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YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

A SKETCH

THE HISTORY

CHURCH OF ENGLAND

THE REVOt-'UTlON, 1488.

By THOMAS VOWLER SHORT, D,D.,
LATE STUDENT OF CHRIST CHURCH; AND RECTOR
OF ST, GEORQE-S, BLOOMSBURT.

THE THIRD EDITION.

LONDOlsr:
JOHN W. PARKER, WEST STRAND,
M.DCCC.Xt,

London:
Hareiscn axd Co,, Pkintkh,s
St. MiETiN's L.\NK.

o

PREFACE.

The best excuse which can be made for the publication
of a Work such as that which is now offered to the world,
is, the plain statement of the reasons which originally led
to its composition, and of the objects which the author
had in view when he commenced the task. And if, when
the undertaking is accomplished, the same reasons still
exist either in part or whole ; if his labours be calculated
to supply a Avant which in any measure continues to be
felt, he must trust that the kindness of the public will
excuse that vanity which induces him to hope, that his
exertions may in some degree contribute to supply a desi
deratum among the elementary works of our country.
The author of the present Sketch discovered after he
had been admitted into orders, that the knowledge of
English ecclesiastical history Avhich he possessed was very
deficient. It was a point concerning which, information
was not to be readily obtained, but in which he felt that
he ought to have made diligent search during the profes
sional preparation of himself, on which every educated
man, who is engaged in the instruction of others, is pecu
liarly bound to enter ; he was distressed, that his know
ledge of the sects among the philosophers of Athens was
greater than his information on questions which affect the
Church of England ; and he determined to devote a con
siderable portion of those few hours which a laborious
employment left at his disposal to the study of the history
of our own church. a 2

)V tRfiPACE.
His pursuits were chiefly directed to those particulars
which at the same time might supply him with real
knowledge in his own profession; and he was disposed
to hasten over periods which could furnish little but an
acquaintance with facts, and an insight into ecclesiastical
abuses. The circumstances in which he was placed fur
nished him with an abundance of books ; but this very
fact made him more sensible of the need of some guide
to direct him in the selection of them; and notwith
standing the kind assistance provided by a large number
of clerical friends, he found a diversity of advice, which
perplexed rather than facilitated his progress. He sought
in vain for a general history of the Church of England,
which might furnish him with a map of his intended
journey; for those which exist are rather large surveys
than maps ; in which the general features are laid down
on so extensive a scale, that they never exhibit a com
modious view of the whole.
He determined, therefore, to draw up a sketch for
himself, to lay down the great landmarks as distinctly as
he could, and to fill up the details in such a manner as
circumstances would allow. And conceiving that his
own map, with all its imperfections, might be useful to
others, he constantly framed it as he proceeded, thinking
that when his task was accomplished, it might either
remain as a private memorial of his own studies, or be
given to the public when the academical labours of the
author were at an end, in case no work of the same
description should previously supply the wants of indivi
duals situated as he had been. When this period had
arrived, and he hardly felt satisfied with the publications
which had appeared, he ventured to print the present
volumes. Mr. Southey's Book of the Clmrch hardly
satisfied him*. Mr. Carwithen has given a very faithful
* Dr. Short begs leave in this edition to apologise to Mr. Southey

for PTrnrpSISlOTia nc^arl in iha fi

 I.J. _ .

PREFACE.

description of the country through which he has passed,
but he has not sufficiently pointed out the more striking
features to which the attention of the traveller must be
directed, if he wishes to obtain an idea of the whole terri
tory. Many of the other writers who might here be men
tioned have examined only a part of the history of our
church, and are perhaps liable to other objections.
A larger work than the present would jirobably have
been better suited to a greater variety of readers ; a small
one, if it be wisely composed, will seek the immediate
benefit of one class only, and trust to the chance, that
whatever is useful to one description of persons can hardly
prove uninteresting to others. The professed object of
these pages is to facilitate the studies of young men who
are preparing themselves for the offices of the Church,
through their academical pursuits.
The careful perusal of two small volumes*' may pre
vent them from being ignorant on those points on which
general information is ordinarily expected : and prepare
the way for more extensive studies, by furnishing them
with the means of arranging systematically the knowledge
which they shall otherwise acquire.
If such a book had fallen into the hands of the author
twenty years agone, his labours might have been more
profitably directed in the same course; for there is a
certain quantity of knowledge necessary on every subject,
before we shall proceed effectually to the acquisition of
more ; and it often happens that the want of this is not
supplied, till the more active duties of life prevent the
clergyman from taking advantage of those channels of
information which would otherwise have been open to
him.printed, and which are, for that reason, now omitted; especially as
the new edition of Mr, Southey's work has obviated the want of
references, to which allusion is there made.
* The first edition was printed in two volumes.

vi PHEFACE,
In the execution of this work, there is hardly enough
of detail to satisfy the inquisitive; but while it assists
him in his pursuits, it may prevent the idle from being
totally ignorant on ecclesiastical history ; it is with this
view that the author has directed his particular attention
to those points which constitute the history of the Church
of England as it is at present established, to the Thirty-
nine Articles for instance, the translations of the Bible,
and the Prayer Book.
It is probable that feelings of personal kindness may
induce some individuals, who are possessed of a greater
knowledge on ecclesiastical history, to favour these volumes
with a reading ; and they may wonder that the studies
in which he has been engaged have not convinced the
writer of the imperfections of his work, and the objections
which may be raised against the attempt to crowd the
whole history of our church into two small volumes. ^ In
extenuation of his defects, he would only plead the
difficulty of the task, and beg them to examine the
question on its right grounds. The work Avas composed
when the author had an abundance of books, and but
little time to use them ; and has been prepared for the
press in a small country village, where he has the com
mand of his time, but of no library save his own private
one. If, therefore, he had extended the limits of his
work, the attempt must have been made under many
disadvantages, of Avhich they only can be fully aware who
have once possessed a free admission into large libraries,
of which they have been subsequently deprived. An
occasional access to libraries is extremely useful for pur
poses of reference and collation ; but he who collects
materials for history must search among a variety of
books which the hand of time has consigned to oblivion,
and which are frequently unworthy of the attention of
the general reader ; and no one can do this who is not
resident among public libraries ; nor can it be regarded

prepacu, vu
in any light less serious than a national calamity, that the
necessary labours of those who reside in the universities
almost preclude the possibility of their deriving any
extensive advantages from the treasures which are pre
served around them.
In despair, therefore, of accomplishing anything more
worthy of the subject, yet hoping that his present labours
may not have been totally thrown away, he commits
himself to the kindness of his friends and readers, with a
full conviction that none of them are more fully aware of
the deficiencies of these volumes than himself. With
regard to actual mistakes, he presumes that many may
be discovered, arising partly from the extensive range of
history which he has been forced to embrace, while the
reader will criticise that portion with which he is best
/ acquainted ; he will ask, therefore, for a fair indulgence
from those who have never engaged in such a task,
nothing doubting that he who knows the difficulty of
avoiding such errors, from experience, Avill use that
forbearance which the case requires.
Some persons may object that the opponents of the
Establishment are occasionally depicted in too favourable
colours, and the defects of our common parent held up
to view with less cautious respect than becomes a dutiful
son of the Church of England, Let such remember, in
the spirit of meekness, that there is a higher body to
which we belong, and that the Church of England is no
further our mother than as she proves herself a church of
Christ. If such a charge be reasonably substantiated, no
one will be more ready to find that he has been deceived,
than the writer of these pages; he has always endea
voured to search for the truth, and he hopes that in this
pursuit he may never grow weary. To say that the
Church of England is imperfect in constitution and
practice, is only to say that she was partly framed by
human beings, and is administered by men : but to pray

VIU PHEFACE.

that her maladministrations may be corrected by her
friends, and her deficiencies supplied by those who under-.
stand her constitution, is the petition of one, who, while
he admires the Church of England, believes that neither
communities nor individuals are infallible.
And if the perusal of these volumes shall be accom
panied with a portion of that amusement which their
composition has afforded the author ; if they shall con
tribute to excite in the breast of others that love and
admiration for our church Avhich their preparation has
confirmed in the heart of the writer, their publication
will fully answer the desires of one who believes that the
best reformation of the Church of England would be to
reduce her in practice to what she is in theory; who
believes that her doctrines are such, that he who
ventures his eternal safety to her guidance is taking a
secure path ; and that the framework of her estabhsh-
ment is that which under God's providence is best suited,
in the present state of the Christian world, to preserve
and disseminate our holy faith among the various branches
of society. Kings Woktiiy,
April, 1832.

ADVERTISEMENT TO THE SECOND EDITION,

The circumstances of the Author of this Sketch are so
changed since he wrote it, that they will sufficiently
account for his reprinting the work with little or no
alteration. The Rector of Bloomsbury ought to be
engaged in other tasks than that of writing ecclesiastical
history. The public have taken off the first edition, as
rapidly as could have been expected, considering its
extent and the nature of the work; and in offering a
second in a cheaper form, the Author has consulted the
convenience of those for whose use it was originally
designed; in this edition he has corrected such errors as
his friends have kindly pointed out to him, and he places
it before students in Theology, with the hope that it may
assist them in becoming acquainted with the history of
the Church of England; and that they may derive as
much practical advantage from this pursuit, as he has
obtained from it, in all the different circumstances to
which his clerical duties have called him.
Rectoky, St. George's, Bloomsbury,
April, 1838.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.
§ 1, General outline ofthe history of the British church before the
Saxon invasion.
2. England early converted to Christianity; possibly by St. Paul:
other traditions without any foundation.
3. King Lucius. Early persecutions; the Dioclesian, St. Alban,
Constantius Chlorus, Constantino puts an end to persecution.
4, British bishops at early councils; Aries, Nice, Sardica, Arir
minum.
5. Pelagian heresy. Germanus, Lupus, and Severus. Schools esta
blished. Illutus and Dubritius; Banchor; Galilean liturgy.
6. Saxons converted by St, Augustin; Etbelbert, Britha, Gregory I,
instrumental in this event.
7. Augustin, archbishop of England. Christian festivals accommo
dated to the heathen feasts. Ecclesiastical establishment. Union
with the British church attempted. Easter; Roman method of
keeping it adopted by Oswl,
8. Theodore made archbishop. Adrian. Parish churches established.
Bishoprics divided. Wilfred appeals to the pope, Sussex con
verted,
9. Wilfred's appeal to Rome; superiority of Rome over S.ixon Eng
land. Council of Cloveshoo.
10, Union of the heptarchy. The Danes attack monasteries, Ethel-
wulph's grant to the church : tithes had been previously men
tioned : they are sometimes spoken of as due by divine right.
1 1 . Alfred educates England ; he translates many books into Saxon ;
his general information; establishes a school for his son; foreign
kings educated in England ; sends an embassy to the Syrian
Indians,
12, Odo and Dunstan, The Danes incorporated with the English.
Wealth of the church,
13, Imperfection of this sketch; materials defective; the subject one
of curiosity rather than utility. Errors of the church of Rome
generally those of human nature,
14. Debt due to Rome ; probable date of the perversions of doctrine,
and their introduction into England.
15. Prayers for the dead ; in early use ; history of the doctrine of
purgatory ; common to many religions : prayers for the dead not

XII CONTENTS,
necessarily connected with it. Traces of the doctrine among the
Anglo-Saxons. Popular notions of it in the time of Bede and
Alcuin. 1, i,-
16. Transubstantiation. Waterland's account of the history of it;
probably not received by the Anglo-Saxons. Elfrics homily.
Bertram,
17. Mass ; believed to be a sacrifice for the living and dead._
18. Pictures and images. The decrees of the second councd of Nice
rejected by the British church. Image worship established in
England before Alfred's time. Prayers addressed to saints about
the same period. The doctrine of the Saxon church.
19. Relics ; natural respect for them ; sent by Gregory to Augustin,
The devotions paid at the tombs of the archbishops of Canterbury
produce disputes about the bodies of the primates.
20. Pilgrimages ; early made by the English to Jerusalem and Rome.
Many Saxon kings visit Rome. Abuses arising from pilgrim
ages ; the Penitential Canons enjoin them,
21. Confession ; penance. Difference between the churches of Rome
and England with regard to auricular confession. Penances
ordinarily imposed. Commutation of penance.
22. Celibacy of the clergy. The council of Nice endeavoured to
impose it. Custom of the Greek church. Early established in
England ; but generally evaded. Evils arising from it.
23, Early ecclesiastical establishments. JMonastic establishments
useful at first ; favourable to civilization ; attacked by the Danes,
Most of the clergy married during these times of disturbance;
dependance on the apostolic see arising from celibacj'. Holy
water. Service in Latin. Lights in churches. Lord's Prayer,
Creed, and Gospel, explained to the people.
24. Progress of errors in the church of England. Purgatory and
transubstantiation first believed, and then made profitable to the
priesthood. Errors introduced into the Anglo-Saxon church by
degrees from Rome.
25, How far the eiTors of the church destroyed Christianity, When
errors in doctrine destroy the hopes of salvation. Evil tendency
of errors in faith.
26. Inadequate view of the atonement. Correct faith in the Trinity.
Expressions marking false notions of good works. The Anglo-
Saxon church much corrupted in doctrines, and the way prepared
for greater errors. CHAPTER II. p. 31.
51. There existed a continual struggle between the church and
state. We must regard churchmen as advocating the rights of
their order.
52. William I, was possessed of full power over the church. Eccle
siastical property subjected to civil service. Most of the English

CONTENTS. Xni
clergy ejected. Papal legates introduced into England. The
ecclesiastical courts separated from the civil.
53. The influence of Rome arose from the vices of our kings. The
clergy a balance between the crown and aristocracy, and be
neficial to the lower orders. Rome interfered to support the
just rights of the church, and so gained power. Anselm and
William II.
54. Anselm appeals to Rome illegally. William admits the authority
of the pope, and the legate confirms Anselm, who nevertheless
flies from England. Investitures.
55. Henry recalls Anselm ; the dispute between them compromised.
Celibacy of the clergy insisted on in vain,
56. Stephen increases the power of the pope by his injustice. The
bishop of Winchester summons the king before him. Perjury
promoted by dispensations. The miseries of England.
57- Henry II, accepts a grant of Ireland from the pope. Becket,
Exemption of ecclesiastics from civil jurisdiction. Constitutions
of Clarendon. Becket is persecuted, and flies.
58. He is received by the court of France and the pope ; Henry very
violent ; Becket equally so ; an outward reconciliation is made
in vain.
59. Becket murdered ; miracles at his tomb. Henry submissive to
the church. Becket's character.
60. Heresy first punished, 1160. Gerhard and his followers, their
opinions uncertain.
61. Interference of Rome. Convent at Hackington; at Lambeth.
Tax imposed on the clergy by the pope.
62. John. Dispute about the election of an archbishop of Canterbury ;
Stephen Langton appointed by the pope, England laid under an
interdict, and John excommunicated.
63. Philip of France proceeds to depose John ; the barons discontented ;
John submits to the pope. The pope adverse to Magna Charta.
The council of the Lateran declares transubstantiation to be a
tenet of the church.
64. Papal power. Further exactions from the clergy refused.
65. Greathead opposes the papal usurpations ; esteems the pope
antichrist,
66, Edward I. Increased power of the clergy. Statutes for trying
clerks by a jury, and of Mortmain. Heavy taxes imposed on the
clergy. The bull to free ecclesiastical property from taxation
was inef&cacious.
67. Growth of the papal power,
68. Disputes between the crown and the church on temporal rights
drove the church into the arms of Rome, and then induced the
crown to submit to the authority of the pope.
69. The church taxes itself; the oppression of the crown induces
churchmen to acquire temporal power, which could alone defend
their property.

Xir CONTENTS.
70. Source of the power of Rome; a centre of combination for
churchmen, and of defence against the oppression of the crown,
The vices of Rome its only Aveakness.
CHAPTER III. p. 48.
101. Abuses must become galling to the people before they create any
great anxiety to remove them.
102. Political abuses connected with the church of Rome; attempts
to limit the papal power, not to destroy it; injustice of the
exclusive jurisdiction of the clergy.
103, Wealthtakenoutof the kingdom; papal provisions. Foreigners
holding preferments. Annates; clergy taxed by the pope.
Peters pence; bribes for aiding suitors; papal officers spies. The
right of sanctuary injurious to the country,
104, Statutes to restrain the papal power. Mortmain; impolicy of
the enactment, Provisors. Prsemunire.
105. Moral abuses; corruptions of the court of Rome. Pride and
luxury of the clergy; celibacy; worldly employments; ignorance;
mendicant orders.
106. Doctrinal errors of the church of Rome. Idolatry; pilgrimages;
pardons; transubstantiation.
107. Small hopes of reformation fr-om Rome itself; inadequacy of
canons; dispensations profitable to Rome.
1C8, Wiclif distinguished at Oxford; writes against the covetousness
of the court of Rome.
109, Expelled from the wardenship of Canterbury Hall; an enemy to
the friars; disputes on the arrears claimed by the pope; takes
the degree of D.D.; reads lectures,
110, Compromise with the pope about provisions. Peter's pence
redemanded; Wiclif declares them not to be due; offends the
pope and clergy.
111. Wiclif brought before S. Sudbury, in St. Paul's; his doctrines
approved in Oxford; Wiclif brought before the archbishop at
Lambeth ; sends in a declaration of faith on certain points.
112. He labours under a severe fever; the friars visit him; translates
the Scriptures; opposes transubstantiation; summoned before
commissioners in Oxford; leaves the university; reported to have
recanted.
113. Prepares his mind for martyrdom. Statute against heretics;
dies of the palsy.
114, His great learning and good qualities; opposes the temporal
power, and the doctrines of Rome; both these are endangered
by his preaching.
115. Opinions of Wiclif adverse to the papal supremacy.
116, He asserts the duty of the laity to take away church property
which is misused. Celibacy; vows taken early in life a great
snare. The Scriptures his ultimate standard.

CONTENTS. XV
117- He differs from the church of England with regard to purgatory;
and deems episcopacy not a distinct order,
118, Seven Sacraments, Baptism. Confirmation not confined to
bishops. Absolution and confession. Matrimony. Pilgrimages.
Images,
119, Transubstantiation, The first formal determination on it in
England. He held sound doctrines with regard to the atonement
and sanctification,
120, The Lollards numerous. Poor priests. His doctrines promote
disturbances. Oxford friendly to his doctrines, gives him letters
testimonial.
121. Proclamation against the Lollards; their petition, Henry IV,
grants power to the church. Statute De liasretico comburendo.
122. William Sawtrey burnt; succession of martyrs; their examina
tions, chiefly on transubstantiation, and submission to the church.
123, Lord Cobham had joined Henry IV. In the reign of Henry V.
he diffuses the doctrines of Wiclif. Henry tries to convince him
of his error.
124. He is brought to trial; his examination resembles that of
Thorpe; their answers correspond with the opinions of Wiclif.
Lord Cobham escapes; he denies a fictitious recantation which
had been published; he is hung in St, Giles's field.
125. A previous disturbance had taken place there; with which Lord
Cobham had probably no connexion.
126. Pecock promotes the Reformation by excusing Romish errors,
and analysing what was innocent in them; he is made bishop of
St. Asaph, and Chichester; and deprived of his preferments.
127- He offended by supporting the papal power on sound principles,
and thus actually betraying its weakness. Images. Pilgrimages.
128. Defends the supremacy, and a variety of religious orders, but
blames the abuses into which they had run,
129. The Bible the standard of his faith; his opinions not far from
those of Wiclif; possessed of no great talents.
130. A continued succession of martyrs. Depravity of the religious
orders.
1.31, Summary of the history. Reasons why power is given to the
ministers of the Gospel. Misused by the church of Rome.
132. The establishment still useful as a political engine. The papacy
a check to the crown. Importance of ecclesiastical appointments;
the right to them is disputed between the lower clergy, the pope,
and the king.
133, This competition arose from the value of preferments. Bishop
rics at first elective: when they became valuable, they were
sought by the king, and the court of Rome stepped in to defend
the clergy, and to take the appointment into her own hands,
134. The wrong appointments of each party destroyed the benefit of
the establishment; and as this arose from the wealth of the pre
ferment, the reformers inveighed against this.

XVI CONTENTS.
135, Real difficulty of the question: considerable power then neces
sary to defend the property of the church, which was useful in
promoting peace and civilization; this power abused, and a
reformation absolutely necessary. Bishoprics appointed to by
the crown, Wiclif and his followers inveigh against any temporal
power in the hands of churchmen.
136. Offices of state in the hands of churchmen. Exclusive jurisdic
tion. Papal power dependant on false doctrines, and these
attacked by Wiclif. His translation of the Bible showed the
people the truth, and persecution directed their attention to it.
137. Steps towards a reformation. Wealth of the clergy observed and
reprobated. The existence of an English translation, of tracts,
and preachers who were ready to suffer. Many persons of rank
convinced. Wiclif foresaw the final effect of truth. We must
look up through the instruments to the great Artificer.
CHAPTER IV, p. 79.
151, Causes ofthe Reformation; discussion, extension of knowledge.
Bill subjecting all robbers to the civil power. A preacher
inveighs against it.
152. Hunne dies in prison. Coroner's verdict of murder against the
chancellor. Hunne's body burnt. The king supports the civil
power.
153. Compromise about Horsey, the chancellor. Irritation of the
people. Imprudence of the clergy.
154. Vices of the clergy. Wolsey,
155. Wolsey, history of. Fox introduces him to Henry VIII. His
rise. Influence over Henry, His honesty unnecessarily ques
tioned,
156. Wolsey spoils Henry; his good qualities and faults,
157. Henry's book against Luther. Greek literature; patronised by
Henry and Wolsey. The study of the Scriptures. The cardinal's
college. Colet reads lectures in St, Paul's; accused of heresy.
Ignorance of the clergy. Gospel of Nicodemus set up at Canter
bury. Printing.
158, The divorce; causes of it, Henry VIIL protests against the
marriage. He fears the curse of dying childless. Wolsey
accused of insinuating scruples into the king's mind by means of
Longland, Henry probably entertained them before his love for
Anne Boleyn,
159. Proposals made to Clement VII, Campegio sent to England;
he brings a bull with him, which he afterwards burns ; he causes
delays, and at last postpones the decision.
160, The cause transferred to Rome, Wolsey's fall ; he is unjustly
treated,
161, Wolsey submits, goes to York, and dies; his character; a good
minister; weak after his fall.

