Cf)c IBattlt of TBannocfetJUtn.

Printed hy R. Clark
FOR
EDMONSTON & DOUGLAS, EDINBURGH.
LONDON . HAMILTON, ADAMS, AND CO.
CAMBRIDGE MACMILLAN AND CO.
GLASGOW JAMES MACLEHOSE.

A HISTOEY
' OF THE

3BattU of ISannocfeburn
FOUGHT A.D, 1314,

NOTICES OP THE PRINCIPAL WARRIOES WHO
ENGAGED IN THAT CONFLICT

ROBERT WHITE
AUTHOR OF A 'HISTORY OF THE BATTLE OF OTTERBURN,' 'P0EM9,' ETC.

Althougli our honoured patriots sleep in dust.
The glory they achieved we now enjoy ;
Then let ns venerate their very names,
And gaze upon the soil as hallowed ground
Whereon they fought and conquered !

miii^ M^ ftnU Armorial MmxinQi

EDINBURGH
EDMONSTON AND DOUGLAS
MDCCCLXXI

TO EVEKY TRUE SCOTSMAN,
EICH OE POOR,
WHOSE ANCESTOES MAT HAVE FOUGHT WITH
THE BRUCE AT BANNOCKBURN,
AND WHOSE HEAET GLOWS WITH PATEIOTISM
AS HE PONDEES
OVEE THE PEBEDOM AND INDEPENDENCE ACHIEVED
FOR THEIR COUNTRY BY
THE WAEEIOES OF SCOTLAND
ON THAT MEMORABLE BATTLE-FIELD,
THIS VOLUME
IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED BY
THE AUTHOR

PREFACE.
Being born on the Scottish Border, and hearing from my
parents' lips of The Bruce and The Douglas, and of the
battles of Bannockburn and Otterbum, I desired, as I
grew up, to know something of the lives of these men, and
to wander over the localities whereon they led their armies
to victory. In this way, when I came to reflect on the
privileges which Scotland derived from the former of
these battle-fields, the place came to be regarded by me as
hallowed ground, and The Bruce I accounted, next to
Wallace, the bravest warrior that ever drew the sword in
defence of that country, besides being the greatest monarch
that ever sat upon her throne.
Having, therefore, by the divine blessing, arrived at a
period of existence when, in a great measure, I had over
come the toil and trouble of active life, I turned my
attention to the history of Scotland during the early part
of the fourteenth century, comprising the ascendency of
Bruce, and, after no inconsiderable amount of research,
the present volume is the result of my investigation.
Exercising my own judgment among the numerous
authorities I consulted, and being desirous, above every
other consideration, of ascertaining what must actually
have taken place at Bannockburn, my dependence has
been placed chiefly on the ' Metrical Histoiy of Robert

VHl PREFACE.

the First, King of Scotland, by John Barbour, Arch
deacon of Aberdeen ; ' and my reason for relying on that
author is, that he lived at a time when the actions he
enumerates were related to him by the common people,
many of whom had witnessed and borne a share in their
fulfilment. Allan de Cathcart told him he was present
when Edward Bruce defeated the forces of Sir Ingram
de Umfreville and Sir John de Saint John in Galloway,
six years before the battle of Bannockburn was fought.^
Hence he had both seen and conversed with those who
had espoused the cause of Bruce, and supported that hero
in his onward course till the freedom of Scotland was
consummated. Indeed, as I have on several occasions
carefully examined the whole of the ground on the field
and around it, and bestowed ample consideration on every
contingency connected with the event, the impression on
my mind is more and more confirmed that, in company
with one or more intelligent men who were engaged in
that battle, and knew every movement thereof, Barbour
himself had traversed the whole locality more than once,
and had the several spots pointed out to him where the
main onslaughts were made, and where the particular
incidents, both before and after the conflict, took place.
The arrangement of the forces, both of England and Scot
land, as narrated by him, with their several evolutions,
harmonises in a remarkable degree with the undulation of
the ground, and warrants the conclusion that the venerable

' Barbour, p. 183.

PREFACE. IX
old chronicler had spared no pains honestly and fairly to
write out, so far as he was enabled, an accurate account of
the great battle, and to glean all he could learn of the life
and actions of the Bruce.
Still, though placing great reliance on the various
statements of Barbour, I do not consider him in every
point perfect, nor have I hesitated to differ from him
when he relates what, in my opinion, will not bear the
test of calm deliberate judgment. My aim has been to
discard improbability, and search for truth in whatever
form it may be ascertained. Every individual who
presumes to write history ought to sift the evidence most
carefully which he has amassed before him, and endeavour,
so far as his power of discrimination will enable him, to
separate what is correct from that which, under any form,
may appear doubtful. Unfortunately, we have perceived,
time after time, that when one historian stoops to follow
another implicitly, without the exercise of his higher
powers, we have the same error repeated over and over
again. This ought no longer to be tolerated.
Another author to whom I have been indebted, is
Robert Kerr, in his ' History of Scotland during the reign
of Robert First, surnamed the Bruce.' Like the ' Border
History ' by Ridpath, his work is by no means attractive
to the general reader, yet the research and labour these
compilations must have cost their authors deserve cordial
acknowledgment. Other collateral sources, as may be
seen by the imposing list of authorities hereafter annexed,
I have diligently explored. From recent historians I have

X PREFACE.
drawn little, their statements being of slight value; and, not
caring to solicit assistance from contemporary individuals
whose knowledge of the early history of our country may
be superior to my own, I set myself to work steadily on
the subject I had selected to elucidate, and now hope that
my eflbrt may not altogether be in vain. No public event
ever took place in Scotland that tended so eflfectually to
form and exalt the national character of her sons as the
victory over aggression that our ancestors won at Bannock
burn. The self-dependence thereby established, which at
the close of last century was still more awakened into
activity by the strains of Robert Burns, has made that
region what she is — a realm renowned over the world for
the loyalty, the morality, the trustworthiness, and the
ennobling virtues of her people. Nor is it without some
degree of pleasurable feeling that the author places this
volume before the public, in the assurance that he
thereby contributes his mite towards the illustration of
a most important part of the history of his native land.
The map has been carefully corrected and engraved fi-om
that of the Board of Ordnance by Messrs. Johnston of
Edinburgh. The shields which accompany the Biographical
Notices were cut by Mr. John Cleghorn of London, to
whose skill and ability the author was indebted for those
which embellish the memoirs of the warriors who figure in
his ' History of the Battle of Otterbum.'
11 Claremont Place,
Newcastle-upon-Ttne, 2Sd Sqilcmher 1871.

A BRIEF NOTICE OF
Joijn Barliour,
AUTHOR OF ' THE BRUCE.'

We have no authentic account either when or where John Barbour
was bom, but the date of his birth is supposed to be from about
1318 down to the period near the death of Robert Bruce, which
took place in 1329. He appears, notwithstanding the meaning of
his name, to have been of a respectable family, for, entering the
church, he was in 1356 promoted to the Archdeaconry of Aberdeen.
Being desirous of mental cultivation, even in middle age, and
unable to find suitable teachers in his own land, he obtained in
1357 a safe conduct from Edward the Third to go to Oxford, with
three scholars in his company. In the same year he was named,
by the bishop of his diocese, one of three proxies to attend the
important national council at Edinburgh, that funds might be voted
for the ransom of David the Second, who had been made prisoner
at the battle of Neville's Cross. Again he left Scotland in 1364,
having obtained a safe conduct for himself and four horsemen to
pass to Oxford or elsewhere, as he might deem proper. Also, in
the following year, he was allowed to pass through England, with
six persons in his company, on his way to St. Denis, near to Paris ;
and again, in 1368, King Edward granted letters of safe conduct to
him, with two servants and two horses, to pass through his
dominions towards France. These several excursions would appear
to have been undertaken with the design of pursuing his studies in
the universities both of England and the Continent.
On his retimi to Scotland after these pilgrimages in quest of
learning, he would seem to have been much employed in the

XU LIFE OF BARBOUR.
public service. At that time scarcely any of the people, whether
high or low, could even read or write, and possessing little or no
knowledge of figures, any office connected with the public accounts
usually devolved upon the clergy, who had undergone, less or
more, a course of education, by which they became qualified for
that duty. Barbour in this way was appointed in 1373 Clerk of
Audit of the King's Household, and also one of the Auditors of the
Exchequer, then sitting at Perth. Afterwards, in 1375, he was
occupied, he teUs us, in compiling his great work on The Bntce,
which in all likelihood would occupy two or three years of his time.^
On completing the book he was likely a sharer in the Royal
bounty, for the Exchequer account in 1377 allows to the Receivers
of Customs at Aberdeen ten pounds, paid to the bard by order
of the King. In the following year he had another gift from the
Sovereign of twenty shillings yearly out of the farms of Aberdeen
for ever, with power to assign. He had also in 1381 a gift from
the crown of the ward of a minor, whose estate was within his
parish. And, moreover, in 1388, Robert the Second granted to
John Barbour, yearly, for his life, the sum of ten pounds sterling
out of the great customs of Aberdeen. In addition to this, and
the revenue of his prebend, which comprised the tithes and
dues of the parish of Rayne in the Garioch, he had a considerable
income from his office of Archdeacon. The annuity of ten pounds
was paid to him for seven years, and thence at the close, we
learn the period of his decease, which occurred from Martinmas
1394 to Whitsunday 1395. Probably the day on which he
died was the 13 th of March, for afterwards on that day, yearly,
an anniversary was celebrated in the Cathedral, down to the time
of the Reformation, for the soul of Master John Barbour, sometime
Archdeacon of Aberdeen.

^ Gamn Douglas completed the translation of ' Virgil's Mneis ' into
Scottish verse in about sixteen or eighteen months, immediately before the
Battle of Flodden, in 1513. : Again, John EoUand of Dalkeith, in 1560,
ti-anslated also into Scottish metre 'The Seven Sages,' in the course of
seven weeks, which was published at Edinburgh in 1578. A reprint was
issued m 1837, in black letter, by the Bannatyne Club. It is a quarto
volume of about 360 pages.

LIFE OF BARBOUR. XllI
Such endowments, taken altogether, must have made the
venerable poetical chronicler very comfortable during the later
years of his pilgrimage on earth. Fortunately he lived at the
very time when he could collect from living men all the informa
tion which existed in Scotland relative to ' The Bruce,' and on his
several journeyings to England we [may be certain that he often
passed the Forth at Stirling, and was familiar with all the remark
able places in that vicinity. His acquaintance with the people
of Scotland of every class was no doubt extensive, and his industry
in gleaning all they could tell him of his favourite hero is proved
by the valuable record he has left us, which wiU ever remain an
enduring monument of his fame.
From recent investigations we have proof that John Barbour
tried his hand on other works than the one for which he has been
so justly celebrated. The deserving editors who labour for The
Early English Text Society intend to place in the hands of sub
scribers two publications written by the author of ' The Bruce,' the
manuscripts of which were discovered in the University Library of
Cambridge, by Mr. Henry Bradshaw, the librarian. One is com
posed of portions of a verse ' Troy Book,' and the other consists
of the ' Lives of Saints,' in the northern dialect, also in verse, but
of very considerable length.
The following extract, relative to Barbour and ' The Bruce,' is
from the pen of Frederick J. FumivaU, Esq., an honest and
indefatigable worker in opening up the treasures of our early
British literature. It appears in his latest contribution to the
Ballad Society, entitled ' Captain Cox, his Ballads and Books,'
p. cxlii., 1871, and is brief, pointed, and comprehensive : —
' No printed edition before about 1570 is now known. Only two MSS.
of the poem are known, of which the best, which has lost its first third, is
in the Library of St. John's College, Cambridge, and is dated 1487. The
inferior MS. is in the Advocates' Library, Edinburgh; is complete; is dated
1489; was edited by Dr. Jamieson in 1820, and reprinted at Glasgow, with
all its mistakes, in 1869. The Kev. "W". W. Skeat is now re-editing the
work, from both MSS. and the old printed editions, for The Early English
Text Society's extra series. Part I. was published in 1870. Mr. Cosmo
Innes made a dreadful mess of the text, which he symmetrised, In his
edition for the Spalding Club, 1856.'
Moreover, John Pinkerton published in London, 1790, an

XIV LIFE OF BARBOUR.
edition of the work from the Edinburgh MS., in three volumes.
On the supposition that Jamieson's copy was probably more
correct, the author, having no more reliable source, was induced to
select his extracts from the Quarto of 1820, as corroborative
evidence of the correctness of the text in this volume. It may
form a subject for consideration if an edition of ' The Bruce,'
might stiU be published, embodying all the contractions and points
which appear on the originals, taking the Edinburgh MS. to com
plete, at the commencement, what is wanting in that of Cambridge,
and then adopting the latter onward to the conclusion. We would
then have aU we can hope to glean of the venerable Archdeacon's
Metrical History of The Bruce of Bannockburn.

CONTENTS. CHAPTER I.
PEELIMINAKY OBSEEVATIONS.
Aggressive movements of Edward L, 1 — Scotland covered with forests, 3
— Arms and implements imported, 5 — Equipment of Men for War, 6
— English Knights and Men-at-arms deemed invincible, 9 — Spearmen
obtain victory at Courtray, and importance thereof to Bruce, 10.
CHAPTER IL
MUSTEEING OF FOECES.
Bruce recognised by the Three Estates in Scotland as lawful King, 12 —
Intention of John de Menteith to capture the Bruce, 13 — Scots aware
of the value of Freedom, 14 — Edward Bruce besieges the Castle of
Stirling, 15 — Mowbray stipulates to surrender it in a stated period, 16
— King Edward's exertions to retain his ascendency in Scotland, 17 —
He arrives at Newminster Abbey, 19 — Scots stand true to their King
and Country, 21 — King Edward enters Scotland, 22.
CHAPTER III.
LOCALITIES NEAE THE BATTLE-FIELD.
Numbers of the Army of England, 25 — Camp-followers and carriages,
etc., 28 — Intention of the English to capture and appropriate Scot
land, 29 — Wisdom of Bruce in selecting Bannockmoor as the field of
battle, 30 — Strength of the Castle of Stirling, 32— Halbert's Bog and
Milton Bog, 33 — Bruce's design to compel the English to meet his
Army face to face, 35 — He intends the enemy shall be crowded together,
that the wings thereof may not be extended, 36.
CHAPTER IV.
ADVANCE OF THE SCOTS TO NEW PAEK.
Robert Bruce examines his Army, 37 — Communicates to his chief Men his
arrangement for battle, 39 — The Army separated into Four Divisions,
40— That under Bruce to form the rearward, 42 — The whole move
forward on the Eoman road to Bannockmoor, ib. — Pits dug at Milton,
43 — Position of the Scottish Army, 45.

XVI CONTENTS.
CHAPTER V.
COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES.
The Scottish Army hears mass, 46 — Bruce examines the pits and approves
of them, 47 — Proclamation made that such as dreaded the conflict had
full liberty to go home, 48 — Departure of Camp-followers to Gillies
HiU, 50 — Randolph charged to prevent the English passing to Stir
ling, ib. — Douglas and Keith sent to observe the approach of the
Enemy, 51 — A Troop of English horse under Clifford departs to relieve
Stirling Castle, 53 — It is observed by Bruce, 54 — Randolph pursues
them, 55 — Engages Clifford's Cavalry, 56.
CHAPTER VI.
DEATH OP DE BOHUN.
Bruce occupies the Field with his Ai-my, 60 — Onward movement of the
English, 61 — Bruce attacked by Sir Henry Bohun, whom he kills with
his battle-axe, 62 — Scottish Chiefs blame him for his high sense of
honour, 63 — Clilford and his horsemen defeated, 64 — Cordial welcome
awarded to Randolph, 65 — Bruce admonishes his Army, and his chief
Men desire to be placed in order of Battle, 66.
CHAPTER VII.
PEEPAEATION FOE BATTLE.
Bruce addresses his wamors, 67-71 — They all agree to his orders, 72 —
Relic of the Arm of Saint FiUan, li.— Anxiety of Robert Bruce, 73 —
Incident of Two Knights of Brabant, ib. — The English much discom
forted, 74— They retire to rest, 75— Revelry in the English Camp, 76.
CHAPTER VIII.
AEMIES OPPOSE EACH OTHEE.
Bruce draws up his Forces for battle, 77— Knighthood confen-ed on
several Scottish Leaders, 78— Detachments stationed at outposts, 79—
Edward Bruce leads the van, i6.— Randolph heads the Second Divi
sion, 80— The Steward and Douglas command the Third, ib.  Bruce
holds the Fourth in Reserve, ib. — Imposing appearance of Both Armies.
81-2— King Edward inquires of Umfreville anent the Soots, 83-4— The
Abbot of InchafFray admonishes his Countrymen, 85 — English Trum
pet sounds the onset, 86.

CONTENTS. XVU
CHAPTER IX.
THE BATTLE COMMENCES.
English Cavalry attack the van of the Scots, 89— This foreseen by Bruce,
90 — English Archers pour their shafts upon their opponents, 91 —
Scots maintain in front an unbroken Line, 92 — The Steward and
Douglas next assailed, 93 — Bruce sends Keith to attack the EngEsh
Archers, 95 — They are totally dispersed, 96 — The Division under Bruce
moves forward, and the battle is most fiercely fought, 97.
CHAPTER X.
BATTLE CONTINUED.
Whole Forces of Scotland engaged in Battle, 99— Scottish front moves
onward over every obstacle, 100 — Barbour soars into the region of
poetry on describing the scene, 101 — Scots still preserve uniformity
in their front Lines, 103 — Camp-followers move down from GUlies
Hill, 104 — Immense slaughter of the English, 105 — Earl of Gloucester
slain, and the Soots press on to victory, 106.
CHAPTER XL
FLIGHT OF THE ENGLISH.
Agonising thoughts of the English King, 108 — Death of Sir Giles do
Argentine, 109 — King Edward rides to Stii-ling Castle, 110 — Departs
on the road towards Linlithgow, 111 — Abundant booty seized by the
Scots, 112— Earl of Hereford escapes to Bothwell Castle, 114— Num
bers of English retreat to the rocks at Stirling Castle, 115 — Flight of
King Edward, 116 — He is received into the Castle of Dunbar, 117 —
Escapes by sea to England, 118.
CHAPTER XII.
LIBERAL TREATMENT OF PRISONERS.
Lack of precaution on the part of the English Leaders, 119 — Capture of
fugitives at the crags near Stirling, 120 — Probable number of English
slain, 121 — Death of Sir Robert Clifford, 122 — Sir Marmaduke Twenge
becomes prisoner to Bruce, 123 — Mowbray surrenders Stirling Castle,
124 — The Dead buried in the Field, 125 — Edward Bruce captures the
Earl of Hereford, 126 — The latter is exchanged for several Scottish
prisoners, 127. b

XVIU CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XIII.
BENEFICIAL RESULTS OF THE BATTLE.
Robert Baston, the verse-maker, retained, 128 — Stores of every kind
acquired by the Scots, 129 — Bruce distributes the spoil most equitably,
130 — Two Knights of Brabant build an Inn at Antwerp, ib. — Fortifica
tions of Stirling Castle demolished, 131 — Rich stuffs preserved in the
churches of Scotland, ib. — Success of Scotland attributed to the inter
position of Heaven, 132 — Benefit resulting to Scotland from the vic
tory, 133 — Her Heroes ought ever to be remembered, 134.
ADDENDA.
Great loss of human life in ancient times, 136— Lamentable position
of the Scots had they been conquered, 137 — Their heroism exhibits a
brilliant lesson to the World, ib. — Who would be free must be true
and just men, 139 — Essentials whereby a nation can enjoy the bless
ing of Freedom, ib. PAGE
APPENDIX OF NOTES . 141

BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES.
SCOTTISH WAEEIOES.
Robert the First . . . . 153
Sir Edward Bruce . . . . 159
Thomas Randolph, Earl of Moray . . 161
Sir James Douglas . . . . j(34
Walter, the High Steward of Scotland . . I68
ENGLISH WAEEIOES.
King Edward the Second , I70
Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester . . .172
Sir Giles de Argentine . 5^74
Robert Clifford ... . j^yg
Aymer de Valence, Earl of Pembroke . J73
Ingram de Umfreville . . . . jg2

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

PAGE
Map of the Battle-field .... .1
Arms of Brus of Annandale . . . . 153
Royal Arms of Scotland .... ii.
Arms of the Earls of Carrick . . . . 159
Arms of the Earl of Moray . . . . . 161
Arms of Sir James Douglas . 164
Arms of Walter, the High Steward . ... 168
Arms of King Edward the Second .... 170
Arms of the Earl of Gloucester 172
Arms of Sii- Giles de Argentine . .174
Arms of Robert Clifford . . 176
Arms of the Earl of Pembroke . 178
Arms of De Umfreville . 182

LIST OF AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Where size is rwt indicated, the books are 8vo. Some are 12mo or less.

Abekceomby (P.) Martial Achievements of the Scots Nation. Edin
burgh, 1711. 2 vols. fol.
Banks (T. C.) Baronia Anglica Concentrata. Ripon. 2 vols. 4to.
Barbour (J.) The Life and Acts of the most victorious Conqueror Robert
Bruce, King of Scotland. 33.11. Edinburgh, 1768. Sm. 4to.
Barbour (J.) The Bruce, published from a MS. dated 1489, with Notes,
etc., by John Jamieson, D.D. Edinburgh, 1820. 4to.
Bellenden (J. ) History and Chronicles of Scotland, written in Latin by
Hector Boece. Translated. Edinburgh, 1821. 2 vols. 4to.
Buchanan (G.) History of Scotland. Translated by James Aikman.
London, 1867. 4 vols.
Buckle (H. T.) History of Civilization in England. London, 1867.
3 vols.
Burton (J. H.) Histoiy of Scotland. Edinburgh, 1867-70. 7 vols.
Capgkavb (J.) The Chronicle of England. Clironicles of Great Britain.
London, 1858.
Carte (T.) General History of England. London, 1747-55. 4 vols. fol.
Chalmers (G.) Caledonia ; or an Account, Historical and Topographical,
of North Britain. London, 1807-24. 3 vols. 4to.
Chaucer (G.) The Works of. 33.31. London, 1598. FoL
Chron. de Lan. Chronicon de Lanercost. Edited by Joseph Stevenson,
Esq. Bannatyne Club. Edinburgh, 1839. 4to.
Creasy (E. S.) The Fifteen Decisive Battles of the World. London,
1851. 2 vols.
Dugdale (W.) The Baronage of England. London, 1675-6. 2 vols. fol.
FcEDEEA, Conventiones, Literae, etc. , by Thomas Rymer and Robert San
derson. London, 1704-35. 20 vols. fol.

XXU AUTHORITIES.
Fordun (J. de) Scotichronicon, cum Supplementis, etc. Edinbui-gh,
1759. 2 vols. fol.
GoDSOEOFi. The History of the Houses of Douglas and Angus, by David
Hume of Godscroft. Edinbm-gh, 1644. Sm. fol.
Gordon (P.) The Famous History of the Renown'd and Valiant Prince
Robert, simamed the Bruce, etc. Edinburgh, 1718.
Grey (T. ) Scalacronica, Edited by Joseph Stevenson, Esq., Maitland
Club. Edinburgh, 1836. 4to.
Grote (G.) History of Greece. London, 1862. 8 vols.
Guilhm (J.) Display of Heraldry. London, 1724. Fol.
Hailes' Annals of Scotland, by Sir D. Dalrymple, Lord Hailes. Edin
burgh, 1779. 2 vols. 4to.
Hall (E.) The Union of the Two Noble Houses of Lancaster and York.
33.iL. London, 1550. 4to.
Hardyng (J.) The Chronicle of, with continuation by Richard Grafton.
London, 1812. 4to.
Henry (R.) The History of Great Britain. London, 1805. 12 vols.
Herodotus, The History of. Translated by George Rawlinson. London,
1858. 4 vols.
Hollinshed (R.) The Historic of Scotland. 33.il. London, 1586. Fol.
Hume (D.) The History of England. London, 1808. 10 vols.
Innes (C.) Scotland in the Middle Ages. Edinburgh, 1860.
Keee (R. ) History of Scotland during the reign of Robert the First, sir-
named The Bruce. Edinburgh, 1811. 2 vols.
Leland (J.) De Rebus Britannicis CoUectanea. Hearne, London, 1770.
6 vols.
Leland (J.) The Itinerary. Hearne, Oxford, 1770. 9 vols.
Lingard (J.) The History of England. London, 1849. 10 vols.
Lockhart. The Lockhart Papers. London, 1817. 2 vols. 4to.
Macatjlat (T. B.) The Historj' of England. London, 1849-61. 5 vols.
Meyrick (S. R.) A Critical Inquiry into Ancient Armour. London, 1824.
3 vols. fol.
Middleton (T.) Dramatic Works. London, 1840. 5 vols.
Mon. Malms. Monachi cujusdam Malmsburiensis vita Edwardi Secundi.
Oxon, 1729.
Moore (Thos. de la. ) Vita et Mors Edwardi II. Camdeni Anglica Nor-
manica, etc. Francofurti, 1603.

AUTHORITIES. XXIU
NiMMO (W.) History of Stuiing.shire. Stiriing, 1817. 2 vols.
Ni8bct(A,) A System of Heraldry. Edinburgh, 1816. 2 vols. fol.
North''. Book. The Household Book of Henry Algernon Percy, Fifth Enil
of Northumberland. London, 1827-
liAlNB (J.) The History and Antiquities of North Durham. London,
1852. Fol.
Ridpath (G.) The Border History of England and Scotland. London,
1776. 4to.
Rot. Scot. Rotuli Scotiae, or the Scots Rolls (Public Records). London,
1824. 2 vols. fol.
Scots Acts. The Lawes and Aotes of the Parliament of Scotland. Edin
burgh, 1597. Sm. fol.
Scott (W.) Poetical Works of. Edinburgh, 1833. 12 vols.
Serres (J. de.) The Generall Historic of France. London, 1624. Fol.
Speed (J.) The Historic of Great Britaine. London, 1632. Fol.
Stewart (W.) The Bulk of the Croniclis of Scotland, or a version of the
History of Hector Boece. (Chronicles of Great Britain.) London,
1858. 3 vols.
Stow (J.) Annales, or a General Chronicle of England. London, 1631.
Fol.
Taylor (J.) Pictorial History of Scotland. London, 1859. 2 vols.
Tliucydides, History of, translated by S. T. Bloomfield. London, 1829.
3 vols.
Turner (S.) The History of England during the Middle Age.s. London,
1825. 5 vols.
Tyrrel (J.) The General History of Enghind. London, 1704. 3 vols, fol,
Tytler (P. F.) The History of Scotland. Edinburgh, 1841. 10 vols.
Walsingham (T.) Quondam Monachi S. Albani Historia Anglicana.
(Chronicles of Great Britain. ) London, 1863. 2 vols.

W & AEJclmswiL EimtTurfh

CHAPTER I.
PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS.
This land was never formed to harbour slaves ;
The rivers syllable we must be free ;
The brooks, the bums, re-echo forth the tale ;
The very winds that sweep the rugged hills,
The hurricanes that shake the mountain tops,
AU, aU resound with liberty to man ! Anon.
In 1285, on the death of Alexander the Third, and even
down to the decease of his grand-daughter, Margaret of
Norway, in 1290, the people of Scotland were in the enjoy
ment of much comfort and prosperity. After that period,
however, by the aggressive movements of Edward the
First of England, they were subjected to a course of trial
and suffering of the most severe kind, which lasted almost
a quarter of a century. Her nobles and principal men
unfortunately were more ready to promote their own per
sonal interest than advance the independence of their
country, hence they separated from each other, and the
cause of patriotism suffered accordingly. Many arranged
themselves on the side of England, while only a few proved
true men, resolving to maintain the glory and honour of
Scotland. The middle classes and peasantry, ever subject
to oppression from those above them, were levied time
after time to form the ranks of defensive war, and when
we consider the numerous conflicts in which they were
engaged, and the exterminating tendency of these broils,

2 THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN.
it appears strange that such numbers still survived, on
whose strength both Wallace and Bruce were able to con
tend with, and often to overcome, their more powerful
enemies.^ The lands also, which in the time of David the
First, from proper cultivation, produced excellent crops,
were now neglected, and had it not been that sheep and
cattle were still kept in those districts seldom visited by
the English, that deer and other game were found in the
wild uplands, and fish in the rivers and sea, many poor
people must have died of hunger.^
About the period from 1290 to 1314 Scotland pre
sented a very different aspect from what we behold at
present. Nearly all its valleys, and large portions of its
low-lying ground, were densely covered with trees and
brushwood, which had grown up without any aid from the

' Among the marvels of former times, that of the resistance
•shown by the inhabitants of Caledonia to the Eoman armies stands
prominently forward. Innumerable legions of martial men, who,
by their love of battle, their armour and discipline, overcame every
other country they assailed, found their valour of slight avail here.
Our uncivilised ancestors, living in woods, huts, or caves, unknow
ing m the arts, and almost without the means of forging an imple
ment of war, so effectually beat back the conquerors of the world,
that the latter had to erect a huge wall, nearly seventy miles long,
to protect themselves from the assaults of these terrible northern
warriors. That barrier is another wonder to all intellectual men,
and its very remains constitute the highest compliment ever paid
to the people of any land, for their bravery, their love of liberty,
and their determination, at whatever cost, to live or die free men.
2 ' The contest that ensued was of unexampled length and
severity, and, in its sad course, the Scotch, notwithstanding their
heroic resistance, and the victories they occasionally gained, had to
endure every evil which could be inflicted by their proud and
insolent neighbour.' — Buckle, vol. iii. p. 13.

PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS. 3
hand of man.^ These forests, in many places, where the
land consisted of mountain and dale, ascended far up the
sides of the hiUs, affording shelter and sustenance to those
wild beasts of chase which were common to the country.*
The higher and more open ranges were often wild and
barren, which, under attention, might have afforded food
for sheep or cattle ; but where these did not exist, the
wide moors became waste land, dry and unproductive in
summer, while throughout winter they were soaked in
water. Interspersed here and there were extensive mo
rasses tufted with heather, but below, soft moss many feet
deep formed swamps altogether impassable to man or beast.
Green spots might be seen around villages, and at no great
distance from towns, which had once been under the
plough ; but Nature was again resuming her sway, silently
but surely, over the efforts of man, while many a fair field
and broad acre, which we see pastured by thriring sheep
and cattle, or waving with ripening grain in harvest, were
covered then with gorse, bent, and heath, awaiting more
peaceable times, that they might be turned to good account
for the benefit and improvement of society.
In the brilliant pages of Macaulay^ we have a striking
picture of the badness of the highways in England during the
reign of Charles the Second, but in Scotland, at the com
mencement of the fourteenth century, very few roads inter
sected the country, and these, from their imperfect state,
could hardly be accounted public ways, save one or two

' ' There is every sort of proof that every district of Caledonia,
as the name implies, was anciently covered with woods.' — Ghahners,
vol. i. p. 791.
¦* 'The face of the country was covered by immense forests,
chiefly o£ oak.'— Tytler, vol. ii. p. 166. ' Vol. i. pp. 371-4.

4 THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBTTRN.
direct lines of transit which had been formed eleven hun
dred years before by the Romans. When the soU over
which any of these had been made was soft or liable to be
washed away by rain, they were only tracks whereon a man
might travel on horseback, but altogether imfit for car
riages save in the time of summer. Others of less length
might be found between inland towns, and, occasionally,
from these to places on the seashore, for the purposes of
import or export, and such Lines had been constructed
principally by the order of monks of several establishments,
who, to their credit be it said, in early times were ever
ready to promote the welfare of the people. The lands
and houses they possessed were let to tenants — a part of
the rent only to be paid in money, and the rest in manual
service ; and these landlords clearly perceived the advan
tage of having access to the nearest ports, whereby they
might sell what produce they could spare, and purchase
other commodities of which they were in want. The
towns were small, few, and thinly populated, the inhabit
ants being chiefly dealers in small wares, weavers, shoe
makers, joiners, and smiths, although the scope of the
latter trades was very limited, because, from a very early
date down to the beginning of the fifteenth century, not
only rustic implements employed in agriculture, but armour,
spears, bows, and arrows, were imported from Flanders.'^

" Buckle, vol. iii. pp. 23-4.— In 1425 'it is ordaned be the
King and the Parliament, that aU merchands of the realm, passand
over sea for merchandice, bring hame, as he maie gudly thoile,
after the quantity of his merchandice, harnes and armoures, with
speares, schaftes, bowes, and staues. And that be done be ilk ane
of them als oft as it happenis them to passe ouer sea in merchan
dice.' — -/Scots Acts, fol. 7.

PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS. 5
Throughout the period of which we intend to treat, culti
vation of the ground was overlooked, corn crops were
neither sown nor reaped,^ all other domestic pursuits were
neglected, while the strength and genius of the male popu
lation were by circumstances directed to one object only,
and that was war.
We may therefore perceive that much attention was
paid to the equipment of men for the field, and by the
intercourse Scotland maintained with the Continent,
Robert Bruce and his knights were arrayed after the most
approved fashion.* By that monarch's seal, he appears
mounted on horseback, his arms and legs are covered with
linked mail, the spur of the nearest being plainly visible.
His helmet is cylindrical, with openings something like
the letter T, and pierced also with square holes, while the
top is adorned with a crown, on which are three orna
mental crosses, or fleurs-de-lis, between each of which is a
point, or precious stone. His body-armour, which con
sisted probably of steel plate, is covered by the surcoat,
on which is shown the Scottish lion, and the same noble
animal is depicted on the housings both on the shoulder
and the hind-quarter of his horse. The like emblem
figures within the double tressure on his shield, which is
borne on his left arm, and the ends of the cross-bar of his
sword are turned slightly upwards from the right hand

'' ' The labourers either fled or were murdered, and there being
no one to till the ground, some of the fairest parts of Scotland
were turned into a wUdemess, overgrown with briars and thickets.'
— Buckle, vol. iii. pp. 16-7.
^ ' The knight and noble, before the days of Eobert Bruce,
rode armed in maU, always of foreign manufacture, from Flanders
or Italy.' — Innes, pp. 128-9.

6 THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN.
which grasps it. His brother, Sir Edward Bruce, his
nephew, Thomas Randolph Earl of Moray, young Walter
the High Steward, and James Douglas, all wore defensive
annour, including shields, after the same manner. The
knights and horse-soldiers were similarly equipped, and
the offensive weapons of the whole were each a long lance,''
a battle-axe slung from the shoulder, a sword on the left,
and a long knife or dagger on the right side. The armour
of the foot-soldiers were each a skull-cap of iron, first
brought into use by their countryman Michael Scott, of
wizard fame,^" a hanketon or garment of leather," on
which folds of cloth were quilted, reaching from the neck
to below the knee, and covering the arms so as to ward off
either thrust or blow. They were armed nearly in the
same way as the horsemen, having each a target or shield
made of light but tough material, such as skin, a pike or
spear^^ eighteen feet in length, a battle-axe, also a sword

° ' Lance was the word used at the time for the peculiar
weapon of the cavalry.' — Meyrick, vol. i. p. 187.
" 'At this time (circa 1245) flourished Michael Scott, the
domestic astrologer of the Emperor Frederic II., who invented the
use of that armour for the head which is called cervelliere.' —
Meyrick, vol. i. p. 141.
' They are onelie couered with leather pilches made of bucks'
skins.' — Hollinshed, p. 218.
" 'The Scotch spear was six elns long, or five elns 'before
the burr,' ' of a clyft,' that is of one piece, a length which, at least
in later times, obliged the spear-staves to be drawn from foreign
countries. A fully-armed Scotch soldier had one of these formid
able pikes, an axe, with a knife for finishing the work which these
might leave imperfect, and a large shield of hide, ' to resist the
shot of England." — Notes to 'The Bms,' by Innes, p. 518. The
bm-r was a broad iron ring fixed on the tilting lance behind the
handle. It is shown in a cut in Guillim, p. 340. See also Hall's
Henry IV., fol. xii., and Middleton, vol. ii. p. 465.

PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS. 7
and a strong knife for use in close combat. The archers
were not so well defended as the spearmen, for they were
without shields, but in addition to the bow and ample
sheaf of arrows, they had the sword, the dagger, and battle-
axe, which was used with deadly effect upon knights and
men-at-arms when thrown to the ground. Scotland had
few mounted warriors, and these rode small horses, conse
quently her defenders were unable to cope with the
chivalry of England, troops of whom were covered, horse
and man, in complete mail. Each Scottish knight was
attended by two, three, or more squires, who waited upon
him, held his horse, enabled him to mount, and bore such
portions of his equipment as he might require in battle.^^
The man-at-arms likewise had his sergeants to perform the
same round of duties. Accordingly, a regular army of
foot and horse in England or Scotland, whether stationaiy
or on the march, was always accompanied by a promiscuous
multitude of male and female followers, amounting in
number to two-thirds or more of the martial men, and
these gave assistance to the regular soldiers in seeking
water, preparing food, washing, repairing clothes and har
ness, and cleaning weapons and armour of every descrip-
tion.i* Before this period the arrangement of an anny in
battle-array was most simple. In the early ages, and

^^ ' And every knight had after him riding
Three henshmen on him awaiting.' Chaucer, t. 367.
" The same order prevailed in ancient times, for when the army
of Xerxes was brought from Asia into Greece, we have the
authority of Herodotus in saying that the number of 'camp-
followers' considerably exceeded that of the fighting men.

8 THE BATTLE OF BAJmOCKBURN.
down to the fifteenth century, to lead the right wing was
always considered as the chief post of honour.^^ This
arose from the front lines bearing the shield on the left
arm, consequently that side was best defended, and the
assailing troops had thereby the least chance of vanquish
ing their opponents.-^® But towards the fourteenth century
the preparation for battle, both in England and Scotland,
exhibited no great amount of either skill or genius.^'^ The
infantry on either side was usually placed in several bodies,
each under its respective leader, and between these, or
near the wings, were the companies of archers, often
divided, but when the ground was favourable keeping
together, that their shafts might tell with more deadly
effect on any particular quarter of the enemy. Much im
portance, however, was now placed on the English cavalry,
who frequently succeeded in breaking through the oppos
ing lines of the foe, and this usually was the first step
towards victory. Sometimes, if an overpowering stroke
was intended, they made the first charge on the Scots at
fuU gallop ; but again, they often remained either behind
the divisions of infantry, or near the flanks of the army.

