AND MP tfe^K iff/i its. . \ ,„ " f give tie/&. Soaks _ . , ) J;_: | /?>" Sie founding gf a College in tki$_ Colony" • YALE-^PPIEiaSinnr- • iLiiiBiaamr • FROM THE LIBRARY OF JOHN PUNNETT PETERS YALE 1873 1Hl,6Jl'..fl • -: ! THE VICTORIOUS HYMN OF MENEPTAH II CONTAINING, IN THE MID DLE OF THE SECOND LINE FROM BELOW, THE NAME "ISRAEL." THE MONUMENTS AND THE OLD TESTAMENT EVIDENCE FROM ANCIENT RECORDS BY IRA MAURICE .PRICE, Ph.D. ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR OF SEMITIC LANGUAGES AND LITERATURES IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO WITH MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS CHICAGO THE CHRISTIAN CULTURE PRESS 1899 Copyright, 1899 By IRA M. PRICE f\^2£T=?-nii!_, -%.irrT,ire^s£^tvt.4-Svi:fffi5i!B?^ii.5:iv' "»J'-M**-Ml| ¦tai'tuwiiAm*.^¦^-.kPV•*l'-'ii'^, [t-JiuviVLt*")'" fj-. — -- 1.^.t<.iiit-»uini-v.'wOij|'i<.i--,,nt->-iV-l<- oJt"r3, |r* 2>o -rDa-uB *»>(i»n-'Lf'-'--;i;,l^'",l"'-v'-' Vt -ia. i ii .*s«M*t±&iJ*-AiA3MiXwP^K^^ ,,|!,,,lillSv;^''Ay4j.uLw/|UJ,;jJ«.J..;m'"«3V^lU,Kv1lk)^iliH!^l,t lfj»t|J,<^ijM.,nm4X3C--^.^t ^>K ttf.v-, iff-- it I Kli. ifi -.M- ... ?!!-.. Ill-n Ir.ln i :->": '¦" :•• -, .-:'": THE ROSETTA STONE FINDING THE ROSETTA STONE 39 lets, correspondence between Asiatic and Egyptian kings in the fifteenth century B. C, claims no small attention from archaeologists. The great pyramids, and sphinxes, and obelisks all arouse an intense inter est in whatever people may have erected these stupendous miracles of engineering skill and con struction. Close examination of many mounds of sand shows that they cover the ruins of some ancient city or temple or palace, whose history is buried still deeper from our view. Travelers had noted for long that these old Egyptian ruins carried on them a kind of ornamentation, made up of pictures of real and imaginary objects, set in a kind of orderly manner. Was it a language? Who could tell? If so, the key to its reading had been lost with the passing of its readers. The door into this old civilization seemed to be securely bolted and barred. Men began to despair of ever knowing anything about it. 21. One of the best results of Napoleon's cam paign to Egypt touches our theme. In 1799, just one hundred years ago, a French engineer, by the name of Boussard, while excavating at St. Julien, near Rosetta, at the mouth of the Nile, hit upon a strange stone. It was carefully removed from its bed and found to be of black granite, 3 feet 9 inches in height by 2 feet 4| inches in width, and 11 inches in thickness. It is thought to have been at least twelve inches higher, and to have had a rounded top. On this block could be seen at the top, parts of fourteen 40 FINDING THE ROSETTA STONE lines of characters resembling those seen everywhere on the obelisks and ruined temples of the land. Ad joining these and below are thirty-two lines of an other species of script, while at the bottom are fifty- four lines, twenty-eight of them complete, in Greek uncial letters. The Greek was readily readable, and told the story of the stone. It was set up in 195 B. C, in honor of Ptolemy Epiphanes, by the priests of Egypt assembled at Memphis, because he had can celed the arrearages of certain taxes due from the sacerdotal body. Among other things, the priests say of Ptolemy that "he was pious toward the gods, he ameliorated the life of man, he was full of generous piety, he showed forth with all' his might his senti ments of humanity." He lightened the taxes, re stored the temple revenues, discarded promotion fees from priests, and renewed temple services. These grateful priests had ordered their memorial decree to be inscribed in the sacred characters of Egypt, in the vernacular, and in Greek. It was soon conjectured that the two inscriptions standing above the Greek told the same story. Such being the case, the value of the document was at once perceived. It was care fully copied, and packed for shipment. But the vic tory of the British at Alexandria, and the surrender of the city in 1801, transferred this treasure to the hands of the British commissioner, W. R. Hamilton, one of the most distinguished scholars of that day. The stone was shipped to England and deposited in JEAN FRANCOIS CHAMPOLLION DECIPHERER OF THE ROSETTA STONE TRANSLATED THE ROSETTA STONE 41 the British Museum, where visitors to-day may see it, carefully covered by a glass case. "This apparently insignificant stone," says Baron Bunsen, "shares with the great and splendid work, La Description de VEgyple, the honor of being the only result of vital importance to universal history accruing from a vast expedition, a brilliant conquest, and a bloody combat for the possession of Egypt." 22. Although the Greek inscription at the bottom of the stone could be translated, the upper registers remained riddles. But this stone apparently carried on its face the key to their meaning. Various at tempts of different scholars for twenty years suc ceeded in ascertaining the value of only a few char acters. In 1818, Champollion, a Frenchman who had busied himself before this date with Coptic and the geography of Egypt, began the study of Egyptian. By a most painstaking comparison of the known tongue with the two unknown registers, he succeeded in discovering the long-lost combination that un locked the old door to the civilization of the Nile valley. 23. In less than thirty years, this discovery of the Rosetta stone led to the unfolding of the history of a people who antedated the most extreme claims of antiquity of the Old Testament by more than 3,000 years. The history of the peoples of the Nile valley covered a period of nearly 5,000 years, while that of the Old Testament covered only 1,500 years, and 42 HEBREWS RECOGNIZED those 1,500 years were contemporaneous with the youngest periods of this newly discovered old history. Was the oldest portion of the Old Testament written in the twelfth century B. C, then it was 3,000 years younger than the oldest records of Egyptian history. A marvelous revelation was that! Where ruins and desolation had held sway, and a forgotten past lay slumbering beneath the sands, and the rocks of its ancient hills, there now marched forth a mighty civilization, extending over incredible stretches of time. The stately obelisks and majestic columns were still as the tomb, but their story now rings through the enlightened nations of the earth. Their designers and builders perished thousands of years ago, and their kings lie silent in their tombs, or in our museums, but their testimony abides, unchal lenged, chiseled in imperishable rocks. 24. This resurrection of old Egypt disturbed the theories and canons of many a thinker. "Is it pos sible," said some of them, "that there can be a book older than the Old Testament, which we have always regarded as mythical and legendary? It does not seem reasonable. But the best authorities on this ancient language, and men who have not the least interest in the Old Testament, tell us that it is true, and we have no reason to doubt their sincerity. The evidence is shown us cut into the hardest of rocks, and we cannot doubt it. If now we believe that Egypt existed so long ago with so wonderful a civ- THE ROSETTA STONE IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM EGYPT'S TREASURES TO-DAY 43 ilization, we cannot object to the probable existence of the Hebrews, who belong to a comparatively younger age." There are, then, some points in which the Old Testament seems to be true. Egypt, wherever mentioned, is no longer simply a name, but the home of a highly civilized and vigorous people, dating from 5,000 B. C, a people, too, whose fortunes for centuries run parallel to the Hebrews of the Old Testament. 25. Egypt is, to-day, yielding rich rewards to her excavators. She is turning over her vast storehouse of antiquities to the patient and long-suffering archae ologist. The Egypt Exploration Fund alone has pub lished more than a dozen volumes descriptive of the finds of its excavators since the organization of the society in 1882. These are full of important draw ings, inscriptions, and portraits of the most valuable kind. In this mass of material we are finding not only new evidences of the greatness of the old civiliz ation of the Nile valley, but also testimony to the accuracy of the records and hints of the Old Testa ment regarding the character of the ancient Egyp tians. In addition to this we are learning that the early records of the Old Testament are replete with traces of an Egyptian coloring, of an Egyptian influ ence upon the annalist. CHAPTER IV MESOPOTAMIA'S MOUNDS OPENED 26. The Old Testament abounds with references to peoples who occupied the great valley of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers. To this fertile basin of West ern Asia both kingdoms of Israel, the ten tribes and Judah, were carried away captive. Travelers through this valley for centuries had noticed many strange ruins. Scattered here and there over this valley they saw artificial mounds, dry beds of ancient canals, ruins of towers, and cities, some of them of remarkable ex tent. In fact, the entire sweep of territory from Armenia on the north to the Persian Gulf on the south, and from the highlands of Iran on the east to the great Arabian desert and Syria on the west, was dotted with ruins and traces of some ancient and long- departed civilization. These same travelers had noticed and occasionally picked up here and there, especially near the mounds, bits of burnt bricks and fragments of tablets, upon which were found some peculiar wedge-shaped characters. No one could de termine whether they were writing or simply a species of artistic ornamentation. They were carefully pre served, simply as mementos and relics of an unknown 44 FTNDDIGS OF RICH 45 antiquity. These mounds remained practically undis turbed, except by the rains which tore great gashes in their sides, until the present century. 27. Between 1808 and 1820 an Englishman by the name of C. J. Rich, who had lived a romantic life in the East, as a cadet, a writer, a secretary in an em bassy, and an adventurer, landed at Bagdad. While at this place he became intensely interested in the old mounds of the country, and made serious attempts to investigate them. In the gullies cut by centuries of rains, he gathered numerous little clay bricks, covered on every side with the same wedge-shaped characters as those seen on the bits of bricks found by travelers on the plains. These he carefully preserved, and, as every loyal Briton, gave his collection to the British Museum, where it may now be seen. The results of his (Mr. Rich's) work were published in two volumes, one in 1815 and a second in 1818. 28. Practically nothing was done to further the work done by Rich until 1842, when France sent a consul by the name of P. E. Botta to the city of Mosul, on the upper Tigris River. Botta, by training and inclination an archaeologist, noticed across the Tigris River, east of Mosul, a range of extensive arti ficial mounds, which were supposed to be the ruins of ancient Nineveh. These so aroused his curiosity and interest that he employed a company of native diggers. While engaged in this work, the natives perceived with what care Mr. Botta preserved and put away every bit 46 BOTTA AT KHORSABAD of brick which carried on it any marks. In fact, the peasants from the neighborhood brought him many fragments of alabaster and bricks. One of them in quired why he was so careful to keep all such bits of broken stuff. When told that the consul was in search of sculptures, a peasant advised him to investigate the mound on which his village was built, because in dig ging the foundations for their new houses many such things had been found. On further inquiry, the con sul learned that the village was Khorsabad, situated on a little hill near the river Khauser, about twelve miles northeast of Mosul. Mr. Botta transferred his force of diggers to this new place. After an all-round examination of this curious hill, he began operations by sinking a shaft into the mound. Not far from the surface he struck on the top of a wall, which he found to be built of gypsum. A wider trench was made and carried along in the same direction as the wall. Botta soon found that he had entered a room of immense proportions. The walls were all wainscoted with sculptured alabaster slabs, upon which he saw a pano rama. There were figures of battles, sieges, triumphal processions, hunting scenes, and like events, all in re lief. Across the face of many of these were lines of characters similar to those found on the bits of burnt bricks and alabaster found scattered on the plain. Aroused to the highest pitch of excitement and joy, Botta passed from the first room into others of similar dimensions and ornamentation and figures. He r.4 titers! ETRV THE PALACE OP SARGON II RESTORED (After Place) BOTTA AND ARCHEOLOGY 47 pushed on and on, until he discovered acres of such chambers, with scores of remarkable figures and co lossi. When he once stopped to think of the antiquity of his finds, he was astonished. He faced a new race. A new-old civilization gazed upon him from every slab of alabaster, and from every giant colossus. In fact, he seemed to be walking in a dreamland, in habited by gods, fairies, and colossi, by demons, drag ons, and crooked things. 'What can all this mean? Who built this struc ture? In what century did he live? To what nation did he belong? Are these walls telling me their tales of joy and woe? Is this beautiful cuneiformed char acter a language? I know not. I can read their glory and their victories in their figures, but their story, their age, their blood, is to me a mystery. Their re mains mark the fall of a glorious and a brilliant past, but of a past known not to a living man.' 29. Botta's discoveries aroused the whole archaeo logical and historical world with enthusiasm. A tre mendous impulse was given to the study of the Orient. The French government, highly gratified at the sur prising success of its consul, supplied him with ample means for further research. With enthusiastic efforts and energy Botta prosecuted his discoveries until he succeeded in revealing what afterward proved to be the palace of the great Sargon (722-705 B. C), prob ably the most magnificent palace the world has ever seen, covering an area of more than twenty-five acres. 48 LAYARD AT NIMROUD It stood in the northwest side of a square, almost one mile on a side. The whole square was inclosed by a high battlemented wall, and pierced by two gates on each side. Within this square mile of inclosed terri tory were traces of lakes and small buildings of vari ous kinds. Botta secured in these ruins and brought to Europe the first great collection of Assyrian an tiquities, which form to-day one of the most highly prized treasures of the Louvre in Paris. Botta, in conjunction with Flandin, an architect, prepared, and the French government published, the results of this expedition in five great folio volumes, entitled Monu ment de Ninive. 30. Mr. A. H. Layard, a young English scholar, visited the East early in the forties to look over the prospects of profitable excavations. Nimroud, a mound about twenty miles southeast of Mosul, and about one and one-half east of the present bed of the Tigris, especially attracted his attention. The suc cesses of Botta stirred up Layard's desire to begin excavation, but the means were not at hand. In the autumn of 1845, Sir Stratford Canning indicated his readiness to meet the expenses, for a limited time, of excavations in Assyria, intimating that a successful campaign would guarantee help for the same work in the future. Mr. Layard at once set out for Mosul, organized his gang, and began work at Nimroud. The difficulties in his way were almost beyond the limits of endurance. But over all he persevered, and in an AUSTEN HENRY LAYARD AKCH/EOLOGIST LAYARD AT NINEVEH 49 incredibly short time succeeded in uncovering one of the most beautiful palaces of antiquity. This palace afterward proved to be that of a king of Assyria, Assurnatsirpal, who reigned 884-860 B. C, a con temporary of Omri, king of Israel. The rooms of this palace were everywhere wainscoted with alabaster slabs about seven feet high. Marvelous figures in re lief were found on each separate slab, or sometimes extended over several slabs. Across the middle of these were found lines of the same wedge-shaped characters. Out of this palace Layard took more than one hundred colossi and alabaster slabs, and trans ported a large number of them to the British Museum. About twenty-five of them may be seen in the muse ums and colleges of our country. One of the chief attractions of visitors to the British Museum is the collection of giant winged, human-headed bulls and lions, and eagle-headed deities, brought by Layard from Nimroud. Layard's work at this mound ex tended, at intervals, over several years, during which he uncovered three palaces. Since his day Rassam and George Smith have gathered precious treasures in the same mound. 31. A few years later Layard made a second expe dition to Assyria. At this time the House of Com mons, with full confidence in his successes, voted the British Museum authorities £3,000 for the purpose of carrying on further excavations in the East. Mr. Layard's intense interest in the mounds across the 50 LAYARD AND ORIENTAL STUDY Tigris River facing Mosul led him to attempt work here. Except the slight digging by Botta's men, these great mounds had stood undisturbed for more than two thousand years. Xenophon passed here at the head of his 10,000 Greeks 400 B. C, and knew not what they covered. But the books of Jonah and Nahum are sketches of their past. They covered the great and cruel Nineveh, the pride of its peoples and the scourge of the nations. She had been lost from the sight of man for more than two thousand years. Indeed, her very location was lost, forgotten, buried under the dust of ages. Layard's systematic and energetic work at this mound rewarded him by the uncovering of another palatial structure, built on the same magnificent pro portions as those previously discovered. This palace proved to be that of Sennacherib, king of Assyria (705-681 B. C), whose attack on Jerusalem in 701 B. C. is said to have been followed by the destruction of his army of 185,000 on the plains of Philistia. This palace covered, according to the traces of foundations laid bare by Layard, an area of eight acres — about four ordinary city blocks — and contained more than seventy rooms of various dimensions. This, as the other palaces, was lined with inscriptions and figures picturing events at home and abroad. 32. Layard's successes here, and in other places, created an unbounded enthusiasm among all students of oriental lore. They brought to light, and set up GEORGE SMITH AT NINEVEH 51 before their eyes, objects twenty-five centuries old; in fact, set them face to face with a forgotten, unknown, and long-lost civilization. Layard has told us the story of his epoch-making excavations in three roman tic volumes, Nineveh and Its Remains, 2 vols., and Nineveh and Babylon, 1 vol. He has also published two volumes of drawings of the monuments, entitled The Monuments of Nineveh, and one volume of in scriptions. The English government, always ready to recognize and to assist scientific research, appointed Mr. Layard to a number of important diplomatic posi tions where he could further the work which he had so successfully carried on for many years. After a most brilliant career as an archaeologist and diplomat, he died, July 5, 1894. Layard's work was continued by Rassam, one of his right-hand men in his excavations, by Taylor and Loftus and Henry C. Rawlinson. The French were also rivals in the field, with such workers as Thomas, Fresnel, and Oppert. Each investigator has left us a valuable record descriptive of his findings — some of these attain to more than a single volume. 33. It was not until 1872 that any other notable excavations were made. At this time, George Smith, a young genius, an officer in the British Museum, dis covered fragments of a tablet on which were inscribed an account of the deluge. The Daily Telegraph of London sent him to the site of Nineveh to find, if possible, other fragments of the same story or event. 52 A CUNEIFORM TABLET Smith conducted excavations in one of the mounds of old Nineveh, and was rewarded by finding a library of 30,000 tablets and cylinders, which had belonged to the collection of Assurbanipal (668-626 B. C), the last great king of Assyria, a contemporary of Manas- seh and Josiah of Judah. The position that these tablets occupied showed that they had been arranged by topics somewhat as we arrange our books on the shelves of our libraries. They were almost all in a good state of preservation. Now some one may ask how clay tablets could have been prevented from crumbling. To answer this, you must be told how the books were prepared. In the first place, the scribe secured a small piece of soft clay, free from stones or hard kernels. This he molded or pressed until it attained the form and size of an ordinary cake of toilet soap. Into this piece of clear clay he pressed what appears to have been the corner of a cube, with one of its edges forming, with the surface of the clay, a very sharp angle. The im pression made by such a process would be wedge- shaped. These wedges put together in different posi tions formed signs, and these signs constituted the language on these tablets. Of course, some were larger and some smaller than that here described, but this was about the average size. As soon as the work of writing was finished, the tablet was baked hard to preserve it from crumbling. Even baked bricks can not withstand the ravages of time. But in the case of RASSAM; DE SARZEC 53 the library found by Smith, some striking observa tions were made. This great collection of tablets is thought to have occupied the second floor. When fire burned the palace, the cedar beams supporting the second floor were burned away, and the library crashed into the lower apartments. The walls of the palace also fell in and buried the library. In this, as in other mounds of Assyria and Babylonia, the great thick walls of the houses and of the city's fortifica tions, of unburnt bricks, veneered with a layer of burnt bricks, melted under the action of the elements, flowed in and formed a mass or mound of earth and preserved to our day these invaluable little volumes of a remote antiquity. In this library Smith discovered some fragments of the famous creation and deluge tablets, about which I shall have something to say in a subsequent chapter. Mr. Smith made two successful expeditions, and while on his way for a third, died of a fever in Aleppo, Syria, August 19, 1876. An account of his work is found in his volume entitled Assyrian Discoveries. 34. After the death of Smith, the trustees of the British Museum sent out Rassam, who carried on ex tensive diggings in the Mesopotamian valley. He em ployed more than five hundred diggers at one time and on several sites, and brought back to London some of the most valuable inscriptions and other specimens of antiquity that the British Museum owns. 54 TEL EL-AMARNA; NIPPUR In 1878, France sent a consul by the name of de Sarzec to Bosrah, lower Babylonia. His interest in archaeological remains set him to investigating some of the mounds in the vicinity. He soon began work at Tello, in the lower Mesopotamian valley. He was shortly successful in uncovering a palace and discover ing a lot of very ancient statues of black diorite, in scribed with a beautiful archaic writing. For about twenty years, at intervals, de Sarzec has brought to light treasures of material from these ruins. These are of especial value as they preserve for us, among others, an account of the career of the great ruler of Lagash, Gudea, who was active in the affairs of this valley about 2800 B. C. They show us a civilization of marvelous proportions and extent. Many of these antiquities are now in the Louvre at Paris, a choice collection, dating from times anterior to Abraham. 35. In 1887 there were found at Tel el-Amarna, in Egypt, about 300 clay tablets, upon which are written mainly the cuneiform language. Since 1887 the University of Pennsylvania has rewarded American beneficence and enterprise and scholarship by her marvelous discoveries at Nippur, in lower Babylonia. Thousands of tablets have been un earthed, and deposited either in the museum at Con stantinople or in the University of Pennsylvania. The story of the first two campaigns is admirably told TEL EL-AMARNA; NIPPUR 55 by Dr. Peters in two luxurious volumes, entitled Nippur. I have thus briefly indicated some of the chief dis coveries of the present century on sites in Assyria and Babylonia. The story of the decipherment of these inscriptions I shall reserve for another chapter. CHAPTER V CUNEIFORM SECRETS REVEALED 36. The wedge-writing continued for long ages to be an unsolved mystery. The discoveries of Botta and Layard in the mounds at Khorsabad and Nim roud were contemporaneous with another and equally or more remarkable event. Oriental scholars in Germany, France, Scandinavia, and other countries had set their wits to solve the wedge-language of old Persia. By shrewd guessing only did they arrive at a few results of value. No very substantial progress was made, however, until a young Englishman, an officer in the Persian army, Henry C. Rawlinson, made a discovery in 1835 in the Zagros Mountains. Here he found a limestone moun tain rising out of the plain to a height of 1,700 feet. One side of this mass was almost perpendicular in form. About 350 feet above the base on this per pendicular side, Rawlinson could see a large space which had been carefully hewn off and polished. Upon this prepared surface he could also descry a large bas-relief, representing a king, before whom stood a long line of captives bound neck to neck with a rope. Adjacent to this great group were several 56 msm THE BEHISTUN ROCK HENRY C. RAWLINSON COPYING THE INSCRIPTIONS THE BEHISTUN INSCRIPTIONS 57 columns of cuneiform inscriptions. Rawlinson thought that in ancient times there might have been a scaffolding of some kind, so that the passer-by might reach and read the inscriptions; but at this time they were too high and too inaccessible. Rawlinson's perseverance over slippery and dangerous places finally brought him to the narrow ledge at the foot of the inscriptions. This ledge, about fourteen inches wide, had been made when the large surface had been hewn and smoothed off, and the artistic work done. Rawlinson resolved at once to copy these wonderful columns of inscriptions. The narrowness of the ledge, and the disappearance of a part of it by the ravages of time, and the fearful chasm below him of 350 feet, put him in peril. Some of the inscriptions he could copy from the ledge, for others he climbed a ladder, the foot of which was held on the fourteen- inch ledge by an attendant. But even this perilous task could not be carried out above a space from which the ledge had been worn away. Various schemes were devised and native help employed to accomplish his purpose. For a time he was suspended in a swing in front of the columns of writing. Suffice it to say that only after most painstaking effort and dangerous risks, at intervals during four years, was Rawlinson able to complete the copying of these columns of wedge- writing. 37. As soon as he discovered the probable value of the inscriptions, and that he had not one language 58 THE OLD PERSIAN INSCRIPTION READ but three in his possession, he set about industriously studying the Sanskrit, Zend, and Pehlevi languages, that thereby he might be the better equipped for his task of translating. Some smaller Persian inscrip tions found at Persepolis and other points were also used to advantage. Being familiar with modern Persian, he was also in a peculiar sense ready for his work. As other scholars who had at various times tackled old Persian inscriptions, Rawlinson selected as a basis for investigation the names Darius, Xerxes, and Hystaspes. These same names occurred on a number of inscriptions, and by ingenious guesses he discovered some of the letters of which the names were constituted. Then by testing the values of these let ters in other words the meanings of which were known to him as a modern Persian scholar, Rawlinson succeeded finally in translating the five columns of old Persian cuneiform writing — nearly 400 lines. Ten years after his discovery at Behistun, he sent his translation to Europe. In 1847, the text, transla tion, and a commentary appeared in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. Rawlinson tells us that these inscriptions were cut here by order of Darius I., king of Persia, about 515 B. C. They relate how, while Darius was still oc cupied in the reformation of the national faith, an insurrection broke out in Susiana ; that the chief ring leader was seized without the employment of any military force ; that there was also a revolt in Babylon HENRY CRESWICKE RAWLINSON DECIPHERER OF THE BEHISTUN INSCRIPTIONS THE REMAINING LANGUAGES READ 59 of such a determined character that Darius was obliged to lead his own troops to put it down. Other valuable historical information is also contained in this old document. 38. On the supposition that the other two inscrip tions told the same story, scholars began to attempt to read them. Very soon the second tongue, the Median or Susian, began to yield its secrets. Then the third series of columns, the Babylonian, was forced to give up its hidden treasures. This Behistun group was found to sustain the same relation to the cuneiform languages of Babylonia that the Rosetta stone sus tained to the tongues of ancient Egypt. It was the key to its ancient life, people, and government. But, as in all cases of great advance in any one department, there were doubters and sceptics. To make a final test of scholars' ability to read and interpret these inscriptions, four men, Rawlinson (H. C), the discoverer and translator of the Old Persian inscription; Hincks (Edw.), an Irishman; Oppert (J.), a Frenchman, still living; Talbot (H. F.), an English man, met in London in 1857. The trustees of the British Museum gave each a fine lithographic copy of a long historical inscription, and asked that he work independently and present at a specified time the re sults of his work. At the given date all appeared and compared results. To the great surprise and pro found satisfaction of everyone, their translations agreed substantially from beginning to end. The 60 A NEW GALAXY OF NATIONS triumph was almost incredible; the victory was com plete. This new philological solution was the greatest achievement ever made in the field of language or archasology. It was as great a discovery in the field of history and philology as the telegraph in the com mercial world. 39. Is this an extravagant statement? But think a moment. There lay the supposed old civilizations of the Mesopotamian valley buried out of the sight of man for thousands of years. Its former inhabitants were unknown. Its mighty empires were apparently blotted from the pages of history. Its relations with outside nations were known only through hints here and there. In fact, it was only a shadow, with the Old Testament alone to point to a possible greatness. But what now? This achievement in the translation of the cuneiform inscriptions gives us at one stroke a whole valley full of thrifty cities, well-organized gov ernments, conquering armies and world-wide rulers. They are all made to step out upon the stage and play their most important role in the drama of ancient nations. Henceforth the Mesopotamian valley be comes one of the most dramatic sections of the earth's surface, in which the fortunes of the nations of the known world were made or lost. 40. Scholars who read this magical tongue are now found in nearly every enlightened country, and special chairs for it have been established both in European and in American universities, where a vast THE CUNEIFORM LANGUAGE 61 amount of investigation is carried on in several im portant branches of the science. These men, how ever, especially in American universities, are so over loaded with work in more practical lines that they can do a very small part for the advancement of this all- important science. What is needed in America espe cially for this work is an investigation endowment, which will provide means for the support of men who are willing to do this unremunerative and yet essen tial line of work. 41. The language in which the mass of material discovered in the Mesopotamian valley is preserved is the Babylonian-Assyrian cuneiform, or wedge-writ ing. This language is not alphabetical. It has no letters. It is a sign and syllable language. Each separate wedge or combination of wedges constitutes a sign. These are always pressed into clay, and cut into stone or metal. They never appear in relief. These signs possessed originally, and some of them did in later times, merely an ideographic value; that is, the sign stood for an idea, as, sun, mountain, man, fish, etc. They also possess, most of them, a syllable value, as oa, da, ra, lah, pin, rid, shad, etc. A large number of these signs possess several syllabic values, one or two of them having as many as thirteen. The context only is the determinator of the sign to be used in any given ease. Then, to complicate matters still more, the same sign may have both ideographic and syllabic values. Which is to be used in any given case 62 THE CUNEIFORM LITERATURE can be decided only by the context in which the sign is found. Of independent and entirely distinct signs there are more than 550, formed by combinations of anywhere from two to thirty wedges, paralleled, cross ing each other at various angles, or inserted within certain combinations. Now, to increase the difficulty a thousandfold, there are almost endless combinations of anywhere from two to six of these different signs to express both simple and compound ideas. There is one published collection that contains nearly 15,000 combinations. This Babylonian-Assyrian cuneiform language is Semitic in character, a half-sister to the Hebrew of the Old Testament. Its relation to the Hebrew is about as close as that between Italian and Spanish. 