufinefs <>f procuring juftice to bef
done to fhe nation* atlargej and rhar the fooner1
tranquillity was reftoreil, the be fer it would
prove' for the inferior claffes, which, while the
conteft lafted, muft be the greateft Sufferers. Hence

IQX THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART IV.
., Hence the exertions asaipft the Court, be-a-
came daily more feeble and fpiritlefs; and the
conteft terminated in favour of government, to
the fatisfaaion of the majority ; who clearly per
ceived the inutility „,.pf continuing a quarrel,
wherein the general intereft of the nation was not
confulted, and wherein the few that were fin-,
cere in their pa£riotifm, were out-numbered and
overuled by thofe who were aauated by their
private views, r
Through thefe caufes and motives the arifr
toeratic faaion was at length deferted, and-
reduced to a few individuals, fome of them
not deficient either in courage or, abilities, but
none, or very few of them deferving the confi
dence of the public,
. After the fuppreffion, of this ill-conneaed and
injudicious oppofition, §n> adminiftration took?.
place, which was thoroughly determined to a&,-
in fuch a manner as to render government ref-
peaable, and efface from all minds the neceffiijy.
of counteraaing it's meafures. They faw the;
indifpenfable obligation < they were under, to,-,
render palatable to the tp.fte of the French mi-.
tion, the great change in its political conftitu
tion, efffeaed under the two preceding ministries of

PART IV.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. 163
of Cardinals Richelieu and Mazarin ; whofe
defigns to raife the royal authority above all con-
troul, had been perfe&Iy completed by the an
nihilation of all power in the nobility, and the ab-
folute reduaion of the Proteftant party to im
plicit obedience. The gaining of thofe two points,
had left the Court no other views to purine, than
to convince the people by a good government,
that thoSe alterations were for their intereft.
Colbert, one of the greateft Minifters we
read of in hiftory, was the man fortunately
feleaed to execute the plans propofed. He con-
duaed them accordingly with a wifdom equal to
the importance ofithe tafk. Affitted. with the
advice of thofe in whom his fagacity taught him
to confide, he was at the fame time no lefs at
tentive and Solicitous to open channels of infor
mation from all quarters, by admitting to his. ac
quaintance and" familiarity, the men of know
ledge and genius in all fituations of life, from
whofe conversation he could receive any beneficial
hints,and by reSufing the acceptance of no prqjeas,
whencefoever they might come.. Supplied withfuch
helps, and endowed with a Sagacity to forefee, and
a vigour and fteadinefs of mind that could com
bat all difficulties, he refolutely entered upon the
laborious career of not only reforming as far as it
h 4 was

104 THE EEOPftE. A,ND. QiOVE^N^ENT [lW*T IV*
was praa«2ablej the abufe necefEirUjr attending
an abiolure- govern raeniti, but of- fettling the whole
fyftem of the, internal economy of- the kingdom,
on a footing intirely different fyora what it had
been under his predecefibr and patron- Cardinal;
Ma-zarw. This letter, had been notorioufly
guilty, of numerous breaches, of fidelity to hi$
truft, in the administration of pecuniary affairs,
and had carried .the. exercife. of the abfolute- Sway
he held in right of his royal matter, tp yery un.
jsuftifiabfe. lengths.
A Minifter of Colbert's capacity, muft un
doubtedly have- been confcious, that, the former.
Conftitution-, which. had been fundamentally de-
fiVoyed by the iniquitous Mimftr-iesof-RicHBLiBu;
aod-MAZA-Ri-N, was that which- the jud*cious~and
honeft part- of the» nation would have preferred
to- the despotic fabric of government ereaedon
its ruins-: but as- the reftoration of nationabfreQ*
dom was totally out. of all profpea. aud expeaa-
tion, and as men's minds- were made up for im
plicit fqbmiffion to the^ royal. authority, from an
intimate perfqafioo that it was now placed-above
the reach of all controulj he- formed the laudable
defign of balancing th& evils of unlimited power,
by every advantage of whkhfuch a fyftem was
fufeeptible.
To

PART IV.] OB ERANCE CONSIDERED* I05
To. compafs this* the moft- minute aad inde
fatigable attention was turned ten the wants* and
wifhes of every branch of the com munity, through
the labours and: ejxeptipns' of? whifihj this great end
was to be>obtained. To tbpfe arts andi improve
ments, already introduced! intpiFffaneej it was na-
folved' to add thofe that were flourifhing iffcotheji'
countries, They were foughtiafter with unwea*.
ried diligence,, and, every means were ufed) tan
pry into the fecrets of foreign* dexterity* Ther
ingenuity and emulation of individuals were at
the fame time roufed by the offer of immunities:
and rewardsprpportioned to their' induftry, and:
to the degree of merit they, fhould acquire in their,
refpeaive branches.
That no fort of luftre might ber wanting, to-
this great undertaking, it was determined that
literature and learning fhould alfo meet with the
ampleft recompence and honour.; that; whatever;
conduced to the reputation and fame of France,
fhould be diitinguifhed by- the- moft. h/araourable
notice; that nothing, in fhort*, either. ufeful :or
elegant fhould be negkaed, that fnppor<r/.aad, en
couragement fhould be extendedlto.alfwho de*
ferved it, and that Europe fhould be> compelled
by glaring evidence* to confefs the fpperior fe-
hcityof France to all other abfcilme; monarchies^ and

Io6 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART IV.
and, if poffible, even to thofe countries where
the ruling powers were limited.
*¦••-. Such was the beneficial plan adopted by Col
bert and his colleagues* and carried into a very
extenfive execution. "Men of eminence in all
lines and profefiions were invited from every part
of Europe, and moft bountifully patronized. The
moftfkilful artifts repaired accordingly to France,
where they fettled, and were munificently main
tained at fhe public expence, in forwarding and
bringing to perfeaion the various- talents, inven
tions, and manufaaures in which they were ex
pert. -The promifes made to them were duly
fulfilled ; and nothing was omitted that could in
duce meritorious foreigners pf all denominations,
to look upon France as their own country:
As this -Splendid epocha followed' immediately
that difaftrous one which had been marked by
civil commotions, that had occafioned much
bloodfhed, it may not, be improper to remaik,
that great nations ufually make* the moft fhining
figure, as Soon as they are delivered- from do-
meftic feuds. - Not only France* but its rival,
England, was riling precifely at the fame time
from amidft the ruins of civil, diftraaions, and
becoming more flourifhing than ever. Germany too,

PART IV.] .O.F^PR^NCE CONSIDFJUD. . TQJ
too, torn with interline wars- and devaftations
that had lafted thirty years, was recovering vi-"
gour, and acquiring new ftrength and confi-
deratjpn.. ,.,,..,-
Hence it appears, that however fatal djffen-
tions are while they continue, they never fail in
large and potent ftates and nations, to give birth
to profperous after times. When the fermen
tation is over, and tranquillity reftored, thofe
abilities that are always called forth in the feafon
of tempeft and confufion, muft ftill find fome
vent after they have fubfided. The purpofes to
which thefe abilities were^ direaed, . fubfifting no
longer, they muft neceffarily be applied to o.thers
of a more ferviceable nature to the public. The
aaivity which was bufied before in faaion and
intrigue, is converted to commercial fchemes, or
to. military plans of life \ and the State is thereby
Supplied with abundant means of carrying on its
navigation and trading enterprises with alacrity
and fervour, or of meeting a war with Spirit and
well grounded hopes, of fuccefs. Even thofe
arts and brancb.es of bufinefs, of which the cul-
tivati®n, belongs more properly to the care and
tuition of j peace, are (ftill: benefited by that: ge
neral aptitude-andpropenfity to employment and
action, naturally prodiiced by internal commo tions,

Ittff THE PEOPLE AVtf COVEltNMtVT £ P Alt IV.
Hons, antF which have srlways Been experienced'
to furvivetfiem hrk moft faJutary dfcgred
Thus, to cite an infiance from ancient", is'weH'
as from modern hiflory, Rome never attained to
die fummit of gTarideur and rrfaghificente, till
that1 final' pacification1 and* fettlerhertt of things,
which- gave- the empire to HvgvsVK& It ena-
bled'the Roman's, now freed from their civil dif-
eords, and the dreadful confequences they had
produced1, to exert their capacity irt the whole
circle of 'arts- atad1 Sciences, and to render* tftemi
Selves' as illuftrious by their eminence in allpo-t
lite and' elegant purfuits and aCcomplifflrffentsi
as- they- were formidable' by their arms and con*
quefts. It ooght however to benoticed, that thfeferex-
traofdinary exertions belPng only to fuch periods
as'bave produced great revolutions; The tran
sition* from defpotifm to freedom, is always ac
companied with them; witnefs in particular the
eftablifhment of the Uiitch republic, which wa*
attended with every national benefit that could
have been formed b) the moft Sanguine expefla^
tion* But even the tranlitiun from freedom to
defpotifm, does not immediately deprive a nation1
of its former energy; The fettlement of abfoVe power

PART IV.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. IO9
power ads not at once upon the minds of thofe
who are brought under Subjection, fo far as to
deftroy the fpirit that was exerted in defence of
liberty. Neither do thofe w ho overcome its de
fenders, venture to carry at once the authority
they have acquired to its utm ft extreme. They
ufpally leave untouched many of the forms of
the conftitution which they have in reality ruin
ed. Whence it happens that numbers do not
direaiy perceive the fubftance to be gone-, and
ftill pleafe themfelves with the Semblance of what
they once poffefftd. Their oppreffors on the
other hand, contenting themfelves with the folid
power lodged in their hands, are not unwilling
the public fhould remain ignorant of the real
ftate of fcrvitude to which they are reduced.
Thus it was, that after Augustus had fcized
the reins of abfolute government, the Romans
at large were not fenfible of the change. The
whole form of the Republican Conftitution Sub-
filled, and bore to the multitude the entire ap
pearance of what it had been antecedently to the
revolution that threw the power into the Sole
hands of that fagacious ufurper. To do him
juftice, he did not feem any ways: inclined to
abufe it, and, like Cromwell in England, be
came an excellent governor of the State, how ever

IIO THE PEOPLE 'AND^GOVERNMENT [PART IT.
ever unjuftifia-blejand criminal? -the means were,
through! which ^ they; both made themfelves the
arbitrary rulers of- their refpeaive Countries.
In the fame-manner,, notwithftanding the con-
clufion of the civil commotions in France that
terminated in the total extinaion of liberty, yet,
as the names and appellations, and even the full
appearance of the> preceding fyftem,* were pre
served, and as the Parliament in particular, in
the defence of which, and in the formal affertion
of the rights it claimed, artns had been taken
Up, was permitted to retain all the exterior marks
of its dignity and power, the people did not af
firft conceive that any material* alteration had
taken place. The Court being alfo very atten-i
tivexin promoting a variety of thofe plans and
Cnterprizes that are chiefly acceptable to "the
majority of individuals, and remarkably careful,
for a long' time, to exercife no private oppreSSor^
the nation at large Submitted very quietly to the
authority affumed by the .Crown, and.didnot
clearly diSc.ern the full extent of the powers with
which it was now invefted. The refult was, that
the national Spirit remained unbroken^ and com
pletely adapted tovthe divers objeas, to which %
provident Adminiftration faw the'^neceflity -of
direaing its attention and energy, in ordaet to
divert

PART 1V«] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. Ill
divert it from the contemplation of the changes
that had been effeaed to its detriment.

Were the fame fate, which Heaven avert, to
befal England, were the ruling powers to become
gradually centered in the Crown, whether through
the indirea and tacit affent and allowance of
thofe who are intrufted with the liberties of the
people, or through the irrefiftible influence arifing
from any enormous augmentation of the military
.force affigned to the management of the execu
tive power, the downfal of liberty would not for
a time be perceptible to the generality. Many
caufes would concur to prevent the difcovery of fo
.great a misfortune, until fome occafion occurred
to render it at once of fuch notoriety, that it
could no longer be concealed, or diffembled, by
the moft artful and cautious Minifters. The ge
neral propenfity of the people is fo much turned
to thofe avocations, the profits of which are clear,
and alluring for that reafon to all men, com
merce, and the immenfe gains it produces, em
ploys and rewards fuch multitudes, induftry and
application to bufinefs abSorb the Saculties of io
many individuals, fuch,, at the fame time, is the
willingneSs of the majority to repofe implicit con
fidence in their governors, and So unSuSpealng,
(smd lalnioft carelefs, are the natives of this coun try

*15 the People aMj'c'Cve-rn'Ment {partiV.
try in all that dots riot immediately relate to their
particular concerns and Wfl-befrrg, that it is far
from difficult to frame and to carry forward the
mpft peTnicittus defigns, without the leaft danger
of di'ftovety for a length pf time, efpfecially
when plaufible pretexts arife ro countenance the
very tneafpfes, without which thofe defigns could
not be accomplifhed. Add to this, the very
powers already lodged in the hands of thofe
many individuals who might think it their inte>
reft to abet filch defigtts, and Would hfcglea no
thing for their accotriplilhm'en't.
When thefe particulars are taken into confide^
ration, it is highly probable, that ftlould any ini*
mical projefts to the Conftitution CVef be attempt-
fed, they would, if fuccefsful, remain much loriget
toheeakd fmm publife view, thafl people feetn
aware Of. The fame cabfei that Would facilitate
their progrefs ahd eetttpfetion, would operate to
their concealment. Plunged into a multiplicity
of occupations, fo aaive and bufy a natipri as
the Ettgltfh, would hardly permit their attehtidn
to be turned towards &tly admonition of the dan
ger they were in. Confcious of the intetefted
difpofition that charaaerifes the greater number
of them, they would interpret thofe Warnings as
coming from men prompted to promulgate them by

PART IV.] OF fRANCE CONSIDERED. H3
by views of private intereft, and not from any
conviaion of their propriety, nor of the danger
to which they pointed. Hence apathy and lift-
neffnefs in the multitude would fmoothen the
path of that deftruaion which was coming upon
them. When arrived, the artifices of thofe who
had brought it to bear, would be fet to work in
order to difguife the change of Situation they had
effeaed, into a likeneSs of what the former had
been. They would cover their proceedings With
fuch a colouring of reaitude, and fupport them
with fo many plaufible augurnents, that the
many would be deceived into a notion, that
they had aaed in conformity to the intent and
fpirit of the Conftitution ; while the more dis
cerning only would clearly fee the total evapora
tion of that fpirit, and an aaual overthrow of
that Conftitution of which they held forth fo
fallacious a piaure.
Altercations would be the natural confequence
of foftriking a difference of opinion : but thefe
very altercations would feem to the plurality, a
proof of the uncertainty of the cafe in litigation.
Hence little interefl would be felt, and little ex
ertion enfue in favour of that party which might
appear inclined to aaive oppofition. Thus the
new fyftem eftablifhed on the fall of fhe old one,
1 would

1 14 THE PE0?LE AND GOVERNMENT [pART IV
would appear as ereaed on its bafis; to thofe
who could nptdifcriminate between foundations
and ruins.
, Such was aaually the cafe of France on the
peffation of the troubles during the firft part of
Lewis the Fourteenth's reign. Upon his affump-
tion of the power devolved to him by this event,
he found himfelf the unlimited and uncontrouled
Sovereign of the French nation: No reftraint
whatever flood In the way of his royal pleafure,
and he hadt only to fpeak to be obeyed. This,
however, was an evident contradiaion to the
fenfe and mpaning of the former Conftitution of
the kingdom, which was no lefs reftriaive of kthe
power of the Crown, than fome of the moft li
mited monarchies in Europe.
• But as that Conftitution had ceafed to exift,
fince the diffplution of the States General, at the
commencement of the reign of Lewis the Thir
teenth, ;the French had loft fight of it, and
feemed tolerably Satisfied with the power ftill
vetted in the Parliament, which they looked
upon as fufficiently authorifed by the laws to
protea them from oppreffiqn, and to adminifter
impartial- juftice to all men. The behaviour of
that Parliament, in the recent troubles, hadraifed its

PART III.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. II5
its credit in the eftimation of the public ; and,.
while the powers hitherto exercifed by it, re
mained undiminifhed, people thought themfelves
in a ftate of fecurity from arbitrary meafures.
The diminution of this power was not appre
hended at this feafon ; as in the reconciliation
between the Court and the Oppofition1, the Par
liament had not Suffered the loSs of any part of
it: and. it was generally underftood, that it was
to remain, precifely on the fame footing it then
Stood. But the Court had far . other views : —
While the due authority pf that Parliament re
mained unimpaired, the internal government of
the kingdom, and the impofition of taxes, were
points of which it poffefTed an acknowledged
right to take cognizance. This was a privilege
highly obnoxious to the Court, and of which it
took the fecret refolution to deprive that body
of men.
'¦• Cardinal Mazarin, on his entrance into Mi
niflerial power, Saw the neceffity of affuming the
appearance of moderation in all affairs wherein
the Parliament was concerned. It was owing to
this condua, that during the firft years of his
adminiftration, he met with the good will of the
public, and was remarkably fuccefsful in his con-
1 2 tinuance

Il6 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART iv.
tinuance of the plan of his predeceffor, relating
to foreign tranfaaionS* Several viaories were
obtained over the Atiftrian and Spanifh armies.
The famous battle of Rocroi particularly, wherein
the French defeated the beft troops of Spain, de
cided in a manner the fubfequent fate of the war
between both kingdoms. The French obtained
on that day a fuperiority over the Spaniards,
which was never loft, and the dread of which
ftrongly promoted the Bourbon fucctffion to the
Spanifh monarchy, at the commencement of the
prefent century.
But as the poffeflion and increafe of power
naturally produces endeavours to acquire ftill
more, the Court, in the height of its fucceffes
abroad, began gradually to forget the lawful ex
tent of its powers at home, and to carry them
to fuch undue lengths^ that a Strong oppofition
was formed in order to counteraa them.
The Cardinal had the prudence to advife mo
derate meafures, and to yield to the remonftran-
ces of Parliament, by abating the taxes that had
occafioned the oppofition, and by restoring their
former authority to the Courts of Judicature,
and difcl aiming the right of imprifoning indivi
duals at pleafure, or of profecuting them other- wife

JPART IV.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. II?
wife than according to the eftablifhed forms of
law. Had the Oppofition been fatisfied with thefe
conceffions of the Court, the troubles which fol
lowed, might happily have been avoided. But
the fpirit of difcontent prevailed to fuch excefs,
that they were rejeaed, and the Cardinal, after
a fruitlefs refiftance, was compelled to withdraw
from the kingdom, leaving it in full poffeffion of
the oppofite party, who procured the paffing of
a law, by which not only foreigners, but even
Frenchmen raifed to the dignity of Cardinals,
ihould be excluded from any participation in the
government of the realm.
This was the point at which the judicious part
of the nation were defirous the Oppofition fhould
make a ftand. But the Princes of the different
branches that compofed the Royal Family, in
conjunaion with their partizans, were fo vio
lently intent upon engroffing the government
wholly to themfelves, and overturning the autho
rity of the Queen and Miniftry, that hoftiliries
recommenced in her favour •, and after a variety
of fuccefies on both fides, the quarrel terminated
to the intire advantage of the Court, in the
i 3 manner,

II 8' THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART IV.
manner, and from ^the caufes that have already
been mentioned.

