DOCUMENT No. 119

THE PARAMOUNT
HALLUCINATION

SENATOR STEWART, OF NEVADA,
SCORES BRYAN.

The Veteran Apostle of Silver Repudiates the
Silver Candidate.

Disgusted with "Imperialist" Humbug.

BRYAN "WILL NOT BE PRESIDENT."

• PUBLISHED BY
REPUBLICAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE,
NEW YORK.

The Paramount Hallucination.

The political ghosts and hobgoblins
erected by the feverish imagination of
Mr. Bryan are the natural result of
overwork and exhaustion. His ravings
at imaginary imperialism — which does
not exist— are very much like the an
tics of a California horse which has
eaten a weed that grows in that coun
try called the loco weed. When an at
tempt is made to lead a horse thus af
flicted over a string in the road, he
will rear, plunge, and refuse to step
over what undoubtedly seems to him a
monster or a mountain. *It is evident
that Mr. Bryan's political vision is
equally exaggerated with that of the
poor brute which has eaten the fatal
weed. The facts which Mr. Bryan's
hallucination distorts into imperial mon
sters are simply these: The United
States went to war with Spain, urged
on by the Democratic party. The pop
ularity of the war was such that Mr.
Bryan joined 'the army as a patriotic
duty, and possibly to elevate himself in
the estimation of the country. The war
was successful. A treaty of peace was
entered into whereby the United States
agreed to pay $20,000,000 and accept
the sovereignty and public property of
Spain in the Philippine Archipelago.
There was opposition to the ratifica-
tion of the treaty. Mr. Bryan came to
Washington and persuaded his Demo
cratic friends to vote for the treaty, and
it was through his influence that the
treaty was finally ratified. It then be
came the duty of the United States to
maintain law and order, and protect
the lives and property of all residents
of the islands, whether native or for
eign born. The United States, at the
time of the ratification of' the treaty,
held military possession of Manila,

and immediately after such ratifica
tion assumed the sovereignty of -the is
lands. The people of the United States,
and particularly of the Pacific Coast, be
came entitled to the vast commerce of
the Pacific Ocean of which the Philip
pines furnish the key.
One Aguinaldo, whose political des
tiny is the leading factor in the Bryan
campaign, had raised a rebellion in
Luzon against Spain before the com
mencement of the Spanish war with the
United States. This adventurer had
sold out or settled his rebellion with
Spain for $400,000 before Dewey set
sail for Manila, and as a part of the
bargain with Spain Aguinaldo had
agreed to 1' xve the islands and never
return. Dewey took the wily agitator
back to the islands, supposing, as a mat:
ter of course, that Aguinaldo would nat
urally be an enemy of Spain and a
friend to the United States. In this
Admiral Dewey was mistaken. Aguin
aldo, a; soon as he landed on his na
tive soil, organized a rebellion against
the United States, which would have
been of little consequence if he had not
been able to obtain aid and comfort in
this couniry. An organization was
formed in the United States called the
Anti-Imperial League, which has— for
the last two years— eo-operated with
Aguinaldo's Tagal Junta, with head
quarters at Hong Kong, to supply lit
erature and materials of war for Aguin
aldo. President McKinley had no au
thority to buy out Aguinaldo's rebel
lion against the United States, but was
bound by the treaty (which was the
supreme law of the land) to maintain
law and order and protect life and
property in the islands. It required a
large army and the expenditure of,

3

hundred of millions of 'dollars to put
down Aguinaldo's rebellion. The as
sistance and encouragement he received
from the Anti-Imperial League and the
enemies of the United States, both at
home and abroad, made his barbarous
and irregular war bloody and expen
sive. Congress, however, made all nec
essary appropriation, providing the
Executive with men and money to
maintain the authority of the United
States in the Philippines. The so-called
Anti-Imperialists declared that the pol
icy pursued by the Government to put
down rebellion and maintain law and
order, in all the territories of the
United States, without regard to the
time when such territories were ac
quired, was " Imperialism," and that
any use of the army to maintain law and
order— however necessary— as "Mili
tarism," although giving aid and com
fort to rebels in arms against the United
States was " maintaining the principles
of the Declaration of Independence."
Mr. Bryan's unparalleled campaign
for the principles of the Chicago plat
form, and his insistence upon the adop
tion of that platform at Kansas City,
induced the people to suppose that 'the
campaign of 1900 would be conducted on
the issues of 189Q, In this they were mis
taken. An hallucination induced Bryan
to make war on an army of ghosts and
hobgoblins, which his overworked brain
created. His instinct, which had for
merly led him to consider realities, de
parted. He sought his closet in pur
suit of phantoms and strung together
ten thousand words, which he gave to
the public at Indianapolis. He omitted
all mention of the issues of 1896, and
summarized the paramount issue of the
present campaign in the following
pledge to the Tagal guerrillas:
" If elected, I shall convene Con
gress in extraordinary session as soon
as I am inaugurated, and recommend