CONTENTS, XVII
162, The decision of the question of the divorce referred to the Uni
versities; those of England and France declare the marriage
illegal.
163. Decisions against the marriage. Clement still deceitful. The
clergy in England comply with the wishes of the king, through
fear, and with difficulty acknowledge his supremacy.
164. The parliament object to the power of the clergy. First-fruits
taken from the pope. Cranmer, archbishop of Canterbury; his
objection to the oaths to the pope,
165, Divorce declared. The king had refused to appear by proxy.
Difficulty of arguing against the papal dispensation before the
pope. The delay of a messenger hastens the decision.
166. Laws against the pope. Supremacy of the king. The power of
bishops' courts curtailed. Succession. Oath of supremacy.
167. More and Fisher sent to the Tower. The Maid of Kent.
168. Character of Sir Thomas More; and his death,
169. Character of Fisher ; his death. Margaret professorships.
170. The clergy are hated ; the causes of this. Persecutions: Bilney,
Byfield, Tewksbury, Bainhara, Tracy, Harding, Hewett, Frith.
Purgatory attacked.
171. Supplication of Beggars. Practice of Prelates.
172. The papal supremacy not more arbitrary than that of Henrj'.
The Scriptures, and the discussion of religious questions.
173. The effects of persecution; of burning the Scriptures. Story of
Tonstal.
174. Review of the Reformation, Character of those who were chiefly
instrumental in producing it ; Henry, Wolsey, Sir Thomas More,
Clement. CHAPTER V, p, 102,
201. The church of England must be dated from the divorce. The
clergy irritate the king. Franciscans executed. Visitation of the
church. Inhibition sent to the bishops ; their ecclesiastical
authority restored to them by a commission from the king. The
bishops raise no opposition.
202. The king's object in dissolving monasteries, Cranmer's Instruc
tions given to the visitors. Voluntary surrenders. All monas
teries under 200/. per annum given to the king. Number of
these foundations ; they bring little profit to the crown,
203. Execution of Anne Boleyn ; her innocence. Divorce. Cranmer.
Henry reconciled to Mary,
204. Henry marries Jane Seymour. Act of Succession. Acts of par
liament against the pope's authority.
205. Convocation. Alesse argues against the five sacraments. Parties
now formed in the church. Articles put forth,
206. Abstract of the Articles,
207. Proclamation of the clergy In favour of real reform, h

^^lii CONTENTS.
208. General council --mbled at Mantua IlenvyJ^-^nW^^^
appear. The convocation and king reject the summons.
to the bishops. , ,r i. a
210. Northern rebellion suppressed. Many executed. _
211 The suppression of monasteries hastened by this ; a new visitation
appointed; disorders discovered in many of them ; exceptions
212. Surrenders; small benefit derived to the crown. Shrines, &c.,
destroyed.
213. Bishops' book and king's book.
214, New line of policy adopted by Gardiner, Corporal presence m
the sacrament Difficulty with regard to the Lutheran states.
The sacramentaries. , .
215. Lambert; brought before Cranmer; appeals to the king, his
trial; the event of it; he is burnt, with very great suffenng.
216. Proclamation against the marriage of the clergy. Cranmer
scrsGUfici.
217. The king angry with the Protestants because they refused to
grant him all the church property. The Six Articles ; Cranmer
argues against them ; the penalties imposed by them severe.
218. Act for the suppression of monasteries ; for the erection of new
bishoprics ; to sanction the king's proclamations. Cranmer little
affected by the law of the Six Articles. Latimer and Shaxton
resign their sees. Proclamation for printing the Bible.
219. Henry marries Anne of Cleves, Fall of Cromwell; Cranmer
speaks for him ; he is condemned by an act of attainder.
220. Cromwell's character.
221. Henry divorced from Anne of Cleves; she resides In England,
He marries Catharine Howard, Power of the Roman Catholics,
Martyrdom of Barnes. Observation of Lord Herbert on perse
cution.
222. Proclamation In favour of the Bible, Execution of the queen,
an attempt to suppress the Bible ; the examination of the trans
lation referred to the universities.
^23. Injunctions put forth by Bishop Bonner : preaching forbidden.
Homilies published. Writing sermons. An act of parliament
for and against "the reformers as to burning heretics and reading
the Bible ; great power granted by it to the king, "The Neces
sary Doctrine" published.
224. Catharine Parr. Persecution at Windsor, Plot against Cran
mer ; his forgiving temper. Litany put forth in English ; with
other prayers,
225. Reformers advanced to the bench. Chapels and chantries given
to the king; alarm of the universities. The king's judicious
speech about religion ; his persecuting conduct. Shaxton. Anne
Askew burnt ; her supposed connexion with the court.

CONTENTS, XIX
c-
226. Cranmer's danger; the 111 conduct of the council towards him.
Danger of the queen ; she becomes acquainted with it, and
parries the blow.
227. Lord Surrey's execution. Danger of attainders. Number of
persons executed during the reign. Henry's character ; he was
ungrateful to his servants, but well served ; he was selfish.
228, He was possessed of considerable natural talents and virtues, but
these were all spoilt by want of restraint over himself; cruel ;
liberal minded when not Irritated; with all his vices a great
instrument in the hands of Providence, which worked good out
of evil.
229. The papal power thrown down by opinion as well as law. The
people taught to think for themselves. The clergy plundered,
and deprived of the means of acquiring wealth by the attack
which had been made on the doctrine of purgatory. The Bible
dispersed, and children instructed.
230. Corporal presence still held. Celibacy. The service in Latin.
Ecclesiastical courts. Auricular confession ; the evils of it.
231, The influence of the Reformation in Germany not considerable
during this reign.
232, The Protestants write to England and France, Henry answers
them. He sends ambassadors to Smalcalde and Brunswick.
Agents sent to London. The points to which they object. The
act of the Six Articles puts an end to the whole discussion,
APPENDIX A, TO CHAPTER V, p. 134.
ON THE DISSOLUTION OP MONASTERIES.
241. The question to be examined. Whether the transfer of property
aided the Reformation, and whether it was beneficial.
242. Monasteries originally rich, and useful as places where the arts
of peace were securely exercised,
243. The Danes restore monasteries. Benefit ofthe right of asylum.
244. Lay fiefs a premium on war ; ecclesiastical foundations on peace,
and therefore jjractically beneficial.
245. Architecture, literature, and trade promoted by them,
246. By degrees they become less useful.
247. Monasteries favoured by the people, because they supported the
younger branches of the nobility and gentry; and were good
landlords and charitable to the poor. Calibacy directed the exer
tions of every churchman to the extension of his order.
248. The monastic establishments would hardly have been thrown
down without some external force; this was provided In the
rapacity of Henry. The doctrine of purgatory examined. Many
plans for the application ofthe wealth ofthe dissolved foundations.
249. Henry's plans ; construction of harbours. Bacon's ; a seminary
for diplomacy. b 2

XS CONTENTS.
•
250. Impropriations continued, a great evil.
251. Question as to the application of the Church revenues, H^auca-
tion promoted by assisting those who are already possessed ot
the means of instruction. University wanted in the north ot
England.
252, Lands of corporate bodies are comparatively unproductive.
Activity in education promoted by competition,
253. Evils and hardships immediately arising from the dissolution of
monasteries,
254. It is wonderful how easily the property was taken away from
the monasteries ; it ultimately fell into the hands of the indus
trious.
255. At the time the transfer was most injuiious.
256. Destruction of property and libraries ; loss to history.
257. Many persons thrown out of employment ; there were then too
many agricultural labourers.
258. Amount ofthe transfer of property; the effects of it Injurious at
the time.
259. The ultimate results beneficial. Benefits of a church establish
ment. The laity chiefly Instrumental in bad appointments.
APPENDIX B. TO CHAPTER V. p. 150.
DOOTEINES PREVALENT AT THE END OF THE REIGN OF
HENRY VIII,
271. Three treatises put forth by authority. The doctrines contained
in these retrograde.
272. The articles inserted in the Institution. Points in which the
Erudition had advanced towards the doctrines of our church.
The order of the Thirty-nine Articles convenient for examining
these doctrines. Arrangement of the tracts themselves.
273. With regard to the Trinity, the church of England agrees with
that of Rome.
274. With regard to the standard of faith, the difference is greater in
appearance than in reality. The Decalogue admitted ; exception
of the fourth commandment.
275. Original sin. Freewill. Justification by faith. Good works.
Works done before justification ; and of supererogation,
276. Christ alone without sin. Repentance. Predestination. Uni
versality of redemption. Salvation through Christ alone.
These doctrines not so distinctly laid down as In the Thirty-nine
Articles.
277- Articles relating to the church. Errors of Rome not stated.
Diversity of rites does not destroy unity. Purgatory, masses, and
exequies. Images. Invocation of saints.
270. Seven sacraments; difference with regard to different sacraments
Baptism ; penance ; and the Lord's supper. The other four not

CONTENTS. XXI
equally necessary. The difference as to the manner In which the
church of England holds these is merely concerning the name.
In baptism the chrism retained.
279. Penance or repentance ; the sacramental part of It consists in
absolution. Doctrines of the churches of England and Rome ;
that of the Erudition nearer the church of Rome ; danger of
this doctrine. Orders ; two only mentioned in Scripture, different
from either the church of England or Rome. Confirmation.
Extreme unction,
280. Transubstantiation. Matrimony. Celibacy of the clergy.
281. Traditions and ceremonies. The king's supremacy.
282. In doctrinal points the Erudition made small progress. Differ
ences between the two churches. Papal infallibility the curse of
Rome,
283. Points of difference between the Institution and Erudition.
Transubstantiation ; ceremonies ; justification by faith ; in which
the latter had gone back as to its doctrines.

CHAPTER VI, p, 162,
301. Lord Hartford made Protector. Cranmer retiring in his dispo
sition, Wriothesley injudicious ; this circumstance favourable to
the Reformation.
302, The common people hasty in reforming; some persons repri
manded for it. Cranmer anxious to destroy images, Gardiner
writes in favour of them.
303. Henry VIII. left money for masses and obits ; the progress of
opinion not rapid ; delayed by giving preferments to monks who
had been turned out from monasteries. Poverty of benefices a
hindrance to the Gospel.
304, Opponents to reformation strong. Cranmer uses civil authority
against them. Visitation for ecclesiastical matters. Images
which had been abused to false devotion, to be taken down.
305. First book of Homilies published, Erasmus' Paraphrase to be
set up In every church. Petition for the dead altered. Injunc
tions sent forth.
306. The reformers strengthened by the success in Scotland. Severity
used towards opponents, Bonner and Gardiner sent to prison.
Mary remonstrates, and objects to any alterations during her
brother s minority,
307. The parliament repeal the severe laws. Communion in both
kinds granted the laity. Private masses forbidden. Laws about
bishops and their courts. Chantries given to the crown ; alarm
about colleges.
308. Images removed. Proclamation against innovating. Communion
examined ; questions proposed ; many superstitious notions still
retained.

iCXll CONTENTS.

309, Communion Sei^vice imblished. Auricular confession left
optional; the evils arising from confession have made Protestants
neglect it. These arose from the corruption of the early customs
of the church. The church of England recommends it, but
neglects it.
310. Gardiner imprisoned for refusing to preach according to notes
given him from court. Cranmer's Catechism.
311. Bill for the marriage of the clergy. The law of God does not
enjoin celibacy, and the imposing It is injurious to inOrals, The
secular cleirgy bound by no oath.
312, Psalm singing. Fish enjoined to be eaten on fast days^ to support
the fisheries. Sir Thomas Seymour, the admiral, executed,
313. Ecclesiastical visitation. Examination of points of faith.
Transubstantiation. Consubstantiatlon, Doctrine of the church
of England.
314. Disputations in Oxford and Cambridge on transubstantiation.
315. Anabaptists, confusion about them ; a commission appointed
against them. Joan Bocher burnt. Edward unwilling to sign
the warrant ; Cranmer urges him. George Van Pare burnt.
316. The new Liturgy drawn up with fleat moderation. Wisdom of
having the old prayers in Latin ; an odd argument in its favour.
317. Infant baptism and predestination the causes of differences in
the church. Dissolute morals prevalent. Labourers out of
employment. Risings In Norfolk and Devonshire, The demands
of the rebels.
318. Bonner deprived of his bishopric for not preaching as he was
directed.
319. The fall of Protector Somerset. The earl of Warwick (duke of
Northumberiand) joins the reformers. Old service books
destroyed. Ordination service prepared. Heath sent to prison.
320, Gardiner detained in prison, and deprived of his bishopric,
321. Hooper entertains scruples about the dresses; Cranmer, Ridley,
and Bucer, argue against him. The question of conformity
322, Common prayer reviewed. Prayers for the dead, exoi'cistas, &c.
objected to by Bucer ; his book given to Edward VI. Edward's
own book,
323. Ridley made bishop of London ; his visitation. Altars chan"-ed
into communion tables. Preaching on week-days stopped. "
324. Many foreign Protestants fly into England, John a Lasco the
superintendent of the churches in London, Many learned men
^ received by Cranmer; his plan of a Protestant union,
-125, The Forty-two Articles prepared; no grounds for deeming thent
a compromise of opinions.
'''¦^rz^Xoo'X '" ""»¦> '"""" ¦"•¦¦¦¦"'' '"'
327, Mm/s chaplain impri.oned for sajing „„, j ,1,, „iu ,i„^„ ,„
no arguments on the subject.
328. Execution of the Protector, His death attributed to the duke of

CONTENTS, XXlll
Northumberland, Means taken to injure him in the opinion of
his nephew,
329, Acts of parliament. Liturgy ; holidays ; fasting ; eating fish ;
marriage of the clergy. The parliament dissolved.
330. Commission for reforming ecclesiastical courts. Poverty of the
church. Degrading employments of the clergy. See of Glou
cester suppressed fr-om poverty. Spoliation still carried on.
331. See of Durham divided by act of parliament. The palatinate
given to the duke of Northumberland, and Tonstal deprived for
misprision of treason. The larger Catechism (Ponet's) authorized.
332. Edward's foundations : St. Bartholomew's hospital, Christ's hos
pital, and Bridewell.
333. The duke of Northumberland persuades Edward VI, to leave the
crown to Lady Jane Gray ; the crown lawyers unwilling to draw
the deed ; Cranmer unwilling to sign it ; Judge Hales refuses.
334. Edward near his death ; his character, by Cardan, Cranmer's
and Ridley's speech to Cheke.
335. State of the church of England. The lower orders not generally
fond of the Reformation ; the upper orders bribed to approve of
it ; the clergy adverse to it. Morals depraved by the transfer of
property, and the destruction of the power of the ecclesiastical
courts,
336. Erastianism of the church of England, The question discussed,
whether the religion of our church be a parliamentary one.
Too great temporal power of the church of Rome produced a
reaction.
337- The power opposed to reformation considerable ; danger of
delay from the state of the king. Opinions of Cranmer very
Erastian.
338, Churchmen drew up the reforms; the parliament or king sanc
tioned them. The alterations must depend on their own merits.
339. The commissions granted to the bishops destroyed the nature of
a ministry. The bishops generally entertained opinions at vari
ance with them, and their acts must be valid. This does not
decide whether Cranmer were wise in his proceedings.
340. There was not only need of reformation, but of restraining inno
vators ; and the exertion of the temporal power was probably
alone adequate to both these ends. It cast out superstition and
iHreserved episcopacy, and the decent ceremonies of religion.
^S-^L Our standards drawn from Lutheran sources. Melancthon
invited to England, and consulted with regard to the Articles
of 1536; many of the Forty-two Articles borrowed from him;
article on consubstantiatlon. Services formed from Lutheran
sources.
"^42. The documents of our church not original ; wisely borrowed from
other sources. She altered as little as she could; and where she
was forced to alter, borrowed from previous reformers. This the
wisest plan of proceeding.

XXIV CONTENTS.

CHAPTER VII. p, 202.
351. The religious opinions of Mary unfavourable to her cause. Some
persons doubt as to Edward's power of leaving the crown by
will. Lady Jane Gray.
352. Mary proclaimed queen ; her error In promising more than she
could perform, or perhaps meant to do.
353. Gardiner chancellor ; his prudence in wishing to bring matters
connected with religion to the state In which Henry VlII. left
them ; afraid of Pole, Precipitancy of the Roman Catholics.
Bonner reinstated in his see.
354. Prohibition of preaching. Restoration of the deprived bishops.
Mary hostile to her Protestant friends ; many Protestants fly
beyond sea. The bishops prepare for persecution.
355. The parliament repeals the acts of Edward. Lady Jane Gray
attainted ; Cranmer comprehended in the bill.
356. Cardinal Pole legate; his arrival delayed by the advice of
Gardiner. The Idea of any personal attachment on the part of
Mary unfounded. The parliament unfavourable to the Spanish
alliance and to the papal supremacy,
357. The convocation attacks the Common Prayer and Catechism.
Six Protestants advocate the cause of the Reformation; their
arguments borne down by clamour.
358. Public disputations useless ; a remark of Weston. The supposed
infallibility of Rome incompatible with free discussion.
359, Dislike to the Spanish match. Wyat's rebellion, Mary
strengthened by it. Lady Jane Gray executed. Severity in the
other executions.
360. Anti-reformation. The married clergy are ejected. Bishoprics
void. Haste in these proceedings,
361. Abrogation of oaths. Disputation at Oxford. Patience of the
sufferers.
362. The prisoners at Oxford appeal to heaven; those in London
decline a disputation ; declaration of faith published by them. :
363. The marriage of the queen produced no respite to the re
formers. Revenge mixed with persecution. The evil temper on
both sides.
364. Reconciliation with Rome. Attainder of cardinal Pole reversed ;
his arrival in England ; he inveighs against those who detained
church property; bull of Paul IV. against them. Gardiner's
policy.
365. Discussion with regard to persecution, Gardiner's sufferings;
his book on the divorce republished, A sort of inquisition
established.
366. Persecution; Httle effect produced by it; general feeling against
It. Phihp and Alphonsus oppose it. Mary soured bv Philip's
neglect. ^

CONTENTS, XXV
367. Steps for detecting heretics; torture employed. Thanks given
to those who sanctioned persecution. Many fly or apostatize.
Disputes in Germany. Troubles at Frankfort,
368, Pole adverse to persecution ; overruled by Gardiner. Gardiner's
death and character.
369, Foundations of Mary; her sincerity in this. Reforms passed in
convocation, Pole intends to publish the remodelled Institution
of a Christian Man, and a New Testament.
370. Cranmer burnt ; his degradation by Bonner and Thirlby ; his
fall ; reflections on it ; his condemnation after recanting fortunate
for him ; his character ; what our church owes to him.
371. More persecutions. Ministers everywhere found to carry on
their task. Housekeepers ordered to keep their apprentices from
burnings. Books brought from abroad ; dissensions there.
372. Cardinal Pole consecrated archbishop of Canterbury. Mary
establishes religious houses ; destroys documents unfavourable to
her friends.
373. Visitation of the universities; they disturb the bones of reformers.
Commission granted to Bonner. Pole unable to restrain perse
cution.
374. Paul IV. enraged at Pole ; takes away his legatine powers. Peto
refused admission into England. Loss of Calais. Money granted
by parliament. More persecutions ; numbers who suffered during
the reign; people forbidden to pray for the sufferers.
375. Death of Mary; her character; sincere; morose. Death of
Pole ; his character. CHAPTER VIIL p. 226.
401. The varied prospects of Elizabeth on ascending the throne.
Fears from the Roman Catholics. Errors of the late reign.
402.5 Prudence of her conduct. She sends to Philip, to Rome. Paul
IV, refuses to acknowledge her as queen ; a step injurious to the
Roman Catholics of England. She strives to unite all her sub
jects. A committee appointed to examine the church services ;
some prayers allowed in English. Preaching forbidden. Her
personal deportment conciliating.
403. Coronation performed by Oglethorp ; the other bishops refuse to
assist. Parliament. The supremacy Is restored to the queen
without the name. Oath of supremacy Imposed, with severe
penalties in case of refusal.
404. Tenths and first-fruits restored to the crown. Power of exchang
ing property between vacant bishoprics and the crown : the evil
of this.
405. Act of Uniformity, Disputation held In Westminster Abbey ;
the confusion which ended it, is due to the Roman Catholic
bishops ; points disputed. Objections of the bishops to any dis
cussion before the laity.

XXVl CONTENTS.
406. The convocation is adverse to reform. Injunctions set forth.
Declaration concerning the supremacy. High commission esta
blished.
407, Ejection of the Roman Catholic clergy. Appearance ot com
bination among the bishops ; they were treated generally with
moderation. Heath. Bonner dies in prison. One hundred and
eighty-nine clergymen ejected, many of them holding high pre
ferments ; the conciliatory measures of the queen,
408, Abuse of images Inquired into ; opinions of the queen on this
point. She retains a crucifix in her chapel. Wrong in her
temporizing.
409, Bishoprics filled up. Difficulty of consecrating the new bishops,
Parker, archbishop of Canterbury, consecrated. The story of the
Nag's Head consecration.
410. Defective state of the clergy. Inadequate persons ordained.
Poverty of the church. Its causes.
41] . The bishops employed in their dioceses, and In preparing reforms.
Jewel's apology published.
412. Act concerning the oath of supremacy; Injurious tendency of it.
The Thirty-eight articles published. Noel's Catechism. Second
book of Homilies.
413. Review of the Reformation, Fundamentals of Christianity more
clearly established. The rejection of transubstantiation enforces
the personal responsibility of each individual Christian. The
clergy the guides, not the judges of their brethren. Fallibility
of the church. Political state of the clergy altered by their
marriages, and their diminished wealth. Poverty of the bishops.
Evils arising from the Reformation. Spoliation; subjection of
the church to the state ; want of ecclesiastical discipline ; neglect
of the means of religious improvement; confession; fasting;
want of restraint over the flock in the clergy,
CHAPTER IX, p, 245.
414, The peace of the church disturbed by disputes about trifles.
The church of Rome used too many ceremonies ; the foreifn
reformers too few; their opinions adopted by the exiled Enc^lish,
415. The question of dresses. When may the subject refuse to oljey ?
When should the government press uniformity? What Is the
duty of an ecclesiastical officer ? May it not be his duty to obey
himself, without pressing others ? J J
416, The act of uniformity enjoined the dresses of the first Pi-ayer
Book of Edward VI Elizabeth presses uniformity; objections
to the cap and surplice; most of the clergy comply; Sampson
and Humphrey refuse ; they are deprived
417. Difficulty of judging on such questions. Greater indulgence
might probably have been used with advantage.
4m. Opinion of Jewel, who disliked the dresses, yet conformed.