^' ' The right wing was the special point of honour.' — Herodotus,
vol. iii. p. 500, note.
" ' Engaging hand to hand, the shield, the priacipal defence,
being borne on the left arm, was less a protection for the right
side ; and the soldier in the extreme of the right wing, to avoid
exposing the undefended part of his body, would always rather
incHne to the right. The man, then, next to the left, and so
every man in the line, would also press toward the right, to profit
from the protection of his neighbour's shield.' — Note by Mitford in
ThMcydides, vol. ii. p. 524.
" ' There was nothing peculiar to Scotland in tactics before the
days of Eobert Bruce.' — Irmes, p. 128.

PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS. 9
ready to enter whenever an opening was made in the
opposite columns. Robert Bruce knew all this, and, with
that penetrative wisdom for which he was so remarkable,
began at once to introduce regular order among his men,
enforcing them not to break the line of battle. It was in
strict observance of this design that he was in a great
measure indebted to his good fortune at Bannockburn.
General order was subsequently observed on commencing
battle, both by the English and Scots, but in the heat of
conflict it was occasionally neglected, for often 'groom
fought like noble, squire like knight,' and every true man,
from the Bang to the meanest soldier, performed his part
therein to the best of his power. At Agincourt, Henry
the Fifth was not only beaten down on his knees, but was
'repeatedly struck upon his helmet and armour,' and
when ' his brother, the Duke of Gloucester, was felled
senseless at his feet, the King immediately stood over him,
repelled a long and furious attack to take him, and had
the gratification to preserve his life.'^*
In England, among the various classes of combatants,
the knights and men-at-arms, from the weight and force of
their charge, as has been observed, were considered almost
invincible. Through every nation in Europe, such warriors
were renowned, for they usually came off victorious in
battle; till in 1302, on the 11th July, near Courtray in
Belgium, the brave Flemings, under John of Namur,
encountered on foot the mailed chivalry of France, and
won the victory, after which 4000 gilt spurs were found
on the field.^^ Tidings of this change in the mode of war
fare circulated all over the known world, so that Bruce
^^ Turner, vol ii. p. 435. " Serres, p. 152.

10 THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN.
drew conclusions from it, which were of essential service to
himself through all his future career. In 1307, between
two morasses east of Loudon HUl, his lines of serried spear
men repulsed the attack of a gallant body of English
cavalry led by De Valence, Earl of Pembroke, and put
them to flight.^" He had also the sagacity to perceive
that Wallace was vanquished at the battle of Falkirk,
after his cavalry had shamefully fled, by the English knights
and men-at-arms surrounding his bodies or schiltrums^^ of
spearmen, and steadily destroying them after all chance of
retreat for the unfortunate men was cut off. Weighing
every circumstance, he thereby perceived his main chance
of success lay in selecting a suitable piece of ground for
battle whereon to place his army, so that they could not
possibly be outflanked, but have sufficient room whereon
to meet the enemy in deadly encounter. Valiant and
powerful though Bruce was at any moment in the use of
his weapons, he was at the same time wise, considerate, and
cautious, never failing in judgment when an important case
came before him, but, according to circumstances, ever
deciding for the best.

"° The lowest morass, that to the south-east of the spot, is
now drained and bearing crops. Kerr, in his History of Scotland,
says, ' The spearmen were probably drawn up in a solid phalanx or
deep battalion ; and if arrayed in eight ranks, which long after
wards continued to be the order of such troops, six hmidred men
would present a front of seventy-five files, covering a space of about
fifty yards, allowing two feet for each man.' — Vol. i. p. 308.
'^ Schiltrum, a mass of men, large or small, crowded together in
a square or circular form.

CHAPTER II.

MUSTERING OP FORCES.

The names of Wallace and Bruce exert a magic influence in
this country. They are the demi-gods of our heroic ages ;
their memory recalls to us the pride of independent Scotland. Scott.
After Edward the Second, in 1307, ascended the throne
of England, instead of directing his attention to the well-
being of his kingdom, he continued, as he had done in the
lifetime of his father, to prefer the company of favourites
to that of his nobility, and bestowed upon the former royal
grants and rewards,^ whereby he incuiTed the displeasure
and hostility of the latter. Differences accordingly arose
between them, each carrying out their own measures ; and
during this period, when the English monarch partly
relaxed his hold of the reins by which he held Scotland in
subjection, Robert Bruce availed himself of the opportunity,
and, by aid from his faithful adherents, strove to liberate
that land from the thraldom^ which the first Edward had

^ A list of rare articles, chiefly of gold and silver, which were
in possession of Piers Gaveston, occupies five pages, 388-392, of
the Foidera, vol. iii.
^ ' Thus gat levyt thai, and in sic thrUlage ;
Bath pur, and thai off hey perage.
For off the lordis sum thai slew ;
And sum thai hangyt, and sum thai drew ;
And sum thai put in presoune,
For owtyn causs, or enchesoun.' — Barbour, p. 11.

12 THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN.
imposed upon it. He himself, from the time he was
crowned at Scone in 1306, had undergone great privation
both of body and mind ; but a better prospect now opened
up before him, and he took advantage of the occurrence,
nobly turning it to the best account.
In 1310, the estates of Scotland,^ actuated by Bruce,
having met at Dundee, solemnly declared that Robert,
Lord of Annandale, the competitor, ought by the laws of
Scotland to have been preferred to Baliol in competition
for the crown; and they recognised Robert Bruce, his
grandson, now reigning, as their just and lawful king,
engaging to defend his right and the independence of
Scotland against all opponents of every rank or dignity ;
and declaring that whoever contravened the same should
be guilty of treason, and held as traitors to the nation.*
A pastoral declaration was also issued by the repre
sentatives of the church, with the bishops and others, ' that
the Scots nation, seeing the kingdom betrayed and en
slaved, had assumed Robert Bruce for their king, and that
the clergy had willingly done homage to him in that
character.' This, it would appear, was only a repetition of
a manifesto issued previously by twelve bishops of Scotland,
to which their names were aU attached, and it ran nearly
in the same words. By this means Bruce showed the
greatest wisdom. He thereby disarmed the papal thunder
of all its power, both in favouring England, and in endea
vouring to crush himself and his fellow-patriots by
excommunication. These measures were of immense

3 The Three Estates of Parliament ; the lords, including the
prelates, the barons, and the bui-gesses.
* Instrument in the General Eegister House, Edinburgh,
alluded to by Kerr, vol. i. pp. 370-1.

MUSTERING OF FORCES. 13
consequence to him in the promotion of his design, and
they had their full effect among a people who regarded the
church with the utmost deference and respect.'
About this time, or previously, according to Buchanan,"
Sir John de Menteith, who basely betrayed Wallace, still
held possession of the castle of Dumbarton for the King of
England. Robert Bruce was induced to enter into
negotiation with him for its surrender, and Menteith
demanded in return the earldom of Lennox. That honour
was held by one of the King's steady supporters, who, when
he came to know the proposed terms, generously insisted
that his sovereign shoidd complete the exchange. The
agreement at length being solemnly ratified, Bruce went to
receive possession of the place, and in passing the wood of
Colquhoun near Dumbarton, Rolland, a carpenter, sought
an interview with him, and told him that a number of
armed English were concealed in a cellar of the fortress, so
that when the King sat down to dine, these were to come
forth and either kill or make him prisoner. Accordingly,
when Bruce had obtained the castle, and was looking
through the several apartments therein, Menteith asked
him to partake of an entertainment, which the King refused
tUl the concealed cellar should be examined. This
Menteith attempted to evade by saying that a menial had
the key, and would be there presently. Eventually, on
breaking up the door, the treachery was revealed, and it
was ascertained, that had the plan been successful, a ship
was stationed in the firth ready to convey Bruce to
England. The traitor was imprisoned, and had suffered
death, which he well deserved, but having several beautiful

Kerr, vol. i. pp. 371-2. * VoL i. pp. 427-8.

14 THE BATTLE OP BANNOCKBURN.
daughters married to wavering but powerful noblemen in
the neighbourhood, he was on their account spared. The
result will be noticed hereafter. From the note quoted be
low,^ we vouch not for the truth of the statement, but it
deserves a place, connected as it is with the prowess and
good fortune of the Scottish King.
From the trials to which the common people of Scot
land were subjected', they became sensible of the inestim
able value of freedom, and nobly supported their King in
his attempts to rescue the country from bondage. In 1311,
a small farmer named William Binnock, at or near Lin
lithgow, in company with a few armed friends, succeeded
in wresting from the English the castle of that ancient
town.^ Robert Bruce, in 1312, recovered from the enemy
the castles of Dumfries, Dalswinton, Ayr, and Lanark,^
besides many other strongholds, the defenders of which,
when his force was brought against them, found it desir
able to submit to his power. A few months later he laid
siege to Perth, and investing it for a time, he took the
place near midnight, early in January 1313,^* himself
crossing the ditch which surrounded it, while the water
rose to his throat." Very soon afterwards, James Douglas,

' ' Edward II., inclining to pacific measures, authorised, 2d and
21st August 1309, Kichard de Bury, Earl of Ulster, to treat with
Bruce ; who appomted Sir John de Menteith and Su: Nigel
Campbell to conduct this treaty.' — Fcedera, vol. iii. pp. 150-163,
quoted by Hailes, ii. p. 29.
' Hailes, vol. ii. pp. 32-3. ^ Bellenden, vol. ii. p. 386.
'" Chron. de Lan., note, p. 415.
" ' That tyme wes in his cumpany
A knycht off France, wycht and hardy ;
And quhen he in the watyr swa
Saw the king pass, and with him ta

MUSTERING OP FORCES. 15
lord of the valley of that name, by the assistance of his
trusty followers, won from the enemy the strong fortress of
Roxburgh on the eve of Lent, when the garrison therein
were enjoying themselves in reveliy. This occurred early
in March, and on the week following,^" Thomas Randolph
Earl of Moray, after closely investing the castle of Edin
burgh, took it also during the night, by escalade, and as
the design of Bruce was to demolish all places of defence
which the English might possibly occupy, the walls of this
and the other fortifications were speedily thrown down.
The castle of Bothwell still remained in possession of
England, and this also might possibly have been taken,
but another matter of greater importance was at hand.
It would appear that Sir Edward Bruce, while his fellows
in arms were accomplishing so much, had not been idle,
for he captui'ed the castles of Rutherglen and Dundee,^''
and afterwards, in the spring of 1313, laid siege to the
castle of Stirling. But the position of this fortress, for it
was placed on tlie summit of a rock, and its natural
defences on every side save one, rendered it almost im
pregnable. The brother of the King, however, continued

Hys leddyr wnabasytly,
He saynyt him for the ferly.
And said ; ' A Lord ! quhat sail we say
' Off our lordis off Fraunce,,that thai
' With gud morsellis fayrcis thair pawnchis,
' And wiU hot ete, and drynk, and dawnsis ;
' Quhen sic a knycht, and sa worthy
' As this, throw his chewahy,
' Into sic perm has him set,
' To wyn a wrechji; hamUlet 1 ' '
Barbour, pp. 177-8.
Hailes, vol. ii. pp. 37-8. " Hailes, vol. ii. p. 40.

16 THE BATTLE OP BANNOCKBURN.
to invest it till the middle of summer without any appear
ance of success, when Sir Philip Mowbray, the governor, a
Scotsman in the service of England, arranged with him that
if the fortress was not relieved till the nativity of Saint
John the Baptist, 24th June of the following year, he would
forthwith surrender it to the King of Scotland. Sir
Edward was remarkably brave, and a most resolute man,
but he lacked the foresight and wisdom of his brother,
who in the meantime had invaded Cumberland and con
quered the Isle of Man.^* When the compact was reported
to Bruce on his return home,^' he was very angry, because
he at once perceived its impropriety. 'You have done
wrong,' said he to his brother, ' and we shall all feel its
evil effects, for by such an agreement you allow our
powerful enemy a whole year to collect under arms the
military force of all his provinces, while we of Scotland
will have great difficulty to meet him in the field. Had
you pressed Mowbray closely, and not assented to any
such stipulation, Stirling Castle in all probability had been
ours ere the present year expires.'^® 'I may have com-

" Hailes, vol. ii. p. 39. " Bellenden, vol. ii. pp. 386-7.
¦¦^ ' The King said, quhen he hard the day ;
' That wes unwisly doyn perfay !
' Ik herd neuir quhar sa lang wamyng
' Was gevyn to sa mychty a king,
' As is the king oft Ingland.
' For he has now in till hand
' Ingland, Ireland, and Walis alsua,
' And Aquitayngnd yeit, with all tha ;
' And off Scotland yeit a party
' Duellis wndre his senyowry.
' And off tresour sua stuffyt is he,
' That he may wageouris haiff plenty.
' And we ar quhoyne agayne sa fele.' '—Barbour, p. 216.

MUSTERING OP FORCES. 17
mitted an en-or,' replied Sir Edward, ' but I did it for the
best, and if all the warriors he of England can raise will
come forward, we will undoubtedly give them battle.' ^'' ' Be
it so, then,' observed the King, 'we must abide by what you
have done. Honour is more dear than life to a true man,
and we must do our utmost to confront the strength of
England, come when it may.'
Sir Philip Mowbray, having been supplied with a safe-
conduct for his journey to and from England, went to
London and laid the whole affair before King Edward. Per
ceiving he was about to lose all ascendency in Scotland,
that monarch, on due consideration, resolved to make a
desperate effort to retain what had cost his father so much
anxiety, and England an enormous amount of human life
and treasm'c. He accordingly entered upon the neces
sary preparations for the accomplishment of his design,
and that his force might be augmented to the greatest
possible number, he pardoned aU who were implicated in
the death of Gaveston.^^ This was so acceptable to the
English people, that the earls, barons, knights, and
community granted the king, to enable him to carry on
the war in Scotland, a twentieth, while the citizens and
burgesses supplied him with a fifteenth of their goods.^^
He likewise endeavoured to borrow money from the clergy
to defray the cost of the expedition. Directing his atten-

" ' Schir Eduuard said, ' Sa God me rede !
' Thocht he, and all that he may led,
' Cum ; we sail fecht all, war thai ma."
Barbour, p. 216.
^* The document is dated at Westminster, 16th October 1313.
The names occupy nearly four pages in the Foidera, vol. iii. pp. 443-6.
'" Carte, vol. ii. p. 332. C

18 THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN.
tion to the Continent, he sent for the bravest of his vassals
from Gascony, and enlisted troops from Flanders and other
foreign states which were in any way under his influence.^"
In England he summoned all the great vassals of the
crown, consisting of ninety-three barons, to bring with
them the whole feudal force of the kingdom in arms, with
horse and accompaniments, and meet him at Berwick, on
Monday, the 10th June of the following year.^^ Similar
commands were also sent to the leaders of his English
subjects in Ireland; and letters were directed to Eth
O'Connor, Prince of Connaught, and twenty-five Irish
chiefs, that they should muster their followers under
Richard de Burgh, Earl of Ulster, and come over to assist
him against Robert Bruce.^^ Two days afterwards he
appointed Aymer de Valence, Earl of Pembroke, to be
Governor of Scotland, and, sent him thither to be ready on
the royal arrival. Commands were also issued to the Mayors
of the several seaport towns of England and Wales, that
they should not only send forth the ships they had ready,
but equip an additional fleet to assist in the war against
the Scots. When the king, on his progress northward,^^

^'' Hume, vol. iii. p. 17. Our latest historians, Hailes, Tytler,
and Taylor, take no notice of these foreign auxiliaries, but Barbour
is sufficient authority. During his journeys into France he would
learn much respecting the second Edward.
'^ Summons dated at Westminster, 23d December 1313.
Fcedera, vol. iii. pp. 463-4.
^' Dated at Westminster, 22d March 1314. Fcedera, vol. iii.
pp. 476-7.
'^^ On Easter day, which fell on the 7th AprU, the King was at
Ely ; on the 20th AprU he was at Lincoln ; on the 27th he was at
Beveriey ; and at York from the 6th to the 12th of May. Rot.
Scot., vol. i. pp. 123-6.

MUSTERING OF FORCES. 19
arrived at Newminster Abbey, near Morpeth, on the 27th
May, he sent to the Sheriffs of York and seventeen other
coimties of England and Wales, orders to array 21,500 foot
soldiers, who were to be at Werk on Tweedside, before the
10th June.^* These bands of infantry, which the King so
earnestly demanded, ought to have been with him some
days previously, had his former mandates been observed.^''
Besides all these forces, he had stiU many adherents in
Scotland, who for their own interest performed his com
mands, and who were prepared to take their place in his
ranks when he arrived in that country. ^^ Moreover, he

^^ It appears he had learned at this point of his journey, how
and where Bruce intended to give him battle, as the following
translation from the original order in Latin wiU show : — ' The King
to the Sheriff of Yorkshire wisheth health. As, for the expedition
in our Scots war, we have chosen four thousand men from your
county, whom we have ordered to attend us into Scotland on the
day already mentioned, and as we now learn that the Scots, our
enemies and rebels, are using their utmost efforts to collect a great
multitude of infantry, in strong and marshy places, where access is
difficult for cavalry ; that, placing themselves between us and our
castle of Stirling, they may thereby oppose the rescue of oux said
castle with aU their power : which rescue must be made upon the
next ensuing festival of the nativity of St. John the Baptist, accord
ing to the agreement entered iato between the constable of our
said castle and our said enemies ; and which rescue, with the bless
ing of divine aid, we propose then to accomplish,' etc. — Foedera,
vol. iii. pp. 481-2. ' The orders to the Sheriffs and others having
authority in the several counties of England and Wales, were
extremely peremptory ; and they were commanded to urge, hasten,
and compel the several required quotas, under the highest penalties,
to march in a state of sufficient preparation, and fitly armed, so as
to join the royal army at Werk.' — Kerr, vol. i. pp. 434-5.
^= Ridpath, p. 243.
^^ ' Of Scotland he had yet then
A great many of worthy men.' — Barbour, B.L. p. 224.

20 THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN.
invested John Duke of Argyle with the title of High
Admiral of the western fleet of England; and, as that
nobleman possessed many ships, he was appointed to co
operate with those of the king, that the whole movement
might be perfect for the entire subjugation of the Scots.
He had likewise to arrange that provision for the troops
and forage for the cavalry should be provided in regular
order throughout the course of his expedition. Numbers
of masons, carpenters, smiths, and armourers, were also
engaged to accompany the fighting men ; while waggons,
cars, and beasts of burden, were required to convey the
pavilions, baggage, and other necessary articles of so large
an army.^"^ Robert Bruce and his adherents, heroic men, actuated
by noble enthusiasm, did all in their power to increase the
army of Scotland. Nearly all the people of the kingdom,
save those of the eastern portion of Berwickshire, and on
the coast northward beyond Dunbar, had submitted to the
sway of Bruce, and, as has been observed, what told
effectually toward his success, the clergy, judging truly of
the important crisis, were wholly in his favour. Every
intellectual Scotsman was aware how his country had been
harassed and his fellow-men slaughtered by the English,
while the murder of Wallace, the gallant, the patriotic,
the devoted defender of all that was sacred in his own land,
caused among his countrymen, who were ' trained to arms
in stern misfortune's field,' an irrepressible feeling of wrath
and resentment. ^^ During a continued struggle of eight

" Rot. Scot. vol. i. pp. 113-28.
28 They were ' hardened with contiaual use of war, and, by
reason that on the points of their swords and spears they carried
along with them all their hopes of life, liberty, honour, and wealth.

MUSTERING OF FORCES. 21
years. King Robert, by his prudence, prowess, and sagacity,
caused them to hope that if they stood truly to him, and gave
him all the support they could yield, better days were in
prospect than any they had yet seen. When a proclama
tion, therefore, went forth that the warriors of these dis
tricts of Scotland who were favourable to Bruce should
come forward ready for battle, it was obeyed with won
derful celerity, and, considering the depressed state of the
kingdom, with its lack of the very means of war, it seems
astonishing how such numbers of active men could be
drawn thence in defence of all that we in more favourable
times hold venerable and dear.^'
Mention has been made of Sir John de Menteith being
imprisoned on account of his treachery to Bruce. At this
time, as the King had to ' contend for the safety of the
State,' lest the noblemen who had married the daughters
of the traitor should be incited to revenge, he liberated
Menteith — ' his sons-in-law being his sureties' — on condi-

were unspeakably resolute and fierce. Besides, they had at their
head a leader who alone was worth multitudes ; nothing escaped
the depth of his penetration and torecskBt.' —Abercromby, vol. i.
p. 595. '¦' ' Speed messengers the country through ;
Arouse old friends and gather new ;
Warn Lanark's knights to gird their mail,
Eouse the brave sons of Teviotdale,
Let Ettrick's archers sharp their darts.
The fairest forms, the truest hearts !
CaU all, call all ! from Eedeswire path,
To the wUd confines of Cape Wrath ;
Wide let the news through Scotland ring,
The Northern Eagle claps his wing ! '
Scott, vol. x. pp. 215-17.

22 THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN.
tion that the wavering chieftain should take up his position
in front of the first impending battle whenever it might
take place.^"
King Edward would appear to have remained at New
minster Abbey till about the 7th day of June, and then
proceeded to Berwick, where he lingered probably to
receive the last levies of his great army from England and
Ireland. On the 18th June he quitted Berwick with his
forces, and held on his way to Edinburgh.^^ When Robert
Bruce heard he had crossed the Tweed with such a
splendid array of martial men, he made arrangement that
his whole power ^^ should instantly assemble at the Tor-
wood, a few miles north-west of Falkirk. To this place of
meeting Sir Edward Bruce came, and brought with him
all the able men he could muster ; so also did Walter the
Steward and James Douglas, who exerted themselves most
manfully in endeavouring to make Scotland free. Nor
was Randolph Earl of Moray behind his fellows in the
noble enterprise, and the exertions of all to bring so many
fighting men together were most gratifying to the gallant
Bruce. He himself was accompanied by his devoted

'" Buchanan, vol. i. p. 428. '' Henry, vol. vii. p. 140.
"^ ' His royal summons wam'd the land,
That all who own'd their king's command
Should instant take the spear and brand.
To combat at his side.
O who may tell the sons of fame
That at King Eobert's bidding came.
To battle for the right !
From Cheviot to the shores of Eoss,
From Solway Sands to Marshall's-Moss,
All boun'd them for the fight.'
Scott, vol. X. p. 228.

MUSTERING OF FORCES. 23
followers, and he found that the warriors who assembled
round him numbered upwards of thirty thousand.^^ Besides
these, apart from the immediate attendants on the knights

°^ ' The king Eobert, quhen he hard say
That Inglis men in sic aray.
And in to sua gret quantite,
Come ia his land ; in hy gert he
His men be somound generaly.
And thai come all, full wilfully,
To the Torwod, quhar that the king
Had ordanyt to mak thair meting.
Schir Eduuard the Bruce, the worthi.
Come with a full gret cumpany
Off gud men, armyt weDl at rycht,
Hardy, and forsy for to fycht.
Waltre, Stewart of Scotland syne.
That than wes bot a berdles hyne.
Come with a rout of noble men,
That men mycht be contynence ken.
The gud lord of Dowglas alsua
Broucht with him men, Ik wndreta
That weUe war wsyt in fechting.
* * * *
The erle off Murreff, with his men
Arayit weUe, come alsua then
In to gud cowyne for to fycht,
And gret wiU for to manteym thair mycht.
Owtakyn, thair mony barownys,
And knychtis that of gret renowne is.
Come with thair men fuU stalwartly.
Quhen thai war assemblyt halely.
Off fechtand men I trow thai war
Thretty thowsand, and sum dele mar ;
For owtyn cariage and pettaiU,
That yemyt harnayis and wictaOl.' Barbour, pp. 221-2.

24 THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN.
and cavalry, were the camp-followers of every description,
who might amount to above fifteen thousand men. Here,
on the openings among the trees, they had ample room for
movement, for tradition says that Torwood once extended
from the banks ox the Carron, in the parish of Dunipace, far
into that of St. Ninian's, at Tor-brex, near Stirling. This
range of greenwood, in the memory of many of these
warriors, afforded shelter repeatedly to Wallace and his
gallant followers, when hardly beset by the English under
Edward the First.

CHAPTER m.
LOCALITIES CONNECTED WITH THE BATTLE.
When Edward came to vanquish Caledon,
How did the Bruce contrive to stay the march
Of England's mighty host ? Was the ground flat,
Or hUly he selected, where his troops
Drove back the fierce invaders and achieved
Glory to Scotland, whereby every son
Bom in her bounds was henceforth to be free t
Anon.
When King Edward proceeded northward from Berwick
with the whole martial strength of England, we learn from
our most authentic chroniclers that no army of such magni
tude had ever before crossed the Borders. Rejecting the
account of one or two authors^ as undeserving of credit on
that point, we may fairly estimate the number of the whole
effective men to have been above one hundred thousand.
Of these forty thousand were cavalry, including knights
and men-at-arms, of whom more than a twelfth part had
horses clothed in maU, who were intended to form the van
in the field of battle.^ The archers are said to have num-

' Major and Bellenden, who were followed partly by Bower, the
continuator of Fordun.
' ' Ane hundre thousand men and ma :
And fourty thousand war of tha
Armyt on hors, bath held and hand.
And off thai yeit war thre thousand,
With helyt horss in plate and mailye,
Tojnak the front off the batailye.' Barbour^ p. 218.

26 the battle op bannockburn.
bered about fifty thousand,^ and the remainder consisted of
biUmen and spearmen, who in combat were to take their
places between the divisions of the cavalry. Of the chief
leaders expected by the king, four were absent, namely, the
Earls of Lancaster, Warenne, Warwick, and Arundel,* who
alleged, by way of excuse, he had failed in performing to
them certain promises, but they each sent their contingent
of horsemen and infantry.^ In the order of march they
were separated into ten divisions, each numbering about
ten thousand armed men.^
Much is left for our imagination to fill up when we
contemplate the appearance of the great army of Eng
land wending its way over hiU and dale, through forest
and glade, by the banks of the streams and across the
broad open wastes of the south of Scotland. A strain of
lofty poetry is discernible in the verses of the venerable
Archdeacon of Aberdeen, when he describes the pomp
and magnificence of the splendid spectacle,'^ imder the
rays of a bright summer sun. The chief warriors ap-

' And fyfty thousand off archeris
He had, for owytyn hobeleris.
And men of fute [and smal rangale,]
That yemyt harnays and wictaUe.' — Barbour, p. 218.
am, vol. i. pp. 139-40. ^ Carte, vol. ii. p. 333.
" ' The king, throu consaile of his men.
His folk delt in bataillis ten.
In Ukane war weUe ten thousand,
That lete thai stalwartly suld stand
In the bataile, and stythly fycht ;
And leve nocht for thair fayis mycht.'
Barbour, pp. 219-20.
As the bataillis, that war braid,
Departyt our the feldis raid.

localities connected with the battle. 27
peared in their most sumptuous array, with surcoats em
broidered in various bright colours,^ exhibiting their
respective bearings, and covering such plate armour as
they then wore, while above them, fluttering in the breeze.

The sone wes brycht, and schynand cler.
And armouris that burnysyt wer,
Swa blomyt with the sonnys heme.
That all the land wes in a leme.
Baneris rycht fayrly flawmand,
And penselys to the wynd wawand.' Barbour, pp. 220-1.
8 In a translation of a French poem, by William Guiart, the
description of a battle, under the year 1304, throws much light on
the elaborate equipment of an English knight at that period.
' The fumiture of stamped gold
Which they have upon their armour
With its beautiful interlacings,
Is of such superior kind as to be astonishing :
Of Indian sUk, white, vermUion,
Yellow, green, reddish yellow, light and blue.
Free from spot or blemish :
And which is not put on in heaps.
But great care taken of the little lions.
The little birds, and little beasts,
Which in neat and polished work.
Appear there in different colours.
Such things cannot be called to mind without griefs.
In short, which is so agreeable,
Eose, ruddy, argent, and sable,
Vermilion, azure, and metal.
Which these fine arrangements set in order.
Shining forth with attraction.
In rich shields and saddles,
In girdles and in tissues,
On those who issue from the field.'
Meyrick, vol. i. p. 190.

28 THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN.
was a forest extending for miles in every direction, of ban
ners and flags, emblazoned in gold and other dazzling hues,
and these again were everywhere intermingled still more
densely with the long slender pennons and streamers of
rich silk waving from the heads of the spears borne by the
knights, who always held them aloft on the journey.* These
were aU marshalled in due order, according to the respect
ive ranks of the nobles, and in strict conformity to the
regulations of heraldry. A troop of horsemen probably
led the way first, then several squadrons of archers ; then
the king among his chief officers, heading the main divi*
sions of cavalry, which covered many a broad acre, all
mounted on strong horses ; then followed large bodies of
infantry intermingled with cavalry ; and behind came the
requirements of the camp, some borne on horseback, and
a large portion on rude carriages drawn by oxen, mules, and
horses. Of these the number seems to have been enormous,
conveying as they did articles used in besieging castle or
town, harness, victual, wine in cask and bottle, clothing
and domestic utensils both for hall and chamber. The
general impression seems to have been that the English
would secure all Scotland to themselves, so that multitudes
of the common people brought with them, as they best
might, wife and child, pot and pan, pig and poultry.^"
Among the crowd of travellers was one individual, Robert

" ' But king Edward and his people seemed rather to go
towards a wedding, or a triumph, than to a battle, adorning them
selves with all sorts of riches, gold, silver, and the like toyes, in a
kind of wanton manner, correspondent to the humour of the prince
whom they followed.' — Speed, p. 655.
" ' And carriage men the quhilk war out of nummer.
With wyfe and barne, and mony laborous men,

LOCALITIES CONNECTED WITH THE BATTLE. 29
Baston by name, a Carmelite friar of Scarborough, who
being accounted a good Latin versifier, came by order of the
king to celebrate in imperishable lines the conquest of Scot
land. Whether on his way he stretched himself to rest at
night beside the joiner and smith, like the two minstrels of
Northumberland's Earl in the sixteenth century,^^ or he
slept among better company, we have no means of knowing.
Through the whole course of the progress of King
Edward on this expedition, he seems to have been so elevated
by the enormous numbers of his army, that he firmly be
lieved the Scots were unable to offer any resistance to his
arms. The general conversation in almost every class was,
how Scotland was to be disposed of, and it was arranged
they would take Robert Bruce with his brother Edward, and
convey them to London, to be dealt with as they deserved.^^
After this manner the King of England and his council
spoke only of appropriating the plunder, so that Scotland
might be divided among those of the army and others who
were best deserving of such reward. In this case, accord
ing to the adage, they ' reckoned without the host,' for
as our favourite author quaintly observes, —
' Or thai cimi all to thair entent,
Howis in haile claith saU be rent.'
There can be no doubt that, with the view of resisting

Quhilk brocht with thame baith guiss, gryce and hen.
And househald geir siclike as ilk man hed.
With all thair cleithing baith on bak and bed.'
Stewart, vol. iii. p. 222.
" Northd. Book, p. 390.
^° ' The whole strength of England * * * produced such a confi
dence in every breast that the universal topic of conversation with
this vast assemblage was not so much about carrying on the war,
as about dividing the spoil.' — Buchanan, vol. i. p. 422.

30 THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN.
the power of England, Robert Bruce had most carefully
examined the whole vicinity of the way to Stirling, and,
acquiring wisdom from the foiiner battles in which he had
been engaged, deemed it of the utmost importance to
select a place most suitable to his purpose. Knowing the
main object of King Edward was to press forward and
relieve the castle there, he had to choose it in the Kkeliest
line through which the English would attempt to pass, and
prevent them reaching that fortress by any other route.
Moreover, he had the privilege of causing the enemy to
fight him on ground most advantageous to himself, and
accordingly he fixed on the gentle slope of Bannockmoor,^^
so called by the common people at that time, for his battle
field, which was within the New Park, about two miles
southward from Stirling. Here, however, it may be neces
sary to give the reader some account of the approach fi'om
Edinburgh to the latter place, and more particularly of the
plot of land whereon the great conflict was decided.
We doubt not but considerable light might be throivn
on the boundaries of New Park, could access be obtained
to the charter-chests of the proprietors of the ground in
that neighbourhood, or into the ancient records of the
borough of Stirling. From the Chamberlain's Accounts
we learn that, ' In 1263 the Sheriff of Stirling was employed
in repairing the ancient park, and in constructing a new
park there for Alexander III., and was allowed in his
column of expenditure an outlay on that head of £80.
Twenty years later there was an allowance for two park-
keepers and one hunter of wolves at Stirling, and for the

" Walsingham, vol. i. p. 142. Dugdale, vol. i. p. 339. Carte,

vol. ii. p. 336.

LOCALITIES CONNECTED WITH THE BATTLE. 31
expenses of four hundred perches^* of palisade round the
new park ; and for mowing and carrying hay and litter for
the use of the fallow deer in winter.' ^^ Again, Barbour
relates that Sir Robert Clifford, when on his way to Stir
ling with his gallant troop of horse, eschevnt^^ or avoided
the New Park, wending his way onward beneath it, and
also beneath the kirk, meaning that of St. Ninian's.
Also the same author observes that when King Edward with
his nobles betook themselves to flight on leaving Stirling,
they enweround^'' or went round the Park in aU haste towards
Linlithgow. It would appear to have comprised a large
tract of land, consisting of lull, dale, lake, and stream.
Scotland's kings had kept it for the preservation of beasts
of the chase, so that when they resided at Stirling they
might enjoy the sports of the field either with falcon or
hoimd. Wild animals found shelter in the higher uplands
among the trees growing there, while the bum, the swamps,
the wells, and their courses below, must have been the resort
of water-fowl of every description. In aU likelihood it in
cluded the mountain range round by Gillies' Hill, the land

" Twenty-two hundred yards.
^^ Quoted by Professor Cosmo Innes in Scotland in the
Middle Ages, p. 125.
'° ' The New Park all eschewit thai ;
For thai wist weiU the ktug wes thar ;
And newth the New Park gan thai far,
WeiU newth the kyrk, in tUl a rout.'
Barbowr, p. 231.
" ' And be newth the casteU went thai sone,
Eycht by the Eound Table away :
And syne the Park enweround thai ;
And to wart Lythkow held in hy.'
Barbour, pp. 264-5.

32 THE BATTLE OP BANNOCKBURN.
chiefly covered with wood on each side of the Bannock for
above a couple of mUes, the Halbert and Milton Bogs, and
in its eastern circuit, sweeping round the lower grounds, by
the mills of Milton^^ towards the present town of Bannock
burn, and near to the village of St. Ninian's. Probably
the roads, if that by the Bore-stone was then formed,
might be diverted round by its eastern extremity. We may
likewise suppose that in 1314 the enclosures would be
almost wholly broken down in the course of oppression
which Scotland sustained from the first Edward, but
within its limits, and especially on Bannockmoor, where
the battle was to be fought, were portions of woodland,
not a few, which Bruce considered would mar the charges
of the English horse ; and even at the present day the
farm-steading erected on the lower portion of the field,
where Walter the Steward and Sir James Douglas repelled
the squadrons of the enemy, still bears the name of
New Park.
The castle of Stirling was erected on the top of a lofty
massive trap-rock, that rises abruptly from the level ground
all round it, save on the south-east side, while on the
north-east are some hilly eminences of lower elevation,
but from these the castle is separated by the deep hollow
of Ballangeich. On the north-west and north the sides of
the rock are highest, presenting a series of lofty blocks of
naked stone, rising almost perpendicularly above each
other. Like the fortress at Edinburgh, the soil on its

^^ ' Bannocksbome, so named of oten-eakes caUed bannocks,
which were used to bee made commonlie at the mils standing on
the banks of the said water.'— BbMrns/ieti, p. 217. Modern ety
mologists wUl say the word is derived from a different source than
that ascribed to it by the old chronicler.

LOCALITIES CONNECTED WITH THE BATTLE. 33
south-eastern side descends gradually from the summit
down nearly to the level of the surroimding plain. Again,
at a short distance from the bottom of this slope, a gentle
rise takes place nearly southward, and, with some undula
tions, it continues about half-a-mile beyond St. Ninians, till
the top of the height is reached near to the Bore-stone
at Caldam Hill. Still farther east, towards the Whins of
Milton, the rise continues, and behind this whole eleva
tion, stretching from north-west to south-east, were Hal
bert's Bog and Milton Bog, the bottoms of which are now
dry ; but at an early period both formed, in aU likelihood,
one lake, which neither man nor horse could pass over.^"
Southward again from these sheets of water, Bannockburn,
descending from the hills westward, flows down in an
easterly direction to Milton, and on passing the mills
there, bends northward, entering a deep ravine, which
continues downward past the village bearing the name of
the stream, till it winds through the level carse onward to
the Forth.
The most direct route, therefore, from Falkirk to
Stirling, by the only road apart from the broad carse, was
over the piece of land between the lower end of Milton
Bog and the head of the defile close to the village of
Milton. The Roman road or street lay through this
ground, which was only about five hundred yards in width,
hence it was somewhat narrow for the passage of a large
army, besides, the lead to the mills ran directly athwart it,
and the Bannock had to be crossed, which ran amid moist
boggy soil, the banks of which were high and broken.
The other, and indeed the only remaining approach

'" See Appendix. Note A.
D

34 THE BATTLE OP BANNOCKBURN.
for an army such as that of England, was higher up the
stream, from the vicinity of Chartres Hall up to Park
Mill, averaging a width of nearly half-a-mile, where the
banks sloped to the bum, and where the latter could be
easily passed over. Below the former place, the Bannock
ran low among soil and slake,^" while another broad
morass or lake also stretched from its south-westem
margin to the rise of the ground immediately below Foot
o' Green. Above Park Mill, again, the left bank of the
bum, on looking downward, was almost impassable, not so
much by rising abruptly from the stream to a considerable
height, but from being covered northward, from the channel
thereof to the high land overhanging it, with dense under
wood and trees. Moreover, about a quarter of a mile
above Park Mill, and in a northern direction, the Bannock
descends from the west, forming nearly a right angle, for
it rushes into and again flows down southward from the
base of a lofty bank. It was from the rounded summit of
this bank, down eastward in a gentle slope to the head of
Halbert's Bog, measuring about eight hundred yards, where
Brace determined he should behold his warriors first strike
for liberty. ^'^ Low down beneath him, on his right hand,
hidden, yet giving forth notes of sweet melody among wood
and bramble, the Bannock flowed to the south, while at a
distance of above half-a-mile, away on his left, stretched
the line of Halbert's and Milton bogs, gleaming with water.

'" ' Bannokbume, that sua cumbyrsum was.
For slyk and depnes, for to pas,
That thar mycht nane out our it rid.'
Barbour, p. 264.
^^ Bruce 'posted himself . . . where he had a hUl on
his right flank, and a morass on his left.' — Hume, vol. iii. p. 18.