42. The discoveries of the past half-century have brought to light great masses of cuneiform literature, clay-brick and clay-tablet volumes. We possess to day in published form more than six times as much literature as is contained in the Hebrew of the Old Testament. The British Museum alone has published 440 folio and 200 quarto pages, and there is one-half as much more in private and archaeological publica tions. Not one-quarter of all the inscriptions dis covered has been published. The British Museum alone has more than 30,000 tablets awaiting the patient toil of the cuneiform expert. The period of time covered by these documents is no less surprising than their scope. They occur from prehistoric times, KINDS OF CUNEIFORM LITERATURE 63 or before 5,000 B. C, down through a sweep of time covering periods anterior to, contemporaneous with, and subsequent to the Old Testament. In fact, docu ments in the cuneiform character have been found dating from the first century before the Christian era. 43. What kind of material is contained in this mass of literature, which prevailed through so many cen turies? (1) The most beautiful and elaborate inscriptions are those which in a rough classification may be termed historical. They picture with great vividness the lordship of his majesty the king, the magnitude of his military campaigns, the glory of his conquests, the scope of his territory, and the cruel means by which he kept his subjects in submission. For the study of the Old Testament these inscriptions, or this new knowledge, is invaluable. For example, Shal maneser II (860-25 B. C.) mentions in his records the names of Ahab, Jehu, and Omri. Tiglathpileser III (745-727 B. C.) names Menahem, Pekah, and Hoshea of Israel, and Azariah and Ahaz of Judah — five kings of Israel and Judah. The captivities of the children of Israel are now new stories on a new and definite background. Again, the later Babylonian empire, captured by Cyrus, is now relieved of its burdens of tradition with which Berosus and Herodotus had loaded it down. Cyrus now tells us his own story, and his captive king, Nabonidus, also leaves us his ver sion of the same wonderful campaign. In short, 64 HISTORICAL; CHRONOLOGICAL these historical cuneiform inscriptions have painted for us an entirely new background for the historical and prophetical books of the Old Testament, which recount events in Israel's history during the last two centuries of its kingdom. (2) One of the most tangled-up questions of the Old Testament is that of its chronology. We are doubtless aware that the marginal dates of our Bibles were arranged by Archbishop Ussher of Armagh (1580-1656). It is conceded by all scholars that this system, though carefully wrought out, and as good as could be constructed at that day, is now fraught with insurmountable difficulties. No way is seen out of this jungle. But in this age of startling discoveries, we must not despair. This cuneiform literature pre serves for us long lists of officials and kings, extending through centuries, which promise to aid us in getting rid of this chronological snarl into which Ussher has put the Old Testament. Let us hold the chronolog ical problem in abeyance for larger and more definite information, stretching over greater periods of time. (3) Babylonia-Assyria, as most oriental peoples, had some stupendous stories about the origin and early history of mankind. The literature embodying these stories is quite abundant and exceedingly im portant. We find here accounts or figures of the crea tion of the world, of the temptation, and of the deluge. Their early heroes were extremely active, and played an essential role in these tragical events. The impor- GEOGRAPHICAL; COMMERCIAL 65 tance of these legends is based on the fact of their close resemblance to the early chapters of Genesis. (4) Many cities and places mentioned in the Old Testament were lost, or were so indefinitely described that their existence even was doubted. But our new cuneiform literature presents us long lists of coun tries, cities, and towns in such order as to aid us materially in locating some of those lost ones. The lists give us a kind of word-map of ancient Babylonian geography, including therein some of its subject peo ples. We can now point out, for instance, the site of Nineveh, one of the places to which the kingdom of Israel was carried captive, the seat of Sargon's great palace at Khorsabad, and locations of other smaller places. These facts help us to localize many of the events of the Old Testament which have hitherto been practically suspended in mid-air. (5) The social life of a nation is often best pre served in its commercial transactions. Babylonian excavations have brought to light large numbers of contracts between parties engaged in commercial pur suits, such as bankers, merchants, land-holders, money-lenders, etc. These documents tell us what kind of a people Judah and Israel were compelled to serve. They are shown to have been an active, thrifty, wealthy people, who made Babylon long ages ago one of the great trading marts of the oriental world. (6) No discovery of the past quarter-century has 66 INTERNATIONAL; MISCELLANEOUS fired enthusiasm in oriental research more than the bringing to light in 1887, in Tel-el-Amarna in Egypt, of those 300 letters which proved to be international letters or dispatches, dating principally from about 1,500 B. C; that is, while Israel was still sojourn ing in Egypt. They were letters to two kings of Egypt from different kings and officials in Asiatic countries. They speak of political conditions, of social relations, of exchange of gifts, slaves, and pro posals of various kinds, such as were made between different nations and subject nations. Their im portance can be perceived when we think that they give us some of the real international life of Western Asia and Egypt before a single word of the Old Testament was written. (7) There are many other kinds of literature in these magical writings which I can barely mention. We find documents, not scientific treatises, on grammar, philology, ethnography, religion, geology, zoology, and botany. But for our purpose these pos sess little value. They reveal to us, however, the fact that previous to, contemporaneous with, and subse quent to Israel's career a tremendous influence and power were at work in Babylonia, and its subject peo ples. Those things profoundly affected Israel and gave color to many phases of her life. CHAPTER VI GLINTS FROM PALESTINE, PHOENICIA, AND THE HITTITES 44. The land that to-day attracts the largest atten tion among Bible students is Palestine. Occupying a territory of about 12,000 square miles, it still stands as the center, as the scene of the most important events in the world's history. From the first altar built by Abram (Genesis xiii.) down to the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus, its mountains and valleys, its rocks and ravines, echoed and re-echoed with shouts of warriors, with cries of grief, with calls of the shep herd, and with the weighty utterances of the Savior of the world. Century after century, travelers have re corded for us the customs and topography of this little land. But never until 1865 was an organization formed for systematic and scientific research in those holy fields. The first committee organized included such names as the Duke of Argyll, the Earl of Shafts- bury, Mr. A. H. Layard, Dean Stanley, Sir Henry Rawlinson, and Canon H. B. Tristram. After a pre liminary examination this company began active operations in 1867 on the site of Jerusalem, where it continued until 1870. In the same year Clermont- 67 68 SURVEY OF WESTERN PALESTINE Ganneau, a French archaeologist in the employ of the company, discovered an inscribed stone which had belonged to Herod's temple. In the same year (1870) the survey of Sinai was conducted by Major H. S. Palmer and Captain Wilson, and in 1871 Prof. E. H. Palmer made his perilous journey through the wilder ness. 45. The Great Survey of Western Palestine was begun in 1872. After seven years of incessant, and often dangerous, labor, and several changes in the personnel of leaders, the work was completed. In 1880 the great map of western Palestine was pub lished (on which each square mile is represented by one inch) in twenty-six sheets. The results of the entire survey are now available in seven magnificent volumes, which deal with all the characteristics of natural history and topography. One of the chief results to us of this great survey is the identification of Scripture sites. There are in the Bible 622 names of places, supposed to have been located west of the Jordan. Of these, 360 could not be identified; but this survey party succeeded in finding 172 of the 360 missing places. 46. In 1881 Lieutenant Conder began the survey of eastern Palestine, but the Turks compelled his retire ment. In 1883 a geological expedition left England under Prof. Edward Hull of the Geological Survey of Ireland. In 1885 and since that time large tracts of EXCAVATIONS IN JERUSALEM 69 country in northern Palestine, in Bashan, and in the Argob have been explored under the direction of the Palestine Exploration Fund. The results of these various expeditions have been issued in a number of valuable publications. Quarterly statements, bring ing the information up to date, are issued for the benefit of Palestinian students and scholars in every land. 47. But the key to the Holy Land is found on the summits covered by the modern city Jerusalem. No oriental or occidental city has been subjected to such national vicissitudes for thirty-five centuries of time. The storms of battle through all these years have repeatedly raged about her walls, often visiting upon her the direst results of plunder and desolation. From 1867 to 1870 Lieutenant Warren sunk scores of shafts down through the ages of accumulated rubbish, always to bed-rock. Wherever the diggers came upon artificial structures, such as arches, aqueducts, cis terns, or other works, they were carefully explored and measured, and a plan sketched to a scale. The results of these years of work have been embodied in a beauti ful survey memoir, entitled Jerusalem. Since that date, this city has been the chief object of exploration in Palestine. The latest explorations of F. J. Bliss on this site, under the direction of the Fund, in the years 1894-97, yielded many results, such' as the re vealing of old wall-lines, mosaic chambers, aqueducts, 70 EXCAVATIONS IN PALESTINE pavements, and pottery of various periods. These results are recited in a new volume, entitled Excava tions at Jerusalem (1894-97), by Bliss and Dickie. One point only in Palestine outside of Jerusalem has been systematically explored, that is Lachish, or Tell el-Hesy. In 1890 Mr. Petrie began to turn over the hillocks of this mass of ruins. He found numer ous remains of pottery and old buildings of times prior to, and of, Roman times. A little later Dr. Bliss con tinued the work, and laid bare several successive cities, and published a detailed description of his ex cavations in A Mound of Many Cities. One of the most interesting finds in Palestine is that of the Madaba map. It was discovered and identified December 13, 1896, by Cleopas M. Koiky- lides, at the site of ancient Medeba, about eleven cara van hours from Jericho, in ancient Moabitish terri tory. It was in the ruins of an old basilica, upon which the Greeks built a new church for their mem bers resident in the town. In constructing this build ing they destroyed large parts of the map, and covered some of it with cement for a new pavement. The original mosaic is thought to have covered 280 square meters, but the fragments now remaining contain only eighteen square meters. Its remains now show parts of Syria, Palestine, and Egypt. It is thought from internal evidence to have been made between the middle of the fourth and the middle of the fifth cen turies. TO EN MHAABA EYPE8EN TCMAXION MOIATKOY XAFTOY imun rris (OMPrHuiUM at'DACH ££ Ji Vf?r I / SAW WfSSSW" 5ST-. .y — -~~H&] se \ tT < Y'fTS V ^ =d_ m^7 ai®T%£US^ Mis? d. t: (A-- 1SE THE JORDAN JERUSALEM THE DEAD SEA THE MOSAIC MAP OF MADABA With a sketch showing its location in the church THE NILE DELTA PH(ENICIA AND ISRAEL 71 48. The thrifty cities of Tyre and Sidon hold a large place in the Old Testament. Though the Phoenicians occupied just a narrow strip of territory between the range of the Lebanon Mountains and the Mediterranean Sea, no other people exerted so potent an influence on Israel in the period of the dual king dom. From prehistoric times they figure as pioneers and leaders in the maritime and land commerce of all the world. From 1800 to 1500 B. C. the Mediter ranean Sea was dotted with the sails of Phoenician ships. Their merchants called at all the ports of the Mediterranean Sea and adjoining waters. Their mines and merchants were found in every land. The Old Testament is replete with statements of the com mercial importance of this people. In the days of David and Solomon they were the chief artisans for the preparation and for the construction of the royal residences and the temple. Their products, cedar and stone, were exchanged for the cereals and other products of the Israelites. This commercial intimacy introduced them very thoroughly to each other, and they most naturally exchanged many customs and manners. But the most fatal result to Israel was the introduction and promulgation of Baal worship among the hills of Palestine. The repugnance which this system of religion arouses in the reader of the Old Testament is equaled only by the horrible rites which accompanied it. So far as the Old Testament is concerned, the picture was a blood-curdling one, 72 TEMPLE RUINS IN PHOENICIA and to many readers incredible without some external testimony. 49. The discoveries of remains in this strip of terri tory have been slight as compared with those made in Egypt and in Mesopotamia. Some ruins, however, have been described with great detail. In 1860 the Emperor of France sent Renan, the noted French writer, to explore Syria and Phoenicia. One re markable temple ruin was discovered at Marathus on the coast of Phoenicia. It was a grand plan cut into the solid rock, 192 feet long by 160 feet broad. In the middle of this area was left a portion of the natural rock, 20 feet square by 10 feet high. On the top of this cubical mass had been built, of separate stones, a small shrine 15 feet by 12 feet and 14 feet high. The walls were made of three layers of hewn stone, and the roof of a single block. The only ex ternal ornament is a fillet and cornice on the four sides of the roof. No steps or stairs lead up into this chamber, and it is difficult to understand how it was entered. It is supposed that it originally contained an image of a deity before whom worshipers in the court below prostrated themselves. Two similar shrines were discovered by Renan in the same neigh borhood — indicating the importance attached to this species of worship by the Phoenicians. The best artisans employed by Solomon in the construction of the temple at Jerusalem were Phoenicians. In the substructure of the temple it RUraS OF WALLS AND TOMBS 73 is found that the stones resting upon the native bed rock have in some instances a length of thirty-nine feet and a depth of seven feet, while the courses for a considerable height are formed of blocks almost equal ly massive. Excavations at Gebeil and Tortosa, in Phoenicia, have shown walls composed of stones of almost exactly the same character. But the most notable temple yet discovered was at Paphos, in Cy prus. General di Cesnola deserves the honor of find ing and describing it. The ruins reveal a double peri- bolus, both oblong squares, the larger 700 feet by 630 feet, the smaller or inner 224 by 165 feet. Both are built of the usual colossal stones, some of which measure 16 feet by 8 feet, and are not to be found in that country, but were imported either from Egypt or Cilicia. 50. The walls of cities were built of the same mass ive stone as those found in temple foundations. In some cases the stones were beveled, but in others they were simply squared blocks of immense size, set upon one another in regular courses. The most striking remains of this character are those of the Island of Aradus. Renan says : "The extraordinary wall which surrounded the whole island served both for a defense against the enemy, and against the waves. It was composed of quadrangular prisms nine feet three inches high and from thirteen to sixteen feet long, without mortar or cement. They were brought from a neighboring quarry on the island. I do not think 74 IMAGES OF BAAL that there is anywhere else in the whole world a ruin that is more imposing or of a more marked character." The next species of discovery to which I desire to call attention is that of the tombs. One of the so-called twin tombs, Meghazils, which stand behind Aradus, near the coast of the Mediterranean Sea, is, says Re nan, "a real masterpiece in respect of proportion, ele gance and majesty." It has a basement story, circular, and flanked by four lions; a second story cylindrical in form, and a third of smaller dimensions crowned with a half-sphere. The whole, except the basement story, which consists of four blocks, is cut out of a single stone. The entire monument is thirty-two feet in height. But of most interest is the fact that it stands over a tomb chamber — built probably for some king or notable personage. The entrance to this chamber was at a little distance from the monu ment. Fifteen steps led down to a passage twenty-five feet long, opening into a chamber twenty feet by twenty by nine. At the farther end were two long chambers, each containing niches for four coffins or sarcophagi — all cut in the solid rock. Though with out date, these tombs are traced to a very early period. 51. Another species of remains is of still greater interest. On the Isle of Cyprus, especially, a great number of small and large images of Baal and Astarte have been found. The character of these symbols tells the tale of Israel's rapid defection. They are the symbols of the most degrading forms of idolatry, and A PHCENICIAN INSCRIPTION (From the sarcophagus of Eshmunazar II, king of the Zidonians about 400 B. C.) PHOENICIA'S INFLUENCE 75 are designed to lead their devotees to an abandoned life. The mistranslated word "groves" in the Old Testament is descriptive of this species of worship, which was so often carried on under the shades of trees, and by its deeds of wickedness brought upon Israel its doom of destruction. 52. The commercial and social influence of the Phoenicians gave added strength to their beliefs and worship. Wherever they established colonies, or built cities, or carried on trading posts, they left the im press of their national characteristics, especially that of their religion. The decipherment of Egyptian and Assyrian inscriptions has also set before us many of the most stirring events and crises in their political history. Their relations to Assyria and Babylon are vividly described in some of the triumphal and annalistic records of the latter. Egypt's dependence upon this maritime commercial people is also a bright ray of light out of a dark period. While the immediate discoveries of tombs, temples, and litera ture of ancient Phoenicia have been few, these, to gether with the revelations in the records of her neighbors, are enough to win a glad welcome from every student of the ancient past. 53. The Hittites are often mentioned in the Old Testament. Otherwise they were a forgotten people until the second half of the nineteenth century. The lack of extra-biblical testimony to their existence led some scholars about a half-century ago to deny 76 HITTITES IN THE OLD TESTAMENT their historicity. They scoffed at the idea of Israel allying herself with such an unhistorical people as the Hittites, as narrated in 2 Kings vii. 6. But those utterances have vanished into thin air. The Hittites were as real a people and power as any that reigned in Asia. Their supremacy in Asia Minor and north ern Syria was contemporaneous with the reign of Rameses II in Egypt. Their power was matched with the great army of that Pharaoh, with whom they signed a remarkable treaty. They continued as a powerful factor in the affairs of Asia Minor until the downfall of their capital, Carchemish, before the arms of Sargon II, in 717 B. C. 54. Their mention in the Old Testament begins very early. "The children of Heth" occupied a por tion of southern Palestine in Abraham's day. It was from Ephron the Hittite that Abraham purchased the cave of Machpelah (Gen. xxiii.). Esau took to wife Judith, the daughter of Beeri the Hittite, and Bashe- math, the daughter of Elon the Hittite (Gen. xxxvi. 34). These Hittites in Palestine were probably no more than a small settlement of the great empire whose headquarters were in the north-country. They are named among the seven nations who occupied the land of Canaan at its conquest by Joshua. Occa sionally one appears in subsequent days, such as Uriah, the Hittite of David's warriors. The evident reference in 1 Kings x. 29 and in 2 Kings vii. 6 is HITTITES IN THE INSCRIPTIONS 77 to the great people in the north, whose armies were to be feared for their valor and cruelty. 55. The Egyptian and Assyrian monuments picture to us a powerful nation, able in the time of Rameses II to cope with Egypt, or with any other world-power. They are described both in the language and in the portraiture of the Egyptians. Their origin is un known, and their first appearance as an influential people began about the fourteenth century B. C. From that time they formed one of the great nations — "the congress of nations" — for nearly seven cen turies, though their military power was not always of equal merit. We know from the material supplied by these two peoples that the Hittites were not a myth ical, an unhistorical race of that far-off day, at what ever period the biblical narrative may have been composed. 56. More than this, we have a quantity of Hittite antiquities, carved on the sides of mountains, on rock sides of mountain passes, on ruins of Hittite build ings of various kinds, in southern Asia Minor and northern Syria. These remains consist of reliefs of personages or deities, of animals, or of ritualistic ob servances of different kinds, and of quite a sum of inscriptions, written in strange hieroglyphic charac ters. These antiquities tell us by their general char acter that their makers were a people who had reached a considerable stage in civilization. Their religion and art, as told by these outlines, were not equal to 78 DIEULAFOY AT SUSA those of Egypt or of the East. There is a crudeness in their representations and in their written language which locates them lower in the scale of culture than the Egyptians and Assyrians. But the greatest hin drance to our knowledge of the Hittites is the fact that their inscriptions are not as yet successfully de ciphered. Numerous attempts have been made to read the language, but the lack of a key, such as the Rosetta stone was for the Egyptian or the Behistun inscription for the cuneiform languages, baffles the in vestigator. When these stories of themselves shall have been read, we shall know at first hand how they recorded their own annals, their own thoughts, and how they regarded their divinities, and their neigh bors. In the meantime we shall regard them as a mighty people — a compact nation, who occupied a distinct place in ancient times. 57. In the years 1884-86 a French engineer by the name of Dieulafoy carried on excavations under the auspices of the Louvre Museum, Paris, at Susa, or the Shushan of the book of Esther. After some startling experiences he finally succeeded in bringing to light the palace of Artaxerxes II, together with a marvelous quantity of interesting antiquities. These included bas-reliefs, friezes, statues, inscriptions, and in fact almost everything which made up the beauty and magnificence of a Persian palace in the most pros perous period of the empire. Up to the present we are not aware of the full significance of these finds, ARABIA; SYRIA 79 because their treasures are not all accessible to the scholarships of the world. But it is hoped that a more careful study of these forty-six tons of antiqui ties may add materially to our knowledge of the events and customs of the reign of the great Persian kings. 58. Discoveries of more or less significance for the Old Testament have been made also in Arabia from 1888 to 1891, where Dr. Glaser, a German, found Arabic inscriptions dating, as he claims, from the times of the reign of Solomon. The Germans have also opened a productive mound in Syria, at a place called Senjirli, whence they took out Aramaic and Assyrian inscriptions dating at the close of the eighth and beginning of the seventh century B. C This brief sketch of some of the minor discoveries of recent years must suffice for the present. We must now turn our attention to a study of the most notable light that these excavations yield to the understand ing of the Old Testament. CHAPTER VII PRIMITIVE TRADITIONS AND GENESIS 59. Almost all of the great nations of antiquity have preserved legends or traditions of the creation of the world, of the origin of man, of the fall, and of the deluge. These traditions vary greatly in value. Some of them are not worthy of mention, while others are so startling in their resemblances to the accounts in Genesis as to demand careful consideration. Of all the traditions found to-day in the documents of the old nations, those embodied in the cuneiform lan guage of Babylonia- Assyria are by far the most in teresting and important. In the consideration of these traditions, the order of events narrated in Gen esis will be followed. It will be practically impossible to present in full the Babylonian cosmogony, but its general representation of the beginnings of things will be seen from the appended specimens of translations. 60. The history of the finding of the creation tab lets of Assyria is full of romantic interest, but we can notice here only its translation. It is supposed to have consisted originally of seven tablets. The fol lowing is the only remaining fragment of the first (Delitzsch, Assyr. Lesestiicke, 3d ed., p. 93) : 80 ASSYRIAN STORY OF CREATION 81 There was a time when, what is overhead, was not called heaven, What is beneath, was not yet called earth. — The abyss, the ancient, their progenitor, The mother Tiamat, was the bearer of them all. Their waters were all together in one place [ = unscattered]. The fields were not prepared, the moor was not to be seen. At that time none of the gods had appeared, Neither was any one's name implored, nor was any destiny fixed. [Then] the gods were created .... Lachmu and Lachamu issued forth, And they brought forth An-Sar (and) Ki-Sar were created. A long time elapsed .... [Ere] the god Anu [Bel and Ea were born]. An-Sar and Ki-Sar [bore them !]. In brief, the interpretation of this fragmentary in scription is that early, even before the beginning of things, except the abyss or chaos, the gods first ap peared. Lachmu and Lachamu produce the heavens above (An-sar), and the earth beneath (Ki-sar). After a lapse of time these two bodies produce the three great gods of the Babylonian pantheon, Anu, ruler of the sky, Bel, ruler of the earth, and Ea, ruler of the sea. What we possess of the fourth tablet describes the victory of Merodach over Tiamat, or the goddess of chaos, and all her host of allies. This is the formal defeat of chaos and the victory of order. Merodach constructed the heavens out of the skin of Tiamat, and Anu, Bel and Ea occupied it as their abode. The fifth tablet describes in a beautiful manner the fur nishing of the heavenly mansions (Del., A. L., p. 94) : 82 BABYLONIAN STORY OF CREATION He [Merodach] prepared the mansions of the great gods ; He fixed the stars, the lumashu, corresponding to them ; He fixed the year, and set its boundaries. [For] the twelve months he fixed three stars, From the opening of the year to its close. The sixth tablet has not been as yet discovered. The seventh tablet, very fragmentary in form, describes the following events (Del., A. L., pp. 94, 95) : At that time the gods in their assembly created . . . . ; They prepared the mighty ; They created the living creatures, The cattle of the field, the [wild] beasts of the field, and creeping things ; [They prepared dwelling places] for the living creatures ; They distributed the creeping things of the field, the creep ing things of the city. the creeping things, the sum of all creation. Though fragmentary to an aggravation, there are some significant words and expressions as to the origin of animal life. 61. A few years ago, Mr. T. G. Pinches, of the British Museum, discovered another queer record of creation, a few lines of whose translation I add : The glorious house, the house of the gods, in a glorious place had not been made ; A plant had not grown, a tree had not been formed ; A brick had not been laid, a beam had not been shaped ; A house had not been built, a foundation had not been gloriously made. Niffer had not been built, E-kura had not been constructed ; Erech had not been built, E-ana had not been constructed ; The abyss had not been made, Eridu had not been built. BABYLONIAN STORY OF CREATION 83 (As for) the glorious house, the house of the gods, its seat had not been constructed ; The whole of the lands and the sea also, When within the sea there was a stream. In that day Eridu was built, E-sagila was constructed, E-sagila which the god Lugal-du-azaga founded within the abyss ; Babylon was built, E-sagila was completed. He made the gods, and the Anunnaki altogether ; The glorious city, the seat of the joy of their heart, he pro claimed supremely. Merodach bound together the amam before the water ; He made dust, and poured it out with the flood ; The gods were to be made to dwell in a seat of joy of heart, He made mankind ; Aruru, the seed of mankind, they made with him; The beasts of the field, the living creatures of the desert he made ; He made and set in their places the Tigris and the Euphrates; Well proclaimed be their name ; The ussu plant, the dittu-plstnt of the marshland, the reed and the forest he made ; He made the verdure of the desert ; The lands, the marshes, and the greensward also ; The ox, the young of the horse, the stallion, the heifer, the sheep, the locust, Plantation and forest also ; The he-goat and the gazelle before him. The lord Merodach on the sea-shore filled up a mound, formerly had not been, he caused to be, he made the tree, he shaped the beam, he built the city. This is a wonderful story or tradition of the begin ning of things. The writer strives through the first 84 COMPARED WITH GENESIS part of it to convey the idea of nothingness, of a time when nothing existed. When he has exhausted his resources in this direction he turns about and de scribes in the same manner positively the order of creation. This story reads almost like an expansion of the Genesis record with a Babylonian coloring. 62. Before passing on to other features of Baby lonian tradition, let us look at some of the resem blances and differences between Genesis and these records : (1) Genesis knows of a time when the earth was waste and void. The Babylonian accounts mention a time when all was chaos. (2) In Genesis light dispels darkness, and order fol lows chaos. In the Babylonian records the god Mero dach routs and overthrows the demon of chaos, Tia mat. (3) In Genesis, after a time, the dry-land appears. In the Babylonian account, Merodach created the dust and poured it out. (4) In Genesis, the stars, sun and moon are set in the heavens. In the Babylonian, Merodach places these as the mansions of the gods. (5) In Genesis, God created the animals and creep ing things. In the Babylonian, the assembly of the gods created animals and living creatures. (6) In Genesis, God created mankind. In the Babylonian, Merodach creates mankind. Here are, then, six prominent similarities between SABBATH IN THE INSCRIPTIONS 85 the two records. They are, of course, not identical, but if other portions of this Babylonian account had been omitted, these lines would read almost like a copy of the Genesis record. 63. But the unlikenesses, though not so numerous as the former, are extremely significant: (1) Genesis mentions God as the Creator of all things. The Babylonian record mentions no one as creator of all things, but various gods come in for their share in the beginnings. (2) Genesis describes a waste and an abyss. The Babylonian account personifies these words (Tohu and Tiamat) as warriors. (3) Genesis is pervaded with monotheism, while the Babylonian account is shot through with polytheism. How can we account for so few unlikenesses? Did the writer of the Genesis record borrow his account from the Babylonian tablets? or did the Babylonian record have its origin in the Genesis account? or did both derive their story from a common original source? These questions will receive attention at the close of this chapter. 64. The next Old Testament institution paralleled on the monuments is the rest-day, the Sabbath. "God rested on the seventh day from all his work which he had made, and God blessed the seventh day and sanc tified it, because in it he rested from all his work which God had creatively made" (Gen. ii. 3). The seventh day rest, or festival, was observed among the 86 SACREDNESS OF SEVEN Babylonians as among the Jews. Its name, and many of its requirements, were the same as those of the Mosaic ritual. The calendar of saints' days for the intercalary month Elul makes the seventh, the four teenth, the twenty-first, and the twenty-eighth days of the lunar month, days on which certain works were forbidden to be done. On these days, among other things, "flesh cooked on the coals or in the smoke may not be eaten; the clothing of the body may not be changed; white garments may not be put on; sacri fices may not be offered; the king may not ride in his chariot, nor speak in public." In fact, restrictions were laid upon everything which implied or necessi tated work of any kind. The differences between the Hebrew and Babylonian Sabbath are striking: (1) The Hebrew Sabbath has no connection with Babylo nian astronomy and polytheistic worship — our day has no relation whatever to the planets or planetary dei ties. (2) The Hebrew Sabbath has nothing to do with the changes of the moon — festivals of the new moon and the weekly Sabbath are entirely distinct from one another. The Old Testament assigns two reasons for the observance of the Sabbath : (1) It was God's day of rest; (2) Israel had been brought out of Egypt by a mighty hand and an outstretched arm (Ex. xx. 11; Deut. v. 15). 65. The Babylonians reckoned their time according to the movements of the moon, and this, of course, divided their lunar month into four weeks of seven THE GARDEN OF EDEN 87 days each, corresponding to the four quarters of the moon. The days also were named after the seven planetary deities. This number seven seems to have been held in especial reverence by the Babylonians, possibly because of their high regard for the seven planets which had been noted by astronomers from ancient times. The old Babylonian hymns consecrate the number seven in various ways. "Seven is the number of spirits whose origin is in the depths, who know neither order nor custom, nor listen to prayers and desires. Seven and twice seven is the knot to be tied by the woman who sits by the bedside of her sick husband and conjures the evil spirits." The mythical serpent in the hymns has seven heads, and the gates to the underworld are seven — all testifying to the general use and sacredness of the number seven in those primitive times. 66. The vexed question of the location of the Gar den of Eden is not solved by the inscriptions of Baby lonia. They make frequent mention of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, and, among a list of irrigating canals of that great valley, Prof. Delitzsch has found two by the names of Guhana and Pisanu, answering to the requirements of the narrative (Gen. ii. 10-14) in the Old Testament. Whether this theory is true or not, it is practically agreed among Assyriologists, whose study of this valley has been most thorough, that Eden was located in primitive times somewhere within easy reach of the Persian Gulf, possibly at its head. 88 THE CHERUBIM The inscriptions tell us of a primitive sacred garden, in which there was a tree of life. This tree is seen fre quently on the seals of prominent personages of Baby lon. It also appears among the alabaster reliefs found on the wainscoting of the royal palaces. Approach to it seems to have been limited to the gods or to dis tinguished persons. Its fruit also contained qualities capable of granting and maintaining life perpetually. 67. The cuneiform inscriptions represent the cher ubim as winged human-headed bulls and lions, which were set as guards at the entrances to royal palaces and public buildings. Even at the city's gates these mon ster colossi stood on perpetual guard against the pos sible incursions of evil spirits. Ezekiel (chap. i. 10 and x. 14) compares the face of a cherub with that of a bull. His complicated figure in the first chapter of his prophecy carries in it the different elements of these colossi, when he describes the four faces as those of a man, a lion, an ox, and an eagle. Ezekiel's pres ence in Babylonia doubtless made him very familiar with these stupendous guards, and caused him to re gard them as his best symbols of majesty and power. The cherubim of the Tabernacle were set as protectors of the ark of the covenant, of the majesty of Jehovah's presence. The Babylonian and Assyrian colossi, or cherubim, were stationed as the guards to royal pal aces, to protect the majesty of the rulers' abodes. Just what the cherubim who guarded the entrance to Eden were, we cannot tell. But the similarity in name and mm m ' v.'J.r:.-w A DELUGE TABLET THE TEMPTATION 89 in office suggests some relation in thought between the guards at Eden's entrance and the great doorways to the magnificent palaces of Babylonia- Assyria. 68. The inscriptions nowhere describe in words the fall of man. This strange event is, however, sup posed to be implied in a remarkable seal cylinder of a very primitive date. This cylinder carries on its surface a peculiar group of figures. In the center of this group stands a tree, from which there hangs fruit. On one side of this tree sits a man, and on the other, a woman. Behind the woman, with its head near hers, is the crooked, crawling form of a serpent. Not one word is recorded on the seal. The group alone tells the story. Most scholars suppose that this is a figurative representation of some tradition of the fall of man which was current among the peoples of old Babylonia. 