The fplendour that had accompanied the arms
of France, during the long war that commenced
with Spain, under the niiniftry of Richelieu,
had met with fome interruption during thefe
internal difturbances. But on their ceffation,
the French reSumed their Superiority through
the affiftance oS England j and Spain reduced by
this irrefiftible alliance to the brink of ruin>
was forced' to accede to the terms of peace,
offered by France.
The death of Cardinal Mazarin, which hap
pened fhortly after this pacification, opened a
fcene of which the iffue for a while appeared
doubtful. The young King,, Lewis the Four
teenth, had yet lived rather a fedate and retired
life. Confiding in the abilities of his late Mi
nifter, he had left the intire management of af
fairs to him, and was wholly Satisfied with the
account which the Cardinal brought him- regu
larly of all tranfaaions. Ashe had a ftrong and
vigorous mind, he fully profited by the daily
leffons he received in this manner, and progref-
fively became acquainted with the affairs of his
kingdom, and efpecially with the characters of
all

PART IV.] OF FRANCE- CONSIDERED. H9
all the principal perfons in his Court and Service.
As the inftruaions thus given him by the Cardi
nal, were almoft in Secrecy, or at leaft without
parade, it was not generally known among the
Courtiers how Well he was acquainted with what
was neceffary for him to know. Relying on his
youth, and SuppoSed inexperience, thofe who
preSumed on their knowledge in matters of State,
believed that, like his father, he would be gp-
verned by a Minifter, and expeaed of courfe
that his choice of one would fall among them.
But this was far from the young Monarch's
thoughts. Of the many advices left him by the
Cardinal, one in particular dwelt remarkably pn
his mind ; this was never to entruft any fubjea
with fuch a degree of authority as had been con
fided to himfelf. This advice the King refclved
ftriaiy to follow, and determined at the Same
time to become his own Minifter.
It was not therefore without extreme Surprize,
the principal perSons in the various departments,
on applying to him Sor direaions, from whom
'they were henceforth* to receive orders, were an
fwered to addrefs themfelves to him. In this de
termination he continued the remainder of his
reign. In the days of his adverfity, as well as in
thofe pf his profperity, he was always at the head'
1 q pf

120 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART IV,
of his affairs, and permitted nothing to be done,
that had not been maturely canvaffed by himfelf.
SiEwis theFouRTEENTii came into the poffeffion
of royal, or rather abfolute power, at a feafon
when there appeared not the leaft fign or likeli
hood, that his will would meet with any obftruc-
tion whatfoever. The Minifters who aaed under
him, had been brought up in the fchool of Riche-
WEu and Mazarin fucceffively, and had imbibed
all thofe principles of implicit adherence to the
Crown, which thofe two Cardinals had taken
fuch pains to inculcate, and to enforce upon all
occafions.

The complete humiliation, or indeed the total
fuppreffion of all thofe orders in the State, which
formed the real and lawful Conftitution of France,
had devolved the whole authority into the fole
hands of the fovereign. The only body of men
that feemed to retain any independence of the
royal pleafure, was the Parliament. But this in
dependence was very feeble arid precarious.
The King, though fully fenfible of his Author
rity, did not think it proper to begin his exer-
cife of royal power, by depriving fd refpeaable
a body of the priviledges it had fo long enjoyed ;
and which were looked upon by the public as
it's

PART IV.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. 121
it's inalienable right : but both he and his coun
cil refolved gradually to diminish them.
Thefe privileges were indeed of fuch import
ance, that while they fubfifted, the government
of France could not have been called completely
defpotic. In all judicial proceedings, whether
they related to the adjudication of property, or
the profecution Sor crimes, the decifion refted
wholly in the Courts of Law ; and the jurifdic
tion of the Parliament of Paris in thefe matters,
comprehended the moft extenfive circle in the
kingdom. In addition to the vaft power lodged
in it's hands in theSe reSpeas, State Criminals of
the fuperior orders, were amenable to its tri
bunal only ; and the Crown had no legal claim
to ihterSere in Such caSes, unleSs by the Prero
gative allowed it of exercifing mercy. The man
ner of exaaing the oaths required of individuals
on their entrance into office, fhewed that they
were accountable to the ftate, in conjunaion with ,
the King, and not merely to his perfon alone.
There were Several other inftances that made it
evident, how effeaually the Spirit of the confti
tution limited the Monarch's exercife of power :
But that which proved it in the cleareft and
moft unequivocal manner, was the right of dis
approving of the decrees and edifts iffuing from the

122 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART IV,
the King in council, and of remonftrating^againft
them. Until Parliament had formally regiftered
and fanaioned thefe Edias, they were not con
fidered as Laws. . p -
^- ' - <-i
Poffeffed of fuch weighty priViledges, well
might the Parliament of Paris be viewed with art
invidious eye by the Partifans of abfblute power
in the Crown. Lewis himfelf was extremely
difpleaSed to find his authority So narrowed and
circumfcribed in the moft effential matters. He
had indeed a prodigious military force at his
diSpoSaL, and felt himfelf entirely able to give
law to all men indifcriminately, without the
leaft apprehenfion of being refitted. But to ma-
nifeft at Pnce the purppfes he had iri view, would
have been repugnant to the feelings and ideas of
all claffes. He'liftened, therefore, to the ad
monitions of the' more temperate part of his
council. The privilege of registering the Royal
Edias, was Suffered to remain with Parliament,
together with the liberty of prefentingremdnftran-
ces againft them. But this latter privilege, which
was in faathe only material one left them, they
were forbidden to exercife, until they conSented
to register thoSe EdicTjs. Compelled by a Superior
force, the Parliament was under the neceffity
of yielding j but the arrogance which dictated the

PART IV.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. I2J
the meafures of an abfolute government, could
not brook even this fhadowy remnant of liberty :
in order to fhut for ever the mouths of thofe
who were the only perfons authorifed to plead
the caufe of the people, and who might poffiblv
fpeak diSagreeable truths, this laft and beft of
the Parliamentary rights, was gradually reduced
tOvfilence. Loofened in this manner from all the ties that^
bound him to, his ^fubjeas, Lewis npw felt him
felf at fulLliberty to give unconftrained Scope to
his natural difpofition. Ambition excepted, of
which he was invariably the flave, his other paffi-
pns during a long Space of his reign, reSembled
pearly thoSe of all arbitrary fovereigns. But it
fhould alfo be acknowledged, that whether he
was prompted by his own inclinations, or in
fluenced by the councils of his Miniftry, no,
Sovereign in Europe, for feveral years, fignalifed
himfelf by nobler deeds of munificence, in pro
mpting whatever could tend to the benefit of his
kingdpm and people.
This-condua, as it has already been obferved,
proceeded from a defire of rendering the French
nation lefs difpleafed with the overthrow of
their former cpnftitution, and the almoft tbtal lofs

f24 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT fJpART IV.
lofs of their liberties thereby effeaed. It is not
unreafonable to prefume, that could Louis have
ftifled his ambition, or only restrained it within
narrower limits, his reign might altogether have
proved happy to his Subjeas, and honourable to
himSelf. But his thirft of power and conqueft
defeated all the laudable fchemes that had been
framed for the public utility, and rendered his
reign an epocha of wretchednefs to his people!
At home he perfeaed the fyftem of flavery efta-
blifhed under his predeceffor, and abroad he
became the fcourge of all his neighbours.
Of thefe two evils the laft was the natural
confequence of the firft. When once a nation
has been thoroughly fubdued, and brought un
der the yoke of defpotifm, as it becomes paffive
and fubfervient to the capricious temper of a
mailer who feels himfelf unlimited by conftitu
tional reftraints, the greater its abilities to Second
his caprices, the more they will be exerted, and
the heavier will be the weight of bppreffion laid
upon the public, ,in order to compafs the defigns
of the Court.
Thus it happened in France, where, in pro«
portion to the ftrength of the kingdom, every
fcheme embraced by a . Ministry that 'fought only

PART IV.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. , 12$
only the Satisfaaion of the Sovereign, exclufive
of any national consideration, was carried to the
moft expenfive and ruinous extreme, notwith-
ftanding the difficulties attending it, and the
calamitous Situation to which the people at large
were reduced by the continued repetition of
fuch enterprizes. By draining the country of its
wealth and its inhabitants, they brought the
French nation at laft to a degree of diftrefs and
mifery, which made it an objea of pity to all
m'en who had the fenfe to discriminate between
the iniquity of the French Government, and the
helplefs condition of a people who were the
unfortunate instruments of its meafures, through
fear and compulsion.
True it is, that a furprifing degree of infatuation
charaaerifed the plurality of the French of thofe
"days. War being the great objea of the Court, all
poffible encouragement was given to the individu
als of refpeaable families, to enter into the royal
fervice, which was held up as the only reputable
fituation for a young Nobleman. In a fhort time,
through the policy of Government, and the fur
prifing fuccefs which attended, the arms of France,
during a great part of the reign of Lewis the
Fourteenth, the military profeffion became fo
fafhionable, that hardly a youth of tolerable birth
thought

i:6 the.people ANb Government [part iv.
thought himfelf difpenfed from devoting Some
years tp that cpurSe of life. In imitation of their
fuperiors, the multitude imbibed the like fentir
ments, and crowded to the royal ftandard.
It , was doubtlefs with much fatisfaaion the
Court beheld this prepofTeffion in its favour. It
cannot be denied, that theprojeas in agitation at
that time, were perfeaiy calculated to procure
the, attachment of the Nobleffe, to whom fhey
afforded employment and honours Suitable tb
their diSpofitipn, The Vanity of the natives was
at the fame time highly gratified by the pomp
and magnificence that furrounded their Sovereign^
and by the viaories that threw fuch a luftre oh
the French nation*
The improvements of all descriptions, which
during the firft years of Lewis the Fourteenth,
were carried on with fo much fpirit and fuccefs,
the progrefs in all the polite arts, the brilliant
ftate of every department in fcience and litera
ture, the prodigious encreafe of fhipping and
navigation, of manufaaures at home, and of
commerce abroad, thefe were Objeas that deferv-
edly attraaed the applaufe and admiration not
only of France, but of all Europe, and placed
the Adminiftration and Government that had ef-
feaed

S»ART IV.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. I27
feaed fueh things, in a highly meritorious point
of view.

But an erroneous fyftem of politics foon over-*.
threw thefe Salutary inftitutions, and converted
¦ the hopes that had been formed of an asra pf
public profperity, into grief and forrow at the
profpea of thofe calamities that were threatened
by the unfortunate alteration of meafures that
now took place.
Unhappily for France, no lefs than for its
neighbours, the ftate of Europe was too favour
able for fo ambitious a Prince as Lewis the Four
teenth, to Suffer him to remain quiet. Spain
had loft all ftrength and importance ; Germany
was apprehenfive of the TurkifL power ; and
England was at war with Holland. This was the
critical period feized by the Miniftry of Lewis*
to affert his unjuft pretentions to fome parts of
Flanders. This condua occafiofled fuch an alarm
throughout Europe, as to induce its principal
powers to form an alliance to counteraa it.
England and Holland felt the neceffity of an im
mediate reconciliation, and united /with Sweden,
at that period a power of great confequence, to
put

128 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART IV.
put a flop to the hoftilities of the French King,
who after fome important acquifitions, cOnfertted
to a pacification.
But the ambitious difpofition that had ftimu-
lated him to take up arms againft Spain, now
induced him to ufe all means for the diffolution
of this alliance. That power of the three which
he moft dreaded was England. It had lately re
turned to. the obedience of the Stuarts, after
having been twelve years partly under a republi
can government, and partly under the usurpa
tion of Cromwell. But the reftoration of the
Stuarts, inftead of reconciling the parties that
divided the Englifh. nation, had only transferred
the powers of the ftate, from the friends of free
dom to the partizans of abfolute power. It was
not difficult for'LE.wis to avail himfelf of this
difunion among the Englifh, and to fow the feeds
Of further difcords between both parties. Charles
the Second, unhappily for his country, was pre
vailed upon to form the ftriaeft union with the
Court of France, which promifed him every
affiftance to render him abfolute mafter of his
kingdom. Thus the interefts of the two royal
families of Bourbon and Stuart became united,
to the grievous detriment of their fubjeas, and
to the difturbing of all Europe. This fatal cony
nexion lafted until the revolution that expelled the

1?ART IV.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. 129
the latter family from England, and placed the
Conftitution of this country on a footing of
more freedom and (lability.
The intrigues of Lewis having detached Eng
land from the United Provinces, he invaded them
with fuch numerous armies, that they were at
firft unable to refift him. Charles, on the other
hand, employed the moft formidable fleets againft
them. Nothing iyould haVe been more gratify
ing to thofe two Monarchs-, than to have brought
under fubje&ioh a peojple who gloried in the
name of Republicans ; and who had done greater
things under that form of government, than the
moft potent monarchies were able to boaft. But
thefe ambitious Princes found to their coft, that
the republican fpirit, which they both held in ab
horrence, was not extinguished in the inhabitants
of that celebrated Commonweath. Notwith
standing the prodigious forces with which Lewis
attacked them by land, and the immenfe naval
Strength and efforts of Charles at fea, they were
both completely foiled, to their great difappoint-
ment, and no lefs to the aftonifhment of Europe;
which did not conceive it poffible for the Dutch
to withftand fuch formidable enemies, one the
powerfulleft Monarch at land, the other the
ftrongeft at fea of all the European Potentates.
k Fortunately .

t30 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [_PART IV. I
Porrunatelyfof the Dutch/ fhe fpirit of free
dom was not at 'that time funk fo low1 in Eng
land, but that numbers of the patriotic party
not only perceived the iniquitous intentions of
their own' Sovereign, in conjunaion With \he
French King, but refo'lutely determined to op-
pofe all further hostilities againft Holland, on the
fart of the Englifh Court." Happily for Erig?
land, as well as Holland,' the majority in the
Englifh Parliament was decidedly averfe to the
rneafures of Charles and his Miniftry ; who
were'compelled, by the voice of the nation^ to*
abandon their alliance with .Lewis againft the
Dutch. '
So great however was- the firength of France
at this' period, that after continuing alone for
feme years, the War which the neighbours of
France engaged in for the defence of Holland, it
compelled them to accede to Such terms, of peace
as left the French monarchy not only at the head*
but in a. capacity to diaate to all the powers 01
Europe; But fhTs drctprial influence Was obtained at a
jr' ¦ ¦ -i1 ;¦. . *" . ¦ • "... \ • . ¦ .- " ¦
moft' enormous price. The internal profperity
6F the kingdom was facrificed to it in the moft
Scandalous, and unfeeling manner. Fleets indeed were