CONTENTS, XXVli
-4- Sandys averse to thciii. Grindal complied agaliist his goodwill,
Parker had entertained doubts, Wliitgift had petitioiied against
them.
419. Foreigners advise submission. The Scotcli Chliroh wrote In
favour of the nonconformists.
420. Elizftbeih very peremptory. Parker il'rltated, aiid not well
supported by the court; the difficulties of his situation.
421. Tlie puritans resisted the civil power vested ill the hands of the
bishops: and the struggle by degrees became partly political.
422. Both parties in tile wrong. Parker not suited to concession,
which was at first easy. He was harsh in coffl|)al-isoii with
Gfirldal, and unconciliating towards tile London clergy.
423. Objections of the puritans. Book of Common Prayer, Church
music. Discipline of the church, BishopSj and the non-election
of ministers. Scarcity df ministers. Noti-residence.
424. Baptismal service; Sign of the cross; answers made by the
sponsOrSi Lay baptism. Churching of wonleJi. Cathedral
service.
425; DiScifilirtfe. Episcopacy, either totally objected to, ol disliked,
from the wealth and poWer of the bishops. The pi'esbytery
possessed df no spiritual power. Civil libel-ty connected with
the question.
426, Ordination without election. Want of parochial discipline.
The church had neither the poWer possessed by the church of
Rotne, lior the influence which was in the hands of the presbytery.
Principles of spiritual jurisdiction. The want of power in the
inferior tiletgy the real cauSe of complaint.
427. Prophesyings ; itianller of carrying them on ; the queen adverse
to them; Useful in themselves, but liable to abuse. She pillaged
the church by means of an act -Which enabled her to exchange
lands with bishops.
428. Ecclesiastical commission; its power indefinite and oppressive.
Commissioners of concealments. The church of Norwich in
danger.
420. Impolicy of Elizabeth In this. Insecurity of property. The
queen wasteful of the property of the churcli and crown. The
clergy iinprovident. She paid her courtiers by this means,
because she Would not £ipply to parliament.
480. Poverty of the church. The crown pillaged the higher clergy,
and they the lower. Lay patrons were often guilty of simoniacal
Contracts. Loss of fees and personal tithes, (a.) Questipn of
chtirch pi'dpel'ty.
,431 , The dhurch in need of quiet. The people ignorant. The low
church wished to innovate ; the high dhurch were negligent and
covdtous.
,433, Opeft rupture caused by a pi'oclamation sanctioning the
' - advertiSeiHeiits. Thirty-Seyeil Loiidpn^ilergy ejected; they form

XXvlii CONTENTS.
separate congregations, and adopt the service of Geneva. Many
conform, though they disliked the English service.
433. Many nonconformists at Cambridge. Cartwright opposed by
~- Whitgift; he is silenced and vacates his fellowship. The admo
nition to parliament.
434. Convocation. Ecclesiastical law discussed. Canons made, but
not ratified.
435. This question before the commons. Reformatio Legum Eccle-
siasticarum printed; the discussion concerning church matters
suppressed by the queen; her skill in restraining the growing
power of the house; a second attempt of the house. Law
requiring subscription to the Thirty-nine Articles. Concerning
-j- — - the age of priests and deacons. That no lease of church property
be good for more than twenty-one years, and about letting tithes.
436. The universities incorporated. Poor laws established.
437- Roman Catholics; they generally conformed till the bull of Pius
V, Felton affixes it to the palace of the bishop of London.
Severe acts against the Roman Catholics.
438. Maine executed. Foreign seminaries. Persons and Campian.
439. The unjustifiable treatment of Roman Catholics arose from the
injudicious zeal of themselves and their leaders. Association
formed to revenge the queen's death. Elizabeth to blame in not
marrying.
440. Treatment of the Roman Catholics; the abstract justice of it
discussed. The principles on which Pius excommunicated
Elizabeth incompatible with civil society.
441. How far a missionary priest was implicated in this. Persons
and Campian. The modification of the bull a fallacy.
442. Foreign Roman Catholic courts rendered conciliation almost
impossible; the case a pitiable one on both sides; causes of It,
Political character of the Reformation,
443. The political tyranny of Rome aided the Reformation. The
infallibility of the church leads to persecution.
444. Comparison of the executions under Mary and Elizabeth.
445. Injustice of legal proceedings during this reign. All parties
were ready to persecute. Sampson. Bacon. Puritans.
446, Presbytery established at Wandsworth, Mutual animosity,
Birchet, Prophesyings put down in the diocese of Norvrich.
The queen the real cause of severe measures. Death and cha
racter of Parker.
447. Grindal offends the queen by patronizing prophesyings; writes
to her. The bishops ordered to suppress prophesyings. Grindal
IS confined to his palace, and tenders his resignation; the con
vocation petition in his favour,
448. CharactcT of Grindal; he conformed, though opposed to the
dresses, but would not compel others to conform. Elizabeth's
conduct unwise. Discipline overturned. The puritans are

CONTENTS. xxix
increased. Petition of the parliament to diminish the power of
the bishops.
449. What the treatment of the puritans should have been. Dissent
was then totally prohibited. If they had been borne with for a
time, many would have come over, and the feeling of opposition
to the civil govemment would have been avoided. Elizabeth
tried to suppress sermons. Conformity should have been required
of those who were entering Into orders, and education promoted;
the growth of civil liberty would not then have endangered the
church. CHAPTER X. p. 290.
450. Whitgift, archbishop of Canterbury, strict in enforcing unifor
mity and requiring subscription to the three Articles; the minis
ters of Kent and Suffolk apply to the council; the archbishop
proceeds with vigour.
451, Inquisitorial Articles, ex officio mero; dispute as to their legality;
Lord Burleigh dislikes them. Discussions carried on in presence
of some of the court. Many considerable persons hostile to the
proceedings of the church. Lord Leicester, Beal, and Sir F,
Knowles. Articidi pro clero.
452, Objects of the puritans; a preaching ministry; they would attack
choirs and impropriations. The introduction of the presbytery;
of new ecclesiastical laws. The whole stopped by the queen.
453. Parliament. Acts for securing the queen's person, and against
Jesuits and seminary priests; the first levelled against Mary queen
of Scots. Forces sent into Holland.
454. Travers and Hooker, dispute between them. Hooker writes his
Ecclesiastical Polity. Travers silenced, (b.) Presbyterian orders.
455. Babington's conspiracy, Mary queen of Scots tried and executed.
The injustice of this proceeding,
456. A bill brought in to alter the whole ecclesiastical laws. Some
members sent to the Tower. Firmness of the queen. Judicious
acts of convocation.
457. Spanish Armada. The good conduct of the Roman Catholics.
Much blame due to Allen and Persons. Wryght and others
maintain loyal opinions.
458. Martin Marprelate. The press taken. Many puritans In trouble;
they refuse to take the oath ex officio mero. A party formed to
_/ change the constitution of the church. Cartwright hardly dealt
with, (a.) The nature of the oath ex officio mero.
459. No government could safely allow the proceedings ofthe puritans;
but unnecessary severity was used towards them. Eusebius
Pagit. Bishops much hated; mismanagement on their part.
460. Argument In favour of episcopacy. The question of episcopacy
not settled in the New Testament; settled early in ecclesiastical
history. A very strong moral proof in favour of it.
461. Treatment of the libellers. The outrages of enthusiasts not

XXX CONTENTS.
properly chargeable on the puritaiis.' The satlresof Tom Nash
useful.
462, Severe laws against puritans and Roman Catholics; some execu
tions of priests; the Roman Catholics themselves the cause of
these persecutions. Dispute between the Jesuits and seculars.
Declaration of loyalty from the seculars, (a.) The number of
Roman Catholics who suffered.
463, Disputes at Cambridge on Predestination, Barret recants. The
question discussed at Lambeth,
464, The Lambeth Articles; the dogmatical language of them failed
to produce peace or conviction in Cambridge or elsewhere, Baro
opposes them, (a.) Whether they were forbidden by authority.
465, Greater peace In the church caused by the growing age of the
queen and archbishop. The moderation of the house of com
mons,
466, The puritans became more moderate, Browne. Cartwright
repents pf his violence, The writings of Hooker and Bancroft.-
Cbaracter of Cartwright, Good effects of moderation.
467- Character of Elizabeth; her selfishness; love of money and of
power ; treatment of Roman Catholics and puritans.
468. In herself she was disposed to favour the Roman Catholics; their
conduct offended and alarmed Protestants; she hated the puri
tans; was friendly to education; but very peremptory about
church matters, iji consequence of which Grindal remonstrated
with ber. Her own disinclination to marriage made her dislike
it in others, and particularly in the clergy, (a,) Marriage of the
clergy.
469. Elizabeth was very religious, but an enemy to free and impartial
discussion; she proved herself a great monarch.
470. Death of Elizabeth; the earliest account of it; her melancholy;
partakes of the offices of religion; dies quietly.
471. Little progress had been made in essentials in the church; the
puritans most to blame, though they had not been treated wisely.
Difficulties against which the bishops had to strive. Many of
the bishops very unfit men. Sad state of the universities.
APPENDIX C. TO CHAPTER X. p. 320,
HISTORY OP THE THIRTY-NINE ARTICLES,
481, The Forty-two first published in 1553; their title; appended
to a short catechism; the history of their composition uncertain,
482, The committee for reforming ecclesiastical laws appointed, 1549.
Cranmer directed to frame the Articles; they were submitted to
Cecil and Cheke, as well as to others; Ridley is supposed to
Jiave assisted hini. ^ '^
46^ Whence did Cranmer draw the Articles ? The Augsbure Con
fession; papers of the committee of doctrines, 1540- from his
own researches; and from Luther and Melancthon. '

CONTENTS. XXXI
484. The Forty-two Articles not sanctioned by' convocation ; few of
the clergy subscribed them.
485. Articles examined in 1562, Parker prepares them for the con
vocation ; they alter them ; the Thirty-ejght printed. A bill
concerning subscription to the Articles brought into the commons;
stopped by the queen In the lords ; In 1 571 Elizabeth allows the
bill to pass. The subscription limited to the articles of faith and
the sacraments. The Thirty-nine reviewed by the convocation ;
subscribed, and printed,
486. Controverted clause in the twentieth article ; testimonies con
cerning it ; the question agitated In the examination of Laud,
1637.
487- Idea of the author with regard to the controverted clause. Jewel
publishes the Articles.
488. Laud not to blame about the twentieth article. The subscription
at present dates from the canons of 1604. Parker and the
bishops did not authorize this clause.
CHAPTER XI. p. 330.
INTRODUCTORY OBSERVATIONS,
491. Necessity of examining the Reformation In Scotland, Benefit
of gradual refonn. The Reformation had been long preparing in
England, and advanced very slowly.
492. A combination of circumstances contributed to the Reformation
in England, and tended to moderate its proceedings.
493. The light of the Reformation was much later before It broke in
on Scotland. Deaths of Hamilton and Campbell. Further
persecutions. Avarice of the nobility. Combination between
the crown and the clergy. Cardinal Beaton. Political circum
stances of England and Scotland. Wishart bumt.
494. Murder of Beaton. The castle of St. Andrew's reduced by the
French. The English interest connected with the reformers ;
interests of these two countries. Hostility of the reformers lo
the government. The Congregation formed. Use of the Com
mon Prayer.
495, Mill burnt. Arrival of Knox ; his natural impetuosity. De
struction of monasteries. The Reformation established. Political
difference between the churches of England and Scotland,
496, Faults of Knox ; his sternness did not convince those whom he
reproved, and was dangerous tothe minister himself. Advantages
of mildness.
497- Political tendencies of the Reformation in Scotland ; founded on
resistance ; danger of this ground ; moderation might have pro
duced the same effect.
498. Its moderation an argument in favour of the church of England.
The preference to be given to this church over that of Scotland.
The feelings which arose from the difference in the constitution

CONTENTS.

of the two churches, productive of considerable effect m the
subsequent history. CHAPTER XII. p. 343.
501. Tranquil succession of James. Dr. Neville congratulates the
king from the church of England. A favourable Impression
produced by James.
502. The puritans eager for reform. The Millenary petition; the
contents of it. The difficulties in reform. The bishops directed
to make inquiries. James anxious for information.
503. The summons to the conference held out no prospect of a free
discussion. Alarms of the hierarchy. Divines consulted.
504. Conference at Hampton-court. Confirmation. Absolution.
Baptism.
505. Objections of the puritans to the Thirty-nine Articles; 16th, 17th;
it is desired that the Lambeth articles may be introduced.
506. Confirmation; always performed by bishops. More objections
to some of the Articles.
507- Catechism, Sabbath. New translation of the Bible. Popish
books. Petition for a preaching and praying ministry. Lessons
from the Apocrypha.
508. Cross in baptism. Questions proposed to the children. Sui-pllce,
Marriage service. Churching of women. Ecclesiastical censures.
Prophesyings.
509. The bishops return their answers. The king speaks in favour
of oaths ex officio. Adulation offered to his foolish vanity. The
scruples of the nonconformists those of weak men. They request
indulgence for certain ministers, and offend the king. The
superior wisdom of the king himself,
510. Barlow's account of the conference; so favourable to the episco
pal party, that it has been attacked without reason.
511. Galloway's account in reality confirmatory of Barlow's, (b, ) Ban
croft's and Galloway's accounts.
512, Convocation. Canons ; they are binding on the'clergy. Trans
lation of the Bible, Prayer Book.
513, James deprives himself of the'power of alienating church lands.
The puritans and Roman Catholics offended at the favour shown
to the church.
514. The powder-plot; discovered [by means of a letter; Roman Ca
tholics implicated ; Oldcorn and Garnett executed- the miracle
of the straw; the church of Rome by its unwise conduct impli
cated its own members.
515. Penal laws. Penalties for not receiving the sacrament; for
refusing the oath of allegiance ; for reconciling persons to the
church of Rome Disquallfidarions imposed on the Roman
Catholics; obliged to conform to the services of the church of
England,

CONTENTS. XXXIU
516. The oath of allegiance, not wisely drawn up ; Paul V. forbids
Roman Catholics to take it ; BlackweU takes it, and is excom
municated for so doing. Laws put in force against papists ;
impolicy of so doing.
517. James's plan of a college at Chelsea for controversial divinity;
not much required, and soon dissolved.
518. James interferes about theological questions; about Conradus
Vorstius at Leyden, Burns Legate and Wightman. It was
determined that there should be no more public executions.
The wisdom of concealing iritolerance,
519. Growing respect for the S.ibbath ; the point made a party
question. James publishes the Book of Sports; many clergymen
offended at it.
520. Synod of Dort ; delegates sent from England; injustice towards
the remonstrants ; the five points. Moderation of the church of
England,
521, The king favours the Roman Catholics, on account of the Spanish
match. Recusants released. Abbot inveighs against toleration.
Violent sermons. James publishes a letter concerning preaching,
restraining the subjects of discourses, and limiting the licences ;
it produced no good effect.
522. Necessity of discussing politics, from their connexion with the
church ; this will be done by examining the character of James.
523. James too weak a man to make a good king ; he possessed intel
lect, but no firmness, and was not true to his word.
524. His ideas in church and state government were very extravagant,
and his want of wisdom in talking about them created suspicions
In his subjects. The puritan party was esteemed hostile to the
government in both.
525. The Reformation made men think for themselves, and they
began to do so in state as well as church matters.
526. Elizabeth was arbitrary but powerful, and consulted the good of
the country. James, who was a weak man, and knew not how
to govern, was guided by favourites ; he hated the presbytery ;
but had abused the church of England till he came to this
country.
527. He disliked the temporal supremacy of Rome, but was otherwise
favourable to the Roman Catholics, and yet he persecuted them;
indistinctness on the question of the Roman Catholics; ill treat
ment of them ; their own ill conduct. Impolicy of the court in
combining under the name of puritans all who in any way opposed
the court. James a bad and weak man.
APPENDIX D. TO CHAPTER XII. p. 374.
HISTORY OF THE TRANSLATION OF THE BIBLE.
531, Four periods to be examined. The variety of readings and
alterations in the same version. c

XXXIV CONTENTS.
532. All the English versions are taken from each other. , , „
533. Early Saxon versions; Hampole's; Wiclif s; his method of
translating ; (c) the idea of a previous translation incorrect.
534. Tyndale's translation of the New Testament, Pentateuch, and
Jonas. Joye makes alterations in the text.
535. Coverdale's Bible dedicated to Henry VIII.; he was not well
suited to the task. Matthew's Bible formed from the two
former.
536. Cranmer's Bible the same as Matthew's. Taverner's. An attempt
at correcting the translation, which failed.
537. Geneva Bible; persons engaged in it; notes objected to by
James I.
538. Bishops' Bible, or Parker's Bible ; tables affixed to it ; marriage
table.
539, Rhemes and Douay Bible taken from the Vulgate.
540. Authorized version ; undertaken In consequence of some obser
vations at Hampton-court ; the persons engaged ; rules laid down
for them ; great care used. Question about a new translation.
Archbishop Newcome. CHAPTER XIII. p. 884.
551. The government of the state Influenced the affaii-s of the church,
from the stations which many churchmen held in the admi
nistration.
552. Montague attacked by the commons. Mainwalring fined by
them. Both of them made bishops.
553. Laud urges the clergy to promote forced loans ; the clergy thus
invested with an office little suited to their character, and made
parties to arbitrary proifeedings, in the ideas of the people.
554. Churchmen admitted ikto the privy-council, star-chamber, and
high-commission courts. The foundation and proceedings of the
star-chamber ; its illegal extension ; severity of its punishments.
555. Court of high-commission. The fpeople angry at the dissolution
of so many parliaments. Williams and Abbot treated severely;
Abbot's real fault.
556. Feoffees of impropriations ; they act without any legal authority;
accused of perverting the charity to wrong purposes; exchequered,
and the property forfeited to the crown. Laud ought to have
managed the charity himself.
557. Arminianism generally prevails ; particularly among those in
authority in the church. Declaration prefixed to the Thirty-nine
Articles, Bishop Davenant censured. Preachers at Oxford
expelled. These acts create an hostility against the court and
church.
558, The Sabbatarian controversy. The laxity prevalent In Roman
Catholic countries had been continued In the reigns of James and
Elizabeth. Disputes as to the name, the time of its continuance,

CONTENTS. XXXV
the day of celebrating it, and the manner of observing it ; faults
on both sides, (a.) Austerities of some preachers.
559. Richardson suppresses wakes, &c., in Somersetshire; he Is brought
before the privy-council. [The Book of Sports republished;
enjoined to be read. The conduct of different clergymen,
560. Sabbatarian question discussed ; difficulty of the question ; folly
of the court ; and the ill effect of this on the church.
561. The proclamation might have done much good, if judiciously
drawn up.
562. Severity against Prynne, Bastwick, and Burton : irritation pro
duced by it ; they are brought back in triumph. Odium thrown
on the bishops.
563, Severity used towards Williams, Injustice towards Osbolston ;
his libel against Laud. These circumstances prove the insecurity
of the government,
564. Scotch Liturgy. Hostility to bishops in Scotland, Alienation of
church property; Elizabeth fostered this. James had gradually
obtained some power for the bishops, and when he came to
England endeavoured to unite the two churches,
565. The steps by which James endeavoured to establish episcopacy.
Assembly of St. Andrew's, and of Perth ; articles of Perth.
566. The presbyterlans petition Charles I. Lord Balmiranoch con
demned to death. The causes which contributed to render
episcopacy unpopular. Imprudence of Charles. Bad state of the
government.
567. Charles prepares to send down the Scotch Liturgy; drawn up
by Weederburn. Canons sent down under a proclamation ; the
impolicy of this. The advisers of these measures quite inadequate
to the task,
568. Tumults arising from the use of the Liturgy; no one was anxious
to suppress them, Hamilton the king's commissioner at Glasgow.
The general assembly rescind all that had been done. The Cove
nant signed in Edinburgh, and a civil war begun, in which the
king was unsuccessful.
569, The same process was going on in England. Laud and the
bishops were alienating the minds of the people by severity, and
by enforcing ceremonies ; the absurdity of this conduct.
570. Canons framed ; the questionable nature of their authority ; the
absurdity of them at such a moment; their enactments; the
et ccBtera oath; the clergy directed to enforce them; their inju
rious effect with regard to the clergy. They would have made
the clergy promoters of the illegal acts of the crown.
571. An outline of the state of the country; necessity of reform. The
power of the king ill defined. The court of ecclesiastical com
mission prejudiced the nation against bishops. Laud attempted
to defend corruptions, and his opponents were forced to attack
the whole of the existing state of things. The impolicy of
Laud consisted in alienating the moderate party. The struggle
C2

SXXvi CONTENTS. i
was in the state, and episcopacy was disliked as an engine of
572. Long pariiament. Committees on church matters. The crimes
objected to clergymen. The injustice of these proceedings.
573. Attacks on the civil power of the church. Property cannot be
retained without power. Attacks made against the votes of the
bishops. They sign a protest, and are unjustly sent to the
Tower. Bishop Hall's Hard Measui-e. The star-chamber and
ecclesiastical commission suppressed,
574, The first steps tended to curtail the power of the bishops.
When the war broke out, the loyalty of the clergy forced the
parliament to destroy them as individuals ; hut It was on account
of the aid from Scotland that the house favoured the presbytery,
575. Causes of the war ; the existence of real abuses, and the unwil
lingness of the court to reform them till it was too late,
576. Outline of the war. Edgehill. The king gains possession of
Oxford. Battle of Brentford,
577- The parliament take Reading. Sir R. Hopton takes Bristol.
The king loses time in besieging Gloucester. The siege raised,
and the first battle of Newbury fought.
578. Advance of the Scotch army. The covenant forced upon England.
Battle of Marston Moor ; York surrenders. The army of Essex
surrenders at Fowey. Second battle of Newbury.
579, Faults and advantages of either party. The royalists were
gallant and vicious. The puritans were outwardly religious,
regular, and covetous of plunder.
580. Essex anxious to become the arbitrator of the war. The self-
denying ordinance. Cromwell continued in his command. Fair
fax, general ; his merits. CromweU the secret contriver of these
plans; his talents in forming his army, (a.) The classes of
persons who composed the two armies,
581, Campaign of Fairfax, Battle of Naseby, Reduction of the west,
Charles surrenders to the Scotch. Oxfoili surrenders. The
royalists destroyed by their own dissensions, arising from want
of firmness in the king.
682. Misery of England. The Injustice of the pailiament towards
Laud and Lord Strafford. Charies much to blame in giving up
the latter. Difficulty of drawing Laud's character.
583, Character of Laud. His objects good ; his method of pursuing
them unsound; difficulty of the times. Laud advanced church
men to defend the church ; and Increased the hatred of the
people towards him; he so favoured Arminianism as to make
the Calvmists his enemies; he enforced ceremonies, and engaged
the religious feelings of the country against him. As a minister
he made the law bend to his wishes.
584. Many charges brought against him were groundless; he was
guilty, but not of treason ; he was not a hero ; his defence pusil
lanimous ; his greatness in his afflictions.