LOCALITIES CONNECTED WITH THE BATTLE. 35
Before him the land descended, for nearly six hundred
yards, gradually to the stream, which here wended again
in an easterly direction, and on this plot of ground, nearly
half-a-mile square, himself and his patriotic army had
ultimately the good fortune to establish by arms the free
dom and independence of Scotland.
Occupying this position, and knowing the sanguine an
ticipations of the King of England, Robert Bruce foresaw
that if the enemy made no attempt to approach Stirling by
the carse, which was unlikely, from the moistness of the
soil, for portions of it might be under water, and thick
underwood probably grew on and around it, but advanced
by the main road, he would here await and take the fortune
that God would send. One point he perceived must be
dealt with, and that was to block up or render impassable
the open space or thoroughfare at Milton, and if the road
by the Bore-stone was then formed, to operate upon it in
the same manner. Were either one or both open, a few
troops of English horse might cross over, and not only
throw succour into the castle of StirUng, but, while the
Scottish forces were contending in battle, surround or at
tack them in flank or rear. Therefore, Brace, believing
himself, in the place he had selected, to be secure on the
right, and thus defending his position on the left, the
English must of necessity be compelled to meet his army
face to face.^^ In this field he had ample room to bring
into action the whole of his forces, and it was impossible
his wings could be outflanked or surrounded by the enemy.
The lines of his divisions might have been extended on

^^ ' The time and place were fixed by an obdurate necessity.' —
Burton, vol. ii. p. 377.

36 THE BATTLE OP BANNOCKBURN.
a wider space, but if in any way they were confined, he
had the sagacity to foresee that the English would be still
more so, for not another opponent could enter into con
flict than the front ranks who met his own spearmen.^^
Hereby the huge multitude of invaders who were behind
would of course be crowded together in unwieldy masses,
cumbering rather than taking part in the efiicient move
ment of the whole.

^ ' Battles are decided not by troops upon the muster roUs, nor
even by those present, but by those alone who are simultaneously
engaged. Numerical superiority of troops not engaged, so far from
being useful, only increases the disorder.' — Suppt. Encyclop. Britan-
nica, 1824, vol. vi. p. 760 : article on 'War ' by Major 0. H. Smith.

CHAPTER IV.
ADVANCE OP THE SCOTS TO NEW PARK.
Stand fast and prepare thee ; for the sword shall devour round
about thee. — Jebemiah.
On Friday the 21st June,^ King Robert still lingering in
the Torwood, went through and most carefully examined
his whole army, speaking to those near him words of great
kindness, in the full assurance that when the approaching
straggle came their efforts would be crowned with success.^
To the chief officers who formed his privy council he com-
mimicated his arrangement for battle. He first pointed
out the great importance of preventing any detachment of

1 In 1314 Midsummer day feU on Monday the 24th of June,
being that of the nativity of St. John the Baptist.
3 ' The king has sene aU thair hawing,
And knew him weUe in to sic thing ;
And saw thaim aU commounaly
Off sic contenance, and sa hardy,
For owt effray or abaysing,
In his hart had he gret liking.
And thoucht that men of sa gret wUl,
Giff thai wald set thair wUl thar tOl,
Suld be fuU hard to wyn perfay.
And as he met thaim in the way,
He welcummyt thaim with glaidsum far,
Spekand gud wordis her and thar.' Barboiir, pp. 222-3.

38 THE BATTLE OP BANNOCKBURN.
the enemy moving forward to the aid of Stirling Castle.^
Next he observed that when the thoroughfare at Milton
was closed, the English, on their approach, must needs
advance about half-a-mile farther up on the south-west side
of the Bannock, till they crossed it, where they would be
encountered at great advantage. The Scottish force they
knew amounted to above thirty thousand fighting men,
and if these were separated into four divisions, should their
enemies attempt to pass over or near the morass, which, if
it were possible, could only be done either singly or by a
limited number at once, they would be met and readily
overcome.* Moreover, he deemed it exceedingly desirable
that they should go lightly armed on foot to battle, for the
English, being more powerful, rode better horses, and did
3 ' ' Lordis, now ye see
' That Inglis men, with mekiU mycht,
' Has aU disponyt thaim for the fycht ;
' For thai yone casteU wald reskew.
' Tharfor is gud we ordane now
' How we may let* thaim of thair purpos ;
' And sua to thaim the wayis closs,
' That thai pass nocht, but gret letting."
Barbour, p. 223.
* ' ' We haiff her with ws at bidding
' Weile thretty thowsand men, and ma.
' Mak we four bataillis of tha ;
' And ordane ws on sic maner,
' That when our fayis cummys ner,
' We to the New Park hald our way ;
' For thar behowys thaim nede away,
' But giff that they wUl be newth us ga,
' And our the merraiss passand swa,
' We saU be at awantage thar.' '
Barbour, p. 223.
* Let— ¦prevent.

ADVANCE OF THE SCOTS TO NEW PARK. 39
the Scots attempt to encounter them with cavalry, the result
might be attended with great peril. Therefore, if they
fought on foot, they could take advantage of the ground, for
several clumps of trees were on Bannockmoor, which, with
the open swamps and watercourses below,^ would cumber
and put their assailants to great perplexity.® To these
suggestions the leaders readily agreed, while Brace knew
well the importance of availing himself of their counsel
on every case of emergency. Of the four companies into
which it was proposed the army should be portioned, the
van or central division '^ in the line of battle, they com-

^ In aU probability the margins of the lake or lakes of Halbert
and MUton Bogs, together with the grounds through which Ban
nockburn flowed near to MUton, were soft and spongy. From the
drainage and improvement of land which has taken place within
the last century, we of the present day can scarcely form an idea
of the number of 'joggle-beds,' 'well-eyes,' and quagmires, which
existed aU over the land in former times. An old man told the
author many years ago, that in early life he lived on a small farm
in an upland district, and almost every other day, during summer,
it was necessary to have a couple of horses and ropes at hand to
drag out some young cow or horse, which, in seeking the fresh grass,
had sunk in one of these places, and was '^of itself unable to
get out. «• ' ' And gyS we fecht on fute, perfay
' At a wantage we saU be ay.
' For in the park, amang the treys,
' The horss men [cumbryt beis] alwajris.
' And the sykis als sua, that ar thar doun,
' Sail put thaim to confiisioune." Barbour, p. 224.
' Barbour and the chroniclers, who have written on the great
struggle at Bannockburn, seemed to have considered the central divi
sion usuaUy formed the van of an army in battle. It was intended

40 THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN.
mitted to the leadership of Randolph Earl Moray, whose
troops were drawn probably from the lands bordering on
the Moray Firth, and from the valleys of Nairn, Findhorn,
and the rapid Spey. Beneath his banner several of the
lords and chief men of the kingdom were stationed.*
The right wing was intrusted to the guidance of Sir
Edward Bruce, whose bravery in every instance merited
the highest praise, for our venerable chronicler graphically
observes that whatever the result of the conflict might be,
his opponents would have ample cause of lamentation."
His forces, brave almost as himself, were likely brought
from those parts of Scotland which lay beyond the influ
ence of his martial brethren in arms. On young Walter

so in this field, but in several other battles, including those of Ne-
vUle's Cross and Agincourt on the side of England, the right wing,
as has been already stated, had the honour of forming the van.
* ' Thair four bataillis ordanyt thai.
And tiU the erle Thomas perfay
Thai gaif the waward in leding ;
For in his noble gouemyng.
And in his hey chewalry,
Thai assoweryt rycht soueranly.
And, for to maynteyme his baner,
Lordis, that of gret worschip wer.
War assygnyt, with thair mengnd.
In tUl his battaUl for to be.' Barbour, p. 224.
8 ' The tothyr bataUl was gevyn to led
TUl him, that douchty wes of deid.
And prisyt off hey chewalry ;
That wes Schyr Eduuard the worthy.
I trow he saU maynteyme it sua
That, howsa euir the gamyn ga,
His fayis to plenye sail mater haf.'
Barbour, p. 224.

ADVANCE OP THE SCOTS TO NEW PARK. 41
the Steward, and James Douglas, devolved the command
of the left wing, the former having been instructed in war
fare by the latter — a proven warrior — and this body con
sisted chiefly of tried Border warriors, accustomed from
childhood to the use of battle-axe and spear, together with
about one-third part of mountaineers from the north of
Scotland.^" The fourth and last section of the army,
Robert Bruce designed to take under his own charge, and
these were his tried men of Carrick, of Argyle, Angus
Lord of Kintyre and the Isles, with a large number from
the plain land." Those, therefore, with the King were to

'" ' And syne the thrid bataUl thai gaff
TUl Waltre Stewart for to leid ;
And to Douglas douchty of deid.
Thai war cosyngis in ner degre,
Tharfor tUl him betaucht wes he :
For he wes young ; but nocht for thi
I trow he sail sa manlily
Do his dewour, and wirk sa weUl,
That him sail nede ne mar yemseiU.' Barbour, pp. 224-5.
" 'The ferd bataUe the noble king
Tuk tUl his awne gouemyng :
And had in till his cumpany
The men of Carrik halely ;
And off ArghUe, and of Kentyr,
And off the His, quharoff wes Syr
Anguss of He and But, aU tha.
He of the plane land had alsua
Off armyt men a mekUl rout :
His bataUl stalwart wes and stout.
He said the rerward he wald ma ;
And ewyn [be] for him suld ga
The waward ; and, on athir hand,
The tothyr bataiUis suld be gangand,

42 THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN.
form the rearward, and from the elevated ground which
they afterwards occupied, they must have been stationed
behind Sir Edward Bruce and Randolph, ready to give
help where it was required. In addition to the said divi
sions of troops, a large number of archers were also to be
placed ready for battle, and above five hundred cavalry
were to be at hand, that their force might be applied
where it was most effective. These horsemen the King
had especially appointed to perform a certain exploit, which
will be related hereafter.
Robert Bruce, availing himself of the wisdom and
experience of the chief men around him, made every
arrangement for battle. Next day being Saturday, the
22d June, on learning by his scouts that the English had
come to Edinburgh and passed the night there, he gave
orders that the whole army should move on towards Bannock
moor, which they did by the Roman road that led through

Besid on sid a litUl space :
And the king, that behind thaim was,
Suld se quhar thar war mast myster,
And releve thar with his baner.' — Barbour, p. 225.
'Angus M'Donald, Lord of the Isles and Kintyre, in 1306
received Bruce into his castle of Dunaverty, and protected him for
nine months in his country of Eachlin, Isla, and Uist. In conse
quence of this never-to-be-forgotten fidelity, the King bestowed
upon him as a reward the honour of taking the right hand in the
battle of Bannockburn. His clan enjoyed this privilege from that
time, with exception of the battle of Harlaw in 1411, when it was
given to the Laird M'Clean, and that of CuUoden, but they took
their position on the right both at Gladsmuir and Falkirk.' —
Lockhart Papers, vol u. p. 510. This gaUant chieftain, with his
foUowers, must either have remained with the King, and fought
in his presence during the battle, or taken his place on the right
side of the warriors led by Sir Edward Brace.

ADVANCE OF THE SCOTS TO NEW PARK. 43
the Torwood onward to the north, and lay a little to the
west of Stirling.^^ This causeway descended in a straight
line from the west side of the farm-steadings of Snabhead
and PirnhaU, crossed the Bannock, passed within a short
distance east of the Bore-stone, and continued through
the hollow on a part of the road between Coxet HUl and
St. Ninians. But, as has been stated, a part of it from
near Milton to the latter place was probably comprised
within the New Park, and though the fences thereof might
be destroyed, the locality would still retain the same name.
Accordingly, when the army came to Milton, the King
caused a number of active men, accustomed to the spade
in agriculture, to dig a series of deep pits, close together
like a honeycomb, across the neck of land from the lower
end of Milton Bog to the lofty banks of the bum below
that village." Both the ancient Roman way, and pro-

' And on the mom, on Settreday,
The king hard his discourouris say
That Inglis men, with mekUl mycht.
Had lyin at Edinburgh all nycht.
Tharfor, with owtyn mar delay,
He tUl the New Park held his way.
With aU that in his leding war ;
And in the park thaim herberyt thar.'
Barbour, pp. 225-6.
' And in a plane feld, be the way,
Quhar he thoucht ned behowyd away
The IngUs men, gif that thai wald
Throw the park to the casteU hald,
He gert men mony pottis ma,
Off a fute breid round ; and aU tha
War dep wp tUl a mannys kne ;
Sa thyk, that thai mycht liknyt be
TiU a wax cayme, that beis mais.' — Barbour, p. 226.

44 THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN.
bably a more recent road, which may have been made to
the east of the New Park when it was enclosed, were thus
cut through, that aU passage thereon, or near them, might
be prevented. When those pitfalls were excavated, Bmce
ordered them to be covered first with branches of trees, and
above these green turf to be laid, and the earth so scattered
about as not to show where the hollows really were.^* If
the road at Brock's Brae was then formed, we may pre
sume it was broken up, and the pits concealed in the same
manner. Had these cavities been left open, the reader
will perceive how easily the English might have caused
them to be filled up, so that no obstacle then could have
prevented them passing over. The Scots were occupied
in digging them all night, and had them completed next
morning. Barbour's words ' be the way ' can have only two meanings.
One may be that the pots were dug in a plain field, close by the
way whereon Bruce and his army went to the New Park. The
other may signify that the plain field was near the Eoman way, or
old road, which was undoubtedly observable through the whole
district at that early date. If any critic can elicit another meaning
from the expression, I shall be glad to know it. Besides, the
holes were made for the express purpose of preventing the enemy
going through the Park to the Castle.
" It is improbable that Brace, by the aid even of his chaplain,
ever had Herodotus translated to him ; but that author relates an
incident almost simUar to what was practised by the Scottish
King. ' There is,' says he, ' a pass near the city of Hyampolis,
where the Phocians, having dug a broad trench, filled up the void
with empty wine-jars, after which they covered the place with
mould, so that the ground aU looked alike, and then awaited the
coming of the ThessaUans. These, thinking to destroy the Pho
cians at one sweep, rushed rapidly forward, and became entangled
in the wine-jars, which broke the legs of their horses.' — Herodotus,
vol. iv. p. 287.

ADVANCE OP THE SOOTS TO NEW PARK. 45
About this time we may conclude the Scottish army
occupied the height from the Whins of Milton to Caldam
Hill, with the hollow west of it, up to Coxet Hill, and if
the staff of the royal standard of Scotland was ever planted
in the Bore-stone, the broad folds of that banner must
have waved from it during that Saturday aftemoon.^^ A
few troops might be placed on the spot selected for battle,
which was soon to be trodden down and flowing with
human blood, but Bruce, we suspect, had the sense to
leave that as it were open, till he saw the English advance,
and if they took possession of the opposite ground near
Foot o' Green and its vicinity, all would appear favourable.
Still he was uncertain by what way or in what order they
would approach, so that he could only hold his own army
in readiness to meet them, and guard the passage to the
fortress of Stirling. He took no rest during the night,^*
but wandered about from one portion of his army to an
other, revolving in his mind the circumstances in which he
was placed, and the bearing they might have on the future
of Scotland, yet providing for all that might occur,
and trusting to a higher power than that of man, so that
when the shock of battle came these heroic men around
him might be enabled eventually to achieve the freedom
of their native land.

" See Appendix. Note B.
' AU that nycht trawaiUand he wais.' Barboiir, p. 226.

CHAPTER V.
COMMENCEMENT OP HOSTILITIES.
Eobert the Brace
With threttie thousand worthie men and wycht
In the prospect of King Edward richt playne
On ane fair feUd richt equaU him forgaue,
Planetit his palzeonis pertUe in the tyde.
And baldUe thair schupe to remane and byde. Stewakt.
Next morning, on Sunday, the 23d of June, not long
after the sun arose, the whole army of Scotland were
collected, and they heard mass, which was celebrated in
suitable order by the clergy who were present. Many
confessed their sins most devoutly, and made solemn pre
paration either to offer up their fives in the impending
straggle, or free their land from a foreign yoke. To the
Most High earnest prayers were put up for assistance, and,
as the result proved, these orisons happily were not offered
in vain. The day, be it remembered, preceded that of St.
John the Baptist, and as the stern reality of battle was at
hand they all fasted, resigning themselves to the keeping
of their Maker, and allaying hunger on a little bread and
water.^ We who have come after, and enjoy, to the

^ ' On Sonday than, in the momyng,
WeUe sone eftir the sone rising,
Thai hard thair mess commounaly.
And mony thaim schraiff full devotly.
That thoucht to dey in that meU^,

commencement op HOSTILITIES. 47
fullest extent, all the blessings of liberty, ought ever to be
most thankful to God, and not less grateful to the memory
of our glorious ancestors, who, in the face of privation and
death, nobly won us that inheritance, which, under the
auspices of heaven, we and our successors shall always be
enabled resolutely to maintain. When the solemnity per-
fonned by the priests was over, the King went and exa
mined the pits which were then completed, and saw them
on each side of the way done to his approval.^ He was
convinced that if any troop of horsemen attempted to force

Or than to mak thair contrd fre.
To God, for thair rycht, prayit thai.
Thar dynit nane of thaim that day ;
Bot, for the vigU of Sanct Jhane,
Thai fastyt water and breid Ukan.' Barbour, p. 226.
^ ' The King, quhen that the mess wes don,
Went forth to se the pottis sone ;
And at his liking saw thaim mad.
On athir sid, rycht weiU braid,
It wes pittyt, as Ik haif tauld.
Giff that thair fayis on horss wald hald
Furth in that way, I trow thai saU
Nocht weUl eschaip for owtyn a fall.'
Barbour, pp. 226-7.
The above extract furnishes another proof that the pits were
not dug in the battle-field ;' and our old bard carefully repeats the
remark that they were excavated to prevent the EngUsh horsemen
going forth in ' that way ' towards Stirling. Of the two meanings
the words can possibly have, as cited in the note at p. 44, the latter,
from the above lines, is evidently to be preferred, namely, that it
was the Eoman way the author signified, siuce the holes were made
not only upon it, but on either side of it, for the purpose already
stated. The expression seems clear as any passage whatever in
our poet's volume.

48 THE BATTLE OP BANNOCKBURN.
a passage in this direction, they would find the undertaking
more difficult than they at first contemplated.
But the time drawing near when the English would
approach. King Robert, by way of showing his army the
exact order of battle, and the ground they were to occupy,
gave orders they should arm themselves speedily, and he
led them to the locality he had selected, on which their
valour was shortly to be put to the proof. Wending round
the northem verge of Halbert's Bog, and ascending to the
west in the direction of the northem angle of Bannockburn,
above Park Mill and towards Graystale, each division in
lines came to occupy the position on which they were to
meet the enemy; and this was done that no confusion
might ensue when the eventful hour of conflict arrived.^
And now King Robert, with the design of rendering his
cause most popular, ordered proclamation to be made that
of all the fighting men assembled there, whoever feared
his heart would fail him in the ensuing straggle, and who
had not resolved either to win all or die with honour, was
at liberty to quit the ranks instantly and depart home.*

' Throw out the ost than gert he cry
That aU suld arm thaim hastUy,
And busk thaim on thair best maner.
And quhen thai assemblyt wer,
He gert aray thaim for the fycht.' Barbour, p. 227.
' And syne gert cry our aU on hycht.
That quha sa euir he war, that fand
Hys hart nocht sekyr for to stand
To wyn aU, or dey with honur,
For to maynteyme that stalwart stour,
That he betyme suld hald his way;
And [nane] suld dueU with him, bot thai

COMMENCEMENT OP HOSTILITIES. 49
He wished only, he observed, to have trae and gallant
heroes with him, who would do their utmost for the wel
fare of Scotland, and remain with him throughout the
crisis, to take the fortune that God would vouchsafe to
the noble and the brave. On this being known, a loud
shout of exultation arose from the whole army, and the
general cry was that none should fail, but remain firm to
the last, in order to achieve the Uberty of their country.^
Hereupon the King enjoyed great satisfaction, being
convinced he could place the utmost dependence on the
bravery and patriotism of his men." Apart from the
regular army above mentioned, there were nearly twenty
thousand of men, women, and grown-up lads, who had
charge of victual, harness, and other necessary articles,
and who followed the camp on every occasion. These,

That wald stand with him to the end.
And tak the vre that God wald send.' Barbour, p. 227.
' Than aU ansuerd with a cry,
And with a woce said generaly ;
That nane for dout off deid suld faUe,
QuhUl discumfyt war the gret bataUe.' Barbour, p. 227.
' Quhen the gud king has hard his men
Sa hardely ansuer him then,
Sayand that nothyr dede, na dreid,
TiU sic discomfort suld thaim leid,
That thai suld eschew the fechting ;
In hart he had gret reiosing.
For him thoucht men off sic covyne,
Sa gud and hardy, and sa fyne.
Suld weUe in bataiU hald thair rycht,
Agayne men off fiUl mekUl mycht.' Barbour, p. 227.
E

50 THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN.
with the stores for general use, were sent away to the
west, up what is now called Gillie's Hill,^ to a small valley
leading northward to the higher ground there, in order to
be concealed from the view of the English, and with these,
we are inclined to suppose, Bmce had also an especial
purpose to perform.^
When the King had thus placed his army in due order
of battle, he leamed that on the previous night, that of
Saturday, the English had advanced to Falkirk, and were
coming straight onward to Stirling.® Accordingly, we
suspect, the several battalions withdrew from line and
shifted position, but were ready to form again whenever it
was necessary.^" They chiefly fell back in the direction of

'' Gillie, a male servant.
' Syne aU the smale folk, and pitaU,
He send with harnays and with wictaill
In tiU the park, weUl fer him fra ;
And fra the bataillis gert thaim ga.
And as he bad, thai went thar way ;
Twenty thowsand weUe ner war thai.
Thai held thair way tUl a wald.' — Barbour, pp. 227-8.
' The king left with a clene mengnd.
The quethir thai war thretty thousand.
That I trow saU stalwartly stand,
And do thair dewour as thai aw.
Thai stud than rangyt aU on raw,
Eedy for to gyff hard battaUl,
Giff ony folk wald thaim assaUe.' — Barbour, p. 228.
' The king gert thaim aU buskit be ;
For he wyst in certantd
That his fayis aU nycht lay
At the Fawkyrk ; and syne that thai
Held towart him the way aU straucht.
With mony men of mekiU mmchV— Barbour, p. 228.

COMMENCEMENT OP HOSTILITIES. 51
St. Ninians, and Brace, in order to prevent the English
from throwing by stratagem any succour into Stirling
Castle, notwithstanding the precaution already taken of
digging the pits, appointed Randolph, with a sufficient
force, to keep the way near to the Kirk, at the former
place. ^¦'^ He observed that himself and his brother, with
the Steward, would prevent them approaching in any other
direction.^^ It was an anxious time for Bruce, for he despatched
James Douglas and Sir Robert Keith Marischal, to observe
the appearance of the EngUsh, so that, taking a few horse
with them, they advanced in the direction of the Torwood,
and very soon came in view of the enemy.^^ To these
warriors it was a splendid and magnfficent sight. In every
direction to the south-east, so far as the openings amid
trees extended, shields, helmets, and lances innumerable.

" ' Tharfor tUl his newo bad he,
The erle off Murreff, with his menye,
Besid the kyrk to kepe the way,
That na man pass that gat away,
For to debate the casteU.
And he said, him self suld weUl
Kep the entrd with his bataUl,
Gifl' that ony wald thar assale.' — Barbour, p. 228.
^^ We have here additional proof that Eobert Bruce expected
the English, on their way to StirUng, would pass either upon or
near the Eoman road. His care to have the pits dug at MUton
points to the same conclusion. The said way, as has been stated,
held its course a little to the west of the kirk and viUage of St.
Ninians. " ' The king send than James of Douglas,
And Schyr Eobert the Keyth, that than was
Marschell off all the ost, of i6,
The Inglis mennys come to se.' — Barbour, pp. 228-9.

52 THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN.
were everywhere sparkling in the rays of the sun — banners,
standards, and the pennons attached to whole forests of
spears, waved in the breeze. The gorgeous and rich dresses
in almost every bright colour, worn by countless knights,
were dazzling to behold, while squadrons beyond counting,
on horse and foot, far as the eye could discem, might suffice
to impress with awe the most mighty power in Christen
dom." Douglas and Keith thereupon rode back to the
King, and on telling him of the beauty, the splendour, and
the gorgeous equipment of the English in untold numbers,
he cautioned them not to divulge what they had witnessed,
but to intimate that the foe, though numerous, approached
in the utmost disorder. Bmce well knew it was necessary
to put the best construction on the tidings, giving the
army, by his looks and manner, perfect assurance that all
would be well ; and they also, apart from the justice of
their cause, having implicit confidence in his ability as a
leader, concluded that whatever opposition they might

" ' And sone the gret ost haf thai sene,
Quhar scheUdis schynand war sa schene,
And bassynetis biunyst brycht,
That gave agayne the sone gret lycht.
Thai saw sa fele browdyne baneris,
Standaris, and pennownys, and speris,
And sa fele knychtis apon stedis,
AU flawmand in thair [joly] wedis ;
And sa fele bataUUs, and sa braid.
That tuk sa gret rowme as thai raid,
That the maist ost, and the stoutest,
Off Crystyndome, and the grettest,
Suld be abaysit for to se
Thair fayis in to sic quantity.
And swa arayit for to fycht.' — Barbour, p. 229.

COMMENCEMENT OP HOSTILITIES. 53
encounter, the struggle would eventually terminate in their
favour. At this time we may suppose, that while waiting
the advance of the English, and ready to do battle with
them, the Scottish forces were ranged not only on the
battlefield, but on the height near the Bore-stone, the
cavalry were at hand, and the King himself being on
horseback, in company with one or two of his leaders, that
he might observe every hostile movement, whether from
the south or east, occupied the summit of Coxet Hill.
Soon afterwards the waving banners of the English
were descried on the heights "near Plean, and behind Snab
head, and as they advanced and saw the Scots occupying
the New Park, the chief leaders consulted together, and
determined, if possible, to relieve the castle of Stirling.
To accomplish this enterprise, they selected a troop of
eight hundred horsemen, youthful and brave, who ardently
aspired to distinguish themselves, and these, in charge of
three barons accustomed to arms, among whom was
Henry Beaumont,^^ were arrayed under command of Sir
Robert Clifford, a tried warrior.^" They saw many bat-

^' Lei. Coll., vol u. p. 546.
' The Inglis men, in sic aray
As ye haf herd me forouth say.
Come with thair bataUlis approchand^
The baneris to the wynd wawand.
And quhen thai cummyn war sa ner.
That bot twa myle betuis thaim wer.
Thai chesyt a joly cumpany
Off men, that wicht war and hardy,
On fayr courseris armyt at rycht.
Four lordys off mekUl mycht
War capitanis of that route.
The Syr the Clyffurd, that wes stout,

54 THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN.
talions of the Scots arrayed both on the ground selected
for battle, and on the height west of the Whins of MUton,
but suspecting that Brace was there, the troop of horse
under Clifford, hid from view by trees which grew on the
low ground between them and MUton, threaded their way
either near to the spot whereon the present bridge stands,
or by the little vaUey in front of Craigford, and diving
into the defile, swept past the place on which the house of
HUl Park stands, and, favoured by the rising ground on
the left, held on unobserved beneath the New Park direct
for Stirling.^^ Advancing, however, below the church of
St. Ninians, Clifford's horse came more into view, and the
eagle-eye of Brace detecting them, he gave orders for the
Scottish cavalry to advance, and riding forward to Ran
dolph, who was on the lower ground, told him he had per
mitted the enemy to pass, observing in the symbolic lan
guage of chivalry that ' a rose had fallen from his chaplet.'^^

Wes off thaim aU souerane leidar :
Aucht hundre armyt, I trow, thai war.
Thai war aU young men, and joly,
Yamand to do chewalry ;
Off best of ywiU the ost war thai
Off contenance, and off aray.' Barbour, pp. 230-1.
" See Note 16, p. 31, supra.
^* A chaplet is a string of beads used by Eoman CathoUcs in
reciting the Lord's prayer, etc., and Lord HaUes imagines that rose
impUes the large bead therein for distinguishing a Pater Noster
from an Ave Maria. — Annals, vol. u. p. 44, note. The phrase,
we suspect, is less involved. Eandolph, by his bravery, had gained
distinction, and the king likened this to a chaplet of flowers for
the hero's brow, among which roses were intertwined — hence, pro
bably, the aUusion.

COMMENCEMENT OP HOSTILITIES. 55
By this time Clifford's troop had advanced so far as to be
between Randolph and StirUng, and as it was impossible
for infantry to overtake them, the latter leader headed the
Scottish horse, and led them instantly in pursiut.^® Clif
ford, perceiving the Scots behind him, caused his horsemen
to wheel round and give them battle.^"

^ ' The erle Thomas, that wes sa stout,
Quhen he saw thaim sa ta the plane.
In gret hy went he thaim agane.
With fyve hundre, for owtyn ma,
Anoyit in his hart, and wa
That thai sa fer wer passit by.
For the king haid said him rudly.
That ' a rose of his chaplete
' Was faUyn ;' for quhar he wes set
To kep the way thai men war past.' Barbour, p. 231.
Among the authorities who say that Eandolph took cavalry
with him are these : — Buchanan, vol. i. p. 424 ; Hollinshed, p. 217;
Godscroft, p. 32. Also Nisbet, in his accoimt of the famUy of
Keith, vol. U., appendix, p. 4, says — 'At the battle of Bannock
burn he (Sir Eobert Keith) commanded 500 horse, and gave the
first onset, and defeat a party of English horse sent to reinforce
Philip Mowbray, governor of Stirling, which made way for that
glorious victory King Eobert obtained in the above mentioned
place.' Others, even down to the present day, including Tytler,
Scott (Hist, of Scotland), and Taylor, teU us they were spearmen
or infantry. Barbour, in relating the circumstance, says the
EngUsh were ' on fair coursers,' and that Eandolph went against
them with 'five hundred,' whereby he might mean horse without
expressly saying so. Many historians foUow their predecessors
without thinking on the subject they are handling, and the foUow-
ing points deserve investigation. Is it likely that a body of men
on foot could overtake a troop of cavalry who had passed by to
some distance ere they were pursued 1 What probability is there
that the five hundred horsemen with Brace remained idle when a

56 THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN.
We are unable to say whether Randolph ordered his
men to dismount and fight on foot, placing their horses
behind them, or to meet the enemy in the saddle, but he
caused them to form a circle and draw up side by side,
with their spears protruding outward, and thus withstand
the assault of the foe.^^ The shock was serious ; Sir
WilUam Daynecourt, being first in the onset, was instantly
slain. The others came on more leisurely, and attempted

circumstance of this kind occurred, for which they were speciaUy
adapted? Besides the perspiration, the breath, and the dust
which, according to Barbour, arose in the midst of men and horse
during the conflict, was it possible, as we learn afterwards, that
footmen could outstrip and cut down those mounted English who,
when defeated, were last in the flight ? The whole achievement,
from whatever point it may be seen, must, of course, come within
the limits of probabUity.
'^ ' And quhen the erle saw that menye
Cum sa stoutly, tUl his said he ;
' Be nocht abaysit for thair schor,
' Bot settis speris yow befor.
' And bak to bak set aU your rout
' And aU the speris poyntis owt.
' Swagate ws best defend may we,
' Enweronyt with thaim gif we be.'
And as he bad thaim thai haf done.' Barbour, p. 232.
The spot where this memorable conflict took place is stUl
caUed ' Eandolph's Field,' and is situated half-way between St.
Ninians and Stirling, on the west side of the tumpike road. This
proves the English had advanced to a considerable distance ere
they were overtaken by the Scots. Fortunately, the place is
marked by two large upright stones, which had been set up as
memorials of Eandolph's victory over CUfford's troop. We have,
therefore, cause of regret that the site of the later and stUl more
glorious battlefield was not indicated to future ages by some en
during landmarks of the same kind.

COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES. 57
time after time to break through the barrier of Scottish
lances, but always with a loss to themselves. It seemed
marveUous how the defensive band maintained its position,
surroimded by such heavy-armed assaUants ; stUl they did
so, and acquitted themselves most bravely. No impression
could be made upon them, whUe the horses of the English,
as they neared the fatal ring, being pierced probably by
the longer weapons of the Scots, reared and threw their
riders, who were trampled under foot and destroyed.^^
Some again of the Scots, when opportunity occurred, broke
forward from their fellows, and dealing deadly blows both
on horse and man, feU backward again to complete the
defensive line of opposing steel. ^^ When the English
perceived they coiUd not break through the front of these
northem warriors, they threw among them, with the ut
most fury, maces, swords, and daggers, tiU the very weapons
were pUed above each other.^ As the straggle continued,
the day being warm, the perspiration poured out over men
and horses, and the dust arose above them like clouds at
every fresh attempt to dash through the impenetrable

' And thai with speris woundis wyd
Gaff tUl the horss that cum thaim ner :
And thai that ridand on thaim wer,
That doune war borne, losyt the lyvis.'
Barbour, pp. 232-3.
' For sum wald schout out of thair rout.
And off thaim that assaylyt about,
Stekyt stedis, and bar doun men.' — Barbour, p. 233.
' The Inglis men sa radly then
Kest amang thaim suerdis and mass,
That ymyd thaim a monteyle was
Of wapynnys, that war warpyt thar.' Barbour, p. 233.

58 THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN.
circle.^^ Yet not a man gave way, and every onset only
occasioned additional loss to the EngUsh. The desperate
straggle was intently observed by Bruce, one or two of
whose chief leaders were near him, and at last, seeing no
chance for Randolph in the midst of such an array,
Douglas, though these heroes at that instant were not on
terms of intimate friendship,^^ besought the King that he
might take a number of men and render his fellow-officer
assistance. ' You shall not move,' said Bruce, ' for I will
not alter my order of battle ; let Randolph acquit himself
as he best may.' ^^ ' I cannot stand here and see him over
come,' observed Douglas, ' so with your leave I must aid
him whatever befall.' 'Go then,' said the King, 'but
return speedUy, for even now I require all the assistance I
can command.' Douglas thereupon departed, taking with

^^ ' On athir half thai war sa stad,
For the rycht gret heyt that thai had.
For fechtjm, and for sonnys het.
That aU thair flesche of swate wes wete.
And sic a stew raiss out of thaim then.
Off aneding bath of hors and men.
And off powdyr ; that sic myrknes
In tiU the ayr abowyne thaim wes,
That it wes wondre for to se.'^ — Ba/rbour, p. 233.
"' ' Suppois that tyme that he and he wes fais.'
Stewart, vol. iii. p. 226.
'" ' The king said ; ' Sa our Lord me se !
' A fute tUl him thow saU nocht ga.
' Giff he weUe dois, lat him weUe ta.
' Quhethir euir him happyn to win or loss,
' I wiU nocht for him brek purpos.' '
Barbour, p. 234.
We have here ample proof how Brace considered order as most
essential to be observed in battle array.

COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES. 69
him a number of infantry, but observing, as he approached
the conflict, that the English "v^re in confusion, and on
the point of defeat, for many saddles were empty, he for
bore to advance farther, saying, ' The Earl of Moray is
about to overcome the enemy, and we must not presume to
share in his well-earned glory. Let us return to the King,
for he requires our help 1' Then without delay he with
drew the men towards the main army.^^

' James of Dowglas, be thair relying,
Knew that thai war discumfyt ner :
Than bad thaim, that with him wer.
Stand stiU, and press na forthyrmar.' Barbour, p. 238.

CHAPTER VL
SIR HENRY DE BOHUN KILLED.
In God's name, cheerly on, courageous friends,
To reap the harvest of perpetual peace
By this one bloody trial of sharp war. Shakespeaee.
Douglas had spoken the trath, for Robert Bmce, on
observing that the EngUsh army was advancing in a north
western direction, gave orders that his own troops should
move forward and occupy the ground he had speciaUy
selected for them. King Edward, when he came near to
Snabhead, must have tarried for a time among his chief
men, and observed not only the castle of Stirling, which
stood fuU in view on its summit of rock, but marked the
several divisions of the Scots, for he could scarcely believe,
on considering his own enormous strength, that they woiUd
have the assurance to oppose him in actual conflict. Be
sides, only a portion of his forces must have come up, for
they would occupy mUes of road, and his carriages and
waggons were stiU moving westward nearly all the way
from Falkirk. Nor is it improbable that another squadron
of his cavalry, by way of trying the lines of approach,
ventured to force a passage by MUton, and found it in
effectual. Forward, however, moved the army, tiU at
length King Edward had himself probably come to the
sloping ground near to Foot o' Green, when he ordered a
halt to be made, in order that he might take counsel with

DEATH OF DE BOHUN. 61
his leaders^ whether they would rest that night to recruit
the strength of the troops, or go forward and instantly
commence the battle. The Earls of Gloucester^ and Here
ford, who led the van, not being aware of the command to
halt, led on their squadrons of horse till they crossed the
Bannock and ascended the acclivity in the direction of the
Scottish lines.^ Robert Brace, in the absence of Randolph,
had marshalled his battalions, as has been stated, on the
space they were to occupy, and being mounted on a small
but active horse, he rode along the front of his divisions
fully armed, wearing a light crown of gold on his basinet,
and having a battle-axe in his hand.* Not expecting any
^ ' . . . The king off Ingland, quhen he
Was cummyn with his gret menye
Ner to the place, as I said ar,
Quhar Scottis men arayit war,
He gert arest all his bataill,
And othyr alsua to tak consaUl,
Quhethir thai wald herbry thaim that nycht ;
Or than but mar ga to the fycht.' — Barbour, p. 235.
2 Gloucester rode a beautiful horse, a present from the King,
who received it as a gift from Eichard KeUow, Bishop of Durham.
^ ' The waward, that wist na thing
Off this arest, na his duelling,
Eaid to the Park all straucht thair way,
For owtyn stinting, in gud aray.'- — Barbour, p. 235.
¦* ' And quhen the king wist that thai wer.
In hale bataill, cummand sa ner,
His bataiU gert he weUl aray.
He raid apon a litUl palfray,
Laucht ; and joly arayand
His bataUl, with an ax in hand.
And on his bassynet he bar
An hat off tyre aboune ay quhar ;
And thar wpon, in to taknyng,
Ane hey croune, that he wes king.' — Barbour, p. 235.