PXRT"IV.] : OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. I3I
Were qonftrnaed and equipped, arid a marine was;
formed, which rendered France refpeaable by
fea. The appearance of having flourifhihg colo
nies was alio maintained ¦, and other projeas,
attended with extraordinary Splendor, and cal
culated to command public attention, were ftill
carried on at a vaft expence. But they afforded
no vifible profit to the nation, which now began
to feel the confequence of the fatal politics of the
Court, in the univerfal oppreffion of the middling
and induftrious' claffes, and in a Striking progreSs
Of poverty and want in the lower fort.
• This Wretched condition of his people did not
however produce an alteration in the mind of
Lewis. He- was now too highly exalted for fuch
confiderations>. The triumphant fituation in
which the fucceffes of his arms had placed him,
the terror they had diffuSed among his neigh
bours, the diSunion that reigned in thoSe States
that might, if unanimous, have refifted him; all
thefe motives conSpired to fill him with an over-
bearingnefsand arrogance, that led him at length
into the moft impolitic exceffes.
Notwithftanding his hands Were tied up from
the direa perpetration of hostilities; he continued
byiiis pretentions to thofe diftrias, which he
i- - k 2 thought

Ha THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT fpART IV*
thought proper to claim as appendages to the
territories ceded to him by the peace, to alarm all
the neighbouring powers. It was now evident
that his ambition had no bounds, and that Unlefs
coercion were uSed to reftrain it, he would break
through every treaty that flood in the way of its
gratification. This perfuafion, which was confirmed by daily
experience, raifed him enemies in every Court in
Europe. He now began to be known abroad by
the name of common enemy 5 while the bafe
flattery, with which he was perpetually fed at
home, induced him to imagine that his condua
was not only juftifiable and upright, but gener
ous, and deferving, the higheft applaufe.
The difguft conceived at the meafures of Lewis,
and ftill more at the haughtinefs that accompa-
niedthem, was extended gradually to his fub-
je^s. Like the Spaniards who, under their
Philip the Second, afi'umed a ftatelineSs in their
intercourse with other nations, that rendered
, them odious, the French, in general, were now
become So bigoted to the perfon and politics of
their Sovereign, that whatever he did feemed
above all cenfure. They would have thought it
a dif^race, if not a crime, to have permitted a
; - u 1 foreigner

ART IV.J OF FRANCE CONSIDERED* I33
foreigner to call it in queftion. Hence they ar
rogated a Superiority over the individuals of other
nations, which rendered their own hateful, and
contributed to expofe it to the ill-will of' all
Europe. In the mean time, the connexion formed be
tween the Courts of France and England fub-
fifted in full vigour, though the fpirit of freedom
that ftill animated the Englifh patriotic party,
kept it in fome check. Lewis and our Charles
the Second perfeaiy underftood each other's
views j but in the latter, the thirft of abSolute
power was accompanied with a meannefs that
converted him into the moft feryile dependent
pn the former.
Both Lewis and Charles accerded in thofe
qualities that did them leaft honour, and were of
high detriment to their fubjeas, by the evil ex
amples fet beSore them. They were Scaiidaloufly
addiaed to women, and guilty of the moft rui
nous profufion in their domeftie expences. But
that point wherein they too fatally agreed, was
a fixed determination to be arbitrary and uncon-
trouled in the exercife of regal fway. The fole
difference between them was, that Lewis facri-
fjced every confideration to maintain the abfolute
k 3 power

I J4 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART IV.
power he poffeffed, and: that Charles violated
every obligation in order to obtain it.
It was in the height of this falfe grandeur,: and
deftruaive magnificence, when fortune feemed
to have raifed him to a Summit, Srom which adu
lation prefumed he was never : to decline, that
blinded by religionsiaeal, he conceived the woe
ful defign of compelling his Prqteftant fubjeas
to embrace the Romifh religion. • There were not
¦wanting Some honeft couofellors to diffuade him
from fo dreadful <an exercife of his royal autho
rity. But all representations ; were vain. His
bigotry Superceded all Sentiments* of juftice, and
all the feelings of humanity.; In contempt of
that wifdbm and fenfe of equity, which had in
duced Henry the Fourth to grant a toleration,
to the Proteftant party, he revoked all the de
crees that had been paffed in their favour, .and
ordered them to conform to the Romifh religion
under the fevereft penalties.
His orders weae executed with the moft cruel
and unrelenting punauality. Military violence
and barbarity were, on this occafion, let loofe in
all their horrors. No age, no fex, no condition
was treated with any discrimination. Aauated
by that fpiritual hatred which charaaeriSes the
zealots

PART IV.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED: Ig|
zealots of all perfuafions, thofe who were com-
miffidned to execute the rbyal mandate', fbewed
no mercy to thofe who refufed 'tcr obey it'V fully-
convinced,' that while they inforced the King's
Commands, they were affo 'performing an accept
able Service to Heaven.
It may appear aftonifhing, that in a" Court
which abounded in perfons Pf under"ftahdirtg a*hcr
knowledge, fo barbarous an aa fhould have been
refdlved upon. But it ought' to be noticed, that
Lewis from his childhood, had been greatly un
der the management of ecclefiaftics, moft of them'
violently pfeppffeffed againft ProteftantiSm, con-
fidering'it as a pefSuafion that' harboured a t'<*ri-
dency to republicanism, a form of government
t not favourable to Popery. They had carefully
ihftili'ed fheif principles into the mind of their
pupil, who became, as he. grew up, implicitly
devoted to the Romifh 'doarinesl ' The irres>u-
larities of his private life, left him ftill a'pa'ffive
inftrument in the hands of his Clergy, in all that
related "to matters of faith, L and he continued
their abfolute 'flave to the laft -moments of hi?
life. '
They well k'neW how to exer'cife the aScen£
$ahcy they had gained' over the intelkas of a
k 4 Prince,

l$& THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART IV.
Prince whofe education had been very much;
neglected, and who was totally unacquainted
with the rmrits of either fide of the queftion,
Like all perSons bred in ignorance, he was there
fore a ftrenuous believer in the tenets taught him,
in his early years, and had been long habituated
to look with averfion upon thofe, whq diffei-ed
from him in opinion,
Such a Monarch, efpecial.ly as his power was,
abfolute, afforded a complete opportunity to fa,
bigoted a body of men as the French Clergy
were at that day, to convert his authority into an,
inftrument of deftruaion to the diffidents. Both.
clergy and laity aaed upon this occafion, w^tht,
all that atrocioufnefs and fury which charaaerife$
warm religioqifts in power ; who are experimen
tally found in all countries, the moft implacable
foes to all who refufe to profefs the religion pf
the ftate.
The lofs fuftained by France, in cpnfequence
of this cruel persecution of men for their religi
ous opinions, proved an iunple chaftifement to
the King and Miniftry that effeaed it. A million
of individuals at leaft emigrated on this pccafion.
They were the mpft valuable members of the
community; tradefmen, artificers, and commer cial

PART IV.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. I37
cial people of all defcriptions, fea-faring-men,
officers in the navy, and military men of all ranks.
They1 carried away with them immenfe fums of
ready money, befide a prodigious quantity of
wrought gold and Silver, and other valuables of
all forts. No lefs than between the amount of
five or fix millions fterling, was the computation
of what they exported to foreign parts, chiefly
thofe countries that were moft inimical to France,
and which profited on this occafion in a double
proportion tp the loffes of their enemy ; firft by
the acceffion of thofe multitudes and treafures
brought over to them, and then by an equal di
minution of numbers and property on the fide
pf the fof ,
^Thisiofs was irreparable. France felt it ever
after, and rues it to this day. Like the expul
sion of the Moors from Spain, the flight of the
French Proteftants Srpm their country, contri
buted to depopulate Several diftrias. Like the
}Moors too, they became, with the jufteft reafon,
the moft implacable enemies of a Government
that hatf behaved to them with fo much injuftice
and barbarity. In the wars that followed their
expulfion, no pffieers and foldiers fought againft,
France with greater animofity and rancour, than
#ie French Refugees. They were the firft to
promote

J 18 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [p ART IV.
'¦ *t . "'" '.".O'i .(' ' i ,1 ! . f i -.. i
promote and to a a. in every enterprife againft
that country. Whole regiments were compoSed
.•¦>i. ii-1 1.1. •' i ii. .-,.•'»,»• .' '-V '>¦•• '': .
-of „them. They Signalized themselves eminently
at the memorable aera of the Englifh Revolution,
and were of material ' fervice to William the
Third, efpecially in his expedition to Ireland.., .
¦ Such were the effects, of deSpotic power and
prieftly influence in, the government, pf France,
Through the former, tfae.French, nation was not
only kept in Servitude, and reduced to mifery,
but Tjvas employed in conttant hoftjlitjes againft
other nations, and Sacrificed without compunc
tion in tfie profecutipn of plans, formed-, in the
wantonnefs of ambition, by an arbitrary Sove
reign, for the fake of his perfonal gratification.
He had the infofcn.ce and inhumanity, to th^nk
himfelf intided to Tend his fubjeas forth to he
maffacred in wars and quarrels raifed by him
felf, Jjnd wherqn his kingdom and people would
in no wife have been concerned, but
big abfolute will and compulfipn.
Let it not, however, be imagined, that the
plurality in France ,faw matters in this light.
Through jthat unceafing incenfe pf adulation
offered up to the Throne, in the Speeches and
,wrjtings of thofe venal tqngues and pens that
were

FART IV.] OF. FRANCE CONSIDERS©. ..; |Jp
were the principal objeas , of -remuneration at
Court, the underftandings of men were ;(o.
Clouded, that imftead of djfapgnoving ,of, its
condua^ they loudly extolled, it, and,,rePre^
fented the condition of the French, as far.fupq-r
riorj in point of domeftic felicity, as well as of
foreign fplendour, to. what; it had been in any
former age, • , ;„
Superftition did not fail tp lend it's aid on this
occafion. The French clergy, whpfe wifties and
advice had been the moving Springs in this great
event, celebrated it in the pulpit, and ip their
ponverfations, as the crowning aa pf the King's
whole reign, and a deed that muft immortalize
him, as the. prefer ver of the true faith, and the
deftroyer pf herefy. - ,,- ..-¦- ,-
In foreign parts, however, other judgment^
Were formed pf his politics: while his bigoted
counsellors, were thanking providence, for hav
ing made them the inftruments and witneffes
pf this long defired deftruaio.n, men of judge
ment abroad were- confidering how tp improve
it to the advantage pf their iOWU country.
Looking upon it as the moft Satal error ever
committed by his Miniftry, and as the infallible
preparatory to the downfal of that formidable influence

I^O THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART IV,
influence over his neighburs, which that lofty
minded Monarch had exercifed with fo much
arrogance. They clearly forefaw, that deprived
of thofe refources with which the multitudes
Whom he had driven into banifhment, were the
beft able by their fituations to provide him» he
would Shortly feel the want of them, and be re
duced to a condition, the inferiority of which
to that he had experienced before this ruinous
meafure, no flattery, nor mifreprefentations
would be able to conceal from his own percep
tion, nor that of his people, however both he
and they might be deluded by fuperftition, or
infatuated by vanity.
After he had taken this fatal ftep, he ftill con
tinued to aa as if poffeffing the fame degree of
power as antecedently. But his neighbours
who were fenfible of his miftake, began to che-
riffi better hopes, and to unite together in order
to form a frefh oppofition. Spain,' Germany,
and Holland, made it a common caufe, and no
part of Europe feemed unwilling to contribute
to the fall of a Prince who knew no other ufe
of his power, than to keep them in continual
alarm, and tp give them unceafing caufes cf
discontent.

So

PART IV.J OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. I4I
So deeply rooted in him was this propensity
to domineer, and fo much his ruling paffion,
that even his bigotry could not fupprefs it.
he made the Papal See bend before him on
feveral occafions, and exafperated it at laft in
fuch a manner, that it became a principal agent
in planning that league againft him, which led
the way to the final ruin ef his greatnefs.
He had hitherto preferved an Ally who alpne
might have proved a counterpoife to all the
combinations againft him. But; the evil genius
of Lewis prompted him to lead this ally into a
fimilar irack with himfelf, to the totaJ ruin of
the one, and irretrievable detriment of the
other. This unfortunate affociate was James
the Second of England, who was even a greater
bigot than himfelf, and who was over-perfuaded
by him to attempt the definition of herefy in
England, as he had done in France. But Pro-
teftantifin, however branded by them with the
name of herefy, was the predominant religion of
England, and the Englifh were no lefs attached
to it, than the French were to Romanifm. It
was, therefore, the height of impolicy in Lewis
to deem it ppffible for James to overturn it.
Had this latter contented himfelf with the fob-
verfion of freedom, his fubjeas, through various caufes.

I42 THE -PEOPLE ATID GOVERNMENT [pATST IV.
cauSes,, were become fo luke-warm in the de
fence pf their conftitutionj and his brother and
predeceffpri Charles, had made Such rapid and
fcccefeful a'ddiaricek.'towards abfolute power, that
with d little patience and policy, he would prd-
bahly have compleated the defign formed by the
royal party in 'the laft reign, and exalted the
the crown above .all controul. But • happily^fot"
the liberty of England, he attacked at the fame
its religom This roufed it's profeffors from
their lethargy-; apd as the only means left them
to fave it, was tdpreferve the conftitution, they
were obliged to -affume at once the defence of
both; a circurnftarrce< that excited the deep re
gret of that numerous party in England, which
was implicitly devoted to the politics and will
of the Court, and foviblent in it's religious at
tachments", ; that provided the church could have
remained unmolefced, they feemed wholly in
different to theihtere'fts of the nation, and ready
to lay, without refinance, if not with willing*
hefs, its liberty'-: and conftitution at the foot o(
the throne.-
•The ill policy of Lewis appeared in the
failure of his Ally's attempts brt the civiland
religious rights of his people; the -confequence
of which was the lots of his -crown, Whereby
v > Lewis

i^ART IV.} PF FRANCE1 CONSIDERED*. :!H ' I4J
Lewis was deprived of flic bnly friend of real
Importance to him, and obliged to fuftain alone1
the fhock of that powerful confederacy headed
by our 'King' William',' Who employed the
whole Strength of England in fhaking the' over
grown fabric of the French Monarchy. 'He ac
complished his ihtent So effeaually, that LeWis
was glad to put an end to the war he had com
menced So unadvisedly, Upon terms that Shewed
how much his 'former power was diminifhed,
and how little he was inclined to exercife that
overbearing Spirit which had till now, marked
his tranSkaions with foreigh ftates.
Still, however, he cbuld' not diveft ! himfelf
of thofe ideas of aggrandizement, Which had
drawn him into fo many difficulties, and filled
his kingdom with fo much diftrefs. The war
he had juft concluded, had fo much reduced his
finances long before its clofe, that, he had been
compelled to have recoiirSe to every Species of
taxation, in order to ftand his ground. Through
the experience and- discipline of the veteran
troops that chiefly compofed his armies, he had
Saced his enemies 'at land with tolerable SucceSs;
but his fleets' had met with repeated difafters,
and towards the end of the war, were no longer able

^44 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT £ PART IV<
able to contend with thofe of England and
Holland. The objea his ambition had now in view*
was the fucceflion to the Spanifh Crown, for a
Prince ef his family. His intrigues were Wholly
direaed to this purpofe. But when he had at
tained it, he found that an oppofition would be
raifed againft that Prince, which would involve
France in another war, in order to maintain him1
on that Throne.
France was no longer in a condition to enter
into a conteft with fuch a coalition as was framed
againft Lewis. Every circumstance portended
ill SucceSs to his defignsi His treaSures were en
tirely exhaufted. The funds whence they aroSe*
were in a ftate of anticipation^ and in Stria jus
tice no longer his property. The' numerous
armies with which he had formerly Struck terror*
had fuffered a vaft diminution in the late war.
His beft generals were either dead or Superan
nuated, and their places fupplied with officers of
inferior capacity. But what was worfe, his
country was in a confiderable meafure depopu
lated, and the recruits , it afforded, were neither
equal in number nor goOdneSs, to thofe it was
formal y able to raife. Another