69. Of all the traditions handed down to us through the cuneiform inscriptions, the most extensive and complete discovered thus far is the Babylonian ac count of the deluge. A record of this event is found in the works of Josephus and Eusebius, but in all of its details and vigor, the Babylonian account stands pre-eminently next to the biblical record. This nar rative is found on the eleventh tablet of the great Gilgamesh epic, first discovered and translated by George Smith of the British Museum in 1872. Since that date several editions of its text have appeared, and also a large number of translations by scholars in 90 CHALDEAN STORY OF THE DELUGE different countries. This tablet contains 185 lines, some of which are irrecoverably broken. The story which leads to the recital of the deluge is full of myth ological interest. But we can give simply some of the main facts. Gilgamesh, who is afflicted with a dread disease, desires to consult his ancestor, Pir-napishtim, who dwelt far away, in an immortal state. After one month and fifteen days' sail on the waters of death, he reached that far-off land, and met his ancestor, and prayed for his aid and advice. He also asked him (Pir-napishtim) "how he happened to be removed alive to the assembly of the gods." His great ances tor's reply is found on this eleventh tablet, together with advice as to how Gilgamesh could be restored to health. I shall give below only some of the most notable parts of the translation (IV Rawl. 43) : 70. Col. L: Gilgamesh spake to him, to Pir-napishtim the remote : " I look on thee, Pir-napishtim ; Thy appearance is not changed, as I am, so art thou, And thou art not changed, as I am, so art thou. 7 Tell me (how it happened) that thou hast obtained life in the assembly of the gods, which thou didst covet? " Pir-napishtim said to him, to Gilgamesh : " I will reveal to thee, Gilgamesh, the secret, 10 And the oracle of the gods will I tell thee ; The city of Shurippak, the city, thou knowest, which lies on the bank of the river Euphrates, This city was old, when the gods within decided to bring a deluge, even the great gods, ALL ABOARD THE SHIP 91 15 ... . their father Anu, their counselor, the hero Bel, their leader Adar, their chief the god Ennu-gi, The god of wisdom, Ea, argued with them. 20 Their decision he announced to the country : ' Country, country, town, town ; country, town, understand : Man of Shurippak, son of Ubara-Tutu, Build a house, construct a ship, rescue what thou canst find of the seed of life ; Leave behind thy property ; save (thy) life. 25 Bring the seed of life of every kind into the ship ; The ship that thou shalt build, let her measurements be determined upon, Her width and her depth shall be equal (?) Then launch her.' 30 Then I understood and spake to Ea, my lord : ' what thou didst command will I observe, and I will do it.' " On the following morning at daybreak I The light I feared; all that was necessary I collected ; On the fifth day I drew its design. 71. Col. II. : The lines which describe the building of the ship are badly broken. While the work was progress ing he held a great religious festival for the gods. At its completion he began to load the ship for the destructive flood announced by the assembly of the gods. 22 With everything that I had, I filled it ; With everything that I had of silver, I filled it ; With everything that I had of gold, I filled it ; 25 With everything that I had of the seed of life, I filled it. I embarked with my whole family, my servants, 92 THE STORM AND LANDING The cattle of the field, the beasts of the field, and the workmen, all of them I embarked. Shamash set a time limit (a sign): " When he, who sends the pouring rain, in the evening, pours out a destructive rain, 30 Then enter the ship, and close the ship (thy door). His time limit was reached. He who sends the pouring rain, in the evening, poured out a destructive rain. At the break of day, I trembled. I feared to see the day. I entered the ship and I closed my door. 35 The guidance of the ship I gave to Buzur-shadu-rabu, the sailor, The great structure, together with its contents. 72. Col. III.: Then the violence of the storm is described in terrific terms : 2 Like as an onslaught in battle, it fell upon the people, 4 Even in heaven the gods feared the deluge ; They withdrew, went up to the heaven of god Anu. There the gods crouched down like dogs, on the enclosing walls they sat down. 18 Six days and [seven] nights The storm raged, the flood and tempest. 20 At the dawn of the seventh day, the rain, the flood ceased, The storm which had battled like an army ceased, The waters of the abyss sank back, the great storm, the deluge came to an end. I looked out over the sea, crying aloud, But all mankind had turned to earth (again). 25 In place of habitations, everything had become a marsh. I opened an air-hole, and light fell upon my face. I sank back, and sat down, I wept. THE TWO STORIES COMPARED 93 My tears flowed down my cheeks. I looked up : " The world a wide ocean " ! 30 On the twelfth (day?) there appeared a bit of land. To mount Nitsir the ship made its way, The mountain of the land of Nitsir held the ship and let it not go ; One day, two days, mount Nitsir held the ship and let it not go, The third day, the fourth day, mount Nitsir held the ship and let it not go, The fifth day, the sixth day, mount Nitsir held the ship and let it not go. The seventh day, at dawn, 35 I sent out a dove ; she left, she flew hither and thither, There being no lighting place she returned ; I sent out a swallow ; she left, she flew hither and thither, There being no lighting place she returned. I let go a raven ; he left. 40 The raven went, and saw the recession of the waters. He ate, he waded about in the mire, he did not return. I debarked ; to the four winds I presented an offering ; I presented a libation upon the top of the mountain ; Each time I set seven vessels, 45 Into (!) them I poured out calmus, cedar -wood, and sweet-smelling lollium ; The gods smelled the savor, the gods smelled the sweet savor ; The gods gathered like flies about the sacrifice. The remainder of the tradition is full of interest, in that it tells of the final acts in the consignment of Pir- napishtim and his wife to the assembly of the gods. But for a study of the deluge story, pure and simple, it has slight value. 73. In a comparison of the two records, readers 94 HOW EXPLAIN LIKENESSES? must be struck with their large number of resem blances. These are so important that we shall set them down here side by side. The two accounts agree in these points: (1) The building of an ark (ship); (2) the preservation of the seed of life; (3) a deluge of waters with a great storm; (4) a landing on a moun tain; (5) a sending out of birds; (6) an offering of sac rifice upon landing; (7) an acceptance of a sweet savor by the deity (gods). These similarities give rise to a series of questions as to their origins and relations. Without answering them at this time, let us note the spirit of the two accounts: (1) The purpose of the Genesis deluge was to put an end to the sinful race, and the decision was Jehovah's; the Babylonian rec ord recites no purpose, but charges it all to the caprice of the god Bel. (2) The Genesis account is monothe istic, while the Babylonian teems with an active poly theism. 74. The similarities noted in the preceding pages between the records of Genesis and the inscriptions call for further thought. These are not traditions peculiar to Semitic peoples and religions, as growing out of their characteristics. They are common to all civilized nations of antiquity. They carry on their faces the marks of the civilizations in which they have been preserved. Their common elements point to a time when the human race occupied a common home and held a common faith. The records of Genesis and THE TRUE ANSWER 95 the inscriptions give us two forms of these early tradi tions. How, then, is the similarity between Genesis and the inscriptions to be explained? There are four an swers sometimes given to this question : (1) The Gen esis account is drawn from these traditions; (2) Gen esis is the source of these traditions; (3) Their like ness is attributable to like ways of thinking — similar traditions having spontaneously arisen in different parts of the earth because of "the natural tendencies of the human mind in its evolution from a savage state" (Nadaillac); (4) "Their likeness is due to a common inheritance, each handing on from age to age records concerning the early history of the race." These theories are elaborated by Cave, and are easily disposed of down to the fourth point.%To this almost all scholars are now turning as the most plausi ble solution of the question. All religions are reduci ble to a small number of facts. These facts are either individual or common; of the common, some are un doubtedly due to the common nature of man, but others are just as clearly explicable only as an inherit ance. Early races of men, wherever they wandered, took with them those primeval traditions, and with the varying latitudes and climes, their habits and modes of life, have carried these, and present them to us to-day in their different dresses. One ancient reli gion did not borrow these universal traditions from another, but each possessed primitively these tradi- 96 GENESIS THE PUREST RECORD tions in their original form. A careful examination of all these traditions shows that the Genesis record is the purest, the leasb colored by extravagances, and the nearest to what we must conceive to have been the original form of these traditions. CHAPTER VIII THE PATRIARCHS UNDER EASTERN LIGHTS 75. The student of the Old Testament very early confronts the question of the dispersion of the human family. Whence came the numerous peoples? What relations did they sustain to each other? How came they to occupy the territories in which they are found? What was their original home? Does the evidence of ethnology point to the unity of the race? These and a multitude of similar questions almost hedge in a wide-awake student of the ancient Orient. Some of these queries find their answers in a de tailed study of the tenth chapter of Genesis. This is probably the oldest ethnological table in existence. (The portrait gallery of Rekh-ma-ra, in a tomb at Thebes, is the oldest ethnological record of its kind.) This tenth chapter of Genesis does not describe the characteristics of the races, but simply locates several of them — that were familiar to the writer — geograph ically. The recognition of this geographical element is necessary to the understanding of some of the pe culiar combinations of this table. When we read that "Canaan begat Zidon his first-born, and Heth," does it mean more than that the two occupied adjacent 97 98 THE TABLE OF NATIONS territory in Canaan? When Elam and Asshur are called the children of Shem, is the explanation found in the proximity of their lands? In this table, the three sons of Noah are each assigned to a particular settlement; Japhet occupies the north, Ham the south, and Shem the center. The cities and peoples in these particular regions are apparently regarded as the children of those great ancestors. The territory occupied by these peoples, so-called descendants of three great ancestors, formed almost a square. On the north we find the limits at the Caspian Sea, Black Sea, and Mediterranean Sea; on the south, the high lands of Abyssinia and the Indian Ocean; on the east, the mountains of Media and Elam; on the west, the Mediterranean Sea and the Lybian and Sahara deserts. The above territories combined give us the whole of the primitive civilized portions of the earth, with the possible exception of China. This is no place to present a statistical table of these names, but there is no part of the Old Testament upon which the monuments have thrown more light than upon this same tenth chapter of Genesis. It shows us that the names are arranged ethnograph- ically, and present the chief settlements of the de scendants of the sons of Noah. Out of this formerly mysterious list of proper names, the inscriptions verify the accuracy of more than thirty, by indicating both places and peoples. The inscriptions both of Egypt and of Mesopotamia also corroborate in many par- UR OF THE CHALDEES 99 ticulars the statements of this chapter. In a word, this table is a limited birds'-eye view of ancient na tions, a word-map of ancient geography. 76. The home of the nativity of Abraham was long a lost city. The excavations of Mr. Taylor, in 1854, and the discovery by Major Rawlinson of important historical documents, have settled beyond reasonable dispute the location of Ur of the Chaldees. It stood on the right bank of the Euphrates River, on a spot now occupied by the mounds of Mugheir. It was originally a port on the Persian Gulf, but the mounds now representing its ancient site stand nearly 150 miles above the mouth of the Euphrates. This great distance between its old site and the present head waters of the gulf are due, according to geologists, to the abundant deposits of alluvia made by the river during the past four thousand years. The inscrip tions discovered give a list of kings who ruled over this territory before Babylon came to prominence, or became a capital. Ur was presided over by the moon- god, Sin, who was likewise the patron deity of Harran. The family of Abram's father, in its migration west ward, made an important stop at this city. It was located near the great western bend in the Euphrates and was regarded as one of the chief cities of the northwest territory. It stood on the great highway of commerce between the East and the West, and served as a kind of board of trade. Its name, Harran Qiarra- nu), means "road," "way." It was also a cosmopoli- 100 ABRAM IN EGYPT tan city, for to this place came all the nations for gain and trade. 77. Abram's sojourn in Canaan was cut short by a famine, which drove him to the storehouses of Egypt. His appearance in this country was so re markable that he was reported to the Pharaoh. In rapid succession we have records of the lying of Abram, the seizure of Sarah, and the plagues upon the royal house. After the discovery of the real facts in the case, this foreigner is treated with astounding consideration. For his deception of the king he is not slain, tortured^ imprisoned, or even fined, but sent on his way with a royal guard. What strange and distinguished treatment at the hands of a foreign po tentate! Let us take a glance at the political status of Egypt at this time. Egypt had already had about three thousand years of history (Petrie puts the first dynasty at 4777 B. C, Meyer at 3180 B. C). The old kingdom covered the first six dynasties (4777-3410 B. C). The middle kingdom embraced dynasties XI- XIII (2985-2565). The new kingdom included dy nasties XVIII-XX (1587-1240 B. C. [Mahler]); and the foreign-domination dynasties XXII-XXV (930- 728 B. C). Of the omitted dynasties little or nothing is known. The large gap between dynasties XIII and XVIII was probably occupied by the domination of foreigners from Asia. These invaders were either of Semitic or Hittite blood. For long centuries, prob ably five or more, they held with a firm grasp the vtv- Wtw gk, - ^>»- a ., A FAMILY OF THE AAMU OF NORTH ARABIA GOING DOWN INTO EGYPT (From a wall-painting in one of the tombs of Beni-Hassan, xiith dynasty) THE CAMPAIGN OF GEN. XIV 101 scepter of Egypt. If Abram came to the borders of this land while under their sway, he was a sojourner in a land ruled by his own blood-relation. If this were the case he would, of course, be the object of kind and considerate attentions. 78. The fourteenth chapter of Genesis has been under fire for a score or more of years. Its supposed antiquity has brought against it denials of its histo ricity. It has been maintained that it originated with the desire of magnifying the martial valor of Abram, and of explaining the origin of Melchizedek ; and that the story of these great military campaigns was noth ing more nor less than a piece of fiction. These denials have been based upon the theory that the events here described are located in prehistoric times. But light from the East has utterly dissipated this mist. We are now apprised of the fact that the armies of Baby lonia were doing no new thing when they set out to make a second conquest of the kings of the West. They were simply following the precedent and polit ical policy of their distinguished predecessors. Sargon I (about 3800 B. C.) and Naram-Sin, his son, had already, centuries before, made expeditions into the great West-land, the former having crossed over to the Island of Cyprus. A distinct evidence in the in scriptions of the veracity of this chapter is found in the character of the proper names. Chedorlaomer contains two Elamitic elements. Kudur is the general Elamite title, as Pharaoh in Egypt, Abimelech in Phi- 102 JOSEPH CARRIED TO EGYPT listia, for king. It is found in a cuneiform name, Kudur-Mabug. The second element is Lagamar, the name of an Elamite deity. Larsa is represented in the mound Senkereh, east of Erech. Tidal is Turgal in the Septuagint, while Goyim (nations), according to Major Rawlinson, should be read Gutium, a country stretching from Mesopotamia northward to the mountains of Kurdistan, within which at later times the kingdom of Assyria arose. Other attempted identifications do not discredit the facts already stated. So that the testimony of the monuments is to the effect that this chapter is not to be regarded in any sense as a bit of fiction, but as a genuine scrap of a record of a veritable old western campaign of the allied kings of Mesopotamia. 79. When was Joseph carried captive as a slave into Egypt? Many eminent Egyptologists think that the lad Joseph was brought down through the fortified frontier of Egypt, and sold to Potiphar, an Egyptian in Egypt, while the sovereign and royal court was in the hands of foreigners. It is also thought that these foreigners were the Hyksos from Asia. It is signifi cant that the first Hyksos ruler was called Salatis, Aramaic Shdllit, and that Joseph was called in Gen. xiii. 6 hash-shallit, and that many centuries afterward the Assyrians named the Pharaoh shilianu, that is, sultan. Joseph's position with a high officer at court gave him exceptional opportunities to gain a knowl edge of Egyptian life and customs. As the trusted JOSEPH IMPRISONED IN EGYPT 103 overseer of Potiphar's house, he had charge of a characteristic Egyptian institution. In this respon sible position he was basely slandered by his master's wife. There is a wonderful Egyptian tale, called "Story of the Two Brothers," which may be either an echo of this incident or based upon it. Its similarity to the account of Joseph's experience in Potiphar's house is so remarkable that the conclusion forces itself upon one that there must have been some connection between the two stories. Joseph was thus slandered into the royal prison, where the chief of the guard would reside. Here he made the acquaintance of two other prisoners of high authority. The distinguished ex-officials dream dreams, and, as all Egyptians, attached great impor tance to their interpretation. The form and dress of those dreams are thoroughly Egyptian, locating the events beyond dispute within the border-lines of Egypt. The subsequent dream of Pharaoh, with its Nile River, its kine pastured on its banks, its grain, and its sacred seven, are significantly Egyptian. Even some of the words embodied in the Hebrew records are Egyptian. The duty of the chief butler was that of pressing the juice out of the ripe bunches of grapes in the presence of the Pharaoh. This especial bev erage is noted on the monuments as one of the chief offerings. The chief baker was beheaded in accord ance with an Egyptian custom. At a later date Amen- ophis II decapitated several Syrian kings and hung 104 JOSEPH A PRIME-MINISTER up their bodies on his galley, and afterward on his fortress. 80. Joseph's skill in interpreting the dreams of those two imprisoned officials brought him to the at tention of the king. The fact that Joseph shaved himself before appearing in the presence of the great ruler betrays the Egyptian origin of the story; for this custom has always been abhorred by Semitic peoples. It is now known, however, that even the Hyksos kings maintained this Egyptian ceremonial at court. The acuteness of Joseph's interpretations won for him the favor of the king. In accordance with known Egyp tian court proceedings, he is formally installed as prime minister over Egypt. The seal-ring or signet was a stone or flat surface of gold, engraved for stamp ing upon soft material. These Egyptian rings are the most rare and beautiful jewels found in our mu seums of this day. Mr. Tomkins calls attention to one in the collection of M. Allemant. It is of black jasper, graven in intaglio on both sides. On the front there is a winged serpent and two Semitic signs; on the back a Hebrew inscription, dating from the epoch of the Shepherd-Kings, XVIIth dynasty. This is a most important witness to the presence of Semitic influences in Egypt in those early days. Tomkins quotes de Rouge's description of Antef, prime min ister ("First Deputy of the King"). Joseph's author ity seems to be paralleled by that conferred on this prime minister. He was called the "functionary of JOSEPH'S AUTHORITY 105 the signet . . . chief of the chiefs, . . . alone in the multitude, he bears the word to men; he declares all affairs in the double Egypt; he speaks on all matters in the place of secret counsel. When he enters he is applauded, when he issues forth he is praised. . . . The princes hold themselves at tentive to his mouth, ... all his words come to pass without (resistance), like that which issues from the mouth of God." 81. The collar of gold with which Joseph was deco rated was one of the marks of distinction among Egyp tian officials. He was also to ride in the second royal chariot of the king, and in his progress through the land a word, abrek, whose explanation is still a mystery, was to be called out before him. Clothed with regal authority and power, Joseph became the administrator of the kingdom of Egypt. Whether this could have taken place under any Egyptian monarch is not known; but it is eminently plausible that a foreign Semite could have been promoted to the position of prime minister, if the ruling sovereigns were Asiatics and Semites, as the Hyksos probably were. The dignity of Joseph, as well as his authority in office, was guaranteed by the Pharaoh securing for him a wife of high rank. She was the daughter of the high-priest of On. This official was the most influential of the religious characters of the land. Joseph's intimate relations with this house would in sure friendly cooperation between the ruling and the 106 JOSEPH'S OPPORTUNITY ritual classes. Thus armed with authority by the royal house, and protected by an alliance with the priestly house, and guided by a wonderful Providence, Joseph had every advantage in his favor for consum mating a great work for the Egyptians. CHAPTER IX ISRAEL UNDER THE GLOW OF EGYPT 82. Joseph's promotion to prime minister of Egypt was made in face of the famine which he had pre dicted to the Pharaoh. Periods of distress of this kind had occurred by the failure of the annual rise of the Nile, from prehistoric times. Rulers in the past had made especial mention of the fact that their foresight had provided storehouses for grain, so that in the event of a famine their subjects might not be reduced to a state of starvation. The monuments already discovered make several references to droughts of widespread prevalence. One, at least, describes seven years of famine of great severity, during which even the king on the throne is grief- stricken at the distress all about him; the great mis fortune is charged to the failure of the Nile-flood for seven years. 83. But there is a record of one famine which many, among them Brugsch, have identified with the time of Joseph. In a tomb at El-Kab, an inscription of the governor, named Baba, states that he, in the great famine which came upon his people, dealt out to them grain which he had stored away in times of 107 108 ISRAEL SETTLED EST GOSHEN plenty. Brugsch says, Baba "lived about the time that Joseph exercised his office, under one of the Hyksos kings, lived and worked under the native king Ra-Sekenem Taa III in the old town of El- Kab. The only just conclusion is that the many years of famine in the time of Baba must precisely cor respond with the seven years of famine under Joseph's Pharaoh, one of the Shepherd-Kings." Baba says, "when a famine arose, lasting many years, I issued corn to the city each year of the famine." A famine of long duration at El-Kab would have reached the adjoining lands, and even the fruitful delta. The identity of the age of Baba and of Joseph is conceded by many. The severity seems also to have gone be yond the boundaries of the Nile-lands, if the biblical narrative is allowed to add its testimony. 84. It was just this kind of an event that drove Joseph's brethren to the storehouses of Egypt for food. "Besides," says Prof. Sayce, "under the Hyksos Pharaohs of Zoan intercourse between Egypt and Ca naan would have been easy and constant. No preju dice would have been felt against Hebrew strangers by those who were themselves strangers in the land. "The Pharaoh and his 'ministers' would have had no hesitation in granting the land of Goshen to a pastoral tribe from Asia. They would have seen in them friends rather than enemies, and possible allies against the conquered Egyptians." The location of the land of Goshen, between the delta and the Asiatic frontier, TIME OF JOSEPH'S ACTIVITY 109 would have given these Israelites the advantage of proximity to a border-line, if for any reason they de sired to return to their former home. It was also a territory adapted rather for grazing than for raising the fruits, cereals, and vegetables of Egypt. The Is raelites were also sufficiently isolated to allow them to enjoy the tribal life peculiar to wandering shepherds, and if necessity demanded, to go to the aid of their Hyksos benefactors. Israel was thus given a choice bit of Egypt for her occupation, with all of the ad vantages of location and of character of the country necessary for normal growth. 85. It seems most probable that the events of Joseph's life and the settlement of his kin in Egypt's land took place during Hyksos supremacy, otherwise we should not expect to have seen such benevolent consideration of their interests at the hands of the ruling power. "There seems to have been but one other period of history where these events could have taken place, and that was during the reign of the last two kings of the XVIIlth dynasty." But all things considered, the statements of early historians, the time necessary for the growth of Israel, and known facts of the periods, the events of Joseph's career and of Isra el's settlement in Goshen are most appropriately found in the last dynasty of Hyksos domination, or according to Prof. Mahler's estimate, before 1590 B.C. 86. The struggles for supremacy of the old Egyp- 110 CONQUESTS OF THOTHMES HI tian power finally succeeded in the expulsion of the Hyksos rulers. They were driven back across the frontier into Asia, and the throne was again occupied by an Egyptian monarch. This beginning of the XVIIIth dynasty was marked by a reversal of the establishments of the Hyksos supremacy. Very soon the new occupants of the throne began to drive far into Asia their old oppressors. After routing on the plain of Megiddo the combined armies of the Hittites and Phoenicians, Thothmes III pushed his arms on wards and upwards through the Lebanon mountains to the plains of Hamath. The shock of his battles shattered the armies of those Aramaean nations as far as the Tigris river and the mountains of Elam. So successful and revolutionary was he in his aggressive ness that modern historians have named him "The Alexander the Great of Egypt." On his triumphal re turn to the Nile-land, he recorded on the temple walls of Karnak a list of 355 cities that he had captured. Of these 120 were in the countries located on the east coast of the Mediterranean Sea. Among these we find the familiar names of Gibeah, Ophrah, Shunem, Chinneroth, Hazor, Joppa, Heshbon, Megiddo, Ha math, and Damascus. 87. But these conquests in Asia became remotely the cause of the downfall of this XVIIIth dynasty. The friendly relations which he had established with the Asiatic peoples culminated within about a score of years after his death in a royal marriage. His TEL EL-AMARNA LETTERS 111 great-grandson Amenophis III took to wife Teie, a princess of the Mitanni, the prosperous and attractive peoples located on the fertile lands found on the east side of the upper Euphrates river. Amenophis IV, his son, a half-Asiatic by descent, returned to the home-land of his mother, and, as his father had done, secured a beautiful Asiatic princess as a wife. This young king became so infatuated with the Semitic re ligion of his mother and wife that he transplanted it to Egypt, and set up at various places its altars and shrines. 88. This period of Egyptian history has been won derfully opened up by the discovery of the Tel el- Amarna letters in 1887. These clay documents have proved to have been letters sent by various rulers, kings, governors, and other men in authority in west ern Asia to the above-mentioned kings of Egypt. These official and unofficial communications reveal the political and social conditions prevalent in these Asiatic dependencies in the latter days of the XVIIIth dynasty. They are written for the large part, strange ly enough, in the cuneiform language, the language of Babylonia. Among other places they hail from Gezer, Ashkelon, Jerusalem, Byblos, Tyre, Accho, from the people of Tunip, of Arkata; and from such individuals as Aziru, Shubandi; from Mitanni, from the king of Mitanni to Amenophis III; from the king of Mitanni to the wife of Amenophis III; from Ali- shaya, in upper Mesopotamia, to Amenophis III; 112 DOWNFALL OF XVIIITH DYNASTY from Burraburyash, king of Babylonia, to Amenophis IV. They are just so many flash-lights thrown into the Asiatic possessions of these later kings of the great XVIIIth dynasty. The political disturbances which agitated these provincial boundaries glisten with great brilliancy. We discover in this fifteenth century as tounding political, social and commercial activity in western Asia, and a method of international com munication which revolutionizes all of our previous ideas of those early days. These marvelous clay let ters, written in the cuneiform character, also show how potent Babylonian influence had become even to the borders of the Nile-lands. 89. But these friendly relations with western Asia, as reflected in the Tel el-Amarna letters, introduced into Egypt elements of disintegration. The domestic ties initiated by Amenophis III and IV, brought again into power peoples from Asia, and established in the sacred precincts of Egypt a foreign religion. Amenophis IV finally adopted as his form of worship that of the sun-god, a Semitic deity of Western Asia. The old hatred for the Hyksos was aroused, and he was driven from the sacred city of Thebes. At the modern Tel el-Amarna he set up his shrines, his wor ship of Semitic deities, as against the state religion of Egypt, which was sacredly guarded by the priest hood of the land. This heresy in the king of the land could not be long endured, and finally, through the letters from Tel el-Amarna, we learn that civil war A TEL EL-AMARNA TABLET A LETTER FROM ABIMELECH OF TYRE TO THE KING OF EGYPT RISE OF THE XIXTH DYNASTY 113 was breaking out, that enemies from the north, the Hittites, were advancing, and that general dissolution of the empire was in progress. In the midst of this storm of protest, of secession, and of aggression, Amenophis IV, or Ehu-n-Aten, died. But his sep ulchre was profaned, his mummy rent in pieces, and his sacrilegious city destroyed. Asiatics who were im plicated in this heretical propagandism were forced to flee for their lives, or suffer the penalty by death. This chaotic condition of affairs ceased only at the rise of a new house, a new dynasty, the Nineteenth. 90. This new house adopted a new policy of exclu sion in their motto, "Egypt for the Egyptians." The early kings were Rameses I and his son, Seti I. Their reigns were short and uneventful, except that Seti carried his arms into Asia and established his suprem acy on the east coast of the Mediterranean Sea. But the accession of his son, Rameses II, marked the be ginning of a new era for this dynasty and for Egypt. This young king was fired with the ambition of his great predecessor on the throne of Egypt, Thothmes III. With consummate skill he not only conquered nearly all of the territory of that great monarch, but thoroughly organized it into a strong empire. Up the Nile he pursued the enemy and made subjects as far as the second cataract. In his Asiatic campaigns, however, he soon met a strong rival in the forces of the Hittites. They, by strategy, in one notable battle, surrounded Rameses in his chariot and put his army 114 ACTTVITY OF RAMESES H beyond his aid. In a pathetic and desperate appeal to the gods, he is given supernatural help, and hero ically cuts his way through their ranks to freedom. This close and almost fatal battle forms the basis of that finest epic in the Egyptian language, "the Poem of Pentaur." The apparent result of this clash with the Hittites was a drawn battle. Rameses II offered terms of peace. These terms were agreed upon, and formed the basis of a treaty. This document, duly executed and signed, is to-day almost a model of its kind. It was ratified by a visit of the Hittite prince to Egypt in his national costume, and by the marriage of his daughter to Rameses II in the thirty-fourth year of his reign. This is the most remarkable treaty on record from early times. Among many other pro visions, it arranged for extradition in the case of ab sconding thieves, robbers, or slaves. It also formed an offensive and defensive alliance between the treaty powers. 91. While Rameses II was extending his bounda ries he was active in building canals, storehouses, pal aces, and temples. He surpassed all the kings of Egypt in his building activities. Of the thirty-two obelisks in Egypt, he is said to have erected in whole or in part twenty-one. Of the eight ruined temples in Thebes, he built in whole or in part, seven. His activity in this direction led him to erase from former temples and other monuments the names of his pred ecessors, and in their places to order his own ISRAEL DURING XVHITH DYNASTY 115 inscribed. His generalship is displayed in the equip ment and government of a large standing army, with which he protected the home empire, garrisoned his foreign provinces, and made aggressions into new ter ritory. 92. During the troublous, prosperous, and finally calamitous times of the XVIIIth dynasty, Israel occu pied the land of Goshen, which had been assigned them under the direction of the Pharaoh of Joseph's premiership. Here, presumably, they enjoyed their liberties undisturbed. They mingled freely with Phoenician traders of the coast lands, and with for eigners who came in from the East. From a couple of hints in 1 Chronicles (vii. 21, 22, 24), it seems that some of them had wandered back either as set tlers or as adventurers to the land of the patriarchs, to Canaan. They doubtless rendered submission as subjects of the reigning king, while peacefully carry ing on their occupations as shepherds and farmers. The monuments of lower Egypt say little of the reigns of any kings from the expulsion of the Hyksos to the reign of the successor of Seti I, Rameses II. Israel had thriven and multiplied in the land, and counted themselves as part of its permanent population. But the revulsion of feeling against "the heretic king" and everything Semitic which overthrew the XVIIIth dynasty, took form in a "king who knew not Joseph." This is supposed to be either the first or one of the earlier kings of the XlXth dynasty. For at Moses' 116 THE PHARAOH OF THE OPPRESSION birth the oppression had crystallized in a decree for the murder of all male children. Rescued from this slaughter of the innocents, Moses was reared and instructed for forty years at the Egyptian court, and forty years in the desert, being about eighty years of age at the exodus. This gives us, at least, eighty years of oppression. 