CONTENTS, XXXVll
585. The church and state were now thrown down, and it was neces
sary to reconstruct some form of government. Archbishop Usher's
plan of combining episcopacy with the presbytery. The assembly
of divines called. Their constitution, and numbers,
586, Episcopalians, presbyterlans, and independents. The presby
terlans soon became the predominating faction, chiefly through
the introduction of the covenant.
587. Principles of the presbyterlans. Republican tendency of this
form of government. Much more tyrannical over the laity than
the episcopal.
588. Independents. Their principles subversive of all church govern
ment. Friends of religious liberty, supported by the politics of
Cromwell. Erastians ; they made the church entirely political.
589. Alteration of the Thirty-nine Articles, The principles of church
government discussed. The divine right of presbytery not esta
blished. Erastianism prevails. Ordination placed in the hands
of the assembly,
590. Works of the assembly. Directory; points In which It essen
tially differs from the church of England. Indefinite rules about
ordination. The doctrine of predestination brought forward
prominently.
591. Constitution of the presbyterian church. The ministers and
elders have the judicial power vested in them. The difference
in this respect in the episcopal church. Deacons, (a,) Cause
of the power in the presbytery,
592, The presbytery established In London and Lancashire only, and
always under control of parliament ; objections raised to this
restraint. The claim of the Jus divinum for the presbytery; it
was superseded by independency,
593. Independency destroys all church discipline ; the army friendly
to It. The chief officers, Avho were also preachers, disdained
spiritual control ; and the politics of the army disliked the repub
lican tendency of the presbytery. Independency established in
Wales.
594. The object of the independents was liberty of conscience ; the
army joined them, and the presbyterlans joined the republicans.
Escape of the king ; the object of allowing this, AU tended to
destroy the king,
595, The presbyterlans might have saved Charles, if he would have
joined them. His disputation with Henderson, and firm adhe
rence to episcopacy. The soundness of his arguments. At New
port the king was assisted by several divines ; but his reasoning
at Newcastle was safer, (c.) Episcopal power.
596. Character of Charles. The people of England had determined
to pay no taxes save those which they had imposed on themselves,
and the court would not concede this. Laud tried to induce the
church to maintain the government, but he had offended many of
the lower clergy.

XXXVm CONTENTS.
597. Great want of confidence in the court. The concessions, when
granted to force, were to be supported by further demands; and
these were necessarily grounded on the insincerity ot Charles.
Evidence against him as to this point. The real difficulty con
sisted in his weakness of mind ; when he had lost his crown, he
became dignified in his misfortunes ; his virtues,
598. Sufferings of the clergy. Many puritans driven to join the par
liament. The royalists ejected on very small grounds, and with
out any formal proceedings. Accusations made against them;
ejected for refusing to take the covenant. The parliament most
unjust in this proceeding. One-fifth ofthe value of their prefer
ments granted to their families. Number ejected.
599. Cambridge. An order for respecting the property of the univer
sity disregarded. The earl of Manchester reforms it, and ejects
many members.
600. Oxford ; of great assistance to the king during the war. Com
missioners sent there to reform it. Their authority despised till
supported by soldiers, " Reasons why the university could not
assent to the covenant," The suffering royalists aided the
Restoration, The university filled up. The value of such
establishments, CHAPTER XIV. p. 447.
601 . The history of all popular revolutions the same. Reform only
safe in the hands of the upper orders. The power at the end of
the war was in the hands of the army, and they chose to retain it.
602. Cromwell conquers Ireland ; goes to Scotland, gains the battle
of Dunbar. Charles crowned at Scone. Battle of Worcester,
603, Cromwell, by threatening the country with the prospect of
anarchy, from the insufficiency of his parliaments, assumes the
protectorship, (b.) Instrument of government.
604. The principle of his government ; he attaches eminent persons to
him ; seeks for fit men for all situations. Justice. The pro
tector of Protestants,
605. Character of Cromwell ; honest and patriotic at first. His own
Interest led him to wish for the death of the king; he became
entangled in political plans, and lost his honesty ; he was severe,
but never bloodthirsty; his treatment of the royalists,
606, The presbyterlans had generally established themselves in livings;
but they could not control the power which they had raised. The
government found them ill suited to its views, and ejected them
by means of the Engagement, The presbyterian ministry fond
of temporal power,
6O7. The independents raised the standard of religious liberty against
the Presbyterians ; and when some of the presbyterians commu
nicated with the Scotch, Mr, Love was executed; their power as
a church was never established.
608. Propagation of the gospel in Wales, the work of the inde-

CONTENT,?. XXXIX
pendents ; the ministers were here invested with no ministerial
authority, and were mere licensed and paid teachers.
609, The assembly formed the first bond of church government, and
afterwards the Triers ; they were vested with great power, and
used it very arbitrarily, and as a political engine. Oliver Crom
well's declaration against the royalist clergy,
610, Cromwell was a friend to toleration, which was granted to those
who held " the fundamentals of Christianity;" question as to the
meaning of this expression. He would have tolerated Roman
Catholics and Jews, but objections arose from different quarters.
611, The effects of the usurpation on morals; the accounts are very
various.
612. Baxter's ministry at Kidderminster; he was elected lecturer, and
afterwards took the sequestration of the living ; he gathered a
church in his own parish, and exercised discipline there. Asso
ciations formed among ministers, and not confined to any party.
613. Objections to Baxter's plans. Separation between the godly and
ungodly. Meetings of the clergy; then more wanted perhaps
than at present.
614, Strictness of the independents as to admission Into church union;
they composed a confession of faith nearly resembling that of the
assembly; their internal government democratic. The presby
terians publish directions about catechising.
615. Walton and Clarendon give a sad account of the state of morality.
Some ministers of the church of England continued their ministry.
Sanderson and Bull. Skinner, bishop of Oxford, ordained many.
616. The episcopalians spent their time in sufferings and patient study,
and thus assisted the Restoration. CromweU was practically not
cruel. Many resided with their friends. Oriental literature
flourished,
6i 7- The features of religious fanaticism are generally the same every
where. Forms had been regarded too much, and they were now
laid aside altogether.
618, Fox. The conduct of the quakers exposed them to punishment,
which was often cruelly inflicted, but the fault was chiefly their
own: these quakers unlike those of the present day.
619. Anabaptists. Antinomians. Familists, Fifth-monarchy men.
Confusion produced by these differences and a want of toleration.
Morality Injured by it.
620. Laws against immorality very severe ; concerning the Sabbath,
uncleanness, and plays.
621. Laws against) heretics. James Naylor punished. Fry expelled
the house. Biddle tried for Socinianism. Corruptions produced
by the war.
622. Marriage made a civil contract ; the wisdom of this.
623. Difficulty about the succession of bishops ; many methods of
obviating It contrived, but rendered unnecessary by theRestoration.
624." Causes of the Restoration,

xl CONTENTS,
CHAPTER XV. p. 475.
650. The presbyterians instrumental in restoring the king; they pro
vided no safeguards for their own form of government, thinking
themselves too strong to be in danger.
651. The term presbyterian explained; they were not anti-episcopa
lians, but wished to confine the power of the bishop within narrow
limits.
652. Charles II, was very civU to the presbyterians. He refuses to
omit the ceremonies of the church. There was no real coalition
between the puritans and the court,
653, The convention parliament contained many presbyterlans ; Its
acts prudent, which however were liable to be questioned, and
several of the members were not chosen according to the writs;
it is dissolved.
654. Difficulties attending the Restoration ; the army Is unwilling to
be disbanded ; some officers suspect that they had been made the
tools of Monk ; little money.
655. The old and new royalists, each despising the other, and each
importunate to obtain preferment from the king.
656. State of the church. The presbyterians were unfriendly to
the government of the bishops, who were now restored. The
reversion of all church lands and livings created a vast transfer of
property. Fellowships restored ; some innocent persons ejected.
657- Episcopacy objected to. The presbytery sought the jurisdiction
over their parishes; this the real point at issue.
658. The bishops feared that their power would be taken away, and
they tried to show that no alterations vere necessary, and would
make no concessions to the presbytery.
659. The presbyterians wanted to shoiv the necessity of changes, hut
were afraid to ask too much, for fear of offending their own party,
and dividing among themselves; and equally unwilling to ask
too little, lest the bishops should say, that there was no cause for
separation from the church.
660. Origin of the Savoy conference. The king's declaration from
Breda had raised the hopes of the presbyterians, who presented
a petition objecting to
661. The discipline of the church, the Liturgy, and ceremonies; and
prayed for alterations.
662, The bishops answered, that many of the evils complained of with
regard to discipline were remedied by law. That objectionable
points m the Liturgy might be altered, and that the ceremonies
were innocent.
663. The nonconformists were induced to proceed, by a promise from
the king that he would put forth a declaration to moderate
between the contending parties. When this was shown to the
nonconformists, Baxter drew up a violent paper, which was never
presented.

CONTHNTs. xli
664, Many alterations are Introduced into the declaration by the
nonconformists, A discussion at Worcester-house. The pres
byterians unwilling to tolerate others.
665. The king's declaration ; it contains ample concessions as to the
power of presbyters, the Liturgy, and ceremonies ; and prays all
to conform as far as they can.
666. Sir Matthew Hale attempts to convert the declaration into a law,
which Is thrown out. Bishoprics offered to some of the non
conformists ; Baxter refuses one; his reasons.
667- The commission for the Savoy conference ; they were to review
the Liturgy, and draw up additional forms.
668. The bishops demanded at once all the objections of the noncon
formists, A committee formed for all the alterations, Baxter
undertakes the additional forms,
669, Baxter's liturgy. The imprudence of drawing it up; his object
and plan. The faults of the work.
670. The objections to the Liturgy presented, Baxter's petition for
peace ; the want of moderation in it,
671. They object to the Common Pra3'er generally, to the ceremonies,
and discipline; particulars in which they requested alteration,
672, The answer of the bishops was moderate and sound ; but not
conciliatory. Three of the promised concessions were never
really made.
673, Answer of the nonconformists. They agree to carry on a
disputation. Bishop Cosins desires the nonconformists to dis
tinguish between what was sinful and what was inexpedient In
the Common Prayer, Baxter's answer,
674, Inutility of the disputation. The time of the commission elapses
through delays created perhaps on purpose. No good results
from the conference,
675. The nonconformists present an address to the king. Baxter was
much to blame in the whole transaction,
676. The concessions might have been more numerous, but the great
question turned on discipline,
677- The question of discipline is one of great difficulty. The diffe
rence between discipline and government. Church government
a mixture of the two,
678. Discipline over the laity. A conscientious minister may now
admonish; it is doubtful whether further power would increase
his spiritual utility.
679. The nonconformists present a petition, and state their readiness
to suffer patiently the penalties affixed to nonconformity.
CPIAPTER XVI. p. 504.
701 . Little good to be expected from conferences. The best method
of attempting alterations. Convocation, Reviewof the Liturgy,
Alteration of the canons, Articles of visitation. Consecration

xiii CONTENTS.
of churches. Grammar. Subsidy, the last raised by the clergy;
how this change was effected, and its consequences.
702. Act of uniformity. Its object different from that of Elizabeth.
The practical tendency ofthe latter was, to make all conform ; of
the act now made, to eject as many nonconformists as possible.
703. A church must exclude from the ministry those who will not
conform to its rules ; but on this occasion moderation might have
been used, for so great a change of property was an evil; and
much good might have been done by augmenting small livings.
(a.) Augmentation of small livings,
704. Ejection of the nonconforming clergy discussed. The country
generally unfavourable to them, which gave a full power to the
church of treating them as they pleased.
705. Moderate measures would probably have retained many noncon
formists In the church ; but this was not the object of the
superior clergy. A saying of Sheldon.
706. The injustice of ejecting those who had obeyed a government de
facto, and of making no provision for them.
707. If they had proceeded on the act of Elizabeth, they would have
divided the party. The Prayer Book published very near St,
Bartholomew's day; and that day selected in order to deprive the
ejected clergy of the tithes of the year.
7O8, Political feelings mixed up with these measures. The governing
party were uncertain as to the continuance of their power. The
papists promoted these dissensions.
709. Charles not unfriendly to toleration; he tries to soften matters;
his declaration.
710. Two thousand ministers ejected; who thus evinced their sin
cerity. Reordination the chief difficulty. The delicacy of the
question. Bramhall's and Overall's conduct about this: it is
unfortunate that nothing of this sort were adopted, (a.) On
reordination.
711. Severities exercised on the nonconformists. The church of Eng
land tries to defend herself by exclusive laws.
712. Corporation act. Select vestry act.
713. First conventicle act. Second.
714. Five mile act; passed while the nonconformists were particularly
exerting themselves during the plague.
715, Attempts at a comprehension. Lord Keeper Bridgman. The
king's declaration for toleration. Repeal of a law against non
conformists; omitted bythe clerk of the crown. Unconstitu
tional vote of the commons.
71 6, The severity against dissenters prepared the minds of the people
for toleration,
717, The conduct of the nonconformists unjustifiable; they destroyed
the unity of the church for their own prejudices; the laws were
impolitic in comprehending them all under one class
718. Letters of foreign reformers. The nonconformists' wished for

CONTENTS. xliii
certain alterations, and because these were not granted, they
caused a schism In the church. Both parties became guilty, and
taught other people moderation.
719. Latitudinarians. The name first given at Cambridge. Men
whose moderation displeased everybody. The term applied
indistinctly.
720. Laws against Roman Catholics. They are excluded from all
offices, and from sitting in Parliament. The duke of York
excepted. The inutility of all enactments with regard to
Charies II.
721. Plots; Gates'. The evidence questionable. There was pro
bably a general attempt to bring in the Roman Catholic religion,
but no design to murder the king. The severity against Gates
in the next reign proves nothing.
722. Dangerfield's plot. There was no safety from the law, which
was converted into a means of oppressing the subject.
723. The danger which threatened the church was that to which the
state was likewise exposed : viz., the introduction of the Roman
Catholic religion by means of arbitrary power. The high and
low church party joined in repelling this. The court regarded
the question as one of politics. The country looked upon it
generally as a religious one.
724. Attempts of Charles to establish the dispensing power. The
country adverse to toleration; and justly alarmed at the conduct
of the crown.
725. The nonconformists not worthy of praise for refusing toleration,
which must have been extended to Roman Catholics. The
exclusion of the Roman Catholics from civil offices, not incon
sistent with toleration, but can only be defended on the plea of
necessity.
726. The civil history of the reign disgraceful.
727. The plague. Many of the clergy fly; their places were quickly
filled by the nonconforming divines. Reformation of morals
promoted by it. Athens and London.
728. Fire of London. The nonconforming ministers deprived of the
charity which they had obtained from the city. The mutual
criminations. The nonconformists establish meetings. Several
influential members of the establishment particularly useful.
Violence of the nonconformists.
729. Dissent and hostility to the government create a reaction among
churchmen, who adopt extravagant notions of government.
The Oxford decree framed by Dr. Jane.
730. Lord Clarendon friendly to the republicans; hostile to the
church. Why? Burnet's reason. In reality the presbyterians
were unfit to govern. The chancellor trusted to severity, and
the adoption of it convinced men of the necessity of toleration.
731. Lord Clarendon supported measures of which he did not
approve ; his own opinions therefore are uncertain. The feelings

xliv CONTENTS.
of the country fostered persecution. The nonconformists would
have persecuted in their turn. The church certainly to blame.
732. Profligacy of Charles II.; he sought ease; and arbitrary power
was no further dear to him, than as it procured him freedom.
His talents considerable ; Infamous for being wiUing to enslave
England to France.
733. Profligacy fostered by religious dissensions. Fanaticism was
followed by hypocrisy, by profligacy, by religious discord ; but
God raised up deliverance from our very misfortunes.
APPENDIX E. p. 537.
HISTORY OF THE COMPILATION OF THE COMMON
PRAYER BOOK.
741. The Common Prayer Book was compiled from the services of
the Roman church. The king's Primer published 1545, con
taining the Litany and prayers; republished by Edward, and
EUzabeth,
742. The service for the communion after the mass ; the first part In
Latin, the second in English, 1548. Great moderation with
regard to auricular confession.
743. The whole service in English, 1549; this differs much from the
present Liturgy, and may be deemed a connecting link between
the missal and the Prayer Book, (b.) Differences from the
present Liturgy.
744. The prudence with which it was drawn up. An ordination
service composed and published, 1550.
7^15. Review of the Liturgy, 1552. Second of Edward VI. Bucer
and Peter Martyr consulted. It differs little from the present,
(b.) Alterations between the Liturgy of 1549 — 1552.
746, Liturgy of Elizabeth, 1560; few alterations from that of the
second of Edward VL (b.) Alterations, 1552 — 1560.
747. Alterations introduced by proclamation, 1604. (a.) Alterations,
1560—1604.
748. Changes made while Laud was archbishop, (a.) Changes then
made, (b.) Scotch Liturgy.
749. Alterations made by the convocation, 1661. The work had
been prepared, and was quickly carried through the house.
This is the present Liturgy, (b.) Alterations now made.
750. Service for the consecration of churches; often attempted, but
never authorized; drawn up by Bishop Andrews. FourpoUtlcal
services, for Nov. 5, Jan. 30, May 29, and the Accession.
CHAPTER XVII. p. 550.
751, The contest decided in 1688 was a political one, James's arbi
trary notions ; his very conversion to Romanism, poUtical,

CONTENTS. ¦ xlv
752, He aimed at arbitrary power, and preferred the principles of
Romanism, because they are better suited to it than those of the
church of England. His sentiments about the bill of exclusion.
753. The Protestants had driven the Roman Catholics into his arms;
at his accession he promised to support the church of England;
and he fancied that a party in the church would support his
plans.
754, The first acts of James were arbitrary. A large revenue was
settled upon him ; he was blinded as to the real state of things,
partly by the success with which his arms were crowned. Plis
cruelty,
755, James's cruelty was his own. No one can entertain any great
respect for the religious principles of so vicious a man.
756. In order to check the opposition of churchmen, James forbade
preaching on controversial subjects, and threatened to make a
new valor for tenths and first-fruits. The church active in the
popish controversy, James appoints an ecclesiastical commission.
757. The commission furnished with ample powers for reforming
ecclesiastical bodies, schools, and universities. Compton sus
pended for not suspending Sharp.
758. .James, wishing to curb the church, issues a declaration for liberty
of conscience, which totally repealed all the penal laws. In this
he invaded private property, though he disclaimed the right of
doing so,
759. He attempts to form a parliament favourable to his views, by
unwise means. He attempts to influence the judges most ille
gally. The dispensing power tried In the case of Sir Edward
Hales.
760. The sufferings of the dissenters; the court tried to divide them
from the church, but their moderation prevented this.
761, James begins by attacking the universities. State of Oxford.
Roman Catholic heads of houses. He commands Magdalen
college to elect Farmer for their president ; and upon their con
tinued refusal. Plough and tvrenty-five fellows were ejected.
S. Parker and B. Giffard successive presidents,
762. James's view of the question. The university of Cambridge
refuses a degree to a Roman Catholic. The vice-cbancellor ejected.
A similarly illegal attempt is made at the Charter-house,
763. James makes Petre a privy counsellor, and sends Lord Castle-
main to Rome. These acts attributed to Lord Sunderland.
(a.) Vicars apostolic.
764. James not friendly to the power of Rome. The pope and his
other friends recommend caution. The pope's nuncio received
at Windsor, and consecrated at St. James's.
765. James sees the growing spirit of opposition, and tries to gain a
parliament favourable to his views, and to abolish the test ; he
converses with many persons on his progress, and uses violent
methods towards corporations; but became more and more mis
trusted.

xlvi CONTENTS.
766. He relies on his army, and Introduces Roman Catholics into it,
Mr. Johnson punished severely for an address to the army.
767, When every one was offended at him, James republishes his
declaration for liberty of conscience. The clergy are directed
to read it in their churches.
768. The difficulty in which the clergy were placed. The bishops
come forward and present a petition. Few clergymen read the
declaration. Four bishops enjoin it.
769. The bishops sent to the Tower, The excitement among the
people.
770, Trial of the bishops. Question of the dispensing power. Opinion
of the judges. They are acquitted. Joy of the people and army.
771- James hopes to remedy his folly by firmness. Dismisses the two
judges who had favoured the bisbops. The ecclesiastical com
mission exerted. The good conduct of the dissenters. Sancroft
attempts a comprehension. His plan.
772, Progress of the revolution. The alarm of James made him
retrace his steps when it was too late.
773. He consults the bishops, and follows their advice to no purpose.
774. The bishops refused to sign a declaration of abhorrence with
regard to the conduct of the prince of Orange. This refusal
probably saved episcopacy in England.
775. The bishops advise him to call a free parliament. He deter
mines to try the army; discovers his mistake, and attempts a
flight into France ; he is detained, returns to London, and again
flies.
776. Character of James; his talents; wanting In honesty; an excel
lent man of business; his views with regard to trade and liberty
of conscience; his false notions of government.
777- His great object was to establish arbitrary power, and for this
purpose he wished to introduce the Roman Catholic religion; he
always esteemed all persons who differed from his opinions, as
hostile to him, and fell into the hands of fooUsh and dishonest
advisers.
778. He possessed no real religion while he was king, and opposed
the church of Rome; received the banished Protestants. He
was very deceitful in his promises about the church of England.
Dishonest and unwise,
779. The birth of the prince made the country look to Itself for deli
verance. No ground for the supposed illegitimacy of the child.
780. The present struggle of a mixed nature. It was mostly political,
but the people regarded it as a reUgious one,
781, Conduct of the clergy. Accused by the Roman Catholics and
nonconformists of preaching passive obedience, till they had
deceived the king. This might have been the case with some,
but many of them exhibited their opinions openly. Glorious
conduct of the distinguished churchmen.