PART IV.} PF FRANCE CONSIDEREp. . I45
Another circumftance of a ftill more calami
tous nature, was now Superadded to the many
Which already operated againft^ him. This was the
general Spirit of discontent and difeouragemen£
which was daily gaining ground among his fub-
jeas. They began now to feel in fo deplorable
a manner, the confequences pf his bad govern-
ment> that even the apprehenfion of Suffering for
liberty of ^fpeech could not prevent it. Among
thofe who were competent to exprefs a proper
fenfe of the condition of France, feveral arofe at
this time, who defcribed it in fuch colours, as
drew the attention of perfons in power, to the
neceffity pf providing fome remedy for the evils
that were perpetually increafing. The celebrated
Racine employed his pen upon this occafion, in
order, if poffible,, to excite the companion of his
Royal patron to the fufferings of the public:
but his efforts were unavailing, and he fo much
incurred the difpleafure of the King, that it threw
him into a ftate of grief and melancholy, from
which he never recovered.
The fubmiffion to royal authority, which had
for a long time refted on the perfuafion, that it
would be exercifed for the benefit of the king
dom, was now prompted by fear alone. The
effea produced by fuch a motive, pervaded the
1 whole

146 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT fpART IV
whole mafs of the nation. That readinefs which
all claffes had fhewn to fecond the meafures of
the Court, exifted no longer, except in thofe
who were immediately interefted in promoting
them. Perfons in office, thofe in beneficial pla
ces, and others who reaped advantages from
Supplying the army and navy, were the only de-
fcription of men, in the middling claffes, that
fpoke or aaed in favour of the Miniflerial mea
fures. The truth was, that obedience to Government
was now become paflive and heartlefs. It was the
bafe and unconditional fubmiffion of flaves, not
the willing and regulated aquiefcence of a free
people. It was founded on thofe motives that
diaate the propriety of implicit fubje&ion to
power, when mankind is unable to refill: it. But
thofe who favoured the defpotic tenets now up-
permoft at Court, had forgotten, that a mean
unmanly fpirit is cbnftantly the refult of tyran
nical fway, ' and that a nation fervile and low-
minded at home, is ufually incapable of great
exertions abroad.
The Nobility and Clergy were in the mean
time completely devoted to the Crown j the par
tiality of which to all their concerns, tended fo
evidently

P&R'T IV.] >- OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. I47
evidently to render them the interefted Support
ers of civil arid religious oppreffion, that they
feemed by their condua to confider themfelves
as wholly detached from the great bulk of the
people. The Court had prudence enough to
perceive, that without the hearty adherence of
thefe two numerous and powerful bodies, its au
thority muft become precarious. The former by
their riches, the latter by their influence, poffeffed
fo extenfive a credit, that while they continued
faithful to Government, no effeaual refiftance
was apprehended from the reft of the nation.
Swayed by fuch confiderarions, Lewis ftill flat
tered himfelf, that by allowing the kingdom
fome interval of peace, the damages it had Sus
tained might be fo far repaired, that his fobjea$
would be induced through the example and in
fluence of the Upper claffes, to enter into the
views he entertained for the aggrandifement of
his family.' >He was probably led to thefe hopes
from the charaaer of the French, who are, of
all nations, the moft apt to forget paft difficulties
and trials, and to engage with frefh fpirit in en-
terprizes fimilar to thofe wherein they have mif-
carried, provided they can meet with any fpecies
'of encouragement.
f. . I 2 Relying

I48 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT £ PART IVJ
Relying poflibly on this temper of their coun
trymen, thofe who compofed the council of
Lewis, were not backward in coinciding With
his wifhes to rifle another conteft with the powers
united againft him, rather than yield tb the con-
ceffions they required of him, in order to fecure
the tranquillity of Europe, from the overgrown
power now lodged in the Houfe of Bourbon,
through the inheritance of fo great a monarchy
as that of Spain, devolving to a Prince of his
family. But Lewis confided too much in the warlike
preparations he had been making, to liften'to
terms fo offenfive to his vanity, as to relinquifh
any part of the immenfe prize he had acquired.
He had in reality, at the late pacification, rather
defifted from the profecutionof war at that time,
than made an earneft peace j looking for a more
advantageous period to renew hoftiljties. Hence
it was that he Wept his numerous armies on foot
without any apparent neceffity; or to fpeak with
more truth, in defiance of popular clamour, and in
contempt of the- wretchednefs' of his fubjeas.'
,.- ¦/,:...' '<> > ¦ . ¦- •
Such was the woeful-fituation of France, when
Lewis, deaf to the cries of the nation, and blinded
by the pride refulting from arbitrary*power, re-
- folved

PART IV.]' OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. I49
folved again to plunge the French into the hor
rors of a new war, before thofe wounds were
clofed, which they had received in the preceding,
and the anguifh of which was ftill deeply felt.
He had reckoned indeed upon' a longer pacifica
tion ; expeaing that his enemies would not think
of proceeding to aaion, till he had fet them the
example. But herein he was totally deceived. The dread
of France fubfifted no more: its debilitated con
dition was apparent to all the diScerning indivi
duals who had any influence in foreign Courts.
Europe was generally inclined to co-operate, ei
ther direaiy or indireaiy, to the humiliation of
this over-bearing Monarch. His neareft neigh
bours particularly, were confcious of the indifpen-
fible necefllty of fetting bounds to his pretenfions,
the firft moment an opportunity was offered.
England and Holland, at that aera under
the guidance of our William the Third, em
braced the auSpicious hour of Lewis's ill-rimed
declaration to fupport his grandfon's call to the
fucceflion of Spain, by the will of its laft Monarch,
againft all oppofition. He had the infolence to
imagine, that fuch a declaration would intimi
date the enemies to that fucceflion, especially as
*3 h«

I5P THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT fjPART IV-
he had by his intrigues Secured, as -he thpught,
the adherence of fome fpreign Princes. But
they foon deferted him, When they found what,
treatment they had to expea, fhould he be Suc
cessful, by that which they experienced even at
the outfet of their joint operations.
The whole world is acquainted with the trans-
aaions of that war which was waged by England,
and the Allies whom it fubfidifed, under the
aufpices of the celebrated Marlborough. No
man ever .exifted, as the French very truly ac
knowledge, more fatal to the greatnefs of France:
He overthrew to the foundation, that immenfe
fabric of power which the abilities of Riche
lieu and Mazarin, and their fucceffors, had em
ployed fourfcore years to erea. He did it fo
completely, that had npt the unaccountable at
tachment of a Strong party in England to the
Stuarts, thwarted all patriotic meafures, for
the fake of reftoring them to the throne of this
country, the difabling of France for ages, from
difturbing the peace of Europe, would have been
the certain confequence of the ruin he had
brought upon that monarchy, by the uninter
rupted career of viaories and fucceffesr which
have rendered the name of this great warrior fo
famous, and procured fo much reputation to his
country. So fatal fometimes, it may be added, is

PART IV.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. IJI
is the preppffeffion of mankind in favour of any
particular family.
Lewis did not long furvive the overthrow of
his paft grandeur. To do him juftice, he bore
it with proper firmnefs. Equanimity was his
principal qualification, and he always aaed the
part of a King, with propriety. Misfortunes
wrought their ufual effea upon his mind. They
made him fenfible oS the many errors he had
committed ; and he So far overcame his pride
as to avow them, and to leave a Solemn warning
to thoSe who were entrufted with the education
pf his fucceffor, to inculcate other principles in
him, than thoSe which had unhappily been fol
lowed by himfelf, to his forrow and repentance.
This doubtlefs was a confeffion which did ho
nour to his feelings. But it came too late. The
evils he now bewailed, had been committed, and
were irreparable. Unfortunately for their fub-
jeas, Kings look more to the living examples of
their predeceffors, than to their dying precepts.
Thefe ufually breathe compunaion j but the
others agree better with the feelings of youth,
and the age of paffions, which are never fo little
restrained as by perfons confcious of their power
tp indulge them without contrbul.
l 4 The

'I52 THE PEOPLE ANO GOVERNMENT '[FART IV.
'( Thedemifeof LeWis the Fourteenth did not
extinguifh that fpirit of adulation which he had
fo ftrongly contributed to raife, and had fo
powerfully encouraged during his long reign. It
was now becohie the charaaeriftic feature of the
French ; and his death afforded them full oppor
tunity to fignalize it in the moft remarkable and
Striking manner. The calamities they had fuf-
fered through his ambition and mifmanagemenr,
were thrown, as it were, info the prof'oundeft
oblivion. The miferies of which he had been
the caufe, recurred only to the unprejudiced
few, who had the fenfe and courage cooly
to appreciate his worth and demerits. Thefe
latter remained many years unnoticed by the
public, and thofe aas only which did him honour,
and conferred luftre on the nation, were brought
to view and celebrated.
Numerous were the panegyrifts that arofe on
this occafion. No writer indeed Suffered the leaft
opportunity to paSs, of faying fomething to his
praife. Poets, hiftorians, divines, whoever in
fhort held a pen, and wrote for publication,
could not forbear ftepping out of his fubjea, to
Commemorate him as the greateft Monarch that
ever exifted. That flattery fhould have been
aaive while he was living, is not for many rea
fons

PART IV.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. '1 53
fons extraordinary. The worft of Princes have
then their admirers and abettors, as well as the
beft. Poffibly thefe have the feweft. But Lewis
the Fourteenth, when dead, continued for many
years the objea of general idolization in France,
to the very well-founded aftonifhment of the ju
dicious part of fociety, both in that as well as in
other countries ; who did not fail to predia the
time would come, when he would no longer be
fooken of in terms of much praife or efteem, in
his own country, any more than in others.
This prediaion has been fully verified. But it
was long in the accomplifhment. It was not the
intereft of the Court of France, nor of the ad
herents of an abfolute Government, to counte
nance, or even to permit, cenfures to , be caft
on the memory of a Monarch who, if he had
not founded, had raifed the fuperftruaure of that
deSpotic power which they poffeffed.
Among the many eulogies bellowed on the
memory of Lewis at his deceafe, two may be
feleaed, that will ferve at once as a fpecimen of
the veneration he was held in, and of the tafte
of the times. Both of them were the inscriptions
engraved on two different ftatues of that Mo
narch. The one ftiles him — Bello magnus, pace

154 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART IV.'
pace major, religione optimus. The climax
much more than the truth, was evidently the
writer's aim. The other infcription is a dyftich
in thefe lines.
Heroem luget pietas, Mars Fulmen, Apollo
Prasfidium, Regem Gallia, Terra Decus.
Howfar he deferved thefe high-flown encomiums,
the prefent age, and the French particularly, will
be very ftria, very fevere indeed in canvaffing :
but at the period they were written, they were
deemed by the generality of the French, no
more than his due.
Far the greater part pf what was compofed in
honour of him, was written in this ftile. Bom-
baftic it will juftly be called by people of a cor-
rea tafte. But the enthufiafm of the French,
long confidered it as the right ftandard of writ
ing in whatever related to him. This is the
more aftonifhing, as in other matters the French
authors are excelled by none in juftnefs and
propriety of thought and expreflion.

END OF THE FOURTH PART,

PART

=?

PART THE FIFTH,

From the Regency of the Duke of Orleans,
to Lewis the Sixteenth.
JL HE death of Lewis the Fourteenth was
an epocha that opened Scenes ftill more aftonifh-
irig, though not more fatal, than thofe which
had marked the latter years of his reign. A man
-fucceeded him, under the title of Regent, whofe
charaaer and condua attraaed the attention and
amazement of all, Europe. He ruled at a time
when the French were fallen into a ftate of paf-
fivenefs that fitted them to be the tpols. of the
moft daring, and venturous politicians. The Re
gent anfwered this defcriptio'n in every light. He
poffeffed an intrepid and enterprifing diSpofition,
and the circumftances of his country afforded
him ample Scope to exercife it.
Lewis

1$6 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART V.
Lewis the Fourteenth on his demife, left the
Crown indebted three hundred millions, Englifh
money. A Sum greater, and more ponderous to
bear in France, than even the preSent national
debt of England, amounting to more than four
hundred millions, is found by the people of this
country. For this two reafons may be affigned:
The value of money was incomparably greater
at that time, and the Englifh at this day are far
richer than the French were at that period.
Philip Duke of Orleans, the Regent, foon
perceived that unlefs this prodigious mafs. of debt
were diminifhed, the power of France would be
of no weight in the fcale of Europe. Fiis lofty
ideas could not brook fo humiliating a profpea.
His whole , efforts for that reafon were direaed
to the lightening of fo heavy and oppreflive a
burden. Happily for the fchemes he had in view, the
nation at large was fo radically tamed into im
plicit obedience, and the maxims of the defpotic
Government, to which the French had been ha
bituated during the two former reigns, were fb
profoundly eftablifhed in their minds, that they
Submitted without the leaft murmuring or hefi-
tation, to his affurhption of boundlels authority ;
notwith-

Part v.] of france considered. 157
notwithftanding the will of Lewis had inftituted
a Council „bf Regency, purpofedly to limit the
powers of the Regent, whofe ambitious difpofi
tion was well known to him, and whofe afpiring
nature and dangerous abilities he thought it ne
ceffary to reftrain.
The Parliament, contrary to the intereft of
the public, was prevailed upon by his artful re
presentations, to inveft him : at once with abfo-
hite Sway ; a meaSure of which they foon had
ample caufe to repent, when they faw to what
extent he carried the vaft projeas he had been
forming, and how little he was inclined to per
mit them to interpofe their advice in his manage--
ment of affairs.
The nation itfelf, though Sufficiently fubmif-
five, faw with aftonifhm.ent fo refpeaable and
judicious a body of men, as the Parliament was
juftly reputed, yield themfelves up at difcretion,
to the fole controul of a perfon notorious for
the irregularities of his private life, and his im
moderate addiaion to the moft licentious plea-
fures. What rendered this charaaer the more
Striking, was the contraft it formed with thae
of Lewis in his latter years. This Monarch, to
make amends, as it were, for the vices and im
proprieties

158 the people and government [part v.
proprieties of his youth, had converted his-
Court into a feat of devotion, where thofe who
felt themfelves theleaft difpofed to a pious courfe
of life, were ftill obliged to wear the mafk of piety.
The Regent was in fome refpeas highly ac
ceptable to thofe who difapproved of religious
diffentions. He was remarkably averfe to en
courage them, and constantly endeavoured to
ftifle the feuds and enmities between the two
parties that divided France in matters of Spiri
tual opinion. But this was a tafk beyond his
power to effea. Bigotry was at this period
one of the prevailing charaaeriftics of the
French. The perfecution arid banifhment of
the Proteftants, through the influence of the
Romifh, clergy, had throvyn fuch an addition
of power and credit into their own hands, that
people devoted their attention to the minuteft
frivolities that occupied the thoughts of
ecclefiaftics. Hence it was that points] of
fmall, or rather no importance, were, through
tjhe fervile deference paid to the notions of
churchmen, magnified into matters of the higheft
confequence to both church and ftate. From
thefe caufes that party among the adherents to the
church of Rome, which bore the fway at Court,
had during the reign qf Lewis, unremittedly per
secuted

PART V.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. 159
fecuted that party of which they condemned the
opinions. Lewis himfelf became the inftrument
of their intemperate zeal, and lent his royal au
thority in treating their antagonifts with great
rigour. The Regent, who looked upon thefe religious
difputes with the indifference, or indeed with
the contempt of a free-thinker, was defirous
to reconcile thefe furious disputants. But as
they reSpeaively confidered themSelves bound in
conScience to adhere tb their Separate doarines,
he was compelled to give up all hopes of a pa
cification between them, and to leave the fettle-
ment of thefe equally abfirrd and knotty diSputes,
to the court of Rome and the gallican clergy.
He was in reality too much taken up with
the political affairs of the kingdom, to pay much
attention to its fpiritual concerns. As he had
principally at heart the restoration of the finances,
there was no fcheme manifefting a tendency to
this end, of which he was not ready, to maka
trial. The viciflitudes which the nominal value
of coin had undergone, to ferve the purpofes of
government in the laft reign, were renewed by
the Regent. The difficulties to which the realm
had been reduced through the ill condua of
Lewis

l6o THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART V.
Lewis, had induced hisMiniftry to aa in the moft
fraudulent manner with the public. The money
paid into the Royal' treafury by taxations,- was
iffued out in payments to the fubjea, at a much
higher rate than it had been received. This
Scandalous treatment of the public, became a
common praaicej and the, Regent, feeing with
how much paflivenefs it was Submitted to, felt
no fcruple in continuing it under his own ad
miniftration. But that pecuniary tranfaaion which chiefly
fignalifed it, was the Scheme he adopted through
the fuggeftion of the famous Mr. Law, one of
the moft extraordinary men that ever exifted in
the management and calculation of thofe finan
cial refources which are applicable tb the public
wants and neceflities of a ftate.
Influenced by the Representations of this bold
calculator, and prompted by his own daring
genius, he conceived the defign of liquidating
in whole, or in part, the debts of the Crown, by
accumulating into the hands of fuch individuals
as would lend it to government, the whole, if
poffible, of the current cafh in the kingdom.