93. But the question eagerly asked by all Bible stu dents is, who was the Pharaoh of the oppression? This question is now laid to rest by the excavation, in 1883, of Edouard Naville, under the auspices of the Exploration Fund, within the old territory of Goshen. The numerous inscriptions and antiquities brought to light at Tel el-Maskhuta show that this place was the ancient city Pithom, whose Hebrew name was Suc- coth; and further that the founder of this city was the great Rameses II. In Grecian times this city was called Heroopolis or Ero, the Egyptian word for store house, suggesting that Pithom and Raamses (Ex. i. 11), which Israel built for Pharaoh, were treasure- cities. At this place, Naville discovered even the treasure-chambers themselves. They were strongly built and separated by brick partitions from eight to ten feet thick. The bricks, half sun-baked, were made, some with and some without straws. These storehouses were means adopted by the Pharaoh, Ram eses II, to provide for his people in the event of a foreign invasion, or of a famine, such as had often visited this land. These precautions served to make THE PHARAOH OF THE EXODUS 117 Rameses' kingdom independent of his neighbors. These cities of Pithom and Raamses accord with the demands of the scripture narrative. The storehouses occupy in Pithom almost the whole area of the city, the walls of which are about 650 feet square and twenty-two feet thick. The strawless bricks in these walls almost re-echo the rigor of Pharaoh's words, when he said, "Ye shall no more give the people straw" (Ex. vi. 17), but demanded the former tale of bricks. About these old walls we can see and handle some of the handiwork of the Hebrew slaves. Could those old ruins but speak, what tales of hard task masters, of bloody lashings, of exhaustion and distress would they reveal to us! The bondage of Israel in all kinds of hard and bitter service, aroused even to a murderous deed the court-educated youth Moses. 94. If Rameses II was the Pharaoh of the oppres sion, who was the Pharaoh of the exodus? Rameses II ruled sixty-seven years, and ruled in the latter half of his days with a master's hand. He succeeded in strongly intrenching himself in the midst of a pow erful empire, and of making ample provision as he thought for its perpetuity. Any body of men who could have escaped from the delta into Asia would have been captured by his garrisons stationed throughout his possessions in the northeast. If they could have reached the Hittite country, the extradi tion section of the treaty between that land and Egypt would have necessitated their return to their master and king. 118 "ISRAEL" ON THE MONUMENTS At the death of Rameses II, 1281 B. C. (Mah ler), he is succeeded by a son who is by no means the equal of his father. Meneptah II's accession seems to have been the signal for a rebellion against the Egyptian throne. The Libyans of Northern Africa, the inhabitants of the isles of the seas, peoples from Asia, arose not only to free themselves from the yoke of Egypt, but even to invade her territory. For eigners swarmed into lower Egypt and threatened the very existence of the empire. The withering and destructive oppression under which the Hebrews groaned, is practically substantiated in one of the two Egyptian inscriptions which contain the name "Israel." "A hymn of victory addressed to Meneptah alludes to 'the Israelites,' to whom 'no seed' had been left." But this oppression met a severe blow in the fifth year of his reign (1276 B. C). It was the year of ominous uprisings among the surrounding nations. These taxed the military resources of the young king to their limits. The plagues also, paralyzing in their effects on the land and the people, stung the Pharaoh to a pitch of desperation. Driven on by rebellions and by plagues, he finally grants every demand of the Hebrews. They hastily gather up their goods and their flocks, and as a "mixed multitude" (Ex. xii. 38), they march eastward to pass out through the frontier fortifications. 95. Naville's discovery of Pithom and our definite location of the practical boundaries of the land of THE EXODUS 119 Goshen, is an aid to the tracing of the route of the Exodus. This motley throng of from two to three million persons marched up against the boundary wall-line. Thence they are led about until they face an expanse of water. A strong wind blowing all night forced back the waters, and the released slaves escaped across the bared shallows of the upper end of Lake Timsah into the eastern wilderness. Pharaoh sent after the runaways a small detachment of charioteers, who only perished in the returning waters. At about this same time Meneptah routed the allied enemies of his throne at a great battle, in which he took valuable booty and a multitude of captives. It is not strange that the flight of the Hebrews is not mentioned in Egyptian history. The escape of slaves, especially when it meant a practical defeat of the purposes of the Pharaoh, would scarcely be recorded by the court annalist. Again, the occurrence of such migrations as this was not seldom in lands of shepherds and nomads. Professor Sayce cites a case almost parallel with this in modern times. 96. Another notable case demands attention just at this point. The final plague was the death of the first-born. Dr. Payne (Century Magazine, Septem ber, 1889) gathers from many inscriptions that the records tell us of the sudden death of the eldest son of the reigning Pharaoh. It relates how Meneptah came to the throne when an old man, and that he had a son of his old age. 120 EVIDENCE OF EGYPTIAN SOJOURN This son, when eighteen years old, he associated with himself in the government of the land. The tomb of the lad has been discovered at Thebes — unfinished. At Gebel Silsilis some tablets represent the royal group; one shows King Meneptah offering an image. The inscription beneath it reads as fol lows : "The heir to the throne of the whole land, the royal scribe, the chief of the soldiers, the great royal son of the body begotten, beloved of him [Set] Me neptah — deceased." It should be said, however, that all Egyptian scholars do not agree with Dr. Payne's interpretation. 97. So far from denying the Egyptian sojourn of the Hebrews, the biblical narrative preserves an Egyp tian coloring, sets admirably on an Egyptian back ground, and reflects Egyptian life and customs. The excavations at Pithom, the two occurrences of the name "Israel" on Egyptian monuments, suitable political conditions, and the veritable mummies of Seti I and Rameses II in the museum of Gizeh, testify strongly to the definite sojourn of Israel in the land of Goshen. 98. How long? From the migration of Jacob's family into the land of plenty, to their exodus in 1276 B. C. How long were they in actual slavery? This question cannot be specifically answered. If they were enslaved by the early kings of the XlXth dynasty and escaped in 1276 B. C, their actual slave-service did not cover more than one century, while their MUMMY OF RAMESES II THE PHAEAOH OF THE OPPEESSION WHY SOJOURN IN EGYPT? 121 sojourn from Joseph's day may have lasted 300 or more years. 99. What was the purpose of that long Egyptian sojourn? What could Providence have had in store for his chosen people that they were permitted to suffer such hardships at the hands of cruel lords and taskmasters? The more we penetrate the mists of antiquity in the decipherment of its records, the more we perceive the remarkable character of the oldest civilizations located on the Nile and on the Euphra tes and Tigris rivers. The patriarchs in Palestine were living among peoples of low moral character, of a low type of civilization, if civilization it might be called. God had in store large things for their descendants. To occupy the position which he had planned for them, it was necessary that they become acquainted with the nations of their day. Their set tlement and sojourn in Egypt, through the mediation of a Hyksos sovereign, was the introduction of Israel to the foremost or one of the two foremost nations of those times. Yet they were so compactly settled that they lost neither their identity nor their life- customs, nor their God. Their long, peaceful sojourn gave them an opportunity to observe and to learn what Egypt's life, its government, its customs, its religion were. Then, daily mingling with the motley crowd of foreign merchantmen, of seeing the rushing to and fro of Egyptian armies, and of sharing in the benefits of the kingdom of this great land, broadened 122 ISRAEL'S TRAINING-SCHOOL their vision of the meaning of national life, and of its claims upon its subjects and supporters. 100. Then their seizure and enslavement had just as distinct a lesson for them. Though acquainted with many of the arts practiced about them, their actual training in these was forced upon them by task masters. "They made their lives bitter with hard service, in mortar and in brick, and in all manner of service in the field, all their service, wherein they made them serve with rigor" (Ex. i. 14). These words seem to teach that the Hebrews were compelled to learn all the trades and occupations of their mas ters, and to work hard at them. This was an indus trial training-school in the foremost civilization of that day. It was the severest, the sharpest, and the most complete training a people could receive to make them masters of the leading arts and occupations of Egypt. Their easy contact with the Egyptians also had its lessons, and its tests for future responsibilities. Moses in the court of the Pharaoh, received the intel lectual training, the spiritual testing, and the all- around preparation for his supreme task. The He brews, as bondsmen, were lashed into their places as apprentices and tradesmen, to prepare for indepen dent service when the day of freedom should arrive. Thus a tribe is planted in the garden of Egypt, is trained and pruned with great care by an experienced gardener to produce fruit in the distant days of the unknown future. CHAPTER X THE PEOPLES OF CANAAN AND ISRAEL 101. The exodus of Israel from Egypt was her first step toward entering and occupying "the promised land." With eager hearts they set out to take pos session of the land of their fathers. This land was occupied by a strange conglomeration of peoples, whose claim to it must be disputed by Israel. In other words, conquest was to be the means by which they were to secure their new home-land. To appre ciate what a task they had before them, it will be nec essary for us to take a glance backward at the early history of the peoples and political movements in this land. Only the briefest reference can be made to many important facts. 102. Some of the earliest references in cuneiform literature to this territory calls it the "West-land"; and this term is broad enough to cover the entire east coast of the Mediterranean Sea, extending back to the desert lines on the east. This general term covers what in later times was included in northern, central, southern Syria, and Palestine. Who the earliest in habitants of this region were and whence they came, are still mysteries from a prehistoric age. The earli- 123 124 THE LAND OF CANAAN est names of peoples fixed in this territory are those of the Canaanites and the Amorites. Presumably they first occupied this territory at a period of time subsequent to the earliest known settlements of Baby lonia, from which peoples migrated in various direc tions. Their exact relations in time and in blood to the earliest occupants of Egypt are unknown. Our first biblical information about the peoples of this land is that supplied by the narratives of the patri archal epoch. Our first extra-biblical references are found in accounts of the Egyptian campaigns into this corner of Asia. The peoples found here by these great military expeditions are supposed to have been crowded westward across the Euphrates by the grow ing powers of Babylonia. Some of the clans settled on the shores of the Mediterranean Sea, and in course of time, after ages of growth, betook themselves to a seafaring and commercial life, and became in later days the thrifty and wealthy Phoenicians. Others set tled upon the land and became agriculturists and herdsmen. 103. The country of Palestine proper, the southern most division of this coast-land, is a small bit of terri tory, bounded on the north by the mountains of Lebanon and Hermon, on the south by the desert of Sinai, on the east by the Syrian desert, and on the west by the Mediterranean Sea. Its area on both sides the Jordan river was less than 13,000 square miles. The peculiarity of its position, with desert on two CANAAN A FORAGING GROUND 125 sides and sea on one side, lying on the highway be tween the fertile ranges of Asia and the Nile valley of Egypt, gave it supreme significance as the future home of Israel. 104. Palestine, then, as the bridge between Asia and Africa, was crossed by every military campaign carried on by either of these countries against the other. This fact subjected the inhabitants of this strip of land to frequent plunderings and to the paratyzing effect of stupendous military expeditions. Palestine even became the battlefield, several times, of great international strifes. These frequent cross ings and recrossings of large armies made of this land a kind of periodical plunder-ground. During the times of the XVIIIth and XlXth dynasties of Egypt, Palestine was swept by at least fourteen military expe ditions. The inevitable effect on the people in any such territory would be to blight their courage and ambition, neutralize their means of common self-de fense, scatter their strength, and reduce them to mere separate neighborhoods and villages. This territory was not only the highway between the East and the West, but its possession was accounted of especial value, because of its proximity to the great commercial advantages of the eastern coast-line of the Mediter ranean Sea. 105. The Tel el-Amarna letters, already referred to, are a new revelation of the conditions existing in Palestine during the reigns of Amenophis III and 126 THE PEOPLES OF CANAAN IV of the XVIIIth dynasty of Egypt. However much the population of Palestine may have had to do with the Hyksos domination of Egypt, they were for a con siderable time in the XVIIIth dynasty, subjects of the king of Egypt. These letters describe an unsettled and anxious condition of affairs. Invaders from the North threatened subjection, petty governors be sought help from the king, in fact, the whole West- land seemed to be about ready to break up into a lot of minor states or cities. After the death of Ameno phis IV this entire sweep of territory fell before the arms of invaders. During the domination of the kings of the XlXth dynasty, this same fateful strip fell back again to the sway of Egypt. To her it re mained subject until the breaking up of the empire, early in the reign of Meneptah, about the date of the exodus of Israel. At this time her peoples achieved independence. 106. Early in the biblical narrative, regarding the occupants of Palestine, just before Israel's entrance, we find mentioned, besides the Canaanites, the Amor ites, Hittites, Hivites, Jebusites, Perizzites, and Gir- gashites. Of the Hittites we have already said that they probably were only a small colony, of the great northern empire, which had settled on the hills of Canaan. They seem simply to have lived among the other peoples of the land, and not to have formed a military community. The Hivites were merely, as the name signifies, "villagers," and were especially CANAANITE AND AMORITE 127 numerous near the northern boundaries of the land (Josh. xi. 3 ; Judg. iii. 3). Their chief cities seem to have been Gibeon (Josh. ix. 17) and Shechem. The Jebusites seem to have been confined to one point, the formidable fortress of Jebus, within the confines of what later became Jerusalem. The Perizzites were the country people, in distinction from the inhabi tants of villages or cities. Nothing whatever is known of the Girgashites, unless the brief reference in the Poem of Pentaur, to "the country of Qirqash" be a hint at the land occupied by these peoples. The Amorites and the Canaanites, however, were more formidable people and deserve larger mention. In the Old Testament "Canaanite," says Prof. McCurdy, is both a geographical and an ethnical term. Neither the people nor the land are ever assigned to the east side of the Jordan, but are rather confined to the coastline of Palestine, and the "Sidonian" country to the north of the plain of Jezreel, and as far east as the Jordan. "Canaanite" may even be the name ap plied to the occupants of any land west of the Jordan, even though they may be designated elsewhere under other local or racial names. "Amorite," however, is distinctly a racial name. The peoples to whom this name was applied occupied the hill country of Judah west of the Jordan, and were the races with whom Israel clashed on the east of the Jordan. "Canaanite" and "Amorite" are not interchange able terms, nor are they mutually exclusive. "Ca- 128 ISRAEL'S CONQUEST OF CANAAN naanite" is sometimes used for "Amorite" in the racial sense, while "Amorite" is never used for Canaanite in that sense. In addition to these peoples already described, the lowlands between the mountains of Hebron and the Mediterranean Sea were occupied by the Philistines, immigrants probably from Crete, or some other Grecian coast. These, with Hittites from northern Asia Minor, Canaanites from the Persian Gulf, Amor ites from some distant land, made Palestine a strange commingling of foreigners. It is altogether probable that the hint already noted in 1 Chronicles, and the scraps of information contained in Judges (chap, i.) preserve sufficient ev idence to warrant the conclusion that there were also present in Canaan among these frequently mentioned nationalities communities of Hebrews. They were already in quiet possession of certain districts, and were an element in favor of the increasing army of their brethren. 107. This mixed population, in this small bit of territory, overrun and plundered by every crossing army for hundreds of years, was the problem which faced the invading Israelites. Separated into small clans, or centered in small cities, some of them well- walled and strongly fortified, without any central organization, or any common bond of unity, these peoples became an easy prey even to such an army as that with which Joshua crossed the Jordan. His A PHILISTINE AMORITES ISRAEL'S OPPRESSORS 129 stroke and capture of the key to the land, Jericho, and his marvelous success in taking one city after another, and his good fortune in not meeting a great and united army, gave him easy possession of many of the strongest points in the West-Jordanic territory. 108. After the partial conquest of this land and the formal settlement of the tribes among their conquered and unconquered neighbors, we find Israel subjected to the fiercest temptations. Peaceful proximity to the corrupt customs of their neighbors was a dan gerous condition of things. It very soon resulted in friendly commercial intercourse, in mixed marriages, in a kind of free and easy coalescence of plans and purposes. The seductive religious rites of these new peoples, appealing to the physical senses of Israel, soon made captive the unwary conqueror, and won him over to the customs of the conquered. 109. This rapid coalescence of Israel with the peo ples of Canaan dragged them down and made them an easy prey of invaders. Very early after their con quest and settlement in their new home-land, an ambitious ruler from Mesopotamia, Cushan-rishath- aim, an Aramaean king, carried his arms down into Palestine. This invader was probably a successor of the Mitanni, already mentioned. His seems to have been the first foreign military campaign of any note since Israel had settled in Canaan. The deliverer was Othniel, one of the men trained probably by Joshua. The Mesopotamians were driven out and Israel again became independent. Enemies began to 130 RISE OF THE PHILISTDJES arise from nearer quarters. Moab crossed the Jordan and subdued southern Israel and established her headquarters at Jericho. Ehud, a valiant Benjamin- ite, by a deed of treachery, slew the king, roused his countrymen and threw off the Moabite yoke. The unconquered Canaanites of northern Palestine like wise overcame the newcomers and held Israel under oppression until the victorious stroke of Deborah and Barak. Next came bands of Midianites, who ravaged the territory of Israel and so terrified its inhabitants that they sought hiding-places from these robber bands. This annual invasion was finally terminated by the rise and valor of Gideon and his valiant corps of three hundred heroes. The next threat and op pression came from another eastern tribe, the Am monites. The frontier free-booter Jephthah, armed with a reckless daring, and a devotee to a crude form of religion, smote the enemy full in the face. His rugged zeal and fidelity led him to fulfil in all of its horrible details the conditions of his vow to the Almighty. 110. Still another enemy to Israel's peace appeared on the southwestern horizon. The Philistines, now grown in power, had begun to spread their net. Israel soon fell into its meshes. A hardy race cen tered in five strong cities, Ashdod, Ashkelon, Gaza, Ekron and Gath, they early threaten the liberty of the Israelitish colony. Scarcely Semitic in descent, they, nevertheless, soon adopt the manners, language, SAMUEL A VICTOR 131 and even the religion of their neighbors. Their first raids were repelled by the valor of Shamgar, while later Samson plays his tricks with their armies. Finally, however, entrapped in their folds, he meets a most tragical death, but succeeds in taking dire vengeance on his persecutors. In the latter days of the judges, we find a fearfully corrupt condition of affairs (Judg. xix.-xxi.). The prevalence of priestly prostitution to the service of idols, of horrible crimes, kindled a spark, a flame of internal strife, in which one tribe was almost exter minated. This state of things opened the door for the aggression of the Philistines who were not slow to see and improve their opportunity. By the time of the closing years of Eli we find the Philistines carrying out their own sweet will despite every op posing faction of Israel. 111. Their advance was first successfully disputed only by the rise and power of Samuel. Israel's hu miliation, and degradation in the presence of these indomitable fighters, led to the unification as never before of the scattered strength of Israel. It demon strated to them that if they were to have a career as a people, they must stand together and fight together against their common foes. Israel's settlement and quarrels and oppressions in their new territory, tried them in the fire, melted them in the furnace, and burnt out of them some of the dross, that had interfered with their unity and comparatively unified them as a nation. CHAPTER XI FOREIGN NATIONS AND THE SINGLE MONARCHY 112. The unification of the tribes of Israel under one ruler was consummated by the efforts of Samuel, the last judge, and the founder of the prophetic order. Under divine direction he selected privately and pub licly a Benjaminite, Saul, to be the founder of the new kingdom of Israel. Saul's early test of leader ship was in war against the Ammonites east of the Jordan. His victory over this enemy won for him the public enthusiasm and comparative unification of all Israel. His early administration is seen mainly in his energetic conduct of war with the minor peoples adjacent to the borders of his kingdom. The Philis tines receive early and prompt attention, and are driven out of many of the fastnesses of the land. Jonathan's valor and action were a prominent initia tive in this victorious result. The Amalekites, too, who had struck a blow at Israel immediately upon their escape from Egypt, suffered a withering defeat at the hands of Saul's army. 113. But the power of Saul exhausted itself on the battlefield. His poor administration of the govern ment, his disobedience to the commands of the pro- 132 DAVID'S VICTORIES 133 phet, forebode disaster. Though victorious over his neighboring foes, one of the chief elements of his success against the Philistines was found in David, a valiant warrior of Bethlehem. The sudden popu larity of the youthful hero aroused the jealousy of the monarch. This jealousy grew into a bitter hatred that assumed the form of a species of insanity. David was compelled to flee for his life, and to live the life of an outlaw. The power of the king rapidly waned, and the aggressions of the Philistines equally grew. Finally, the fateful battle took place on Mt. Gilboa, where Saul and his valorous sons fell victims to a Philistine victory. These doughty warriors now ruled western Palestine and crowded the scattered remnants of Saul's army to the east of the Jordan. Abner, Saul's general, made Ishbosheth king of the fragment of a kingdom. 114. David, who had finally taken refuge from Saul, in the friendly land of Philistia, now returns to Hebron. By the intrepid vigor of the warrior Joab, this initial movement soon crowds back the Philistines, and David becomes master and king of all Judah. On the basis of overtures from Abner, David's authority soon extends over all Israel. The fortress of Jebus is now captured and the king makes this the capital of his kingdom. From Jerusalem as the center, his army swept about the whole horizon, subduing, receiving tribute, and concluding treaties. 115. But some one may ask: How was David's 134 EGYPT AND ASIA IN DAVID'S DAY army able to raid territory at such distances as Damascus and the Euphrates? What were the politi cal relations of the great world-powers whose armies had often crossed this bridge? An examination of these questions reveals facts of double interest. "The successors of Rameses III of the XXth dynasty (11S0-1050 B. C), nine in number, all bearing the same name, had become mere tools in the hands of the great priestly guild of Thebes, and their reign is marked by domestic weakness and by official corrup tion. The next dynasty, the XXIst (1050-945 B. C), was not only controlled by the priests, but actually consisted throughout of high-priests of Amun at Thebes." The military and administrative power of Egypt reached so low an ebb that this dynasty finally fell before the power of a strong Libyan leader who had formerly served as a mercenary in the Egyptian army. This condition of things in Egypt could inter ject no opposition to the conquests of David, but would rather encourage his adventurous spirit. 116. When we turn our attention to former em pires of Asia, we discover similar political conditions. The Babylonian monuments are silent about the West-land, and the Assyrian records have next to nothing to say of affairs in the West between the reigns of Tiglath-pileser I (1120-1090 B. C.) and Assurnatsirpal (884-860 B. C). So that there arose no protest against David from the peoples of Assyria and Babylonia beyond the Euphrates. Again, it is DAVID IN THE NORTH 135 noticeable that the Hittites, whose power had often been the dread of Egypt and of all the minor tribes on the east coast of the Mediterranean Sea, are not mentioned in the Assyrian inscriptions as a world- power after 1000 B. C. It is supposed that they had been crowded back into the mountains by the victo rious campaigns of the Aramaeans, who had crossed and occupied territory on the west banks of the Euphrates river. If, then, the Hittites were expelled by the peoples of Mitanni, or Paddan Aram, Syria, northern and middle, was Aramaic territory before the time of David. Its strong centers, such as Hamath and Damascus, presented a formidable de fense against any invader. Damascus, especially, had been a prominent commercial center from prehistoric times, standing as it did on the great highway between the East and the West. 117. David's conquests embraced the peoples of Edom, Ammon, Moab, Philistia, and Amalek. His wars with these tribes were not long drawn out. Ammon, however, made a stubborn resistance. The most powerful opponents to Israel's advances were the Aramaean kings of the north and northeast. Hadadezer of Zobah was at the head of a federation of troops from Rehob, Tob and Maacha. These received a disastrous defeat at the hands of Israel under the leadership of Joab. Hastily they sum moned all their allies, even from the east banks of the Euphrates. This formidable Aramaean army was 136 DAVID'S DISASTERS met by Israel, led by king David in person. The trained fighting army of Israel was victorious, not only over this great body of Aramaean allies, but over all Syria. The king of Hamath, likewise an enemy of Hadadezer, freely submitted to David and sent him gifts as symbols of his homage. The final reduction of Rabbath-Ammon concluded the conquests of David. 118. The scope of David's territory, and the diver sity of his subjects, demanded careful organization. The king established an apparently successful admin istration. From the centralized power, the concen tration of wealth, the building up of a court after the manner of oriental despots, and the moral weakness of the king, there sprang up a brood of disasters. A criminal king, family corruption, fratricide, and open plotting and rebellion on the part of Absalom, almost tore the kingdom asunder. But its destruction was finally prevented by the timely foresight of the king's counsellors, and the defeat and death of the rebel Absalom. At the close of the king's life another claimant to the throne, Adonijah, arises, but is super seded by Solomon. 119. Solomon's heritage was a kingdom thoroughly organized, at peace with its neighbors, and ready for development. This new king originated and exe cuted vast building enterprises both in his capital and among his subject peoples. To insure peace and se curity he made domestic alliances with all his subject SOLOMON'S HERITAGE 137 tribes and powers. He also stepped over his own boundary lines and took as wives princesses of Egypt and of Phoenicia. These relations not only secured the good-will of leaders among these peoples, but opened the door for political and commercial negotiations. The king of Egypt conquered, and gave to Solomon as a dowry with his daughter, the strong fortress of Gaza on the extreme southwestern limits of Israel's possessions. With Phoenicia Solomon established commercial rela tions of an important character. The artisans of Phoenicia became the chief workmen in the splendid architectural achievements of Israel. On the sea, too, Solomon employed the skilled tars of Phoenicia. The remote and still undetermined land of Ophir yielded him once in three years a mine of gold and a menagerie of tropical life. More than this, Solomon established great marts of trade within his territory. Tadmor, in the desert, was a kind of customhouse through which all the caravans from Mesopotamia passed and paid their fees. From Egypt he imported chariots and horses and passed them on at a fixed rate to the Hittites in the distant lands of Asia Minor. The revenue from all of these sources was something stupendous. It filled the coffers of the kingdom and made possible the chief est luxuries of the wealthiest oriental monarchs. 120. This widely developed commerce scattered the fame and name of Israel to distant shores. The supe- 138 SOLOMON'S DECADENCE rior shrewdness and wisdom of Solomon followed the lines of trade, and aroused among foreign peoples a peculiar respect for, and curiosity to see, the man whose genius had wrought such revolutions on this insignificant strip of territory. This reputation among foreign peoples, these new international social relations, laid new duties on the court. The increased wealth of the kingdom supplied the means for giving the monarch more than ever the chief place in Israel. The throne became absolute, and the people merely the puppets of the king. This step toward a despotic monarchy tended to dissolve rather than fix the unity of the kingdom. 121. Solomon's matrimonial alliances doubtless had the virtue of establishing at the beginning of his reign peaceful and harmonious relations with his neighbors and subjects. These treaty relations led to increased commercial enterprise, and to a consequent material wealth. This wealth allowed the king to gratify the luxurious desires of the court. The pres ence of numerous foreign wives, princesses of decided power, made especial demands on Solomon. Their requests, perfectly natural, that they should be per mitted to serve their fathers' gods, seem to have been readily granted. The king erected shrines for the whole troop of foreign deities worshiped by his treaty wives. This soon made Jerusalem a pantheon. It presented the anomaly of Solomon establishing at his capital a practical polytheism. This was too much 139 even for a Solomon. The luxurious outlay in his court, the mingled array of Egyptian, Phoenician, Hittite, Edomite, Ammonite, and Moabite beauty, the lavish shrines of the multifarious deities, and the entrancing rituals of worship submerged the old monarch. His grip on his administration slackened, and border rebels arose. The specter of rebellion appeared even within his own capital. He struck at the ghost, but it evaded his blow and took refuge with a new king of Egypt — a usurper of unusual strength. Elements of dissolution were at work throughout Solomon's entire realm. Rezon of Zobah had secured control of Damascus, and Hadad of Edom had re turned from Egypt, and established himself among his own people. In a word, Solomon's power, at first enhanced by foreign alliances, gradually faded away before the blandishments and seductions of the ele ments introduced by these relations. The life of the united monarchy is threatened, its power has become its weakness, and its days are numbered. CHAPTER XII SHISHAK AND THE MOABITE STONE 122. The death of Solomon closed the glory-period of Israel. When Rehoboam assembled all Israel at Shechem his final reply to the reasonable demands of Israel ruptured the once united kingdom. Rehoboam was compelled to retreat for safety to the bounds of Judah — the original Davidic realm. Jeroboam, who had fled from the wrath of Solomon, and taken refuge in the court of Shishak, the new Libyan usurper of the throne of Egypt, was recalled and hailed as king of the seceding tribes. This disruption of the united kingdom gave Solomon's son the tribes of Judah and Benjamin, while the remainder fell to the lot of the re turning fugitive Jeroboam. Thus for more than two centuries these rival kingdoms faced each other, gen erally in friendly, but sometimes in hostile relations. They fortified their realms against each other, and attempted to establish such political and religious policies as would guarantee patriotic fidelity on the part of their citizens and permanency of government. 123. The new Pharaoh of the XXIInd dynasty, Shishak (Sheshonk) I, had dethroned the power of the king whose daughter Solomon had taken to wife. 140 SHISHAK WITH HIS PALESTINIAN CAPTIVES SHISHAK'S INVASION 141 In this new court Jeroboam had been sheltered (1 Kings xi. 26-40). Doubtless Shishak's ambition had stretched into Asia, which had been in early centuries the foraging ground of some of Egypt's greatest vic tors. We do not know whether Jeroboam had any part in suggesting an aggressive campaign in this direction, though his acquaintance made in his brief Egyptian sojourn could not have been entirely for gotten. Whatever his motive may have been, Shi shak, in the fifth year of the reign of Rehoboam (1 Kings xiv. 25-28), carried his arms into Palestine. He overran the territory of Judah, stormed, cap tured, and plundered Jerusalem. He carried off to Egypt the immense treasures of Solomon's accumula tion, and compelled the proud Rehoboam to acknowl edge his supremacy. Shishak also ravaged consider able territory of the northern kingdom, including the capture of some of its prominent cities. 124. On the southern wall of the court of the great temple of Amun at Karnak, Shishak has inscribed a sculpture representing this campaign. He enumer ates 133 places, towns and fortresses that he cap tured, the northernmost being Megiddo. In this sculpture, the giant figure of Shishak is represented as holding in his left hand the ends of ropes which bind long rows of captives neck to neck. Their hands are tied behind them, and the victor's right hand holds over others a rod with which he threatens them. The names of the conquered cities are inscribed on ovals 142 shishak's own record or shields that cover the lower part of the body of each prisoner. Some of the most familiar names in this list are: Gaza, Taanach, Abel, Adullam, Beth- anath, Beth-horon, Aijalon, Gibeon, Shunem, and Judah-Melech, which the late Dr. Birch regarded as the name of the sacred city of Judah, Jerusalem. Prof. Sayce sees in the heads of the conquered those of Amorites, not of Jews. They are the fair-skinned, light-haired, blue-eyed, long-headed Amorites who are seen on the earlier monuments of Egypt. This seems to point to a general prevalence of Amorites among the Jews at this time. Whether the resistance that Shishak met was so stubborn as to discourage further advances into Asia is unknown. Neither is there any evidence that he exercised continued authority over the people and territory captured. Whatever may have been the immediate results to Judah and Israel of this incur sion and plunder, it is evident that within the next fifteen years the northern and southern kingdoms met in a mortal combat without interference from any outside power. 