CONTENTS. xlvii

CHAPTER XVIII, p, 580,
801, The oaths of supremacy and allegiance altered and Imposed, The
non-juring bishops. The impolicy of Imposing the oath,
802. Inutility of many oaths. General oaths sometimes useful. Fre
quency of oaths disgraceful to us.
803. The friends and supporters of the Revolution suffered by it.
Power given to William to grant incomes to some of the" clergy;
never used. The deprived bishops continue the succession of
bishops among themselves.
804, The principles upon which they did this. They possessed a
power which the civil authority could not take away, and which
therefore they continued to exercise. Difference between their
case and that of the Scotch bishops. Difficulty of praying for
William and Mary.
805. The question of the propriety of the conduct of these bishops.
The Revolution is not to be justified on permanent principles, but
is one of those cases which are not provided for in the Bible.
The non-juring bishops are not to be blamed; their subsequent
conduct created a schism, and is unjustifiable.
806. Toleration act passes. A commission granted for preparing
alterations in the Liturgy, and reforming the discipline of the
church; some of the members refuse to act. (a.) The names of
the commissioners.
807- Intended alterations in the Liturgy.
808. Prideaux's expectations from this convocation. Desiderata in
the Liturgy. Form of family prayer; disuse of it arising from
the circumstances of the times, (b.) The American Prayer Book,
1790.
809. The temper of the lower house of convocation. Dr. Jane elected
prolocutor ; the causes of this ; his speech. The dispute about
the address. The session discontinued. The clergy blamed,
810, If alterations had been made, the non-jurors would have had
more apparent reason for calling themselves the old church, and
of charging the others with creating divisions. No good to be
expected from a comprehension; yet all reasonable objections
might as well be obviated,
811. The church of England was now established by law, as it stands
at present; a summary of its history; it ceased to be Roman
Catholic under Henry VIII. ; it became Protestant by law under
Edward VI. ; but hardly fixed in the hearts of the people.
812. Under Mary Romanism was restored, but by no means with full
power; she persecuted from principle, and her persecutions
convinced the people of the evils of popery,
813, Elizabeth loved ceremonies^ and hated puritanism; and by ber
severities united those who opposed either the government of the
church, or state.

xlviii CONTENT.'^.
814, These evils were augmented under James, and his weakness and
impolicy strengthened his enemies.
815, Laud increased the tyranny of, and the opposition to, the star-
chamber and ecclesiastical commission. The canons contributed
to make the ruling part of the clergy disliked, and the exclusive
conduct of Laud drove many more into the ranks of the enemies
of the church.
816, At the Restoration some power was given back to the bishops'
courts ; but the persecution which was exercised arose from the
house of commons, and at last convinced the country of the
necessity of toleration,
81 7. The church of England is an authorized and paid establishment,
but not an exclusive one; and is bound to endeavour to benefit
the country. Such an ecclesiastical society was instituted by
Christianity, but has been modified by the law of the land.
818. Evils arising from the connexion between the church and state.
Wrong appointments in the church. Worldly mindedness in the
clergy. Destruction of spiritual government; and of ecclesias
tical discipline.
819. The blessings of the church as a moral police, and a teacher of
Christianity. APPENDIX F. p. 598.
Balnham's conference with Latimer. The death of Cranmer. L,
Saunders, his conduct with regard to his child and wife ; his
letter about his shirt, Tyndale's letter to Frith, relating the
firmness of his wife.
Chronological Tables, p, 611,
Genealogical Tables, p. 624.
Index, p. 629.

A i
SKETCH OF THE i5^§T0R¥
OP
THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND.

CHAPTER I.
TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST.

1. Outline of the history of the British church. 2. Evidence m favour of St.
Paul's having preached in Britain. Other traditions without foundation.
3. King Lucius. St. Alban. Constantine puts an end to persecution, 4.
British bishops at various councils, 5, Pelagianism. Schools, GaUican
liturgy, 6, Conversion of the Saxons. 7. Augustin ; his proceedings, 8.
Progress of the conversion of the Saxons. Wilfrid, 9. Roman supremacy.
10. Danes, Tithes. 11, Alfred. 12. Odo. Dunstan. Wealth of the
church. 13. Imperfection of this sketch. 14. Origin of the errors of the
church of Rome. 15. Prayer for the dead. Purgatory. 16. Transubstan
tiation. 17. Mass. 18. Image worship. 19. Belies. 20, Pilgrimages.
21. Confession and penance, 22. Celibacy of the Clergy, 23. History of
ecclesiastical establishments. 24. Progress of error. 25, Eeal danger of
erroneous opinions. 26. Inadequate views of Christianity among the
Saxons.
The early history of the British church, if it be regarded as a
question of curiosity, may well claim the attention of those who
delight in such researches ; but to him who seeks only for truth,?
which may prove useful in the formation of his own opinions,
any considerable investigation into the records which are left us,
can offer little beyond labour, accompanied with very trifling
hopes of reward. The particulars which are to be gleaned from
our uncei-tain and unsupported histories, may be briefly compre
hended under the following heads. The island was early blessed
-by the dissemination of Christianity, possibly through the preach
ing of St. Paul ; and before the end of the second century the
country had generally received the gospel. Episcopacy was from
the first established among ns, and the British church partook in

2 gexeral history of the British church, st. paul.
the persecutions and heresies which agitated the rest of the Chris
tian community, and appears to have had much connexion with
Gaul ; but neither of these churches paid any further deference
to Rome, than that which the younger sister ought to concede to
her elder. The flourishing condition of this church was first
destroyed by heresy and vice, and then oppressed and over
whelmed by the arrival of the heathen Saxon, who in his turn
became the civilized convert of the faith which he had once
persecuted. § 2. With regard to the details of these events, it will perhaps
be deemed sufficient if the reader be referred to those authorities
where he will find all the satisfaction which can be obtained,
while only such particulars are mentioned as seem from their
importance to merit our further attention. Eusebius asserts*,
that some of the ai^ostles preached the gospel in the British
isles*. Theodoret confirms this''; and elsewhere, after having
mentioned Spain, says, that St. Paul brought salvation to the
isles which lie in the ocean"'. These testimonies of the fourth
and fifth centuries are supported by an expression of Clement of
Rome, who wrote before the end of the first, and who relates
that St, Paul preached righteousness through the whole worldf ,
and in so doing went to the utmost bounds of the West''. If

*  TiPas ^e ij^rj Kal in avra r^?
nlKOvfJievrjg iXdeiv ra iUpa, iwi re rr^v
'ivhSiv <p6doai )^i>pau, Kal irepovs mep
Tov 'Q,Keavov irapeXdeiv em ras KaXov-
pivas BperramKas vrjoovs, &.C,, &c.
Euseb. Dem. Evaiig. lib. iii. c. 7. p.
112. Paris. 1628.
¦• Oi 6e rjptTfpoi uXieiy Kat ot reXavai,
Kai 6 a-KVTOTopos anaoiv avBpmroii rovs
(vayyeXtKovs npooevTjvo^aat uopcvs, Ka\
oi povov'Papalovs, Ka\ tovs vttu roirois
reXovvras dXXa Kal tu SKvdiKa &c. 
Kai. Bperravovs — Kal cma^aTrXas nav
edvos Kal yepos avSpamcov, be^aoBai rov
o-Tpavpai64vTos Tovs v6povs dv4n(Loav.
Theodoreti Serm, ix, De Legibns p,
610, tom. iv, Paris, 1642,
* StlUingfleet's Orig, Brit, 36.

¦^ "YoTfpov pevTOi Kal Trjs 'irdXlas
iire^r), Kai els ras ^navlas ac^iKeTO, Kai
raXs iv ra neXdyei SiaKeipivais vfjOOK
Tfjv oKpiXeiav irpooijveyKe, &c. In
Psalm, cxvi. tom. L p. 871.
ATVoXoyiadpevos ios ddaos acfieidrj, Kal
ras Srravias KareXa/Sc, Kal els crcpa
edvri Spapav TfjV rrjs SiSaoKoXias Xa/i-
TTaSa npootjueyKe. In Tim. iv. 17, torn.
iii, p. 506.
¦' IlaCXoi — Krjpv^ yevopevos iv re rfj
avaroXfj Kal iv Trj Sioet — SiKmotnivrjV
oiod^as oXov TOV Koopov, Kal im to
Teppa rijs Svoeas cXSitiv, &c. Clemens
Rom. ad Cor, p. 8, Oxf,, 1633,
t Cave's Life of St, Paul, 80.

I. § 2.] ST, PETER, SIMON ZELOTES, JOSEPH, KING LUCIUS. S
these words are to be taken in their literal sense, little doubt can
remain that this kingdom was converted to Christianity by the
apostle to the Gentiles; yet such deductions must always be
regarded with suspicion : and though we may not hesitate in
believing that our holy faith was planted in these islands at a
period not far distant from the first preaching of Christianity «,
we shall hardly assign to this event a date so early as the reign
of Tiberius, as some authors have done*, from misunderstanding
a passage in Gildas.
The several traditions about St, James, Simon Zelotes^, and
Philip -f-, are destitute of any ancient testimony; and that in
favour of St, Peter is of a very late date. The fable about
Joseph of Arimatheas, and his having founded Glastonbury
Abbeyl, would have been unworthy of notice, had not Queen
Elizabeth and Archbishop Parker § ventured to claim him as the
first preacher of Christianity in England ; but the absurdity of
the whole story is fully established by Stillingfleet||.
§ 8. Many English writers refer the conversion of this
country to the reign of King Lucius IT, of whom the old book of
Llandaff says, that he sent Eluanus and Medwinus to Eleutherius,
the twelfth Bishop of Rome, requesting that he might be made
a Christian through his instruction ; and that on the return of

= TertuUian, who wrote about A. D.
200, and Origen 240, both speak of
Christianity as fully established in
Britain. In qnem. enim alium universES gentes
crediderunt, nisi in Christum qui jam
venit ? Cui enim et alise gentes credi
derunt ; Parthi, &c.  Hispaniarum
omnes termini et Galliarum diversee
nationes, et Britannorum inaccessa Eo-
manis loca, Christo vero subdita, &c,
Terlullianus adv. Judaos, p. 212, Paris,
1634, Virtus Domini Salvatoris et cum his
est qui ab orbe nostro in Britannia divl-
duntur, &c. Origenis Hom. vi. in Lu-
cam, p. 939, iii. Paris, 1740.

Quando enim terra Britanniee ante
adventum Christi in unius Dei consensit
religionem ? Quando terra Maurorum ?
Quando totus semel orbis ? Nunc vero
propter ecclesias, qiite mundi limites
tenent, universa terra cum Isetitia clamat
ad Dominum Israel, et capax est bono-
rum secundum fines sues. p. 370, H.
in Ezech. iv.
' According to the Greek menologies,
Simon Zelotes suffered martyrdom in
Britain. See Cave's Apost. p. 151.
e It is curious that at the council of
Basil the English bishops claimed pre
cedence on the ground of the conversion
of Britain by Joseph, Fuller, iv. 180.

• Stillingfleet, 4,
Parker, i. 139.

t Ibid. 45.
II Orig. Brit. 6, &c.

X Strype's An, i. 218.
1[ Ibid. 66.
n 2

KING LUCIUS. PERSECUTIONS. CON.STANTINE.

these messengers, Lucius and the chief of the Britons were bap
tized, and bishops consecrated for the dissemination of Christi
anity. So many improbabilities have been engrafted on this
relation, that the very existence of such a king, and the whole
tale, has, without much reason, been questioned. The circum
stance of his sending ambassadors to request instruction corre
sponds with the supposition already made, that the country had
before received the truths of Christianity ; and the disagreement
between the two relations is the less important, as it amounts
only to this, whether we suppose that the Christian religion was
now first established, or that, having made but little progress,
since its first foundation, it was now reformed and renewed ; and
the want of any sufficient testimony must preclude the idea of
deciding this question. We may nevertheless assume as an
undoubted fact, that Christianity was established here very gene
rally before the end of the second century*: for TertuUian .saysf,
that the kingdom of Christ was advanced in Gaul and Britain,
and that Christ was solemnly worshipped by the inhabitants.
From this time we meet with little concerning the British
churches till we learn that England was not free from the trials
to which Christianity was subjected during the third century,
and the fate of Julius, Aaron, and St. Alban^, who has trans
ferred his name to Verulamiumj, where he suffered, proves that
the Diocletian persecution extended thus far into the provinces
which were subject to the Roman power.
Constantius Chlorus, when he was declared emperor, put an
end to these persecutions ; and upon his death, which took place
at York in the year following, his son Constantine the Great began
his reign, in which it pleased God that most of the outward
miseries of his Christian servants should terminate. (a,d. 307.)
§ 4, The British church seems to have flourished at this
period §; for, at the council of Arles% there were three English

" St. Alban, the first British martyr,
liad served in the Roman army, and on
his return, having been converted to
Christianity, was put to death, A mo

nastery was afterwards raised to his
honour by Offa, king of Mercia,
» The council of Aries was assembled
by Constantine against the Donatists,

• Orig, Brit. 00, f Tertull. i-. .Tud, ch, 7. t Stillingfleet, 70, § Ibid, 74,

I, § 4,]

BRITISH BISHOPS,

bishops present ; and it may be observed, that the manner
in which that council communicated its canons to the bishop
of Rome proves that the representatives of the churches
there assembled esteemed themselves quite independent of his
authority*. It seems probable that there were English bishops at tho coun
cil of Nice'' in Bithynia-f-, but the subscriptions preserved are so
imperfect, that no names of British bishops can be distinguished.
Their presence, however, at Sardica •= and Ariminum:|: is more
clearly established § ; and it is related, with regard to this latter
council, that the British bishops generally refused to receive the
allowance made to them from the emperor, while three of them
only accpted it ; a proof at once of the number and wealth of
the British bishops who were there.
§ 5. The introduction of Pelagianism'*, which took place

who had fallen into schism on account
of the election of a bishop of Carthage.
The canons of it may be found iu Col
lier, i. 26.
'' The council of Nice was assem
bled by Constantine against the Arians,
325. The anathema of it is, "The
catholic and apostolic church anathema
tizes all who say, that there was a time
when the Son did not exist, that he had
no existence previous to his birth, and
that he was created out of nothing, or
who say that he was formed or changed
from another substance or essence, or
that he is capable of change ; " see Pear
son on the Creed, p. 134. This council
did not make the Nicene Creed as it now
stands, which was published at the first
council of Constantinople, 381 ; it
settled that Easter should be held the
' first Sunday after the fourteenth day of
the ecclesiastical new moon. The doc
trines of Arius seem to have made some
progress in England.
" This council was assembled at Sar
dica in Thrace, 347, to judge between
the Arians and Athanasius ; see Collier,
i, 30, &c., where more arguments against

the right of appeals to the pope may be
found. » The Pelagian heresy had its origin
from Morgan, who is generally called a
Welchman, but probably was Scotus,
i.e., a native Irishman. (Stillingfleet,
p. 181.) His name in the old British
language signifies sea-born, and from
hence is derived his classical appella
tion. He was of considerable rank, and
possessed much learning and natural
genius ; his life was exemplary. He
travelled to Rome, and from thence to
Africa, and died somewhere in the East.
(See Collier, i. 41.) He denied the
doctrine of original sin, and the neces
sity of grace, and asserted that man
could attain to perfection. His opinions
were opposed by St. Augustin, bishop of
Hippo, and condemned in the person of
Coelestius, his disciple, at councils held
at Carthage and Milevum in the year
416: no less than thirty councils are
said to have been held concerning them.
As the doctrines of Pelagius are of such
a character that every man's own heart
will naturally suggest them, unless he be
guided by the grace of God, we need

* StiUiusfleet, 84.

t Ibid, 89.

: Ibid, 135, § Fuller, 24,

6 PELAGIANISM, SCHOOLS, LITURGY,
about the same time*, filled the church with tumult and distrac
tion. The opinions connected with this heresy were generally
diffused in England ; and so strongly were its advocates fortified
with arguments, or so weakly were they opposed, that the British
divines, finding themselves unequal to the task of convincing
their heretical adversaries, were twice forced to calif in the
assistance of Germanus, a GaUican bishop J. He was acompa-
nied in his first visit by Lupus, and in his second by Severus, and
on each occasion successfully refuted the errors of his opponents.
As the best means of putting an effectual stop to these heresies,
St. German seems to have attempted to introduce into the island
the study of sound learning and theology§ ; and his disciples
Illutus and Dubritius established schools famous in their genera
tion. The monastery of Banchor || near Chester was probably a
seminary of this description, rather than one formed after the
model introduced from Egypt'', in which the monks were bred
lip to labour, and in ignorance ; for Bede, who is not generally
favourable to British establishments, confesses that it was fur
nished with learned men at the coming of Augustin into England,
These bishops are said to have brought with them into the
British churches IT the use of the GaUican liturgy**, which was
derived probably from St, John, through Polycarp and Irenseus,
The principal differences'' between this and the Roman liturgyff

not wonder at their general reception,
Pelagius taught and gave a name to that
to which all of us are of ourselves dis
posed, " self-reliance in spiritual things,"
'' The first monks were persons who
in solitude, and afterwards in private
houses of their own, led more pious and
retired lives than their neighbours. The
wild fancies of certain visionaries who
established themselves in Egypt can
hardly be accounted the origin of the
later institutions of this sort. Such in
stances of fanaticism and ignorance,
often combined with some portion of
knavery, are common to all periods and

religions, and among Christians might
have tended to pervert the minds of
those who aspired after the highest de
grees of sanctity. Individuals first de
dicated themselves to the service of God
in this manner : societies were afterwards
formed, who lived under a head or abbot,
and conformed to certain rules. They
were originally mere laymen, but subse
quently many of them were adopted
among the clergy, and rose to the highest
ofiices in the church,
" These consisted in a confession of
sins, wherewith the service began ; in
proper prefaces, which were introduced

• Stillingfleet, 187. f I^iiJ- ^9i.
§ Ibid, 204. II Ibid. 205.
' Johnson's Can,, Prof, xv., who doubts of this.

+ Ibid. 189.
•|[ Ibid. 216.
tt Stillingfleet, 232.

I, § 5.] RECONVERSION OP ENGLAND. 7
are stated to be foUowed in the Common Prayer Book of our
church, so that the reformers, when they translated and made
selections from the services of the church of Rome, really reduced
back the form of prayers to a nearer conformity to our more
ancient liturgies,
§ 6, The arrival of the heathen Saxons overturned the eccle
siastical as well as civil government, and their barbarity spread
such devastation through the land, that Christianity was confined
to those mountainous districts where the Britons still retained
their liberty. But the records of these times furnish little more
than the mere detail of uninteresting events.
Christianity was again introduced into England, now become
Saxon, by the arrival of St, Augustin, in 596. The comparative
tranquillity which had for soaie time prevailed throughout the
island, and the marriage of Etbelbert, king of Kent, with Britha,
daughter of Charibert, king of Paris, had prepared the country
for its reception. She was allowed the free exercise of her
religion ; and her chaplain, a French bishop, had openly per
formed the ceremonies of the church, thus softening down that
animosity towards Christianity, which a bloody struggle against
its professors had excited in the minds of the Saxons. Nor, in
speaking of their conversion, must we neglect to take into
account the growing dissatisfaction which heathens, as they
advance in civilization, must alwjiys feel towards their former
superstitions, even when they continue to observe them ; a
disgust which the Saxons seem frequently to have displayed*.
Gregory I. came to the papacy in 590, and soon put into execu
tion a determination M'hich he had formed while in a private
station. He had been struck with the personal beauty of some
English slaves whom he happened to see at Rome, and made
the resolution of trying to convert their fellow-countrymen ; an
attempt which he would have begun in his own person, if cir
cumstances had not prevented him. It was in order to fulfil this

for certain days before the consecration
of the elements ; in several expressions
which mark that the doctrine of transub

stantiation had not then been received ;
and in the attention to singing paid iu
the Roman church.

Turner, i, 231,

8 CONVERSION OF THE SAXONS,
benevolent design, that he afterwards despatched St, Augustin
with forty monks, who, having obtained interpreters in France,
landed in Kent, and was permitted to settle in Canterbury, and
to undertake the conversion of the inhabitants,
§ 7. The success of these missionaries was so great that
Augustin was consecrated archbishop of England, by the arch
bishop of Aries, and more ecclesiastics were sent to his assistance,
accompanied with presents of books% and other articles of which
they might stand in need; and among these, relics were not
forgotten. They received at the same time orders from Rome,
which directed them to accommodate, as much as possible, the
festivals of the church to the seasons of heathen amusement and
feasting'". The scheme of an ecclesiastical establishment, which
was to consist of two archbishops, each having under him twelve
suffragans, was also transmitted to them, but seems never to have
been adopted*.

" Wanley has given a catalogue of
the books sent by Gregory. These were,
1, A Bible, adorned with some leaves of
a purple and rose colour, in two volumes.
2, The Psalter of St, Augustin, with the
Creed, Pater Noster, and several Latin
hymns. 3, Two copies of the Gospels,
with the Ten Canons of Eusebius pre
fixed ; one of which Elstob believed to
be in the Bodleian library, and the other
at Cambridge, p, 42, 4. Another Psal
ter, with hymns, 5. A volume contain
ing legends on the sufferings of the
apostles, with a picture of our Saviour in
silver, in a posture of blessing, 6,
Another volume on the martyrs, which
had on the outside a glory, silver gilt, set
roimd with crystals and beryls, 7, An
Exposition of the Epistles and Gospels,
which had on the cover a large beryl
surrounded with crystals. Augustin also
brought Gregory's Pastoral Care, which
Alfred translated. See Elstob, p. 39 — 43 :
and Wanley, p, 172, whose description
is taken from Thomas de Elmham, a
monk of Augustin's Abbey, iu the time

of Henry V. See also Cave, Hist. Lit,
p. 431. Turner's Aug. -Sax. i. 332.
¦¦ This circumstance may account for
the retention of many Saxon names in
matters connected with religion. Thus
Yule, the old name for Christmas, is
derived from Jule, a Saxon feast at the
winter solstice ; and Easter from the
goddess Eostre, who was worshipped
with peculiar honours in April. Lent
signifies spring. From the deities Tiw,
Woden, Thunre, Friga, and Sateme,
are derived the names of the days of the
week. SeeTurner's A,-S. i, 213, Super
stition has probably borrowed from the
same source, i«cJ; probably comes from
a Saxon deity, Lake; (Turner, i, 226.
216, 13;) Deuce from certain demons
called Ducii by the Gauls. Ochtts Bochus,
a magician and demon, and Neccus, a,
malign deity who frequented waters,
may be the origin of the names Hocus
Pocus, and Old Nick, The common
derivation of Hocus Pocus, from a rapid
pronouncmg of hoc est corpus, is hardly
admissible.