In

PART V.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. l6l
In order to conceal this defign from the per
ception of the publfc, a mercantile company was
created, under pretence of carrying on a trade
with thofe parts of North America that lie on
the river Miffiflippi. How it fhould enter into
the conception of fuch prudent individuals as
the generality of merchants are, tP give credit
to fuch a fcheme, is absolutely unaccountable,
whenitis confidered-, that before and fince this
memorable fcheme, that country never made
any confiderable figure in the commercial
world, ' '/'
But it anfwered in a remarkable manner the
views propofed by the Regent. So rapid and
prodigious was the infatuation, not only of the
French, but of other nations, that the flock of
this ne\v company rofe in a very fhprt fpace,
to fo incredible a height, as to afford the moft
immenfe loans to government, which, as ufual,
received all in money, and paid all-in paper.
Hence, when the ftock fell, which it could not
fail to do, as foon as people began to refteai
multitudes were precipitated into ruin.
Thus ended the celebrated Miffiflippi fcheme in
France ; of which a counterpart existed about
the fame time in England/ as if the contagion of
m infanity

16^2 THE PEPPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART V.
infanity had been communicated from one coun
try to another. The fataj confequences pro
duced by the famous South, ,Sea fcheme, were
precifely fimilar to thoSe which originated from
the Miffiffipi bufinefs. Both projeas were found
ed on iniquitous motives j and proved the facility
with which mankind, and whole nations, other*
wife reputed eminently fagacious, may be led
into the groffeft, and moft flagrant and ruinous
errors. This perplexing bufinefs was, however, but
one of the various methods praaifed by the
Regent, to come at the nations money, and
that of fqcfy foreigners as were imprudent enough
to put their faith in thofe abfurdities. The
pecuniary difficulties he was continually obliged
to face, had fteeled him fo completely againft
all fcruples, that he had the audacity to iffue ap
edia, prohibiting any individual from keeping
in his poffeflion a Sum exceeding twenty pounds
Sterling. The intent of this arbitrary edia, was
to give currencyto the notes, fabricated by go*
vemment. Such were the methods adopted by this venw
turous politician, for the liquidating of the debts
incurred by Lewis the Fourteenth. Opprefj
' r. five

PART V.] OP FRANCE CONSIDERED, 163
five and Scandalous as they were, complaints and
pafquinades were the worft he experienced.
The Spirit of the nation was thoroughly Sub
dued, and had any remained, the military force
in the hands of the Regent, would quickly have
put an end to any oppofition that might have
been formed againft him.
But while he was carrying matters with fo
high a hand in France, as daring a politician as
he, prefided over the affairs of Spain, and was
projeaing the means of converting the meafures
purfued by the Regent, into inftruments of de-
ftruaion to him. This was the famous Cardi
nal Alberoni. A Minifter who wanted only
the means to effea the greateft defigns, and
whofe genius, in fpite of ' difficulties, fucceeded
in many attempts, that had been thought im-
praaicable. This bold ftatefman aimed at no
lefs than to feize the Regent himfelf •, and the
plot he laid for this purpofe was fo artfully con
trived, that chance alone difcovered it. The
confequence was a declaration of war againft
Spain j which, after ineffeaually ftriving to cope
with the ftrength of France, was compelled to
fubmit to the Regent's terms bf peace •, and the
?spanifh Court, which had formed fuch expecta-
m 2 tions

164 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART V.,
* » *
tions from the abilities of Cardinal Alberoni, was.
obliged to diftrnfs him.
In all thefe tranfaaions the Regent was aflifted
by the counfels of a man, no lefs extraordinary in
many reSpeas tfom himfelf.. This was Cardinal
Dubois, a perfon whofe whole life had been fpent
in Scenes of profligacy, and intrigues of every
denomination, 7He was, if fuch an expreffion
may be permitted, a man intirely after the Re
gent's own heart. The principles of both were
licentious to an extreme* and they lived up to
thofe principles in their -full extent. As their
ideas in matters of church and ftate correfponded,
ejcaaiy, their politics were united upon all occa*
fions ; and being men of eminent part?, they
were dreaded by their, enemies at home and
abroad v and met with few obstacles which they
were not able to furraount through their courage*,
perfeverance* and capacity. ¦-:
TJnhappily for France, the courfe of irregula-,
rities wherein the Regent and the Cardinal in
dulged themfelves, in defiance, as it were., of
decorum, had a lamentable effea on the morals
of the nation. The diflblute lives they Jed were
accompanied with an equal: admixture' of that;
wit and feftivity pf mind, which helps in fome
degree

PART v.] OF FRANCE cpnsidered. 16$
degree to throw a Veil on the moft vicious ac
tions, And to render them, though not lefs
blameable, ftill leSs offenfive. Hence they could
not fail to make proSelites in a nation whoSe na
tive gaiety has long been proverbial, and who
were eafily Seduced into an imitation of their
rulers, by the Splendour of their public charaaei'j
and by the attraaiPn which their various talents
of pleafing exerted upon thpfe whp were cpn-
neaed with them.
The libertinifin of thefe tWo celebrated cha-
raaers, forms a fpecies of asra in the hiftory of
French morals. After their example, a freer
way of living, and no lefs of thinking, began to*
take place, efpecially among the courtiers and
thofe who pretended to uncommon elegance and
refinement. Thofe claffes that thought themfelves
intitled to imitate fuch precedents, were not tardy
in adopting them. The contamination fpread
with woeful rapidity. In a few years the nobility
and perfons of rank, afforded numerous models
of the moft depraved luxury. The Court of
Lewis the Fifteenth, who was himfelf an in
ftance of the moft defpicable debauchery,
abounded with fuch people ; and even the Court
of his fuoceffor, the unfortupate Lewis the Six
teenth, who was certainly a Prince of unble-
mifhed

166 THE jeople AND GPVERNMENT (pAJk'ttf
mifhed morals, was full pf the moft profligate
and worthlefs charaaers.
It is highly deferving of notice, that while fo
many of the upper claffes Were plunged in thefe
infamies, numbers, on the other hand, were the
flaves of religious abfurdities. The difputes be
tween the followers of the refpeaive opinions of
Jansenius, a Flemifh Bifhop, and of Molina,.
a Spanifh divine, who both lived in the laft cen
tury, ftill continued with unabated heat and
acrimony. As the fubjeas of thefe difputes
were of fo profound, and in truth of fo unfa
thomable a nature, as to admit of endlefs argu
ments, being on free will, grace, predeftination,
and the like abftrufe, points, the difputants on
neither fide would yield to their antagonifts. The
conteft had now lafted about a hundred years ;
during which feveral oS the Roman Pontiffs had
iffued thoSe edias, ftiled Bulls, in favour of the
doarine of Molina. But thofe who oppofed it,
found means to maintain their credit at Court,
and with the public, notwithftanding the power <
and the inveaives of the Molinifts, who accufed
their opponents of being rank predeftinarians,
and of deftroying all the merit of good works,
Thofe who were ftiled Janfenifts retorted, by
charging

PART V.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. 1^7
charging the others with annulling the neceffity
of Divine grace.
The Molinifts had always the Court and the
Government on their fide. The See of Rome,
which abetted their doctrines, publiflied at laft the
famous bull Unigenitus, So called from the firft
word it commences with, in the Same manner as
all bulls are denominated. This proved a frefh
fignal of combat to the parties : they' engaged
anew with more violence and rancour than ever.
France again became the principal field of con
tention. Perfons of all ranks wer^rWiplieated in
the quarrel, without diftinaion of fex or of poli-s
ticalopinions. Perfecution raged With additional
acrimony. And, as if the ages of fuperftition
and credulity had been renewed, miracles were
brought forward in fupport of the Janfcnift
party. A clergyman of this pierfuafion was
canonifed in a manner after his death ; and a
multiplicity of miraculous cures were folemnly
vouched to have been performed at his grave.
During thefe religious cqntefts on the one
hand, and the corruption of morals on the other,
a- fpirit of philofophic enquiry and obfervation,
equally remote from either extreme, was begin
ning to Shew itfelf among feveral of the men of
m 4 knowledge

l68 THE, PEOPLE AND GPVERNMENT [PART V.
knowledge and erudition. As the heads of both
church and ftate, are well understood in all coun
tries, to dread, and therefore to diflike people
of this charaaer, thefe were cautious in the pro
mulgation of their principles; and for a long
time confined them to their intimates, and hinted
them only in private converfation. Some of thefe
principles found their way at laft into books, to
fche high difpleaSure of the people in authority ;
who were not wanting in their endeavours to
crufh them, and to punifh their authors.
But the porfecntions of a corrupt Government,
and of bigoted Churchmen, though they might
render individuals circurrifpea in the manifefta-
tion of their fentiments, could not difprove their
propriety, nor even arreft their progrefs. This
continued in defiance of oppofition; and effec
tually, though filently, wrought a prodigious,
change in a very confiderable part of the French
nation, chiefly thofe who by their circumstances
and pofition in Society, were moft likely to exer-
cife influence over the reft.
Such was beginning to be the ftate and (temper
of the French nation at the demife of the Re
gent. The difficulties entailed upon it by the
bad government of Lewis the Fourteenth, flill
remained,

PAR-TV.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. 1 6*0,
remained, and the wifeft heads in France Saw no
probability of removing them. A variety of
methods had been tried to pay off the pecuniary
incumbrances that loaded the kingdom. Their
annual intereft had been reduced far below
the expeaation of the original lenders, of the
immenfe fums expended by Lewis ; and amount
ed under fhe adminiftration of the Regent's fuc-
ceffors in •office, to no more than two per cent.
Had the Government of France been founded on
clear principles of liberty, and had the nation
repofed confidence in their governors, fmall aa
this intereft was^ it would have been gladly ac
cepted by the proprietors in the funds. But the
precarioufnefs of thefe, and the foffes they had
experienced through the prevarication of Govern
ment, had extinguifhed all troft; and people were
only intent on the means pf withdrawing their
money out of the hands of their rulers.
The perfon who fucceeded the Regent in the
Miniftry, during the younger years of Lewis the
Fifteenth, was the Duke of Bourbon, a Prince
of as worthy a charaaer as any of the Royal
Family at that period. He ftrove with great Sin
cerity to remedy abufes, and to reftore the finan
ces. But this was an evil that feemed to admit
of no cure. Cardinal

17O THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [pART V.
X
Cardinal Fleury who was his fucceffor, did
not bring them into the order which hisapplaud-
ers had at firft given the public fome faint reafons
to expea. Nothing indeed, according to the
opinion of feveral political fpeculators in thofe
days, appeared calculated to procure an effeaual
extinaion of the debts incurred by the Crown,
•but fome event fimilar to that which was brought
about by the fyftem of the famous mutii^t/a-co .
** The fyftem of governing adopted by Cardinal
Fleury, refembled in every effential relating to
domeftic affairs, thofe of Cardinals Richelieu
and Mazarin. He had not the lofty and daring
foul of the firft, nor the crafty ambition of the
fecond. Neither did he, like them, form his
condua on any particular plan. The French
being at this time paffively fubServient to the
views of the Court, he. had no other rule to fol
low but what arofe from exifting circumftances ;
and thofe he was conftantly Solicitous to convert
to the great and fole end of a defpotic Govern
ment, the aggrandisement of the reigning family,
through the accefiion of as much territory as he
could procure, and by employing indifcriminately
all the means and opportunities that offered, for
the accomplifhment of that favourite purpofe. The

PART V.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. 171
The acquifition of Lorrain was due to this part
of his policy.
The addition of this extenfive and valuable
country to the kingdom of France, was more
than a due compenfation for the difappointrnent
of the French Miniftry, in their endeavours to
raife Stanislas, their Queen's father, to the
Polifh throne, and for the mortification of being
compelled to yield to the fuperior Strength and
influence of Auftria and Ruffia, in the fupport
of his fuccefsful rival, Augustus of Saxony.
Cardinal Fleury was a remarkable enemy both
to civil and religious liberty. He perfecuted
with great Severity the JanSenift party, and fhewed
himSelf a declared foe to political freedom of
thinking; as appeared, to cite no other inftance,
in his harfh treatment of the illuttrious Mon
tesquieu. Nor was he noted as a remunerator
of genius or learning. Content with the poffef-
fion of that power which was intrufted to him
by the partiality of a Prince, of whom he had
been the guardian in his tender years, his prin
cipal care was to preferve it, and he extended his
follicitude to very few objeas that did not relate
to this one. The

172 the; people and government [part Vi
. The war in which he was prevailed on to in
volve the French a little before his death,, did no
honour to his integrity. It was undertaken with
the iniquitous defign to Strip the late Emprefs
Queen of the dominions fhe had inherited from
her father, the Emperor Charles the Sixth, and
to which fhe had certainly as much right as other
Hereditary Princes have to theirs-
Notwithftanding the fuccefs Which attended
the arms of the French in fome countries during
this war, especially in Flanders under the cele
brated Marfhal Saxe, it ended to- their difadvan*
tage. Their trade and navigation fuffered immenfe
loffes, and their navy was almoft annihilated by
the Englifh -, who had been compelled to take up
arms to maintain the balance of Europe, and to
fave the Houfe of Auftria from deftruaion.
The events that followed in that war which
was waged by England for the proteaion of her
American Colonies, are fo recent in the memory
of all men, that they need not be recorded in a
traa of this nature. Suffice it to obferve, that
the ftrength of France was completely broken j
and though aided by Spain, was not able to cope
with the exertions of England. The French
commerce was again ruined, their navy.deftroyed, and

PARTV,] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED-; 173
and their armies repeatedly defeated. Never had
that power experienced So many humiliations?.
Abroad France met .with nothing but diSafters at
fea and land, and at home fhe was reduced to
fo grievous a condition, that befides the heavy
taxes and impofitions of all kinds the people
were burdened with, the Government was ne-r
ceffitated to have recpurfe to their voluntary
contributions, and to depend in a confiderable
degree on their benevolence for the fupport of
the State, and the Supplying many of its ordinary
"exigences. The diSgraceSul conclufion of this inglorious
and fatal war, created a fpirit of difcontent which
diffuSed itSelf fhortly through all the nation.
They complained, that notwithstanding the pa
rade of ord^r and regularity in the various de
partments, they were administered by individuals
of no capacity, and that all preferments were
beftowed with, the moft Scandalous partiality.
They demanded loudly an alteration oS Such
meafures, and Scrupled not to impute them to
the inapplication of their Sovereign to the bufi
nefs incumbent on bim, and to. the blind facility
with which he Suffered himfelf to be led by thofe
cm whom he unworthily beftowed his favour. The

174 ™E PE0PLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART V,
The Court, as ufual, paid little attention to
the ideas which the public entertained of its
condua, and continued to aa with the fame
contempt of national opinion, as it had done
iieretofore. The Parliament, which had difplayed
uncommon firmnefs in carrying to the Throne
the complaints and grievances of the kingdom,
was treated with an arrogance and haughtinefs
onprecedented even in the days of the haughty
Lewis the Fourteenth. Its powers were fuf-
pended, then annulled, and its authority and
very exiftence were at laft deftroyed by a for
mal aa of the King's abfolute power, to the
aftonifhrnent no lefs than the indignation of all
France, Thefe lawlefs proceedings of a defpotic Court
and Government, were viewed by all good men
with grief and horror, Nor did the nation at
Jarge fubmit to them with that filent acquief-?
cence which had hitherto accompanied its fub-
miffion to the royal authority. That Spirit of
enquiry and difcuffion, which had for fome years
been gradually increafing, had now made fo vifi-
ble a progrefs, that numbers ventured to exprefs
their diffent from the views of people in power,
and to condemn the outrageous meafures they
had adopted, without the leaft referve or fear. What

PART V,] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. 175
What greatly contributed to this freedom of
cenfure, was the general profligacy of the Court.
The Scandalous life of the Sovereign, his addic
tion to fome b-ife and Sordid vices, had not only
leffened, but extinguiihed that refpea and pre-
poffeffion for the Royal Perfon, which had fo
much charaaenfed the French. They now can-
vaffed his condua without reftraint, and as it
afforded ample fcope for blame, they were not
fearing in their ftriaureS.
In the mean time, that conftant attendant on
deSpotiSm, the thirft of family aggrandifement,
had again put arms into the hands of the French.
The Minifters of Lewis the Fifteenth, defirous
of fignalizing themfelves by Some acceflion of
territory, plunged their mailer into an obvious
danger of encountering another war, for the fake
of an acquifition which vanity alone could ren
der of any value. The State of Genoa, unable
by its own ftrength to retain any longer poffeffion ,
pf Corfica, made a ceffion of it to France, upon
terms equally difhonourable to both the contraa-
ing parties. The acceptance of this ceffion by
the French Miniftry, obliged it to compel the
Corficans to Submiffion by military force. This
however was not effeaed without much expence
and difficulty. Thefe brave iflanders held out
with