62 THE BATTLE OP BANNOCKBURN.
immediate assault, he spoke words of comfort to his
soldiers; and, to those near him, gave every assurance of
victory. By this time it is likely the foremost of the
English horse had approached to within a short distance
from Brace, when a vaUant knight. Sir Henry Bohun, who
was cousin to the Earl of Hereford, observing King
Robert aloof from his troops, and being ambitious of
accomplishing a notable feat of arms, spurred his war-horse
toward him, supposing he might either kiU him or take
him prisoner. When the heroic King, who had come off
unscathed from many encounters of this kind, saw him
make the attempt, the spirit of the old Adam so roused
his heart and braced his nerves that he met him in the
shock, but turning his horse sUghtly to the left, he parried
the point of De Bohun's lance, and swinging his axe round,
vrith a tremendous blow, crashed the helmet and brain of
his opponent, laying him dead among his charger's feet.^

' And quhen Schyr Henry saw the king
Cum on, for owtyn abaysing,
TiU him he raid in fuU gret hy.
He thoucht that he suld weUl lychtly
Wyn him, and haf him at his wUl,
Sen he him horsyt saw sa UI.
Sprent thai samyn in tiU a Ung.
Schyr Henry myssit the noble king.
And he, that in his sterapys stud,
With the ax that wes hard and gud.
With sa gret mayne raucht him a dynt.
That nothyr hat, na helm, mycht stynt
The hewy dusche that he him gave.
That ner the held tUl the hamys clave.
The hand ax schaft fruschit in twa ;
And he doune to the erd gan ga
All flatlynys, for him faUlyt mycht.' — Barbour, p. 236.

DEATH OF DE BOHUN. 63
In the haste and heat of the moment, though the edge of
the steel effectuaUy accompUshed the King's purpose, the
stroke had been dealt somewhat obliquely, for the shaft of
the weapon was broken in his grasp. This passage of arms
was witnessed by both armies, and accordingly the front
ranks of the Scots took heart, and, raising a great shout,
advanced with their spears before them, but the EngUsh
withdrew, being dismayed on observing their daring ad
venturer so speedily overcome, though a few were over
taken and kUled.® On recalling the Scottish pursuers,
the chief men around the King blamed him for putting
his life in jeopardy when the battle had yet to be struck ;
but he, ftdly aware of the importance of the charge, turned
it aside by expressing his sorrow that he had shivered the
handle of his good battle-axe.'^
By this time the Earl of Moray had succeeded in van-

' And quhen the Idngis men thaim saw
Swa in hale bataUl thaim withdraw,
A gret schout tUl thaim gan thai mak ;
And thai in hy tuk aU the bak.
And thai, that folowit thaim, has slane
Sum off thaim that thai haf our tane.' — Barbour, p. 237.
' Quhen that the king reparyt was.
That gert his men aU leve the chas.
The lordis off his cumpany
Blamyt him, as thai durst, gretumly,
That he bim put ia auentur,
To mete sa styth a knycht, and sture.
In sic poynt as he then wes sene.
For thai [said], weiU it mycht haiff bene
Cause off thair tynsaUl euirUkan.
The king ansuer has maid thaim nane ;
Bot menyt hys handax schaft, sua
Was with the strak brokyn in twa.' — Barbour, p. 237.

64 THE BATTLE OP BANNOCKBURN.
quishing Lord Clifford's cavalry, many saddles were empty,
and around lay a heap of men and horses wounded and
dying. The EngUsh had drawn back by degrees, and on
taking the direct way to their own countrymen, several of
the lingerers last in the flight were pursued, and either
taken or slain.^ When the Scots found they were vic
torious, they leisurely raised their basinets, and wiping the
perspiration from their faces, ascertained their loss was
very sUght, though we can scarcely be induced to believe
it amounted only to one man.^ On Randolph rejoining

^ ' Bath horss and men slane left thai thar ;
And held thair way, in fuU gret hy,
Nocht aU to gyddyr bot syndryly.
And thai that war owrtane war slayn ;
The lave went tUl thair ost agayne,
Off thair tynsaUl sary and wa.' — Barbour, p. 239.
Among the prisoners was Sir Thomas Gray of Heton, to whose
son we are indebted for the translation from French rhyme into
French prose of the valuable history entitled ' Scalacronica.' —
Baine, p. 327. A translation into English of several notable
things therein was made by the celebrated antiquary John Leland,
and printed in his Collectanea, vol. U. pp. 509-79. This was
reprinted in the appendix to the whole work issued in 1836 by
the Maitland Club, under the editorship of Joseph Stevenson,
Esq., a gentleman to whom every lover of northem history is
greatly indebted for the several volumes, either in the original or
by translation, which have come forth under his own hand.
* ' The erle, that had him helpyn sua.
And his als, that were wery,
Hynt off thair bassynettis in hy,
TUl awent thaim ; for thai war wate.
Thai war aU helyt into swate.
Thai fand off aU thair cumpany
That thar wes bot a yuman slayne.' — Barbour, p. 239.

DEATH OP DE BOHUN. 65
the army, Robert Bruce, learning of his success in per
forming such a gaUant achievement, gave him and the
cavalry most hearty welcome, whUe the other warriors
crowded around, anxious to behold such noble heroes,
and awarding them the honour and glory which they so
justly deserved.^"
On the English being thrown back in both these in
stances, Bruce collected his chief men around him, and
again admonished them to take heart — to praise and love
the Almighty, for such a prosperous beginning indicated a
favourable termination. The success, he observed, already
won would operate to the discomfort and dismay of their
adversaries, more especially as the troop under Clifford
consisted of the most powerful and courageous men in the
English army. Good fortune, no doubt, from the sacred
cause for which Scotland fought, would attend her gaUant
sons ; and here again he appealed to his adherents, as he
did not say this that his own desire for battle might be
foUowed, but he was ready in every respect to do as those
aroimd him should recommend for the welfare of themselves
and their country, and therefore he wished them to give
free expression to their thoughts." On the instant a shout

• And gladsome cher to thaim mad.
For thai sa weUe thaim home had.
Than all pressyt iu to gret daynt^
The erle off Murreff for to se :
For his hey worschip, and gret valour,
AU yarnyt to do him honour.' — Barbour, p. 239.
' And quhethir I say nocht this yow tUl,
' For that ye suld folow my wUl
' To fycht ; bot ui yow aU saU be.
' For giff yow thinkis speidfuU that we
' Fecht, we sail ; and giff ye wiU,
F

66 THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN.
arose from the listeners near, who declared that if no
assault on the part of England took place that evening,
they wished the good King to place them in order of battle
on the morning of the following day, and that neither trial
nor dread of death should move them in any way tUl they
had given freedom to their own land.^^ Bruce was de
lighted on hearing this expression of patriotic daring, and
rejoicing in their valour and hardihood, he observed that
since it was their desire, they shoidd array themselves for
fight next morning, and, on hearing mass, each man would
take his place under the displayed banner of his respective
leader.

' We leve, your liking to fulfil.
' I saU consent, on alkyn wiss,
' To do, rycht as ye will dywyss." — Barbour, p. 240.
' And with a woce than gan thai cry ;
' Gud king, for owtyn mar delay,
' To mome alsone as ye se day,
' Ordane yow hale for the bataUl.
' For doute off dede we sail nocht faill ;
' Na na payn saU refusyt be,
' QuhiU we haiff maid our country fre ! "
Barbour, pp. 240-1.

CHAPTER VH.
PREPARATION FOR BATTLE.
The weary sun hath made a golden set,
And, by the bright track of his fiery car.
Gives signal of a goodly day to-morrow. Shakespeare.
By way of admonishing his chief men and those near him
how the battle should be conducted, and of acquainting
them with his own opinion of the crisis at hand, the King
continued to say that of one thing especiaUy he would
remind them, which was, not to break the array, for no
man must go beyond the line of his own comrades, else
disaster would ensue.^ Also, as they respected him, when

^ ''And luk ye na wiss brek aray." — Barbour, p. 241.
Brace, from his long experience in war, knew weU how essen
tial it was to success that discipline should be strictly observed in
those ranks who were placed front to front with the enemy. We
leam from Barbour that, three years after the battle of Bannock
burn, the King was in Ireland, and having issued orders that none
should quit the ranks, the foUowing incident we give in the lan
guage of his biographer : — ' Two English yeomen having discharged
their arrows against Sir Colin CampbeU, the King's nephew, he
rashly rode off, at full speed, to avenge the insult, forgetful of the
strict injunctions which had just been issued. The King, highly
offended at this flagrant breach of discipline, immediately foUowed,
and strack his nephew so violently with his tnmcheon, that he was
nearly beaten from his horse. ' Such breach of orders,' said the
King, ' might occasion the loss of the whole army.' ' — Kerr, vol. ii.
p. 85.

68 THE BATTLE OP BANNOCKBURN.
they came front to front with the foe, each man with his
whole heart and might would, he trusted, do the very
utmost in his power to overthrow the strength of the
EngUsh. They would come in fuU career on horseback,
probably at the gallop, but let them be met by an insur
mountable barrier of levelled spears, so that the very last
of the troop should feel the opposing shock.^ He would
likewise have his warriors to remember the eyU Scotland
had endured from the people of England, and what she
might stUl suffer were they not stayed in their hostUe
intention. As the matter stood, those beside him had
three advantages, which he would enumerate. In the first
place, the right was on their side, and God would thereby
bestow his favour upon them. Secondly, the English ap
proached in full dependence of their own power to capture
the Scottish people, and brought hither riches in abun
dance, so that if victory be on the side of Scotland, the
poorest of her sons shall share in the spoil. And thirdly,
it was for the lives of the brave men around him, for their
chUdren, and for their vrives, for the liberty and freedom of
their own land, that they go into battle, since the foe had
come to destroy them, and would have no mercy upon them
were they to suffer defeat in the field.^ It became them.

' ' On horss thai wUl arayit rid ;
' And cum on yow in fuU gret hy.
' Mete thaim with speris hardely.
' And think than on the mekill UI,
' That thai and tharis has done ws till ;
' And ar in wUl yeit for to do,
' GiBF thai haf mycht to cum thar to."
Barbour, p. 241.
3 ' ' For we haff thre gret awantagis.
' The fyrst is, that we haf the rycht ;

PREPARATION FOR BATTLE. 69
therefore, to set bravery against wrong, whereby he prayed
them to be most alert at the commencement of the straggle,
and meet the enemy at the first onset so sternly that all
their ranks in the rear might be impressed with dread and
dismay.* Honour, fame, and wealth, freedom and happi
ness, would be inherited by them aU, did they acquit them
selves like men. In order that they might not Uve in
thraldom, they had come with him to do battle for liberty.
Greater suffering could not befaU them than to be defeated,
for, as the English murdered his brother NeiU, so would

' And for the rycht ay God wUl fycht.
' The tothyr is, that thai cummyn ar,
' For lyppynnyng off thair gret powar,
' To sek ws in our awne land ;
' And has broucht her, rycht tiU our hand,
' Eyches in to sa gret quantity,
' That the powrest of yow sail be
' Bath rych, and mychty thar with all,
' Giff that we wyne, as weUl may faU.
' The thrid is, that we for our lyvis,
' And for our chUdre, and for our wywis,
' And for our fredome, and for our land,
' Ar strenyeit in to bataUl for to stand.
' And thai, for thair mycht anerly,
' And for thai lat of ws heychtly,
' And for thai wald distroy ws aU,
' Maiss thaim to fycht." — Barbour, pp. 241-2.
' Quharfor I yow requer, and pray,
' That with aU your mycht, that ye may,
' Ye press yow at the begynnyng,
' But cowardyss or abaysing,
' To mete thaim at thair fyrst assemble
' Sa stoutly that the henmaist trymble." Barbour, p. 242.

70 THE BATTLE OP BANNOCKBURN.
they also put those around him and himself to death.^ Of
this, however, he had no fear, for by the prowess and
strength of these his adherents, they would, through help
from above, overcome the foe, especiaUy as the place they
were in afforded ample scope for their own movement, but
gave insufficient room to their opponents, whUe it was so
defended by nature that those with him could not possibly
be outflanked or surrounded. He also beseeched them
that none, through desire of gain, would attempt either to
plunder or take prisoners tUl the field was clear of enemies,
and then the whole spoU would be their own.* Were this

° ' ' And I wame yow weUl off a thing ;
' That mar myscheff may faU ws nane,
' Than in thair handys to be tane :
' For thai suld sla ws, I wate weUl,
' Eycht as thai did my brothyr Nele." Barbour, p. 243.
When the castle of Kildrammie surrendered in 1306, ' Nigel,
the brother of Bruce, a youth of singular comeUness, was among
the captives. He was tried by a special commission at Berwick,
condemned, hanged, and afterwards beheaded.' — Hailes, vol. ii.
pp. 13-4. ° ' ' For strenth off this place, as ye se,
' SaU let* us enweronyt to be.
' And I pray yow als speciaUy,
' Bath mar and les commonaly,
' That nane of yow for gredynes
' Haff ey to tak of thair ryches ;
' Na prisoneris for to ta ;
' QuhUl ye se thaim contraiyit sa,
' That the feld anerly yowris be.
' And than, at your liking, may ye
' Tak all the riches that thar is."
Barbowr, pp. 243-4.
* Let — prevent.

PREPARATION FOR BATTLE. 71
done, they would undoubtedly be honoured with victory.''
Further, with judicious foresight, he announced that who
ever fell in the straggle, his heirs, however young, should
instantly succeed to the inheritance, free of any ward or
relief.^ And now, he continued, let all prepare and be
ready for battle, and may God assist and enable us so to
meet our enemy that we may come off victorious from the
field !»

7 ' ' Giff ye wiU wyrk apon this wiss,
' Ye sail haiff wictour sekyrly." — Barbour, p. 244.
^ ' ' And Ik hycht her in leautd ;
' Giff ony deys in this bataUle,
' His ayr, but ward, releff, or taUe,
' On the fyrst day sail weld ;
' AU be he neuir sa young off eild." Barbour, p. 244.
The same concession was made by James the Fourth at Twizel-
haugh, 23d August 1513, to the chief men of his army, previous
to the battle of Flodden. — Scots Acts, p. 98.
" ' ' Now makys yow redy for to fycht.
' God help ws, that is maist of mycht !
' I rede, armyt aU nycht that we be,
' Purwayit in bataUl sua, that we
' To mete our fayis ay be boune." Barbour, p. 244.
The author has not marked the speech of Brace with points,
as if the King had actuaUy uttered it, for though Barbour ascribes
it to him, the poetical churchman may have partly embellished it
from his own imagination. StUl it weU merits attention, for
human feeling and passion are the same aU over the world. In
' The Persians ' of jEschylus, the solemn outburst of patriotism
rising from the Greeks, as tl^ey moved to the searfight of Salamis,
may weU form a text to the admonition of the Scottish King : —
' ' Sons of the Greeks, advance !
' Your country free, your chUdren, and your wives,

72 THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN.
A general and enthusiastic cry arose that every ar
rangement should be carried out as the King had proposed,
and whUe the English seemed to halt tUl the arrears of
their amiy came forward, the Scots made preparation to
rest, retiring to a wood in the rear, which afforded some
slight shelter from the dews of night, keeping watch, at
the same time, that no sudden movement of the foe should
take place without due notice of their approach.
The church, on this occasion, lent its aid to work on
the superstitious impressions of the King and the army.
Brace, it appears, was in possession of the miraculous arm
of St. FUlan, and the relic being enclosed in a silver case,
the King had it generally borne at the head of his army.
But his chaplain, foreseeing the danger to which the Scots
were exposed, and having slight faith in their prowess
against the English, had left the arm behind him in a
secure place, and brought the empty casket, which was
placed in the tent of the King. During the night, when
the monarch was engaged in his devotions to God and St.
FUlan, the Ud of the case, it is written, opened of itself,
and suddenly closing, the priest exclaimed that a marvel
had been wrought, for the arm was there, and that this
betokened success to the Scots 1^" Brace, like a wise
' The temples of your fathers' gods,
' Your fathers' sepulchres —
' AU — aU are now at stake.' '
" ' But King Eobert aU the night before the batteU tooke
litle rest, having great care in his mind for the suertie of his
armie, one while revolving in his consideration this chance, and
another while that ; yea, and sometimes he feU to devout contem
plation, making his praier to God and Saint PhiUane, whose arme,
as it was set and inclosed in a silver case, he supposed had beene
the same time within his tent, trasting the better fortune to foUow

PREPARATION FOR BATTLE. 73
man, turned this to the best account, and there can be no
doubt that he spent the night in anxious thought, wrestlmg,
as it were, to provide in every way for the impending crisis
of his fortune on the morrow. In this feeling, and in de
pendence on the Most High, we may be assured he was
cordially seconded by the whole army.
Hollinshed, drawing his statement from Boece, says
that on the day before the battle, when two knights of
Brabant, in the English army, heard many reproachful
words spoken of King Robert Bruce, they, disliking such
expressions, had the hardihood to observe they wished
victory might fall to him. On this being reported to King
Edward, he caused them by trumpet to be sent in derision
to the Scottish army, that they might, according to their
remarks, render aid to the enemy. He then caused pro
clamation to be made that whoever brought the heads of
these men to him should, by way of recompense, receive
one hundred marks.^^
During the night, it is said, a Scotsman, Alexander
Seton by name, who was in the English anny, deserted,
and arriving at the Scottish camp, communicated the in-

by presence thereof In the meane time, as he was thus making his
praiers, the case suddenUe opened, and clapped to againe. The
King's chapleine being present, astonied therewith, went to where
the case stood, and finding the arme within it, he cried to the
King and other that were present, how there was a great miracle
wrought, confessing that he brought the emptie case to the field,
and left the arme at home, least that relike should have beene lost
in the field, if any thing chanced to the armie otherwise than weU.'
— Hollinslied, pp. 217-8. 'Macgregor, who furnished the reUc of
St. FiUan, which had been preserved on his lands of StrathfiUan,
is said to have fought bravely at Bannockburn.' — Nimmo, vol. i.
p_ 209. " Hollinshed, p. 220.

74 THE BATTLE OP BANNOCKBURN,
telligence to Brace that were he to join battle early next
morning he would easUy overcome the EngUsh.^^ The
King, however, depended on the security of his position and
other circumstances too much to ran the hazard of an unor
ganised attack, and the result proved eminently successful.
But when the EngUsh saw and heard how Clifford with
his cavalry had been defeated and beaten off by Randolph,
how the van under the Earls of Gloucester and Hereford
had been driven back, how Robert Bmce had slain Henry
de Bohun, a stalwart knight, with his own hand, and
how the Scottish army seemed determined for battle, they
were much discomforted, observing among themselves that
their chief men led them to the conffict, but that they
were to fight in an unjust cause, and that God loved what
was right, and would accordingly punish those who were
in the wrong.^^ The chief earls and barons of England,
on hearing this, caused heralds to proclaim throughout the
host that the fighting men were not to be dismayed in any
way, but to take courage and behold their great numbers
and their prowess, which no enemy was able to withstand."

'^ Leland's Coll., vol. u. pp. 546-7.
' The Inglis [men] sic abasing
Tuk, and sik dreid of that tithing,
That in fyve hundre placis and ma
Men mycht se samyn routand ga,
Sayand ; ' Our lordis, for thair mycht,
' WiU aUgate fecht agane the rycht.
' Bot quha sa werrayis wrangwysly,
' Thai fend God all to gretumly.
' And thaim may happen to mysfaU.
' And swa may tid that her we saU." — Barbour, p. 245.
' And quhen thair lordys had persawing
Off discomfort, and rownnyng,

PREPARATION FOR BATTLE. 75
All were also admonished to fight stoutly, thereby main
taining their own honour, and that of England.
King Edward having, with the advice of his nobles,
resolved not to commence battle till next morning, the
numerous divisions of his troops prepared to rest for the
night, several detachments encamping on the spots they
occupied, and others descending to the low and fertile
grounds, which spread like a carse,^^ and at that time may

That thai held samyn twa and twa ;
Throw out the ost than gart thai ga
Heraldis, to mak a crye,
That nane discomfort[yt] suld be ;
* * -* *
Bot giff the Scottis fley thair way,
SaU aU amendyt be perfay.
Tharfor thai monest thaim to be
Off gret worschip, and of bounty ;
And stoutly in the bataUl stand.
And tak amendis at thair hand.' — Barbour, pp. 245-6.
^^ Barbour states how the English harboiu'ed down in the
carse. The term is now appUed to the broad level ground border
ing on the Forth, which is upwards of a mUe to the north-east
from the locality where the army was stationed. That chronicler,
authentic in almost every instance as we believe him to be, may
make an occasional sUp, and it is only our duty to notice the fol
lowing, which crops out at this stage of the narrative. He says : —
' And, for in the Kers piUis war,
Howssis thai brak, and thak bar
To mak briggis, quhar thai mycht pass.
And sum sayis yeit, the folk that was
In the casteU, quhen nycht gan fall.
For that thai knew the myscheiff aU,
Thai went fuU ner aU that thai war,
And duris and wyndowys with thaim bar ;
Swa that thai had, befor the day,

76 THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN.
have been named so, all along the side of Bannockbum.
As has been stated, it was now the vigil of St. John, and
many in the camp, well knowing the solemn position in
which they were placed, must have prepared themselves
consistently to take their fortune whatever might befall.
Others again, and probably the more numerous class,
wearied with the march, and taking advantage of the time,
spent the night in drunkenness, revelry, and disorder.^'' In
aU communities there are reckless men who, though
danger be imminent, are bent on enjoying the present
hour, and, accordingly, when opportunity occurs, give
themselves up to every bodUy indulgence. The English
camp, therefore, must have presented a very different
aspect from that in which the Scots were assembled, wait
ing to work out their own liberty, and the independence of
their father land.

Briggyt the pulis ; swa that thai
War passyt our Ukane all hale,
Arayit in tUl thair apparaUl' — Barbour, pp. 246-7.
It seems to us impossible that this could be done, for the watch
set by the Scots must efl'ectually have prevented any interference
of that kind.
^° Moore, p. 594. See also Baston's verses in Fordun, vol ii.
pp. 251-5.

CHAPTER Vm.
THE ARMIES CONFRONT EACH OTHER.
Yonder my valiant sons and feirs
Our raging reivers wait
On the unconquer'd Scottish sward
To try with us their fate.
Make orisons to Him that saved
Om- saiUs upon the rude ;
Syne bravely shaw your veins are fiU'd
With Caledonian blude !
Haedyknute, Stanzas xx.-xxi.
Now's the day, and now's the hour.
See the front o' battle lour.
See approach proud Edward's power,
Edward ! chains and slavery !
* * * #
Wha for Scotland's king and law
Freedom's sword will freely draw 1
Freeman stand, or Freeman fa',
Caledonian ! on wi' me ! — Buens.
On the morning of Monday, the 24th June 1314, Bruce
observed the English army in the exact position he wished
it to be, consequently he drew up his squadrons on the
groimd he had selected for battle. Having signified his
wish that the brave warriors before him should receive the
sacrament, Maurice, Abbot of Inchaffray, in Strathearn,
Perthshire, who accompanied the King, performed mass
on an eminence in front of the Scottish ai-my, desiring all

78 THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN.
to confess their sins and suppUcate God on behalf of their
country.^ The troops then partook of breakfast, which
partly consisted of bread and wine,^ and then deUberately
made themselves ready for the struggle. Next, they took
their places under their respective banners, which we may
suppose streamed brightly in the morning breeze. Brace,
in the company of his leading men, proceeded, according
to the custom before battle at that time, to confer knight
hood on Walter Steward, James Douglas, and other gaUant
warriors, who were deserving of such honour, each being
promoted according to his degree.^ Then each division
went forward and occupied the place assigned to it, filling
up the line of battle as arranged by the King, and the
whole extended from the hoUow north of Halbert's Bog,
upwards to the south-west on the high ground, near the
bend of the Bannock above Park MiU.* Retaining pos-
^ ' On the morow, he gaderit al his army to messe to ressave the
body of God, to mak thaim have the more curage aganis thair
ennimes. In this army wes ane devoit man, named Maritius,
Abbot of Inchechaffray, quhUk said messe on ane hie mote, and
ministerit the Eucharist to the King and his nobUlis ; and causit
his preistis to mak ministratioun thairof to the residew of the
army.' — Bellenden, vol. U. p. 391.
° ' Brace refreshed his troops with bread and wine.' — Turner,
vol u. p. 141.
^ ' The kmg maid Walter Stewart knycht ;
And James of Dowglas, that wes wycht ;
And othyr als of gret bounty
He maid, Uk ane in thar degree.' — Barbour, p. 248.
" In the large map completed by the Board of Ordnance, the
site of the battle is marked close to the south-east side of the road
between Coxet HUl and Graystale. The author is not a mUitary
man, but from a most careful inspection of the battlefield, taking into
account aU the circumstances connected with it, he is of opinion

ARMIES OPPOSE EACH OTHER. 79
session of this place, whUe the thoroughfares at MUton
and below Brock's Brae were rendered impassable, the
Scots could not be outflanked, and hence the English must
of necessity be compelled to meet them here in battle.
We know not where the trees grew that were near or
among the various lines of troops, but portions of wood
arose over the whole neighbourhood. Nor do we believe
that the entire army was collected together in these several
divisions. They might be completed, so far as numbers
could be made up, but considerable detachments were
doubtless stationed above MUton, or near the Bore-stone,
on Coxet HUl, and beyond the extremity of the right wing,
at a short distance from Graystale. These were to watch
the progress of the contest, and in case any party quitted
the main body of the foe and made an advance, the said
Scots were to meet and repel them, or at least to convey
intimation of the circumstance to the King.
It has been already stated that, according to the direc
tion of Bruce, the Scottish army was to be separated into
four divisions, and how the charge of the right wing de
volved upon Edward Bmce. The van at first was intended
to be led by Randolph, but Bmce, on surveying the
ground, would seem to have altered his original plan, for
the highest part of the front lines was where his brother
was placed, and this point, he well knew, woidd be first
assaUed by the enemy. Accordingly, the body of above

that the front line of battle, presented at first by the Scots to the
enemy, must have been nearly two hundred yards farther to the
south. This gave Eobert Brace, from the highest point of the
rise directly north of Park MUl, a fuU view of the whole field, and
any impartial man must perceive how necessary this was to the
King in regulating every impending movement of his forces.

80 THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN.
seven thousand warriors, imder Sir Edward Brace, came
to form the van of the Scots, for they were before the
others, who were stationed somewhat behind, on lower
ground, and their heroic leader had the angle of the stream
already mentioned, hid far down among trees, on his right
hand. Next him, on his left, but a little to the rear, with
a space between the divisions, so narrow as not to allow
a passage for the EngUsh horse, was Randolph, Earl of
Moray, leading a like number of men ; and stUl farther to
the north-east, slightly to the rear, also on the lower ground,
and near to the head of Halbert's Bog, stood Sir Walter
Steward and SU James Douglas, completing with their spear
men, equal in number to the others, the whole front lines of
battle.^ Taking into account the spaces which separated
these divisions, each section would average about fourteen
men deep, a force that, judiciously guided, would, if they
fought weU, accomplish much on a stricken field. Again,
on the highest ground beside, or rather behind. Sir Edward
Brace and Randolph, with the fourth division in reserve,
the Bang was stationed on horseback, regulating the whole,
and watching attentively from his lofty position every
movement, both of his own troops and those of the enemy.
Apart from these four bodies of warriors were the five
hundred cavaliy, who had overcome Clifford, led by Sir
Robert Keith, hereditary Marshal of Scotland. Moreover,
a considerable band of archers, of whom we are unable to

° These divisions, be it remembered, were drawn up, as we
gather from Barbour, somewhat obliquely, the rear corner to the
left of that led by Sir Edward Bruce approaching the front comer
to the right of the men under Eandolph, and the left rear of his
warriors nearing the right fi-ont of those headed by the Steward
and Douglas.

ARMIES OPPOSE EACH OTHER. 81
state the number, were placed probably near the openings
of the several divisions, but, on account of the rise of the
ground, somewhat near to that of Sir Edward Bmce. At
this instant both armies must have presented a stirring
and most magnificent sight. Before the King were his
own devoted subjects, ready to offer up their lives for the
freedom of Scotland ; and from the stream of Bannock,
mUe beyond mUe, south-east to the hill of Plean, shaded
occasionally by patches of the forest, but covering the
whole side of the decUvity which sloped down towards the
brook, one enormous crowd appeared of men, horses, and
caniages.^ The latter were stationed more in the distance,
but in front and behind, up to and beyond Foot o' Green,
were banners, flags, and pennons, of every colour, waving
beyond each other in the breeze, whUe armour, shields,
helmets, morions, and weapons, glanced and sparkled
above the bearers far and wide.^ Earls, knights, and
bannerets on horseback, gorgeously decorated in their sur-

' Thai went all fuith in gud aray ;
And tuk the plane fuU apertly.
Mony gud man, wicht and hardy,
That war fulfiUyt of gret bountd,
In tiU thai rowtis men mycht se.
The Inglis men, on othyr party,
That as angelis schane brychtly.
War nocht arayit on sic maner :
For aU thair bataillis samyn wer
In a schilthrum.' — Barbour, p. 248.
' ' Quhar mony a schynand scheld.
And mony a bumyst brycht armur.
And mony a man off gret walur,
Mycht in that gret schUtrum be sene ;
And mony a brycht baner and schene.'
Barbour, p. 249.
G

82 THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN.
coats of various bright hues, seemed innumerable, while
squires, cavalry, and infantry, comprising spearmen and
archers, densely mingled together, filled up every avaUable
space of ground. Their immense numbers scarcely allowed
of any opening between them, and we may readUy conclude
that no exhibition of martial pomp and grandeur to an
equal extent was ever witnessed in this land. Fancy
delights to contemplate the gorgeous display, and we may
conceive how it thrUled the heart of Bruce, and awakened
feelings of awe and sublimity in the bosoms, not only of
his noble adherents, but of many a brave Scottish peasant.^
Ere the English moved forward, several of the leading
men of mature age, knowing how the greater part of the
army, by watching and revelry through the night, had en-

° Making some allowance for verbosity, the following descrip
tion of the scene deserves attention : —
' Be this wes said the browdin baneris brycht
Aboue thair held wes haldin vp on hicht,
Flureist and frie, weiU wrocht ouir with gold wyre,
GUtterand as gleid or Phebus flammand fyre ;
And staitlie standartis streikit in the air,
Wyde witht the wynd waiffand heir and thair.
Of sUuer, sabill, and of asur blew,
Depantit ouir with mony sindrie hew,
With rosis, lUlie, and with flourdelyce.
And mony pynsaU precious wes of pryce,
Agane the schyning of the sone tha schew,
Palit with purpure and with asur blew.
Thair basnetis brioht with mony bureaU stone,
Agane the schyning of the sone tha schone ;
Baith helme and habrik wes of hevenlie hew,
Lyke schynand siluer ouir the schaw that schew ;
With breist [plait], brasar, and with birneis bricht,
Lyke ony lanteme lemit all of Ucht.'
Stewart, vol. iii. pp. 231-2.

ARMIES OPPOSE BACH OTHEE. 83
joyed Uttle or no sleep, endeavoured to prevaU with the
King to defer the confiict till the following day, but the
younger chiefs derided such counsel, and the prudence of
the former was set aside. The Earl of Gloucester advo
cated delay, and the King foolishly called him a traitor for
lus discretion. The taunt was indignantly repelled by the
remark that before the day was over proof would be given
he was neither traitor nor coward.^ It was some time ere
the arrangements for commencing the attack were com
pleted, and thus the leaders lingered that they might
receive orders to advance.
Meantime King Edward was accompanied by Aymer
de Valence, Earl of Pembroke, on one side of his bridle,
and Sir GUes de Argentine, one of the bravest knights in
Europe, at the other, also bishops and ecclesiastics who
kept near to him, together with five hundred armed horse
men as his body-guard. It would appear he was stationed
somewhere in the neighbourhood of Chartershall Mains,
and when gazing northward, on observing the Scottish army
drawn up in hostUe array, all on foot, he was somewhat
amazed at the sight. Looking at the enormous numbers of
his own forces, he considered they must be mvinciblein battle,
wherever and whenever it took place ; nor did it even enter
his mind either to lead them on under superior generalship,
or cause them to meet the enemy upon suitable ground, in
order to come off victorious. BeUeving, therefore, that
Brace's army would not dare to oppose him, he inquired
of Sir Ingram de UmfreviUe, who knew them well, 'If
yonder Scots would presume to fight ? ' ' Yea, surely, sire,'
said the knight, ' and it is the most fearful sight I ever

' Mon. Malm. p. 149. Turner, vol. U. pp. 140-1.

84 THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN.
beheld, when they are resolved to do battle against the
whole force of England. Truly I know the people, and if
your Majesty would please to follow my advice, I can
devise how they may easUy be overcome. Let us withdraw
the army and retreat, as if for fear, beyond our baggage
and pavUions, on our way to England, and the desire of
spoU shaU so work upon them that no captain may keep
them together, and thus, when their ranks are broken, we
shall secure an easy victory.' ^'^ ' I wUl not assent to this,'
" ' And quhen the king off Ingland
Swa the Scottis saw tak on hand,
Takand the hard feyld sa opynly,
And apon fute, he had ferly j
And said, ' Quhat ! wUl yone Scottis fycht V
' Ya sekyrly !' said a knycht,
Schyr Ingrame the WmfrawUl hat he ;
And said, ' Forsuth now, Schyr, I se,
' It is the mast ferlyfuU sycht
' That euyre I saw, quhen for to fycht
' The Scottis men has tane on hand,
' Agayne the mycht of Ingland,
' In plane hard feUd, to giff bataUe.
' Bot, and ye wUl trow my consaiU,
' Ye saU discomfyt thaim lychtly.
' Withdrawys yow hyne sodandly,
' With bataillis, and with penownys,
* QuhiU that we pass our paUyownyis ;
' And ye saU se alsone that thai,
' Magre thair lordys, saU brek aray,
' And scaUe thaim our harnays to ta.
' And, quhen we se thaim scalit sua,
' Prik we than on thaim hardely,
' And we sail haf thaim wele lychtly.
' For than sail nane be knyt to fycht,
' That may withstand your mekiU mycht.' —
' I wiU nocht,' said the king, ' perfay,

ARMIES OPPOSE EACH OTHER. 85
said the King, ' nor wiU I turn from doing battle with such
a low, despicable concourse of people.' By this time the
Abbot of Inchaffray, who had previously celebrated mass,
now advanced, walking bare-footed along the front of the
Scottish lines as they stood prepared for the onset, and
carrying a cross wherein a cracifix was suspended, he raised
it as a banner," and admonished his countrymen in most
earnest and appropriate words to perform their duty nobly
in so righteous and glorious a cause.^^ When he had done
this, the whole army knelt down, and confessing their
shortcomings, put up a brief but fervent prayer that the
Almighty would remember them in mercy, and crown their
efforts with success. ^^

' Do sa : for thar sail na man say,
' That I saU eschew the bataill,
' Na withdraw me for sic rangaile." Barbour, pp. 249-50.
" ' Maritius, the abbot forsaid, tuke the croce, in quhUk the
crucifix wes hinging, and ereckit it afore the army in maner of ane
baner.' — Bellenden, vol. ii. p. 392.
" ' The abbat of Inchchaffraie, aforesaid, came forth befijre the
battels, with the cracifix in his hands, bearing it aloft Uke a
standard, admonishing them valiantlie to take in hand the defense
of their countrie and the libertie of their posteritie ; for, saith he,
you must not euerie man fight as it were for his own privat
defense, his own house and chUdren, but euerie man for all men,
and aU men for euerie man, must fight for the libertie, fife, patri-
monie, chUdren, and wiues of aU the realme; for such and so
great is the dignitie of our countrie as they which deface or spoUe
are to be punished with perpetuaU fier, and they which doo pre
serve it are to be recompensed with an eternal crowne of glorie.'— •
Hollinshed, p. 219.
" ' Quhen this wes said, that er said I,
The Scottis men comounaly

86 THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN.
When all the divisions of the Scots thus knelt down,
King Edward, who beheld them, believed they were sup
plicating for pardon, and turning again to Umfreville, ob-
sei-ved, ' These people dare not encounter us in the field —
see they all kneel to us for mercy !' 'They do seek for
mercy, my liege,' said the knight, 'but not from your
Majesty. They implore Heaven for pardon and for help
in the straggle, and believe me, sire, these men will either
win or die where they stand, nor wUl they fly for all the
power England can bring against them.' ' Be it so, then,'
said the King, and almost immediately after the trumpets
sounded the onset of battle."

Knelyt all doune, to God to pray.
And a sohort prayer thar maid thai
To God, to help thaim in that fycht.' Barbour, p. 250.
' And when ye are come near unto the battle, then the Priest
shall come forth and speak unto the people.
' And shaU say unto them, Hear, 0 Israel, ye are come this
day unto battle against your enemies.
' Let not your hearts faint, neither fear nor be amazed, nor
adread of them.
' For the Lord your God goeth with you to fight for you against
your enemies, and to save ¦you.' ^Deuteronomy, chap, xx., verses 2-4.
An additional example is hereby shown of what may be per
formed by men who solemnly put their trust in and implore the
Most High for help in the hour of need. Cromwell's forces under
such infiuence, and by his able guidance, were almost invariably
led on to victory.
" ' And quhen the Inglis king had sycht
Off' thaim kneland, he said in hy ;
' Yone folk knel to ask mercy.'
Schyr Ingrahame said ; ' Ye say suth now.
' Thai ask mercy ; bot nane at yow :
' For thair trespas to God thai cry.

ARMIES OPPOSE EACH OTHER. 87
' I tell you a thing sekyrly ;
' That yone men will all wyn or de :
' For doute of dede thai sail nocht fle.' —
' Now be it sa than ;' said the king.
And than, but* langer delaying.
Thai gert trump tUl the assemble.
On athir sid men mycht than se
Mony a wycht man, and worthi,
Eedy to do chewalry.' — Barbour, p. 250.
* But — without.