• Lingard, Ang.-Sax, Church, 14 ; Henry, Hist, Eng. iii. 194,

I. § 7.]

AUGUSTIN.

Augustin before his death*, which took place about 605, tried
to bring the churches of the British into unity with that over
which he presided, and insisted on three concessions only -f-. That
they should keep Easter at the Roman time, should use the
forms of that church in baptizing, and preach to the Saxons.
His efforts, however, were unavailing, and he was rejected for a
supposed want of apostolical humility, though he is said to have
performed a miracle in attestation of his ministry. The point at
issue seems really to have been, whether the British prelates
should submit to Augustin and Rome. The question about the
time of observing Easter was also discussed in the council of
Whitbyj, where Oswi decided it in favour of the Roman
method, because both parties agreed that St. Peter kept the
keys of heaven, and that he had used the Roman method of
computing". (a,d. 664.)

"= The question of the time of keeping
Easter long agitated the Christian com
munity. The Eastern church kept it
according to the Jewish ritual, on the
fourteenth moon of that lunation which
occurred after the vernal equinox,
whether it were Sunday or no: in 197,
Victor, bishop of Rome, excommuni
cated them for so doing. They were in
consequence called quarto decimani. In
order to avoid any coincidence with the
Jews as to the day of keeping this feast^
most of the Western churches ran into
the opposite extreme, and in those years
in which the Passover occurred on a
Sunday, they kept the Easter-day on its
octave. The council of Nice (325) de
cided that it was to be kept on a Sunday,
but as the British clmrch which received
its canons kept Easter on the fourteenth,
when it happened to be a Sunday, it
seems probable that the expression of
the Nicene canon was originally so
general as not to decide this point, and
that the great nicety in avoiding the day
of the Jewish passover originated with
Rome. The Church, at the same period,
generally adopted the Metonic cycle of

nineteen years, by which Easter was
newly calculated iu the Tables of Euse
bius of Csesarea, and rejected the cycle
of eighty-four years, which was very
faulty, and derived from the Jews. The
question in England was the general one
of keeping Easter as the Roman church
did. The difference consisted in two
points: the British churches seem not
to have used the same cycle, probably
that of eighty-four years, and to have
kept Easter on the fourteenth, if that
day happened to be a Sunday. (Fuller,
p. 68.) This had arisen from the sepa
ration of the British church from the
rest of the world, during the troubles in
England, which succeeded the council
of Nice, of which they had adopted, in
all probability, merely the general rules.
The churches of Northurabria having
been converted by Scotch missionaries
retained the British forms. See a note
in Johnson's Canons, 673, i. d. The
Syrians on the coast of Malabar have
another method of finding Easter, which
is given in Le Bas' Life of Middleton, i.
291, note I . See also Newman's History
of Arianism, p, 14.

Collier, i. 75.

t Bede, ii, 2,

Collier, i, 95,

10

THEODORE.

§ 8. In 668, Theodore, a native of Tarsus in Cilicia*, was
consecrated archbishop of Canterbury, on the nomination of
Vitallan the then pope ; a step which he was induced to take on
the death of Wighart, who, with most of his companions, was
destroyed by the plague at Rome, where he had been sent in
order to be consecrated, Theodore was very serviceable to the
British church by the learning which he, and his friend Adrian,
introduced, and is said to have advanced the establishment of
parish churches, by allowing founders to become the patrons of
them. He divided also some of the larger bishoprics, which, as
they were 'then generally co-extensive with the kingdoms to
which they belonged, were frequently enormous in point of size.
Wilfrid, archbishop of York, whose diocese comprehended all
Northumbria, or that part of England which lies north of the
Hiimber, opposed the division of his see, and appealed to the pope.
The decision of Agatho was in his favour, but it profited him
little, for Egfred imprisoned him upon his return, and about a
year after, upon his release, which was obtained through the
intercession of ^Ebbe, abbess of Coldingham, he preached in the
kingdom of Sussex, which had not before received ChristianityS

f " The conversion of the Heptarchy
was now completed. The order in which
the several kingdoms had embraced
Christianity was as follows : Kent, 596.
Essex, 604. Northurabria, 627- East
Angles, 631. Wessex, 634. Mercia,
about 650, Sussex, 678. The Isle of
Wight was the district which last re
ceived the doctrines of Christianity.
The whole period occupied by these
successive conversions consisted of less
than ninety years. There is one parti
cular feature which has been adduced as
marking a want of simplicity in the indi
vidual missionaries, to whom we owe the
blessings of Christianity. It may be
observed, that the conversions generally
took place amoqg the court before any
progress had been made with the people,
a circumstance so contrary to the tenour
of the early history of the Gospel, that

it has been presumed that the missiona
ries themselves were actuated by worldly
rather than spiritual motives. The
solution of this apparent difference is,
perhaps, to be sought rather in the state
of civilization of those to whom they
went, than in the temper of the teachers.
The apostles were themselves uneducated
men, and addressed their arguments to
more educated nations ; these missionaF
ries had probably themselves received
superior educations, and were going into
a country of semi-barbarians; of men
possessed of little or no education ; and
they naturally directed their instructions
to the most exalted and best educated
members of the country. Would not
prudence dictate this conduct ? and is
not the wisdom of its adoption borne out
by the conduct of recent missionaries ?

* Collier, 100.

I. § 8.]

HISTORY OF WILFRID. ROMAN SUPREMACY.

11

T-his so restored him to the favour of Theodore, and Alfred, king
of Northumberland, that he recovered the sees of Hexham and
York, but was again expelled, and again gained a favourable
decision from the pope : Alfred, however, would not allow him
to enter his dominions, and it was not till after the death of that
prince, and of his immediate successor, that Wilfrid was in his
old age reinstated in a part of his preferments.
§ 9. The history of Wilfrid has attracted much more notice
than it seems intrinsically to merit, on account of the discussions
which it involves with regard to the appeal to Rome. But the
question is one of curiosity, and really of very little importance''.
That the church of Rome did, at an early period, try to extend
its power where it could, is beyond all doubt ; that it did in after-
times obtain a spiritual supremacy in England is equally unques
tionable. The Roman Catholic, by proving the early date of
these encroachments, touches not the broad principles which
guided our church in throwing off all foreign authority ; and the
Protestant can never prove, by denying these points, that the
pope did not afterwards possess the supreme power over the
English church : while both incur the danger of neglecting the
pursuit of truth, in endeavouring to establish their own opinions.
These observations* apply with no less strength to the dis
cussions about the council of Cloveshoo, in 747, in which, though ¦
there seems no direct acknowledgment of the papal supremacy,

" The whole question of the autho
rity exercised by Rome over Saxon
England is one of great difficulty, and
on the different sides of which conclu
sions diametrically opposite may be
drawn. The primacy conceded from
Saxou England to Rome, extended to
the admission of its established prece
dency, and a respectful deference to its
authorities. Theodore was made arch
bishop of Canterbury, by Pope Vitalian,
and the Canons of Cealchythe were drawn
up under the influence of a Roman le
gate; (Johnson's Canons, 785. pra;f,)
but there is abundant evidence that the

judicial authority of the see of Rome was
not admitted, and that the monarehs of
Britain exercised an ecclesiastical power
within their dominions. That is, the in
dependence of Saxon England amounted
not to our present separation from the
church of Rome, and the Roman influ
ence was infinitely less than what it
afterwards became. A proposition which
might probably be asserted of most other
Christian churches of the same period.
See Lingard's Anglo-Saxon Church, 157;
Soames, Bampton Leet, Serm. iii. and
the illustrations; Henry's Hist. Eng.
iii.

" Ling.trd, note, i, 484,

12 DANES, TITHES.
yet since it was called in consequence of the letters of Zachary,
there is every appearance of at least a great deference to the
bishop of Rome. Inett* and Henry f try to prove the indepen
dence of our church by a comparison of one of the canons with
that of a synod held at Mentz, and transmitted to Cuthbert by
Boniface : but were the proof as good as they esteem it, M'hat
purpose would it answer ? We shall not be able to prove that
our forefathers were Protestants, even if they had not then fully
admitted the authority of the see of Rome. We shall not allow
of the other canons there established, or suffer our prayers and
psalms to be said in Latin, though " a man may devoutly apply
the intentions of his own heart to the things which are at present
to be asked of God, and fix them there to the best of his power J."
§ 10. The union of the several kingdoms ofthe Heptarchy
would probably have been beneficial to the interests of Chris
tianity, had not the succeeding inroads of the Danes more than
counterbalanced this advantage. These heathen invaders joined
a considerable portion of animosity against the Christian clergy
to their love of plunder ; and, as much of the wealth of the
country was generally contained in the monasteries, their savage
attacks were chiefly directed against these establishments, which
possessed most of the learning, and much of the civilization which
was left in England,
(a,d. 855.) Ethelwulf§, the father of Alfred, before his
journey to Rome, made a grant of a tenth of all his possessions ||,
or liberated the tenth part of his possessions from every royal
service and contribution. It is not at all clear what the nature
of this grant was ; it has generally been interpreted as relating
to tithes, but as tithesH are spoken of long before, there must
either have now been a regranting of them, or perhaps they were
now liberated from burdens to which they were before exposed.
One of the supposed canons of King Edward the Confessor, which
were probably drawn up after the days of William Rufus**, states
that tithes were introduced with Christianity, by Augustin, and
• Inett, i. 177. t Uenry, iii. 225. + Johnson's Can. 747, 27,
§ Turner, i. 480. || Johnson's Can. 1064, 8, e,
«[[ Ibid, 740, sect, 4, 5. " Ibid, 1064, 9,

I, § 10.] ALFRED. 13
there is no time in which they are mentioned, without being
spoken of as due. When the first notice of them occurs in the
excerptions of Ecgbright in 740, directions are given as to the
disposal of them ; and almost all the collections of canons which
follow introduce the mention of them in the same manner.
Some of the early fathers of the church spoke of them as due
by divine right*. This point, however, must always be ques
tionable ; and as the right could not exist till the country was
converted to Christianity, it will be quite sufficient to state that
they appear to have been collected elsewhere, before the end of
the fourth century. And the numerous laws with regard to their
payment, while they establish the right, prove that there was
even then a difficulty of collecting them.
§ 11, The great benefit which Alfred conferred on his
country, beyond the military talent which he displayed in his wars
with the Danes, consisted in the introduction of literature and the
establishinent of laws. The inroads of these northern hordes had
overturned all institutions which might educate the inhabitants,
and directed the attention of the English to warlike, rather than
peaceful studies -f-; and even churchmen had become so ignorant,
that few understood the services which they used, or could trans
late a Latin letter. The difficulties against which Alfred had to
struggle were enormous ; he had to discover the advantages of
literature, and his own want of it, and to teach himself even to
read, and that at a time when books were scarce, and when most
of the libraries which had been formerly collected were destroyed.
When he came to the throne, he assembled around him, by great
munificence, all the literary men whom he could find, and his
first steps showed him how much his countrymen had gone back
in knowledge, since they were now unable to read those books
which their own ancestors had written,' The Latin tongue was
now generally unknown ; and to obviate this difficulty, Alfred
translated many books into the language of his country. In
presenting Boethius to the Saxons, he introduced many moral
lessons and sentiments of his own, for our knowledge of which
we are indebted to Mr. Turner J ; he published, too, in the same
* Blngh.am's Ant, ii, 276, 281. t Turner, ii, 8, &c. t Ib'd- ii- 22,

14 ODO AND DUNSTAN.
manner, Orosius and Bede ; and that he might better instruct
his higher clergy, he put forth a translation of the Pastoral of
Gregory. Besides these, he appears to have been employed on
different works and translations, and his general knowledge seems
to have extended to many other subjects, as architecture, ship
building, and jewellery*. For the education of his son Ethel-
weaffd, he established a public school, in which the young nobility
were brought up, together with the heir of the crown ; and so
greatly did this and his other institutions raise the character of
England for civilization, that Athelstan had the credit of edu
cating in our island three kings of foreign countries, Alan of
Bretagne, Louis of France, and Haco of Norwayf. Nor must
it be forgotten that Alfred sent an embassy to the Syrian Chris
tians of Indiaj, whose very existence has only been re-ascertained
by modern communications.
§ 12. The darkness which followed the reign of Athelstan
was broken by two men who succeeded each other in the see of
Canterbury. Odo and Dunstan, with their real zeal for Chris
tianity, joined a great desire of extending the influence of the
church with which their own power was intimately blended.
Their histories, however, have been written by such over-zealous
advocates, that they have rendered even the good they did sus
pected, through the multitude of miracles attributed to them.
Modern historians have taken an opposite direction; and the
conduct of Dunstan, with regard to Edwi and Elgiva, has, with
out much foundation, been worked up into a pathetic tale; while,
on the other hand, the monks, who were the only historians, had
good reason for praising one who everywhere ejected the canons§,
and placed the more newly established orders in their monasteries.
The Danes were, according to the policy of Alfred, gradually
incorporated into the religion as well as civil government of the
country; and the kings of that nation appear not to have been
behindhand in enriching the church ; so that at the death of
Edward the Confessor, one third of the land in England is sup
posed to have been in the hands of ecclesiastical bodies |'.
• Turner, ii. 146. t IbW- 200. + Ibid. 148. § See § 23,
II Henry, iii. 297; Spelman's Gloss, 396.

I. § 18.] IMPERFECTION OP THIS SKETCH. l!>
§ 13. The sketch here given will probably to most readers
appear exceedingly defective % and the only fair apology which
can be offered, must be sought for by regarding the writer, or
the subject-matter of his writings. With respect to the first of
these two, he is fully aware of his own inadequacy to enter on
the earlier part of the history of the English church, and con
fesses most readily that all his acquaintance with it is derived
from secondary sources. Should any one think that this portion
of the work ought rather to have been omitted altogether, than
to have been thus treated, the writer, while he perfectly agrees
with the better informed reader, begs him to consider, that this
book is intended for those who do not possess much knowledge
of these subjects, and to remember, in his excuse, that few men
are able to cope with antiquarian difficulties, and to enter on the
discussion of subjects which are interesting in the present day.
With regard to the subject-matter, it must be acknowledged that
we possess little or no acquaintance with British history, and
that the true history of our Saxon church is still, in great mea
sure, a desideratum in the catalogue of English authors. No
Roman Catholic writer can hope to satisfy a Protestant, when the
real question is as to the introduction of those errors which the
member of the church of England imputes to the other ; and the
requisites for forming an author suited to the task are so nume-»
reus, that we must wish, rather than hope, that such an indivi
dual may be found. The whole of the history of the British
church has been exhausted by Stillingfleet in his Origlnes Bri-
tannlcjB, and to any one who will examine that work, it will be
apparent how little is known, and how unimportant that little
Is ; that is, unimportant as far as the present state of the world
is concerned. The man who Is fully acquainted with the history
of the Reformation may see more clearly what is taking place, or
may happen, among Roman Catholic nations of our own days ;
he who has studied the events which occurred in the reign of
Charles I. will be able to estimate more fully the present state of
England and of those countries with which she is connected;
" A much more full one maybe found in Henry's History of England; Lin.
gard's Anglo-Saxon Church ; or Turner's History of the Anglo-Saxons.

16 ERRORS OF THE CHURCH OP HOME.
but he who successfully wades through the whole church history
of England, and its ecclesiastial affairs, to the middle of the
thirteenth century, will find little more than a continued chain
of contrivances, by which mankind have set aside the law of
heaven through their own traditions, and substituted the com
mandments of men for those of God. There are indeed some
bright exceptions ; and the lesson to be learnt even from such
perversions Is an useful one ; for this fault is by no means con
fined to the church of Rome ; it exists in human nature ; and
the blame which properly attaches to the church of Rome is,
that in the dark periods she fostered this evil propensity; and
when knowledge had dispelled the mist, for the sake of uphold
ing her own infallibility, she refused to reject those customs and
tenets, which, however understood and received by the well
informed part of society, can hardly be free from evil among the
mass of the community.
§ 14. The aboriginal Briton may question the amount of the
debt of gratitude which he owes to the church of Rome for his
conversion ; the Englishman, who derives his blood from Saxon
veins, will be ungrateful if he be not ready to confess the deht
which Christian Europe owes to Rome; and to profess, that
whenever she shall cast off those Inventions of men, which now
cause a separation between us, we shall gladly pay her such
honours as are due to the country which was instrumental in
bringing us within the pale of the universal church of Jesus
Christ. In the mean season, it may be instructive to point out
the probable periods at which each of these differences were
introduced among the Saxons, and to give some short his
torical notice with regard to the origin of some of them, a
subject which may be omitted by the general reader if he find
it uninteresting. The errors of the church of Rome generally originated from
feelings in themselves innocent, if not laudable, but perverted by
the admixture of human passions and inventions.
§ 15. To pray for the dead was the dictate of human nature,
and the practice of the early church* ; and no reasonable Chris-
" Bingham's Ant. vi. 671,

I. § 15,] PRAYERS FOR THE DEAD, PURGATORY.

17

tian will blame Dr. Johnson* for the cautious manner In which
he mentions his mother in his prayers ; but in the hands of the
church of Rome this feeling was soon directed to the unscriptural
object of delivering the souls of departed friends from purgatory,
and the practice converted into a source of profit to the priesthood.
The history of this doctrine of purgatory Is as follows"]": —
"About the middle of the third century Origen among other
Platonic conceits vented this : That the faithful (the apostles
themselves not excepted) would, at the day of judgment, pass
through a purgatorial fire," to endure a longer or a shorter time,
according to their Imperfections. " In this conceit, directly con
trary to many express texts of Scripture," he was followed ,by
some great men In the church; — and "St, Augustin began to
doubt whether this imagined purgation were not to be made in the
interval between death and tho resurrection, at least as to the souls
of the more imperfect Chrlstiaus. Towards the end of the fifth
century Pope Gregory undertook to assert this problem ; — four
hundred years after. Pope John the Eighteenth, or, as some say, the
Nineteenth, instituted a holyday, wherein he required all men to
pray for the souls in purgatory; — at length the cabal at Florence,
1439, turned the dream into an article of faith." The doctrine
of a purgatory, of some sort, has been entertained by Heathens,
Mahometans, and Jews, but there is no necessary connexion
between praying for the dead, and the belief In purgatory. ^ The
Greek church, for instance, prays for the dead, without admitting
any idea of purgatory. Prayers and oblations for the dead were
probably established In England from the first §, and a short form
of prayer to that effect Is inserted in the canons of Cloveshoo^;
with regard to the latter doctrine, the Saxon homillsts generally
refer to the awards of a final judgment ||, though traditional
notices exist, in which there appears to be at first an Indistinct,
but afterwards more clear reference to purgatory'^. Bede seems

° Lord, according to the greatness of
thy mercy, grant rest to his soul, and
for thine infinite pity vouchsafe to him

the joys of eternal light with, thy saints
Johnson's Can. 747, 37.
^ There are also many places of pu-

• Works, xii. 445. t Bull's Serm. iii. Works, i. 76. J Bingham, vi. 688.
§ Johnson's Can, pref, xix. || Soames, 349, 16. 324,
0

18

TRANSUBSTANTIATION.

to have entertained an idea of the same sort: and Alcnin, in
common with many others, supposed that the general conflagra
tion of the world would form a purgatorial fire, through which
the souls which escaped unsinged would pass Into the abodes of
bliss*. But later writers, and among the rest Alfred, adopted
the popular notions of purgatory -f, which were still very different
from the opinions on that subject, established as articles of faith
by the councils of Florence and Trent J. Departed souls between
death and their final judgment were divided into four distinct
places ; the perfect were conveyed to heaven ; the less pure to
paradise ; the impure, who died in penitence, were consigned to
purgatorial flames; and the impenitent to hell''.
§ 16. With regard to the doctrine of transubstantiation, the
opinions of the early fathers concerning It may be seen in Water-
land §; and his account of the history of this tenet is thus given
in a note II : " In the year 787, the second council of Nice began
with a rash determination, that the sacred symbols are not
figures or images at all, but the very body and blood. About
831, Paschaslus Radbertus carried it further, even to transub
stantiation, or somewhat very like to it. The name "of transub
stantiation is supposed to have come in about a,d, 1100, first
mentioned by Hlldebertus Cenomanensis of that time, (p, 689,
edit, Benedict,) a,d, 1215, the doctrine was made an article of
faith by the Lateran council, under Innocent the Third," How
far this doctrine was admitted by the Anglo-Saxon church is
discussed by LingardlT, who shows that the canons, Bede, and
Egbert, use expressions which a member of the church of England
would not use ; but these probably a Protestant might have
adopted, if the question had never been controverted. Bede,
however, introduces language which no one who believed the
doctrine of transubstantiation** could have admitted, particularly

nishment, Lingard, Ang.-Sax. Church,
255, (21,) in which souls suffer in pro
portion to their guilt, before the general
judgment, and in which some are so far
purified, as not to be hurt by the fire of
• Soames, 325. t Il'i'l- 302. + Ibid. 328. § Works, viii. 235.
II Ibid. vii. 182, <1[ Note N, 492. «» Soames, 399, 4, and 406, 5,

the last day. See also Soames, Bamp.
Lect. p. 344. 10, 12.
" On all these questions see also
Usher's Answer to a Jesuit's Challenge.

I,§J6.J

MASS.