.176 THE people and government [part v.
with furprifing refolution •, and, through the
courage they displayed, interested all the worthy
part of focjety throughout Europe in their
fav©ur. The French upon this occafion exhibited a fpL
rit of equity and difintereftednefs that did them
much credit. They frankly united with the
European world, in admiring the valour of the
Corficans in defence of their liberty, and in ac
knowledging that they had the cleareft right to
maintain it againft all invaders. They even went
further. They dared in Paris itfelf, to exprefs
Openly their wiflies, that the Corficans might
repel all their enemies, and preferve the inde
pendence for which they had fought fo nobly.
Thefe were ideas entirely new in France before
fhis period. But the eyes of men began to open
to the tyranny that had been fo long exercifed
over them by their rulers ; and though they were
confcious of their own inability to oppofe it,1
they were glad to See it fuccefsfully refitted by
others. The Secret partisans of thoSe opinions
which have fince been fo diffufively Spread
throughout Europe, were no lefs pleafed at the
progrefs they had fo evidently made in France;
and began to entertain hopes, that they would be
produaive

PART V.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. I77
produaive of thofe ends, in expeaation of which
they took fuch pains, and ran fo many rifks to
diffeminate them.
Such was the Situation of things in France,
when Lewis the Fifteenth died. No Prince
ever went out of the world lefs lamented, and
lefs deferving of his people's affeaion and efteem.
Mean and narrow hearted, he confidered his king
dom as an eftate, from which he drew whatever
could be procured ; employing it for his private
gratification, and regardlefs of what the public
had a right to claim out of his immen'fe accumu
lations. To this meannefs he added a difpofition
to revel in the moft fcandalous indulgences.
His favourites were generally noted for their de
bauchery and licentioufnefs ; and it is not upon
record that he poffeffed a fingle kingly virtue.
Such however was the adulation of his fub-
jeas during a long portion of his reign, that on
his recovery from a, dangerous illnefs, they com
plimented him with the epithet of well-beloved.
But this happened before he had been guilty of
thofe exceffes that rendered him afterwards fo
defpicable, and when the ignominious parts of his
charaaer had not yet unfolded themfelves. Nei
ther had theFrench at that period thrown off thofe
n abfurd

I78 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [pARTV,
abfurd prejudices, that blinded them to the flawa
and defeas of their Sovereign j on whom they
ftill looked with a reverential awe, that excluded
the perception of his evil qualities.
The charaaer of Lewis the Fifteenth was
of Angular detriment to bis fueecffor, a Prince
more virtuoufly inclined than any of his predc-
ceffors, fmce Henry the Fourth. From de-
fpifing the late King's perSpn, they gradually
proceeded at. laft to the hatred of his office in the
ftate. Of fuch important cQnfeqnences are the
qualities of a Monarch to the Prince who Suc
ceeds him, fo beneficial when good, So fata]
when bad.
The reign of Lewis the Sixteenth opened.
with one of the greateft Scenes that had been
witneffed by the civilifed world, fince the eman
cipation of the Dutch from the tyrannical Mo
narchy of Spain, and their forming the Republic
of the Seven United Provinces. This was the
quarrel between Great Britain and her Colonies.
The Court of France and the French both per
ceived the 0:1 Sequences that might refult from
this quarrel. But they faw it with different
iviews and mterefts. The Court rejoiced that
the rafhnefs pf the Englifh Miniftry wpuld pro>-
bably

PART V.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. 179
bably occafion the lofs of this immenfe portion
of the Britifh Empire : the difmemberment of
which could never have been effeaed but through
the haughtinefs and arrogance of thofe who "
fwayed the councils of England. The people of
France expreffed no lefs fatisfaaioh at this con-
teft : but it was in hope it would terminate in
the triumph orliberty ; and that the Americans
would throw off the yoke of a Government that
rneaned to enflaVe them.
The different views of the Court and People
agreeing however in one principal point, which
was to fever America from England, all publi
cations that tended to this end, were tolerated
on this occafion by the French Miniftry; though;
it could not fail to perceive the dangerous ten
dency of many. Under a pretext of afferting
the caufe of. the Americans "againft the Englifhi,
the boldeft principles of political freedom were
explicitly maintained ; and the right of refifting
oppreffion held up as the inalienable gift of Na
ture and Providence to all mankind, without
exception. In the courfe of fuch difcuffions as arofe on
this important fubjea, it was difficult, if not
^mpraaicable, to forbear glancing at the French
n 2 Government.

l8© THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART V
Government. The inference of every argument
in favour of the Americans, militated with equal
force in favour*!" the French, and tended une
quivocally ' to , juftify refiftapce to their rulers.
But the neceffity of affording encouragement to
.thofe numerous individuals who profeffed a de-
lire to ferve the Americans with t<|feir perfons or
their purSes, numbers indeed being ready to affift
them with both, prevented that animadverfion
on the multiplicity of traas, daily publifhed,
which the boldnefs of the principles they incul
cated, would certainly have drawn upon them at
any other; feafon.
But this forced connivance cpuld npt prevent
the adherents to abfolute power from difcerning
and lamenting the conSequences they would in
fallibly produce in the minds of the generality
of readers. Thefe are perhaps more numerous
in France than in any other country in Europe,
from the innate curiofky of the French, and their
avidity for all fpecies of information, whether
relating to public or to private^ matters.
When that alliance took place between France
and America, which put the final feal to the
Jatter's feparation from England, the exultation
of that part of the French nation, which fecretly
harboured

PART V.J OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. l8l
harboured the hope of thofe conSequences which
have Since enfued, hardly knew the bounds of
discretion. It created no little alarm in the minds
of thofe who, notwithftanding their defire to See
the difmemberment of the Britifh Empire, did
not incline to abet the fubverfion of the exifting
Governmentat home.
>
But as there are caufes of fo powerful a nature
that nothing can refift their effeefe, the Strong
Sentiments of political freedom, which began at
this time to make fo refolute an appearance, ac
quired Such increafing force and Stability, that
every man of difcernment forefaw they would
overcome all efforts to oppoSe them, and
would take Such deep root in the mind of the
public, as would in time produce the moft fink
ing events.
While the nation at , large was thus intent on
the great objea that attraaed the attention of ail
Europe, the Court refolved to affift the Ameri
cans with the fleets and armies of France. This
was the laft meafure wanting to complete the
danger that muft accrue to the French Govern
ment, from its efpoufing the caufe of the Ame
ricans. Hitherto the military lift had afforded
the ftauricheft fupporters of arbitrary fway : it
n 3 was

1$2 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT (>ART V*
was the blind and unfeeling inftrument of royal
and miniflerial meafures, in the utmoft extent of
their violence. To rifk the change of difpofition
in fuch people, was doubtlefs the moft improvi
dent ftep that could be taken at a time when fo
many motives confpired to render the friends of
the aaual Government uncommonly circiimfpea
in preventing the diffemination of thofe ideas on
political fubjeas, from which they apprehended
fo much peril. It muft eafily have been forefeen,
that by fending troops to America, a communi
cation of fentiments would quickly be eftablifhed
between the French and American foldiery, as
well as pfficers j and that fighting by each other's
fide in the caufe of liberty, they would neceffarily
learn to cherifh and refpea it.
This aaually happened, even in a greater lati
tude than had been expeaed. The French mi
litary that returned from America, brought home
with them fuch high notions of the caufe they
had been employed to maintain* that their coun
trymen were Struck with aftonifhment at the
transformation they beheld in men who had al
ways been noted for the warmth of their attach*
ment to the royal authority.

In

PART V.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. 183 ¦
In the mean time the Speculations on political
fubjeas were daily gaining ground, and filling
all claffes with expeaations of changes in the
manner of conduaing the affairs of ftate. The
prefent fituation of France was canvaffed with a
freedom totally unknown before, and that excited
a deep alarm among perfons in power. Unre
strained reSearches were made into the former
modes of governing the kingdom, and by what
means it was become from a limited a defpotic
Monarchy. The general drift of thefe enquiries and fpe-»
eulatipns was to eftablifh the perfuafion, that a ,
univerfal reform was neceffary in all the effential
parts of Government, in order to reftore the
Conftitution Such as it primitively flood, and to
fecure thofe rights to the nation, of Which it had
been gradually defrauded by its governors; whom
it behoved the public, henceforward to reftrain
from the exercife of unbounded aul<hority, and
to compel by force, if neceffary, to comply with
the reafonable defires of the nation*
Thefe doubtlefs were maxims long obfolete and
forgotten in France ; but they were the genuine
maxims of the true Conftitution of that king
dom. They were known to be fuch by all in
dividuals

I84 THE PEOPLE AMD GOVERNMENT [PART V.
dividuals cpnverfant in the recprds and hiftorical
monuments of the monarchy. But the hand of
power lay too heavy on the nation, to permit
any revival of its primitive rights ; and patrio-
tifm had too many difficulties to face, to harbour
any idea of being able to encPunter them with
the leaft profpea of fuccefs.
It was natural however to imagine, that when
ever thefe difficulties appeared no longer unfur-
rhountable, a Spirit would mamfeft itfelf among
thofe who waited the opportunity of putting an
end to the ignominious thraldom of a great and
refpeaable nation. To numbers the period of its
deliverance Seemed at hand, fhould the .oppor
tunity afforded by the prefent circumftances of
things, and the temper of the public, be duly
improved by thofe men of underftanding and re
folution with which the country abounded.
A feries of faas lay before them fufficiently
Strong to'excite their reSentment, and to call forth
their endeavours to prevent their repetition in
future. The hiftory of France, fince the reign
of Henry the Fourth, prefented a piaure which
every lover of his country muft have viewed
with indignation. The people of France had
uniformly been facrificted to the arbitrary fchemes of

PART V.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. 185
of the Court. The Parliament, which in the
well-founded opinion of the people, had been
instituted no lefs tb fupply the abfence of the
States General of the realm, than to admini-
fter juftice, had been treated with the moft
brutal indignity. The politics of the Court
tended undeviatingly to rule by force alone. To
effea this tyrannical purpofe, the array had been
augmented to a degree wholly difproportionate
tof|he real wants of the kingdom for its defence
againft foreign enemies, and manifeftly intended
to keep it in a flavifh fubjeaion to royal
and miniflerial defpotifm. The arts of delufion
had been praaifed to fuch an extent, that the
people had been taught abfurdly to boaft of the
magnitude of thefe military eftablifhments, as if
they were not the ftrongeft evidence of their own
flavery. They had proved at the Same time a
conftant motive of juft alarm to the neighbour
ing powers. Fiance through fuch condua had
obliged other ftates to make the like efforts for
their prefer vation againft its ambitious rulers j
and a deluge of blood had been fpik in the pro-
fecution of the Court's iniquitous enterprises
abroad ; where the moft horrible calamities had
been experienced by the wretched inhabitants.
Hence the name of a Frenchman had become
odious tp all Europe j and it had been compelled
:- to

3&6 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT f_PARTV\.
to form confederacies which had brought France
to the brink of perdition, before the Government
could be prevailed upon to defift from its offen
five meafures.
Thefe evils neceffarily refulted from the im-*
menfity of the ftanding armies kept on foot by
Lewis the Fourteenth to ferve his ambition,
Which was perpetually ftimulating him to find
employment for them at the expence of his
neighbours, while at home the people were
doomed to every fpecies of mifery ; Stripped of
their property to maintain a Court plunged in all
manner of luxury and extravagance, and torn
from their homes to furnifh the inceffant levies
of troops. The private intereft of the Sovereign
and the Royal Family had been the fole end con-
fulted in thefe ruinous tranfaaions. Hence ori
ginated thofe endlefs quarrels that infanguined the
reign of this Monarch ; particularly that destruc
tive war which, for the fake of placing a Prince
of the Houfe of Bourbon upon the throne of
Spain, involved that kingdom in blood and
wretchednefs, and intailed ruin upon France.
The inferences drawn from thefe premifes, and
others of the like nature, were, that calamities
of this defcription were" the neceffary appendages of,

PART V.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED, 187
of abfolute power. Wherever this was lodged
in the hands of the Sovereign, he was every thing,
and the people nothing. Their welfare was prac
tically fhewn, by the condua of all arbitrary
Princes, to be the laft motive in their contempla
tion. They aaed as if they confidered the felicity
of their fubjeas as depending on the fuccefs of
the projeas formed for their own perfonal aggran
disement. While So fatal a delufion poffeffed the
mipds of Monarchs, they certainly ought not to
be trufted with the uncontrouled government of
mankind. In addition to thofe evils, experience had. alfo
proved that abSolute Princes were uSually go
verned by the advice of the worft of men ;
courtiers, who ftudied only how to ingratiate
themSelyes with their matter, by a bafe and Ser
vile compliance with his humour and caprices.
Such men were always the declared foes of free
dom of thought and fpeech, and efpecially of
every Species of national liberty. They dreaded
perfons of fpirit and integrity, and were averfe to
employ them. They encouraged, on the contrary.
the obfequious and the fervile. Lax principles
and duplicity charaaerifed both them and their
adherents. France, it was complained, owed to
fuch men adifgraceful change in the difpofition of
numbers

J88 T«E PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART V.
numbers of its people. In former seras, a manly
franknefs accompanied the manners of theFrench,
and they were proverbially noted for their open-
nefs and unreferve. But the weight of a defpotic
Government had oppreffed their minds and nar
rowed their hearts. The neceflity of guarding
againft the fecret blows of miniflerial tyranny,
rendered every man fearful of his neighbour
and obliged him to conceal his real fentiments.
While fuch a Government fubfifted, there could
be little of confidential intercourfe between indi
viduals ; and the need of unceafing circumfpec-
tion muft greatly diminifh, if not totally preclude,
the moft defirable enjoyments of fecial life.
Thus, faid they, both private and public motives
conduced to make the prefent fituation of things
intolerabhjto people of fenfe to perceive, and cou
rage to reprobate them. It was time therefore to
put an end to that abjeanefs of Soul, which led a
whole nation to bow down with idolatrous tame-
neSs before a being of its own creation. Kings.,
were but the firft Magift'rates of a people, ap
pointed by their free concurrence to prefide over
the ftate, of which they were only the principal
members. It was due to the nation's criminal
oblivion of their own dignity and folid import-,
ance, that Princes affeaed to fpeak to them in
the

PART V.] OF PRANCE CONSIDERED. 180
the language of lords and matters. Had it not
been for the pufillanimity with which the French
fubmitted to the tyrannical fway of Lewis the
Fourteenth, that haughty Monarch would never
haye had the infolence to call himfelf the State,
nor to exprefs his wonder that any other meaning
Ihould be affixed to that word.
Such was the general purport of the fpecula-
tions that were now current through all France.
It was not a little remarkable, that they prevailed
not only among the middling, but even the high
eft claffes. The Court of Lewis the Sixteenth
was itfelf full of individuals who fcrupled nor
to inveftigate the affairs of ftate with the utmoft
unreftraint, and to fpeak of the neceffity of a
reform in a multiplicity of matters, with as much
unconcern as if they had nothing to apprehend
from fuch freedom.
The motive that principally influenced the
upper claffes, was the repugnance they began to
feel at thes implicit acquiefcence and Submiffidn
required from them by perfons in authority.
They Seemed no longer diSpoSed to remain un-
limitedly SubServient to them, and expreffed a
decided claim to more importance and confi-
deration, and to the enjoyment of greater and
more

I^O THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART V,'
more extenfive rights than they had exercifed
heretofore.

What chiefly united the lower orders of men
in their complaints of Government, was, that it
ftill continued the onerous fyftem of taxation, fo
long taken up, and which it had fo often pro-
mifed to lighten. However depreffed in their
circumftances, they found that no diminution of
taxes was intended, though conftantly held out as
a certainty after peace, and as an encouragement
to bear them unreluaantly during war. This
indeed had been the languageof all Minifters. But
the people's patience, as well as its means, was
intirelyexhapfted. This endlefs permanence of the
demands of Government upon the nation, with
its known inability to anfwer them, formed a
profpea fhat excluded all expeaation, and indeed
all probability of relief. Experience had fhewn,
that however grievoufly the labouring claffes.
might be diftreffed, the Government would ftill
look to them for its ufual Supplies, in Spite of
their wants and miferies, and in defiance of all
the representations and remonstrances that Par
liament had already made, and was Still pre
paring with unabated perSeverance to lay before
the Throne, From

PART V.] OF FRANCE CONSIPERED. IQI
From thefe considerations, and the other caufes
that have been enumerated, arofe at laft a Spirit
of difaffeaion which pervaded all France, and
in its progreSs became fo irrefiftible that it over
turned the Government from its very foundations,
and brought about that ftupendous Revolution,
of which the confequences were fo terrible, and
the final iffue of which is to this hour anxioufly
expeaed by every nation in Europe.

pND OF THE FIFTH PART.

PART

PART THE SIXTH.

Characleriflics of the French, previous tQ
the Revolution.