125. The next monument of value in Old Testa ment study is the Moabite Stone. This notable speci men of antiquity was found at Dibon (Isa. xv. 2) by a missionary, the Rev. F. Klein, in August, 1868. Its importance lies in the fact that it preserves one of the most ancient styles of Hebrew writing, and that it supplements the records of 2 Kings iii. It was a finding the moabite stone 143 stone of bluish-black basalt, 2 feet wide, nearly 4 feet high, and 14£ inches thick, and rounded both at the top and the bottom. Across it on one side could be seen an inscription of thirty-four lines in Phoenician letters. Without perceiving the great value of this inscription, Mr. Klein copied a few words, and attempted to buy the relic for the museum of Berlin. After about a year's negotiations, terms were agreed on, and the stone was to be delivered to the German authorities for about $400. The French residents at Jerusalem, however, sent men to take paper impressions of the stone, and offered the natives at the same time more than $1,800. Very naturally, the owners suspected that it contained fabulous powers, and the Governor of Nablus de manded it for himself. Fear of losing such a prize impelled the Arabs to build a fire under it, and when hot to pour cold water over it. This process cracked it into fragments, which they distributed among themselves as amulets and charms. This looked like a fitting result of the contentions of the national rep resentatives at Jerusalem, and an irreparable loss to the science of archaeology. But, fortunately, some time after, M. Clermont-Ganneau succeeded in re covering most of the broken pieces. By means of the squeezes, or paper impressions, taken before the stone's destruction, he reset the fragments. The restored stone may now be seen in the Louvre in Paris. 144 A SUPPLEMENT TO 2 KINGS 126. This inscribed stone is a supplement to the records of the reigns of Omri, Ahab, Jehoram, and Jehoshaphat. Omri had subdued Moab, and had col lected from her a j'early tribute. Ahab had also en joyed the same revenue, amounting, under Mesha's reign, to the wool of 100,000 lambs and 100,000 rams (2 Kings iii. 4-27). At the close of Ahab's reign, Mesha refused longer to pay this tribute. The allied kings of Israel, Judah, and Edom marched with their armies against them. The Moabites fled for refuge within the strong fortress Kir-haraseth, where Mesha offered up his own son on the wall as a burnt offering to Chemosh, his god. This stone was set up by king Mesha, to Chemosh, about 850 B. C, to commemorate his deliverance from the yoke of Israel. 127. Its translation runs as follows, the numera tion of lines corresponding in general to the original : 1 I (am) Mesha, son of Chemoshmelek, King of Moab, the Dibonite. 2 My father ruled over Moab thirty years, and I ruled after my father. 3 And I prepared this monument for Chemosh at Korkhah, 4 A monument [to celebrate] deliverance, because he saved me from all invaders, and because he let me see (my de sire) upon all mine enemies. 5 Omri (was) king of Israel, and he oppressed Moab many days, for Chemosh was angry with his land. 6 His son succeeded him, and he also said, " I will oppress Moab." 7 In my days said he [thus] : I will see my desire on him and his house, and Israel perished with an everlast ing loss. THE MOABITE STONE (Of the Ninth Century B. C.) TRANSLATION OF THE STONE 145 8 And Omri took possession of the land of Mehedeba, and dwelt therein during his days, and half the days of his son, forty years. 9 But Chemosh restored it in my days. I built Baal-Meon, and constructed in it a pool ( ?), 10 And I built Kirjathan. The Gadites had dwelt in the land from ancient times, and the king of Israel had built for himself Ataroth ; 11 But I warred against the city and took it. 12 And I slew all [the inhabitants of] the city, a spec tacle for Chemosh and for Moab. 13 And I carried off thence the arel of Dodeh, and I dragged it before Chemosh in Kerioth. 14 And I caused to dwell therein the men of Sharon and the men of Meheroth. 15 And Chemosh said to me : Go take Nebo against Israel. 16 And I went by night and fought against it from early dawn until high noon. 17 And I took it and slew all of it, seven thousand men and women, and female slaves; for to Ashtor-Chemosh I had devoted it. 18 And I took thence the arels of Jehovah, and dragged them before Chemosh. 19 Now the king of Israel had built Jahaz, and he dwelt in it while he waged war against me; but Chemosh drove him out before [me ; and] 20 I took of Moab two hundred men, all chiefs ; and I led them against Jahaz, and took it to add it unto Dibon. 21 I built Korkhah, the wall of the forests (or Jearim), and the wall of the fortress (or ophel). 22 And I built its gates, and I built its towers. 23 And 1 built the king's palace, and made two large recep tacles (?) for water in the middle of the town. 24 There was no cistern in the middle of the town of Kor khah ; and I said to all the people, 25 Make for yourselves, each man a cistern in his own house. And I dug the channels for Korkhah by means of the prisoners of Israel. 146 ITS SIGNIFICANCE 26 I built Aroer, and I made the highway alongside of the Arnon. 27 I built Beth-Bamoth ; for it had been torn down. I built Bezer, for in ruins [it had fallen]. 28 [And the chie]fs of Dibon were fifty, for all Dibon was submissive [to me]. 29 And I reigned over a hundred [chiefs] in the towns which I added to the land. 30 And I built Beth-Mehedeba and Beth-Diblathen, and Beth-Baal-Meon ; and located there the shepherds (?). 31 the small cattle of the land. And in Horonaim there dwelt .... and 32 Chemosh said to me : Go down, fight against Horonaim. And I went down 33 Chemosh restored it in my days. And I went up thence to 34 And I 128. This old document reads almost like a new chapter of 2 Kings. Its significance can be indicated but briefly. It touches history, religion, and topog raphy. Its contribution to the historical situation in Israel is of first importance. We learn (1) that Omri was obliged to resubjugate Moab (line 5) in the early years of his reign; and (2) that he occupied the cities captured during his campaign (line 8); (3) that this occupation suddenly ceased in the middle of the reign of Ahab (line 9); (4) that the expulsion of Israel was accomplished by Mesha only after a series of battles; (5) that the cruelty visited on the captured cities resembled the methods employed by Joshua in the conquests of Canaan (lines 12 and 16); (6) that the cities and MOABITES NOT BARBARIANS 147 fortresses retaken were strengthened for future de fenses; (7) that the territory recaptured was repopu- lated; and (8) that the methods of warfare and marks of civilization were similar to those found in Israel. We also ascertain the fact that national defeat, as in Israel, was attributed to the anger of their god. More important yet is the mention of the name of Jehovah, to whom Israel is said to have erected arels — probably altars or shrines, or a sanctuary — in Nebo. This wonderful document, erected soon after the death of Ahab, is the finest and oldest Hebrew in scription yet discovered. It has not been copied by scribes through a series of centuries, as is the case with the books of the Old Testament. But it is seen to-day just as it was prepared by its artist in the mid dle of the ninth century B. C. It tells us also that the Moabites used the same language and employed the same customs of warfare as their neighbors and kin, Israel. We are also aware of the fact that Moab in the ninth century B. C. was not a barbarous, but a progressively civilized people. CHAPTER XIII SHALMANESER II AND TRIBUTARY ISRAEL 129. The fame of Omri, first king in the fourth dynasty of Israel, had reached all the surrounding nations. His influence at the court of Sidon had favorably introduced his son Ahab and secured for him matrimonial alliance with the royal house. His vigorous campaigns east of the Jordan had gained for him large tribute, and in the settlement of ac quired possessions, an outlet for his surplus popula tion. The strength of his new capital, Samaria, and his ability in organizing and building up his kingdom, had doubtless been carried to the distant capitals of the Assyrians, for we find in their inscriptions of the next two hundred years that Canaan was designated as "the land of Omri," "the land of the house of Omri." Early in his reign the power of Assyria began to grow. The first great king in this new epoch was Assurnatsirpal (884-860 B. C). His con quests swept westward to the shores of the Medi terranean Sea, but left Syria and Israel practically undisturbed. The invincible character of his army, however, sounded a note of alarm to these kingdoms, whose political schemes for more than two centuries had been free to run their own course. 148 149 130. The son and successor of Assurnatsirpal, Shal maneser, came to the throne and ruled for thirty- five years (860-825 B. C). His administrative powers were early exerted in maintaining the unity of his father's realm. His military campaigns reached the number of twenty-six, several of which are of especial interest to students of the Old Testament. The first intimation of his dangerous approach to Israel ap pears in 2 Kings xx. 34. Here we learn that Ahab had defeated Ben-hadad in battle, rather Syria had fled at the supposed sound of Israel's approaching allies. A second battle is fought in the plain near Aphek, where the God of the Hebrews, being a God of the hills, as the Syrians supposed, would be pow erless to help. The Syrian king and army, however, met a disastrous defeat. Ben-hadad, at the counsel of his officers, came out of his hiding-place and pre sented himself, with a rope about his neck as an ap peal for mercy, to Ahab of Israel. So far as can be judged from the Kings record, Ben-hadad was not subjected to the indignities which he, as a captive, should have received. More than that, Ahab gave him large quarters, entered on negotiations which re sulted in a treaty. Some of the stipulations of this document were that Ben-hadad should restore cities which his father had wrested from Ahab's father, Omri, and that Israel should now have streets in Damascus, as Syria formerly had had in Samaria, probably as depots or commercial sales-houses. 150 WHY TREAT WITH SYRIA? 131. There must have been in this treaty, either expressed or implied, another important provision. How did Ahab show such leniency toward Syria? Why did he not demand the surrender of Damascus, or some other thing commensurate with the weight of his victory? Upon an examination of the political horizon, we determine that Ahab was not yet ready to commit national suicide, and that he exhibited in this treaty some of the best traits of statesman ship. If this event is properly located as to time, we find that the great Shalmaneser II of Assyria, with his almost invincible troops is sweeping the country east of the Euphrates; that his army is bent on a western campaign; and that the political skies are darkened by the ominous clouds of an invasion. Syria, as centered at Damascus, was the only barrier between Ahab and this portent of destruction. To have cut down Ben-hadad and leveled this breast work would have been the height of folly, and the shortest road to national disaster. This treaty, which preserved intact the king and kingdom of Damas cus, was Ahab's best defense for his own people and realm. 132. Another evidence of the truth of what has just been said is found in an inscription of this same Shalmaneser II (III Rawl. 8, 78-102): " In the eponym-year of Dayan-Asshur (854 b. a), on the fourteenth day of the month Iyyar (about May), I left Nineveh, crossed the Tigris river, and advanced against PORTRAIT OF SHALMANESER II, With an inscription cut across it shalmaneser's record 151 cities of Giammu; on the river Balich. They feared the awe of my majesty, and the terror of my powerful weapons ; and they slew with their own arms Giammu, their lord. I entered Kitlala and Til-sha-balachi. I set up my gods in his temples, and in his palaces I made a feast. I opened his storehouse, beheld his treasures, carried away his sub stance and goods as spoil, and brought them to my own city of Asshur. From Kitlala I set out, and approached Fort Shalmaneser. In boats [or floats] of sheepskin I crossed for the second time the Euphrates river at its flood. The tribute of the kings on the farther side of the Euphrates, of Sangar of Carchemish, of Kundashpi of Kumukh, of Arame son of Gusi, Lalli of Milid, of Chayani son of Gabari, of Kal- paruda of Chattin, of Kalparuda of Gurgum : silver, gold, lead, copper, vessels of copper, I received at Asshur-utir- atsbat on the further side of the Euphrates, in the city of Shagur, which the Hittites call Pitru (Pethor, Num. xxii. 5). I set out from the river Euphrates, and drew near to Chal- man (Aleppo). They feared to contend with me, and em braced my feet. I received silver and gold as their tribute, and sacrificed before Ramman of Chalman. " I marched forth from Aleppo. I approached the cities of Irchulina of the land of Hamath. I captured Adinnu, Mashga, and his royal city Argana. I set out from Argana and arrived at Karkar. Karkar, his royal city, I destroyed, razed, and burnt with fire. Twelve hundred chariots, 1,200 cavalry, 20,000 soldiers of Hadadezer of Damascus, 700 char iots, 700 cavalry, 10,000 soldiers of Irchulina of Hamath, 2,000 chariots, and 10,000 soldiers of Ahab of Israel (A-ha-ab-bu- mat Sir-'i-la-aa) ; 500 soldiers of the land of Kue; 1,000 soldiers of the land of Mutsri ; 10 chariots and 10,000 soldiers of the land of Irkanati ; 200 soldiers of Matinu-Baal of the land of Arvad ; 200 soldiers of the land of Usanata ; 30 char iots, 10,000 soldiers of Adunu-Baal of the land of Shian; 1,000 camels of Gindibu'u of the land of Arabia 1,000 soldiers of Ba'asha son of Ruchubi (Rehob) of the land of Ammon, — those twelve [eleven] kings he took to himself as allies ; and they marched forth to fight with me in battle. 152 THE CONFEDERATION OF ALLIES With the splendid forces which the lord Asshur gave me, with the powerful arms which Nergal, who marched before me bestowed, I fought with them; from Karkar to Gilza I routed them ; 14,000 of their fighting men I brought down with the sword. Like Ramman (the weather god) I poured upon them a flood [of troops] ; scattered their corpses far and wide, covered the surface of the plain with their numer ous troops, poured out their blood with the sword I reached the Orontes before turning back. In that battle I took from them their chariots, their cavalry horses, and their draught horses." 133. This quite full account of the second cam paign of Shalmaneser into the West-land pictures the attempt of the allied forces to withstand him. The number of slain in this battle is told in a briefer record on the obelisk as 20,500 men, while another account gives the number as 25,000. The Assyrians advanced as far as the Orontes River before they turned back. The real issue of the battle is not told. It seems that it must have been a draw, as no immedi ate advantage, toward the South, at least, was taken by Shalmaneser. 134. The composition of the allied troops is most interesting. It is evident that the advance of Assyria into this territory aroused great consternation among its peoples, who united their military strength and succeeded in putting a temporary check, at least, on the vaulting ambition of this new Assyrian mon arch. In this arm}' we discover the largest com panies of troops under the king of Hamath, the king of Damascus, and under Ahab of Israel. The first SYRIA AND ISRAEL AT WAR 153 name in the list is that of the king of Damascus, etymologically the same as Ben-hadad, the peoples with whom Ahab made his treaty already noted. He joined common cause with all the provinces on the east coast of the Mediterranean, to repel a common enemy and invader. In this army we find also the Mutsri from Cappadocia, several detachments from the Phoenician coast, Ammonites from the edge of the Syrian desert, and Arabs from the desert itself. Shalmaneser's loss is not given, but his advantage was so small that he did not return to this territory for five years. 135. Although the kingdoms of Israel and Syria were usually at swords' points, the evidence goes to show that the advance of Shalmaneser forced an alli ance between these kingdoms. We ascertain in 1 Kings xxii. that after a peace of three years between these powers, war again broke out, and Syria again ravaged the East-Jordanic territory. If the battle of Karkar occurred in 854 B. C, we must set the death of Ahab at least three years later, 851 B. C, for at this time Syria and Israel were in mortal com bat at Ramoth-gilead, east of the Jordan. In two subsequent campaigns of Shalmaneser, we read of coalitions between the western provinces, but none in which Israel is mentioned. 136. Hazael of Damascus, who secured the throne of Syria by smothering his master, Ben-hadad (2 Kings viii.), plays a large part in some of Shalman- 154 HAZAEL AND SHALMANESER eser's campaigns. Mention cannot be made here of several expeditions between 854 and 842 B. C, as they did not bear directly on Israel. But in 842 the Assyrian monarch advanced directly against this Hazael of Damascus. His own record on a pave ment slab from Calah tells the story (III Rawl. 5, No. 6, 40-65) : " In the eighteenth year of my reign I crossed the Euphra tes for the sixteenth time. Hazael of Damascus trusted in the power of his forces, marshalled his troops in full strength. -He made Senir (Hermon, cf. Deut. iii. 9), the summit of the mountain opposite Lebanon, his stronghold. With him I fought, and defeated him. Six thousand of his soldiers I brought down with weapons ; 1,121 of his chariots, 470 of his horses, together with his camp, I took from him. To save his life he fled ; I pursued him ; in Damascus, his royal city, I shut him up. His plantations I destroyed. As far as the mountains of Hauran I marched. Towns without number I laid waste, razed, and burnt with fire. Their innumerable spoil I carried away. As far as to the mountains of Baal- Rosh, situated close to the sea (the headland at Dog River), I marched. My royal image I set up in that place. At that time I received the tribute of the Tyrians and Sidonians, and of Jehu the son of Omri." 137. In this sixteenth campaign we find Shalman eser reducing Damascus, the Hauran, and all the ter ritory to the Mediterranean Sea. Among his tribu tary princes or kings we find the name of "Jehu son of Omri" of Israel. The black obelisk of Shalman eser, which represents both in word and in pictures several nations who paid him tribute, presents us a line of tribute-bearing personages loaded down iii^^i^l THE BLACK OBELISK OF SHALMANESER II "JEHU SON OF OMRI" 155 with goods, while over them we find this inscrip tion: "The tribute of Jehu the son of Omri, sil ver, gold, basins of gold, bowls of gold, cups of gold, buckets of gold, lead, a royal sceptre, staves, I received." There is no biblical or As syrian record of any defeat of Jehu before Shal maneser, nor is there evidence that he was merely paying the tribute of his predecessors on the throne. The dangerous approach of Shalmaneser, and the invincible character of his army, forwarned Jehu that his surest method of deliverance would be to dispatch his envoys, even if he himself did not go, and pay the price of submission. "The son of Omri" has no more significance than to designate Jehu as Omri's successor on the throne of Israel. 138. The perpetual enmity existent between Israel and Syria may have led Jehu to hope to form some sort of an alliance with Shalmaneser whereby he could gain an advantage over Hazael. In another, and the last campaign against Hazael, in 839 B. C, we find the Tyrians and Sidonians again paying tribute, though no mention is made of Jehu. Whatever may have induced Jehu to court the favor of Shalmaneser in 842 B. C, it is practically certain that that act did not protect him from the incursions of Syria. For in 2 Kings x. 32, 33, we read : "In those days Jehovah began to cut Israel short : and Hazael smote them in all the coasts of Israel; from Jordan eastward, all the land of Gilead, the Gadites, and the Reubenites, 156 ISRAEL'S HUMILIATION and the Manassites, from Aroer, which is by the valley of Arnon, even Gilead and Bashan." The withdrawal of Shalmaneser from the West-land gave Hazael wide opportunity to develop his ambitious designs. His army, after subjugating the whole of the East-Jordanic territory, turned westward. Israel's complete overthrow seemed near at hand. Hazael crossed the land of Judah, stormed and cap tured Gath, one of the great fortresses of Philistia, and even dictated terms to Jerusalem, the capital of Judah. Thus the hostility between Jehu and Hazael resulted in the humiliation and defeat of the former, and in the growth and development of Syria beyond any other period of her history. 139. Subsequent events in the kingdom of Israel add only to the harsh treatment she had received at the hands of Syria. The record in 2 Kings xiii. 7 says that "there had been left to Jehoahaz of the people only fifty horsemen and ten chariots and ten thousand footmen; for the king of Syria [Ben-hadad III, son of Hazael] had made them to be trodden down like dust." While during the reign of Ahab she was able to take her place as one of the three strongest allies against Shalmaneser at Karkar, Israel is now nothing more than a small province of Syria, absolutely under her will and control. This sore condition of things brought her to her knees, to im plore the mercy and aid of Jehovah (2 Kings xiii. RAMMAN-NIRARl'S CONQUESTS 157 4, 5). We find that a deliverer was granted, but who was he? and whence did he come? 140. The West-land remained undisturbed by As syria for about forty years, from the middle of Shal- maneser's reign to that of his grandson, Ramman- nirari (810-781). That conqueror extended his boundaries beyond those of any previous king. At least five campaigns were conducted for the conquest of these western regions. His campaigns of 804-797 B. C. decided the fate of Phoenicia, Syria, and Pales tine. His own epitomized story is as follows (III Rawl. 35, 10-18) : " As far as the shores of the great sea at the rising of the sun, from the banks of the Euphrates, the land of the Hit tites, the land of the Amorites to its farthest limits, the land of Tyre, the land of Omri, the land of Edom, the land of the Philistines, as far as the shores of the great sea (Mediter ranean) at the setting of the sun, I subjected [them all] to my yoke, tribute and presents I required of them. Against the land of Syria I marched ; Mari', the king of the land of Syria, I shut up in Damascus, his royal city. The terror of the majesty of Asshur, his lord, overwhelmed him ; he embraced my feet, he became a vassal." 141. This account tells us that the rival power, Damascus, was crushed, that Israel was released from the immediate presence of a dangerous foe, and that the entire east coast-line of the Mediterranean Sea was compelled to yield submission to the king of Assyria. The tenor of the record of the Assyrian king leads us to conclude that of all his conquests, 158 SYRIA CRUSHED that of Syria and Damascus was the most important. Its subjection meant not only release for Israel, but freedom in the immediate future to extend their power and increase their revenues. Without the statement of the definite facts in the fragmentary inscriptions of this king, it is probable that Ramman- nirari exercised his sway and collected his tribute un til the time of his death (781 B. C). The expansion of Israel under Jeroboam II, and of Judah under Uzziah, occurred during the following decades of in activity on the part of the kings of Assyria. CHAPTER XIV TIGLATH-PILESER HI AND THE WARRING JEWISH KINGDOMS 142. After the death of Ramman-nirari (810-781 B. C), the next three kings of Assyria employed their mediocre strength and time in the immediate neigh borhood of their capitals. The West-land was prac tically abandoned to the will of its populations. Ar menia especially was the object of Assyrian conquests, though its resistance was so formidable as to force Assyria to withdraw from the field. Armenian docu ments preserve for us that side of the question, and show that Armenia assumed even an offensive atti tude toward the Assyrian provinces in the North. The weakness of the Assyrian kingdom is apparent when it is said that the monarchs were barely able to hold their own in their capital. Their inaction certainly reveals a condition which might seriously endanger the permanency and perpetuity of the Assyrians as a world-power. 143. But this period of Assyrian inactivity was the opportunity of the West-land. Jeroboam II, the fourth king in the dynasty of Jehu, who began to reign about the time of the death of Ramman-nirari, 159 160 ISRAEL'S EXPANSION arose to the occasion. The chastisement and humili ation of the kingdom of Syria by the late Assyrian king opened a door for Israel's expansion. Jeroboam not only recovered, the Israelitish territory which had fallen subject to Syria, but engaged in campaigns directly against her. His marvelous military suc cesses carried his arms and planted them on the banks of the Euphrates, and at Hamath, in northern Syria. On the east of the Jordan also he conquered the Moabites, and set his southern boundaries at the lower end of the Dead Sea. This immense territory gave Israel her largest realm and made possible for her the natural development of her resources. This expansion of territory soon resulted in increased revenues, in larger influence over her neighbors, and in more abundant leisure and luxury. These com mercial and social conditions and their direful re sults are set forth in the gruesome pictures of Amos and Hosea. 144. The kingdom of Judah, now under the reign of Uzziah, likewise took advantage of the decline of Syria and the absence of Assyria. The two kings, contemporaries, and on peaceful terms, were almost equally victorious in their respective spheres. Uzziah wholly conquered the Philistines, and the peoples to the south and southeast, until he reached practically the southern boundaries of the old Solomonic realm. This territory and people he thoroughly organized. He established a large and well-trained standing ACME OF PROSPERITY 161 army, to meet all emergencies that might endanger a kingdom like his. He strengthened the fortifica tions of Jerusalem by adding to its defenses some of the most formidable weapons of his times. His inter est in the direct welfare of his people is seen in the fact that "he hewed out many cisterns, for he had much cattle" (2 Chron. xxvi. 10), and thus took a lively interest in husbandry and agriculture. 145. The two kingdoms of Israel and Judah, under Jeroboam II and Uzziah respectively, mark the acme of political and commercial prosperity of the divided kingdom. Their combined territory was now almost coterminous with the Davidic and Solomonic realm. Their opportunity was due to the former great power of Assyria in crushing Syria, and her present inac tivity in the West-land. This prosperity, especially of Israel, led to her decay, while that of Judah was followed in the reign of Ahaz by disastrous species of idolatries and by rebellion against Jehovah. 146. The precarious health of the Assyrian king dom was entirely restored by the accession, probably, usurpation, of the throne by Pulu, or as he chose to call himself, Tiglath-pileser III (745-727, B. C). This king took hold of affairs with a new grip. He shook up the dry bones of the last thirty-five years, and inaugurated a new and aggressive policy. He made rapid work of his conquests throughout his realm. His plans of organization and government differed from those of all his predecessors. They so 162 TIGLATH-PILESER IN THE WEST unified and strengthened his hold upon his peoples that the Assyrian seemed for once to be permanently established. His policy of deportation of rebellious subjects and of the importation of foreign subjects to take their place, was continued by successive Assyrian rulers with the best of results. In addition to this, Tiglath-pileser established in his vassal states, wher ever possible, a civil in place of a military administra tion, one in which the populace would have some part or word. Of course, we cannot indicate here the merest outlines of the healthful influence of these governmental reforms. 147. The first two years of Tiglath-pileser's reign were occupied in settling affairs, quelling uprisings, and establishing his authority in Mesopotamia, even down to the south of Babylon. For the next three years (743-740) he was engaged about Arpad, in Northern Syria, both in taking its adjacent territory and in storming that city. It finally fell, and Assyria became master of all the adjoining communities. The Hittite peoples on the Orontes and in northern Syria rendered submission, and were made a part of the Assyrian domain (739 B. C). In the next year of his reign Tiglath-pileser made further additions to his realm. As one of the results of this campaign, his own records say (III Rawl. 9, No. 3, 30-32) : "Nine teen districts belonging to Hamath, together with the towns in their circuit, situated on the sea of the setting sun (Mediterranean), which in their faithless- WESTERN REALM OF ASSYRIA 163 ness had revolted against Azariah, I restored to the territory of the land of Asshur; my officers, my gov ernors I placed over them." One of the peculiar statements of this inscription is the remark that peo ples near Hamath had revolted against Azariah. Who was this Azariah? Another fragment of an inscription settles the question when it says (III Rawl. 9, No. 2, 2-3) : "In the course of my campaign [I received] tribute of the kings (?): [Azar]iah, the Judean," etc. It seems, then, that Uzziah of Judah must have had some negotiations with Jero boam II, whereby he had secured control or a pro tectorate over territory in the far North. The occu pants of this territory had thrown off the yoke of Judah, but were reduced by Tiglath-pileser to vas salage to Assyria. 148. In the same year (738) Tiglath-pileser moved southward against Palestine. In 2 Kings xv. 19-20 we find: "Then came Pul, king of Assyria, against the land, and Menahem gave to Pul a thousand talents of silver that his hand might be with him to confirm the kingdom in his hand. And Menahem exacted the money of Israel, even of all the mighty men of wealth, of each man fifty shekles of silver, to give to the king of Assyria. So the king of Assyria turned back, and stayed not there in the land." The Assyrian annals of Tiglath-pileser from this time specify (Layard Inscrip. 50, 10) that he "received fhe tribute of Kushtashpi of Kumukh,Rezonof Damascus^ 164 A SUCCESSION OF KINGS Menahem of Samaria, Hiram of Tyre," etc. These statements inform us that Menahem of Israel, at least, could not occupy the throne without paying the price of that position, without turning over to Assyria a guarantee of his submission. The amount of money was simply enormous, nearly if not quite one and one- half million dollars. This story tells us that the northern kingdom was nothing more nor less than a vassal province of the empire of Assyria. With a vast amount of booty, and guarantees of submission on the part of these western provinces, including Phoenicia, Syria and northern Palestine, Tiglath-pileser returned to his capital on the Tigris. From this point he carried campaigns over into Media and annexed large portions of that land to his imperial domain. Toward the North he chastised and partially annexed Armenia. In 734 he turned again toward the great West-land, from which three years before he had transferred to coffers of Assyria such enormous treasures. 149. The thrones of the Israelitish kings suffered frequent changes. Jotham of Judah, whose reign was mostly contemporaneous with the leprous days of Uzziah, his father, died in young manhood only a year or so after his father. His successor was the youth Ahaz, a character famed for his notorious wickedness. The throne of Israel was occupied at Menahem's death by Pekahiah, his son, who in turn was slain by Pekah, a general in the northern army. ISAIAH AND DISTRESS 165 These changes only complicated a distressing condi tion of affairs and weakened their power of resistance to any foreign invader or conqueror. There was also a longing look toward Egypt as the place of possible deliverance from the Assyrian oppressor. 150. But Assyria had its hand on the country. The political and social distress of the northern king dom is vividly portrayed in the book of Hosea (chaps. iv.-xiv.). The southern kingdom, with all its sturdy kings, its great outward prosperity, and its apparent conservatism, now fell into young_and_weak hands. Its very prosperity as that in the northern kingdom had supplied the means for the luxury and corruption which followed with such disaster. In this same period we have the beginnings of the prophecies of Isaiah. His spiritual perception discerned the trend of affairs, and his words from Jehovah gave wise coun sel in the face of the impending calamities. The invasion of the Syrian, and the Assyrian hosts, and the futility of a league with Egypt, are all open to his keen sense of the situation. 151. Early in the reign of Ahaz, Pekah of the northern kingdom and Rezin of Damascus made a league and probably rebelled against Tiglath-pileser. These two kings, it seems, attempted to force Ahaz into such a coalition. Isaiah's admonition (chap. vii.) was that he should quietly trust in Jehovah and let him control affairs, but the formidable front of the allies, and his vain endeavor to repel their ad- 166 AHAZ APPEALS TO ASSYRIA vances, finally drove him to take refuge in his capital fortress. A portion of the Syrian troops and the Edomites combined and captured Elath on the gulf of Akaba. The allies gradually advanced against the city itself. Ahaz now reduced in territory almost to the walls of Jerusalem itself, was in great terror. Even the strong words of Isaiah were of no encourage ment to him. To prevent a crushing defeat and humiliation at the hands of the allied troops now moving on the city Ahaz made a frantic appeal to Tiglath-pileser whose advance in the North was creat ing alarm. The purport of his appeal may be seen in his own words (2 Kings xvi. 7; 2 Chron. xxviii. 16): "I am thy slave and thy son." These words are a surrender of his realm and a guarantee of submission and tribute — these in spite of Isaiah's protest and prophecies. 152. Tiglath-pileser's campaign had for its pur pose the resubjugation and organization of all the West-land, and still more, the conquest of Egypt. His campaign of 738 had accomplished much, but this one of 734 had for its purpose the securing and completion of that earlier expedition. His line of march seems to have been down the sea-coast as far as Carmel. Thence he entered Palestine through the valley of Jezreel and raided all of the neighboring country. The royal annalist in 2 Kings (xv. 29) says : "In the days of Pekah, king of Israel, Tiglath pileser, king of Assyria, came and took Ijon and ""•"'. M y.--\ 4 TIGLATH-PILESER III (745-27 B.C.) (From a portrait on the walls of his palace) TIGLATH-PILESER IN PALESTINE 167 Abel-beth-maacah, and Janoah and Kedesh, and Hazor, and Gilead, and Galilee, all the land of Naphtali; and he carried them captive to Assyria?' Tiglath-pileser's own record, though distressingly fragmentary, seems to confirm this statement in that it speaks of territory on the borders of the "land of Omri," which was annexed to the realm of Assyria. Tiglath-pileser next advanced against Philistia. "Hanno of Gaza," says he, "took to flight before my troops, and escaped into Egypt." The badly broken text tells intermittently how he captured Gaza, and carried off vast sums of booty and captives to Assyria. On this boundary line he erected his statue symbolizing his sovereignty. In this same fragment ary inscription we come upon a most interesting state ment. It is evidence that the monarch, content with his southern limits, turned his attention to his rebel lious foes in the North. His southern campaign had, at least, prevented any alliance of his rebels with Egypt, and he could take his own course in disposing of them. In a fragment of the same inscription quoted above he says (III Rawl. 10, No. 2, 20): "Pekah, their king, they overthrew, Hoshea I ap pointed over them." The biblical record (2 Kings xv. 30) says : "And Hoshea the son of Elah made a conspiracy against Pekah, the son of Remaliah and smote him, and slew him, and reigned in his stead." The two records taken together seem to state that Hoshea at the instigation and promise of Tiglath- 168 DOWNFALL OF DAMASCUS pileser, murdered the king of the northern kingdom, and occupied his throne. 