19

the words of St, Augustin, quoted in our twenty-ninth Article;
and the testimonies of Rabanus Maurus, and Joannes Scotus
Erigena, who.se tenets were probably derived from the English
school of theology, give us every reason for concluding that this
doctrine never gained a footing in England before the Conquest.
Lingard maintains that the language of Elfrio* Is borrowed from
Bertram'', to which a Roman Catholic would not object, but
which Archbishop Parker deemed so favourable to the opinion
entertained by Protestants, that he published it as conveying a
meaning corresponding nearly with the doctrines of the church
of England. § 17. Private or solitary mass^ was unknown in the early
church *, and for the first nine hundred years there is no form of
ordaining priests, to offer mass for the living and the dead-f" ; but
Bede and Alcuin appear to have esteemed the sacrifice beneficial
for the living!, Bede even for the dead. The same opinion is
expressed by Elfric in his sermon§ ; and In the canons of Edgar,
9 60, the practice of saying mass, as an opus operatum \] , seems clearly
to have been established''. As the custom of paying adoration to

° Elfric says, (Johnson's Canons, 957,
§ 37.) "Housel is Christ's body not
corporally, but spiritually, not the body
in which he suffered, but that body of
which he spake, when he blessed bread
and wine for housel, one night before his
passion, and said of the bread blessed,
This is my body; and again of the wine
blessed, This is my blood, that is shed
for many for the forgiveness of sins,"
&e. See also a sermon of his printed
by the order of Archbishop Parker, under
the title of a " Testimony of Antiquity;"
(Fox's Martyrs, ii. 380;) reprinted in
part. '' Bertram, or Ratram, was a monk of
Corbey in France, about the middle of
the ninth century ; he wrote a tract, De
Corpore et Sanguine Domini, published
in English, 3d edit, Lond, 1686, see §
313. b.

" § 17, The word missa, or mass, was
originally a general name for every part
of the divine service. (Bingham, Ant, v.
9. &c.) Its signification is the same as
the word missio, and it was the form used
iu the Latin church. " Ite missa est,''
at the dismission of the catechumens first,
and then of the whole assembly after
wards. Baronius (sub anno 34, g 59,)
derives it from the Hebrew, It now
denotes the consecrating the bread and
wine into the body and blood of Christ,
and offering that as an expiatory sacrifice
for the quick and dead.
I" § 17. It is there ordered, "that the
priest never celebrate mass alone, (sect.
35,) without some one to make responses
for him," (sect, 37.) "That he never
celebrate more than thrice in one day,"
(sect, 40.) or " without eating the housel,
or consecrated elements."

Bingham, vi, 721.
S P. 29.

t Ibid, i, 255.
II Johnson's Can,

t Lingard, 193. 348,
960, g 35,
C2

20

IMAGE WORSHIP.

the host, and the denial of the cup to the laity", did not begin till
the twelfth century*, it would be unnecessary to search for the
usage of the Anglo-Saxons with regard to these points.
§ 18. No pictures or images-f- were allowed in Christian
churches for the first three hundred years, and there is a positive
decree against them in the council of Elvira, 305 1. Pictures
were introduced during the fourth century, but there were no
representations of the Trinity, nor statues §. It is probable, how
ever, that the worship of them began before 692, since at that
time it was forbidden to exhiblt|| the Saviour under the symbol
of a lamb, or in any other form than the human. When, In
opposition to the council of Constantinople, (754,) at which 338
bishops were present, the second council of Nice (787,) sanc
tioned the worship of images, councils held at Frankfort, Paris 1^,
and In Britain, agreed unanimously in condemning the decree**,
though it was received at Rome. There Is good reason to believe
that image worship did not prevail in England till the middle of
the ninth century; but from the omission of the Second Com
mandment^ in the laws of Alfred-f-f, we. may presume that it was

<^ In Peckham's Constitutions, 1281,
it is ordered that the laity (Johnson's
Can, sect, 1.) be told that the wine
which is given to them is not the sacra
ment, but mere wine, to be drunk for the
more easy swallowing of the sacrament.
In a MS. called Liber Regalis, giving
an account of the coronation of Richard
II., X. D, 1378, in the keeping of the
Dean of Westminster, there is a curious
direction with reference to this point,
" Osculo autem pacis a rege et regina
accepto, descendentes rex et regina de
soliis suis et accedentes humiliter ad al
tare percipient corpus et sanguinem Do
mini de manu archiepiscopi vel episcopi
missam celebrantis, corpore vero Domini
a rege reoepto, ministrabit ei vinum ad
utendum (I presume the wine iu ques
tion,) post perceptionem sacrameuti Ab
bas Westmonasteriensis, vel is qui vicem

ejus pro tempore gerit, prout dictum est,
de calice lapideo de regalibus," &c. &e.
This appears to have been an interme
diate step in the progress of withdrawing
the cup ; the denial was canonicaUy sanc
tioned at the council of Constance,
" Bede gives a copy of the Decalogue,
in which the Second Commandment is
left out, (Soames, Bampton Lectures,
249.) and the Tenth divided; so that the
Ninth is, "Thou shalt not covet thy
neighbour's wife," the Tenth, " Nor his
house," &c. There are other instances
to the same effect, Alfred's version is as
follows ; it stands prefixed to his laws : —
"I. The Lord was speaking these
words to Moyses, and thus sayth ; (248.)
I am the Lord thy God, I led thee out
from jEgipts' land, and from their sla
very. Love thou not other strange Gods
over me.

• Bingham's Ant, vi. 813. 772, t I^'d. iii. 249.
Ibid. 260. g Ibid. 257. || Ibid. 260. ^ Ibid, 257,
•' Johnson's Can, pref, 18, ff Johnson's Can, 877, 48, a.

I, § 18. J INTERCESSION OF SAINTS AND THE VIRGIN MARY.

21

established before that time, though there does not appear to have
been much zeal for it till after the Conquest. As the figures of
the Virgin Mary'' and the saints were among the first M'hich were
introduced, the history of the intercesslonal worship paid to them
is probably closely connected with the former, and contempora
neous with it. In 678, Benedict imported a picture of the Virgin
Mary from Rome, and the Saxon services for the dedication of
churches imply a belief In a local superintendence of the saint
over those who applied to him, while, by the Canons of Cealc
hythe, relics are ordered to be used in the consecration of places
of worship*. The Canons of Theodulf place the doctrine of the
Saxon church of that time in the clearest light -f-. The layman
is there directed, that " having worshipped his Creator only, let
him call upon the saints, and pray that they would intercede for
him to God; first to Saint Mary, and afterwards to all God's
saints"."

"II, Utter thou not my name in vain :
for thou beest not guiltless with me, if
thou in vain utterest my name.
"III. Mind that thou hallow the
resting day. Work thou six days, and
on the seventh, rest you ; thou, and thy
son, and thy daughter, and thy slave,
and thy maidservant, and thy working
cattle, and the comer who is within thy
doors : for in six days Christ wrought
the heavens and the earth, seas, and all
creatures that iu them are, and rested
himself on the seventh day; and there
fore the Lord hallowed it.
" IV. Honor thy father and thy mo
ther whom the Lord gave thee, that thou
be a long Uver on the earth.
"V. Slay not thou.
"VI. Steal not thou.
"VII. Lie not thou secretly.
" VIII. Say not thou false witness
against thy neighbour.
" IX. Desire thou not thy neighbour's
inheritance with unright.
" X. Work thou not golden gods, or
silveren," — Exod. xx, 23.

These are also printed in Johnson's
Canons, 877, and in Archbishop Park
er's Testimony of Antiquity, in which
last the order of the commandments
against stealing and adultery is not trans
posed as it is here.
•> For the history of the origin of the
worship of the Virgin Mary, see Fr.
Paul's History of the Council of Trent,
p. 170.
' This doctrine of the church of Rome
is, I believe, as much misunderstood by
Protestants as perverted by Roman Ca
tholics. Roman CathoUcs would assert
that they prayed before the image, and
not to it; and that they requested the
prayer of the saint in heaven as St.
Paul did that of the faithful on earth :
but the Protestant, while he believes
that to pay any rehgious respect to an
image is a, breach of the Second Com
mandment, (Exod, XX. 4 — 6,) even if it
do not amount to idolatry, may feel con.
vinced in his own mind that many une
ducated persons are guilty of the actual
sin in the worship which is paid to the

• Johnson's Can. 816, 2.

t Ibid. 994, 23,

22

RELICS.

§ 19. Closely connected with this subject Is the religious
veneration which was paid to relics. Respect for everything
which has belonged to those whom we admire, is so consistent
with right feeling, that from the very earliest period great regard
and attention must naturally have been paid by Christians to the
mortal remains of such persons as had gone before them in the
Lord; but nothing resembling worship was used towards such
relics*, till after the time of St. Augustin. The line between
religious veneration and worship Is so nice, that from the earliest
days perhaps some individuals offended in this particular; and we
find that our Saxon forefathers were early led to regard such
remains with more than due reverence, through the attention
which was paid to them by their first teachers. Gregory, among
the presents which he sent to Augustin, soon after his arrival in
England, transmitted certain relics. And in the eighth century,
the number of persons who were anxious to pay their devotions f
near the bodies of the previous archbishops of Canterbury, depo
sited in the church of St. Peter and St. Paul, induced Cuthbert,
before 759, to direct that his own remains should be buried in the
cathedral church. This question produced a vehement altercation
between the monks, who claimed the body, and the clergy of the
cathedral who detained It,

brass image of St. Peter, in St, Peter's,
Rome. Nor is it easy to comprehend
how reference can be made to anything
but the image, when a rivalry is supposed
to exist between different images of the
Virgin or of the same saint : or how a
college can be dedicated to St. Mary of
Winton, unless some peculiar sanctity be
attached to the image, which can alone
possess a local existence. God must
judge of the question ; but it is a heavy
charge to have caused even one weak
brother to offend. — It maybe remarked,
too, that to request the intercession of
the dead, is founded on no authority of
Scripture, and contrary to the custom of
the primitive church. Bingh.-im's Ant.
V. p, 75, The first form in which the

adoration of saints (Soames, Bamp. Lect,
216. 5,) was introduced into the Anglo-
Saxon chiu'ch seems to have been a
prfiyer to God, that his servants on earth
might be benefited by the intercession
of his saints in heaven, (e.g.) " Da nobis
Domine qua;sumus, beati Stephani proto-
martyris intercessione adjuvari, ut qui
pro suis exoravit lapidatoribus, pro suis
intercedere dignetur veneratoribus, per
Jes. Xt. D. N," A trace of this is to be
found iu the subsequent form of " Oret
pro nobis," but before the Conquest it
had got to the equivocal " Or," and to
the distinct (220.) " Ora," and "Orate,"
in which the prayer was addressed to tho
saint, (221,)

Bingham's Ant, .\. 113.

t Lingard, 262.

I. § 20,] PIGRIMAGES, CONFESSION, 23
§ 20, Under the same head must bo ranked the abuse of
pilgrimages; for while kept within the bounds of reason, and
referred only to the effect upon the mind of the person visiting
the scenes of Christian history, little objection can be raised
against them. It appears that pilgrimages to Jerusalem had
become common among the English In the fourth century, and,
from the objections which St. Jerom makes with regard to
them*, that a superstitious value had been attached to such
journeys undertaken with a religious view ; but in after-times
Rome became an object of easier approach, and afforded more
numerous attractions. Ethelwulff went there in 855 with great
magnificence and splendid presents, and in his journey was
accompanied by his son Alfred, then a boy. It is not perhaps
too much to presume, that the future greatness of this monarch
was promoted by this early visit to a more polished state of
society, nor need we refer the journeys of seven other British
kings, who each sought the metropolis of Christian Europe, to
mere blind superstition, or view their conduct in a very different
light from that in which we should regard the coming to London
of some heathen monarch, who had derived his knowledge of
Christianity from an English missionary. The frequency, how
ever, of these pilgrimages was a great evil. Boniface, in his letter
to Cuthbert, 747+, speaks of English women, who, having set out
on a religious errand, had disgraced the character of pilgrims by
their licentious conduct in almost every city In Europe. Pilgrim
ages are often ordered in the penitential canons §, and in extreme
cases the penance is imposed of a perpetual waudering from one
place of religious resort to another, in which the penitent Avas
never to remain two nights in the same residence || .
§ 21 . With regard to confession and penance, the tenets of
the churches of England and. Rome differ In these respects. Both
hold that without confession to God, and sincere repentance,
there is no forgiveness of sins ; but they differ as to the necessity
of confessing to a priest, and of obtaining absolution from him,
The church of England, in cases of gross sins, where the oon-
* Usher, Ant. Brit, 109, p. f Lingard, 159. rj: Johnson's Can, pref, 747.
§ Ibid. 740, 963, || Ibid, 963, § 64,

24

COMMUTATION OP PENANCE,

science Is troubled, advises its members to confess their sins to a
priest, and has enjoined a form of absolution. The church of
Rome denies that there Is any hope of pardon from God, except
through confession, and the absolution of a priest. The Pro
testant minister is the adviser of his penitent, the Roman Catholic
assumes too the character of his judge ; and in this, the rule of
our church corresponds with the practice of the primitive Chris
tians during the four first centuries*. The directions given in
Theodulf 's Capitulaf resemble much more the custom of the
church of England than that of Rome, enjoining confession to
God, and recommending confession to a priest, on the ground of
the advice to be received from him ; nor would there remain any
doubt of the agreement of the Anglo-Saxon church with that of
England, were It not for the rules laid down among the directions
given concerning discipline. In which the penance^ Is spoken of
as a satisfaction for sin J, The penances generally imposed are
fasting, wandering, laying aside arms and external pomp, a change
of clothes §, not allowing Iron to come near the nails or hair,
"Much of the satisfaction of sin," says the Canon ||, "maybe
redeemed by alms-deeds ;" an observation which is followed by a
long account of the commutation of penance, wherebj^ a rich man
may buy off the penances imposed on him by finding other

" One difiicidty with regard to this
question between the Protestant and
Roman Catholic arises from the word
pmniteniia, which a Roman CathoUc
would translate " penance," in its se
condary or theological sense; whereas
the Greek is perdvoia, or repentance.
" Repent ye, for the kingdom of heaven
is at hand," Ijy being translated through
the Latin, is rendered "Do penance, for
the," &c. The fruit of repentance, for
which a Protestant minister would look,
is a proof of the sorrow of heart in the
penitent, expressing itself in his outward
conduct. A severe penance, voluntarily
siibmitted to, may strongly testify such
godly contrition ; stUl he will never es
teem this a satisfaction for sin. But I

wherever a reguliir system of penances
is enjomed, it is difficult to understand
how they can be enforced, unless the
custom of auricular confession be at the
same time established. If then the
Penitential of Theodore were in use in
England, as probably it was, it seems
fair also to conclude that confession was
necessarily joined with it. Those civil
laws which confirm the penances imposed
by the church prove nothing to the point;
(Johnson, 877, 1 ; 925, 7,) for in each
case the offence is of such a nature, as
might be known without any private
confession. See, on the whole of this
question, Soames, Bamp. Lect. V. and
the illustrations.

* Bingham's Ant. vi. 871, viii, 117. 130; Burton, ii. and iii. cent. 338,
t Johnson, 994, 30, + Ibid. 963, s, 57, 68, § Ibid, 963, 64, || Ibid, 67,

I, § 21,J

CELIBACY OP THE CLERGY.

persons who will join with him In his fasting, and thus lighten
the severity of the discipline by dividing it among a greater
number. It should be observed, however, that this Is strictly
forbidden in 747*; and Dunstan imposed, and Edgar submitted
to, a seven years' penance, of not wearing his crown, as a punish
ment for deflouring a nun.
§ 22, The question of the celibacy of the clergy is one which
involves this difficulty, that it Is not clear, even now, whether the
church of Rome esteem it an apostolical tradition or an ecclesias
tical lawf-; i. e. whether it cannot, or can, be dispensed with by
the authority of the church. A Protestant would say, that no
church can possess the right of depriving a priest of his orders, in
consequence of his marrying, because such a step would not be
sanctioned by Scripture ; but the laws of a Roman Catholic
country must have the same authority to deprive him of his pre
ferment, as the law of England has to say, that a married priest
shall not continue to hold his fellowship. The early practice of
the Christian church was clearly In favour of the marriage of the
clergy I , No vow of celibacy was required of them at their
ordination for the three first centuries, and many were married.
At the council of Nice, 325 §, It was In vain endeavoured to
impose this restraint upon churchmen; but It seems to have been
unusual for clergymen to marry after ordination ||, The custom
ofthe Greek churchU was settled at the council of Trullo, 692,
in which it was ordained, that bishops only should separate them
selves from their wives, while all other orders were allowed to
dwell with them; and the church of Rome was rebuked for the
contrary law. The answers of Gregory to Augustin Imply that
the regulations of the Roman church had been made In England**
from the very first^'. The Canons of Ecgbright, of Elfric, the

" The words in Johnson are loosely
translated "any of the inferior clergy;"
clerici extra sacros ordines constituti.
The orders in the Roman church are.

ostiary, lector, exorcist, acolyth, sub-
deacon, deacon, priest. (Johnson, 957,
1" — 17.) Elfric allows of no distinction
between a bishop and a priest, but the

• Johnson, 747, 27; 963, post 77. t Jurieu's Council of Trent, 487,
t Bingham, ii. 162. § Ibid. 155. || Ibid. 156. f Ibid. 168.
*• Johnson's Can. 601, 1 ; 740, 15. 28. 31. 32. 159 ; 957, 1. 5. 7. 8; 963 40
994, 12; 1009, I. 2; 1017, 6. '

26

MONASTIC ESTABLISHMENTS.

Penitential Canons of Edgar, Theodulf's Capitula, the Canons
of Eanham, and the laws of Canute, all imply that this was the
law of the church ; and the only testimony which seems to favour
the contrary side of the argument appears to be founded on a
misinterpretation''. But whatever might have been the law, the
practice seems to have been diametrically opposite, at least after
the Danish Invasion; and the severity threatened in all the later
canons proves the difficulty of enforcing this unscriptural regu
lation. The temper of mind generated by It Is pretty clearly
marked by other canons, which ordain that no woman should
approach the altar while mass was saying*; and that no woman,
not even a mother, should live in the house with a priest f, lest
the visits of other women should tempt him to sin. The struggle
as to this point forms the chief feature in the later history of the
Anglo-Saxon church; but the question is far too extensive to be
fully discussed within our limits, though a brief outline of it may
be useful. § 23. The earliest ecclesiastical establishments consisted of
the bishop and his clerks, who lived together on a property
common to them all, and managed by the bishop. These were
governed by a rule or canon, and were called canonici, or canons.
As the diffusion of Christianity into the district surrounding the
cathedral church called for the erection of more places of worship,
parish churches were gradually established, the services in which
were supplied by some member of the general society ; and when
benefices distinct also in their property were founded, the secular
clergy, under the direction of the bishop, rose by degrees into
existence. But besides these, there was a class of persons, origi
nally not strictly speaking ecclesiastics, but who after a time

power of ordaining, confirming, conse
crating churches, .and taking care of
God's rights. This, too, is the law of
Ecgbright, The four first orders were
not sacred, and those in them might
marry, (740, 159.)
^ The thirty-fifth section of the laws
of the Northumbrian priests ordains; "If
a priest dismiss one wife, and take
" Johnson's Can, 960, 44.

another, let him be anathema," (950,
35,) The probable meaning of which
is, " If a priest with a view to ordination
has given up one wife, and then taken
another afterwards;" which is the very
sin spoken of in the canons of Eanham,
and the Penitential Canons, (1009, 2;
963, 40.) t Ibid, 994, 12,

I. § 23.] PROGRESS OP ERROR. 27
generally became so, living together under more strict regulations
than the canons, and guided by some peculiar rule, in England
generally that of St. Benedict. There can be little doubt, that
in the earlier stages of society, monastic institutions were of very
great utility. They formed an Independent landlord, anxious for
peace, and able and willing to introduce improvements. They
contained and fostered the little learning which existed in the
country. They encouraged the arts of architecture and Its ad
juncts % and established manufactures ; thus forming a middle
class of men, whose combination might afford a salutary check to
the power of the crown or the aristocracy. No person suffered so
much by the irruption of the Danes as the inhabitants of monas
teries. They were possessed of wealth without any means of
defending it, and their destruction became general. During these
periods of confusion, the mass of the clergy appear to have become
married ; and when peace was re-established, the higher clergy,
who were friendly to the Roman see, as Dunstan, and his col
leagues Oswald and Ethelwold, proceeded with all activity to
eject the married clergy, and re-establish the monks. For it
should not be forgotten, that it was justly argued at the council
of Trent*, that the principal reason why priests are forbidden to
marry is, that it is plain that married priests will, through their
affection to their wives and families, and the ties thus formed with
their countries, lose that dependance on the apostolic see which
constituted the strength of the ecclesiastical hierarchy.
It may be observed, that the use of holy water -f- is enjoined,
and the burning of lights | In churches, and that the service was
performed In the Latin language. That priests are directed to
preach every Sunday, and to explain the Lord's Prayer, the
Creed, and the Gospel, to the people,
§ 24, If then it be asked, whether the doctrines of the
Anglo-Saxon church corresponded more nearly to those of the
church of Rome or of England, it will be impossible to return an

" The illuminators of MSS. in this
country, were in the end of the tenth
century surpassed by none but those of

the Greek school. ArcliEEologia, vol. xxiv.
p. 26.