.S the late events in France have been pro
duced by a material alteration in the ideas and
principles of the French, it may not be amifs to
inveftigate what thefe were antecedently to thefe
events, and chiefly Since the reign of Lewis the
Fourteenth ; in whofe time their charaaer
underwent a radical change from that, of their
anceftors. Nothing in truth ever proved more decidedly
the prodigious influence of a Government over
the minds and manners of men, than the dif
ference' wrought in the difpofition of the French undev

Part vu] of france considered. 103
under that Prince, through the eftablifhment
of a defpotic Monarchy, and the totakfubverfion
of their ancient Conftitution.
Since the days of that celebrated King, they
were become quite another people from what they
had been before he afcended the throne, and
completed that fyftem of abfolute powef in the
Crown, which his predeceflbr ha,d fuceefsfully
begun. As much as the French had been formerly ret.
tive and untraaable, and ready upon provocation
to break out in oppofition, to Government^ they
were now become fupple and obedient. Remon-
ftrances, or to fpeak more properly, fopplications
were fometimes allowed to be prefented to the
Sovereign by Parliament, of which it ftill re
mained a legal funaion, to lay the grievances of
the public before him. But the main body of
.the nation was wholly tame and paffive in their
expeaations of redrefs, and had nothing of that
promptitude to proceed further than bare com
plaints, of which the Court flood fo much in
dread, and the faaious among the great knew fo
well how to avail themfelves.

0

From

ip4 TftE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART VI.
' .From this depreffion of all claffes, they retained
"little of that fortitude of mind and boldnefe of
fpeech, for which they had been remarkable ; and
in.whatever related to public affairs, rather infi-
' Tii^ated than declared their fentiments.
' -*' #
Though they certainly excelled in every fpe-
des of intellectual endowments, and yielded to
no people in the advantages refulting from a po
lite and claffical education, yet they feemed more .
inclined to value themfelves on the ability they
derived' from thence to become acceptable and
'admired in Company and converfation, than in
tent on ilfing thofe valuable qualifications upon
nobler and more important Recurrences.
When occafions offered to difplay their capa
city in matters of ftate, they rather ftudied to
avoid giving offence to the higher powers, than
to handle the fubjea pertinently : contenting
themfelves with cautious indications of what
might be faid, and fhunning thofe difquifitions
which, however they might evince the talents of
'the fpeaker, would have rendeied him obnoxious
to thofe of whom he preferred the friendfhip and
favour, to the^dangerous honour of being efteem-
ed a man of eloquence and refolution. Hence

PART VI.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED.,; I93
Hence the frequent harangues in their Parlia
ments and Provincial' Affemblies, favqure^,VpT,
thing of ftrength and firmnefs. The language
was laboured and correa,, and Jthe rules of t-hg-,
toric obferved with great accuracj^ajod p^recifion,
But that energy of thought. w|s waging,, which,
even when alone, can give weight to the com-
moneft words, but without which all the powers
of diaion are nervelffs. and infipid,
Notwithftanding the parade with which thefe
fpeeches were occasionally mentioned, they could
pleafe no perfon converSant .in manly and Sub-;
ftantial eloquence ; Such as diSdains to be fettered
by any rules but thofe ofrtr-uth and' found argu
ment. ' Their merit was at , moft of a fecondary
kind ; elegance it might he, b»t not eloquence :
It might participate pf the wit and polifhed ftile
of a Pliny in his Panegyric, but not of the force
and grandeur of a Demosthenes or a Cicero in
their Orations.
Whatever magnanimity the French might pof-
fefs on thofe emergencies that arpfe between in
dividuals, or in a military capacity, whej-fein their
courage was unqueftionable, yet in a civil and
ppliticaf light they were amazingly degenerated j
and were fallen to a degree of pufillanimity and
o 2 abjeancfs

106 THE PEOPLE AND GpVERNMENT [PART Vli
abjeanefs equally low with that of any European
nation. The caufe of this was obvious. Though
forms of law remained, their validity could not
preponderate againft Cpurt intereft or favour.
Whoever had feciired thefe, might bid defiance
£o all the la\$s an«||rj^ges in the kingdom. ,f
Of this they were fo well aware, that all who
had any affair in litigation, Were much more anx
ious to procure friends and Supporters among
thoSe who were known tq have the ear of men
in power, than in preparing arguments againft
the day appointed for the trial of their caufe.
The ''principal wifh 'and ftudy therefore of A
Frenchman, contending for fuccefs in a Court
of judicature, was to ingratiate himfelf with
the Grandees, ancfl'what the^ rightly deno
minated Les Puiffances — Perfons inverted with
official authority, or high in credit with Govern
ment. In order to compafs this effential and favourite
point, they employed i. world of art and fineffe.
Complaifant and even fubihiffive to thofe who
were much their inferiors in rank, but Whofe
malevolence might obftrua their defigns, they
Would readily ftoop to the feemingly moft infig->.
1 - ¦' nificant

PART VI.]gl OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. 1$}
nificant helps. Dexterous in feizing every occa
fion to pay their court, they neglected none of
thofe trifling opportunities of making themfelves
agreeable, which, if not leading direaiy to the
ODJea ultimately propofed, yik are perhaps in
reality of as much efficacy a| others apparently
more to the purpofe.
No people certainly were more indefatigable
and ardent than the French^ in the profecution
of their fortune and advancement ; efpecially
when labouring to obtain a promotioii that would
give them rank, and procure them importance
nd fway. When engaged in fuch a purfuit,

mi

eir ambition overcame all other confidera-
tions, and there were few things which they
would not Sacrifice, to^ccomplrfh an end So fa-
tisfaapry to tKew native appetite for jrrandeur
and pre-eifl|j!nence. . ^
In this refpea they differed greatly from the
people of other countries. Thefe have ufually
fome Spot pf referve, feme fanauany on which
no views pf intereft are, able to encroach. But
a Frenchman was apt to give up all for the gra
tification of vanity ; and miftre^ or wife^ were
too occanonally parted with, as the price of Court
favour. *
a Q 3 This

kt£8 Tttfe PEOPLE Attft Grr>VEHNMENT^t[PARf VI*
JThis extraordinary CPndefcehfion partly arofes
ftbffl that remarkable fpirit of gallantry which
pgctifiarifod the French. Such a turn of mind
isVell Kriown fc extinguhn. that waraith of at-
facliment' fo any particular perfon, Which leark
tfete to* prelfr1 the pfeffeffion of her to all other
wifhes and expeaations. Hence the defultory
change of objeas of affeaion among the French,
: Could ndt1 fall tb leffeni and often to diffolve,
tfhpfe'ttesthat are So much more ferioufly form'Sd
•and durably tAiYrliifmkd, in nations of a lefs vo
latile difpofttion.lW&i^jii^wWfc

.« v *

Notwhrffidrldi'rig this inconftancy arid fiek^
nefs of temper, no people were rhote devoted to
the fair fex in^eiieral. The charms of female
fociety tonftirated their*?hief a^d Supreme plea
sure and rfappiiieft^riucfi mbre*th>n of any other
^eopler Whatever belonged to tafflPand refine
ment of every fpecies and defcription, whether
in mariners,' difcburfe or literature, was unani-
Vhoufty fubmitfed to tffeir decifiorii'i and they
were allowe*d to be the moft perfea connoifleurs
and umpires in Whatever related to delicacy and '
elegance.
? ' ' ' '? '
But as no advantage is without feme incon-
Veniency, however a communication between the
fexes

PART VI,] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. . 1 99
fexes cpntributes undoubtedly to polifh and im
prove them reciprocally, yet when carried to the
excefsit was in France, it could not fail to be"
produaive of evil. By this perpetual concomi
tance of the women, and the gaiety to which
it gave birth, gravity was ajmoft e%ced in the,;
men ; while, from the fame caufe, modefty and
foftnefs of behaviour, had in the fair^fex given.
way to a vivacity and forwardnefs, that could.
only become the other. At length, by a. gra-,
dual progreflion, the women had affumed the
fame degrees of liberty in their behaviour, that*
feem, by the general affent and cuftprn" of the
wprld, appropriated only to men, '. ***.' ii
¦t .
The confequence of this laxity of condua, was,
that the bounds^ female re ferve,'; and deGorurn
were eafily overleaped, and .that an unrefti ained
foofe was giSjjten to thofe freedoms of language
and intercpurfe between the fexes, that almpft
always lead to improprieties, It was especially
in what are ftiled the tfathionable circles, that
Scenes of this nature were moftly feen. Licen-
tiouSneSs rofe finally tp Such a pitch, that fliarne
was intirejy thrown afide. A Lady's lover, or
rather gallant, became as well. known as her
hufband; and fhe was liable to be more dispa
raged by her infidelity to the former,, while the^
o 4 connexion"

200 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [pART VI.
connexion between them fubfifted, than by her
falfhood to the latter ; who, conformably* to the
rules of fafhibn, beheld and fubmitted to his
wife's proceedings with great compofure a'rid re-
ligriation, or rather indeed with perfea indiffer
ence and cafelefiheSs. For this however there
was fufficient reafon, as he exercifed on his part
the ftriaeft laws of retaliation. The chief foli-
citude of fome hufbarids was, left their wives,
fliould form connexions of an ignoble nature.
This- particular leads one to bbferye, that the
French were ftrangely prone to value people
merely on account of their family and parentage.
To whatever derifion the natives of fome coun
tries may expofe themfelves on account of this
ridiculous foible, the French were no ways infe
rior to them in their pretenfions to importance and
dignity from fimilar motives. The word Nobleffe
was never pronounced without afortpf emphafis,
fully denpting the reverence and confideration
for that clafs of fociety to which the denomina
tion was appropriated. An Englifhman, who
Was afevere obferver of the French, ufed to fay,
that it reminded him of the reverential paiife of
homage and awe, recorded of the great Philofo*
pher, Mr. Boyle, whenever he mentioned the
Supreme Being,
: " This

PART VI.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. 2©S
This idea of excellence fuperior to the reft of
mankind, a Frenchman was wonderfully prone to
indulge in, when fpeaking of perfons of birth*.
The countlefs number of them difperfed over all
France, inftead of convincing men of the futi
lity of fuch kind of merit, was on thecontraryj
through an ignominious delufion, efteemed by
the French a proof of the illuftrious charaaer of
their nation. Often would the natives of a
province enumerate the many noble families it
contained, and glory over the inhabitants of thofe
which, however more populous, rich, or com
mercial, had not fuch high names to boaft of.
This infatuation was fo prevalent, that even do-
meftics thought themfelves in titled to notice and
regard, in proportion to the quality and gran
deur of their matters, Thofe who happened to
belong to the principal families of the kingdom,
were as proud of their livery as if it had been
a badge of honour and diftinaion ; and pretended
to as much deference at leaft, as a bon bourgeois,
a fubftantial citizen,
v
"While the commonalty paid fo willing a tri
bute of refpea and fubmiffion to perSons of noble
blood, well might thefe raife a fuperftruaure on
fuch a ready foundation, and^avail themfelves of
fo exceflive a prepoffeflioh in their favpur. This they

202 THE, PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART V*.
they were very careful to do upon every occafion
that offered; to difplay the high fenfe they che-
rjflied of their own worth and confequence, Not
only the chiefs of the military, but alfo the dig
nitaries oji the ecclefiaftical lift, moft of both
whom were members of the Nobleffe, were
equally elate with their birth, and fo forward in
giving the moft ridiculous proofs of their vanity,
that even Bifhops have been known to difdain
the Society of fome of their brethren on account
of their ignoble origin.
Thefe lofty notions were equally prevalent
among, the French women of quality. Females
highly born never in France intermarried with
perfons of low degree, as it fometimes -happens
in England. A French Lady of great birth
would have thought herfelf rather condefeending
when fhe accepted the hand of a Gentleman of
the long robe. Some carried thefe notions fo
far, as to deem it lefs difgraceful to live in a ftate
of gallantry with a man of their own rank, than
of lawful wedlock with one of an inferior* Thefe
ideas operated So forcibly among people of fa-
fhipn, that a hufband, however willing to con
nive at his wife's irregularities, would never have
forgiven her forming a connexion with a perfon
of lower condition than his own. After

PART VI.] OP PRANCE CbNSlDERED. fc'63
After pafling thefe ftriaures upon the French
iNolilky, they were, to do them proper juftice,
a bocryW brav'e and gallant men. No nation in
Europe could produce more martial individuals :
the only occupation of thofe who did not belong
to+the church, being that of war ; which they
confraered as the natural and moft eligible em*
ployment for a man of birth. Conformably to
this perfuafion, they refpeaed the Nobles of
Other countries proportionably to the inclination
they maniSefted for the fame profeflion.
VPltaire, in his Henriade, truly defcribed
them, when he faid, the charaaer of a French
copriier, Noblemen in France were all courtiers,
is to indulge in all imaginable pleafures, without
receiving the leaft tinaure of degeneracy j ready
at a moment's warning to difplay the moft dar
ing intrepidity ; and after aaing the meaneft
parts of adulation and Servility at Court, eager
to fly from a round of delights to the field pf
hardfhips and danger, :
The Gentlemen of the Long Robe, as they
ftile the members of the law in Francej. were a
medium between the Nobleffe and the inferior,
ranks. ,But whatever merit they might poflefs,
either as eminent lawyers, or as patriots of, cpnr
fummate

204 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART VI.
fummate integrity, yet as the fword was not their
appurtenance, their worth was efteemed on% of
a Secondary rate.
The truth is, that as the chief and indeed the
fole oppofition to Miniflerial meafures, proceeded*
from that quarter, the Court found its account
in conniving at the difregard they met with from
the Nobleffe ; or, to fpeak more properly, en
couraged thefe to undervalue them. Nor was it
furprifing that Government, on all occafions, af-
feaed to treat them with haughtinefs and flight.*
As its' authority was maintained by other means
than thofe of equity and law, and was often
exerted againft the fenfe and judgment of the
Parliaments, and in open defiance and contempt
of their repeated advice and remonftrances, the
members who compofed thofe affemblies, could
not expea tp enjoy the confideration and defer
ence paid to fimilar conventions of men in free
countries, whofe power and independence, by
Securing them from tyrannical ufage, enables
them to make good their pretentions to weight
and dignity. They were therefore allowed no
more importance than a haughty and imperi
ous Miniftry condefcended to beftow upon in
dividuals, whofe impotent efforts to refift them
^?ere become objeas of their derifion. It may be

PART VI. J ^j OF FRANCE CONSIDERED; 2(3$
be added, \ that even where the fupreme poWet
is limited by the Conftitution, Minifters never
vouchfafe to deal out much reSpea or attention
to any but thoSe on whom they rely for the fup-
ort of their meafures.