an, immediate declaration of the nation'3 ,
purpose; first, to establish a stable form
of government in the Philippine Islands,
just as we are now establishing a stable
form of government in the island of
Cuba; second, to give independence to
the Filipinos, just as we have promised
to give independence to the .Cubans;
third, to protect the Filipinos from out
side interference while they work out
their destiny, just as we have protected
the republics of Central and South
America, and are, by the Monroe doc
trine, pledged to protect Cuba."
The pledge to support Aguinaldo's
rebellion has already borne fruit. The
Anti-Imperial League of America, co
operating with the Hong Kong Tagal
Junta, immediately convened at Indian
apolis, and nominated Mr. Bryan for
President, and promised to support him
with all the zeal and fidelity with which
they maintain the cause of Aguinaldo.
Whether Mr. Bryan cherished the hope
of falling into the arms of and being
embraced by this unpatriotic band at
the time he pledged fidelity to Aguin
aldo's cause, is immaterial. His alle
giance was established when he made
the pledge, and the cordial support of
the friends of^ Aguinaldo's guerrilla
bands, who are murdering our soldiers
in the Philippines, was natural and
timely. He is now the full-fledged can
didate of Aguinaldo, and of Aguinaldo's
friends and supporters at home and
abroad. Will the people who mourn the deaths
of their relatives, murdered in the Phil
ippines by Aguinaldo's guerrillas, sup
port his candidate in this country ?
Will a country which has sacrificed
thousands of lives and hundreds of mil
lions of dollars to maintain the author
ity of the United States, elevate tofthe
office of the President the candidate of
a league which is exerting all its ener
gies to tear down the flag ?
The promise of Mr. Bryan, if elected
President, to~ exert the power of that
great office to secure the independence
of the Tagals and rob the United States
of all we possess in the Orient was not

enough. Mr. Bryan promised them
more than the Tagals themselves had
the audacity to ask. He promised in
the above quotation, if elected Presi
dent, he would exert all his influence,
after all the territories in the United
States in the East had been surrendered
and Tagal governments set up, to ^x
tend the Mc nroe Doctrine to the Orient,
and protect such governments as the
Filipinos might have in the Archipelago
against all the world. The Monroe
Doctrine is a declaration on the part of
our Government that the acquisition of
territory, and the establishment of mon
archical governments by European
Powers on this hemisphere would be re
garded as unfriendly to the United
States. This declaration was made for
our own protection and not as a benev
olent interference with the affairs of
' other people. No European nation has
acknowledged this Monroe Doctrine as
international law, but all the nations
have refrained from interference on ac
count of the paramount interests of the
United States. The maintenance of the
Monroe Doctrine in the Orient after we
have lost our possessions 'there would
be opposed and resisted by all the
world. To dominate and control the re
lations of the numerous governmental
organizations whiih might exist in the
Philippines with all the nations of the
world would require a military estab
lishment equal to that of the combined
powers of Europe. If such a conception
is not an hallucination, why build in
sane asylums ?"
Foreign nations will readily concede
our right to protect the Philippines
while we own them, but when our own
ership ends, our right to protect them
must end with it.
The evidence that Mr. Bryan's un
patriotic associates have sacrificed the
lives of our soldiers and the money of
our people to an enormous extent is
" abundant. General Lawton, the most
brilliant and successful soldier of the
war, lost his life through the machina
tions of the Anti-Imperial League. Be-
.fore his- death he discovered conclusive
evidence that the enemy he was fight
ing in the Philippines was the Anti-Im
perial League of the United States, and
that if his life was sacrificed the League
would be responsible. A few days be
fore his death, he said:

" I would to God that the truth of this
whole Philippine situation could be
known to every one in America as I
know it.
" If the real history, inspiration and
conditions of this insurrection, and
the influences, local and external,
that now encourage the enemy, as
well as the actual possibilities of
these islands and peoples, and their re
lations to this Great East could be un
derstood at home, we would hear no
more talk of unjust ' shooting of gov
ernment ' into the Filipinos, or of haul
ing down our flag in the Philippines.
" If the so-called Anti-Imperialists
would honestly ascertain the truth, on
the ground, and not in distant Amer
ica, they whom I believe to be honest
men and misinformed would be con
vinced of the error of their statements
and conclusions, and of the unfortu
nate effect of their publication here.
" If I am shot by a Filipino bullet it
might as well come from one of my own
men, because I know from observa
tions confirmed by captured prisoners
that the continuance of fighting is
chiefly due to reports that are sent out
from America."
Evidence exists to corroborate General
Lawton's statement, which, if printed,
would fill volumes. The Anti-Imperial
League cannot excuse its crimes against
the United States by contending that
the United States is wrong and that the
rebels are right. Citizens of the United
States who assist the enemy when war
exists are guilty of treason, and can
not plead in their defense or in extenua
tion of their crimes what they imagine
to be the wrongs of the Government in
waging war. The crime of treason is
complete when " aid or comfort " is ex
tended to the enemy. There can be no
doubt that the Anti-Imperial League is
unpatriotic, anti-American, and en
gaged in a criminal conspiracy against
the United States. " When Mr. Bryan
affiliated with the League and secured
its support, he betrayed his American
followers, and becajne the candidate of
the enemies of the United States both
at home and abroad. To his inordinate
ambition and unparalleled efforts. to be
come President must be attributed his
biased judgment and unbridled imagina
tion. He will not be President.
(Signed) Wm. M. Stewart.