153. The order of Tiglath-pileseris movements at this time is not quite certain. But his next stroke after a campaign against Arabia seems to have been against Damascus, the headquarters of his chief rebel, Rezin. This formidable capital and fortress was left for his last great fight. Outside of the city he met and routed the Syrian army (in 733) and drove it within its walls. He states that Rezin fled "like a hunted stag into the city through its great gate," where he was "shut up like a caged bird." The Assyrian army laid waste all the surrounding coun try, the parks, and the city gardens outside the wall. Important residences, and hundreds of small towns and villages in every direction were captured and pillaged. The sixteen tributary districts of Damas cus were made "like heaps in the wake of a storm- flood." This harrowing picture of devastation prac tically concludes the fragmentary record of that cam paign. That Damascus was taken and its peoples deported to Assyria seems implied in subsequent hints. And the biblical record (2 Kings xvi. 9f .) con firms this point : "And the king of Assyria went up against Damascus, and took it, and carried the people of it captive to Kir, and slew Rezin." 154. This suppression of Pekah of Israel and Rezin of Damascus made Tiglath-pileser master of this southern territory of Syria. The appeal of Ahaz TIG. LORD OF THE WEST-LAND 169 to Tiglath-pileser, though probably not in its proper chronological order, is noted in Kings just after the record of the fall of Damascus. The great monarch is supposed to have summoned his tributary princes and governors of this West-land to appear before him in the midst of this captive fortress, Damascus. One of the notables at this great gathering was the king of Judah, the ignoble Ahaz (2 Kings xvi. 10). He had sent to Tiglath-pileser as a gift, "the silver and the gold which were found in the house of Jehovah and in the king's house." Probably this was simply the first installment of a tribute which thereafter he paid annually into the treasury of Assyria. In a list of his western subjects, Tiglath-pileser includes, among a host of others, these names (II Rawl. 67, 61-62): "Matanbi'il of Arvad, Sanipu of Ammon, Salamanu of Moab, Mitinti of Ashkelon, Ahaz of Judah, Kaushmalak of Edom, Hanno of Gaza." These were his tribute-payers, who rendered the same either as the result of conquest, or of fear before his imperial majesty. The last reductions or submissions made by the Assyrian ruler were the coast states of Phoenicia. These freely paid him an enormous tribute, and with his vast treasures Tiglath-pileser returned to his east ern capital. 155. The remaining four years of his life were spent in the East. The peoples of Babylonia, the Chaldaeans, presented a very obstinate resistance to 170 TIGLATH-PILESER' S GLORY his authority, but by the end of two years he suc ceeded in establishing his power and in so transport ing the population as to avoid immediate rebellion. The last two years of his life were spent in extend ing his architectural schemes, building and beautify ing his palaces and temples, and in recording the annals of his reign. His last days were spent in peace and quiet, and in the enjoyment of his well- won victories, and his abundant resources. His reign meant for Israel the end of all independence, the position of a subaltern after chastisement, and the humiliation of a petty province. For Assyria, his reign meant strong organization, better unification of peoples conquered, and vigorous transportation of conquered as a prevention against future uprisings. CHAPTER XV SARGON n AND THE FALL OF SAMARIA 156. Tiglath-pileser III died, and was succeeded, probably, by his son, Shalmaneser IV in 727 B. C. Up to the present time we are so unfortunate as not to have discovered any documents or annals which this king may have prepared. In the Old Testament, however, we have two distinct references to him and to the part that he took in the final overthrow of Samaria. The Israelitish king on the throne was Hoshea, the appointee of Tiglath-pileser (152). Shalmaneser's relation with Hoshea is summed up in these biblical statements (2 Kings xvii. 3-6): "[3] Against him [Hoshea] came up Shalmaneser, king of Assyria; and Hoshea became his servant, and brought him presents. [4] And the king of Assyria found conspiracy in Hoshea; for he had sent messengers to So (or Seve), king of Egypt, and offered no present to the king of Assyria, as he had done year by year: therefore the king of Assyria shut him up, and bound him in prison. [5] Then the king of Assyria came up throughout all the land, and went up to Samaria, and besieged it three years. [6] In the ninth year of Hoshea, the king of Assyria took Samaria, and 171 172 EGYPT ON THE HORIZON carried Israel away unto Assyria, and placed them in Halah, and in Habor, on the river of Gozan, and in the cities of the Medes." The next account is found in connection with Hezekiah's reign (2 Kings xviii. 9-11). [9] And it came to pass in the fourth year of king Hezekiah, which was the seventh year of Hoshea, son of Elah, king of Israel, that Shalman eser, king of Assyria, came up against Samaria and besieged it. [10] And at the end of three years they took it: even in the sixth year of Hezekiah, which was the ninth year of Hoshea, king of Israel, Samaria was taken. [11] And the king of Assyria carried Israel away into Assyria, and put them in Halah, and in Habor, on the river of Gozan, and in the cities of the Medes." Aside from material for checking the dates, these records are practically one and the same. 157. The political situation which led to this final act is gathered from contemporaneous records. It appears that Hoshea, always loyal to his old master, Tiglath-pileser III, had become involved in political intrigues of a serious nature. The death of Tiglath pileser had allowed Hoshea to turn his eyes in other directions. A new king, an Ethiopian, had just risen to the throne in Egypt. His fears and his ambition turned toward Asia, — fears that the pro gressive power of Assyria would ere long cross the borders and seize the scepter of Egypt, — ambition to duplicate the illustrious careers of his predeces sors on Egypt's throne, Thothmes III and Rameses ASSYRIA'S STROKE AT EGYPT 173 II. Since Shishak's invasion of Rehoboam's realm, Egypt had not reached even Jerusalem. Change of rulers on the Tigris gave So (Shabaka) of Egypt his opportunity. Doubtless these western rulers were quite willing to enter a coalition against Assyria, and to combine with their near neighbors, Egypt. 158. Rumors of rebellion, along with refusals to pay the usual annual tribute, reached the ears of Shalmaneser. The Assyrian army, together with the provincial garrisons, adopted means for suppressing it. The mere presence and demand of the Assyrian officials brought Hoshea to his knees, and he paid the tribute. We must note also that Hoshea, notwith standing his pretended submission to Shalmaneser, sent messengers to Seve (or Shabaka) of Egypt to consummate a league. Simultaneously, apparently, he refused to pay further tribute to Assyria. This precipitated the plans of Shalmaneser, and Hoshea was seized, either in battle or in his capital, thrown into chains and imprisoned. His place of confine ment and his fate are as yet unknown. The land of Israel was raided and its capital, Samaria, besieged. Whatever combination may have been effected with the king of Egypt, it availed nothing for Israel. Her capital was doomed before the invincibles of Assyria. 159. The statements in the biblical records (2 Kings xviii. 9-11) seem to say that the king of As syria, who laid siege to Samaria, also captured it. But that credit is claimed by Sargon II, the sue- 174 THE FALL OF SAMARIA cessor of Shalmaneser IV, in December, 722 B. C. The change in the occupants of the Ninevite throne, apparently, brought about slight disturbances in the empire. The armies of occupation and siege remained faithful at their posts, and the stability of the government was not endangered. Sargon's rec ords are very full, and specify among the events of the first year of his reign this one (Winckler, Sargon, PI. 1, 10 ff.): "The city Samaria I besieged; 27,290 inhabitants of it, I carried away captive; fifty chari ots in it I took for myself, but the remainder (of the people) I allowed to retain their possessions. I ap pointed my governor over them, and the tribute of the preceding king I imposed upon them." This record supplements the king's account, in that it supplies the name of the captor, and specifies the number of inhabitants carried away. This record omits, while the biblical account names, the places- to which they were carried. In addition to this, 2 Kings (xvii. 24f.) speaks of the special importations by which this territory was repeopled, and the syn- cretistic worship which sprang up among them. 160. The downfall and deportation of Samaria marked the last stage in the history of the northern kingdom. From the close of the reign of Jeroboam II it had rapidly declined. It had fallen into the hands of Assyrian monarchs, been raided, plundered, oppressed, and almost strangled to death. Its final appeal to the new and aspiring king of Egypt, signed SARGON II (722-705 B. C.) OAPTOE OF SAMAEIA SARGON'S WESTERN WARS 175 its death-warrant. Its disappearance, its denationali zation, was the most eloquent answer to the religious and political policies established and perpetuated by the successive usurpers of its throne. "The Ten Tribes" that were distributed throughout the Assyr ian domain, were assimilated, as were the few country people who remained in the land, with their neigh bors. Their captivities extended over many years of time, and their amalgamation with their nearest neighbors was rapid and complete. The literary fic tion of the discovery of the "lost ten tribes," has assumed great prominence in some circles. But any one who has acquainted himself with Assyria's meth ods of government, with the wide distribution and assimilation of the Israelitish captives, and the utter impossibility of preserving intact the identity of those tribes as a whole, will recognize the futility of any attempt to find them. That members of certain tribes, and many of them, took advantage of Cyrus' decree is certain. But there is no people or nation or tongue to-day who can be identified as "the lost ten tribes." 161. Sargon's incumbency of the throne was put to the test very early in his reign. The malcontents of Babylonia demanded vigorous movement on the part of his army. An indecisive, yet terrific, battle was fought on Babylonian soil. Sargon temporarily abandoned this district for the West-land. In 720, he found that Hamath, in the extreme north, was 176 SARGON IN THE SOUTH in revolt. Ilubi'id, the leader, had as his allies among others, the peoples of Arpad, Damascus and Samaria. At Karkar he met them and victoriously defeated them, flaying alive their rebel leader. Suspicious that the king of Egypt was inspiring these rebellious uprisings, Sargon pushed his way down along the Mediterranean sea-coast. Hanno, of Gaza, again, as in Tiglath-pileser's reign, fled to Egypt. The allied Egyptian army came to his relief, but Sargon com pletely overthrew them at Raphia, on the coast-line (720 B. C). Seve, the Egyptian, withdrew to the Nile, while Sargon carried his captive king of Gaza and his booty back to Assyria. 162. Sargon occupied his time during the next eight years in reconquering, reorganizing and uni fying his realm. One or two significant remarks in his records are worthy of notice just here. In 717 Carchemish, the headquarters of the Hittites for many centuries, fell before his arms, and yielded an innumerable booty. He sent an army also to pene trate the Arabian desert and to bring under his sway its numerous peoples. In 715 his records read (An nals, 94-99) : "The tribes of Tamud and Ibadid, Mar- siman and Chayapa, far-off Arabians, inhabitants of the wilderness, of whom no sage or scholar had known, who had never paid tribute to any king, I smote in the service of Asshur my lord; the rest of them I carried away and settled in Samaria. From Pharaoh, king of Egypt, Samsi, queen of Arabia, and SARGON AT ASHDOD 177 Ithamar of Sabaea, kings of the sea-coast and of the wilderness, I received as their tribute, gold the prod uct of the mines, precious stones, ivory, ussu plants, spices of all sorts, horses and camels." The extent of Sargon's raids and sovereignty, sketched in this excerpt, stretched southward into the Arabian penin sula, and westward to Egypt's borders. There is in fact recognition by the Pharaoh, Shabataka, of As syria's sovereignty. These campaigns yielded an enormous revenue to the coffers of Sargon. 163. The name Sargon is mentioned but once in the Old Testament, and that in connection with the next notable campaign (Isa. xx. 1) : "In the year that Tartan came unto Ashdod, when Sargon, the king of Assyria sent him, and he fought against Ashdod and took it." This campaign took place in 711 (or 713, according to one document) and is described in Sargon's own records. It appears that Ashdod was the center of political disturbance, in the southwest, and that the contagion was likely to spread among other neighboring dependencies. Azuri, king of Ash dod, had conspired with neighboring rulers to throw off allegiance to Assyria. Sargon had deposed him and set on the throne his brother, Ahimiti. The aspiring peoples of this section refused to recognize Assyria's representative, and set on the throne Yamani. Sargon's own words are (Winckleris Sar gon, pi. 33, 1. 101 f.): "But Yamani heard from afar of the coming of my expedition, and fled to the 178 ALLIES OF ASHDOD borders of Egypt, within the limits of Melucha, and it was not found out where he was fear of the splendor of my royalty overspread him, and terror was shed forth upon him; he [king of Mel ucha] threw him into chains, and fetters and bands of iron, and they brought him to Assyria in my pres ence." 164. In another inscription Sargon tells us of the part taken in this sedition by other provinces of Palestine (Winckler's Sargon, PL 44D, 25ff.) : [The governors] "of Philistia, Judah, Edom, Moab, dwel lers by the sea, who paid tribute and gifts to Asshur, planned a rebellion, did not refrain from mischief, for in order to stir up rebellion against me they brought gifts of friendship to Pharaoh, king of Egypt, a prince who was no savior to them, and en deavored to form with him an alliance." The hope of these western rebels was a defensive alliance with Egypt. But Sargon's movements were both too rapid and his strokes too severe to allow such a league to be in any way effective. The peoples of Ashdod were severely punished, and even carried away cap tive, though there is nothing to indicate that the neighboring states suffered at his hands. The sub mission of the Egyptian king in sending to Assyria the rebel king Azuri of Ashdod, seemed to guarantee, for a time at least, no further interference from that quarter. 165. The chronological order of events during the SARGON'S DEATH 179 remainder of Sargon's reign is not certainly known. If Hezekiah's sickness immediately followed Sar gon's campaign against Ashdod (in 711 B. C), then Merodach-Baladan's embassy, nominally to congratu late Hezekiah on recovery from his sickness, but really to ascertain the possibility of an alliance against Sargon, took place in 710 B. C. This order is not impossible, for Sargon's next two or three years were spent in fully crushing all of his foes in southern Babylonia. After the conquest and organization of all his long-dreamed-of realm, Sargon sought to per petuate his fame in another way. He established at Khorsabad, several miles above Nineveh, his royal headquarters. Here he built his enormous palace, uncovered by Botta. He entered this magnificent home in 706 B. C, and in the very next summer was assassinated by one of his own soldiers. CHAPTER XVI SENNACHERIB'S WESTERN CAMPAIGN AND HEZEKIAH 166. The assassination of Sargon yielded the throne of Assyria to his son, Sennacherib (705-681 B. C). Whether this son had anything to do with the intrigue is not known. It is at least significant that the father's name is not found in the records of the son. This king of Assyria, from his frequent mention in the Bible, is most familiar to Bible stu dents. His records of his own campaigns, his con quests, his cruelties, modify in no important respect the character attributed to him by the books of Kings and Isaiah. 167. The earlier activities of Sennacherib were confined to his eastern and southern boundaries. He measured lances with the irrepressible Chaldeans of the South. His own brother, whom he had put upon the throne of Babylon, was displaced by a usurper; and this usurper, after one month, was deposed by Merodaeh-Baladan. Sennacherib swooped down on the intriguing army of seceders and crushed them, and established his authority in lower Babylonia. To secure himself still further, he captured and pillaged seventy-five cities and 420 villages; 208,000 captives, 180 O n wK H KW M Ziw THE WEST-LAND OVERRUN 181 with nearly a million large and small cattle, he de ported to Assyria. As a kind of figure-head, he placed on the throne of Babylon Bel-ibni, while the country of Chaldsea was under a military governor. With these temporary rulers in power, Sennacherib returned to Nineveh. 168. The most stupendous Assyrian campaign touching the Old Testament occurred in 701 B. C. Sennacherib tells his story in simple yet eloquent words (Taylor Cyl. col. II. 1. 34 1): "In my third campaign, I marched to the land of the Hittites. Luli, king of Sidon, — the glory of my majesty overpowered him, and he fled to a distant place in the midst of the sea, and I put his land (under my yoke). Great Sidon, Little Sidon, Beth-Ziti, Sarepta, Machalliba, Ushu, Achzib, Akko, his strong cities, his fortresses, gran aries, reservoirs, barracks, — the might of the weapons of Asshur my lord overwhelmed them, and they threw them selves at my feet. Ithobal on the throne of royalty I set over them. Tribute and offerings of my sovereignty yearly, without fail, I imposed upon him. As to Menahem of Sam- siruna, Ithobal of Sidon, Abdili'tu of Arvad, Urumilku of Byblos, Mitinti of Ashdod, Pudu'il the Beth-Ammonite, Chemoshnadab thejtfoabite, Malikram the Edomite, all the kingsof the WesMandr regions wide-extended, their weighty gifts with (other) things, they brought before me and kissed my fegt>- And Zedekia, king of Ashkelon, who had not suF- mitted to my yoke — his ancestral gods, himself, his wife, his sons, his daughters, his kindred, I took away and de- ported to Assyria. Sharludari,' son of RuklpTu, theiFformer king^ I suTTover the people of Ashkelon : the rendering of tribute and gifts of my sovereignty I imposed upon him, and so he became my vassal. In the course of my cam paign, Beth-Dagon, Joppa, Bene-Berak, Azur, cities of 182 JUDAH RAIDED AND PLUNDERED Zedekia, which had not promptly thrown themselves at my feet, I besieged. I took, I carried off their spoil. The lords, the nobles, and people of Ekron, who had cast into fetters Padi their king, against their covenants and oath to Assyria, and had turned him over with hostile intent to Hezekiah ofjudah (and he shut him up in a dungeon) — fiariHTn theirhearts. The kings of Egypt, and the archers, chariots, and horses of the king of Melucha, a countless army, they invoked, and they came to their relief. In front of Elteke they drew up in battle array against me, and appealed to their weapons. With the support of Asshur my lord, I fought with them and defeated them. The commander of the chariot and the sons of the Egyptian king, together with the commander of the chariots of the king of Melucha my hands took alive in the thick of the fight. Elteke and Timnath I besieged and took and car ried off their spoil. (Col. III.) " (Again) I drew near to Ekron ; the lords and jthe nobles who had committed sin I slew, and on" stakes all around the city I impaled their corpses. The people : of the city who had done crime and wickedness I took captive. The rest of them who had not committed sin and wickedness, and who were not guilty, I set free. Padi, their king, I brought out from the midst of Jerusalem, and set him upon the throne of dominion over them, and the tribute of my sovereignty I imposed upon him. 169. " But Hezekiah of Judah, who had not submitted to my yoke — forty-six of his fenced cities and fortresses, and small towns in their vicinity without number, by break ing them down with battering rams, and the blows of and the strokes of axes and hammers, I be sieged and^took ; 200,150 persons, small and great, male and female, horses, mules, asses, camels, large cattle, small cattle, without number, I brought forth from the midst of them, and counted as spoil. As for, Hezekiah himself, like a bird in a cage, in Jerusalem, his royal city, I shut him up. I threw up forts against him, and whoever would come out of the gate of the city I turned back. His cities, COLOR OF THE RECORDS 183 which I had spoiled, I cut off from his land, and gave them to Mitinti, king of Ashdod, Padi, king of Ekron, Zil-bel, king of Gaza, and so made small his territory. To the former tribute, the gift of their country, the pres ents due to my sovereignty, I made an addition and im posed it upon him (them). As for Hezekiah himself, the fear of the glory of my sovereignty overwhelmed him ; and the Arabs and his other allies, whom he had brought to strengthen Jerusalem, his royal city, were seized with great fear. Thirty talents of gold, and eight hundred talents of silver, . . . great stores of lapis-lazuli, couches of ivory, arm-chairs of ivory [ covered (!) ] with elephant's hide, ivory tusks, ussu wood, urkarinu wood, and the like, an immense treasure ; and his daughters, his palace- women, men-singers, women -singers, to Nineveh, my _roy_al city,_I.jnadehim bring; and for the delivery of the tribute, and rendering homage, he sent his ambassador." 170. This is Sennacherib's record of that memora ble western campaign. Its character is not different from that of other Assyrian annals of this period. The Assyrian annalist presents his views of the cam paign, or at least as much of it as he wished to appear in the records of his lord. It is scarcely to be ex pected that he would have recorded anything that would in any way discount the valor or the glory of the Assyrian troops. The biblical record, on the other hand, describes the expedition from the view-point of Judah's annalist. In some respects the Assyrian and biblical records supplement each other. But in other respects they leave great gaps unfilled. They can, however, be so harmonized as to present a rea sonably complete story of this campaign. 184 SENNACHERIB'S PURPOSE 171. The object of Sennacherib's campaign lies well on the surface. It is apparent from his own rec ords that he was on an errand of resubjugation. The Phoenician and the Philistine^ cities had thrown off the yoke of Assyria. Even the few among them who had remained faithful, were forced to join the coali tion, as was the case with the authorities in Ekron. Their king, Padi, was thrown into chains and deliv ered to Hezekiah, who lodged him in a dungeon in Jerusalem. In fact, the whole chain of cities on the east coast of the Mediterranean Sea, including Jeru salem, were parties to this uprising. A careful study of the situation shows that there was another element of disturbance, possibly one of the chief elements in the whole movement. Sennacherib's own records, and the prophecies of Isaiah (chaps, xxx.-xxxi.), unite in attributing no small part to Egypt. Tirhakah, as his forefathers, was not slow to take advantage of every step toward Asia. Doubtless these rebellious provinces of Assyria saw that alone they could not face the armies of Assyria, and that their only hope of permanent release from her yoke, would be in an alliance with some strong power like Egypt. The Egyptian party at Jerusalem, in spite of Isaiah's pro tests, despatched ambassadors to the Nile-land to conclude a treaty. From the general political situa tion, it seems that Hezekiah was a leader in this event, and that this embassy was acting not for Judah alone, but for the combined allies of the West-land. The DOWN THE SEA-COAST 185 direct purpose of Sennacherib then was the chastise ment and suppression of all the former subjects of Assyria on the east coast of the Mediterranean Sea, and indirectly, yet not so indirectly, the conquest of Egypt. 172. According to his own statement he begins his triumphal march by citing the readiness with which some of the Phoenician rulers prostrated themselves at his feet. He stormed and took by force every one that resisted his demands. Not a word is said about Tyre unless it is referred to as "in the midst of the sea." It appears that his presence in this country was sufficient to call for the submission of every tribe, who did not feel equal to a fight with Assyrian war riors. We find among those who embraced his feet representatives of Sidon, of Arvad, and of Byblos in Phoenicia, also of Ashdod, of the Ammonites, of the Moabites, and of the Edomites. With these loyal cities and provinces already in hand, Sennacherib ad vanced against the aggressive rebels of Philistia and Jerusalem. Ashkelon and its subject cities first suf fered defeat and deportation, and a former king, faithful to Assyria, whom the anti-Assyrian leaders had deposed, was restored to his throne. The next stroke was made at Ekron, whose king, loyal to As syria, had been imprisoned by Hezekiah in Jerusalem. In the midst of the siege, apparently, the approach of the Egyptian army is announced. 173. Tirhakah had learned of the invasion of Sen- 186 EGYPT AND PHILISTIA DEFEATED nacherib, and, either in faithfulness to his alliance with these rebel states of Assyria, or as a check on the southwestern advance of the Assyrian conqueror, mustered his troops and moved toward Philistia. His army, strengthened by the forces of the governor of the Sinaitic peninsula, was drawn up in battle array at Elteke. Sennacherib's army withdrew from Ek ron, moved southward, and met them full in the front. The issue of the combat, according to his account, was the defeat of Tirhakah's army, and the capture of some of his chief officers. But the Assyrian seems not to have taken advantage of this victory, or at least not to have made record of any which he may have taken. 174. After his defeat of the Egyptians, Senna cherib renewed his siege of rebellious Ekron. The city soon succumbed to his assaults, and was most severely and cruelly punished. The rebels were im paled on stakes all around the city, and the innocent were set free. The old king, whom Hezekiah had imprisoned in Jerusalem, was restored to his throne and laid under tribute to Assyria. It is strange, and yet instructive, to find that some of Sennacherib's movements in this plain are not mentioned in his annals thus far discovered. On the walls of his own palace in Nineveh we find, recorded in pictures only, some of the most important actions of this campaign. Among these are the beautiful representations of the siege of Lachich, the reception of its submissive pop- . THE STORMING OF LACHISH BY THE TROOPS OF SENNACHERIB (2 Kings xviii. 13, 14, 17 ; xix. (Sculpture from the ruins of Sennacherib's palace at Nineveh) THE ASSYRIAN ARMY IN JUDAH 187 ulation, and a long line of valuable booty being trans ferred to Nineveh. The first of these, shown in the accompanying cut, explains how the Assyrian army stormed and captured a strong fortress. Having thrown up an embankment of earth, they placed upon it several layers of stone-flagging, upon which they could operate their heavy battering-rams. The enemy on the walls rained torches upon the besiegers, but these were harmless because an attendant on the ram continually poured over it a stream of water. At the foot of the mound, we see expert slingers, who are taking their part in the assault, while others are undermining the walls of the city. 175. Sennacherib's records are not clear as to the exact time of his ravaging of Judah. His summary presents an appalling result of that raid. Forty-six walled cities and fortresses, with countless villages, fell before his assaults, and battering-rams. Two hundred thousand, one hundred and fifty captives and an innumerable host of cattle were taken as the spoil of war. After having ravaged and plundered this territory, he besieged Jerusalem, the capital of the arch-rebel, Hezekiah. He boasts of having shut up Hezekiah "like a bird in a cage in Jerusalem," and of having controlled the gates of the city. But he nowhere claims to have taken the king or his capital. His boasts are (1) that he cut off Hezekiah's territory, and assigned it to three kings of the Philistine ter ritory; (2) that Hezekiah and his allies were over- 188 A CHRONOLOGICAL SNARL whelmed with the fear of his majesty, and (3) that he sent after him to Nineveh a great mass of valuable tribute, including even members of the royal court. This in epitome is Sennacherib's story of his great western campaign touching Jerusalem, as it appears in modern form. Let us now see how it relates itself to the biblical account. 176. The biblical record (2 Kings xviii. 13) says: "In the fourteenth year of king Hezekiah did Sen nacherib, king of Assyria, come up against all the fenced cities of Judah, and took them." This verse has been a thorn in the flesh of biblical students. (1) If the statement is to stand as it now reads, then Hezekiah began to reign in 715 B. C, and we must erase at least three statements regarding the syn chronism of the reigns of Hezekiah and Hoshea (2 Kings xviii. 1, 9, 10). (2) If Sennacherib was merely commander-in-chief of Sargon's army, the statement may refer to Sargon's reduction of Ashdod, though its statements are rather too sweeping to describe that campaign. (3) If for the name "Sennacherib" we substitute that of "Sargon," the difficulty is relieved though not dissipated. It is not impossible that the compiler of Kings, finding but a single verse that referred to Sargon's Ashdod campaign, put that with its chronological mark at the head of his record of Sennacherib's campaigns; and, knowing nothing of the earlier raid, deliberately changed the name to Sennacherib as the great figure in Assyria's relation hezekiah's gift AND STRESS 189 to Hezekiah. (4) One of the documents left by Sar gon dates his campaign against Ashdod in the ninth year of his reign (713); if to this be added the year of Hezekiah's reign given in this verse, the resultant is 727 B. C. But no one of these explanations is clear of difficulties, and it is probably better to refer the verse, in spite of its mark of chronology, to the cam paign of Sennacherib (701 B. C). 177. Taking 2 Kings xviii. 13 as introductory to the whole account we discover in the next verse that Hezekiah was not tardy in attempting to avert the approaching disaster. The chronological order of this event is not certain, though it probably occurred early in Sennacherib's movements in Philistia. Hezekiah sent his embassy to the Assyrian king to Lachish (cf. 174), saying: "I have offended: return from me: that which thou puttest on me will I bear." The gift was specified. Hezekiah, by emptying the treas uries of the temple and the king's house, and cutting off the gold-plate of the door-posts of the temple, sent thirty talents of gold and 300 talents of silver to buy off Sennacherib. Instead of being satisfied with this enormous sum of money, the king of As syria aspired to take possession of a city which could pour out on demand such a mass of precious metal. Accordingly he sent a detachment of his troops from Lachish to demand entire surrender of the Judean capital (2 Kings xviii. 17; xix. 8). The Kabshakeh having asked for an audience with Judean representa- 190 JERUSALEM SAVED fives, three of Hezekiah's officers met them outside the city. The Assyrian general made a vigorous bluff for immediate surrender. He ridiculed their confi dence in Egypt, and scorned their trust in Jehovah, since the gods of no land had been able to stand before them. He discounted their own strength, and appealed directly to the people to give up their vain hope of successful resistance. Having spread con sternation and sorrow in Jerusalem, the army with drew to Philistia, and found that Lachish had al ready fallen, and Libnah was now under siege. 178. At this time, it appears, a courier announced the approach of the Egyptian army. Sennacherib now sent messengers with a letter to Hezekiah, af firming the utter futility of further resistance, as no gods had ever been able to stand before Assyrian arms. The letter doubtless told of the helplessness of their Egyptian allies, and the certainty of their overthrow. Hezekiah is so perplexed that he resorts to the temple and spreads the letter before Jehovah. As in the case of the first demand for surrender, the prophet Isaiah comes to the rescue and holds up the faith of the king, and points out that dire vengeance is on the track of the Assyrian robber, and that he will overtake his army, and finally murder him him self in his own land. The next statement after Isaiah's words to Hezekiah tells of the terrible cal amity that befell the Assyrian army. "And the angel of the Lord went forth and smote in the camp of the EVIDENCE OF DISASTER 191 Assyrians a hundred and fourscore and five thousand : and when men arose early in the morning, behold, they were all dead corpses" (Isaiah xxxvii. 36). This is presumably supported also by another passage (Isa. xvii. 14) : "At eventide behold terror; and before the morning they are not. This is the portion of them that spoil us and the lot of them that rob us." 179. Sennacherib's own records make no mention of serious disaster to his troops in the Southwest. But several significant events combine to corroborate the biblical narrative. In the first place, a tradi tion preserved in Herodotus (II, 141) relates that "Sanacherib, king of the Assyrians and Arabians," led a great army against Egypt. This military move seems to have been subsequent to the subjugation of Philistia and Judea, and a final stroke to secure one of the ultimate objects of his expedition — the conquest of Egypt. The tradition states that the Egyptian army was made up of artisans and mer chants, and that in great fear they encamped at Pelu- sium, within range of the enemy. The enemy's camp was completely overrun by an army of field mice, which gnawed apart all of their leather trap pings, such as bow-strings, quivers, and shield-straps. On the next morning, with only fragments of weap ons, the Assyrian troops were routed, put to flight, and many of them slain. This tradition has some basis, doubtless, in fact, and is an echo of some calamity to the Assyrian army. In the second place, 192 THE TWO RECORDS COMPARED Sennacherib's record, as given above (169), gilds the termination of his campaign by giving the astound ing array of booty turned over by Hezekiah, though the biblical record locates such a gift at the time of the siege of Lachish, some time before the conclu sion of his expedition. Again, there is a mystery hanging about the results of this vast campaign. Although Sennacherib subjugated the entire eastern coast-line of the Mediterranean Sea, and carried off countless booty, and levied tribute on the conquered cities and provinces, there is. no hint in his records during the remaining twenty years of his reign that he ever again visited this territory. It seems that some spectre haunted his memory and blighted his ambition regarding the final conquest of Egypt. 180. Now we are enabled to see wherein the two records agree, and in what respects they may be dove tailed. Both agree (1) if we count in the pictures in the Ninevite palace, that Sennacherib laid siege to Lachish; (2) that Hezekiah, as a rebel, sent a handsome gift (or tribute) to purchase the favor of the king of Assyria, though differing as to the time; (3) that Egypt was an ally of Judah, upon whom she leaned for support at this time; (4) by implication only, that some disaster suddenly cut short Senna cherib's campaign and conquests. The remaining statements of the two records vividly paint their own pictures. The remarkable thing is the fact that the records so fully corroborate each other — that the SUPPOSED JEWISH CAPTIVES AT WORK AS SLAVES IN NINEVEH Sennacherib's death 193 Assyrian king and the compiler of Kings agree in so many particulars, and introduce so few new diffi culties. 