Hence the gownfmen in France, though juftly
revered by the thinking part of their country
men, as the trueft and ftauncheft friends to the
public, ^vere in a ftate of depreffion, and looked
on with a jealous eye by the ruling powers,
who feemed to delight in mortifying them as
much as they dared, confiftently with the public
repofe. It cannot be denied, that many of thofe Gen
tlemen of the Long Robe, notwithftanding the
gravity of their bufinefs and occupations, could
not diveft themfelves of that airinefs in port and
demeanour, which in a manner feems born and
inherent in a native of France. Numbers were
the downright apes of the courtiers, whofe fef-
tivity of deportment, and fmartnefs, or rather
petulant manner of fpeaking, they laboured to
copy with an affeaednefs very prejudicial to their
charaaer. This of courfe laid them open to ri
dicule, and contributed not a little to that infe
riority

SOO* THE PEOPLE AND COVERN'MElfT [BART VI.
v f ¦ |
riority they were held in ; as a fervile imitation
of others is a tacit avowal of their Superiority.
This defcription was particularly applicable to
the junior members of that profeflion, who did
not certainly prepoffeSs the world in favour o
the French Magiftraey. Their continual endea*
vours to appear pleaSant and facetious, the ftudi#i
fprupenefs. of their equipages, the finicalnefs of
their apparel, tb« juvenility of their perfonal
behavipur, and their manifeft admiration of, and
paffian to excel in whatever was modifh, neqeffa.-
rily expofed them to general derifion.
Thefe young Magiftrates lived in all that vo-
Iuptuoufnefs to which opulence gives birth. They
had in town their palaces, and in the country
their elyfian retreats } where they enjoyed them
felves in the foxu erudito, the learned luxury of
a Petrpnius ; wfth whom many qf them cpuld
vie in the moft refined methods of making plea-
fure the chief objea of their lives.
They did not however, in the midft pf this
difEpation, forget the duties incumbent on them ;
and to their native gaiety could add the feverpft
ftudy. The nobleft charaaers in the realm, ori
ginated among thefe ypung Gentlemen j many of

PART VI.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. 20?
of whom, when the heat of youth was fpent,
became the models of thofe virtues and great qua
lities that form the moft refpeaable and eminent
individuals in a ftate.
Next to the dignitaries of the law, thofe who
&one moft in France, through the importance as
well as the influence of their ftation, were the
Farmers General and Financiers, the riefeeft men
of their defcription in all Europe. This inform
mer days was their only commendation t but
they had undergone a material change, and in
ftead of being folely occupied in amaffing trea
sures, they had learned to fpend them with
fplendour, and fometimes with profufion.
Notwithftanding the fufpicions to which they
were univerfally liable among their countrymen,
numbers of them were men of Stria honour and
integrity; and made it their Study to merit and
obtain the efteem of the world, by the irre-
proachablenefe of their condua in their respec
tive departments, and their generality in the
intercourses of friendfhip and fociety. — Several
of them patronifed literature ; and moft of
them lived in a liberal and hofpi table manner,
and by their prudent and courteous behaviour
deferved and poffefled the familiar acquaintance and

208 THE PEOPLE AND GDVERNMENT [PART VI.
and corfideratipn pf the firft perfonages in the
kingdom. But as thefe gentlemen were cpnfeious, that
riches, however immenfe, did not carry with
them that weight and influence 'in- France, which'
they have in fome .nations, they Confidered then*
for that reafon, principally as ways and means to*
arrive at honours and diftinaions. , Hence
though -nobility^ was uSually the recompence of
military merit, yet -as there were alfo other me
thods of . acquiring, it, and as every Frenchman
was defirous to become Some fort of a noble,
they, and all indeed: who ! hadf accumulated
wealth, made a point of purchafihg.fome of thofe
nominal employments that conferred the right
of nobleffe on their incumbents, and enabled them
to appear in the beau monde,' the fafhionable
wprld, with an advantage^ that . mpney alonfc
could not procure in France* fc-u? , .. ;,,
A clafs of men that ought to have been men?
tioned before all the preceding, was the clergy of
France. Lifted by ignorance and that imbecillity
refulting from it, above the controul -of fenfe
and reafon, they exercifed an influence equally
diffufive and ignominious over the minds of
both the great and fmall vulgar } which in all
i countries,

PART VI.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. 20^
countries conftitute the generality of^ mankind.
They were . and lung had been the particular
favourites of Government j which knew by ex
perience it. could depend on their unfhaken ad
herence againft all oppofition, from whatever.
quarter it might proceed. On the other hand, as
their fortunes and preferments, and in truth the
very means of their exiftence, were in the hands
of Government, they were bound by every tie
of intereft to fupport it ' to the' utmoft. ' This
they were completely .enabled to effea./by the(
immenfity of their numbers, which compoSed a
mpft' formidable body' in 'the fpjrituar field of
Government, and helped amazingly to keep the
French nation in the profdundeft fubjeaion.
The Nobility and Army, however devoted to
the Court, were not viewed by it with the fame
confidence, and predileftion as the Clergy. The
fpirit of bigotry did not a&uate the former fo
powerfully as the latter. Few of thefe were men
of enlightened understandings in the Superior
concerns of human nature. Bred from their
childhood in the meaneft and the moft. degrading
Superftition," the very tenets they firft imbibed
precluded tHem from all liberality, as well as all
liberty of thinking, and fitted them for that im
plicit arid paffive fubmifiion both to Spiritual and
p civil

£10 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [p ART VI.
civil authority, which they made the indiSpenfible
duty and bufinefs of their whole lives to incul
cate with the moft indefatigable affiduity.
This defcription pf the generality pf the
French Clergy will not appear unfounded, when
it is confidered of what individuals it was
comppfed, and what Species and degree of
knowledge were chiefly obfervable among diern.
The country parishes, which were amazingly
numerous, and afforded but a Scanty pittance,
were all committed to the care of the very
loweft of the Clergy. Thefe were ufually the
fons of poor farmers, and other indigent ruftics,
whofe means to -educate their children were of
courfe very Stinted,, but who thought it So much
an honour to dedicate them to the Service of the
church, that they would put themfelves to great
inconveniences, and even Sometimes diftrefs the
reft of the family, that one pf them might arrive
at the dignity of the Priefthood, and efpecially
of Reaor to the parifh where his parents and
relations were fettled.
The education heftowed on the young men,
thus intended for country Parfons, was com
monly fuch. as" might' be obtained at the neareft
town where a College cpuld be found'. Here they

PART VI.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. &H
they feldorri learrted more Latin than was Suf
ficient to understand the tranflation of the Bible,
called the Vulgate, with the prayers, hymns,
and other parts of the Church Service. Doubt
lefs among thofe youths Some had more capacity
than others, and consequently made their way
through their Studies to greater advantage; but
thefe were merely exceptions. The bulk of
theSe young men was precisely what they are
deScribed. The next ftep to qualify them for Ecclefiaftics.
was to remove them to, what in France they call
ed, Seminaries. Thefe were Colleges inftituted
Solely for the reception of thofe ftudents who
were designed for the Church, and where they
lived under the ftriaeft discipline. Thefe femi-
naries were ufually Situated in the neighbourhood
of Some University, for the convenieney of at
tending the Leaures in Philofophy and Divinity,
that were given grawitoufly to all comersy by
Profeffors who received public Salaries for thefe
purpofes. Here, howeyer, the Leaures delivered by thefe
Profeffors were under the fevereft control of
the heads of thofe Univerfities ; men who were
-appointed to theSe places, chiefly on account of
p z their

414 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART VI.
their orthodoxy, and Who would not have Suf
fered the leaft departure from the eftablifhed
modes of belief. Hence youth was tutored in
all manner of fuperftition and abfurdities. Where
any one, of genius Superior to his fellows, mani
fested the leaft propenSity to go beyond the line
preScribed for his inveftigations, he was Sure of
meeting with the fevereft reprimand; and, if he
perfifted, of being difmiffed from the Seminary,
and turned adrift into the world.
Thofe parts of learning and literature which
qualify a man for polite and enlightened fociety,
and let him into the knowledge of profound
and philofophical fubjeas, or of public affairs,
were ftrangely negleaed during the whole courfe
of their education. Such things were, if truth
muft be fpoken, held not only unneceffary, but
dangerous for men of their deftination to be con-
verfant in, and were fpoken of with flight, and
often with contempt. Hence the profound ig
norance of an infinite majority of the French
Clergy, in all matters relating to antient and mo
dern hiftory and politics, and to whatever tends
to fit a man to think and Speak pertinently on
fome of the moft interefting topics to human
nature, as well as on the great bufinefs and trans
actions of the world.
As

PART VI.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. 213
As to the dignitaries of the Gallican Clergy,
they were in all refpefts complete Gentlemen;
but from intereft and principle intirely devoted
to the Court and Miniftry, and verfed in all the
intrigues and manoeuvres of both thefe depart
ments. Whether their belief in the articles of
their faith was whole or partial, real or pretended,
certain it is that their condua was entirely that
of mere men of the world. Avarice and ambi
tion charaaerifed their proceedings. They de
lighted, like other men, in all the enjoyments
and pleafures of life, and were hardly diltin-
guifhable in fociety by any other token than
their drefs.
The inferior claffes of Ecclefiaftics were ufually
men of Stria morals. The regularity of their
lives was undeniable, and their diligence and
labourioufnefs in the performance of their duties
and funaions, equally remarkable. No Clergy
of any perfuafion throughout Chriftendom, that
of the Church of England not excepted, took
more, if fo much, pains in the inftruaion of thofe
who were committed to their charge.
Such, in general, was the charaaer of the French
Clergy. Happy, could they have divefted them
felves of that blind deference for the heads of
their

4,14 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT f>ART Vf;
their church, which led fo many men of learning
and genius to Sacrifice both to the opinions of
men far inferior to themfelves in real knowledge.
But this is the charaaefiftical, badge of the Ro
mifh discipline; which enjoins a paflive fubmiffion
of fenfe and of fcience to individuals Superior
only by their official dignity. This implicit
obedience often puts it in the power of the French
Prelacy to rule in church matters with arbitrary
Sway, and to overturn, by mere dint of authority,
the Sentiments of thofe whom they were not able
to encounter with arguments.
There was in France, and had been for more
than a century, a numerous body of individuals
who could neither be accounted ecclefiaftics or
laymen, and yet affumed the clerical habit. Their
bufinefs was tp wait for preferment from what
quarter Soever it might come. They were very
inconfiftently denominated Abb6s, an antient apel-
lation appropriated to the heads of abbeys. As
they were under no particular reftriaion, and
lived at large in the world, many of them led a
life of diffipariofl and libertinifm, devoting them
felves as much or more than any other Set of men,
to the fociety of the fair fex. Several of them
were celebrated for the favours of every kind
which they received from their predikaion. No-
men

PART VI.] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. 415
men indeed could SurpaSs them in the arts of
adulation, and the talent of infinuating them
felves into a female's good graces.
After faying fo much of the number and credit
of the French ecclefiaftics, it muft however be
acknowledged, that almoft all the natives of
France, of the Romifh perfuafion, had much lefs
of that bigotry which infeas other countries of
that communion. The Italians, the Spaniards,
and the Portuguefe are much more punailiQufly
attached to religious abfurdities than the French
ever were. This, no doubt, may be attributed to
the long toleration of Proteftantifm, which,
though banifhed, had ftill left fome Strong re-r
mains, that could not in the nature of things
be eradicated. Thofe in France who thought
freely on thefe matters, were not backward in
predicting, that the number of enlightened indi
viduals was increafing fo confiderably, that mate
rial changes refpeaing religion would in no long
eourfe of time take place in that country.
There is one particularity wherein the French,
as well as Some other European nations, differed
eflentially from the Englifh ; and that was the
manner in which they met death. The Englifh,
whether high or low, ufualjy preferve an intre
pidity

2l6 THE PEPPLE AND GOVERNMENT [PART VI.
pidky and calmnefs in their laft moments, which
has often been admired by foreigners, as a circum-
flance unuSual among their own countrymen.
Whether it proceeded from a Superior and
ftronger fenfibility they might feel for the enjoy
ments of this life, or from a fpirit of religious
pufillanimity, the French were commonly very
averfe to the thoughts of dying. The" latter
fcems however the principal caufe of this aver-
fion. Stifled, or forgotten, while at a distance
from the grave, it was apt to break out on their
approaches to it; and they frequently became
absolutely ridiculous on thoSe occafions, from the
minute Solicitude they betrayed in the careful
praaice of every ceremonious trifle enjoined by
their tenets. The full and circumftantial observ
ance of all thefe minutise was indeed promoted
and enforced at fuch times, with fo peculiar a
zeal by the ecclefiaftics, that nothing but the
piety of their intentions, and the Sincerity of
their belief in the necefllty of all this fuperftkious
apparatus, could excuSe the troubleSome officiouf-
neSs of moft of them. They feemed never to have
refkaed, that it is a man's life, and not the man
ner of his death, on which his hopes or his fears
are to be Sounded. This

PART VI.]" OP PRANCE CONSIDERED. 417
This anxious imbecility often rendered a dying
Frenchman the prey of thofe watchful and alert.
Friars who went about comforting the fick, and
extorting from their ill-placed liberality thofe
donations and largeffes of various kinds that con
tributed fo materially to their fubfiftence.
From this fund of apprehenfions and terrors
flowed alfo the difburfement of very considerable
fums, to defray the charges of the many thou--
fimd maffes with which laft wills were fo fre
quently overburthened. Hence it appeared that
thefe unmanly weakneffes prevailed not only.
among the poor and illiterate, but no lefs among,
thofe who by the knowledge of men and things,,
which wealth enables a man of any observation to
obtain, might have learned to fhake off So Shame
ful a load. So far however were even thefe from
being cured of thafe abfurdities, that, as' if debi
lity of foul in their latter hour had at that period
been the charaaeriftic of the French nation, it
was precifely among their grand Seigneurs, the
firft perfonages in the realm, one met with the
moft glaring inftances of thefe death-bed devo
tees. It was not uncommon to fee a Minifter of
State, hackneyed for years in all the infamies and
iniquities of a Court, aaing over all thefe nutm
eg . meries.

21 8 THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT' [PART VI.
meries, and thinking thereby to fecure himfelf a
favourable after-reckoning.
It ought however to be noticed, that the French
were not the only people deferving of thefe ftric-
tures. They were, and are ftill, more applicable
to fome of their fouthern neighbours, among
whom fuperfticious notions and praaices of every
fort prevail with much more latitude than ever
they did in France. What changes in the reli
gious ideas of men, the French Revolution may
give birth to, is ftill a future contingency. The
fuccefs that has every where attended their arms
on the Continent of Europe, has evidently
opened a wide door to boundlefs liberty of think-1
ing upon all fubjeas ; and1 thofe individuals that
are diSpofed to indulge in this freedom, will
doubtlefs- not lofe fo favourable an opportunity
of manifesting their thoughts both by Speech and
writing. But unleSs the political eftablifhment of
France remains on its preSent footing, there
feerqs no probability that a privilege of this
kind will ever be Suffered to Subfift by thofe who
may be able' to overturn the fyftem under which
it aroSe. One may indeed, without much forefight into
futurity, venture to predia* that if defpotic
Monarchy

PART VI,] OF FRANCE CONSIDERED. 410,
Monarchy fhould ever be reftored in France, the
French will be abridged not only of the prefent
liberty of. debating and aaing in religious and
political matters, but alfo of ufing any Species of
freedom in fpsaking or writing upon fubjeas of
fuch a nature, efpecially if they appear to have
the leaft tendency, however indirea or remote,
to revive in the minds of men the hatred of civil
or fpiritual tyranny, and their native right to
refift oppreffion. It is chiefly the dread of fuch
treatment that operates in France againft the.
reftoration of the former Government. Con
vinced, as all people of difcernmeht feem to be,
that whenever it takes place, the French, as
Montesquieu obferved of the Englifh, in cafe
they fhould lofe their liberty, would infallibly
become the completeft and moft wretched of
flaves.

the END,

Juftpublifhtd]* r 
in %vt. Price qs. boards.
ANECDOTES and BIOGRAPHY,
INCLUDING MANY
MODERN CHARACTERS IN THE CIRCLES OF FASHIONABLE,
AND OFFICIAL LIFE ;
Selected from the Portfolios of a celebrated Literary and Political
Character, lately deceafed.
BY L. T. REDE,
•' This is almoftj without exception, fhe beft Colreetion of Anecdotes ev*
p erufed. The Editor difcovers good tafte, both in his choice of materials,
and the various occafions in which be prefents himfelf tc his readers,, and
ipeaks in perron. We acknowledge purfelves indebted to his indiiftry, for a
fund of very agreeable entertainment,'* &c. &c. t. .,,.'.'
New London Review, forjanuaryi 1799.
" The fenfible, modeft^and well written Advertifment, prefixed to thit-
Volume, fo well defcribes.the object and the character of the Workj that it
is but a juflice we owe to the Author to tranferibe it.
.'.'-.'- ':: ' ¦ v i '
THE favourable reception which collections of this kind have received
in all ages, will, it is p:efumed, be^ fufficient apology for the following Pub
lication, <( He that amufes you," fays Lord Bacon, " is next to" him that
inlfvucTs you."— « 1 pity the man,''. fays Dr. Smith*, «' who has no reliib. for:
Anecdote. Should folitude, want of bufinefs, or misfortunes of any kind,
force fuch, a man to feek relief from books, alas ! he finis them * but formal
duTncfs, tedious friends !' No moment of time need hang heavy on his
hands j no fituation, no circumftances, neither at home, nor abroad ; neither
in youth nor old age; neither in profpprity nor adverfity, but can be ren
dered more agreeable .while he can .tafte the intellectual pleaCiircs. of a terfe
and well-told Anecdote." Suppofe that youth ihould resrp no other advan
tage from a work of this nature than the power of employing thoije vacant
hours, which for the want of fuch an agreeable companion, are but too often
fpent in trifling vifits, cards, hunting, drinking-niatches. and. other hurtful
pleafures j even fuch a confideration is not the leaft in its favour. But there
is another, fuperior to this; fuch felectiotts tend to enlarge the mind, to excite
emulation and a laudable curiofity, to improve the temper, to foften the man
ners, to footh the paffions, to fill up thepartfes of conversation, to give a zeft
to hilarity, to chcrifh reflection, and to lead on to fludies of a more exalted
clafs. Witivthefe views the following collection was undertaken. Several of
the Anecdotes are original, and fuch as have appeared were thought worthy of
3 more permanent medium than thofe through, which they were at fhft con
veyed." " This Advertifement prepoffeffed us in favour of the Work, and we. have
not been difappointed in the perulal of it. The Anecdotes fully anfwer to
the character here give of them." Analytical Review, June 1799,
* Late of Mariana-College, America.
Printed for R. PITKEATHLEY, 14, Tavijlock-Street* '. . "
Covert-Garden, .

08954 0042