CHAPTER IX.
THE BATTLE COMMENCES.
Now on each side the leaders
Gave signal for the charge ;
And on each side the footmen
Strode on with lance and targe ;
And on each side the horsemen
Strack their deep spurs in gore ;
And front to front the armies
Met with a mighty roar.
* * * »
And louder stUl and louder
Eose from the darkened field
The braying of the war horns.
The clang of sword and shield.
The rash of squadrons sweepiag
Like whirlwinds o'er the plain.
The shouting of the slayers.
And screeching of the slain. — Macaulay.
Scotia's bard has given us an animated ' Address of
Brace to his Army ' in a measure to suit the old stirring
tune, which tradition sanctions as the 'March' of the
patriot on the present occasion. Rude war-pipes or homs
might give forth awakening notes to thriU the bosoms of
the Scots, but that the ranks moved forward we consider
very doubtful. It is more probable that, like the rocks of
their own sea-girt land, they firmly awaited the approach
of their foes only to dash them back like ocean waves
broken in a boisterous storm. The van of the English,

THE BATTLE COMMENCES. 89
consisting of armed men and horse under the Earls of
Gloucester and Hereford, flanked on the left by the
archers, held on up the slope, direct to the foremost
Scottish division, headed by Sir Edward Brace ;^ and it
seems probable they charged at the quick trot or gaUop,
with great fury.^ Owing, however, to a dispute between
the leaders, and to the consequent irregularity of the
movement, the English being partly broken, made little or
no impression on the Scottish lines, though several on
both sides were slain.' The cause why the division of Sir

^ Moore blames the English cavalry for beginning the straggle
whUe the sun was shining on their gilt shields and bumished
helms, instead of waiting tiU noon. See also Meyrick, vol. i.
p. 206, and Turner, vol. ii. p. 142. This is clearly a mistake, for
the sun rose to the right of the English in the moming, he shone
on their backs towards noon, and was descending on their left to
the west when the Scots gained the victory.
" ' Thus war thai boune on athir sid.
And Inglis men, with mekill prid.
That war in tUl thair awaward,
To the bataUl that Schyr Eduuard
Gowemyt and led, held straucht thair way.
The horss with spuris hardnyt thai ;
And prikyt apon thaim sturdely ;
And thai met thaim rycht hardely ;
Swa that, at thair assemble thar,
Sic a fruschyng of speris war,
That fer away men mycht it her.' — Barbour,^p. 250-1.
' ' The English van, led by Gloucester and Hereford, now
spurred forward their horses, and at fiUl gallop charged the right
wing of the Scots, commanded by Edward Bruce ; but a dispute
as to precedence caused the charge, though rapid, to be broken
and irregular. Gloucester, who had been irritated the day before
by some galling remarks of the King, insisted on leading the van,
a post which of right belonged to Hereford as Constable of Eng-

90 THE BATTLE OP BANNOCKBURN.
Edward Bmce was first encountered might be that this
body occupied, as has been stated, the highest ground on
the battle-field, that it was in advance of the other divi
sions, and that the attack could be made more effectual
on this point from the shield borne on the left arm of the
Scottish soldier, leaving the right side more exposed to
the sword or spear. All this King Robert seems to have
foreseen, and made his arrangements accordingly. Here
also we may perceive how the English archers knowingly
flanked the left of the van, and thereby obtained the
loftiest position, whence their shafts might fly with more
deadly aim against the Scots. The shock was tremendous,
for the men-at-arms rushed onward as if to break through
the serried barrier of spears, probably two or three yards
broad;* and though some of the Scots were borne to the

land. To this Hereford would not agree ; and Gloucester, as
they disputed, seeing the Scottish right advancing, sprang forward
at the head of his own division, and, without being supported by
the rest of the van, attacked the enemy, who received them with
a shock which caused the meeting of their spears to be heard a
great way off, and threw many knights from their saddles whose
horses were stabbed and rendered furious by their wounds.' —
Tytler, vol. i. pp. 270-1.
'' ' Bruce compacted his men into a thick mass, a bristled
hedge, like the Macedonian phalanx, which from its union and
solidity was impenetrable.' — Turner, vol. ii. p. 140.
' Before the battle of Arbela, Alexander formed his men
sixteen deep, and placed in their grasp the sarissa, as the Mace
donian pike was caUed, and which was twenty-four feet in length,
and when couched for action reached eighteen feet in front of the
soldier ; so that, as a space of two feet was allowed between the
ranks, the spears of the five files behind him projected in front of
each front-rank man.' — Creasy, vol. i. p. 124 ; Grote, vol. viii.
pp. 226, 292-3, 459.

THE BATTLE COMMENCES. 91
earth, many of their assailants were overthro^vn.^ The
horses which were pierced plunged wildly, and their riders
falling, were either trampled upon by others, or when a
slight advance was made, they were struck to death by the
Scottish axes. At every onset the crash of broken spears
might be heard at a great distance. Still the Scots stood
firm as onward came the cavalry without ceasing, while
the English archers, who were distant nearly twelve score
yards, poured incessantly into the dense masses of the
opposing spearmen their showers of arrows, each about
three feet long. Some of the English chroniclers say that
several of these feU short of their aim, and pierced the
undefended backs of their own people.® The latter, who
were on horseback, would more readily intercept the
flight of these shafts when aimed at the Scots, whose front
lines were all on foot.
The remaining divisions of the English, who were com
pressed together as if they formed one column of enormous
length and breadth, began partly to deploy on crossing the
Bannock, and advancing upwards to the field, threw them
selves in succession headlong upon the foe. That body of
the Scots under the command of the redoubted Randolph,
who were stationed near those already fighting that the
latter might not be taken in flank, met the assailants in
line, and maintained their ground gallantly, repelling the

'' * * ' for hardely
Thai dang on othyr with wapnys ser.
Simi of the horss, that stekyt wer,
Euschyt, and relyt rycht rudlye.' — Barbour, p. 251.
« ' When they shot right forth they slew fewe of the Scots by
reason nf their armed breasts, but many of the Englishmen by reason
of their naked backs.' — Moore, p. 594, quoted by Stowe, p. 217.

92 THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN.
horsemen and foot with the same bravery as their feUow-
warriors to the right had shown.*^ The encounter was not
less fierce than before, for not a foot were the Scots driven
back, but they rather advanced, treading over every obstacle
in their way.® Besides, they adhered strictly to the com
mand of the King, for they kept closely, shoulder to
shoulder, in the line of battle. The array was never broken,
but amid the dreadful struggle of man opposed to man,
inflicting on each other wounds and death, the Scots, as
they pressed forward, seemed plunged in a stormy sea
covered with men, horses, and weapons of every kind,
which were wielded with tremendous energy.^ Blood

' And quhen the erle of Murref swa
Thair waward saw, sa stoutly, ga
The way to Schyr Eduuard aU straucht.
That met thaim with fuU mekUl maucht.
He held hys way, with his baner,
To the gret rout quhar samyn wer
The nyne bataiUis, that war sa braid ;
That sa fele baneris with thaim haid,
And of men sa gret quantity.
That it war wondre for to se.' — Barbour, pp. 250-1.
' For thair fayis assemblyt fast,
That on stedis, with mekUl prid,
Come prikand, as thai wald our rid
The erle and aU his cumpany.
Bot thai met thaim sa sturdely,
That mony of thaim tUl erd thai bar.
For mony a sted wes stekyt thar ;
And mony gud man feUyt wndre fet.'
Barbour, p. 252.
' The erle of Murreff, and his men,
Sa stoutly thaim contenyt then.
That thai wan place, ay mar and mar,
On thair fayis ; quhethir thai war

THE BATTLE COMMENCES. 93
flowed in eveiy direction, and the Scots, though opposed
to such overwhelming numbers, still bore onward, the
English encountering them most fiercely, and doing aU
in their power to check the course of these intrepid
northern warriors.^"
The massive columns of English, stUl pressing onward
to the right, came at length into battle with the troops
under Sir Walter Steward and Sir James Douglas, who
kept near to the division of Randolph and stUl preserved
the front of the Scottish Unes unbroken.^^ A simUar

Ay ten for ane, or may, perfay ;
Swa that it semyt weiU that thai
War tynt amang sa gret menye,
As thai war plungyt in the se.' — Barbour, pp. 252-3.
' And quhen the IngUs men has sene
The erle, and all his men, bedene
Faucht sa stoutly, but effraying,
Eycht as thai had nane abasing ;
Thaim pressyt thai with all thair mycht.
And thai, with speris and suerdis brycht,
And axys that rycht scharply schar,
Ymyddis the wesag met thaim thar.
Thar mycht men se a stalwart stour ;
And mony men of gret valour.
With speris, masis, and knyffis.
And othyr wapynnys, wyssyUyt thair lyvis :
Swa that mony feU doune aU dede.
The greyss woux with the blud aU reid.'
Barbour, p. 253.
^' ' Quhen thir twa fyrst bataUlis wer
Assemblyt, as I said yow er,
The Stewart, Waltre that than was,
And the gud lord als of Douglas,
In a bataUl, quhen that thai saw
The erle, for owtyn dred or aw,

94 THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN.
onslaught was made by the enemy with still greater
vehemence, if possible, in order to break through the
opposing Scottish spears, and again the EngUsh, both
horse and foot, were repelled with the most determined
resolution. Steed after steed was thrown down, and
knight, squire, and man-at-arms on the side of England
fell, yet their places were instantly occupied by the masses
behind, and the battle on the whole line became more
fierce and terrible. The soil was covered with the dead
and the dying, while the struggling combatants waded
through coagulated streams of blood,^" yet no lapse took
place in the stern valour everywhere displayed, and the
Scots, advancing as they fought, trode over prostrate horse
and man as if all opposition was in vain.

AssembiU with his cumpany
On aU that folk sa sturdely,
For tiU help him thai held thair way ;
And assemblyt sa hardely
Besid the erle, a litUl by.
That thair fayis feld thair cummyn wele.
For with wapynnys stalwart of stele
Thai dang apon, with aU thair mycht.'
Barbour, pp. 253-4.
' Thar fayis resawyt weile, Ik hycht,
With swerdis, speris, and with mase.
The bataiU thar sa feloune was,
And swa rycht gret spiUing of blud.
That on the erd the floussis stud.
The Scottis men sa weiU thaim bar,
And swa gret slauchter maid thai thar.
And fra sa fele the lyvis rewyt.
That all the feld bludy wes lewyt.
That tyme thar thre bataUUs wer,
AU syd besid, fechtand weUl ner.

THE BATTLE COMMENCES. 95
While the armies thus opposed each other in direful
conflict, Robert Bruce observed how the shafts from the
English bows were telling most fatally on the right wing of
his army, especially among his own archers, who were not
clothed like the spearmen in defensive armour. For this
he was prepared, and giving orders that Sir Robert Keith,
Earl Marshal, should lead the troop of five hundred horse
imder his command against these bowmen, the movement
was at once accomplished.^' Threading their way probably
amid the furze and trees that grew on the north-east bank
of the Bannock above Park Mill, they outflanked the Eng
lish cavalry, and, without the slightest opposition, fell on
the unarmed men, who were lightly clad and altogether
unprotected, for the attention of King Edward and his
nobles must at the time have been directed intensely
towards the main front of the battle. A brief space

Thar mycht men her mony cUnt,
And wapynnys apon armuris stynt ;
And se tumble knychtis, and stedis,
And mony rich and reale wedis
DefouUyt fouUy wndre fete.' — Barbour, p. 254.
" ' The Inglis archeris schot sa fast.
That mycht thair schot haff ony last.
It had bene hard to Scottis men.
Bot king Eobert, that wele gan ken
That thair archeris war peralouss,
And thair schot rycht hard and grewouss,
Ordanyt, forouth the assemble,
Hys marschell with a gret menye,
Fyve hundre armyt in to stele.
That on lycht horss war horsyt weile.
For to pryk amang the archeris ;
And swa assaile thaim with thair speris,
That thai na layser haiff to schute.' — Barbour, p. 255.

96 THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN.
elapsed ere Keith Marshal accomplished his mission, but
lUtimately the English archers were totally defeated."
Many were borne to the ground or killed, while those who
fled were almost unable, from the pressure, to obtain room
among the English troops, hence, during the latter part of
the day, they never raUied to afford any especial assistance
to their countrymen.^^ Meanwhile, the Scottish archers,
though not very expert with the bow, being armed with
swords, knives, and battle-axes, now that the shower of
steel from their opponents had ceased, came forward and
aimed their shafts with most fatal effect on the enemy.
When Robert Bruce saw Keith Marshal retum after
dispersing the English archers, and also observing before
him his three divisions stUl making way on the enemy,
maintaining their squares in line with each other, and
fighting most bravely, he was, apart from the excitement,
much gratified, for every movement indicated a prosperous
result. Addressing the chief men near him who headed

' In hy apon thaim gan he rid ;
And our tuk thaim at a sid ;
And ruschyt amang thaim sa rudly,
Stekand thaim sa dispitously,
And in sic fusoun berand doun,
And slayand thaim, for owtyn ransoun ;
That thai thaim scalyt euirUkane.
And fra that tyme furth thar wes nane
That assemblyt schot to ma.' — Barbour, p. 255.
' And agayne armyt men to fycht
May nakyt men have litUl mycht.
Thai scalyt thaim on sic maner.
That sum to thair gret bataiU wer
Withdrawyn thaim, in full gret hy :
And sum war fled aU wtrely.' — Barbour, p. 256.

THE BATTLE COMMENCES. 97
his own division ere they joined in battle, he cheered them
with words of encouragement, desiring they also should
acquit themselves most gallantly, so that any opposing
force might be unable to withstand their onset. The
several oblong squares before him were fighting most
fiercely, and had so gallantly encountered the foe, that were
the latter pressed something more they would doubtless be
overcome. ' Now then,' he is reported to have said to the
leaders in his own division, ' let us go forward, and support
our feUow-countrymen in their glorious cause, for we trust
we shaU have assistance from on high to punish these
assailants as they deserve.'^® On this being said they

' And the gud king Eobert, that ay
Wes fiUyt off full gret bounty.
Saw how that his bataUUs thre
Sa hardely assemblyt thar,
And sa weUl in the fycht thaim bar ;
And swa fast on thair fayis gan ding.
That him thoucht nane had abaysing ;
And how the archeris war scalyt then ;
He was aU blyth : and tiU his men
He said ; ' Lordingis, now luk that ye
' Worthy, and off gud cowyn be,
' At thys assemble, and hardy.
' And assembiU sa sturdely,
' That na thing may befor yow stand.
' Our men ar sa freschly fechtand,
' That thai thair fayis has grathyt sua,
' That be thai pressyt, Ik wndreta,
' A UtUl fastyr, ye saU se
' That thai discumfyt sone sail be.' '
Barbour, pp. 256-7.
ANOTHER version.
' ' Our kin, and our friends . . .
' Despiteously they hang'd and drawn,
H

98 THE BATTLE OP BANNOCKBURN.
advanced chiefly to the right, filling up the weakest portions
of the lines, and taking their place where the battle was
most fiercely disputed.^'^

' And would destroy us if they might ;
' But I trow God, through his foresight,
' This day has granted us his grace
' To wreck us on them in this place.''
Barbour, "§. %. p. 266.
" ' Quhen this wes said, thai held thair way ;
And on ane feld assemblyt thai
Sa stoutly, that at thair cummyng
Thair fayis war ruschyt a gret thing.' — Barbour, p. 257.
' It would seem from some expressions in Barbour that the
King of Scots brought up the reserve to the right of his army.
This shows that there had been a great slaughter of the Scots, by
which, in that circumscribed ground, there was place left for the
reserve to faU into the Une.' — Hailes, vol. ii. p. 47.
This is every way probable, for Sir Edward Brace not only
withstood the first onset of the EngUsh, but sustained it to the
last, and being on the highest ground, the strength of the enemy,
we may be certain, was chiefly directed to this quarter, which seems
to have been all foreseen, and provided for by Brace.

CHAPTER X.
BATTLE CONTINUED.
0 God, thy arm was here.
And not to us, but to thy arm alone
Ascribe we all ! — Shakespeare.
The whole martial forces of Scotland, except the slight
detachments near them in reserve, were now engaged in
the fight, so that the ground, from the high banks of the
Bannock, north of Park MiU, to the head of Halbert's
Bog, and down southward to the Bannock again, was
crowded with fighting men, while, in the opposing lines of
conflict, each was straggling between life and death for
victory. Again and again did the maUed chivalry of
England, in heavy masses, attempt to break through the
opposing barrier of pointed steel, and as often did they
fail, nor could they possibly draw back, for those behind,
closely wedged together, would allow of no retreating,
and, thus environed on each side, they fell pierced with
wounds.^ Horses sprang away with empty saddles, adding

' Thai faucht, as thai war in a rage.
For quhen the Scottis archery
Saw thair fayis sa sturdely
Stand in to bataUl thaim agayn ;
With aU thair mycht, and aU thair mayn.
Thai layid on, as men out of wit.
And quhar thai, with full strak, mycht hyt,
Thar mycht na armur stynt thair strak.
Thai to fruchyt that thai mycht our tak :

100 THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN.
to the general tumult and dismay, whUe others rolled over
with men upon them in maUed armour, who, being unable
to rise, were trodden to the earth in helpless confusion.
AU this time the Scottish archers, winging their shafts
where they fell most effectually, performed gallant service ;
nor did they constantly use the bow, for as occasion served
they seized their axes, and so handled them that neither
helm nor habergeon could ward off the stroke. It was a
fearful straggle, for the whole Scottish front, moving stUl
onward, forced their way, as our national poet says, ' red-
wat shod' over every obstacle of men and horses, dead or
dying. Nor did the opposite lines of the English seem to
slacken in any degree, for everywhere they appeared in
countless numbers, taking the place, whenever it occurred,
of those who fell, and endeavouring, with determined
energy, to break the overwhelming rush of spears, that a
gap might be made whereby the cavalry might enter and
bear to earth the undaunted Scots.^ The latter truly

And with axys sic duschys gave.
That thai helmys and hedis clave.
And thar fayis rycht hardely
Met thaim, and dang on thaim douchtely.
With wapnys that war styth of stele.'
Barbour, p. 257-8.
' Thar wes the bataUl strekyt wele.
Sa gret dyn thar wes of dyntis,
As wapnys apon armur styntis ;
And off speris sa gret bresting ;
And sic thrang, and sic thrysting ;
Sic gyrnyng, granyng ; and sa gret
A noyis, as thai gan othyr belt ;
And ensenyeys on ilka sid ;
Gewand, and takand, woundis wid ;
That it wes hydwyss for to her.

BATTLE CONTINUED. 101
could not maintain their progress unscathed, for many a
steady spearman fell, yielding up his breath in stern
defence of the liberties of his native land.
Barbour himself soars into the region of poetry on
describing the scene, appealing to the great Ruler of the
universe, while he writes how Sir Edward Bmce and his
gallant warriors acquitted themselves in the fight so nobly
that their shock of spears was tremendous, and that the
Scots maintained themselves in such a compact body that
whoever fell before them never had the power to rise
again. Many gallant feats were performed, and many a
brave man killed, for the field was red with gore, whUe
surcoats, clothing, and various appendages to garments of
brUliant appearance were so stained with soU and blood
they could not be known.' In the same way our venerable

AU thair four battailis with that wer
Fechtand in a frount halyly.' — Barbour, p. 258.
' A mychty God ! how douchtely
Schyr Eduuard the Bruce, and his men,
Amang thair fayis contenyt thaim then !
Fechtand in sa gud covyn,
Sa hardy, worthy, and sa fyne.
That thar waward ruschyt was ;
* * * *
Quha hapnyt in to that fycht to faU,
I trow agane he suld nocht ryss.
Thar mycht men se, on mony wyss,
Hardimentis eschewyt douchtely ;
And mony, that wycht war and hardy,
Sone liand wndre fete all dede ;
Quhar aU the feld off blud wes rede.
Armys, and quhytyss, that thai bar,
With blud war sa defoulyt thar,
That thai mycht nocht descroyit be.'
Barbour, pp. 258-9.

102 THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN.
chronicler deUneates with a skUful hand how the Steward
and Douglas, with their power, so pressed the enemy that
whoever witnessed it might weU say these heroes were
worthy of aU honour, whUe many a splendid horse plunged
back amid the throng without its rider.* Then he aUudes
to Randolph, teUing how he and his devoted soldiers made
their way wherever they came, repeUing at every step the
maUed, courageous, and high-minded chivalry of England.^
Here and there also, between the divisions of spearmen,
the archers plied their bows so incessantly during the
desperate struggle of both man and horse, who were only
a few yards from them, that almost every arrow flew to its
aim, and every axe dealt an irresistible blow. Moreover,
the whole front of the Scots, obedient to the strict injunc-

' A mychty God ! qiiha than mycht se
That Stewart, Waltre, and his rout.
And the gud Douglas, that wes sa stout,
Fechtand in to that stalwart stour ;
He suld say that tUl all honour
Thai war worthi, that, in that fycht,
Sa fast pressyt thair fayis mycht.
That thaim ruschyt quhar thai yeid.
Thar men mycht se mony a steid
Fleand on stray, that lord had nane.' Barbour, p. 259.
' A Lord ! quha then gud tent had tane
TUl the gud erle of Murreff,
And his, that sa gret rowtis geff.
And faucht sa fast in that battaUl,
Tholand sic paynys and trawaUl,
That thai and tharis maid sic debat,
That quhar thai come thai maid thaim gat.'
Barbour, p. 259.

BATTLE CONTINUED. 103
tion of the king, was maintained in regular line, for no
opening could be made among them, and the English were
either slain or driven backward, surely, though at times
slowly, yet ever retreating.®
This desperate fighting continued for a considerable
time, while Robert Brace observed that assistance was
promptly rendered wherever it was required. Accordingly,
the English, finding it impossible to make way against the
enemy, were amazed, and at length they hesitated to renew
the heavy and repeated charges they made at first to break
through or circumvent the Scots. This slackness was at
once observed by the latter, and among them the cry arose,
which soon circulated along the whole lines — ' On them,
on them ! — they faU, they faU 1' Every Scotsman thereby
felt his heart animated afresh, and in front of the several
divisions the assault was sustained with the most desperate
energy and enthusiasm. The important event which would
echo over Britain for a thousand years was about to be
decided, victory on the one side and defeat on the other
was imminent, for another hour would in all likelihood
determine the problem. ~
WhUe the battle continued to be struck thus fiercely,
the number of camp followers, or gUlies, meaning the male
servants, and numbering above fifteen thousand, who were
sent away from the anny, as has been stated, to a hoUow
north of Graystale, on GUlies Hill, had watched the struggle
most attentively from the higher ground, and as they ob-

' For thai, that fechtand with thaim wer,
Set herdement, and strenth, and wiU,
And hart, and corage als, thar tUl ;
And aU thair mayne, and aU thair mycht.
To put thaim fuUy to [the] fijcht.'— Barbour, p. 260.

104 THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN.
served their countrymen not only confronting the English
in unbroken lines, but repelling and bearing them back
ward, they resolved, in accordance we believe with what
had been previously arranged by the King, to perform a
movement which lUtimately was most successful.'^ Select
ing among themselves the man or men deputed by Bruce
to direct them, for an oflfice of that kind regularly faUs to
the most skUful, they gathered together all the poles and
straight young trees stript of branches they could procure,
and fastening to the upper end of each either a sheet or a
piece of coloured linen, such as could be supplied, for the
spare clothing of the army was there, they formed them
selves into ranks and columns, and, appearing in hostUe
array, came marching over the edge of the hill, sounding
their homs in wild clamour, directly down to the battle
field.^ Except for some natural trees or bushes, as there
were scarcely any undulations of the ground, the whole
course of their progress was observed by every opposing
Englishman not engaged in actual conflict, and the sight
apparently of a fresh and powerful army hastening to assist

' ' At a distance, in a vaUey, lay fifteen thousand foUowers of
the army, whom the king dared not bring into the field, but whom
he iastructed to show themselves in the heat of the conflict as a
new army hastening to the aid of their countrymen.' — Lingard,
vol ui. p. 21.
' ' Ane off thaim selwyn that war thar
Capitane of thiam aU thai maid.
And schetis, that war sumdele brad.
Thai festnyt in steid off baneris,
Apon lang treys and speris :
And said that thai wald se the fycht ;
And help their lordis at thair mycht.' Barbour, p. 260.

BATTLE CONTINUED. 105
the Scots, spread dismay and terror everywhere among
them. On approaching the throng of battle, the gUlies
shouted to the full extent of their voices, ' Slay, slay 1 upon
them hastily !' and the struggle became more and more
deadly. By this time the English, who had fought face to
face with the Scots from the commencement of the battle
till now, were driven down towards the Bannock, yet they
preserved their front manfully, dealing their blows, as if
through despair, with tremendous effect, while behind,
their fellow-cormtrymen were still so massed together that
no space was left for retreat. On seeing the accession,
however, of numbers to the Scottish ranks, astonishment
and fear began to unnerve their resolution, while the gUlies
seized such weapons as were at hand, or could be caught
from the dead and dying around them, and, uniting with
the infantry, strack down whoever of their opponents they
could reach.* The Scottish cavalry began now to perform
a most important part, for whenever an opening occurred
in the ranks of the English, these horsemen pressed forward
among them, and made immense slaughter. About this

9

' And Inglis men, that ruschyt war
Throuch forss of fycht, as I said ar,
Quhen thai saw cummand, with sic a cry,
Towart thaim sic a cumpany,
That thaim thoucht wele als mony war,
As that wes fechtand with thaim thar ;
And thai befor had nocht thaim sene ;
Than, wit ye weUl, with outyn wene.
Thai war abaysit sa gretumly,
That the best and the mast hardy.
That war in till thair ost that day,
Wald with thair mensk haf bene away.'
Barbour, p. 261.

106 THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN.
time the Earl of Gloucester, in an attempt to turn the tide
of battle, rode fiercely upon the advancing Scots, and,
without being duly supported by his own foUowers, feU,
pierced by the Scottish spears.^" Brace now perceiving
how the ranks of the enemy were giving way, raised his
war cry, and all those who were with him, animated by the
prospect of victory, united with aU their might in dealing
destruction upon the reeling crowds before them." During
the whole period that the English were driven back, tUl
the stream was reached, and even then, from the site of
Park MUl to that of ChartershaU, a series of desperate
encounters would appear to have taken place. Barbour
obseiwes the Bannock was so bridged over with drowned
horses and men that they who wished to cross it might

" Tytler, vol. i. p. 274.
" ' The king Eobert, be thair relying,
Saw thai war ner at discomfiting.
And his ensenye gan hely cry.
Than, with thaim off his cumpany,
Hys fayis he pressyt sa fast that day,
[Thai] wer iu tUl sa gret efiray.
That thai left place ay mar and mar.
For aU the Scottis men that thax war,
Quhen thai saw thaim eschew the fycht.
Dang on thaim with aU thair mycht ;
That thai scalyt thaim in troplys ser.
And till discomfitur war ner :
And sum off thaim fled aU planly.
Bot thai, that wycht war and hardy,
That schame lettyt to ta the flycht.
At gi-et myscheiff mantemyt the fycht ;
And stythly in the stour gan stand.' Barbour, pp. 261-2.

BATTLE CONTINUED. 107
have done so dry-footed.^^ At last, confounded, or over
come with alarm, terror, and amazement, whole squadrons of
the EngUsh now betook themselves to flight. The battle
was at length won, Scotland had conquered, and England
was compeUed to suffer an ignominious defeat.

12 ' And Bannokbume, betuix the brays,
Off men, off hors, swa stekyt wais.
That, apon drownyt hors and men.
Men mycht pass dry owt our it then.' Barbour, p. 263.
We question the accuracy of this statement in one point only,
for whether man or beast be drowned, they are generaUy found in
deep water ; hence, if the stream was so choked up, it must have
been by men and horses who were kUled and not drowned.

CHAPTER XL
FLIGHT OF THE ENGLISH.
Day glimmers on the dying and the dead.
The cloven cuirass, and the hehnless head ;
The war-horse masterless is on the earth
And that last gasp hath burst his bloody girth ;
And near, yet quivering with what life remain'd.
The heel that urg'd him and the hand that rein'd. Byron.
We may readily conceive the astonishment and agonising
feelings at this time of the English King. It is said that
on the crisis of the fight, when the Scots were likely to
win, he attempted to ride forward with or without his body
guard, that he might dye his steel in the blood of the
Scots ; ^ but it is more likely he was held back by those

^ Could we attach credit to the words of Patrick Gordon,
King Edward rushed into the throng, and fought with the bravery
which characterised his race, for he kUled the Earl of Strathearn
and his son, beside other knights whose names are not recorded.
' Their angry King
bravely from his Troops doth forth advance,
=k ^ ^ ^
And there were kUled by his princely Hand
Seven vaUant Knights whose names hath Time forgot.
» * * *
Strathern's old Earl there dy'd beneath his Brand
Whose Son with Sorrow prick'd, with Fury hot
Did fiercely him assaU, but aU in vain ;
Death made him soon forget his Father's Pain.'
Gordon, p. 201.

FLIGHT OF THE. ENGLISH. 109
around him ; and when at last De Valence, Earl of Pem
broke, saw that the chance of victory was over and danger
at hand, he seized the King's bridle and led him unwUl-
ingly away from the sickening scene. ^ Sir GUes de
Argentine, true to his trust, whose lofty conception of
knightly honour would not allow him to depart a fugitive
from a stricken field, accompanied the monarch till he
thought him safely away from danger, and then observing
it was not his wont to fly from battle, wished him, ' God
speed ! ' Turning his horse again to the field, he spurred
forward, and shouting his war cry, ' An Argentine ! An
Argentine ! ' he encoxmtered several horsemen and the
infantry under Sir Edward Bruce, where he gallantly fell
as became a brave and heroic knight. His loss was de
plored by the Scots as well as the English, for he was
accounted the third best knight in Christendom.^

^ ' And yeyt haiff Ik hard som men say,
That of Walence Schir Aymer,
When he the feld saw wencusyt ner.
Be the reyngye led away the king,
Agayne his wiU, fra the fechting.' — Barbour, p. 262.
^ ' And quhen Schyr Gylis the Argents
Saw the king thus, and his menye,
Schap thaim to fley sa spedyly,
He come rycht to the king in hy,
And said ; ' Schyr, sen it is sua
' That ye thusgat your gat wUl ga,
' Hawys gud day ! for agayne wUl I :
' Yeyt fled I neuir sekyrly.
' And I cheyss her to bid and dey,
' Than for to lyve schamly, and fley.'
Hys bridUl, but mar abad.
He turnyt ; and agayne he rade.
And on Eduuard the Bruyss rout.

110 THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN.
Panic-strack at the terrible calamity, and scarcely
knowing what to do or where to go, the King of England,
accompanied by his bishops, and having five hundred of
his principal nobility around him,* rode at last direct to
Stirling, by the nearest approach, and ascending to the
castle, sought instant admittance.^ Sir Philip Mowbray

That wes sa sturdy, and sa stout.
As drede off nakyn thing had he.
He prikyt ; cryand, ' The Argentd ! '
And thai with spuris swa him met.
And swa fele speris on him set.
That he and hors war chargyt swa,
That bathe tUl the erd gan ga :
And in that place thar slane wes he.
Off hys deid wes rycht gret pit^.
He wes the thrid best knycht, perfay.
That men wyst lywand in his day.
He did mony a fayr journd.
On Saryzjmys thre derenyeys faucht he :
And, in tUl ilk derenye off tha.
He wencussyt Saryzynys twa.
His gret worschip tuk thar ending.'
Barbour, pp. 262-3.
* Hugh de Lespencer, ' that cowardly bird of prey,' as HaUes
calls him, quoting from Moore, was also of the number.
" ' And quhen the king of Ingland
Saw his men fley, in syndry place.
And saw his fayis rout, that was
Worthyn sa wycht, and sa hardy,
That all his folk war halyly
Sa stonayit, that thai had na mycht
To stynt thair fayis in the fycht ;
He was abaysyt sa gretumly.
That he and his cumpany,
Fyve hundre, armyt all at rycht.
In tUl a frasch aU tok the flycht ;
And to the casteU held thair way.' — Barbour, p. 202.

FLIGHT OF THE ENGLISH. Ill
observed the fortress was at his monarch's wUl, but if
he came within, he would undoubtedly be taken prisoner,
for none in all England could either rescue him or render
help. Whereupon he advised him to retain his knights
by him, and wind round beneath the Park, so as to get
away from the strife, in which case none would be able to
do him injury. Hereupon he departed, taking his way
beneath the castle, past the Round Table, and below the
east side of the Park, on the direct road to Linlithgow,
with the utmost speed. •* Sir James Douglas, who perceived
his flight, besought King Robert to allow him to give chase,
which was granted, but as large numbers of the English
were stUl near, no more than about sixty mounted horse
men could be spared for the pursuit.''

" ' Bot PhUip the Mowbray said him till ;
' The casteU, Schyr, is at your will.
' Bot cum ye in it, ye sail se
' That ye sail sone assegyt be.
' And thar sail nane of Ingland
' To mak yow rescourss tak on hand.
' And, but rescours, may na casteU
' Be haldyn lang, ye wete this wele.
' Tharfor comfort yow, and rely
' Your men about yow rycht starkly ;
' And haldis about the Park your way,
' Eycht als sadly as ye may.
' For I trow that nane sail haff mycht,
' That chassys, with sa fele to fycht.'
And his consaiU thai haff doyne.' — Barbour, p. 264.
See also Note 17, p. 31, supra.
' ' For Schyr James lord of Douglas
Come to the king, and askyt the chace ;
And he gaff him it, but abaid.
Bot all to few of hors he haid :

112 THE BATTLE OP BANNOCKBURN.
When King Edward quitted the field, and the royal
banner of England was borne away, any resistance on the
side of her sons was hopeless, and, depressed by the awful
calamity which was imminent, each man endeavoured to fly
for safety, so that an incredible number were slain. Of
those who remained longest on the field the slaughter was
immense, for, being without the slightest means of resist
ance, they were stricken down and destroyed^ on every
side. But parties of the Scots intent on plunder, instead
of chasing the enemy, preferred to gather spoil wherever it
could be found, and they rifled the slain, besides collecting
what booty they could acquire in the EngUsh camp,
thereby allowing numbers to escape.^ Many men of rank,
as a means of safety, threw off their surcoats and armour,
whereby their speed should be increased, and they would
not attract attention, and fled half naked over the country
in the direction of England. A large body of the fugitives.

He had nocht in hys rout sexty.
The quhethir he sped him hastely
The way eftyr the king to ta.' — Barbour, p. 265.
Lord Hailes agrees with Barbour as to the number of horsemen
with which Douglas gave chase to the fugitives, though Buchanan
and HoUinshed increase it to four hundred.
° ' Ik hard neuir quhar, in na contr^
Folk at sua gret myscheiff war stad.
On ane sid thai thair fayis had.
That slew thaim doun for owten mercy.'
Barbour, pp. 263-4.
" ' Very few of the flying army would have escaped with Ufe
and liberty if many of the Scotch soldiers had not preferred the
plunder of the EngUsh camp (where they found an immense
booty) to the pursuit of their enemies.'— ilf on. Malms, p. 152,
quoted by Henry, vol. vii. p. 143.

PLIGHT OF THE ENGLISH. 113
who had kept together, after they passed the spot where
Bannockburn House now stands, made an attempt to
check the pursuers, but without avaU, and the place
where it is said they aU fell is stUl known in the locality
by the name of the ' Bloody Faulds.' Other companies,
diverging from the line wherein the pursuit was chiefly
made, and, hastening down to the carse, endeavoured to
cross the Forth, in which many of them were drowned."
It has been already stated that Bannockburn at that
time, below Chartershall, ran deeply amid slake and
earth, so that many who lingered on the field, and had
escaped slaughter by the lower orders of the Scots, were
also overwhelmed in the sluggish stream.'^^
Among the English nobility who fled and were not of
the number who accompanied the King, was the Earl of
Hereford, who took a southern direction, with many of his

" ' And fra Schyr Aymer with the king
Was fled, wes nane that durst abid ;
Bot fled, scalyt on Uka sid.
And thair fayis thaim pressyt fast.
Thai war, to say suth, swa agast.
And fled sa fast, rycht effrayitly,
That off thaim a fuU gret party
Fled to the watre of Forth ; and thar
The mast part off thaim drownyt war.'
Barbour, p. 263.
" ' Sua that sum slayne, sum drownjrt war :
Mycht nane eschap that euir come thar.'
Barbour, p. 264.
The channel of the Bannock, ere it enters the valley below
MUton, has been deepened considerably since the time of the battle.
There is now, and has been for a lengthened period, a gradual
descent in its course, for the bridge which spans the stream, near
the above village, has been widened on two several occasions.
I

114 THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN.
foUowers, and knowing the country, went direct to the
castle of BothweU, which was held by his own countryman.
Sir Walter Gilbertson, who took him in over the walls,
with fifty of his dependants.^^ The remainder of the
fugitives escaped towards England, but only about a
fourth of the number reached the Border land in safety,
the others being either kUled or made prisoners.^^ Another
large company who attempted to escape by flight were Welch-
men who had accompanied Maurice de Berkeley, but being
almost naked, for they wore light linen covering only, many
were captured, and stUl more slain." Of those who were

' The erle of Herfurd fra the meU^
Departyt, with a gret mengne :
And straucht to BothweU tok the vai,
That than in the Ingliss mennys fay
Was, and haldyn as [a] place of wer.
Schyr Waltre GUbertson wes ther
Capitane, and it had in ward.
The erle of Herfurd thiddyrward
Held, and wes tane in our the waU,
And fyfty of his men with aU ;
And set in howssis sindryly ;' — Barbour, p. 265.
' The lave went towart Ingland.
Bot off that rout, I tak on hand.
The thre partis war slane or tane.
The lave with gret payn hame are gane.'
Barbour, pp. 265-6.
' Schyr Mawrice, alsua, the Berclay,
Fra the gret bataUl held hys way,
With a gret rout off Walis men.
Quhar euir thai yeid men mycht thaim ken.
For thai wele ner aU nakyt war ;
Or lynnyn clathys had but mar.
Thai held thair way iu fuU gret hy.
Bot mony off thair cumpany.

FLIGHT OP THE ENGLISH. 115
left with life, and knowing that no mercy would be shown
them in flying towards Falkirk, the chief portion — and a
large number they were — sought their way northward, and
took refuge on and around the crags to the west and north
of Stirling Castle, and almost covered these rocky pre
cipices.^^ Indeed, with other fugitives, they were so
numerous that King Robert entertained some doubt they
might rally again, wherefore he kept his good men near
him to repress any assault, for which cause he could not
afford Douglas a sufficient number of horse to pursue King
Edward, and accordingly the latter got safely away."
One may conceive the consternation of those men,
women, and youths, who were left with the provision-
waggons, etc., when they beheld their monarch with his
nobles flying past them on horseback at full speed for life.
MUe after mile this must have been the case, and the

Or thai tUl Ingland come, war tane ;
And mony als off thaim war slayne.' — Barbour, p. 266.
' Bot to the casteU, that wes ner.
Off StrewilUne fled sic a mengye.
That it war wondre for to se.
For the craggis aU helyt war
About the casteU, her and thar,
Off thaim, that for strenth of that sted,
Thiddyrwart to warand fled.' — Barbour, p. 266.
' And for thai war sa fele, that thar
Fled wndre the casteU war.
The king Eobert, that wes wytty.
Held in his gud men ner him by.
For drede that riss agayne suld thai.
This wass the causs, forsuth to say,
Quhar throuch the King of Ingland
Eschapyt hame in tiU his land.' — Barbour, p. 266.