181. His administration was marked by many cruel, inhuman, and almost fiendish acts, such as the awful destruction of Babylon, which returned in vengeance upon his own head. His death was a characteristic oriental court tragedy. While worshiping at the shrine of his god Nisroch ("Nusku," in Assyrian), he is brutally assassinated by his two sons (2 Kings xix. 37). The Babylonian chronicle speaks of only one as the assassin. This was the concluding act of an insurrection in Nineveh. Neither of these two guilty sons succeeded to the throne of their father. The aspiring assassins were younger sons of the great monarch, but, nevertheless, hopeful that their deed would command general approval and win for one of them the throne of the empire. But, cruel as is man, justice always pronounces the final sentence. CHAPTER XVII THE LAST CENTURY AND THE FALL OF ASSYRIA 182. The death of Sennacherib and the accession of his son marked the opening of a new era in the history of the Assyrian empire. The biblical record (2 Kings xix. 37) states that the assassins of Senna cherib "escaped into the land of Ararat, and Esar haddon his son reigned in his stead." This two-line notice covers a multitude of events. Fortunately, we have a brief inscription in the Babylonian chronicle that gives us a fragmentary portraiture of the polit ical situation. "In the month of Tebet (December, 681 B. C), the 20th day, Sennacherib, king of Assyria, his son in an insurrection slew him. Twenty- three years Sennacherib administered the kingdom of Assyria. From the twentieth day of the month Tebet until the second day of the month Adar (Feb ruary, 680), the insurrection prevailed in Assyria. In the month Sivan (May, 680), the eighteenth day, Esarhaddon his son seated himself upon the throne in Assyria." The power of the insurrection in Nine veh was broken at the end of one month and a half. But the new king, who was probably occupied in suppressing rebellious subjects outside of Nineveh, 194 ESARHADDON IN ASIA 195 was not formally installed as king until five months after the murder of his father. 183. This new king inaugurated a new policy of administration and control. He sought to restore to prosperity the Babylon and Babylonia which Sen nacherib had so wantonly and cruelly laid waste and destroyed. He conciliated the population of that region by restoring to their former position the hu miliated gods of Babylon. He lifted the royal city out of its wasteness and ruin, and made it the proud abode of Nebo and Merodach. He declared himself ruler of Babylon, but subordinate to those chief deities. His popular policy elevated him at once in the estimation of the people, and gave him almost undisputed command of this territory. His next move (678 B. C.) was toward the West-land. Phoe nicia was the first to feel his power, and readily yielded, except the island city, Tyre. No resistance of any kind seems to have interfered with his south ward march, until he struck the Arabian desert. Here he spent presumably two years (675-674 B. C.) in the subjugation of Arab tribes on the east and southeast of the Gulf of Akaba, and in the Sinaitic peninsula. These conquests cut off from Egypt all supplies and allies from their eastern friends and de pendencies, and made Esarhaddon master of all the eastern roads to Egypt. 184. The Babylonian chronicle mentions two expe ditions of this king into the Nile-land. The first 196 esarhaddon's sway occurred in 673, without, apparently, any secure re sults. The second took place in 670: "In the tenth year in the month Nisan the troops of Assyria marched against Egypt." The same Ethiopian king of the twenty-fifth dynasty, Tirhakah, who met Sen nacherib (in 701) at Elteke, was on the throne. Sev eral successive battles were fought. The Egyptians, though constantly retreating^ presented a checking resistance. At last Memphis was reached, and fell after a half-day's siege. As a warning and a terror to their antagonists, the Assyrians plundered and destroyed this old capital. Tirhakah fled to his native land, while all Egypt now laid down arms be fore the indomitable Assyrian. The dream of former Assyrian rulers had materialized. Egypt now be came an Assyrian province, administered by Assyrian officers. Esarhaddon's only regret was that Tyre could not be taken. On its island rock it stood out alone in open defiance of the new world-conqueror. 185. This new victor, though king less than thir teen years, surpassed the record of all his prede cessors. He numbered among his subjects the most cultured nations of that day. The ruling king of Judah was Manasseh, whose record is such a blot on the story of the kings of Israel. His allegiance to Assyria was undoubtedly avowed on the first appear ance of Esarhaddon before the Phoenician cities. In a list of twenty-two royal subjects in the West- land and the island of Cyprus, we find "Manasseh, ESARHADDON, KING OF ASSYRIA (Representing the submission of Tirhakah (Ethiopian king of Egypt 704-663 B. C, 2 Kings xix. 9), the smaller figure, and of Baal, king of Tyre, to his authority. They are held by thongs passed through their lips.) ASSURBANIPAL IN EGYPT 197 king of Judah," also the rulers of Edom, Moab, Gaza, Ekron, Byblos, Beth-Ammon, Mitinti, king of Ash kelon, and Ahimelech, king of Ashdod. The brief records of Kings are silent on the political relations of Manasseh. The literary artist has exhausted his dark colors in portraying the infamy of his idolatrous career. Esarhaddon's supremacy continued in this territory until his untimely death in 668, while on another expedition to his rich and valuable province, Egypt. 186. Esarhaddon's son, Assurbanipal, was his suc cessor on the throne of Assyria. One of his first tasks was to quell the uprisings instigated by Tirha kah in his Egyptian province. His Egyptian cam paign was apparently entirely successful. Tirhakah's troops were routed, and the country reconquered as far as Thebes. Upon the withdrawal of the main Assyrian army, malcontents arose in the delta and plotted rebellion, but were duly suppressed, slain with barbarous cruelty, and their leaders carried to Nine veh. But the disaffected could not be satisfied. An other open rebellion broke out, which required for its arrest the presence of the main Ninevite army. This campaign was conducted with terrific severity and celerity. The rebels retreated in hot haste to the south, to Thebes. At the approach of the Assyrians they fled up the Nile. Thebes was merci lessly pillaged, and the Egyptian army pursued and defeated at Kipkip, the capital of Nubia (662). 198 THE BABYLONIAN REVOLT This completed the subjugation of all Egypt, and the Assyrian army, loaded with trophies, returned to their capital, Nineveh. This event marked the culmina tion of Assyrian supremacy in the Nile-land. The next few years saw their power honeycombed and on the wane. With the rise of Psammetichus I, strengthened by a force of voluntary allies, Assyria was obliged to relinquish her claims on Egypt. Isaiah xix. is a rough sketch of the Assyrian domina tion of this old civilization. 187. The king of Assyria had problems enough in the East to occupy his whole time. His own brother on the vassal throne of Babylon had long dreamed of a kingdom all his own. Early in his reign he had planned to accomplish just this thing. But the close attention of the Ninevite king to the details of the administration of Babylon, as well as to the govern ment of neighboring provinces, furnished no oppor tune moment for such a stroke. The barbarity, too, which was visited upon rebel officers served to check any move which might endanger his authority. But the time ripened, and the long-laid schemes were brought to fruition. The entire southern and south western provincial dependencies of Assyria struck for freedom and independence, probably with Shamash- shum-ukin, the king's brother, as their leader. Assurbanipal presents his side of the case in the fol lowing statement (Bassam Cyl. col. iii. 96-108): "Yet he, Shamash-shum-ukin, an unfaithful BABYLONIA SUBDUED 199 brother, who did not observe the covenant made with me, incited the people of Accad, the Chaldseans, the Aramaeans, the people of the sea-land from Akaba to Bab-Salameti, my servants and subjects, to rebel against me. Ummanigash, the fugitive, who had em braced my royal feet, whom I set on the throne of Elam, and the kings of the Gute, of Palestine, of Melucha, whom I had installed by the warrant of Asshur and Beltis, — all of these he set at enmity against me, and they made common cause with him. The gates of Sippar, Babylon, and Borsippa he barred, and cancelled the bond of brotherhood." 188. The stupendous revolt was charged to the aspiring and invidious brother on the throne of Baby lon. The regular army of Assyria promptly sensed the situation, and just as vigorously struck at Baby lonia, the head of the rebellion. The rebels were repulsed in battle after battle, and the territory of Babylonia so foraged and pillaged as to cut off the resources of the rebel headquarters. The heavily- walled cities of Sippar, Cutha, and Borsippa fell before the intrepid warriors of Nineveh. The capi tal city in which the rebel brother resided was finally forced to fall. The inhuman barbarities executed upon rebels in other cities led Shamash-shum-ukin to withdraw into his palace and apply the torch to his own funeral pyre. This put an end to the devas tation of country and cities in Babylonia. Assur banipal then became undisputed king of Babylon, in 200 REBELS IN THE WEST 648 B. C. The permanency of his authority, how ever, was not assured until he had scourged Elam and plundered the rich treasures of its capital city, Susa (cf. 235). 189. The record of Assurbanipal mentions, as other parties to the revolt, certain peoples of the West-land. Just how valuable they were to the de signs of the leader is not apparent. But Sennacherib and Esarhaddon emphasized the importance of their conquests in Arabia and Melucha (that is, the Sina itic peninsula). Even the battle of the allies against Shalmaneser II at Karkar (in 854 B. C.) had a de tachment of Arabian troops. We even find in Assur- banipal's reports that a certain Arab chief on the east of Palestine, Wateh-ben-Hazael, had sent two of his chiefs with a troop of cavalry to assist in the Babylonian uprising. Of all the peoples of Pales tine, none were of more importance as allies than those of Judah, with their strongly fortified capital, Jerusalem. The king now on the throne was Manas seh, a former vassal of Esarhaddon. From all the statements and hints in the cuneiform records, from the general political condition of this West-land, Manasseh was involved in this rebellion against the king of Assyria. 190. This western branch of the uprising occupied the next attention of Assurbanipal. To meet the conditions promptly and decisively, the Assyrian army made one of the most remarkable marches re- MANASSEH'S CAPTIVITY 201 corded in all oriental history. To save time, and to avoid the publicity necessitated by a march over the regular caravan routes, and to strike the rebels un awares, the army crossed the Tigris and Euphrates rivers and plunged through the Syro-Arabian desert. This daring feat permitted them to strike suddenly and victoriously the peoples of Nebaioth and their allies, whom they carried captive to Damascus. In quick succession the Assyrians chastized and plun dered all the rebels, carrying multitudes of them into captivity. The host of cattle and camels driven to Nineveh was so great, according to their reports, that it filled all the land. 191. That Manasseh had been tributary to Assur banipal is attested by the fact that we find "Manas seh king of Judah" in a list of twenty-two of his vassal kings in the West-land. It is not identical with that of Esarhaddon's (185), as it contains, in some cases, other names than those in his list. In 2 Chronicles (xxxiii. 10-13) we read: "And Jehovah spoke to Manasseh and to his people; but they gave no heed. Wherefore Jehovah brought upon them the captains of the host of the king of Assyria, which took Manasseh in chains, and bound him with fetters, and carried him to Babylon. And when he was in distress he besought Jehovah his God, and humbled himself greatly before the God of his fathers. And he prayed unto him; and he was entreated of him, and he heard his supplication, and brought him 202 ASSURBANIPAL' S LIMITS again to Jerusalem into his kingdom." The raid of the Assyrian captains is here charged to the heedless ness of Manesseh to the injunctions of Jehovah. Doubtless the prophets had warned him against tak ing any part in the rebellion already described. It is suggested that he may not have gone further than to confer with the powerful Arab tribes regarding such an attempt, as was made, to throw off Assyria's yoke. At any rate, he was seized and carried in true Assyrian fashion to Babylon, of which Assurbanipal had just announced himself king (648 B. C). The Chronicles record states that upon repentance he was restored to the throne. This is not improbable, since we know that this same Assyrian king carried cap tive to Nineveh a certain Egyptian rebel, Necho, and afterward restored him to his former seat of power. It is of no consequence that this incident is not mentioned in the Assyrian annals. It was only of minor importance, and merited no notice at the hands of the great Assyrian recorder. 192. It is manifestly impossible and quite beyond our purpose in this connection to follow Assurbani pal in detail to the end of his career. He had now lost Egypt, but had succeeded in putting down the rebellion which had involved all of his southern and southwestern possessions. The northern peoples, east and west, had also achieved their independence, leaving to Assyria merely the great valley of the two rivers and the peoples of the West-land. The THE SCYTHIAN INVASION 203 compactness of this realm gave him an opportunity so to organize his government as to insure its per manency. But this he failed to do. Peace was maintained only by the presence of Assyrian troops. The annals of this king do not carry us farther down in his career than 642 B. C, about sixteen years before his death. We know that he turned his latter days largely into literary pursuits. He founded and filled a vast library with copies of the most valu able ancient documents. These were prepared by an army of expert scribes who traveled from city to city in Babylonia, selecting and copying the choicest pieces of literature. To Assurbanipal's energy in this line are we indebted for the creation and deluge tablets discovered at Nineveh (33). The last days of this king are wrapped in obscurity, an obscur ity that omens disaster to his great empire, that teems with visions of rising kings and vengeful armies, seeking to blot out the perpetual enemy of their freedom. 193. Southwestern Asia, according to Herodotus, suffered a calamity in this period. Hardy mountain eers of the northeast, under the name of Scythians, rolled in waves of invasion down across the moun tains of Armenia, the upper plains of Mesopotamia, Syria, and Palestine, until bought off on the borders of Egypt. They are described as uncleanly, wander ing hordes who lived in rude wagons or in tents, and subsisted on mares' milk and cheese, with an 204 ASSYRIA'S RAPID DECLINE occasional diet of meat. In battle they were more cruel than a warring Indian. They drank the blood of their victims, hung their scalps as trophies on their bridle reins, and used the tops of their skulls for drinking-cups. Their weapons were bow and arrows, a short spear, and short sword. They foraged the country, plundered and destroyed settlements and villages, and even encountered and defeated strongly armed troops. The ominous silence of all other known records than those of Herodotus leaves us in doubt as to just when or how long these incur sions took place. Herodotus' "twenty-eight years" can scarcely seem correct, though the whole period from their first appearance on the Median frontier to their final recession into their mountain steppes of the north may have occupied so much time. The time of this twenty-eight years, as Prof. McCurdy suggests, may have extended from 635-607, a prob able date for the fall of Nineveh. 194. If now these Scythian hordes swept across northwestern and western Assyria, with the direful results pictured by Herodotus, we can see the prob able effect on the Assyrian provinces. This great empire would lose its western dependencies and draw its outer lines of supremacy nearer its capital. Doubt less Jeremiah (chaps, v. and vi.) has partially in mind the invasions of these mountain marauders, and Eze kiel (chap, xxxviii.) has not forgotten the devastation wrought by their raids. Under the shadow of a de- THE FALL OF NINEVEH 205 clining power Assurbanipal. died in 626 B. C. His successor on the throne was Asshur-etil-ilani, about whom we know very little. In the next year, 625, we learn that Nabopolassar, a Chaldaean, was made viceroy of Babylon, a recognition on the part of the Ninevite king, at least, of the importance in Baby lonia of the Chaldaean element. This descendant of the irrepressible Merodach-Baladans of former days soon began to lay his plans for achieving inde pendence. The repeated disasters which had fallen upon the revolutionary attempts of his ancestors taught him to move cautiously. The sturdy Medians of the northeast were animated by a like spirit. Ne gotiations between these two dependencies resulted in a league, and this league was formally ratified by Nebuchadrezzar's marriage of a Median princess. 195. We have no first-hand information of the im mediate results of the Medo-Babylonian combination. But the final issue is certain. This coalition not only secured the independence of its two contracting peo ples, but succeeded in trampling to death its former ruler and oppressor. There is no contemporary de scription of the awful vengeance which overtook the Assyrian capital. But Nabonidus, king of Babylon, 555-538 B. C, has left us his brief account of the overthrow of Assyria by the Medes and Babylonians (Stele of Nabonidus, col. I) : "The king of Assyria, who in Merodach's wrath had wrought the ruin of the land, — the son, the issue of his own body, smote 206 PICTURES OF ASSYRIA him with the sword. . . . as a helper he gave him, as an ally he made him possess. The King of Um- man-Manda (Medes), who had not an equal, he sub dued; at his bidding he made him march to his assistance. [Above] and below, [right] and left, like a flood he overwhelmed; he avenged Babylon; he multiplied corpses. The king of the Umman- Manda the fearless ruined all the temples of the gods of the land of Assyria; and the cities on the border of the land of Accad, which had revolted against the king of Accad, and had not gone to his assist ance, he destroyed, and left none of their sanctuaries, he laid waste their cities." The terrific vengeance which must have been dealt out to her can be par tially pictured from this brief inscription, from the gruesome sketches of the Old Testament, and from the inevitable action of the law of retribution. We have no means of knowing how long the siege lasted, nor by what assaults her high and heavy walls were finally broken through. But the vigorous young na tions gave her the fatal blow that almost wiped her off the face of the earth. The whole city of Nineveh was plundered and burned and left a mass of ruins. Her devastation was so complete and her memory held in such contempt that she was absolutely abandoned to the disintegrating and destructive power of the elements. 196. Assyria was driven to her death in 607 or 606 B. C. Her sudden destruction was a salvation for NAHUM AND NINEVEH 207 us of her priceless treasures. After almost twenty-five centuries of oblivion, her vastness, her majesty, her power, and her cruelty are brought to light and set down beside the character given her by the writers of Holy Writ. Isaiah (v. 25-29 and elsewhere), Na hum, Zephaniah, and others have left us a fragmen tary portraiture of the Assyrian, but, as far as it goes, as true to life as that painted by the monarch's own artists. Zephaniah describes the punishment that will be meted out to all the nations, and finally says (ii. 13-15) of Assyria and its capital: "And he will stretch out his hand against the north, and destroy Assyria and will make Nineveh a desolation, and dry like the wilderness. And herds shall lie down in the midst of her, all beasts of the nations: both the pelican and the porcupine shall lodge in the chapiters thereof: their voice shall sing in the win dows; desolation shall be in the thresholds: for he hath laid bare her cedar work. This is the joyous city that dwelt carelessly, that said in her heart, I am, and there is none else beside me : how is she be come a desolation, a place for beasts to lie down in! Every one that passeth by her shall hiss, and wave his hand." Zephaniah saw in the future the fate that would overtake this great city. 197. Nahum is the prophet-artist who gives us the most terrifying and ghastly picture of the final trag edy in the history of Assyria. The vividness and detail, descriptive of methods of defence, of the fruits 208 THE AWFUL VACANCY of plunder, of the movements of the army in the streets, and of numerous other data, mark this as the work of an eyewitness, or of one very familiar with life in the capital. We see the dash of the enemy, with his glittering and bounding chariots, the flashing of weapons, the prancing of the horses, as the walls are stormed. The defenders prepared a mantelet to meet the assault (ii. 5). But by some means or other, possibly, as sometimes suggested, by the rising and roaring river the walls were under mined or the river-gates carried away. "The palace is dissolved." May it not have been that, like Zimri in Tirzah (1 Kings xvi. 18), or Shamash-shum-ukin in Babylon (188), the king of Assyria, seeing his dread fate so near at hand, preferred to perish in the burnings of his own palace, than by the merciless tortures of an angry foe? The bloody combat and noisy confusion in the streets, result (iii. 3) in "a multitude of slain, and a great heap of carcasses ; and there is none end of the corpses; they stumble upon their corpses." "Take ye the spoil of silver, take ye the spoil of gold; for there is none end of the store, the wealth of all goodly furniture" (ii. 9), — gathered from the ends of the earth. 198. "She is empty and void and waste: and the heart melteth, and the knees smite together, and anguish is in all loins, and the faces of them all are waxed pale" (ii. 10). The looker-on is terror-stricken, horrified, unnerved and faint at the sudden doom of A JUST RETRIBUTION 209 the proud city. "Where is the den of the lions, and the feeding-place of the young lions, where the lion and the lioness walked, the lion's whelp, and none made them afraid? The lion did tear in pieces enough for his whelps, and strangled for his lionesses, and filled his caves with prey, and his dens with ravin" (ii. 11, 12). The nation that roared like a lion (Isa. v. 29), whose chief sport was hunting and slaying lions, and whose ravages were most fittingly compared with those of lions, had suddenly disap peared, and gone forever. With Nahum's final words (iii. 18, 19), we close the chapter: "Thy shepherds slumber, 0 king of Assyria; thy worthies are at rest: thy people are scattered upon the mountains, and there is none to gather them. There is no assuaging thy hurt; thy wound is grievous; all that hear the report of thee clap the hands over thee;, for upon whom has not thy wickedness passed continually?" CHAPTEE XVHI NEBUCHADREZZAR II AND THE NEW BABYLONIAN EMPIRE 199. The new Babylonian empire arose on the ruins of Assyria. While the combined armies of Babylon and Media were preparing for their final charge against Assyria, a new and ambitious king of Egypt, Necho, cast longing eyes toward western Asia. He resolved to take a hand in the partition of the empire of the hated Assyrians. With firm con fidence in his troops he set out for the Euphrates river. Josiah, king of Judah, from what motive we know not, attempted to cheek his advance. Heed less of the warning given him, he rashly rushed into battle at Megiddo and was carried back to Jerusalem a corpse. Necho reached his northern goal and estab lished himself at Eiblah in Hamath, whence he ad ministered the affairs of his newly conquered prov inces. Eeport of his advances now came to the ears of the new authorities at Babylon. The main army under Nabopolassar moved with the Medes under Cyaxares against the city of Nineveh, and encom passed its walls. Somewhere about the time of the fall of Assyria, Nabopolassar's own son, Nebuchad- 210 THE CHALDEAN ARMY IN THE WEST 211 rezzar, was sent with a formidable army to strike a blow at Necho. 200. In 605 B. C. the great armies of Egypt and Babylon met near Carchemish to decide the question of the supremacy of southwestern Asia. Necho was defeated (Jer. xlvi.), and with his army was forced to retreat to the land of the Nile. The book of 2 Kings does not describe, but merely refers (xxiv. 7) to the results of this battle. It says (xxiv. 1) : "In his [Jehoiakim's] days Nebuchadnezzar king of Bab ylon came up, and Jehoiakim became his servant three years: then he turned and rebelled against him." What was the date of this occurrence? It is commonly held, in the absence of positive informa tion, that Nebuchadrezzar smote and routed the Egyptians, and then retired at once to Babylon to secure himself on the throne. This is not at all im probable. Neither is it quite consonant with the vig orous, aggressive character of this young commander, not to take immediate and decisive advantage of this notable victory. It is indeed rather probable that, while he hastened back to Babylon, he sent the main army in pursuit of the fleeing Egyptians, to secure the allegiance of the neighboring peoples of the West- land. Jehoiakim, a sworn vassal of Egypt, would fall naturally under the sway of the new conqueror. Neither is it beyond the range of possibility that this raid of Palestine yielded such fruits of victory as are recorded in Dan. i. 1. The difference of one year 212between the dates of Jer. xxv. 1 and Dan. i. 1, always taking account of the possibility of different chron ological methods, is of no consequence whatever, ex cept to furnish a basis for an argumentative disagree ment. If then the Babylonian army made a rapid march and secured the sovereignty over these western provinces, we have in 605 B. C. the beginning of a captivity of the Jews in Babylon. 201. It is not our purpose to present in full the biblical record of Judah's decline and fall, but to rehearse only so much of it as will illustrate the great ness of the Babylonian empire. The king's presence and army seems to have been demanded for the next several years in Babylonia. Possibly from some secret intrigues with Egypt, his former master, Je hoiakim's allegiance to Babylon was broken off at the end of three years (about 602 B. C). The Chaldean garrisons located at various strategical points, to gether with small bodies or bands of Syrians, Moab- ites, and Ammonites, harassed him on every side, to force him back into his former allegiance. At the end of three or four years (about 598 B. C.) of such war fare the great king Nebuchadrezzar himself led his main army into the West-land. The Old Testament records recite few details of this expedition. Jeru salem itself was visited, and the rebellious king dis patched. The chronicler (2 Chron. xxxvi. 6) states that he was bound in fetters to be carried to Babylon. The compiler of Kings draws a veil over his demise. JEHOIAKIN'S CAPTIVITY 213 Jeremiah, in view of his deceitful, intriguing char acter, prophesies (xxxvi. 30) that "his dead body shall be cast out in the day to the heat, and in the night to the frost;" also (xxii. 19) that "he shall be buried with the burial of an ass, drawn and cast beyond the gates of Jerusalem." It is not inconceivable that all the records are true; that in the general capture of the city he was taken with other captives, that upon examination he still showed a rebellious spirit, and was slain by the order of the king and disgraced by being cast without the city and left unburied. 202. Nebuchadrezzar chose as Jehoiakim's succes sor, his son Jehoiakin. A very brief period served to test the spirit of the youthful ruler. For within three months his haughtiness and defiance of authority brought upon his capital the Chaldean army. At the approach of the great king, Jehoiakin surrendered, with his queen-mother, "his servants, and his princes and his officers" (2 Kings xxiv. 12). Jerusalem was plundered and immense quantities of booty carried to Babylon. But of most importance for Nebuchadrez zar, who had already projected for Babylonia exten sive building schemes, were the seven thousand men of war, one thousand artisans and smiths, and two thousand of the best citizens of Jerusalem. This pol icy of deportation for the crushing of rebellion was the same as that inaugurated by the Assyrian kings of the eighth century. Nebuchadrezzar's plan served two purposes : it guaranteed, for a period at least, the 214 THE FALL OF JERUSALEM respectful submission of this western district, and furnished him the skillful artisans for the execution of his elaborate projects for the rehabilitation of Babylonia. 203. Out of the leavings of the population Mat- taniah, with his name changed to Zedekiah, a younger son of Josiah, was set on the throne of Jerusalem, as a sworn vassal of Babylon. Nebuchadrezzar appar ently left him practically undisturbed until there was uncovered a secret plot to join an alliance with Hophra of Egypt. Doubtless a refusal of Zedekiah to pay the annual tribute assured the king of Babylon of the truth of the suspicion. Jerusalem was made the target of the Babylonian army. It settled down to a long siege. Jeremiah advised capitulation, and consequent mercy and life for its occupants. But the vacillating king, under the control of the rebel lious princes, simply echoed their spirit. The Egyp tian allies, true to their oath, came to the rescue of Jerusalem. The Babylonians raised the siege only long enough to strike them a blow that drove them back to the Nile-land. After indescribable sufferings and horrors within the city, mirrored in the book of Lamentations, at the end of one year and a half Jerusalem was broken into. The walls had yielded to the fell strokes of the battering-rams, and the king with his retinue made a vain attempt to reach the East-Jordanic country. He was captured and car ried to Eiblah, to the presence of the king against NEBUCHADREZZAR'S WARS 215 whom he had rebelled. True to the Assyrian policy of cruelty meted out to persistent rebels, his own sons were slain before his eyes, his own eyes put out, probably in the manner indicated on Assyrian monuments, by the use of short spears, and he was manacled with fetters and carried a prisoner to Bab ylon. To forestall the possibility of any future dif ficulty in this strong fortress, the city was thoroughly plundered, burned, its walls razed to the ground, and the better part of the population transported to Baby lonia. 204. The main causal instrument in the overthrow and destruction of the Judean kingdom was Ne buchadrezzar II, son of Nabopolassar, a Chaldean ap pointee of the king of Assyria, to the vice-regal gov ernorship of Babylon in 625 B. C. This king is men tioned more than one hundred and fifty times in the Old Testament, and sustained the closest relations with the Jewish captives in Babylonia. During his forty-three years of administration (604-561 B. C.) he made Babylon the political, commercial, and religious center of the civilized world. His achievements by force of arms must have been something tremendous. Unfortunately his numerous inscriptions thus far dis covered contain merely hints of his martial career. A few lines out of one of his inscriptions (Phillips Cyl. col. iii. 18-22, P. S. B. A., Feb. '88) reads: "The wide-spread peoples with whom Merodach the lord filled my hand, to Babylon I subjected. The tribute 216 NEBUCHADR. A RELIGIONIST of the countries, the produce of the hills, the fullness of the seas therein I received." An extract from the great East India House inscription (Col. ii. 12-29) says: "By his [Merodach's] supreme aid, to far off lands, distant hills, from the upper sea, to the lower sea, immense journeys, blocked ways . . a road of difficulty, a journey of straits I pursued, and the disobedient I reduced, the rebellious I fettered. The land I controlled, and the people I made to thrive, bad and good among the people I separated." These are general statements regarding his conquests and his authority, with no specific reference to any one nation. The inscriptions thus far found do not describe any of his victories East or West. If ever the great mounds of Babylon shall be systematically excavated, we shall hope for large information con cerning his notable military career. 205. If now we turn to some other phases of Neb uchadrezzar's life, we discover abundant information in his inscriptions. As a builder he equalled or sur passed the marvellous record of Barneses II of Egypt. He not only laid out and built the city of Babylon on a magnificent scale, rebuilding more than twenty temples in that city and in Borsippa, but he greatly strengthened its fortifications and defenses. He built great quays on the river's bank, and increased the facilities for the growing commerce of Babylon. "Is not this great Babylon that I have built?" (Dan. iv. 30) was doubtless many times said by him, for EAST INDIA HOUSE INSCRIPTION OP NEBUCHADEEZZAE II (604-561 B. C.) NEBUCHADREZZAR'S POLICY 217 upon most of the bricks thus far taken out of this mound, we find his name. The two most notable buildings restored were the national temples, of Nebo at Borsippa, called Ezida ("the enduring house"), and of Bel Merodach at Babylon called Esagila (^the house of the exalted head"). The devotional and re ligious spirit of Nebuchadrezzar is reflected in many passages in his inscriptions. Here is a sample (Ball's Cyl. noted in Light from the East, p. 206): "Neb uchadrezzar, the king of righteousness, the humble, the lowly, who hath knowledge of the fear(=worship) of the gods, who loveth justice and righteousness, who seeketh after life, who putteth in the mouth of the people the fear of the mighty gods ; who keepeth up E-Sagilla and E-Zidda, the true son of Nabopolas sar, king of Babylon, am I." "When Merodach, the mighty lord, to the lordship of the land lifted me up, and called me an exalted name that I might keep up the cities and renew his temples I, the prayerful, the wise, the suppliant, the worshipper of his god-head, — of the building up of that house I bethought myself." In his prayer to Shamash he says: "A righteous secpter, a good shepherding, a just staff of rule, prospering the people, adorn my kingdom forever!" This is the outstanding characteristic of this monarch in the majority of the inscriptions now in our possession. 206. This was the type of a ruler to whom the 218 ANARCHY IN BABYLON people of Judah were subject. Whether in Egypt, under his supremacy, or in Palestine or in Babylonia, his word was law. We cannot as yet gain in the in scriptions so much as a hint as to the political, re ligious, and social conditions of the Jewish exiles. Of course, the biblical picture, in accordance with Nebuchadrezzar's general policy, is not a dark one. The Babylonian exiles enjoyed many of the privileges of citizens, with settled homes and fixed communities. Some of these were not far from the great capital; for the river Chebar near which Ezekiel was active has just been discovered on two tablets dating frcm the reign of Axtaxerxes I (464-424). It was a large, navigable canal, not far from Nippur, southeast of Babylon (see University of Pennsylvania texts, Vol. IX, p. 28). In the inscriptions quoted above we saw that Nebuchadrezzar made it one of the chief aims of his life to bring prosperity to his subjects, and therewith to bind them to himself with ties stronger than fetters. The respectful, pious Jews must have experienced a peaceful, prosperous time, aside from the tearful memories of the wasteness and desolation of their native land. 207. Nebuchadrezzar's active reign of forty-three years closed with his death in 561 B. C. The heri tage of his son Evil-Merodach (man of Merodach) was a powerfully organized and stable government. But the master was gone, and at the end of but two years the new king was slain by his brother-in-law, RISE OF NABONIDUS 219 Nergalsharezer. This old warrior and officer at the fall of Jerusalem, probably identical with Nergal sharezer of Jer. xxxix. 3, seized the throne for him self. He followed in the footsteps of his father-in- law, and restored, according to Nabonidus (Corona tion Cyl. iv. 3-6) certain temples and palaces and greatly improved the water facilities of Babylon (I Eawl. 67, ii. 15-39). At the end of four years (559- 555 B. C.) of rather successful administration, he died, leaving the throne to his young son, Labashi- Merodach. Nabonidus in his Stele (col. iv.) says: "his young son incapable of ruling (?) against the will of the gods sat on the royal throne" (Ball, p. 214). This gave a body of conspirators their oppor tunity, and within nine months the child-king was murdered. Nabonidus says (Stele, col. v. 8 f .) : "By the word of Merodach the lord, I was raised to the lord ship of the land,' while they sang '0 father of the land!' and I had no rival. Of Nebuchadrezzar and Nergalsharezer, the kings that preceded me, I was their powerful legate; with their troops my hands were entrusted; against their bidding I sinned not, and their heart I made glad. As for Evil-Merodach, the son of Nebuchadrezzar, and Labashi-Merodach the son of Nergalsharezer .... they broke their commands." According to the claims of Nabonidus, he had been a trusted general of the troops of his predecessors, and by reason of his faithfulness had been promoted by the favor of Merodach to the sov- 220 NABONIDUS AND WORSHD? ereignty over Babylon. It is not improbable that he was the chief instigator of the murderous con spiracy, and that success in the attempt was regarded as the favor of Merodach. 208. We possess a large amount of literature from the years of the reign of Nabonidus (555-538 B. C). There are several semi-historical inscriptions and more than a thousand commercial tablets — already in published form. These date from every year of his reign and give us an intensely interesting insight into commercial methods and social life in Babylonia under the eyes of the Jewish exiles. Nabonidus' ac tivity spent itself, so far as his records inform us, in maintaining the stability of the empire in strengthening the fortifications on the Euphrates, and in restoring and beautifying the temples of the gods. In one inscription (V Eawl. 64, col. i. 38-49) we find a good illustration of the zeal of Nabonidus in this direction : "I gave command to my widely dis tributed peoples, from the land of Gaza, on the bor der of the land of Egypt, from the upper sea beyond the Euphrates unto the lower sea, the kings, princes, governors, and the numerous peoples which Sin, Shamash, and Ishtar, my lords, had intrusted to me, . to build E-gul-gul, the temple of Sin, my lord, who walks beside me which is within the city of Har ran, which Assurbanipal, king of Assyria, son of Esarhaddon, king of Assyria, a prince of my predecessor, had built." He states that he fully NABONIDUS' DECLINE 221 restored and rededieated this great temple "and the city of Harran, to its entire extent, — like the new moon I made its splendor to shine" (col. ii. 24, 25). The temple of Shamash at Sippar, though restored by Nebuchadrezzar, had fallen in decay. "When I had brought out Shamash from within it, and made him dwell in another house, that house I pulled down, and I made search for its old foundation rec ord ; and I dug to a depth of eighteen cubits, and the foundation record of Naram-Sin the son of Sargon (I), which for 3,200 years no king that preceded me had discovered, Shamash the great lord of E-barra, the temple of the dwelling of his heart's delight, per mitted nie, even me, to behold." 209. Nabonidus, in reconstructing and gorgeously decorating the temples of Sin at Harran and Shamash at Sippar, was paying the highest regards to the an cient divinities of Babylonia. Other ancient temples of other ancient divinities were likewise restored, and the former worship reestablished. This devo tion to the shrines of deities of a past age most naturally detracted from his zeal for the great divin ities exalted and worshipped as supreme by Nebuchad rezzar and his immediate successors. He even neg lected attendance upon some of the established re ligious festivals, and thus incurred the wrath of the priestly authorities. This lack of the right kind of religious patriotism soon aroused against the king enemies of the bitterest kind, who let no opportunity 222 DANGER AHEAD pass of exposing his weakness. Even Cyrus in the early part of his cylinder, to be noted presently, charges upon Nabonidus malicious intent. (Cyl. 6-8.) "An edict of dishonor to them .... daily he contrived The continual offering he made to cease . . . . by a yoke unrelaxing he ruined them all." As the years went by Nabonidus gradually lost his grip on the empire. Its religious element became alienated from him, and its polit ical power was forced to lay down arms before the advance of a mightier man, Cyrus the Elamite. n^T^TST%?-+R^TT?>-ST-MeSTJ^^^ST^T^^£T4TSTTHm,£^TV-A iU, ^T 4PT -ET £y -TTST^^^T-^?R0tST^^TtST^T^4^-HST'!=rT-T'ET^- ST -f- R -Hf- ^ H ~ SW *ST £lflL< ~ £T^H Sffl 3# ~S^ ST I? ~Mf ^TJ,~T £5:T ^ ^ ^ " c£^ ST- £$^ 53? -^ ^ A 853 ^ c^> V ST T- -TM £$jE5:TTI»4<^£: ST4T -i> 15: y £3:3 -T4 8- -Vii ~TC ^ ST- t^* -53 Hf- ST2T Hf- S5= 15: T eT E53 £ c^ ST- J^= -53 -T ST¦ ¦ Kir Hi PORTRAIT OF CYRUS (From Murghab) THE FIRST JEWISH RETURN 235 issued many similar documents. The copy quoted in Ezra i. 2-4 gives a few only of the specifications originally announced. In subsequent references to the document (iii. 2-7; v. 13-16; vi. 1-5), we discover that elaborate provisions were made for the building of the temple, as well as for the reinauguration of the worship of Jehovah. Cyrus had not overlooked any thing that would contribute to the rapid reclamation of this western waste. The proclamation was of such scope as to include the Jews in any part of his realm. The citizens of the empire were also authorized, if they chose, to render assistance to the pilgrims to Palestine. How generally they responded to the royal edict is stated in Ezra ii. This pilgrimage of less than fifty thousand of the faithful to the land of their fathers relieved the administration of Cyrus from the presence, in any part of the realm, of a dis satisfied, disturbing Jewish element. It also popu lated and built up a section of his territory which had been overrun and devastated by successive armies of Assyria and Babylonia. It likewise gave spirit to a people whose national life had been next to blotted out by a succession of well-deserved chastisements and captivities. In this event many of the brightest and most hopeful utterances of the great prophets found their fulfillment, and their fruition. CHAPTEB XX DANIEL AND BELSHAZZAR 221. Our sources of information for this chapter are somewhat scanty. There are a few inscriptions that contribute something on the life of the times, on the personality of Belshazzar, and on the fate of the city in which Daniel lived. The book of Daniel, so full of references assigned to this period, will also serve, so far as its statements go, to let in a few further rays of light on this epoch. 222. The presence in Babylon of one sturdy, God fearing Jew, during the whole time of the existence of the new Babylonian empire, is an event of more than ordinary significance. There is no sufficient reason for the denial of the historicity of the person Daniel. But when and how did he reach Babylon? The solution of this question rests in part, doubtless, on the position taken regarding the extent of Nebu chadrezzar's march after his battle with Necho. It has already been stated (200) that there is no inher ent improbability in the statement of Dan. i. 1, even though it were not put in written form until cen turies thereafter. The education of Jewish youths in the court of Nebuchadrezzar would be in harmony 236 THE WISE MEN OF BABYLON 237 with his scheme of a world-wide administration. The promotion of Joseph in Egypt, and the adop tion of foreigners in the Turkish court of to-day, are examples of recourse to the same methods to facili tate government. The schools of Babylonia-Assyria are reflected in the lists of cuneiform exercises, which were prepared by just such pupils as were Daniel and his companions. Their three years of training were years of severe application to learn the intri cacies and mysteries of the cuneiform language, and the monumental literature and science which it con cealed. 223. The Babylonian court was rich in hangers- on. There were, besides the priests and other officials connected immediately with the temple service, magicians, soothsayers, astrologers, sorcerers, en chanters, and a special rank, called Chaldeans. It is not easy always to distinguish between the functions of these different classes. They constituted one of the most useful addenda to the court. Their services were in demand on all important or critical occasions, and their decisions, like those of the oracle of Delphi, were held in supreme reverence. The case of the calling of Balaam (Num. xxii., xxiii.) by Balak, king of Moab, from Pethor (Pitru on the Euphrates, in the cuneiform inscriptions) to curse his new enemy the children of Israel, is an example of the impor tance attached to these semi-officials. They were among the wisest men of their times. They could 238 DANIEL'S PROMOTION often read with surprising accuracy the signs of the times, and could so adapt their wisdom to their pat rons' desires as often to win for themselves fame and wealth (cf. Num. xxii. 7, 16, 17, 37; xxiv. 13). 224. Daniel's training and acuteness soon brought him and his companions into competition with the other wise men of Babylon. At length Daniel's day came. The king had forgotten an important dream, and demanded of his magi both the recalling and in terpretation of it. Their failure to comply with his demand involved both themselves and the Jewish youths in a sentence of death (Dan. ii. 13). Daniel's prudent reply to the captain of the slaughter-guard gave him an opportunity. And by divinely-given wisdom he outranked all of his rivals. He secured for himself great prizes, and governorship over the province of Babylon, and the position of chief gov ernor over all the wise men of Babylon. In addition, the king honored his request and appointed his three companions over affairs in the province of Babylon. But Daniel was at the king's court (Dan. ii. 48, 49)r This is the story that we find in Dan. ii. There is no evidence yet discovered in the inscriptions to confirm it, and none to dispute its truthfulness. The disturbing element in many minds is the remarkably miraculous character of the things done. But these are quite equalled by the story of Joseph in Egypt. 225. The promotion of Daniel, according to the statement of Dan. ii. 1, was made in the second year .. - ' I ^ vl| I" Wffi ' ¥ .<$#,/' 4 iff J m lit If H % r*» v* M- ¦«¦ j s- i The Ancient Hebrew Tradition (1897), chaps, iv.-vi.; Ball, Light from the East, pp. 73-82. Chapter IX: Israel under the Glow of Egypt McCurdy, Hist, Proph. and Mon., Vol. I, §§ 142-167; Sayce, High. Crit. and Mon., chaps, iv. and v.; St. Clair, Buried Cities and Bible Countries (1891), pp. 16-76; Fraden- burgh, Light from Egypt (1897); Evetts, New Light on the Bible and the Holy Land, chaps, vi.-viii.; Sayce, Egypt of the Hebrews, chap, ii.; Winckler, Tel el-Amarna Letters (1896); Ball, Light from the East, pp. 83-129. The various Memoirs of the Egypt Exploration Fund and Research Account. Chapter X: The Peoples of Canaan and Israel McCurdy, Hist, Proph. and Mon., Vol. I, §§ 125-133, 182-194; Sayce, High. Crit and Mon., chap, vi.; , Early Israel and the Surrounding Nations (1899), chap.ii.; , Egypt of the Hebrews, chap, iii.; , Patriarchal Palestine, chaps, v.-vi.; , Races of the Old Test, chap, vi.; Hommel, Anc. Heb. Trad., chaps, ii., vii., viii.; Ball, Light from the East, pp. 134, 135; Sayce, "Canaan" in Hasting's Diet of the Bible. Chapter XI: Foreign Nations and the Single Monarchy McCurdy, Hist, Proph. and Mon., Vol. I, §§ 195-209; Harper, H. A., Bible and Modern Discoveries, chap, vi.; Vigouroux, F., La Bible et les Dicouvertes Modernes. 5th ed. (1889), Vol. Ill, pp. 409-554. 304 REFERENCES FOR FURTHER STUDY Chapter XII: Shishak and the Moabite Stone McCurdy, Hist, Proph. and Mon., Vol. I, §§ 210-15; Sayce, High. Crit and Mon., chap, viii.; Kinns, Graven in the Rock, pp. 417-32; Ball, Light from the East, pp. 131-2; 139-40.Chapter XIII: Shalmaneser II and Tributary Israel McCurdy, Hist, Proph. and Mon., Vol. I, §§ 216-54; Sayce, High. Crit. and Mon., pp. 389-401; Kinns, Graven in the Rock, pp. 485-507; Ball, Light from the East, pp. 164-68. Chapter XIV: Tiglath-pileser III and the Warring Jewish Kingdoms McCurdy, Hist, Proph. and Mon., Vol. I, §§ 255-341; Sayce, High. Crit. and Mon., pp. 401-15; Ball, Light from the East, pp. 170-84. Chapter XV: Sargon II and the Fall of Samaria McCurdy, Hist, Proph. and Mon., Vol. I, §§ 342-64; Vol. II, §§ 620-68; Sayce, High. Crit and Mon., pp. 415-28; Ball, Light from the East, pp. 185-6. Chapter XVI: Sennacherib's Western Campaign and Hezekiah McCurdy, Hist, Proph. and Mon., Vol. II, §§ 669-744; Sayce, High. Crit and Mon., pp. 428-50; Kinns, Graven in the Rock, pp. 531-71 ; Ball, Light from the East, pp. 187-97. Chapter XVII: The Last Century and the Fall of Assyria McCurdy, Hist, Proph. and Mon., Vol. II, §§ 745-833; KinDS, Graven in the Rock, pp. 571-612; Ball, Light from the East, pp. 198-202. REFERENCES FOR FURTHER STUDY 305 Chapter XVIII: Nebuchadrezzar and the New Baby lonian Empire Kinns, Graven in the Rock, pp. 615-51; Translation of East India House Inscription in Records of the Past, New Series, Vol. Ill, pp. 102-23; Ball, Light from the East, pp. 203-6. Chapter XIX: Cyrus and the Fall of Babylon Sayce, High. Crit. and Mon., pp. 497-525; Budge, Babyl. Life and History, chap, vi.; Ball, Light from the East, pp. 208-226. Chapter XX: Daniel and Belshazzar Evetts, New Light, chaps, x.-xii.; Sayce, High. Crit. and Mon., pp. 525-37; Kinns, Graven in the Rock, pp. 651-9; Ball, Light from the East, p. 207. Chapter XXI: The City op Susa and Esther Evetts, New Light, chap, ix.; "Book of Esther and Palace of Ahasuerus," in Bibliotheca Sacra, Oct. 1889; Dieulafoy, L'Acropole de Suse, pp. 359-89: Ball, Light from the East, pp. 227-30. Chapter XXII: The Hittites Sayce, " Monuments of the Hittites," in Trans. Soc. Bib. Arch. (1881); Wright, Empire of the Hittites (1886); Sayce, The Hittites (1888); Perrot and Chipiez, Hist of Art in Antiquity, Vol. IV; L. de Lantscheere, De la Race de la Langue des Hittites (1892); Ward, W. H., "The Hittites," in Recent Research in Bible Lands, pp. 159-90; Ball, Light from the East, pp. 140-7. Chapter XXIII: The Aramaeans Sayce, Races of the Old Testament (1891), chap, vi.; , Early Israel and the Surrounding Nations, chaps. ii. and iv.; Ball, Light from the East, pp. 135-9. 306 REFERENCES FOR FURTHER STUDY Chapter XXIV: The Samaritans Vigouroux, La Bible et les Die. Mod., Vol. IV, pp. 148-73. Chapter XXV: Our New Old Testament Evetts, New Light, chap, xiv.; Ball, Light from, the East, p. 231. Note: For outlines covering the whole period of Old Testament history, with full references to popular litera ture of recent date, see Price, Syllabus of Old Testament History, Revell Co., Chicago. ANCIENT DATES MENTIONED B. c. Page 4777-3410, 1st— Vlth Eg. dynasties, 100 3800, Sargon I, - - 101 2985-2565, XI-XIII Eg. dynasties, - - - 100 2800, circ, Gudea, king of Lagash, - 54 1587-1240, XVIIIth-XXth dynasties, 100 1500-1450, Tel el-Amarna letters written, - 66, 111-3, 263 1281, Death of Rameses II, - - 118 1276, circ, Exodus of Israel, - - - 118 1120-1090, Tiglath-pileser I, - - - 134 1080-50, XXth Eg. dynasty, ... 134 1050-945, XXIst Eg. dynasty, - - - 134 931, circ, Division of the kingdom, - - [297 930-728, XXIInd-XXVth Eg. dynasties, - 100 884-60, Assurnatsirpal king of Assyria, - - 134 860-25, Shalmaneser II king of Assyria, - - 149 854, Shal.s battle at Karkar, - - 150 851, Probable date of death of Ahab, - 153 850, circ, Moabite Stone set up, 144 842, Jehu paid tribute to Shal. II, - 292-93, 154 810-781, Ramman-nirari king of Assyria, - 157 804-797, Ramman-nirari's western campaigns, 157 745-27, Tiglath-pileser III king of Assyria, 161 740, Capture of Arpad, - - - 162 739, Syria reduced, - 162 732, Damascus captured, 168 627-22, Shal. IV king of Assyria, 171 722-05, Sargon II king of Assyria, - - 174 722, Fall of Samaria, - 174 720, Hamath reduced, - - - - 175 720, Eg. army defeated, - 176 307 308 ANCIENT DATES MENTIONED B. C. 717, Fall of Carchemish, . 76, 267 715, Importations into Samaria, - 176 711 (or 713), Ashdod reduced, - 177 710, Merodach-Baladan's alliance against Sargon, 179 705, Death of Sargon, 179 705-681, Sennacherib king of Assyria, 180 701, Campaign against Judah, - - 189 681, Death of Sennacherib, 194 681-663, Esarhaddon king of Assyria, 194 678, Esarh. in West-land, 195 675-4, Esarh. in the desert, 195 673, Esarh. against Egypt, - 196 670, Esarh. against Egypt, 196 668-26, Assurbanipal king of Assyria, 197 662, Destruction of Thebes, 197 650, circ, destruction of Susa, 252 648, Assurb; king of Babylon, 199 626, Death of Assurbanipal, - - 205 625, Nabopolassar's appointment, - 205 607-6, Fall of Nineveh, 205-6 605, Neb.'s battle with Necho, " 211 604-561, Nebuchadrezzar king of Babylon, 215 561-559, Evil-Merodach king of Babylon, - 218 559-555, Nergalsharezer king of Babylon, 219 555-538, Nabonidus king of Babylon, - 220 559, Rise of Cyrus, - - 223 549, Cyrus absorbed Media, - 224 538, Fall of Babylon, - - 229 529, Death of Cyrus, 252 529-2, Cambyses king of Persia 253 522, Suicide of Cambyses, 253 521-485, Darius (I) Hystaspes, - - 249, 253 516, Capture of Babylon by Darius, - 229 516, Completion of second temple, 253 515, Behistun inscription inscribed, 252 508, Scythia invaded, - 253 490, Battle of Marathon, - - 253 485-64, Xerxes I (Ahasuerus) King of Persia, - 253 ANCIENT DATES MENTIONED 309 B. C. Page 485, Egypt subdued, 253 483, Feast of Xerxes, 255 480, Battle of Salamis, 254 479, Battle of Platsea, 254 464-24, Artaxerxes (I) Longimanus King of Persia, 248 458, Ezra's return from Babylon, 287 445, Nehemiah's return from Susa, 287 436, Nehemiah's return to Susa, 288 406-359, Artaxerxes (II) Mnemon King of Persia, 261 TEXTS QUOTED AND NOTED Page Genesis ii. 10-14 87 iii. 15 28 x 97,98 x.22,23 268 xi.31 269 xii. 6 102 xiii 67 xiv 32,101 xxii. 21, 23 269 xxiii 76 xxiv.4,10,15 269 xxv. 20 269 xxxi. 18 269 xxxv. 9, 26 269 xxxviii. 5-7 269 xlvi.15 269 Exodus i. 11 116 i.14 122 vi.17 117 xii. 38 118 xx.ll 86 Numbers xx. 13, 14 25 xxn., urn xxii. 5 xxii. 7, 16, 17, 37. xxiii. 7 xxiv. 13 237151238269238 Deuteronomy iii. 9 154 V. 15 86 Joshua i. 4 262 ix.17 127 xi.3 127 Judges! 128 iii. 3 127 Page iii. 8-10 269 xix.-xxi 131 1 Samuel xiv. 47 271 2 Samuel viii. 3-12 271 x. 6-18 271 16 269 lKingsx.29 76 xi. 23-25 271, 273 xi. 26-40 141 xiv.25-28 141 xv. 16 ff. xvi. 18... xx. 1 ff . xx. 34.... xxii 273 208 273 149153 2Kingsi.l9 244 iii 142 iii. 4 293 iii. 4-27 144 V. 2 274 V. 18 277 vi.8-10 274 vii. 6 76, 274 viii 153 viii. 16 244 ix.14 274 x.32,33 155,274 xiii.3 275 xiii. 4, 5 156 xiii. 7 156 xiii. 14-17, 25 276 xiii. 24 276 xv. 19, 20 163 xv. 29 166 310 TEXTS QUOTED AND NOTED 311 Page xv.30. 167 xvi. 7 166 xvi.9ff 168 xvi. 10 169 xvii 3-6 171 xvii. 24 ff 174, 282 xvii. 25-28 283 xvii. 29-33 283 xviii. 1,9,10 188 xviii. 9-11 172-3 xviii. 13 188 xviii. 17 189 xix. 8 189 xix. 37 193-4 xxiv.1,7 211 xxiv. 12 213 1 Chronicles vii. 21, 22, 24 115 xviii. 10 271 2 Chronicles xxvi. 10 161 xxviii. 16 166 xxxiii. 10-13 201 xxxvi. 6 212 Ezrai.l 234 i.2-4 234-5 ii 235 iii. 2-7 235 iv.2 285 iv.3 285, 288 iv.9,10 286 v.13-16 235 vi.1-5 235 ix.2 287 x.11 287 Nehemiahi.l 248 iv.l 287 iv.2 288 vi.10 288 xiii.6 288 xiii. 23-25 288 xiii. 28 289 Esther ii. 16 256 ii. 18 257 iii. 7 258 v.l 260 Page Vi.4 260 vii. 7 260 viii. 15 257 Isaiah v. 25-29 207, 209 vii 165 xv. 2 142 xvii. 14 191 xix 198 xx. 1 33, 177 xxx., xxxi 184 xxxvii. 36 191 xl. 1, 2 231 xii. 2-4 231 xliv. 28 234 xiv. 1, 4, 5 232 xlvi. 1, 2 232 xlvii. 1, 5, 13, 15 232 liii 23 Jeremiah v.,vi 204 xxii. 19 213 xxv. 1 212 xxix. 5 239 xxxvi. 30 213 xxxix. 3 219 xlvi 211 Ezekiel i. 10 88 x. 14 88 xxxviii 204 Daniel i. 1 211 ii. 1,13.48,49 238 iv 239 iv. 30 216 v. 11 240 v. 30 243 V. 31 245 vii., viii 245 viii. 2 248 ix.l 246 Nahum 207 ii. 9, 12, 18, 19 208-9 iii. 3 208 Zephaniah ii. 13-15 207 Zechariah xii. 11 278 TEXTS QUOTED AND NOTED EXTRA-BIBLICAL Herodotus II, 141. 191 Josephus, Antiq. xi. 8. 2 289 Layard, Insc, 50, 10 163 I Bawl. 67, col. ii. 15-39 219 68, No. 1, col. ii. 24-31... 241 II Bawl. 67, 61-62 169 III Bawl. 5, No. 6, 40-65 154 8, 78-102 150 9,No. 2,2-3 163 9,No. 3,30-32 162 10,No.2,20 167 IV Bawl. 43 90 V Bawl. 64, col. i. 88-49 220 64, col. ii. 24, 25 221 Amarna Letters, Berlin coll., 31,21-24 263 33,38-41 264 160,8-26 264 Assurb. Rassam Cyl. col. iii. 96-108 198 v. 128— vi. 76 250 Assyr. Lesestucke, 3 ed., 93-95. .80-82 Ball's Cyl. Neb 217 Cyrus' Cyl. 6-8 222 11-19 227 20-22 223 22-24 227 24-36 . 32.. . Page .. 229 .. 234 Nab.Annals (Neb.-Cyr. Chron.), Col. ii. Obv. 1-4 224 Col. ii. Obv. 5, 10, 19, 23 242 Col. ii. Obv. 15-18 225 Col. i. Eev. 12-24 225 Col. i. Eev, 13 243 Col. i. Eev. 13,14 242 Col. i. Eev. 16-19 244 Col. i. Bev.20 245 Nab. Stele (Cor. Cyl.) col. i.... 205 Col.lv. 3-6 219 Col.v.8f 219 Neb., East India House, col. ii. 12-29 216 Neb., Phillips Cyl. col. iii. 18-22 215 Sargon, Winckler's, pi. 1, 10 ff.. 174 W. (Annals, 94-99), pi. 4, 8, 3-7 176 W. (Annals, 95-97), pi. 4, 8, 4-8 282 W. pi. 33, 101 f 177 W. pi. 44 D, 25 ff 178 Senn., Taylor Cyl. col. ii. 34 f.. 181-3 Shal. II. Obelisk, Face D, top, 59-64 226 Univ. Penn. Texts, Vol. IX, p. 218 3'2 INDEX Beferences are to pages: italicized words are titles of books; and the asterisk (*) indicates an illustration. *Aamu (Semites) family entering Egypt, 101. Abdili'tu, of Arvad, 189. Abel, city, 142. Abel-beth-maacah, 167. Abimelech, 101. Abner, 133. Abnunak, 229. Abraham, 54; in Egypt, 100. Absalom, 136. Abyssinia, 98. Accad, 199, 223, 226, 251. Accho, 111 , 181. Achzib, 188. L'Acropole de Suse, 250. Adar, deity, 91. Adar (Feb.), 226. Addu, Aramaean deity, 278. Adinnu, 151. Adonijah, 136. Adrammelech, deity, 284. Adullam, 142. Adumi-Baal, 151. . vEgean Sea, 225. Ahab, 63, 144, 149, 151, 293. Ahasuerus (Xerxes) , 254. Ahaz, (3, 164, 165, 168-9, 294. Ahimelech, kg of Ashdod, 197. Ahimiti, kg of Ashdod, 177. Aijalon, 142. Akaba, 166, 195, 199. Aleppo (Chalman), 151. "Alexander the Great of Egypt," 110. Alexandria, 40. Allemant, M., 104. Amalekites, 132, 135. Amenophis II, 103. Amenophis III, 111, 263, 270. Amenophis IV, 111, 263, 270. Amki, land, 264. Ammon, Ammonites, 130, 135, 151, 169, 185. *Amorites, 127, 142, 157; *portraitof, 128. Amos, 160. Anammelech, deity, 83. Anshan (Elam), 224. Antef, Eg. premier, 104. Anu, 81, 92. Anunnaki, 83. "Apadana, throne-room, 252, 258-9; *View of, 259. Apharsathchites, 285. Apharsites, 285. Aphek, 3 3. Arabia, Arabians, 79, 151, 168, 200. Aradus, 73, 74. Aramaeans (Syrians), 135,199,268-9. Aramaic, 272. Arame, son of Gusi, 151, 265. Aram-naharaim, 269. Ararat, 194. Arbela, city, 225. Archaeology's gains, 294-5. Archevites. 2*5. Argana, 151. Argob, 69. Argyll, Duke of, 67. Arkata, 111. 313 314 LNDEX Arnon, 146. Aroer, 146. Arpachshad, 268. Arpad, city, 162, 176, 276. Artaxerxes I, 248, 285. Artaxerxes II, 78, 252, 261. Arumu (Arimu), 270. Arvad, 151, 169, 181, 185. Asia Minor, 76. Ashdod, 130, 177, 185, 197. Ashima, deity, 284. Ashkelon, 111, 130, 169. Ashtor-Chemosh, 145. Asshur, deity, 98, 199, 250, 268. Asshur-etil-ilani, 205. Asshur-utir-atsbat, 151, 265. Assurbanipal, in Eg., 197; kg of Babylon, 199; takes Manasseh, 201; destroys Susa, 250-1, 285-6. Assurnatsirpal, 49, 148, 270. Assyrian Discoveries, 53. Assyrische Lesestuecke, 80-2. Astarte, 74. Astyages, of Media, 223, 224. Avvites, 284. Azariah (Uzziah), 63, 160-1, 163, 164, 293. Aziru, 111, 263. Azur, city, 181. Azuri, of Ashdod, 177, 178. Baal, 71, 74, 295. Baalam, 237, 269. Baal-Meon, 145. Baal-Bosh, 154. Baasha, of Israel, 273. Ba'asha, of Ammon, 151. Baba, 107-8. Bab-Salameti, 199. •Babylon, 58, 199, 226. 228; •cunei form account of capture of, 227: •Walls of, 238. Babylonia, 179, 180. 195, 237, 285-6. B lak, of Moab, 237, 269. Barak, 130. Bashan, 69. Bashemath, 76. Beeri, the Hittite, 76. Behistun, 58. •Behistun Bock, 56. Bel (Merodach), 81, 94, 217, 224, 228, 230, 232. Belshazzar, 236-44, 294. Beltis, 199. Bene-Berak, city, 181. Ben-hadad II, 149, 293; III, 273, 276. Berosus, 63. Berothai, city. 271. Betah, city, 271. Beth-Ammon, 181, 197. Beth-anath, 142. Beth-Baal-Meon, 146. Beth-Bamoth, 146. Beth-Dagon, 181. Beth-Diblathen, 146. Beth-horon, 142. Beth-Mehedeba, 146. Beth-rehob, 271. Beth-Ziti, 181. Bezer, 146. Birch, Dr. 142. •Birs Nimrud, tower of Babel, 36. Black Sea. 98. •Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser II, 154. Bliss, F. J., 69. Borsippa, 199, 216. Bosrah, 54. Botta, P. E., 45. Boussard, 39. British Museum, 45, 49, 59, 62. Brothers," "Tale of the two, 103. Bunsen, 41. Burraburyash, 112. Byblos, 111, 181, 185. Cambyses, father of Cyrus, 223; son of Cyrus, 229. Canaan, 97, 123, 128. Canaanite, 127. Canning, Sir S., 48. Cappadocia, 267. Carchemish, 264-5. INDEX 315 Caspian Sea, 98. Cave, Alf., 95. Chaldsca and Susiana, 249. Chaldeans (Chaldaeans) , 199. Chaldeans (wise men), 237. Chalman (Aleppo), 151. •Champollion, 41. Chattin, 151. Chayani, son of Gabari, 151, 265. Chayapa, Arab tribe, 176. Chebar, 218. Chedorlaomer, 101, 293. Chemosh, deity of Ammon, 144-5. Chemosh-melek, of Moab, 144. Chemosh-nadab, of Moab, 181. Cherubim, 88. Chinneroth, 110. Chislev (Nov.), 226, 248. Chronological gains, 296-7. Clermont-Ganneau, M., 67, 143 Commerce, Solomon's, 138. Creation, cuneiform, 80-84. Crete, 128. Crcesus, of Lydia, 225. Cuneiform tablet, 52. Cuneiform language, 61-2. Cuneiform literature, 62-66. Cushan-rishathaim, 129, 269. Cutha, 199. Cyaxares, of Media, 210, 213. Cyprus, 73, 74, 101. •Cyrus, 63; grandfatherof, 224; king of Persia, 225; a polytheist, 230-3; policy of, 229, 294; *portrait of, 234; *clay cylinder of, 227. Damascus, 110, 135, 168, 176, 273; fall of, 276-7. Daniel, 236-45. Daniel, book of, 246. Darius (I) Hystaspes, 249, 285. "Darius the Mede," 245. David, 133. Deborah, 130. Dehaites, 285. Delitzsch, Prof., 87. Deluge, Babylonian, 89-93. •Deluge tablet, a, 89. Deportation, policy of, 280. Di Cesnola, 73. Dibon, 142, 146. Dieulafoy at Susa, 78, 249, 257. Dodeh, 145. Dreams, Pharaoh's, 104. Dudu, 263. Durili, city, 229. Ea, deity, 81, 91. E-barra, temple, 221. Ecbatana, taken by Cyrus, 224. Eden, garden of, 87. Edom, 135, 157, 178, 185. Egulgul, temple of Sin, 220. Egypt, extent of, 38; dynasties of, 100. I'Egypte, La Description de, 41. Ehud, 130. Eighteenth dynasty, fall of, 112. Ekron, 130, 182, 186. El, 278. Elah, 167. Elam, 98, 199, 223. Elamites, 285. Eli, 131. Elon, 76. Elteke, 182, 186. Eniel, of Hamath, 266. Ennugi, 91. Ephron, the Hittite, 76. Esagila, temple, 217, 226, 228. •Esarhaddon, in Asia, 195; in Egypt, 196; death of, 197; 285-6; •por trait of, 196. Esau, 76, 269. Esther, 248, 260. Esther, book of, 248-9, 256, 260-1. Ethnographical gains, 297. Euphrates Biver, 87. Eusebius, 89. Evil-Merodach, 218. Exodus, Phar. of the, 117; route of, 119. Ezekiel, colossi of, 88. Ezida, temple, 217. 316 INDEX Fall of man, 89. Flandin, M., 48. Fresnel, M.,51. Galilee, 167. Gath, 130, 156. Gaza, 130, 137, 142, 167, 176, 220. Gebeil, 73. Gebel Silsilis, 120. Geographical gains, 295-6. Gerizim, Mt.. 289. Geshem, the Arabian, 288. Gether, 268. Gezer, 111. Giammu, 151. Gibeon, 127, 142. Gilboa, Mt., 133. Gilead, 167. Gilgamesh epic, 89. Gilza, 152. Gindibu'u, 151. Girgashites, 127. Gizeh, museum of, 120, 293. Glaser, E., 79. Gobryas, 226. Goshen, 103. Goyim (nations), 102. Gubaru, 245. Gudea, king of Lagash, 54. Guhana, 87. Gurgum, 151. Gute, 199. Gutium, 102,226. Hadad, deity, 278. Hadad, of Edom, 139. Hadadezer of Zobah, 135, 269, 271. Hadadezer of Damascus, 151, 266. Hadad-Eimmon, 278. Ham, 98. Haman, 257, 260. Hamath, 110, 135, 151, 175, 271. Hamathites, 286. Hamilton, W. E., 40. Hanno, of Gaza, 167, 169, 176. Harran, 99, 221, 270. Hauran, 154. Hazael, 153-6, 274-5, 293. Hazor, 110, 167. Helam, 271. Herodotus, 63. Heroopolis (Ero), 116. Hezekiah, 177, 179, 182, 184, 188. Hincks, Edw., 59. Hiram of Tyre, 164, 266. •Hittites, 75-8, 113, 126, 135, 157, 181; sources of information, 262; in Amarna tablets, 263; XlXth dynasty, 264-5; crushed, 267; •portrait of, 264; *portrait of a king of, 264; *an inscription of the, 267. Hivites, 126. Hophra, of Egypt, 214. Horonaim, 146. Hosea, 160. Hoshea, of Israel, 63, 167, 171, 188, 282, 294. Hul, 268. Hyksos, 102, 108, 110, 293. Hystaspes, 58. Ibadid, Arab tribe, 176. Idagama, 264. Iddin-Merodach, 241. Ijon, 166. Ilubi'id, 176. Importation, policy of, 281. Indian Ocean, 98. Irchulina, cf Hamath, 151, 266. Irkanati, 151. Isaiah, 165. Ishtar, 220, 251. * "Israel" on Eg. tablet, see Frontis piece. Israel, oppressors of, 129. Ithamar of Sabaea, 177. Ithobal, 181. Ja'di, 278. Jahaz, 145. Janoah, 167. Japhet, 98. Jebusites, 127. INDEX 317 Jehoahaz, 156, 275. Jehoiakim, 211-2. Jehoiakin, 213. Jehoram, of Israel, 144. Jehoram, of Judah, 244. Jehoshaphat, 144. * "Jehu son of Omri," 63, 155; •portrait of, 292. Jephthah, 130. Jeroboam 1, 140. Jeroboam II, 159, 163, 276. Jerusalem, 69, 111, 133, 182, 213. Jerusalem, 69. Jerusalem, Excavations at, 70. •Jews, Procession of, paying trib ute to Shalmaneser II, 292-3. Joab, 133. Joash, of Israel, 276. Jonah, 50. Joppa, 110, 181. Joseph, 102-9. Josephus, 89. Joshua, 129. Josiah, 210. Jotham, 164. Judah, 178. Judah-melech, 142. Judith, 76. Kadesh, 264-5. Kalparuda, of Chattin, 151, 265. Kalparuda, of Gurgum, 151, 265. Karduniash (Babylonia), 251. Karkar, city, 151-3, 176, 266, 272. Karnak, 110, 141. Kaushmalak, of Edom, 169. Kedesh, 167. Khauser Biver, 46. Khorsabad, 46, 179. Khu-n-Aten (Amenophis IV), 113. Kinza, 264. Kipkip, capital of Nubia, 197. Kitlala, 151. Klein, F., 142. Koikylides, C. M., 70. Korkhah, 144, 145. Kudur, 101. Kudur-Mabug, king of Elam, 102. Kue, land, 151. Kumukh, city, 163. Kundashpi.of Kumukh, 151, 265. Kurdistan, 102. Kushtashpi, of Kumukh, 163. Labashi-Merodach, 219. •Lachish, 186-7, 189-90, 295; *picture of storming of, 187. Lachamu, deity (!), 81. Lachmu, deity (!), 81. Lagamar(u), deity, 102,251 Lalli, of Milid, 151, 265. Larsa, 102. •Layard, A. H., 48-51; *portrait of, 48. Libnah, 190. Light from the East, 217. Linguistic gains, 299. Loftus, W. K., 51, 249. Louvre, museum, 20, 259. •Louvre, view of Khorsabad co lossi, 20. Lud, 268. Luli, 181. Lybian desert, 98. Maacha, 135. Machalliba, 181. Machpelah, 76. •Madaba map, 70. Malikram, of Edom, 181. Manasseh, of Judah, 196, 200-1, 290. Manasseh, high-priest, 289. Marchesvan (Oct.), 226. Mari', of Damascus, 157, 276. Marsiman, Arab tribe, 176. Martu, 264. Mash (Mas), 268. Mashga, 151. Matinu-Baal (Matanbi'il), 151, 169. Mattaniah, 214. Medeba (Mehedeba) , 70, 145. Media, 98. Median, 59. Mediterranean Sea, 98, etc. 318 INDEX Meghazils, 74. Megiddo, 110, 141, 210. Melchizedek, 101. Melucha (Sinaitic Peninsula), 178, 182, 186, 199. Memphis, 40, 196. Menahem, of Israel, 63, 164, 266, 294. Menahem, of Samsiruna, 181. Meneptah II, 118-20; 293. Merodach, 81-4, 195, 214, 217, 219, 227, 229, 230. Merodach-Baladan, 179, 180, 205. Mesha, 144. Midianites, 130. Mitanni, 111, 129, 135, 270. Mitinti, of Ashkelon, 169,197. Mitinti, of Ashdod, 181, 183. Mi-Turnu, city, 229. Moab, 130, 135, 144, 169, 178. •Moabite Stone, 142-7; *pictureof, 144. Monument de Ninive, 48. Monuments of Nineveh, The, 51. Morgan, de, at Susa, 250. Mordecai, 257-60. Mound of Many Cities, A, 70. Mugheir (Ur of the Chaldees), 99. Mutsri, of Cappadocia, 151. Nablus, 143, 249. Nabonidus, 63, 205, 220, 223, 294. Nabopolassar, 205. Nadaillac, 95. Nahor, 269. Nahum, 50. Nana, goddess, 250. Naphtali, 167. Napoleon's campaign to Eg., 39. Naram-Sin, 101, 221. Naville, Ed., at Pithom, 116-9. Nebaioth, 201. Nebo, 147, 195, 217. Nebo-zabit, 241. •Nebuchadrezzar, II, 205, 211; •cameo of, 238. •Nebuchadrezzar II, East India House inscription of, 216. Necho, governor of Eg., 202; kingof Eg., 210-1, 236. Nehemiah, 248. Nergal, deity, 151, 284. Nergalsharezer (Neriglissar), 219. Nibhaz, deity, 284. Nile-land, 195, etc. Nineteenth dynasty, rise of, 113. Nineveh, 50-2, 65: fall of, 205, 294. Nineveh and Babylon, 51. Nineveh and its Remains, 51. Nippur, 54. Nippur, 55. Nisan (Mch.-Apr.), 226. Nisroch (Nusku), 193. Nitsir, Mt., 93. Nukhasse, 263-4, 272. Old Testament, religious history, 22; one century ago, 31. Omri, kingof Israel, 49, 63, 144; land of, 148, 157. On, high-priest of, 105. Ophir, 137. Oppert, M. J., 51, 59. Oppression, Phar. of the, 116. Orontes Biver, 152, 162. Osnappar, 285. Othniel, 129. Padi, king of Ekron, 182-4. Paddan-Aram, 135, 269. Palestine, 67-70, 124, 125, 199. Palmer, E. H., 68. Palmer, H. S., 68. Panammu II, 266, 272, 278. Paphos, 73. Partikira, deity, 251. Payne, Dr., 119. Pekah, 63, 164, 167, 276, 294. Pekahiah, 164. Pelusium, 191. Pentaur, poem of, 114, 127. Perizzltes, 127. Persia, 225. Persian cuneiform, 58. Philistia, 50, 135, 178. INDEX 319 •Philistines, 128, 130; *portrait of one, 128. •Phoenicia, 71-5, 169, 195; •inscrip tion of, 75. Phoenicians, 123. Pinches, T. G., 82. Pir-napishtim, 90-3. Pisanu, 87. Pisiris, of Carchemish, 226. Pithom uncovered, 116. Pitru (Pethor), 151, 237, 265. Polytheism, in Jerusalem, 138. Polytheist, Cyrus a, 230. Potiphar, 102-3. Proclamation of Cyrus. 234. Prophecy and Cyrus, 230. Psammetiehus 1, 198. Pudu'il, of Beth- Ammon, 181. Pul(u) (Tiglath-pileser III), 161. Pur, Purim, 257-8. •Pyramids of Gizeh, 31. Qutu, 229. Eaamses, 116, 152. Eabbath-Ammon, 136. Eabsbakeh, 189. Barneses 1, 113. •Eameses II, 76, 113, 120, 293; •mum my of, 120. Eameses III, 134, 270. Bamman, see Bimmon. Eamman-nirari, 157-9. Ea-Sekenem Taa III, 108. Eassam, H., 49,51,53. •Eawlinson, H. C, 51, 56-9, 67, 99; •portrait of, 59. Eehob. city, 135, 151. Eehoboam, 140-2. Eekh-ma-ra, 97. Eekub-el, 278. Eeligious gains, 298. Eemaliah, 167. Eenan, E., 71. Bezon of Zobah, 139, 271. Bezin (Eezon), of Damascus, 163, 164, 168, 266, 294. Eiblah, 210, 214. Eieh, C. J., 45. Eimmon (Eamman), 276. Eosetta Stone, 39-41. •Eosetta Stone, 39. •Eosetta Stone in British Museum, 43. Bouge\ 104. Eukiptu, 181. Sabbath, 85. Saint Julien, 39. Salamanu, of Moab, 169. Sam'al, 266, 272. Samaria, fall of, 174, 294. •Samaritans, 279-90; *Pentateuch of, 289. Samsi, queen of Arabia, 176. Samson, 131. Samuel, 131. Sanballat, 287-9. Sangar, of Carchemish, 151, 265. Sanipu, of Ammon, 169. Sarepta, 181. Sargon 1, 101, 221. •Sargon II, 76, 173-9, 282, 294; •por trait of, 174. •Sargon's Palace, 47, 65 ; *bird's-eye view of, 47. Sarzec, de, M. E., 54. Saul, 132-3. Sayce, Prof., 142. Scythian invasion, 203-4. Senir (Hermon) , 154. Senjirli (Sendsehirli) , 79, 266. Senkereh, 102. •Sennacherib, 180-93; *portrait of Senn. at head of his army, 181. Sennacherib's palace, 50. Sepharvaim, 284. Seti 1, 113. Seve, or So (Shabaka), 171, 173. Seven, sacredness of, 86. Shabaka, see Seve. Shabataka, 177. Shaftsbury, Earl of, 67. Shagur, 151, 265. 320 INDEX •Shalmaneser II, 63, 148-56; •por trait of, 150; *Jews paying trib ute to, 292-3. Shalmaneser IV, 281. Shamash (Shemesh), 92,217, 220-1. Shamash-shum-ukin, 198-9,207, 251. Sharludari of Ashkelon, 181. Shem, 98. Shemaiah,288.Shemesh, 278. Shepherd-Kings, 104. Shian, land, 151. Shishak, 140-2, 293. •Shishak with his Palestinian cap tives, 141. Shubandi, 111. Shumudi, 251. Shunem, 142. Shurippak, city, 90-1. Shushan, the palace, 248, 258-9. Shushanchites, 285. Shushinak, deity, 251. Sidon, 148, 181, 185. Sin, moon god, 99; temple of, 220-1. Sinai, survey of, 68. Sippar, 221, 226. So, see Seve. Sojourn in Egypt, 120-1. Solomon, 136. Stanley, Dean, 67. Succoth-benoth, deity, 284. Sumer (and Accad), 223, 227, 230, 251. Susa, 18,248,250-1,294. Susiana, 58. Syria, 76, 79. •Syrians, see Aramaeans; *group of, 272. Syro- Arabian desert, 201. Table of Nations, 98. Talbot, H. F., 59. Tammuz (June), 225. Tamud, Arab tribe, 176. Tarpelites, 285. Tartak, deity, 284. Taurus mountains, 267. Taylor, J. E., 51, 99. Teie, wife of Amenophis III, 111, 270. Teispes, great-grandfather of Cy rus, 224. •Tel el-Amarna, 38, 66, 111, 112, 125, 262; *tablet from, 112. " Tell el-Hesy," 70. Tel el-Maskhuta, 116. Tello, 54. " Ten Tribes, The Lost," 175. Thebes, 97, 197. Thomas, M. , 51. Thothmes III, 110, 113,263. Tiamat, 81. Tidal (Turgal), 102. Tiglath-pileser I, 134, 270. •Tiglath-pileser III, 63, 161-71, 266, 281; *portrait of, 166. Tigris Eiver, 87, 225, 229. Til-sha-balachi, 151. Timnath, 182. Timsah, Lake, 119. Tirhakah, 184-6, 196. Tob, 135. Tobiah, 288. Toi, of Hamath, 271. Tomkins, H. G., 104. Training-School for Israel, 122. Treaty, between Egypt and the Hittites, 114, 265; between Ahab and Ben-hadad, 149; between Hezekiah and Egypt, 186; be tween Babylon,Lydia and Media, 223. Tristram, Canon, 67. Tunip, 111, 264. Tyre, 111, 196. Ukhu, city, 225. Ulai (Eulaeus), river, 248. Ummanigash, of Elam, 199. Umman-Manda (Medes) , 206, 223-4. Ur of the Chaldees, 99, 269. Uriah, the Hittite, 76. Urumilku, of Byblos, 181. Usanata, 151. INDEX 321 Ushu, 181. Ussher, 64, 296. Uzziah, see Azariah. Vashti.Wateh-ben-Hazael, Arab chief, 200. West-land, 101, 159, 181. Wilson, Capt, 68. Winckler, H., 174. Wise men of Babylon, 237. Xenophon, 50. Xerxes, 58, 253-4 Yamani, of Ashdod, 177. Zagros mountains, 56. Zalzallat, river, 225. Zamban, city, 229. Zedekia, of Ashkelon, 181. Zedekiah, of Judah, 214. Zerubbabel, 284. Zidon, 97. Zil-bel, king of Gaza, 182. Zimri, suicide of, 208. Zoan, 108. PRINTED BY R. R. DONNELLEY AND SONS COMPANY AT THE LAKESIDE PRESS, CHICAGO, ILL. Tale i. 9002 08844 6548