116 THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN.
sight would indicate to them the hard fate they would
probably have to undergo ere they could hope to set foot
upon their own land. It was a most exciting chase.
While Sir James Douglas was pursuing King Edward
past the Torwood he met Sir Lawrence Abemethy with
twenty horsemen, who had come with the intention of
assisting the English, but on observing the result of the
battle he swore to be leal and trae to Bmce, and joined
Douglas in the pursuit.^^ On passing Linlithgow the
Scottish horse approached the fugitives so near that they
might almost have come into conflict, but the latter were
so numerous that the pursuers deemed it imprudent to
stay them in their flight. Keeping, however, close upon
them, they watched their chance; and when any one of
the English lingered or was left behind, even a short way,
he was certain to be either kUled or made prisoner. King
Edward, aware of his danger, vowed to God or the Virgin
that if he might escape with life he would build a house
to the Carmelite or White Friars, in which he would place

" ' Now wUl we of the Lord of Douglas
Tell, how that he folowit the chas.
He had to quhone in his cumpany;
Bot he sped him in fuU gret hy.
And as he throuch the Torwod fur,
Sa met he ridand on the mur
Schyr Laurence off Abyrnethy,
That, with twenty-four in cumpany.
Come for tUl help the Englismen ;
For he was Ingliss man yet then.
But quhen he hard how that it wes,
He left the Inglis mennys pess ;
And to the lord Dowglas rycht thar
For to be lele and trew he swar.' — Barbour, p. 270.

FLIGHT OP THE ENGLISH. 117
twenty-four brethren; and, in fulfilment of this promise,
though in opposition to the advice of one of his para
sites, the younger Spencer, Oriel College in Oxford, was
erected.^^ At Winchburgh, a small village eleven mUes west of
Edinburgh, the English halted to feed their horses, and
the pursuers did the same, but, speedily mounting, the
former pursued their way direct to the castle of Dunbar,
where King Edward and fifteen Earls in his company" were
received by Patrick Dunbar, Earl of March, leaving their
horses behind them, which were immediately seized by the
Scots. The remainder of the English held onward towards
Berwick, but as they were numerous, preserving their
array and threatening defiance in case of interruption,
Douglas found it necessary to allow them to depart.^" It
is said he left a party of horsemen to capture the King in
case he should venture by land to his own kingdom. But
when King Edward recovered from his bodUy fatigue, his
friend and host, the Earl of March ,^^ taking from him a

'^ Stow, p. 217. '' Hollinshed, p. 219.
'" ' The lave, that lewyt thar without,
Adressyt thaim in till a rout.
And tUl Berwik held straucht thair way
In route.' — Barbour, p. 272.
°' ' Patrike Dubarre, erle of Marche, that daye
To Kyng Edward was leege ma log afore
To his father, and trewe had been alwaye,
Sent Kyng Edward to Barwik ; but, therefore.
He toke of hym a relesse for euermore
Of his seruice that due was to the [his] croune,
Anentes Kyng Brays to execute [excuse] his treason.'
Hardyng, p. 306.
This release, with other documents of Scottish History, Har-

118 THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN.
release of his service, got him conveyed in a boat, with a
few of his chief men, by sea from Dunbar, either to Berwick
or Bambrough, which he reached in safety.^^

dyng says, he afterwards delivered into the treasury of King
Henry the Fifth, at Boys Vincent, in France, for which he received
the manor or vUla of Godyngton in Oxfordshire, and which sub
sequently came into possession of the Queen.
^^ Barbour says he went in ' a bate be se to Bawmburgh,'
whUe Turner observes that, ' getting into a ship, he saUed pre
cipitately to Berwick.'

CHAPTER Xn.
LIBERAL TREATMENT OF PRISONERS.
When, without stratagem,
But in plain shock, and even play of battle.
Was ever known so great and little loss.
On one part and on th' other ? — Shakespeare.
In relating the above incidents subsequent to the battle,
we are impressed with the apparent lack of precaution on
the part of King Edward, his advisers, and the English
nobUity, to whose charge the expedition to Scotland was
entrusted. Blindly confiding in their own strength, and
deeming that every obstacle would give way before them,
no arrangement whatever seems to have been made either to
ward off danger or provide for safety in the event of defeat.
When the Scots gained the battle, had the English, who
were under arms, withdrawn from the field, and kept
together in regular order, presenting a barrier of defence,
and retreating as well as they could in front of their
pursuers, conveying the most valuable portion of their pro
vision and baggage with them, how different had the
result been, as to the loss of both life and property.
Whenever King Edward quitted the field, the whole
remaining divisions of the army who fought for him, being
altogether undefended, fied, and were captured, or cut
down without mercy, whereas large numbers, under
more prudent guidance, might, unscathed, have reached
England, and lived to a good old age.

120 THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN.
When the battle was decided, and the English who
were unwounded and at Uberty had left the field, the Scots
forthwith commenced to seize upon such spoU as they
could secure. Many, indeed, who had previously endured
much privation, acquired vast wealth, which enabled them
to assume a high station during the remainder of their
lives.^ The King, in the meantime, having sent a goodly
battalion of armed men to secure the large number of
English who had fled to the crags at Stirling Castle, they
speedily accomplished the object of their mission, and made
them prisoners.^ On retuming they were also allowed to
join the others in plundering the slain, which they did,
stripping the bodies, and many secured much spoU. It
was a marvellous sight to behold the vast multitude of
those who had fallen, for, of our ancient English families,
it is presumed that scarcely one could be named who had
not an ancestor either kUled or made prisoner in the
battle, or in the flight from that fatal field.^

' ' Quhen that the feld sa clene was maid
Off Inglis men, that nane abaid.
The Scottis men sone tuk in hand
Off tharis all that euir thai fand ;
That mony men mychty wes maid
Off the riches that thai thar haid.'
Barbour, pp. 266-7.
' ' The king send a gret cumpany
Wp to the crag, thaim tUl assaUe
That war fled fra the gret battaUl :
And thai thaim yauld for owtyn debate ;
And in hand has tane thaim fute hate.'
Barbour, p. 267.
' ' If the list (of the slain and those made prisoners, as sup-
pUed by the continuator of Trivet's Annals) were complete, most of

TREATMENT OP PRISONERS. 121
We believe the exact number of the English who were
slain on the field and in flight, and those who were taken
prisoners, cannot possibly be ascertained. Following our
best authorities, we would say that about thirty thousand
were slain in battle, and feU as fugitives on the way to
their own country. Nearly five hundred of the chief men
accompanied the King and escaped, but about two hundred
knights were kUled on the field* and seven hundred
esquires. Taking the above statement as approximating
to the trath, whUe King Edward brought one hundred
thousand men to the field, allowing for a few thousands of
prisoners, something less than sixty-five thousand would
get away with life, and this may be near an average of
what has occurred, with regard to numbers only, in very
many battles from the earliest date to the present time.
The servants and camp-followers are not comprised in this
statement. Many of these imdoubtedly would be killed,
whUe others would be fortunate enough to escape.
Among the nobles who were kUled, the most illustrious
was Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester. He was nephew
to the King, his mother being Joan of Acre, daughter to
Edward the First.* When the ranks of the English gave
way towards the close of the battle, Gloucester as has
been said, spurred forward against the Scots, and not being
duly supported by his train of five hundred men-at-arms, a

the English famUies would find the names of their predecessors
among the slain, or among the prisoners at Bannockburn.' — Hailes,
Note, vol. ii. p. 51.
¦* ' Twa hundre payr off spuris reid
War tane of knychtis that war deid.'
Barbour, p. 267.
* Dugdale, vol. i. p. 216.

122 THE BATTLE OP BANNOCKBURN.
few of whom might have rescued him, he was instantly
dismounted and slain. King Robert Bmce being related
to the Earl,® mourned in secret for his death, and causing
his body to be conveyed to a neighbouring church, it was
waked there aU the night. Sir Robert Clifford, another
gaUant warrior, who encountered Randolph previous to the
battle, but without success, was also found among the
slain. The same honour was bestowed on his remains that
was awarded to the Earl of Gloucester, and both bodies,
free of any ransom, were sent to King Edward at Berwick,
to be interred in England with the honours due to their
birth and valour.^ Among others. Lord WUliam le
MareshaU had also faUen, and Sir Edmund de Mauley,
High Steward of England, was discovered drowned in
Bannockburn.^ Of the other men of rank who fell, the
attentive reader is referred to the appendix, where a number
of names are recorded.^
On the side of Scotland the loss of men must also have
been considerable, for it is probable the Scottish chroniclers,
who state the number to be about four thousand, inten
tionally kept the figure low.^" Of the chief men, only two
were killed. Sir WUUam Vipont and Sir Walter Ross.
The latter seems to have been an especial favourite with
Sir Edward Bmce, who made much lamentation when he

6 His grandfather, Eobert, the competitor for the crown,
married Isabel, daughter of Gilbert de Clare, seventh Earl of
Gloucester, consequently she was his grandmother. — Banks, vol. i.
p. 138. '' Walsingham, vol. i. p. 142. Tyrrell, vol. iu. p. 261. Hailes,
vol. ii. p. 52.
« Stow, p. 216. 0 See Note 0.
^'' Hollinshed, at p. 219, mentions that about four thousand feU.

TREATMENT OF PRISONERS. 123
heard of his death.^^ When, however, the battle was
honourably won. King Robert and his company were most
joyful on the occasion, being highly delighted at their
good fortune. They thanked God that of his grace He
had enabled them to preserve in their own land aU they
held hallowed and dear, and, as they required rest, after
every arrangement for safety had been completed, they
accordingly withdrew, each to the place where he might
enjoy repose.
Next moming early, as King Robert went forth to
survey the battle-field, an English knight. Sir Marmaduke
Twenge,^^ who, at the close of the conflict seeing no chance
of escape, had hid himself amid some bushes, came foi-ward,
and bending on his knee, presented himself before Bruce.
The King knew him at once, and giving him welcome,
asked to whom he was prisoner. ' To none, save to your
Majesty,' said the knight. ' Then I receive you,' observed
Bruce, and forthwith treated him with much courtesy. He
dwelt with the King for a time, and the latter not only
sent him to England free of ransom but bestowed upon

^^ Some improper intimacy would appear to have existed be
tween Sir Edward Bruce and IsabeUa, sister of Eoss, but the story
is not clearly authenticated. Sir Edward married the sister of
David de Strathbogie, Earl of Athole, whom, it is said, he slighted ;
and her brother, in revenge for the deed, assaulted the King's head
quarters at Cambuskenneth, when the two armies were about to
engage, and slew the guard with the commander Sir WiUiam
Keith. In 1317 Athole went over to the service of England, and
in 1323 a sentence of forfeiture was issued against him. — Kerr,
vol. i. pp. 490-1.
^' He was a noted warrior, havkig conducted himself most
gallantly against Wallace in the battle of Stirling.

124 THE BATTLE OP BANNOCKBURN.
him handsome gifts.^^ Moreover, Sir PhUip Mowbray also
sought the King, and yielding to him the castle of Stirling,
entered into an agreement to serve him in the capacity of
a trae subject, which he performed faithfully to the end of
his life.^* It also occurred that Ralph de Monthermer,
who had married Joan of Acre, mother to the Earl of
Gloucester, fled along with the King on his way to Dunbar,
but, falling behind, was taken prisoner. He bore the
target, or, as Stow calls it, the ' the shield or scale,' belong
ing to King Edward, but when he was brought before
Brace, from the accidental familiarity which once existed
between them at the court of England, he, according to
Dugdale, ' was pardoned his fine for redemption,^^ who
thereupon returned into England, and brought the King's
target which had been taken in that fight, but prohibited
the use thereof.'" Roger de Northburge, keeper of the
King's signet, and his two clerks, Roger de Wikenfelde
and Thomas de Switon, were captured, together with the

13

' Schyr Marmeduk the Twenge he hycht.
He raykyt till the king all rycht.
And halyst him apon his kne.
' Welcum, Schyr Marmeduk,' said he ;
' To quhat man art thow presoner?' —
' To nane,' he said, ' bot to yow her.
' I yeid me at your wUl to be.' —
' And I ressave the, Schyr,' said he.
Than gert he tret him curtasly.
He duelt lang in his company :
And syne till Ingland him send he,
Arayit weUe, but ransoun fre ;
And geff him gret gyftis tharto.' — Barbour, p. 269.
" Barbour, p. 313. ^' ie. Was set at liberty free of ransom.
" Dugdale, vol. i. p. 217.

TREATMENT OP PRISONERS. 125
said seal, which was delivered to Bruce, but he restored the
signet to Edward on condition it should not again be used.
The King of England thereby caused a new one to be
made, and, to distinguish it from the other, entitled it his
privy seal.^''
It has been stated that Sir John Menteith, who betrayed
Wallace, was liberated from prison on condition, his sons-
in-law, influential men, being surety, that in the event of a
battle he should fight in the front ranks of the Scottish
King. This duty Menteith performed at Bannockbum so
weU and so bravely, that by his prowess, he not only
procured pardon for his previous base behaviour, but
received from Bruce a bountiful reward for his service,
and continued a faithful subject to the end of his life.^^
King Robert, when a reasonable time had elapsed, gave
orders that the bodies of the lords and nobUity of England
who were slain, so far as they could be recognised, should
be honourably consigned to holy ground. This might be
difficult, as both rich and poor, the former especiaUy so,
would be stripped and left almost naked on the field.
Besides, the alteration of the features by violent death,
might render it almost impossible to ascertain several of
the men of note who had faUen. The King also com
manded that large pits should be dug on the field, wherein
the scattered heaps of common people who had fallen might
be decently interred."
" Trivet, p. 15. ' Bruce was more generous than Edward I.,
who placed the fragments of the great seal of Scotland in the
Treasury of England.' — Kerr, vol. i. p. 493.
18 Buchanan, vol. i. p. 428 ; Hollinshed, pp. 220-1.
1^ ' And the gret lordis, that he fand
Dede in the feld, he gert bery

126 THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN.
The King made the towers of Stirling Castle his place
of residence for a time, and, having learned that the Earl
of Hereford with his chief followers had taken refuge in
Bothwell Castle, he dispatched his brother Edward with a
sufficient force to that fortress, and after a short siege, the
captain. Sir Walter GUbertson, capitulated, agreeing to
surrender Hereford with the other warriors into the hands
of the King.^" The Earl was accordingly sent to Brace,
who received him with respect and courtesy. By arrange
ment he was permitted to go to England without ransom,
but in exchange for him, Elizabeth, the Queen of Bruce,
daughter to the Earl of Ulster, Christian, the sister of
Brace, and Marjoiy the King's daughter,^^ Robert Wisheart,

In haly place honorabiUy ;
And the lave syne, that dede war thar.
Into gret pyttis erdyt war.' — Barboiir, p. 273.
None of these pits have yet been discovered. There are
clumps of trees growing in lowish moist places over the field where
it is supposed cottages once stood, and these appeared to the author
as likely spots of sepulture. StUl one or more of these depositories
of mortaUty may yet be found. The skeleton of Eobert Brace in
the church of Dunfermline was almost entire, when discovered in
1818; and south-west of Brankston, Andrew Eankin of that
vUlage, about 1820, cut a drain three and a half feet deep over a
large pit of the bones of many of the heroes who feU at Flodden.
See the author's account of the battle of Flodden in Archceologia
Juliana, New Series, vol. Ui. p. 197.
'"' By the industry of Joseph Stevenson, Esq., of the EoUs
Office, a Ust of those who were taken wUl be foimd by the curious
reader in the Appendix to that gentleman's edition of Chronicon de
Lanercost, printed for the Bannatyne Club in 1839, pp. 417-8.
¦1 Marjory had been given in charge to Henry Percy, and she
and Walter de Morrene were kept in the castle of Newcastle-upon-
Tyne. — Chron. de Lan., Note, p. 418; Fcedera, vol. ii. p. 1014.

TREATMENT OF PRISONERS. 127
Bishop of Glasgow, who was blind,^^ and the youthful Earl
of Mar, nephew to the King, were set free,^^ and returned
to their own country.^* The English, it would appear, had
slight value by way of barter, for about the 20th November
following, John de Segrave, an English baron who had
been captured, was exchanged for five Scottish prisoners,
David de Lindesay, Andrew Moray, Thomas de Morrain,
Reginald de Lindesay, and Alexander, his brother.^''

°^ 'Eobert Wisheart, Bishop of Glasgow in 1306, held the
castle of Coupar in Fife against the English. He was made
prisoner there, arrayed in armour, and in that uncanonical garb
was conducted to the castle of Nottingham.' — Hailes, vol. ii. p. 13.
^^ ' The young Earl of Mar, nephew to the first wife of Eobert
Brace, was imprisoned in 1306, but not chained on account of his
tender years.' — Fcedera, vol. ii. p. 1013; Hailes, vol. ii. p. 17.
^* ' And syne to BothweU send he
Schyr Eduuard with a gret menye ;
For thar wes than send him word
That the rich erle off Herford,
And othyr mychty als, wer ther.
Swa tretyt he with Schyr Walter,
That erle, and casteU, and the lave.
In Schyr Eduuardis hand he gave.
And tiU the king the erle send he,
That gert him rycht weUl yemyt be :
QuhUl at the last thai tretyt sua
That he tUl Ingland hame suld ga,
For owtyn paying of ransoune, fre ;
And that for him suld changyt be
Byschap Eobert that blynd was mad ;
And the queyne, that thai takyn had
In presoune, as befor said I ;
And hyr douchtre dame Maiory.' Barbour, pp. 273-4.
25 Fmdera, vol. Ui. p. 502 ; Taylor, vol. i. p. 139.

CHAPTER Xm.
BENEFICIAL RESULTS OF THE BATTLE.
We cannot over-estimate the value of Bannockburn to us a people.
Had we been subdued never would we have mixed kindly
in union with England. We should have been Uke Ire
land, full of heart-burnings, jealousies, reluctance, hatred,
strife, misery. Bannockburn stamped and sealed us as a
people with a national history. After that we could well
afford to be magnanimous, generous, and friendly in every
arrangement with the great sister nation whom we had so
triumphantly repeUed. A broad caUn of conscious dignity, a
liberal national atmosphere, thus settled for ever around the
glad head of Scotland. — Thomas Aird.
Among the lower ranks of the English who were un
able to escape was Robert Baston, the Carmelite ftiar,^
already mentioned. On being taken, and the aim of his
mission told to King Robert Bruce, the churchman was
desired to sing to another tune, with which he com-
pUed; and the resvdt of his poetic abUity is a Latin
composition on the battle, consisting chiefly of rhyming
hexameters. The piece is preserved by Bower in his con
tinuation of Fordun's Scotichronicon.'^
AU that the King and the English host had brought
with them — beautiful horses, flocks of cattle, provisions of

' From the vow made by King Edward during his flight to
buUd a house for the White friars, he seems to have been very
partial to that fratemity.
' Vol. u. pp. 251-5.

RESULTS OF THE BATTLE. 129
corn and wine in abundance, sumptuous clothing from the
royal wardrobe and other sources, gay pavilions, splendid
armour for the nobles and knights, vessels and utensUs of
silver and gold of vast value and exquisite workmanship,
with the money chests and coin for the payment of the
army, all fell into the hands of the Scots.^ Cows, pigs,
and poultry, with waggons, horses, and baggage of every de
scription, must have extended almost from Foot o' Green
on towards Falkirk. The loss to England amounted, we are
told, to two hundred thousand pounds, the value of which,
according to Tytler,* may be estimated at about three
millions of our present money.*^ Besides this, the ran
soms paid by prisoners for their freedom woxUd realise a
very large sum, which is computed almost to equal the
value of the plunder secured on the battle-field and in the

' ' 0 day of vengeance and of misfortune ! day of disgrace and
perdition ! unworthy to be included in the circle of the year, which
tarnished the fame of England, and enriched the Scots with the
plunder of the precious stuffs of our nation to the extent of two
hundred thousand pounds ! Alas ! of how many noble barons, and
accompUshed knights, and high-spirited young soldiers — of what
a store of excellent arms, and golden vessels and costly vestments,
did one short and miserable day deprive us?' — Mon. Malms., p.
152. Tytler's Trans., vol. i. pp. 278-9.
* Vol. i. p. 279.
" The inquisitive reader may test the accuracy of this state
ment by the following extract : — ' In the viu yere of the Kyng
(1314) was a Parlement at London, where was a gret ordinauns
to chepe vitaUe, and it avayled not. It was ordeyned that a oxe
fed with gresse schuld be seld for xvis. ; a fatte oxe for xxiiUs. ;
a fatte cow for xus. ; a good swyn, to yere old, for xld. ; a shep
withouten woUe, for xiiiid ; a fatte schep with woUe, xxd. * * a
capon, iid. ; a henne, id. ; Un dowes, id., and if ony man seld ony
othir pris, the vitaU be forfete to the Kyng.' — Capgrave, pp. 180-1.
K

130 THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN.
English camp.^ Bruce dealt out the spoil most liberally
to his faithful subjects, and so very equitably, that all
expressed themselves satisfied ; indeed the whole Scottish
army was enriched by the victory.'' He also rewarded
many of the nobles, who had done him good service, with
possessions of a more permanent nature than money, and
among the number Robert Fleming got the lands of Cum
bernauld.^ Mention has been made of the two knights of Brabant,
who were expeUed from the English anny on the night
before the battle, and a reward set upon their heads by
the King of England. They had been received by Brace,
and when he had leisure he bestowed on these men riches
from the spoU gathered on the field, with which, on re
tuming to their own land, they built a goodly house at
Antwerp, caUing it ' Scotland,' and causing a picture of
Bruce, with the Scottish arms, to be set up thereon. The
house afforded accommodation to Scotsmen from that
time down, towards the close of the sixteenth century.^
The articles used in besieging towns and demolishing
castles, which the English had also brought with them,
were carefully preserved by the King, that they might be
employed either against their former possessors, or other

8 ' They got Uttle lesse monie and riches by ransoming of pri
soners taken at this batteU, than of spoUe gotten in the fight,
campe, and field.' — Hollinshed, p. 219.
' ' The spoUe was so great of gold, sUver, and other jewels
gotten in the field, that the whole number of the Scotish armie
was made rich thereby.' — Hollinshed, p. 219.
^ Eobert Fleming, for his faithful service, gat the landis of
Cummemald.' — Bellenden, vol. u. p. 394.
^ Bellenden, vol. u. pp. 394-5. Hollinshed, p. 220.

RESULTS OF THE BATTLE. 131
enemies of Scotland." Probably they were used shortly
afterwards in throwing down the fortifications of Stirling
Castle, for when the King had arranged all matters relat
ing to the overthrow of the English, he caused the walls
and towers of that stronghold to be levelled with the
ground." But out of all the property which the English
left behind them, the rich stuffs and clothing were destined
to be preserved for the greatest number of years. They
were bestowed with other spoU to the cathedrals, the
abbeys, and monasteries throughout the kingdom, as a
thank-offering to God for the complete success with which
the efforts of Bruce and his patriots had been crowned,
in the deliverance from thraldom of their native land.
Fashioned into altar-cloths, copes, and other sacred vest
ments, they would be regarded for several generations as
reUcs of the memorable day on which Scotland achieved
her freedom at Bannockburn.^^
Allusion has been made to the servants of the English
and the camp followers. We may suppose that these and
the numbers who intended to reside in Scotland, expecting

^° Bower, in his continuation of Scotichronicon, describing the
result of the battle of Bannockburn, says ' aU the EngUsh provi
sions feU into the hands of the Scots, with their petraries and
shovels, rafters and mangonels, ladders and engines, pavilions and
beU-tents, slings and bombards, and other machines of war.' —
Meyrick, vol. i. p. 204.
" ' The casteU, and the towris, S3aie
Eycht till the ground doune gert he myn.'
Barbour, p 273.
" ' The goldin and sUkin claithis, of quhUkis King Edwardis
palyonis war maid, war distribut amang the abbays of Scotland,
to be vestamentis and frontaUis to thair altaris ; of quhUkis mony
yit remanis to our days.' — Bellenden, vol. U. pp. 393-4.

132 THE BATTLE OP BANNOCKBURN.
it to be conquered, would be subject to great suffering, for
they were left in the midst of enemies who were stirred up
to revenge by the wrongs they had endured from England,
and were perhaps too ready, when the day of retribution
came, to inflict punishment upon the innocent for the
actions of the guilty. Some, probably, were wantonly
butchered, others might suffer death in various ways, whUe
many would find their position hard enough to undergo.
Numbers might get away, for, if their clothing was scanty,
and they had health, the season was favourable for escape.
Even of those who endured much, compassion in calmer
hours might follow, and it may be presumed that many a
homely Scottish matron, touched with the wretchedness of
the poor outcasts, afforded them relief in their wanderings,
gave them food to eat, and administered to their wants, in
the faith that they were acting up to the better and nobler
impulses of our nature, and accordingly would not be
without reward.
The result of the battle being remarkable considering
the disparity of numbers on each side, the Church was not
slow in imputing the good fortune of Scotland to the
immediate interposition of heaven. On the evening before
the battle, says the Canon of Aberdeen,^^ there came to
the Abbey of Glastonbury, which at that time, like other
religious houses, was open to receive strangers, two men in
singular clothing, who asked to be accommodated for the
night. The Abbot received them kindly, gave them good
cheer, and, in the course of conversation, made inquiry
who they were, and towards what quarter they were bound.

p. 220

" Hector Boece per Bellenden, vol. ii. p. 394 ; and Hollinshed,
\9.0

RESULTS OF THE BATTLE. 133
They observed that, being servants of God, they were on
the way to assist the Scots at Bannockbum. Next morn
ing the chamberlain found they were gone before the gates
were open, and the beds appointed for them were in the
same condition as they had been left on the evening
before. It was thereby believed these had been spiritual
messengers sent from on high to succour the Scots in
their righteous efforts against the unjust tyranny of Eng
land. Likewise, from the same authority, we learn that on the
same day the battle was fought, a knight, in bright shining
armour, intimated to the inhabitants of Aberdeen how the
Scottish army had gained a glorious victory over their
enemies of England. Soon afterwards this warrior,
mounted on horseback, was seen to pass over Pentland
Firth. He was believed by the people to be Saint Magnus,
Prince of Orkney, and thereby King Robert endowed the
church of Orkney with five pounds annually, out of the
customs of Aberdeen to purchase bread, wine, and wax for
the use of the Abbey.
We are unable, even at this late period, to calculate
the benefit which flowed to Scotland by the brave men,
the most able and powerful of her whole people, who,
under the dii-ection of the greatest of her kings, fought and
nobly accomplished the consummation of her liberties on
this battle-field. Like the Greeks, fully aware of right and
wrong, and aroused by their own heroic valour, these sons
of freedom conquered here, and, though centmies since have
come and gone, the event forms a sure step in the progress
of civiUsation, indicating that despotism must be subdued,
and universal brotherhood be ultimately established over
the whole globe. It foUows that great men who have con-

134 THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN.
ferred renown on a country by which the people therein
are elevated in the scale of humanity, have a memory green
and flourishing, which survives age after age, as if they
were stiU near, and had been known to us as intimate
friends. Wallace and Bmce, Randolph and Douglas,
cannot die, for we remain their debtors, and, by venerating
their names, we ever hold them in grateful remembrance.
To us, accordingly, it is a gratification highly inteUectual
to visit and walk over land once trode by heroes; and when
we stand on the very spot whereon they performed the
principal triumph of their lives, we feel it is man alone
that can invest a place with glory, and consecrate it by
his noble actions, so that aU must regard it as hallowed
ground. The soU, therefore, of that battle-field, though
cultivated and divided into sections by walls or hedgerows,
is sacred, and must ever remain so to the latest period of
time. Thus, to every Scotsman who feels proud of his
country, no locality in Europe can possibly have the power
to operate more suggestively on his thoughts, or inspire
him with more grateful adoration to the Great Being
who orders all things for good, than the solitary field of
Bannockburn.

ADDENDA.

CONCLUDING REMARKS.

Bannockburn was the best summer days' darg Scotland ever
did. She put in the sickle and reaped a great harvest, which
has fiUed her bams and fed her chUdren with the food of
freedom and stout-hearted exultation. — John Hilson.
We have not only heard it said, but a minor historian^ has
asked, ' what was the real gain to Scotland from Bannock
bum, and would it not have been as weU, since the whole
island was to be ruled by one sceptre, if the union had
taken place then as three centuries later?' We know
the laws of the Plantagenets were equitable and beneficial,
but had the arms of England gained the ascendancy at
Bannockbum, the Scots under the one sceptre must have
been considered and dealt with as a conquered people.
Instead of this, when James the First came to occupy the
English throne, the equality of both kingdoms had for
many generations been established ; and though Scotland
was not so wealthy as the sister land, her sons were not
behind their southern neighbours in arts, amis, and the
other ennobling qualities which reflect honour on any
country. Hence, when Scotland was united to England, the
Scots, to their honour be it recorded, experienced neither
abasement nor elevation by the change, whereas, had they m

' Thomas Keightley.

136 THE BATTLE OP BANNOCKBURN.
1314 been subdued, their position from that date had been
of the most abject description.
All ancient records, including portions of the Historical
Books of the Old Testament, the works of Herodotus,
Thucydides, the accounts of the Roman Empire, and that
of England even down to the Middle Ages, 'show that the
shedding of human blood by the baser passions of man,
by warfare and other unhallowed designs throughout the
world, made it resemble a den of wild beasts. Some ces
sation might occasionally be made in wholesale slaughter,
yet it must be admitted that the weaker and undefended
portions of humanity, including both sexes, were, from the
upper ranks, subject at all times to oppression, privation,
and death. A gleam of improvement was thrown over this
sombre prospect by the institution of chivalry and its
ameliorating influences, still it only resembled the sunshine
of a wintry day ffickering on the surface of frost and snow.
Safety from outward assault there was none, unless it were
possible that a person of undoubted prowess could remain
isolated from society, and by means of rock, wall, and
his own weapons and skUl, defend himself against all
aggression. If, therefore, we keep in view the increasing power of
England subsequent to 1314, and the probable inability of
Scotland ever again to take the field with any chance of
success in recovering her independence, no worse evU could
have befallen the latter country than to be vanquished at
Bannockburn. England proved by her hostUity against
the Scots at the time what treatment they might expect
from their lordly conquerors. It is not the province of the
historian to conceive, Dante-like, the perilous condition
of the people of the northem land thus deprived of their

CONCLUDING REMARKS. 137
honour, yet we may affirm it would be one of great severity.
Deprived of all that sweetens existence, humUiated, broken
in heart and spirit, without hope of relief, and considering
what they had to endure, death to the sufferers had often
been welcome. Any Scotsman, under these circumstances,
meeting with an Englishman, had been impressed with a
sense of inferiority, and though indeed superior in some
honourable qualities to the other, he and his descendants
could only moum over their state of degradation. Groan-
ings, mutterings, and curses, would have arisen from every
comer of Scotland ; while the energy, the noble manliness,
the strong desire for liberty, among her sons had been sup
pressed, and if possible stamped out by the domination of
England. The hateful 24th of June, when it came annually
round, had been to the Scots a day of wailing, sorrow,
and despair, since it placed them in a condition of bond
age, whence for ages they were unable to extricate them
selves. Thanks, however, be to Providence, Scotland main
tained with the utmost fortitude her position against the
foe, and nobly won the palm of victory. Nor did the
sound of her exultation die away on the battle-field, or
during the year of her fortunate straggle, but it was
re-echoed for centuries, and wiU continue to be so over
the length and breadth of her soU, telling her people to
take heart and overcome all trial, for, like Paul, when con
fronted with the chief captain at Jerusalem, they can
proudly say they were Free-born. Remembering this,
with resolute and undaunted courage to maintain what is
right and reject what is wrong, we trust that should peril
ensue, like their invincible ancestors they wUl withstand
to the death any attempt to impose on their liberty.

138 THE BATTLE OP BANNOCKBURN.
Greece fought for this boon and conquered, but in a few
generations her hard-won wreath of honour withered away.
Scotland stiU preserves the priceless pearl in her diadem,
and, though only a smaU province compared with the
nations of the earth who are without that blessing, she
exhibits a glorious lesson to the world that —
'Who would be free themselves must strike the blow.'
Defensive war only is reconcUable with justice, and
when the rights of a community are threatened either by a
tyrant or a foreign foe, it then becomes a sacred duty that
they arm themselves and defy to the uttermost the insolent
oppressor. Recent events prove it were weU for all, if
every despot was either destroyed like a wUd beast, or
immured in a ceU and cut off from aU connection with his
feUow-men. It is on them he means to prey, their blood
is to be shed, and their means wasted without hope of
return on his account, while his aim is to hold them in
bondage, and use them so that others also may be brought
under his detestable sway. The peace of the world is
evidently endangered when the sole command of any king
dom is vested in the power of a single individual such as
King or Emperor, though surrounded by counsellors ; so
that, for absolute security, a representative system of
authority, founded on the widest possible basis, is prefer
able, whereby the wUl of the people, paramount at all
times, can be brought to bear freely on every essential part
of executive administration. Accordingly, we believe that
in each enUghtened community there is a tendency towards
this form of Government, and it seems to reaUse the truth
of the poet's lines that the time wUl come
' When man to man the warld o'er
ShaU brothers be for a' that.'

CONCLUDING REMARKS. 139
We do therefore trust that better times will dawn on the
world. Education, pursued tUl its fruit tell upon the
multitude, wUl do much to open up a brighter prospect,
for we have faith to believe that, by its influence, the pre
valence of sober judgment, and consequent readiness to
adjust human wrong, will cause devastating wars ultimately
to cease. The inhabitants, however, of any land who aspire
to be free must know how to estimate their own weight
and power, must be able judiciously to regulate themselves,
and, moreover, must be trae and just men, otherwise
liberty would be license to evU, and they would abuse the
high privUeges they seek to obtain. It is only by the
regular exercise of self-control, and practice of the Christian
virtues, whereby ' on earth peace, goodwUl toward men '
are secured, that the people of any country can rise to
greatness, or share to the full in the blessings that are
enjoyed in a free state. With them the love of their own
soU warms into patriotism, and thus, actuated by the finer
feelings of om* nature, the humble peasant, on contrasting
his northem soUtudes with the rich exuberance of the
sunny south, may joyfully exclaim with Leyden —
' Land of my fathers ! though no mangrove here
O'er thy blue streams her flexUe branches rear,
Nor scaly palm her finger'd scions shoot,
Nor luscious guava wave her yeUow fruit.
Nor golden apples glimmer from the tree —
Land of dark heaths and mountains ! thou art free.'

APPENDIX.

Note A, page 33.
Halbert's Bog and Milton Bog,
The Author examined these bogs or marshes in the summer
of 1830, and saw them both at that time covered and glistening
with water, while the borders of each were fringed all round
with thriving reeds and sedges. From the road at the bottom
of Brock's-brae, Halbert's Bog extended up to a point in a
direct line between New Park farm-house and St. Ninians,
while MUton Bog stretched down to where the bridge is erected
on the turnpike road, south of the Whins of MUton. Both
these swamps were drained by the respective proprietors in the
summer of 1842, and the land now is excellent either for the
plough or pasturage. Originally they seem to have formed one
sheet of water, but a passage in the centre, which was pro
bably narrowest, having been made for the old road leading
from Stirling to KUsyth, the soU washed down by rain from
the bank of Brock's-brae, which led up to the Bore-stone,
divided at length the one lake into two. If any aquatic
plants grew at the bottom of these large pools, they had above
five hundred years, calculating from the time of Brace, for
growth and decay ; and even if no such roots did grow there,
from the natural deposit of ages, the depth of water must have
decreased every century. It is not improbable that the hol
low may have been used as a reservoir to supply the miUs
below with water, as the name of Caldam HUl would indi
cate, and MUton itself might possibly derive its designation
from the said mills.

142 APPENDIX.
Note B, page 45.
The Bore-stone.
The current tradition connected with the Bore-stone is,
that in its hollow the staff of the royal banner of Scotland
stood at the time of the battle of Bannockbum. Nimmo, in
his " History of Stirlingshire," observes the hole in it was
. round, about four inches in diameter, and the same in depth.
The author saw it in 1830, and the impression on his mind is
that the stone might be about sixteen inches in diameter ; its
colour was blue, and the hole in its centre had been square,
each side being about five inches in length and the same in
depth, but the edges of the opening were rounded, having
been chipped away on every side by a succession of visitors,
who intended to preserve the fragments as memorials of the
great victory. This mode of destruction seems to have been
continued till the relic-hunters were in the habit of going to
a smith's shop at the bottom of the bank, the site of which is
now levelled for a small-bowling-green, and asking the occu
pier for the loan of a hammer to break off a bit of the stone
to take with them. The process unfortunately was carried on
tUl the stone was broken, and some of the neighbouring in
habitants took away pieces of it for sale. Intimation of this
being conveyed to the proprietor of the neighbouring land, he
had the spot buUt round with stone and Ume in a square
form, about two feet high, and covered over with strong iron
grating, fixed into the stones. It will be well if any remains
of the original block stUl occupy the place.
The author is incUned to award all due deference to tradi
tion, but in former times it was unusual to fix standard staves
in stone in an open field, save in a stationary camp, such as
that at the Borough-moor of Edinburgh, where James the
Fourth drew his forces together ere they marched southward
to Flodden. In the time of battle the standard, instead of being fixed,

APPENDIX. 143
was invariably borne before its owner, but so defended that
it could not possibly be taken by the enemy. That of the
Bruce at Bannockburn might have its staff placed in the
ground ere the struggle began, but it would be raised by
man's might, and held aloft, near to Bruce, during the whole
of the conflict. Besides, the Bore-stone is nearly half-a-mile
from the point where the battle commenced, and its size and
socket was far too small and shallow to support the staff of
a large standard, streaming and fluttering in the summer
breeze. The author's impression is that the blue stone may have
been the base of a small cross, but whether erected before or
after 1314, he is unable to say. Crosses were set up on the
sides of roads, both in England and Scotland, for various pur
poses. When the plague devastated a town, the people drew
near to a cross, as a place where they could buy and sell with
out fear of infection. At a funeral, when the way to the
place of interment was long, if the bier was set down at any
particular spot to afford rest for the mourners, a cross might
be reared there, like that below the old churchyard of Ettle-
ton, in Liddesdale, so that travellers in passing might pray for
the soul of the departed. Again, in former times, a cross
sometimes occupied high ground on the side of a highway
almost within view of a cathedral, to mark the limit of sanc
tuary, such as Neville's Cross, near Durham. For this purpose
there were, in 1144, simUar memorials set up near the church
of Lesmahago, which David II. granted as a ceU to that of
Kelso, with this privilege, that — ' whoso, for escaping peril of
life or limb, flees to the said cell, or comes within the four
crosses that stand around it ; of reverence to God and St.
Machutus, I (the King) grant him my firm peace.' ^ Also, it
sometimes occurred that before a battle a cross might be
reared where the people, about to be engaged, might supplicate
the Almighty for success. Or, if we suppose one to have been

Innea, p. 197.

144 APPENDIX.
placed in the Bore-stone after the battle of Bannockburn was
won, what could be more appropriate, on such an occasion,
than that every true Scotsman who drew near, then and after
wards, should kneel before it, as the point commanded a full
view of the battle-field, and thank God for the deliverance of
his beloved country from bondage !
When the body of Eobert Bruce was conveyed from Car-
dross to Dunfermline, had the mourners passed this way and
rested the coffin here, it had been well to mark the spot with
a memorial of this kind. The author has read of the proces
sion in some work that he cannot now recoUect, but he
believes the route they followed was not in this direction.
On the subject of Crosses see Britton's Architectural Anti
quities of Great Britain, vol. i. pp. 1-34.
Since writing the above the author chanced to glance into
the third volume of Scott's Border Minstrelsy, ed. 1833, pp.
154-5, and his attention was drawn to the following stanzas
in Part second of the baUad of ' Thomas the Ehymer.' From
what source our great minstrel recovered them we cannot tell,
but apparently they are not of his own composition : —
' ' The first of blessings I shaU thee show,
Is by a burn, that's caU'd of bread ;^
When Saxon men shaU tine the bow,
And find their arrows lack the head.
' Beside that brigg, out ower that bum.
Where the water bickereth bright and sheen,
ShaU many a falhng courser spurn.
And knights shaU die in battle keen.
' Beside a headless cross of stone.
The libbards there shaU lose the gree ;
The raven shaU come, the eme shaU go.
And drink the Saxon bluid sae free.

Bannockburn.

APPENDIX. 145
The cross of stone they shaU not know.
So thick the corses there shaU be."
Sir Charles LyeU, in his Principles of Geology, 10th ed.
1867, vol. i. frontispiece, supplies a plate of three massive
marble columns in the ruined temple of Jupiter Serapis, at
Puzzuoli, in the bay of Baise, near Naples. These pUlars,
having been partly immersed in the sea, indicate very strik
ingly, by the action of water upon them, how the soU on
which they stand has been both depressed and elevated, by
volcanic agency, during various periods of time. May the
above verses not lead us to something like a retrospect of the
same kind ? When all evident traces of the battle had be
come obliterated, and the remains of a cross existed on a spot
certainly near to the field of strife, is it not probable that the
common people would conclude how those engaged in the
conflict must have fallen thickly around the place ? More
over, the vrriter of the verses, whoever he was, even suppose
they were penned by Scott himself, must have been under the
impression, whether it might be from his own conviction, or
the response of the neighbouring people, that a headless cross
was either on or near the field of battle, and if so, where
could it stand save in the celebrated Bore-stone ? I leave the
matter for the candid consideration of those who may wish to
institute such an inquiry.

Note C, p. 122.
Lists of English who were Slain and taken Prisoners at and
after the Battle.
No. L
This record was copied for the author by Mr. George
Parker, from the Ashmole MS., 860, fol. 372, Bodleian Lib
rary, Oxford : — L

146

APPENDIX.

Nomina occisorum in beUo commisso apud Stryvelin,^ per Scotos
anno 1314, regni regis Edwardi II. 14. fo. 7.

Barones mortui.
GUbertus de Clare, comes Glou-
cestrise.
Eobertus de Clifford.
Paganus Tybetot.
WUlelmus MarescaUus.
Ancehnus MareschaU.
Johannes de Mountfort.
Milites Baneretti mortui.
Henricus de BowS.
Johannes de la Eyver.
Edvardus de Maule.
Johannes Comyn.
Eobertus de Heestlegh.
Edmundus Comyn.
WUlelmus Deyncourt.
Egidius de Argenthem.
Johannes LoveU.
Edwardus de Hastings.
Eobertus Butvyleyn.

OUueras de Potton.
Eobertus de Lisle.
Jacobus de Totorald.
Hugo de Scalys.
Milites et Nobiles in armis
mortui.
Johannes de Elfeld.
Johannes de Pembrug.
Eobertus de Poldesford.
Thomas de Vfford.
Eeginaldus de Harecourt.
Eobertus de Applingden.
Thomas de Coudray.
Thomas de Sentleger.
Eeginaldus de Ayleby.
Eobertus de Bertram miles.
Johannes de Caure.
MUo de Stapleton cum duobus
fiUjs suis.
Walteras de Hakelytelb.

Nomina Valencium' nobilium AngUse capti ibidem apud Stryvelyn,
anno 1314, et incarcerati sub custodia Eoberti le Brase regis
Scotiae, anno regni Eegis Edvardi II. 14.

Humfridus de Bohun, comes
Herefordiae.
Comes de Anuges.
WUlelmus de Latimer.
Johannes Gyffard.
Mauricius de Barkele.
Thomas fiUus suus.
IngeUamus de HumfrevUle.

Marmaducus de Theynge.
Johannes de Wellington.
Johannes de Claueringe.
Eogeras TyreU.
Johannes fiUus suus.
Eobertus Maulay.
Henricus fiUus Hugonis.
Thomas de Gray.

' i.e. — Bannockburn.

APPENDIX.

147

Walteras Beauchamp.
Johannes de WiUington.
Eicardus de Charons.
Eobertus de Fremiml.^
Eobertus de Omfravyle.
Johannes de Segraue.
GUbertus Peche.
Thomas de Ferrers.
Thomas Boutetourt.
Antonius de Lucy.
Bartholomseus de Aynesford.

Eichardus Byron.
Walteras de Skydmore.
Johannes Matrevers.
Thomas Thomey.
Eogeras de Sancto Johannes.
PhiUppus de Courtnay vel
Surteney.
Johannes Bluet.
Nicholaus Scot.
Hugo de Hepham.
Edvardus de Hendale.

No. II.
Scott supplies this list at the end of his notes to The Lord
of the Isles, but several of the names are incorrectly given, and
the following were carefuUy transcribed from a copy of the
continuation of Trivet's Annals, in the British Museum : —
From NiCHOLAi Triveti AnnaUum Continuatio.
Oxford, 1723.

LIST OF THE SLAIN.

BARONS AND KNIGHTS-BANNERETS

GUberto de Clare, Com.
Glocestriae.
Eoberto de CUfford.
Pagano Typetot.
WUUehno le MareshaU.
Joanne Comyn.
WiUielmo de Vescey.
Joanne de Monteforti.
Nicolao de Hastelegh.

WiUielmo Danycourt.
jEgidis de Argentejmi.
Edmundo Comyn.
Joanne Level (divite).
Edmundo de Hastynge.
MUone de Stapleton.
Simone Ward.
Eoberto de Felton.
Michaele Poinynge.
Edmundo Mauleo.

Sic.

148 appendix.
KNIGHTS Slain.
SENESCALLO ANGLIAE, BARONIBUS & BANERETTIS, idem.
Henrico de Bonn. Waltero de Hakelut.
Thoma de Ufford. PhUippo de Courtenay.
Joanne de Elsingfelde. Hugone de Scales.
Joanne de Harecourt. Eadulpho de Beauchamp.
Joanne de Penbrigge, MUitibus.
una cum xxxm. alHis ordinis ejusdem.
PEISONEES.
BARONS AND BARONETS.
Capti quoque & detenti sunt ibidem per Scottos.
Domiaus Henricus de Bonn, Thomas de Gray.
Comes Herfordiae. Walterus de Beauchamp.
Comes de Anagos. Eichardus de Charonis.
Dominus Joannes Giffard. Joannes de Wevelmtoun.
WUliehnus de Latemer. Eobertus de NevU.
Mauricius de Bekelegh. Joannes de Segrave.
Ingermanus de Umfroynule. GUbertus Pecche.
Marmaducus de Tewge. Joannes de Clavering.
Joannes Wyletone. Antonius de Lusey.
Eobertus de Maulee. Eadulphus de Canrys.
Henricus FiUus Hugonis. Joannes de Evere, &
Andreas de Abrembyn.
KNIGHTS Prisoners.
BARONES & BANERETTI, MILITES
Insuper subscript! capti & detenti ibidem fuerant; videlicet :-
Dominus Thomas de Berkeleghe. Eogeras Corbet.
FUius Eogeri Tyrel. GUbertus de Bonn.
Anselmus de Mareschal. Bartholomaeus de Enefeld.
.iEgidius de Beauchamp. Thomas de Ferrars.
Joannes Cyfrewast. Eadulphus & Thomas Bute-
Joannes Bluwet. trort.

APPENDIX. 149
Joannes & Nicolaus de Joannes de Merewode.
Keirgestone, fratres. Joannes Manfe.
WiUielmus Lovel. Thomas & Odo Lele, Ercedekene.
Henricus de WUetoun. Eobertus Beaupel, fiUus.
Baldewinus de Frevile. Joannes Mantravers.
Joannes de Clivedone. (Mantravers, filius.)
(Clindon.) WUliehnus & WUliehnus
Adomarus la Souche. Giffard.
Cum aliis xxxrv. ordinis miUtaris. Et est summa Baronum
and Banerettorum una cum Comite Glocestriae ibidem inter-
fectorum XLII. summa vero Comitum Baronum & Baneret
torum ibidem captorum & in custodia Scottorum detentoram
xxn., MUitium quoque Lxvm., Cleric! quoque & Scutifer!
plures ibidem fuerunt occisi & capti. De quibus & Dominus
Eogeras de Northburge, Custos Domini Eegis Targiae ab eo
ibidem oblatae, una cum Dominus Eogero de Wikenfelde &
Thoma de Switone, diet! domin! Eogeri Clericis, pariter
detinebantur ibidem : ob quod dominus Eex cito postea fieri
fecit sigUlum, volens illud Privatum SigUlum appellari, ad
differentiam Targia sic ut praemittitur ablata. Et est summa
totafis tarn Comitum Baronum & Banerettorum quam MUitum
intersectorum & captorum seu detentorum ibidem, una cum
tribus Clericis praenominatis, CLiv. — ^pp. 14-16.

ISiogtapfjical TSTotices

OF THE PRINCIPAL

SCOTTISH AND ENGLISH WARRIORS,

WHO FOUGHT AT

THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN,
A.D, 1314.

BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES.

The notices of the following Scottish warriors have been drawn up chiefly
from 'Barbour,' 'Kerr,' the 'Peerages' of Scotland, by Crawford and
Douglas, and other available sources. For the Arms the author is in
debted to 'Nisbet's Heraldry,' Edinburgh, 1816, 2 vols, fol., and ' Laing's
Ancient Scottish Seals,' Edinburgh, 1850-66, 2 vols. 4to. Some assistance
has also been gleaned from a plate in the iirst vol. of the ' Acts of the
Parliaments of Scotland,' 1844, fol., representing the Seals of the Scottish
nobility who signed the celebrated letter to Pope John in 1320.
The memoirs of the English warriors have been derived from Dugdale 's
' Baronage,' whence portions of the text were drawn, and from ' The Siege
of Carlaverock,' London, 1828, 4to, translated by Sir N. Harris Nicolas,
' The Historic Peerage of England,' 1857, by the same author, ' Hodgson's
Northumberland,' with other authorities, among which are the 'Itinerary'
and 'Collectanea' of John Leland, which were written and gleaned by
that antiquary in the sixteenth century. The shields are suppUed from
the said 'Siege of Carlaverock,' 'A RoU of Arms' of ttie reign of Edward
the Second, 1829, compared with 'Rolls of Arms' of the reigns of Henry
the Thhd and Edward the Third, 1829, all edited by Nicolas. Boutell's
' Heraldry,' has also thrown light on the subject.

MEMOIRS OF SCOTTISH WARRIORS.

BRUS OF ANKASDiLB.

AHM3 OF SCOTLAND.

J^o&ert t!ie JFtrst, Itittfl of Scotlanlr.
Avenger of thy country's shame.
Restorer of her injured fame,
Bless'd iu thy sceptre and thy sword,
De Bruce, fair Scotland's rightful Lord,
Bless'd in thy deeds and in thy fame,
What lengthened honours wait thy name !
In distant ages sire to son
Shall tell thy tale of freedom won,
And teach his infants in the use
Of earliest speech to falter Bruce.
* * * *
Weather and war their rougher trace,
Have left on that majestic face ;
But 'tis his dignity of eye !
There, if a suppliant, would I fly.
Secure 'mid danger, wrongs, and grief,
Of sympathy, redress, reUef —
That glance, if guilty, would I dread.
More than the doom that spoke me dead. — Scott.
The many incidents in the life of King Eobert Bruce have been
narrated most amply by Barbour in his poem of ' The Brace,' by
Kerr in his life of our gaUant King, and by Tytler in the first and

154 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES.
second volumes of ' The Lives of Scottish Worthies.' Our space
is Umited, and we can only glance over the great actions of that
heroic man, recommending those who desire to know more of him
to any or aU of these works, wherein they wUl find nearly aU that
is known of his history.
Eobert de Brus, the grandfather of our hero, married Isabel,
daughter of GUbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester and Hereford.
His mother was Isabel, second daughter of David, Earl of Hunt
ingdon, younger brother to WUliam, King of Scots, and succeediag
to his father as Lord of Annandale, he, in 1292, was competitor
for the crown of Scotland. Dying at Lochmaben in 1295, his son,
Eobert de Bras, succeeded him in the Lordship of Annandale, and,
marrying Margaret, Countess' of Carrick, he became Earl of that
district by right of his wife. Possessing other estates in England,
chiefly in the counties of Durham and Yorkshire, he performed no
active part in the affairs of Scotland, and at his death, in 1304, he
left to his iUustrious son, afterwards King of Scotland, the lands
and castle of Lochmaben, together with his possessions in Ayrshire,
and resigned also to him the Earldom of Carrick. The great
founder of the Uberties and independence of his country was born
on the 11th July 1274, but whether in the castle of Turnberry, on
the Ayrshire coast, or that of Lochmaben, in Dumfriesshire, we are
uncertain. Beared amid arms and warriors, he would soon acquire
the use of weapons, and when his grandfather and BaUol competed
for the crown of Scotland he would be about eighteen years of age.
Our hero therefore, from poUcy, adhered to the interest of England,
and in 1296, when Edward the First removed the coronation stone
from Scone to Westminster, he made fealty to him at Berwick,
and, when about thirty years of age, he received seisin from the
English King of the Lordship of Annandale.
After John Baliol was compeUed to resign the kingly office to
which he had been appointed, his nephew, John Comyn, having
sworn fealty to Edward, stood nearest in right of blood to the
sceptre of Scotland, and possessing very large estates, he was sup
ported by numerous foUowers. Eobert Bruce, aware of the
wretchedness of his native country, is reported to have said to
Comyn, 'Support my title to the crown, and I wUl give you my
estate ; or give me your estate, and I wiU support your claim to the

ROBERT THE FIRST. 155
Scottish throne.' Comyn approved of the proposal, an indented
document was drawn out thereon, sealed by both parties, and an
oath of secrecy taken. It is observed, however, that for his own
purpose he acquainted King Edward with the agreement, and
Bruce, being at court, on receiving a hint from a friend of his
danger, instantly departed for Scotland. No sooner did he reach
the castle of Lochmaben than he went to Dumfries, where Comyn
resided, and appointing a meeting with him in the convent of the
Minorites, they met before the high altar, when Bruce reproached
him with his treachery. A quarrel ensuing. Brace stabbed him
with his dagger, and hastened out of the place. His attendants,
learning what had occurred, completed the tragedy, and also kUled
Sir Eobert Comyn, who in the scufile attempted to defend his
nephew. This occurred on the 10th Febraary 1305-6.
Eobert Brace had now committed a deed which Edward of
England would never pardon. Only two paths were before him :
he had either to become a fugitive, or assert his right to the
Scottish crown. Accepting as a brave man the latter alternative,
he was not without patriotic friends, and in six weeks afterwards
he was crowned, at Scone, King of Scotland. In the course of
six years from that date he underwent every privation that one ia
his position could possibly endure, and, to his honour be it said, he
neither abated 'heart nor hope' in the prosecution of his design.
During that period, out of four of his brothers, three were captured
and executed by order of the English King. His queen, a sister,
and his daughter, were taken prisoners, and kept in close confine
ment in England. Yet bravely he surmounted every difiiculty,
and by his own perseverance, his pradence, and wisdom, his exer
tions were at last crowned with success on the glorious field of
Bannockburn. At this time he would be in the fortieth year of
his age. From his own generous nature, and the ameliorating influence
of chivalry which he witnessed in early life, and which, Uke the
spirit of Christianity, brightened up the darker recesses of human
existence, he practised aU courtesy in dealing with the English
after he had made Scotland free. Nor was he slow in foUowing
up any advantage he gained if it tended to the security of the land
he governed, for, in order to induce England to listen to terms of

156 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES.
lasting peace, he harassed that country by successive inroads, en
riching thereby his own territory. Desirous also of being recon-
cUed to the Eoman See, for he had been greatly traduced to Pope
John by the emissaries of England, he induced the nobUity of
Scotland, in 1320, to draw up a manifesto, which they addressed
to the Pontiff, stating in precise but most comprehensive terms the
position in which they were placed, and observing that ' so long as
a hundred Scotsmen were left aUve they would never be subject to
the dominion of England. It is not,' they continued, ' for glory,
riches, or honour, that we fight, but for that liberty which no good
man wUl consent to lose but with his life."
After a prosperous period of thirteen years, in the lapse of
which Scotland rejoiced in aU the benefits she had won, a treaty
was at last secured with the sister country, whereby Edward the
Third, on the 1st March 1327-8, gave up aU claim whatever upon
Scotland, and agreed it ' should remain unto Eobert King of Scots,
and his heirs and successors, free, and divided from England, with
out any subjection or right of service.' Within a few months after
wards, David, Prince of Scotland, married Joanna, sister to the King
of England, so that peace seemed to be secured between both king
doms. But within two years afterwards, on the 7th June 1329,
King Eobert died at Cardross, aged fifty-five, in full possession
and enjoyment of all that in advanced life tends to our comfort
and satisfaction : —
'Honour, love, obedience, troops of friends.'
His remains were interred in the choir, near the high altar, within
the church of Dunfermline, and a costly marble tomb made at
Paris was shortly afterwards erected over them.
Eobert Brace may, without fear of contradiction, be accounted
the greatest monarch that ever occupied, the Scottish throne. The
talents he possessed by nature, either as a statesman or warrior,
were whetted and brought to the keenest edge by the long series of
' A fac-simUe of the original of this important Declaration is given in
the ' Acts of Parliament of Scotland,' fol. 1844, vol. i. facing p. 115, illus
trated with representations of the seals of the several noblemen. A trans
lation is printed in the collection of tracts entitled ' Miscellanea Scotica,'
vol iii. p. 123. Another copy appears in the ' Harleian Miscellany,' vol. i.
p. 128, 8vo ed., 12 vols., Lond. 1808.

ROBERT THE FIRST. 157
privations he endured, tUl the time came when he was enabled to
turn them to glorious account. Even when surrounded by the
pomp of royalty, and executing his kingly duties with promptitude,
prudence, and wisdom, he never overlooked the poor of his realm,
and was kind and generous to aU around him. There could be no
finer or more gentle trait than he showed to the poor washer
woman overtaken by the pains of labour in Ireland, when he stayed
on her account his whole army, as it was about to march to the
north. Barbour describes the circumstance very beautifuUy.°
The compUer has often revolved in his mind the personal ap
pearance of Brace, being desirous to ascertain whether his com
plexion was dark or fair, and his stature high or low. The
foUowing single sentence from ' Historia Majoris Britanniae,' ed.
Edin. 1740, p. 194, may afford pleasure to those interested in such
an inquiry : —
' Erat enim pulchro, deooro & vegete coi-pore, latis bumeris, venusta
facie, flava more borealium caesarie, caeruleis & micantibus oculis, ingenio
promptus, & ad dicendum vernacula in lingua orator acer & omnibus
pergratus.' We have no cause to doubt the accuracy of this description of
the great Scottish king. The fair or yeUow hair is indicative of
the sanguine temperament, and we know that Brace was remark
able for energy both of body and mind. His strength was also
evinced in the numerous encounters he had with the English at
and previous to the battle of Bannockburn. His descendants, the
Stewards, though lacking his moral and inteUectual power, in
herited, so far as we can discover, some traces of the features and
complexion of their iUustrious ancestor.
Of the physical proportions of Brace we have proof, from his
grave being discovered, 17th Febraary 1818, and opened in the
presence of the chief officers of Scotland on the 5th November in
the foUowing year. The marble tomb which had been placed over
it was entirely gone, but the skeleton was laid bare. The shoulders
had been strong and broad, and the whole length, from the sole of
the ioot to the top of the cranium, was five feet eleven inches,
therefore he had been about six feet high. A cast was taken from
2 Page 320.

158 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES.
the skuU, which is stiU preserved. There were four or five teeth
wanting in the upper jaw, with a considerable fracture of the same
iu front, which had evidently been caused by a blow received, it is
thought, in one of the encounters to which he was exposed in early
Ufe.3 In Heame's edition of ' Fordun,' quoted by Tytler, vol i. p.
393, we have the foUowing translation into Scottish rhyme of seven
leonine Latin verses, constituting what is caUed ' King Eobert's
testament.' We give Tytler's copy, which contains one line more
than that of Eidpath, p. 290 : —
' On fut suld be all Scottis weire.
Be hyll and moss thaimself to weire,
Lat wod for waUis be ; bow, and spier.
And battle-axe, their fechting gear.
That ennymeis do thaim na dreire.
In strait placis gar keip aU stoire,
And bimen the planen land thaim befoire,
Tbanen saU they pass away in haist
Qubeu that thai iind natbing bot waist ;
With wylles and wakenen of the nycht
And mekil noyse maid on hycht ;
Thaneu shaU thai tumen with gret affrai
As thai were chasit with swerd away.
This is the counsall and intent
Of gud King Eobert's testament.'
Brace married first, IsabeUa, daughter of Donald, tenth Earl
of Mar, by whom he had a daughter Marjory, who, in 1315,
married Walter, the Steward of Scotland, but she died in the fol-
lowmg year, leaving a son, who was afterwards King Eobert the
Second ; secondly, in 1302, Brace took to wife EUzabeth, eldest
daughter of Eichard de Burgh,^ second Earl of Ulster, in Ireland,
by whom he had one son, who, on the death of his father, became
King David the Second, but he died chUdless in the forty-seventh
year of his age. King Eobert had also, by the said Elizabeth, two
daughters, Margaret and MatUda. The said Margaret married
WUUam, Eari of Sutherland, by whom she had two sons, John and
WUUam. John died at LmcoUi in 1361, and WUliam carried on

' See Archceologia Scotica, vol. ii. pp. 435-50.
Crawfurd calls her Mary, daughter of Ailmer de Burc, p. 72.

ROBERT THE FIRST.

159

the line of the Sutherland famUy, which, after the commencement
of the present century, was represented by the Marchioness of Staf
ford, Countess of Sutherland in her own right. MatUda, the
other daughter, married a private gentleman, who, according to
Fordun, was named Thomas Isaac. — See Kerr, vol u. pp. 481-2.
Arms. — Paternal shield when Brus of Annandale — Or, a
saltire and chief gules. On being crowned, Brace
assumed the arms of Scotland — Or, a lion rampant
gules, armed and langued azure, withia a double tressure,
flowered and counter-flowered of the second.

&iv (Btiiawcti Bruce.
Sir Edward Bruce, brother to the king, was next to him in age,
and performed an important part in the early history of Scotland.
After the coronation of Bruce in 1306, he resigned to Sir Edward
the Earldom of Carrick, with the title and dignity thereof, but, in
default of heirs, the said earldom, with its honours, was to revert
to the crown. Sir Edward was present at the enterprise against
Perth soon afterwards, and on the faUure of that attempt, he re
mained with his iUustrious brother for a time, sharing in aU his
privations. But in 1308, when the fortune of his family seemed

160 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES.
in the ascendant, he invaded Galloway, and with his usual energy
attacked near Cree and defeated Sir Ingram de UmfrevUle and Sir
John de Saint John, who commanded the inhabitants of that district
for the Kmg of England. Afterwards Sir John de Saint John
repaired to England, and coUecting a large body of horsemen, he
again advanced into GaUoway, intending to circumvent and cut off
Edward Bruce, but the latter, receiving accurate inteUigence of his
movements, arranged his troops, and bore down on the English so
suddenly, that he put them to utter confusion, and on a second
furious charge they were entirely overcome and put to flight.
From the success of Sir Edward Brace in this skirmish, he pro
ceeded onward, everywhere reducing the people to obedience, and
bringing them imder the aUegiance of his royal brother. About
this time, it is probable that, being already the sixth Earl of
Carrick, Sir Edward, for his gaUant conduct, was made Lord of
GaUoway, which title he held tiU the time of his death.
He next comes prominently before us at the siege of StirUng
Castle, where, his bravery being of slender avaU, he agreed with
the Governor thereof. Sir PhUip Mowbray, for a protracted sur
render of the fortress. Here he displayed great lack of pradence,
and the result was the battle of Bannockbum, in which, to his
credit be it said, his bravery in war was most conspicuous. At
length, when Scotland was rescued from thraldom, he went in
pursuit of the Earl of Hereford, who, with a number of foUowers,
had taken refuge in BothweU Castle, and speedUy forced them
to surrender. In union with Sir James Douglas, he next led an
army into England, penetrating as far as Eichmondshire, and re
turned to his own country laden with spoU.
Nearly two years after the battle of Bannockbum, the Irish
chiefs of the province of Ulster were much dissatisfied with the
EngUsh government of that country, and knowing how the Scots
had successftJly secured their national independence, they implored
Eobert Brace to aid them in regaining their freedom, offering to
accept his brother Edward as their king. Sir Edward Bruce, who
had no scope for his martial energy in peace, probably considered
it was no difficult matter to expel the EngUsh from that kingdom,
and occupy the throne himself King Eobert would appear to
have assisted him in the design, for a great many of the nobility

THOMAS RANDOLPH.

161

of Scotland accompanied Sir Edward in the expedition, which took
place during May 1315. After undergoing various changes of
fortune, and overcoming many obstacles. Sir Edward Bruce was
crowned king of Ireland about a year after he effected a landing
ia that country. But his high position afforded him no relief
from enemies at home and abroad, and he was slain at the battle
of Dundalk, in October 1318. In the previous year, a dispensa
tion was granted by the Pope, at Avignon, permitting him to marry
IsabeUa, daughter to WUUam, Earl of Eos, for they were within
the third and fourth degrees of consanguinity, but he left no
legitimate issue. Three natural sons — Eobert, Alexander, and
Thomas — survived him, who became successively Earls of Carrick.
Arms. — The old Earls of Carrick bore, Argent, a cheveron gules.

2CJjomas EanUoIpfi, ^arl of IHorag.
For and men spek off him trewly ;
He wes swa curageous ane knycht,
Sa wyss, sa worthy, and sa wycht.
And off sa souerane gret bountiS
That mekiU off him may spokyn be. Bakboub.
Thomas Eandolph of Strathdon succeeded his father of the same
name, who was Sheriff of Eoxburgh in 1266. His mother was
Lady Isabel Brace, eldest sister to King Eobert. His first appear-
M

162 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES.
ance in pubUc life was at the coronation of his uncle at Scone, in
March 1306. Espousing the royal cause, he was taken prisoner by
the English at Methven, and, through the intercession of Adam de
Gordon, obtained mercy, being admitted to swear fealty to Edward
the First. Again, in 1308, he was captured on Line Water, in
Tweeddale, by James Douglas ; and having in his defence spoken
rudely to King Eobert, he was ordered to close confinement ; but
beiag afterwards received into favour, he distinguished himself in
1312 by taking the castle of Edinburgh by escalade, he himself
being the third assaUant who mounted the ladder. It is supposed
that soon after this time he obtained the charter of his honour, for,
in the Parliament of 1315, he appears under the title of the Earl
of Moray. We have observed what trust was placed upon him by Eobert
Bruce previous to and during the battle of Bannockbum, and how
weU he performed his duty on that eventful day. When the settle
ment of the crown of Scotland was made in 1315, it was enacted
that should the heir be in minority, Thomas Eandolph would be
his or her guardian, and also Eegent of the kingdom. After the
death in Ireland of Edward Bruce, a second enactment was com
pleted in 1318, whereby the heir to the crown, if under age, was
to be placed under the tutorage of the Earl of Moray, who was also
to be Guardian of Scotland, and failing him these offices were to
devolve on Lord James Douglas. During 1319, Eandolph, in con
junction with Sir James Douglas, commanded the army that in
vaded England, whereby victory was secured to the Scots near
Boroughbridge, m Yorkshire. In the foUowing year his name
appears second on the list of those patriots who signed the remark
able letter to Pope John, wherein the independence of Scotland
was so emphaticaUy maiatained, and which assisted afterwards in
producing the happiest results.
In 1323 he went on an embassy to the Pope, waited- upon his
HoUness at Avignon, and, according to HaUes, with the most con
summate abUity eUcited from him an acknowledgment of the title
of king to Eobert Brace. Two years afterwards he was sent am
bassador to Charles le Bel, Kilig of France, when he completed an
aUiance, offensive and defensive, between that kmgdom and Scot
land. About midsummer, in 1327, he and Douglas again led an

THOMAS RANDOLPH. 163
army into the Bishopric of Durham, where they foUed the youthful
Edward the Third, and returned with much booty into their own
land. When Eobert Bruce died in 1329, the Earl of Moray became
Eegent of Scotland, and undertook the office of guardian to David
the Second, discharging these duties with most exemplary fidelity,
and, by his strict admioistration of justice, securing everywhere
peace and prosperity to the people. But about three years after
wards, when the English were preparing to invade Scotland, the
Eegent Moray raised an army, and, though afflicted with severe
pain from a confirmed stone disease, he exerted himself greatly, and
died on the march, at Musselburgh, on the 20th July 1332.
Some of our annalists observe he died of poison, administered by
his chaplain, an English friar, through design of Edward the Third,
but Lord HaUes contradicts the assertion. Barbour, however, puts
upon record he was ' pusonit,' and Scott incUnes to the opinion
that the beautiful baUad of Lord Randal had its origin from that
tradition. Of the external appearance of Eandolph, we leam from the pen
of Barbour that he bore some resemblance to his uncle Eobert
Brace. These are his Unes : —
' I will discryve now his fassoun
And part off his condicioun.
He wes oif mesurabOl statur,
And weile porturat at mesur ;
With braid wesage, plesand and fayr,
Curtaiss at poynt, and debonayr ;
And off rycht sekjT contenyng.
Lawte he lowyt atour all thing ;
Falset, tresoim, and felony
He stud agayne ay encrely.
He heyit honour ay, and larges.
And ay mantemyt ryohtwysnes.' — P. 197.
Eandolph, Earl of Moray, married Isabel, only daughter of Sir
John Stewart of Bonkyl, by whom he got the barony of GarUes.
He had two sons — Thomas, second Earl, and John, third Earl of
Moray — both of whom died childless, and one daughter, Lady Agnes,
who was married to Patrick, ninth Earl of Dunbar and March, who
in her right became possessed of the earldom of Moray.

164 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES.
Arms. — Argent, three cushions pendent by the comers, within
a double tressure, fiowered and counter-flowered with fleurs-
de4is gules. The double tressure was added from Ean
dolph being a son to the sister of King Eobert Bruce.

Sir 31amES ©ouglas.
He wes in all his dedis lele ;
For him dedeynyeit nocht to dele
With trechery, na with falset.
His hart on hey honour wes set :
And hym contenyt on sic maner,
That all him luffyt that war him ner. — Baebotjr.
James Douglas was son to WiUiam Douglas, who, on the usurpa
tion by Edward the First of the dominion of Scotland, withstood
the tyrant, and being imprisoned, he died at York about 1302.
His estates being forfeited, Edward had bestowed them on Lord
CUfford ; and James Douglas, a young man, being left almost desti
tute, went to France, and, probably by the assistance of friends,
Uved at Paris nearly three years. On the year after that of his
father's decease, he returned to Scotland, and on presenting himself
before WUUam Lamberton, Bishop of St. Andrews, the good pre
late received him with great kindness. The last time that Edward
the First overran Scotland, he caUed together a meeting of the
barons at Stirling, and Lamberton, having attended the summons.

SIR JAMES DOUGLAS. 165
took with him the youthful Douglas. Watching an opportunity,
he presented Douglas to the monarch as a squire who claimed to
be admitted to his service, and asked that he would be pleased to
restore him his inheritance. This was denied, and Douglas there
upon waited an opportunity whereby he might be enabled to lend
his aid to the benefit of his country.
This was not long in presenting itself, for when Brace had
slain Comyn at Dumfries, and laid claim to the crown of Scotland,
Douglas asked the bishop for leave to join his party. He obtained
secret encouragement both by a horse which he was to secure
against the wUl of Lamberton's servant, and by money, wherewith
he was quietly supplied. He met Brace at Erickstone, near the
head of Clydesdale, who was journeying from Lochmaben to Glas
gow, and the latter gave him open welcome. He was entrusted
with the command of a party of men, and the Bruce soon found
by his exceUent qualities that he had secured an able supporter,
who proved himself deserving of aU confidence and honour. In
the sku-mishes and warfare which followed, Douglas repeatedly took
from the English his paternal castle of Douglas, cutting off the
garrison, and on the Borders he regained the forests of Ettrick and
Jedburgh to the sway of Brace.
Afterwards, on the water of Line, he took prisoners Stewart
of Bonkyl and Thomas Eandolph, who were in the service of
England, and led them to the king, whom he assisted greatly in
the invasion of Lom, and in defeating the chief of that name, at
the base of Cruachan Ben. His next great exploit was the cap
ture of Eoxburgh Castle, in 1312, when the EngUsh, who had
possession of that fortress, were regaling themselves on the eve of
Lent. At Bannockbum, he and the young Steward lent their aid
in securing victory to the Scots, and after the battle he pursued
the monarch of England, chasing him tUl the castle of Dunbar gave
shelter to the fugitive king.
In 1316, when Bruce was assisting his brother Edward in his
unfortunate attempt to maintain his position as king of Ireland, to
Douglas was committed the charge of defending the eastern borders.
The Earl of Arundel, being aware of the absence of Brace, and
knowing the prowess of Douglas, raised a large army to overpower
him, but the latter, learning by spies of the approach of his enemy,

166 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES.
drew him into an ambush in the vaUey of the Jed, and he was
defeated. On this occasion Douglas, it is said, slew Thomas de
Eichmont with his own hand.' Many other daring and gallant
actions he performed, the detaUs of which our space forbids us to
enumerate. For several years Douglas assisted in leading the martial men
of Scotland into England, and wasting and plundering the northem
counties. On the last of these occasions, Edward the Third, then
a stripling, opposed Douglas and Eandolph, but he had no chance
whatever in circumventing or beating back these tried and intrepid
warriors. When at last Eobert Brace lay in expectation of death,
he called Douglas and asked him to undertake the charge of carry
ing his heart to Palestine, that it might be interred in the Holy
Sepulchre of Jerasalem, to which he readily agreed. Embalming
the relic, and enclosing it in a sUver case, he hung it by a chain
around his neck, and embarking with a goodly company at Berwick,
he set saU, and on his track visited Alphonsus, the youthful king
of Leon and Castile, who at that time was at war with Osmyn,
the Moorish commander of Granada. Our brave knight joiued
the Christians at once, and in a desperate encounter, detaching the
casket containing the heart of Bruce, he threw it before him among
the Moors, saying, ' Pass onward as thou wert wont, and Douglas
wUl foUow thee or die I"' In the violent onset he was slain, after
which his mournful companions found his body, and the casket,
which they conveyed home. The heart, by order of Eandolph,
was deposited in Melrose Abbey, and the bones of the hero were
carefuUy entombed in the church at Douglas, among those of his
forefathers.

1 "Eichmont, who commanded under the Earl of Arundel, entered
the forest of Jedworth with ten thousand Enghshmen, provided with axes
to cut down the trees, and attack Sir James Douglas, to whom the de
fence of the march had been entrusted ; but that cautious leader having
constructed for himself and his foUowers a camp at Lintalee, a short dis
tance above Jedburgh, issued thence, and giving battle to Eichmont, killed
him and routed his army." — White's Battle of Otterbum, p. 16.
^ This recalls to our thoughts aU the desperate struggles he had
encountered with Bruce, and is indeed highly poetical — more so indeed
than Nelson's signal at the last of his battles : — ' England expects every
man to do his duty ! '

SIR JAMES DOUGLAS. 167
According to Fordun, Sir James Douglas engaged seventy times
in battle. Of these he was beaten in thirteen several encounters,
and in the other fifty-seven he came off victorious. AU his life
he contrived, like WaUace, to defend his face from any scar ; and
this astonished the Spaniards when they saw him, and knew in
what straggles he had been engaged. We have a striking picture of
him in Barbour, who undoubtedly had the information from those
who had seen him. The slight Usp in his speech is remarkably
characteristic : — ' Bot he wes nocht so fayr, that we
Suld spek gretly off his beauty.
In wysage wes he sumdeUl gray.
And had blak har, as Ic hard say ;
But off lymmys he wes weUl maid,
With banys gret and schnldrys braid ;
His body wes weyll [maid and lenye ;]
As thai that saw hym said to me.
Quhen he wes blyth, he wes luily.
And meyk and sweyt in cumpany,
Bot quha in battaOl mycht him se.
All othir contenance had he.
And iu spek wUspyt he sum deiU :
Bot that sat him rycht wondre weOl.'— Pp. 14-5.
Sir James Douglas died unmarried, and had two natural sons,
Sir WUliam Douglas, caUed the ' The Knight of Liddesdale,' and
Archibald, who was made prisoner at HaUdon HUl in 1333. Sir
James was succeeded in the Lordship of Douglas by his brother
Hugh, and his youngest brother, Archibald Douglas, was made
Lord of GaUoway, and afterwards came to be Governor of Scotland.
Arms. — The old arms of the famUy, before Douglas became a
sumame, were. Argent, on a chief azure, three muUets of
the field. But Sir James, on being commissioned by
Bruce to carry his heart to Palestine, bore on his shield.
Argent a man's heart gules, ensigned with an imperial crown
proper, on a chief azure, three stars of the first.

168

BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES.

TOalter, tJjc 3^igf) StetoarH of Scotlantr.
Walter, the High Steward of Scotland, was bom in 1293, and
succeeding his father James in 1309, he brought a gaUant body of
men to assist King Eobert Brace immediately before the battle of
Bannockbum. Along with his kinsman Sir James Douglas, as has
been observed, he was appointed leader of one of the divisions of
the Scottish army, and proved himself worthy of that honour.
Towards the close of 1314, when the Ulustrious Scottish prisoners
were to be returned from England, he was engaged to receive them
on the borders, and, accordingly, he took under his charge Elizabeth,
wife of King Eobert, the King's daughter Marjory, his sister Chris
tian, the young Earl of Mar, and Eobert, Bishop of Glasgow. It is
probable he thereby formed an attachment to the Princess Marjory,
for they were married in the foUowing year. The union, however,
was destined to be of short duration, for Lady Marjory died in
1316, leaving an only son, Eobert, who afterwards became king.
In that year, when Brace passed over to Ireland to assist his
brother Edward, king of that country, Walter the Steward and
Sir James Douglas were appointed governors of Scotland. In 1318,
when Berwick was recovered from the English, that town was
committed to the charge of the Steward, who made every prepara
tion for its safety, and in the foUowing year he defended it against
the King of England and a royal army, who were beaten off and

WALTER, HIGH STEWARD OF SCOTLAND. 169
compeUed to abandon the siege. His name next appears among
those of the patriotic nobles and barons of Scotland on the famous
letter to Pope John, written in 1320. Next year he acquired a
grant of the lands of Eckford, in Eoxburghshire, Methven in Perth
shire, and KeUie in the county of Forfar, forfeited by Eoger Mow
bray ; also, with the exception of the valley of Liddel, he got the
lands of Nisbet, the baronies of Langnewton, Maxton, and Caver-
ton in Eoxburghshire, which had belonged to WiUiam Lord Soulis,
the Seneschal of Scotland. Agaia, in 1322, the Steward, with
Douglas and Eandolph, by a forced march, attempted to stu^rise
Edward the Second at BUand Abbey, in Yorkshire ; but the king
escaped with difficulty to York, and the pursuers, with five hundred
horsemen, waited tUl evening at the gates of that city, that the
English might come forth and give them battle. In this way,
serving his king and country so long as he was able to perform
such duty, he died on the 9th AprU 1326, aged 33 years.
Walter the Steward married, first, AUce, second daughter of
Sir John Brskine, by whom he had one daughter. Secondly, in
1315, he led to the altar the Princess Marjory, whose son became
High Steward, tUl he occupied the throne as Eobert the Second.
Thirdly, he married Isabel, sister of Sir John Graham of Abercom,
by whom he had a son and daughter.
Arms. — Or, a fesse cheque azure and argent.

MEMOIRS OF ENGLISH WARRIORS.

Ittitfl ^KiwarU tfje Second.
King Edward the Second was one of six brothers, sons of
Edward the First, but three died in the lifetime of their father,
and he, being the eldest living in 1307, ascended the throne in the
twenty-third year of his age. Though of an affectionate and kindly
disposition, he loved pleasure and worldly comfort, and was apt to
leave state affairs to be transacted by his youthful favourites, rather
than caU together his nobility, and avaU himself of their delibera
tion in arranging the more important matters of his kingdom.
From this cause arose nearly all his misfortunes ; and not alone
did he endure the evUs consequent on his inabUity, but the whole
people of England, high and low, suffered less or more under his
sway. His first favourite was Piers de Gaveston, son to a gentleman
of Guienne. They had been companions from boyhood, and the
latter had considerable abUity, was ready-witted, and in some tour
naments he was enabled by his address to unhorse several Earls of
England. Edward the First, perceiving the ascendency towards
evU that Piers had gained over his son, caused him to be banished
from the realm, and afterwards exacted from his son an oath that
the dissolute youth should never be permitted to return to England.

KING EDWARD THE SECOND. l7l
No sooner, however, had the father died than Gaveston was re-
caUed, and loaded with honours and rewards, to the displeasure and
enmity of the whole of the English nobiUty. Assaults and aggra
vation continued on both sides for the space of five years, tUl
Gaveston, being chased as a fugitive, feU into the hands of the Earl
of Warwick, who caused him to be beheaded on a hiU at a short
distance north from that county town. A wood now crowns the
eminence, but the spot of execution is marked by an obelisk of a
gray colour, which points upward from among the neighbouring
trees. On his other favourites, the Spensers, it is uimecessary here to
enlarge. One of them accompanied him to Bannockbum ; and here
King Edward's lack of foresight and judgment has been plainly
shown, previous to and at the battle, from the circumstance of
causing his army to march towards Brace as if he had been going
to celebrate a marriage festival, instead of encountering the chances
of war, and neither he nor his nobles provided any means of safety
for the English forces in the event of a defeat. At the time of the
battle, it may be observed, he was about thirty years of age.
Many serious quarrels arose between Edward and the chief men
of his realm, which occasioned much bloodshed. This continued
for the space of twelve years, for the nobUity envied and hated
Spenser, tUl at last they first brought destruction on the father of
the object of then resentment, and afterwards upon himself. The
wealth heaped on these favourites of royalty was enormous, the
details of which are to be found in our historical authorities. Be
sides these evils, the Scots, imder Bruce, Eandolph, and Douglas,
by frequent expeditions over the Border, caused much loss and suf
fering to the inhabitants of the northern counties. EebeUions were
continued against the king, part of which he suppressed, but ulti
mately he was wounded in his tenderest feelings by one who ought
to have proved through Ufe his most faithful stay. His queen,
named IsabeUa, was a daughter of PhUip le Bel, King of France.
She was a beautiful, but an unprincipled woman. She bore him
two sons and two daughters, and afterwards went to her relatives
in France, where she plotted against him. An improper intimacy
had sprang up between her and a rebel and exUe, Eoger Mortimer
of Wigmore, so that when her lord and husband had become un-

172 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES.
popular in England, she brought, with her paramour, a force over
to this country, and by aid from the chief adherents of her designs,
Edward was captured and imprisoned for a considerable period.
He suffered much indignity, and by the wicked machinations of his
enemies he was most cruelly put to death in Berkeley Castle, on
the night of the 21st September 1327.
Arms. — The Eoyal shield bore, Gules, three leopards or Uons
passant guardant, in pale, or. The same insignia were
borne by the king's father and grandfather, and he had
them embroidered on his surcoat, and the caparisons of
his horse. Le Eoy de Engletere, porte de goules, a iij
lupars passauns de or. — Boll of Arms.

0lltiert He dare, (!EarI of Gloucester,
Gilbert de Clare was nephew to the king, his father of the
same name having married Joan of Acre, daughter of Edward the
FUst. He was born in 1 290, so that, at the battle of Bannockbum,
he would be about twenty-four years of age. After the death of
his father, his mother Joan having married a squire, Ealph de
Monthermer, who used the title of her first husband, yet her son
GUbert in the first year of Edward the Second, being in the wars
of Scotland, is acknowledged by our historians as Earl of Gloucester,

GILBERT DE CLARE. 173
and though only in his eighteenth year, he had livery of his lands,
the king having satisfaction that he was under age. Again, in
the second year of the king's reign, he was captain-general of the
nobles who were in his retinue, and in the year foUowing he had
several manors given him for life, in case he had no issue. Next
year, 1311, he was appointed Guardian of the whole realm of Eng
land, whUe the king was absent in Scotland. Moreover, before
the battle of Bannockbum he was sent as one of the king's ambas
sadors to France to treat and conclude on certain articles of peace
between both realms. On his return he accompanied the king to
Scotland ; and being captain of the vanguard at the battle of
Bannockbum, he was slain, whereupon Bruce sent his body to
King Edward at Berwick, to be interred where the latter should
determine. Stow tells us his remains were buried at Tewksbury.
He married Maude, daughter of John de Burgh, son of Eichard
Earl of Ulster, and left no children, since John his son died in his
lifetime. In expectation of issue, a considerable time was aUowed
to the said Maude, and, ultimately, his large inheritance was
shared by his three sisters — Alianore, who married first, Hugh le
Despencer, and secondly, WUUam Lord Zouch of Mortimer ; Mar
garet, wife first of Piers Gaveston, and secondly of Hugh de
Audley ; and EUzabeth, married first to John de Burgh, secondly
to Theobald de Verdon, and thirdly to Eoger D'Amorie. The
lady last mentioned, to her honour be it said, was the foundress of
the CoUege of Clare HaU in Cambridge.
Arms. — Or, three chevronels gules.
De or, a uj cheverons de goules. — Roll of Arms.

174 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES.

A drawing of this shield, whence the cut is designed, was kindly procured by the
engraver, Mr. John Cleghorn, from a RoU of Arms of the English nobility who were
present at a tournament held at Stepney, 28th Februaiy 1308, in Cole's MSS. vol. 47,
p. 146, deposited in the British Museum.
Sir Giles d' Argentine was a hero of romance in real life.— Hailks.
Sir Giles "at ^rpntine.
This warrior belonged to a famUy remarkable for bravery, who
possessed lands in the counties of Cambridge, Norfolk, Suffolk,
and Hertford. In 1193 Eeginald de Argentine was sheriff for the
counties of Cambridge and Huntington, and, four years afterward,
entered into the like office for the counties of Essex and Hertford.
Again, his son in 1223 was sheriff for the counties of Essex and
Hertford, and was made Governor of Hertford Castle. Also, he
became sheriff for the counties of Cambridge and Huntington, and
in 1226 was one of the stewards for the king's household. This
noble knight, of great prowess, went in 1229 on a pUgrimage to
the Holy Land, but departed this life in 1246. Another of the
famUy of the same name, being a Knight Templar, was standard-
bearer of the Christian army ; and in a great battle in 1237 against
the Turks, near Antioch, in Palestine, he bore the banner till his
legs and arms were both broken, and there he was slain.
Sir GUes de Argentine, another knight of great valour, and son
to him who died in 1246, was constituted Governor of Windsor

SIR GILES DE ARGENTINE. l75
Castle in 1263. Joining, however, the rebeUious barons after the
battle of Lewes, in company with his son, he was elected one of
nine counseUors to assume the government of the realm. But the
insurrection being suppressed at the battle of Evesham, his lands
were sequestrated. At his death, which occurred in 1282, he was
seised of a certain manor lying in Weldburne, also of the manor of
Great Wymondeley, in the county of Cambridge, which he held by
grand Sergeantie, namely, 'to serve the king on the day of his
coronation with a silver cup.' His son and heir, Eeginald, was
under age, but soon after his father's death, doing homage, he had
Uvery of his lands in the counties of Cambridge, Norfolk, Suffolk,
and Hertford. He was summoned as a baron to ParUament in
1297, but, dying in 1307, he was succeeded by John de Argentine,
the second baron, who died about 1318.
The manor of Wimley or Wymondeley is said to have come
into possession of the Argentines by marriage with the heiress of
Fitz Tees, who was descended from David de Argentine, a Norman
who came over with William the Conqueror. The male line
ceased with John de Argentine, the fifth baron, and the manor was
carried by his only daughter into the house of AUington, on her
marriage with WUliam AUington, an ancestor of the famUy.
Of this Une came the subject of our notice. Sir GUes de
Argentine, but in what degree he stood we are uncertain. He was
weU known to Brace in the court of England before 1306, and
our archives afford us a glance into the mUitary prowess of the
man at the tournament already mentioned, which was held at
Stepney, in which he attained, in the struggle for skUl and strength,
among the nobiUty of England the chief post of renown. In
pursuit of the honourable profession of arms, he seems to have
gone abroad, and in the wars of Palestine he encountered the
Saracens on three several occasions, when in each conflict he slew
two of their chief warriors. He also entered the service of Henry
VII. of Luxenburgh, Emperor of Germany, and foUowing the
brief but brUliant career of that Ulustrious individual, he acquired
such fame as to be accounted one of the bravest warriors of
his time. In common estimation the said Emperor Henry occu
pied the highest point of honour, Eobert, King of Scotland, the
second, and De Argentine maintained the third place. In 1313

176

BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES.

he would appear to have returned to England, and from his
acknowledged merit was appointed to remain by the side of King
Edward on the field of Bannockburn. AU our historians agree
in extolling his bravery, and his loss was everywhere lamented.
Brace, from the intimacy which once subsisted between them,
took especial care of his body, causing it to be buried in St.
Patrick's Church, near Edinburgh. — Bellenden, Hailes, Kerr, etc.
Arms. — The bearings of De Argentine, as we leam from the
EoU of Arms already aUuded to in Cole's MSS., were, Gules,
three covered cups between nine crosses crosslet argent.

aaofiert ClifforK,
Egbert de Clifford, a noted warrior in the time of Edward the
First, was bom about Easter in 1274. When near his thirteenth
year he succeeded his grandfather in his baronial honours. Dug
dale says he was at the battle of Dunbar in 1296. During the
year foUowing, in May, he was summoned to attend the king with
horse and arms in an expedition beyond sea, and afterwards he was
sent from Carlisle with an hundred men-at-arms and twenty
thousand foot, to plunder the Scots, which he accomplished ; and,
after great slaughter, he returned to England with much booty.
Forthwith he was appointed Justice of all the king's forests be
yond Trent, and on the following year he was made Governor of

ROBERT CLIFFORD. 177
Nottingham Castle. Again, in 1 298-9, being constituted King's
Lieutenant and Captain-General in the Counties of Cumberland,
Westmorland, and Lancaster, and over Annandale and the
Marches of Scotland, he was joined in commission with the Bishop
of Durham and others to consider how the castles in England
could be garrisoned, and how the Marches might be defended.
Soon after, he was summoned to the Scottish wars, and received
his first writ to Parliament at the close of 1299.
Thus, in his twenty-fifth year, he was honoured with his
sovereign's confidence, and was present with him, in 1300, at the
siege of Carlaverock Castle.^ Here Clifford especially distinguished
himself, for he served in the third squadron, and was led by the
king in person. As a reward for his bravery he was appointed
Governor of the castle when it surrendered, and his banner was
placed on its battlements. On the year previous to the death of
Edward the First, for his numerous services he had a grant of
the borough of Hartlepool, and of the lands of Eobert de Bras.
He was also sent with Aymer de Valence against the said Eobert,
and, moreover, had a grant of the lands of Christopher de Seyton.
At the death-bed of the king in 1307, he heard the monarch's
orders to prevent the return of Gaveston to England. Under
Edward the Second he was again Governor of Nottingham Castle,
and was appointed Earl-Marshal of England. Soon after the
wardenship of the Marches of Scotland devolved upon him, and he
became Governor of that kingdom. Several additional grants of
lands were also made to him in recompense of his services, and in
1313 he had an acquittance from the king for the jewels, horses,
etc., which had belonged to Piers de Gaveston, for he adhered to
the Earl of Lancaster against the royal favourite, and obtained
pardon from the king for the active part he took in causing his
death. He was regularly summoned to Parliament from 1299 to
1313, and feU, as has been stated, at Bannockburn, in the forty-first

1 The French poem on this occasion, written it is supposed by Walter
of Exeter, a Franciscan Friar, has excited great interest among heralds and
historians. It was edited, as already stated, by Sir N. Harris Nicolas, and
from the memoirs of the warriors iu the volume the compiler has drawn
much condensed information. N

178 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES.
year of his age. His defeat by Eandolph on the day previous to
the battle may have led him to rush more unguardedly on the
Scottish spears. His body is said to have been interred at Shap
Abbey, in Westmoreland.
CUfford married Maude, daughter and ultimately co-heir of
Thomas de Clare, Steward of Waltham Forest, son of Thomas,
youngest son of Eichard de Clare, Earl of Gloucester and Hert
ford. By her he had issue Eoger, who, at fifteen years of age,
succeeded him in the barony. Another son was Eobert, from whom
descended the baronial Une of CUfford, which, in the time of Henry
the Eighth, was raised to the Earldom of Cumberland. Some
authorities say he had other two sons, John and Andrew, and a
daughter, Idumea, the wife of Henry, Lord CUfford.
Arms. — Cheeky or, and azure, a fess gules. Checkere de
or e de azure, a une fesse de goules. — Roll of Arms,

"^^^^^"^^

^gmer Ire Faience, €arl of f emlirolte.
This distinguished man was bom about 1280, being the third son
of WiUiam de Valence, who was created Earl of Pembroke by his
uterine brother King Henry the Third. About the sixteenth year
of his age, he succeeded his father in his honours — two elder
brothers having previously died without issue. He was taU in

AYMER DE VALENCE. 179
stature, and of a sallow complexion, whence Piers Gaveston
bestowed on him the sobriquet of ' Joseph the Jew.' The earliest
notice of him on record is, that in 1297 he was summoned to
Parliament as a baron, though it is said he was entitled to the
Earldom of Pembroke ; yet that title was not bestowed on him in
pubUc records tUl 1307. It is, however, clear that from the
decease of his father he ranked above aU barons save Henry of
Lancaster, who, being of royal blood, is mentioned next to Earls.
About his eighteenth year he was sent by the king as an ambas
sador, to treat of a truce between England and France; and in the
three foUowing years he was in the Scottish wars, and accompanied
the king in 1300 to the siege of Carlaverock. He was again in
the wars of Scotland about 1302, and got permission to leave the
realm on his own affairs. In 1305 the castles of Selkirk and
Traquair, and the borough of Peebles, with other possessions in
that kingdom, were granted to him to hold by the service of one
knight's fee, and shortly afterward he was constituted Guardian of
the Marches of Scotland towards Berwick, besides being entrasted
with the sole command of the English forces which were levied
against Bruce.
It has been mentioned that in the discharge of his office as
leader of the EngUsh troops he established his headquarters at
Perth, and after Brace had been crowned, in attempting to reduce
that town he was attacked suddenly by De Valence, and suffered
a serious defeat. In the foUowing year, however, Brace met him
by appointment, near Loudon HUl, and with a smaU body of spear
men, succeeded in vanquishing his squadrons of mounted horsemen
so effectuaUy that they fled in the utmost confusion to BothweU.
Again, De Valence was present at the death of King Edward the
First, and, with other noblemen, received the monarch's injunctions
to afford his son their support and counsel, so as to prevent the
retum of Gaveston to England. Being summoned to ParUament
by his proper title. Earl of Pembroke, he was present at the
coronation of Edward the Second, and carried the youthfiU king's
left boot, the spur belonging to it being home by the Earl of Corn-
waU. In the same year, he was sent with Otho de Grandison and
others to the Pope on special business, and on the decease of his
mother, by doing homage, he had livery of the lands she held in

180 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES.
dower, and about 1310 he was found heir to the lands of his sister
Agnes or Anne. About this time he joined the Earl of Lancaster
against Gaveston, and on banishment of that favourite, he was
deputed, among others, to petition the king that he should be
rendered incapable of holding any office. Ultimately, Gaveston,
with the king's consent, surrendered at Scarborough to Pembroke,
who, on the way to WaUingford, leaving him in the custody of
servants, he was taken by the Earl of Warwick and led to his
doom. About 1313 Pembroke was sent on a mission to Eome, and
obtained a grant of lands in London, comprising the New Temple.
Early in the foUowing year, being made Warden and Lieutenant of
aU Scotland, tUl the king should go thither, he was accordingly
present at the battle of Bannockbum, being stationed close by the
king's bridle, and when defeat was inevitable Pembroke is said to
have led him away. About 1316 he was commissioned to hold a
parUament in the king's absence, and performed an active part
therein. After this time he was sent to Eome on a mission to the
Pontiff, but being captured on his retum by a Burgundian named
John de MoUler with his accomplices, he was sent to the Emperor,
who obliged him to pay twenty thousand pounds of silver, on the
pretence that MoiUer had served the king of England without
being paid his wages. About 1318 he was in the wars of Scot
land, and we may suppose, on his journeys to and from the north,
he regularly halted at Mitford Castle, in Northumberland, of which
he was lord. Being appointed Govemor of Eockingham Castle, he
was constituted Guardian of the realm during the absence of the
king, and held also the office of Custos of Scotland. In 1322 he
fought on the king's side against Thomas of Lancaster, and was
one of those who pronounced sentence of death against him at
Pontefract, for which he was rewarded with the grant of several
lands, chiefly in Northamptonshire.
During the foUowing year he accompanied IsabeU, Queen of
England, to France, and when there he married his third wife,
Mary, daughter of Guy de ChastiUon, Count of St. Paul's, on
which occasion he is reported to have lost his Ufe at a tournament
he gave in celebration of his nuptials, so that the bride was ' maid,
wife, and widow,' in one day. Dugdale, however, says he was
murdered on the 23d June 1324, by reason of the part he took in

AYMER DE VALENCE. 181
the death of the Earl of Lancaster. Nicolas, on the authority of a
contemporary writer, which he quotes, considers it would rather
appear he died of apoplexy. His body was brought to England
and buried in Westminster Abbey, where his sumptuous monument
is stUl seen. Within the present century it had become much
dUapidated, but by the means suppUed by Government, and the
skUl of the most able artists of the time, it was restored almost to
its original splendour. It is depicted both by Blore and Stothard,
whose works are of great value to the historian as weU as to the
antiquary. Aymer de Valence was thrice married, but left no
issue ; first, to Beatrix, daughter of Ealph de Noel, Constable of
France ; secondly, to a daughter of the Earl of Barre ; and thirdly,
to Mary, the lady above mentioned. His said widow came to
possess large estates in several counties of England, and, to her
renown be it added, she was not only a bountiftU benefactress to
many reUgious houses, but became the foundress of the coUege of
Pembroke HaU in Cambridge, an act which, Nicolas observes,
' seldom faUs to ensure immortality.'
Arms. — Barry, argent and azure, an orle of Martlets
gules. Burele de argent e de azure, od les merelos de goules.
Roll of Arms.

182

BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES.

The UmfreviUe shield, taken from that on the efflgy of an early UmfreviUe in Hexham
Abbey church. Surtees, in his History of Burimm, says the arms are, Gules, a
einquefoil within an orle of crosses patonce or.

Engrant ije SImfre&ille,
Ingram de Umfreville, as Hodgson, the historian of Northum
berland, relates, was, in aU probabUity, brother to GUbert de
UmfrevUle, the first Earl of Angus, in right of his mother. He
was a Scotch Baron, and comes prominently before the reader of
Scottish history from 1291 to the period of the battle of Bannock
bum. It is likely that another of the same name, probably his
son, figures before the pubUc from the time of the battle of
NevUle's Cross in 1346 down to the fiftieth year of Edward the
Third, 1376.
It is accordingly the first Ingram of whom we desire to render
some account. He appears, says Hodgson, ' as a luminary above
the ordinary magnitude in the consteUation of the eminent men of
his time.' He was present at Norham, when the claims of the
several candidates for the Scottish crown were arbitrated, and in
the year following he witnessed John de BaUol do homage to the
first Edward in the great haU of the castle in Newcastle-upon-Tyne.
In 1296 he surrendered the castle of Dumbarton to the king of
England, and his two daughters, Eve and IsabeUa, were given up

INGRAM DE UMFREVILLE. 183
as hostages of his fideUty to that monarch. In the foUowing year
King Edward summoned him to march with his whole force against
the rebel subjects of Scotland, but on this occasion we have some
cause to suspect he was disobedient, and may have favoured the
independence of that country. In 1302, the Scots sent him to
France to watch over the interest of their land in the negotiations
which were about to take place. During the year afterwards, he
wrote to John Comyn, Eegent, and his party, a storming letter,
telling how a peace had been settled between England and France
without including Scotland therein, and urging them to stand out
boldly and maintain the rights of their own country. In 1305,
however, he had again embraced the English interest, and subse
quently Edward the Second took him into favour, making him a
warden in GaUoway, and one of the councU of Eobert de Clifford.
In 1308 he was defeated by Edward Brace in that district, and on
his forces being cut off, he escaped with difficulty to Butel Castle.
Barbour relates that about this time UmfreviUe caused a red
bonnet set upon a spear to be borae about wherever he went, to
indicate that he had attained the height of chivalric prowess and
bearing.^ By a writ directed by Edward the Second, in 1309, to the
Sheriff of Northumberland, Ingram de Umfreville claimed twelve
messuages, one hundred and twenty acres of land, eighty acres of
meadow, three hundred acres of wood, and one thousand acres of
pasture in Elsden, in Northumberland, as related and next of
kin to GUbert de UmfrevUle, then deceased. Shortly afterwards
King Edward ordered his warden of Scotland to see that Umfre
vUle was bountifuUy supplied for the good service rendered to his
father and himself. He is styled Baron in 1310, and empowered
to take into the King's allegiance such Galwegians as had been
opposed to him but wished to be received into the royal favour.
Afterwards he appears to have taken part with the Earl of Lan
caster in accomplishing the death of Gaveston, for his name is in
the list of those who received pardon for that occurrence. His
reply to the King of England at Bannockbum, mentioned in the

1 P. 181.

184 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES.
text, is the last notice we have of him, so far as the compUer has
seen among the public records, in the early period of the fourteenth
century. We have no record either of his marriage or of what issue he
left, but one of the same name, as has been observed, was known
in public life for above fifty years after the battle of Bannockburn.
Arms. — In the EoU of Arms of the reign of Henry the Third
the UmfrevUle arms are — Or, a cinquefoU gules, within a
bordure azure semde of horse-shoes or. Again, when Sir
GUbert of that name married MatUda, Countess of Angus,
by whom he became Earl of Angus, his arms, according
to Nisbet (vol. i. p. 391), were — Azure, a cinquefoU within
an orle of eight cross crosslets or. The only notice I have
seen of the arms of Sir Ingram de UmfrevUle is in ' Docu
ments of the History of Scotland, 1286 to 1306, selected
and arranged by Joseph Stevenson, Esq. : Edinburgh, 1870,
2 vols.' In vol. ii. p. 12, we observe that, to a ' Promise'
made by the Scottish Commissioners in France, dated Oct.
22, 1295, UmfreviUe's seal is attached 'by a cord of green
sUk. It is uninjured, and a very beautiful specimen of art.'
The original is deposited in the Imperial archives at Paris,
S. H. S. J. 457, No. 3.

INDEX.

Atb Castle taken by Bruce, 14.
Bannockburn, site of the battle called
Bannockmoor, 30 ; course of the
stream, 33 ; bridged over after the
battle by the bodies of men and
horses, 107.
Baston, Eobert, a Cannelite friar, 29 ;
being captui'ed, he wrote Latin
verses on the battle, 128.
Berkeley, Maurice de, escapes from
battle, 114.
Bloody Faulds, English killed there,
113.
Brabant, two knights of, expelled from
the English army, and welcomed by
the Scots, 73 ; sent home with rich
gifts, 130.
Bruce, King Robert, 5 ; his penetra
tive wisdom, 9 ; success at Loudon
HUl, 10 ; recognition of and declar
ation as Idng, 12 ; agrees with Men
teith for surrender of Dumbarton
Castle, 13 ; recovers the castles of
Dumfries, Dalswinton, Ayr, and
Lanark, 14 ; his displeasure at the
agreement made by his brother
Edward for surrender of Stirling
Castle, 16 ; endeavours to increase
the Scottish army, 20 ; his success,
21 ; assembles his forces at Torwood,
22 ; examines the route to Stirling,
and fixes on Bannockmoor as the
place whereon he would fight for
freedom, 30 ; examines his army,
37 ; resolves his troops should meet
the enemy on foot, 38 ; arranges
for battle, 42 ; moves toward Ban
nockbum, 43 ; orders pits to be
dug at the Eoman way near Milton,
43 ; examines them, 47 ; draws up
his force on Bannockmoor, 48 ;
issues a proclamation that each faint
hearted man might go home, 48 ;
sends the servants and stores to a
valley on GiUies' HUl, 50 ; appoints
Randolph to prevent the English

passing near St. Ninians, 51 ; sends
Douglas and Keith Marshal to ob
serve the approach of the enemy,
51 ; occupies Coxet HUl, 53 ; de
tects the advance of Clifford and
reminds Eandolph of his charge, 54 ;
agrees that Douglas may assist Ran
dolph, 58 ; marshals his troops in
the field, 61 ; kills Sir Henry Bohun,
62 ; reminds his chief men how the
battle should be fought, 67-71 ;
confers knighthood on several of his
leaders, 78 ; slightly alters his
original plan of battle, 80 ; sends
Keith Marshal to disperse the En
glish archers, 95 ; leads his own
division into battle, 98 ; raises his
war-cry, and the Scots overcome the
enemy, 107 ; consents that Douglas
pursue King Edward, 109 ; receives
Sir Marmaduke Twenge as prisoner,
123 ; orders the dead to be buried,
125 ; deals out most liberally the
spoU of the English, 130.
Bruce, Sir Edward, 6 ; captures the
castles of Eutherglen and Dimdee,
15 ; foolishly arranges with Sir
Philip Mowbray for the surrender
of Stirling Castle, 16 ; his reply to
his brother, the king, 17 ; arrives
with his troops at Torwood, 22 ; ia
appointed to the charge of the right
wing of the army, 40 ; forms with
his warriors upon high ground the
van of the Scots, 80 ; his division
first encountered by the enemy, 89 ;
resists the onset nobly, 101 ; sent
by the king to capture Bothwell
Castle, 126.

Clifford, Sm Egbert, sent by King
Edward vrith cavalry to relieve Stir
ling Castle, 53 ; gives battle to Ean
dolph, 55 ; defeated, 64 ; his body
found among the slain at Bannock
bum, 122.

186

INDEX.

Dalswinton Castle, taken by Bruce,
14.
De Argentine, Sir GUes, placed on one
side of King Edward's bridle at
Bannockbum, 83 ; quits the field
With the Mug, 'and on retuming is
slain, 109.
Douglas, James, 6 ; captures the strong
castle of Eoxbiurgh, 15 ; assembles
his followers at Torwood, 22 ; ap
pointed with the Steward to com
mand the left wing of the army, 41 ;
sent with Keith Marshal to observe
the English, 51 ; advances to the
assistance of Eandolph, 58 ; re
ceives the honour of knighthood, 78 ;
enters into battle, 93 ; presses the
enemy most severely, 102 ; asks the
Bruce for leave to pursue King
Edward, 111 ; chases him, 116.
Dumfries Castle won by Bruce, 15.
Dundee Castle taken by Edward Bruce,
15.
Edinburgh Castle captured by Ean
dolph, 15.
Edward II. proposes to invade Scot
land, 17 ; sends for troops from
Gascony and Flanders, and desires
the Earl of Ulster and others to
assist him, 18 ; arrives at New
minster Abbey, 19 ; appoints John
Duke of Argyle High Admiral of
the western fleet of England, 20 ;
proceeds to Berwick, and thence to
Edinburgh, 22 ; his large army, 25 ;
pomp and magnificence of, 26 ; ex
pects Scotland to be taken and
divided among his people, 29 ;
pauses, probably on obtaining a
sight of Stirling Castle, 61 ;
places the Earl of Pembroke on one
side of his bridle and De Argentine
on the other, 83 ; orders the trum
pet to sound for battle, 86 ; his
agonising feelings on being defeated,
108 ; quits the field and rides to
Stirling Castle, 110 ; Mowbray ad
vises him to depart, and he proceeds
towards Linlithgow, 111 ; Douglas
pm'sues him, 116 ; he reaches the
Castle of Dunbar, and is received by
the Earl of March, 117 ; is con
veyed in a boat to England, 118.
English army, great dependence

placed on the cavalry, 8 ; knights
and men-at-arms considered invin
cible, 9 ; splendid appearance of,
27, 51 ; van led by Gloucester and
Hereford, 89 ; archers wing their
shafts most fataUy on the Scots, 91 ;
attacked by Keith Marshal and
dispersed, 96 ; both cavalry and in
fantry driven back by the Scots,
103 ; whole battalions quit the
field on being defeated, 112 ; num
bers who fell and were made pri
soners, 121.
Gillies' Hill, servants sent thither,
50 ; they advance downward to
battle, 104.
Gloucester, Earl of, leads with Here
ford the van of the English army,
61 ; attacks the division under Sir
Edward Bruce, 89 ; attempts in
defeat to turn the tide of battle,
and is slain, 106 ; his body sent to
King Edward at Berwick, 114.
Hbeeford, Eabl of, in the van of
the English army, 61 ; joins Glou
cester in attacking Sir Edward Bruce,
89 ; on defeat of the English es
capes to Bothwell Castle, 114 ; de
livered up to Bruce, 126 ; exchanged
for five Ulustrious prisoners, 127.
Isle of Man conquered by Bruce, 16.
Keith, Sib Eobert, Earl Marshal,
sent with Douglas to reconnoitre
the English, 51 ; his troop of horse
accompanies Randolph to encounter
CUfford, 55; attacks the English
archers and disperses them, 96 ;
immense slaughter of the English
by his cavalry, 105.
Lanark Castle taken by Brace, 14.
LinUthgow Castle captured by WiUiam
Binnock and others, 14.
March, Patrick, Earl of, receives
King Edward into his castle of
Dunbar, 117 ; takes from him a
release of his service, and gets him
conveyed in a boat to England, 118.
Mauley, Edward de, found drowned
in Bannockbum, 122.

INDEX.

187

Maurice, Abbot of Inchaffray, per
forms mass before the Scottish
army, 77 ; admonishes the warriors
therein to perform their duty in de
livering the land from bondage, 85.
Menteith, Sir John, treacherously
agrees to deliver up to Bruce the
fortress of Dumbarton, 13 ; liber
ated from prison, 21 ; fights at Ban
nockburn, and is liberaUy rewarded,
125.
MUton, deep pits dug near, by order of
Brace, 43.
Moray, Thomas Eandolph, Earl of,
takes the Castle of Edinburgh, 15 ;
comes with his foUowers to Tor-
wood, 22 ; appointed a leader in the
army, 40 ; set to prevent the
English reaching Stirling, 51 ; at
tacked by Sir Robert Cliiford, 65 ;
overcomes him, 64 ; his division
enters into battle, 91 ; maintains
the fight with great bravery, 102.
Mowbray, Sir PhUip, stipulates with
Edward Bruce to surrender Stirling
Castle, and the agreement disap
proved of by Bruce, 16 ; goes to
London and informs King Edward
of what he had done, 17 ; on the
king's defeat advises him to pro
ceed to England, 111 ; yields the
castle to Bruce, and enters his ser
vice, 124.
New Park, its position, 30 ; a hunt
ing field for the Scottish kings, 31 ;
the battle fought within its limits,
32.
Northburge, Eoger de, keeper of the
king's signet, captm'ed with his two
clerks, 124.
O'Connor, Eth, and other Irish chiefs,
summoned by Edward to assist in
subduing Bruce, 18.
Pembroke, Aymer de Valence, Earl of,
defeated at Loudon HUl, 10 ; ap
pointed Govemor of Scotland, 18 ;
stationed on one side of the king's
bridle before battle, 88.
Perth invested and taken by Brace,
14.
Eoman road crossed the Bannock
near MUton, 33.

Eoxburgh Castle taken by Douglas, 15.
Rutherglen Castle won by Edward
Bruce, 15.
Saint Fillan, the miraculous arm of,
72.
Scott, Michael, inventor of the iron
skull-cap, 6.
Scottish army, number of, previous
to battle, 36 ; four divisions of,
each imder its respective leader, 40,
41 ; moves foiTvard to New Park,
42 ; localities occupied by, 45 ;
mass celebrated before it, 46 ; posi
tion of, when the battle commenced,
78-81 ; moves onward whUe fighting
with the enemy, 96 ; always main
tains its position in proper line,
103 ; assisted by the camp-foUowers
from Gillies' Hill, 104 ; cavalry per
form an important movement, 105 ;
lUtimately victorious, 107 ; loss in
battle, 122.
Seton, Alexander, deserts from the
English, 73.
Steward, Walter the, arrives with his
followers at Torwood, 22 ; unites
with Douglas in commanding the
left wing of the army, 41 ; is
knighted by the king, 78 ; stationed
for battle, 80 ; enters into conflict,
93 ; presses the enemy most severely,
102.
Stirling Castle, Sir PhUip Mowbray
agrees to smTender it if not relieved
by midsummer 1314, 16 ; situation
of it, 32 ; King Edward being de
feated flies thither, 110 ; fugitives
flock to the crags near it, 113 ; sur
rendered to Bruce, 124.
Twenge, Sir Marmaduke, renders
himself to Bruce, and is sent home
free of ransom, 123.
WiNOHBUEOH, where the English in
flight feed their horses, 117.
Ulster, Eichard de Burg, Earl of,
invited with his forces to assist
King Edward against Brace, 18.
UmfreviUe, Sir Ingram de, asked
by King Edward if the Soots would
fight, 83 ; his reply on seeing them
kneel in the act of devotion, 86.

By the same Author.

HISTORY OF THE BATTLE OF OTTERBURN,
FOUGHT IN 1388,
With Map, etc., and Memoirs of the Warriors who engaged
in that conflict. Crown 8vo.
London, Edinburgh, and Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 1857.

POEMS:
Including Tales, Ballads, and Songs,
With Portrait. Foolscap 8vo.
Kelso, 1867.
" Turning to 'Poems' by Eobert White, we come at last to some really
genuine poetic utterances. Many of the subjects which Mr. White selects
to sing are original, and some exceedingly beautiful. There is not the
least affectation in his verses, and yet there is a certain poUsh and grace
about them that lead us to believe great care has been bestowed on their
composition. Above all, we admire his simplicity, and the pathos that
grows out of this simplicity." — London Beview.
" The fervid nationality of Mr. White's muse would of itself recommend
his poems to all sons of Scotland. Patriotism glows in almost every page
of the volume ; the history, traditions, customs, and scenery of his native
land he celebrates in song with unwearying enthusiasm. His style is fluent,
graceful, and tasteful" — Scotsman.

THE BATTLE OF NEVILLE'S CROSS, 1346;

AND

THE BATTLE OF FLODDEN, 1513;
Contributed to Vols. i. and iii. of ' Arch^ologia Miima,,' new series,
1857 and 1859.