* Fr. Paul, 635. + Johnson's Can. 816, § 2 ; 960, § 43, :{: Ibid. 960, 42,

28 REAL DANGER OP ERRONEOUS OPINIONS.
answer, without Inquiring how far the tenets of the Roman
Catholic of that period agreed with the decisions of the council of
Trent : and in all probability it would be found that the difference
between the doctrines of the church of Rome at different periods
was much greater, than that which existed between the Anglo-
Saxon church and the church of Rome of the same date. The
progress of error can never be very rapid, and the conclusions of
the council of Trent must have required a growth of many years.
Fancies are first converted into opinions by the authority of those
who have entertained them, and interest adopts opinions which
have been once admitted, to sanction unwarrantable demands. It
was thus that a belief in purgatory was first received, and then
became the origin of many ecclesiastical foundations ; it was thus
that the priesthood first persuaded men to believe In transubstan
tiation, and then converted It into a means of augmenting their
own personal dignity, as conferring a distinctive pre-eminence on
those to whom this power of working a perpetual miracle was
committed. With this view of the subject, it is probable that we
should find the church of Rome of that day nearer to the present
doctrines of the church of England than the decrees of the council
of Trent are. And as the Anglo-Saxon church was, from Its
situation and distance from Rome, not likely to receive every new
invention as It was framed, we might expect that her tenets would
be nearer our own, not only than those entertained by Rome now,
but than those which were then maintained In Italy. And this
is precisely the conclusion to vidiich the previous examination bas
arrived, as far it has gone.
§ 25. But if It be asked, how far these erroneous views had
drawn our forefathers from the vital principles of Christianity, the
question must require the greatest caution, even In one who was
thoroughly versed In the subject ; must be answered as a matter
of opinion rather than as a point of history ; and ought only to be
discussed, because the great use of history Is to teach us, through
the example of others, the dangers to which we are ourselves
exposed. And first it may be premised, that it is not the abstract
belief in erroneous doctrines which perverts the faith of the Chris
tian, but the tendency which such errors have to undermine the

I. § 25.] INADEQUATE VIEWS OP THE SAXONS. 29
essentials of our religion. He who believes In the existence of a
purgatory, may still seek for salvation, and an escape from every
future punishment, through his Saviour's blood ; It Is only when
he learns to confide In some other means of safety, that the idea
of purgatory will practically destroy his faith In Christ. The
Christian may believe in transubstantiation, and still receive the
elements with humble reliance on the great sacrifice made once
for all ; but when he believes that the providing of masses can
benefit his own soul, or that of others, he begins to lose sight of
the atonement, and to seek for a new means of reconciliation.
There is perhaps no reason why an individual holding wrong
opinions of this sort may not trust in the same Rock on which
our faith is built, but the tendency of such opinions is to lead
those who entertain them from relying on God, who Is the Giver,
to relying on the means which God has appointed whereby we
partake of his gifts.
§ 26, And this probably we shall find to have been the case
among the Anglo-Saxons ; for a very Inadequate view of the
atonement seems to pervade many of the documents of their faith
which have come down to us. When the great features of Chris
tianity are directly brought forward, they are perfectly correct ;
some of the prayers, for Instance, given by Turner*, mark great
piety and most correct views of the Trinity, the atonement, and
sanctification. So In the homily on the Catholic faith It is
saldf, " The holy Father created and made mankind through his
Son, and he desires through the same to redeem us from hell
punishment, wdien we were utterly undone ;" but then the same
homily adds, towards the end|, " Come then, let us earn that
eternal life with God, through this belief, and through good
desenings C expressions which a believer in the eleventh article
would never have used. In another, the writer speaks of redeeming
transgressions by almsgiving §: upon the death of a bishop, alms
are directed to be given out of his property, and his slaves to be set
free, " that by this means he may deserve to receive the fruit of
• in. 490, 491. t Soames, Bamp, Lect, 63.
X Ibid- 65. § Turner, iii, 476.

so INADEQUATE VIEWS OP THE SAXONS.
retribution for his labours, and also forgiveness of sins*." Alwyn,
founder of Ramsay, desired the monks to pray for him-]-, " and
to place their merits in balance against his defects ;" and a monk
prays for Edgar |, "that his good deeds may overbalance his
evil deeds, and shield his soul at the last day." More examples
of the same sort might be found, if the Penitential Canons -were
consulted ; but these are quite sufficient to prove that the fruit of
unorthodox doctrines had grown up with the admission of those
opinions ; and though we may bring forward the Anglo-Saxon
church as not having admitted all the errors of Rome, yet when
we would defend ourselves from the attacks of our enemies, we
must at once fall back upon the Bible, and profess ourselves ready
to amend whatever part of our faith or practice does not corre
spond with the lively oracles of God, They possessed the Bible
in their native language, yet they admitted the traditions of men,
and were perverted so far as not to place their faith and confidence
entirely In their Redeemer's blood. They buried their faith under
a mass of unauthorized observances, and partially lost sight of that
which Is chiefly valuable in the Gospel. There were many errors
which had not yet been introduced, but the way was fully pre
pared for their admission.
¦• Johnson's Can, 816, 10, t Liugard, 251, + Ibid, 278.

II. §51.] 31

CHAPTER IL
FROM THE CONQUEST, 1066, TO THE PREACHING OF
WICLIF, 1356.
51. View to be taken of the Church history ot this period. 62. William I, 53.
Growth of the power of Rome, 54, William Rufus and Anselm. 55. Henry;
celibacy of the clergy, 56. Stephen. 57. Henry II. 58. Becket, 59,
Death and character of Becket. 60. The first heretics ptmished in England.
CI. Interference of Rome with England. 62. John. 63. Deposed by the
pope. 64, Henry III. 66. Robert Greathead, Bishop of Lincoln. 66.
Edward I. 67. Growth of the papal power. 68, The contest was a tem
poral one. 69. The Church taxes itself, 70, Strength and weakness of the
Roman power.
§ 51 . The church history of this period can be vieM'ed In no other
light than as a continual struggle between the ecclesiastical and
civil power ; and there will be little else to record than the
methods by which the mitre triumphed over the crown, and the
crown invaded the rights and property of the church.
It will not perhaps be necessary to say much of the steps by
which the erroneous doctrines of the church of Rome gradually
overspread that of England; for the seeds of these innovations
were abundantly sown before the Conquest, and the Introduction
of foreign ecclesiastics, connected closely with papal policy, would
effectually tend to foster their growth. The history of the papal
errors in England would not differ from that of the same errors in
Italy, and we shall hereafter have to regard them as the causes of
the Reformation,
In estimating the character of such events, or of the individuals
engaged in them, we shall hardly arrive at a correct view of the
subject, if we form our Ideas on the standard of present opinions.
If Anselm and Becket be regarded as champions In the cause of
ecclesiastical prerogative, as advocating the privileges of the church
against the arbitrary proceedings of the crown, we shall perhaps
form a different judgment of their conduct from that which must
result from viewing them as ministers of the Gospel. Their cause
unfortunately was little connected M'ith that of Christianity; yet

32

WILLIAM I.

[a.d. 1066.

their firmness, and the manner in which they conducted that cause,
may excite our admiration of them as men.
§ 52. William the Conqueror, though he invaded England
under the sanction of a papal grant, nevertheless maintained the
authority belonging to the crown, and proved that he was the
head of ecclesiastical as well as civil power in his kingdom, by
subjecting all church property to the services which were demanded
from other lands. This had become absolutely necessary ; for It
Is said, that according to Doomsday book, seven-fifteenths of the
kingdom were in the hands of spiritual persons, who had hereto
fore furnished scarcely anything for the support of the state. As
a further proof of his supremacy, he forbade churchmen, unless
they had previously obtained his permission, to leave the kingdom
— to acknowledge any one as pope — to publish letters from Rome
— to excommunicate any persons connected with himself — to
hold councils, or make canons.
Most of the larger preferments were now transferred Into the
hands of Normans, who had accompanied the invasion, and much
tyranny seems to have been used towards the chief members of
the English church, many of whom were expelled from their
benefices, or frightened into involuntary resignations. Wilham
ejected them by means of legates from Pope Alexander II., whose
admission Introduced an authority into the kingdom, of which he
himself was little afraid, however dangerous It might prove to a
successor; for he rejected the demands of homage made by Gre
gory VIL, and would allow that Peter's pence should be sent to
Rome on no other ground than as a benefaction. In separating,
too, the ecclesiastical and civil courts, he made an alteration of
which he did not foresee the extent, for this step greatly assisted
the clergy In establishing their claim to a separate jurisdiction*.

" In Saxon times, the sheriff or earl
had properly the government of the
county ; but the bishop was always asso
ciated with hun in judicial matters, and
they together went a circuit twice a year,
holding in every hundred a court called
the Tourn. In ecclesiastical matters,
the bishop sat as judge, and the sheriff

assisted him by iuflicting temporal
punishments ; when civil offences were
tried, the sheriff' was judge, and the
bishop his coadjutor. This joint juris
diction was now dissolved ; for William
ordained that no bishop or archdeacon
should submit to the judgment of any
secular person a cause which related to

II. § 53.]

WlLLIA.M I.

S3

§ 53. William had little reason to dread the power of the
Vatican, first, because that formidable authority was not yet fully
established; but, secondly, because he made himself strong at
home, and confined his tyranny^ to those whom he had conquered;
whereas the injustice of his successors being directed against men
who ought to have furnished them with support, rendered the
Interference of the pope a benefit to a portion of their subjects.
For it must never be forgotten that the influence of Rome gene
rally owed its origin and extent to the vices and oppressions of the
kings who were in their turn the victims of it. The property of
the bishopric was a benefit to society. The church In those days
formed a balance between the crown and aristocracy, of which the
weight would, under ordinary circumstances, be generally thrown
into the scale of peace, and on the side of the middle and lower
orders. The election to the see was vested in the chapter or
monastery, and the appointment of a bishop furnished the church,
and all who held under it or were connected with its interests,
with a person of such a station in society as might be able to
defend their cause against the aggression of the military baron or
his dependents. When therefore the crown appropriated to itself
the temporalities of the bishopric, by keeping it void for a season,
a vast number of persons were deprived of the advantages which
they naturally looked for from their ecclesiastical superior. No
ecclesiastical authority in England was adequate to cope with this
evil, for the power of the crown was more than sufficient to oppress
any individual bishop ; but in times of difficulty, the discontent
of a large body of the native subjects, gave great strength to any

the cure of souls, but that such cases
should be brought before the bishop, at
such places as he should appoint, and be
there decided according to the canons
and the episcopal law : that those who
refused to obey the summons of the
bishop should be excommunicated, and
the assistance of the king or the sheriff
called in : and that no layman whatever
should intromit any matter which pro
perly belonged to the bishop's court.
Abridged from Reeve's History of
English Law, p. 6 and 64,

' There is one instance of tyranny with
which the memory of William I. is gene
rally loaded, which it may be allowed an
inhabitant of Hampsliire to refute. He
is ordinarily accused of depopulating a
large tract of country for the purpose of
forming the New Forest. The soil, how
ever, in this district is such, that it could
never have been much uihabited, and the
act, however arbitrary, could not have
produced any real distress.

34

AVILLIAM RUFUS,

[a.d. 1087,

foreign authority which advocated the cause of the sufferers, A
patriotic churchman, with the full conviction of the evils arising
from such oppreslon, exercised over the body to which he
belonged, might fly to any tribunal which could furnish him with
assistance 5 and most certainly the court of Rome would never
have acquired that power which was afterwards so misused, if the
commencement of its exercise had not been really useful to many
persons labouring under oppression. William Rufus kept the see
of Canterbury vacant above four years, and when through com
punction of conscience, arising from sickness, he had nominated
Anselm to the primacy, the warm yet just remonstrances of the
archbishop created at first an unpleasantness, and at last an open
rupture, between himself and the king. Anselm properly exhorted
him to fill up all vacant preferments, and admonished his sovereign,
that though God had made him the protector of the church, he
had not constituted him the proprietor of it**.
§ 54. By a law of William I., every churchman was for
bidden to leave the kingdom, or to acknowledge any one as pop6
without the permission 'of the king; and he had prevented
Lancfranc and Thomas from going to Rome to receive the pall.
Yet Anselm (1095) sought to do so while at variance with
William IL, and even consulted the bishops at the council of
Rockingham whether his obedience to Urban, whom Rufus had
not recognised as pope, were compatible with his obedience to the
king ; declaring at the same time the reluctance which he had
felt towards accepting the station which he now held, and his
determination to obey the successor of St. Peter.
William, with that folly which often marks the conduct of
those who are determined to gratify their own wishes without
regarding the consequences, agreed to acknowledge Urban as
pope, provided he on his part would depose Anselm. A legate
was accordingly sent from Rome, who, when he had been received

'' Before the Conquest, the temporali
ties during a vacancy had been placed in
the hands of the diocesan or archbishop
of the province. Under the Conqueror,
they had been sequestered in the hands
of churchmen, who were forced to ac

count for the proceeds ; but Rufus kept
them in his own, or let them out to farta
for his profit. At his detith he was en
joying the income of One archbishopric,
four bishoprics, and eleven abbeys.
Ling, Hist, ii, 134.

II, § 54.]

WILLIAM RUFUS,

35

and procured the acknowledgment of his master, confirmed Anselm
in his see, as a dutiful son of the church. Considering the circum
stances under which he was placed, we cannot wonder at the
attachment of the primate to Rome; but at the moment it proved
but of little benefit to him ; for he was forced to avoid the imme
diate anger of his sovereign by flying into France, from whence he
proceeded into Italy; and when the pope made an application for
his return, William answered, that Anselm, in leaving the king
dom, had justly incurred those penalties under which he was
suffering, and that the pope was wrong in advocating his cause.
During his stay at Rome, he gained himself great credit at two
councils which were held by Urban, in the last of which the
canon against lay Investitures was established".
§ 55. The dlflScultles inseparable from the beginning of a
reign, founded on an unjust title, made Henry I. seek for popu
larity by the recall of Anselm ; but one of the first acts of the
archbishop was the refusal of homage founded on the beforenamed
canon. The necessities of the king produced a truce, but the
absurd demands of Pascal II, soon put an end to every appearance

" Investiture was a ceremony per
formed by giving a staff and ring to the
bishop elect, which put him iuto posses
sion of the spiritualities, as homage did
of the temporalities, Gregory VIL, who
began to pave the way to that universal
monarchy which in isubsequent times the
popes nearly obtained (a, d, 1074), for
bade princes, under pain of excommuni
cation, to make use of investiture, the
object of which canon was to break off as
much as possible all connexion between
ecclesiastics and the civil authorities.
The importance of the ceremony con
sisted in the real power it gave with
respect to the nomination, since it con
ferred, on the party possessed of the
right, a sort of power of annulling the
election. In the frequent instances which
we have of disputed elections to the see
of Canterbury, the monks claimed to
themselves the sole choice, and the court
of Rome supported them against the suf
fragan bishops of the diocese, who de

manded a share in the election. But the
crown also claimed its influence, which
in the I2th article of the Constitutions of
Clarendon is thus expressed. Having
declared that vacant preferments shall
be in the king's hands, it proceeds, " Et
cum ventum fuerit ad consulendum eccle-
siam, debet Dominus rex mandare poti-
ores personas ecclesiae," (send his man
date to the chief parsons of the church.
Johnson's Canons, 1164, 12.) "et iu
capella ipsius regis debet fieri electio,
assensu ipsius regis et consilio person-
arum regni, quas ad hoe faciendum ad-
vocaverit." The person elect shall then
do homage, &c. If this custom then had
been established, and the king had pos
sessed the power of investiture as well as
right of homage, the real nomination
would practically have been in his hands ;
and unfortunately many royal appoint
ments were little better than sales of the
preferments,
D 2

36 HENRY 1. [a.d. 1100.
of peace; Henry declaring that no subject should remain in
England who refused to do homage, while Anselm withdrew to
his province, and defied all earthly power. In a council held at
Winchester, it was determined to refer the matter to the pope ;
but the conduct of Pascal was so deceitful, that the accounts
brought back by the envoys of the king and archbishop were at
total variance with each other. Anselm himself soon after went
to Rome at the request of Henry, when a decree of the papal chair
seemed to put an end to all hopes of reconciliation. At length,
however, Henry was induced by the threat of excommunication to
submit to a compromise, and to give up the right of investiture,
the church at the same time allowing its members to do homage
for the temporalities.
In endeavouring to promote the liberty of ecclesiastical elec
tions, Anselm might have been acting on sound principles; but the
earnestness with which he insisted that the Archbishop of York
should acknowledge the superiority of the see of Canterbury was
so closely connected with his own prerogative, that it suggests the
idea that much of his conduct owed Its origin to spiritual pride.
As an advocate for the papal authority, he of course insisted on
the celibacy of the clergy, which was one of the most powerful
engines by which this foreign jurisdiction was supported. The
repeated canons against the marriage of the clergy prove how
difficult it was to enforce this restraint ; and there is a letter sent
from the pope to Anselm, in 1107, allowing him to ordain and
advance the sons of clergymen, " because the greatest and best
part of the priesthood in England consisted of such persons."
§ 56. The papal power continued to extend itself by making
use of every advantage which the weakness and vices of our
sovereigns afforded. Thus after the usurpation of Stephen, which
was sanctioned by Rome, Albericus, bishop of Ostia, held a synod
at Westminster, where he promulgated canons on the sole autho
rity of the pope, and Interfered In the election of Theobald to the
see of Canterbury. So again Stephen, by faithlessly seizing the
persons of Roger, bishop of Sai-um, and his nephew the bishop of
Lincoln, at Oxford, paved the way to an act of unjustifiable
audacity on the part of his own brother, the bishop of Winchester,

II. § 56.] STEPHEN. 37
who summoned him to answer for his conduct (a. d. 1139), and
then arrogating to the clergy the right of appointing kings,
declared in favour of Matilda and her son. The facility with
which oaths and declarations were then made and broken, while
perjury was almost sanctioned by the dispensations of Rome and
her emissaries, is one of the many proofs which might be produced,
that the cause of the church was far from being that of God".
The papal power was the only one which -was advanced by the
miseries of England during this period. Her king was deprived
of his patronage, and of the fidelity of his subjects, while the
clergy were subjected to a foreign legate, celibacy was more
strongly insisted on, and most of their causes were ultimately
carried to Rome ; by degrees too, many abbeys were freed from
episcopal jurisdiction, holding directly from the see of Rome, and
forming ecclesiastical garrisons prepared for its defence.
§ 57. Henry II, found the power of the church greatly aug
mented during the reign of Stephen, and though a wise prince, he
contributed to extend that jurisdiction over the whole world which
was arrogated by the court of Rome, when he accepted a grant of
Ireland from the pope. Few monarehs, however, have more
severely felt the ill effects of exalting the hierarchy, and that at
the hands of a favourite, whose aid he had expected In repressing
them. Thomas Becket was born in London, educated at Oxford,
Paris, and Bologna, and by the influence of Theobald was made
chancellor of England (1158). Upon the death of that prelate
he was appointed his successor In the see of Canterbury, though
only in deacon's orders, and notwithstanding the remonstrances of
many of the king's friends, who endeavoured to dissuade him from
putting so much power Into the hands of one, who with ambitious
views possessed talents 'which would render him formidable. The
courtier, now converted into an ecclesiastic, assumed a severity of
conduct corresponding with his station, and discarded that levity
for which he had been before conspicuous. The point on which
the interests of the archbishop and the king first came into com-
• Fuller says, " Deahng with oaths as 1 pjiss, (iii, p, 25. § ?9.) saying them for-
seanien do with the points of the com- | wards and backwards."

38

HENRY II. BUCKET.

[a.d. 1161.

petition, regarded the punishment of ecclesiastical persons guilty
of notorious crimes, of which unfortunately, at that time, there
were too many examples.
This question was discussed in a council at Westminster
(1163), and Becket and the other bishops agreed to observe the
customs of the realm such as they existed in the time of Henry I.,
but added the clause of "saving their order," a reservation which
virtually maintained, that no clerk, though degraded, should be
subjected to the civil power, for the same offence for which he had
been deprived of his orders ; and this upon the principle that a
man shall not be twice punished for the same crime. Wheif the
Constitutions of Clarendon" were drawn up, Becket at first
(1164), with much reluctance, promised to observe them, and to
submit to whatever else was the law in the time of Henry I, ; but
he subsequently obtained a dispensation from his oath. When he
had attempted to leave the kingdom, and was driven back by
contrary winds, a violent persecution was begun against him In a
parliament held at Northampton. He had violated those laws
which he had before sworn to observe, and was justly liable to
punishment ; but it was not of this that they accused him ; he
was sued under frivolous, if not false pretences, and at last ordered
to give in an account of the moneys received by him while chan
cellor. The day after this unreasonable demand, he entered the
hall in his pontificals, observed a dignified conduct towards his
opponents, and when threatened by the Earl of Leicester, declared,
that all claims on him had been discharged when he was made

' They were established at Clarendon
near Salisbury, and ai'e in number six
teen. (Johnson's Canons, 1164,) Their
object is to preserve the rights of the
crown. (2, 14.) To prevent appeals
from being made to any foreign court.
(4, 8.) To restrain the carrying of causes
into ecclesiastical courts, (1, 15,) and
the exercise of an undue (5,) or inquisi
torial power (6.) in those courts, while
their just rights were preserved, by the
aid of temporal authority. (10,13.) To
regulate ecclesiastical elections, so that

the appointment might not fall into the
hands of the pope, (12.) To subject
ecclesiastical property to civil service,
(11.) and churchmen to the jurisdiction
of the ordinary courts of law, so far that
it might be known what cognizance was
claimed by the ecclesiastical power, and
how the offending parties were punished,
(3, 9.) To screen persons connected
with the king from the immediate influ
ence of ecclesiastical censures, (7.) anil
to prevent the ordination of slaves, unless
with the consent of their masters, (16.)

II, § 57.] UE.NRV II. IILLKET, 39
archbishop, and appealed to God and the pope. The next night
he set off in disguise, and retired to France,
§ 58. The reception of Becket at the French court was
much more favourable than that which the ambassadors of the
king of England experienced; and the same difference was
observable at Sens, where the pontiff then resided. The Consti
tutions of Clarendon were immediately condemned by the pope,
and the cause of Becket was taken up as his own. The violence
of Henry now broke out in an unjustifiable persecution of the
friends of the archbishop, whom he stripped of all their property,
sending them over to their patron, with the view of Increasing
his misery by the sufferings of those connected with him. In this,
as well as the former persecution, the passions of the king made
him lose the advantage which his cause possessed, and he must
have been regarded as a tyrant, even while asserting his own
legitimate rights.
Becket's anger would ha'tre inclined him to proceed immedi
ately to the excommunication of Henry; but through the inter
ference of the king of France, the thunders of the church -were
hurled against his ministers alone. Several attempts at recon
ciliation proved abortive, and in 1170, when the court of Rome
seemed to be more favourable towards Henry, the rage of the
primate became excessive. These circumstances, however, appear
to have expedited the cause of peace, for terms were soon after
agreed on. The meeting which took place at Fretville displays
the gentlemanly feeling of the king, and the revengeful pride of
Becket : he refused to forgive his opponents in any but general
terms : and the Intention of these salvos was soon apparent ; for
before he landed In England, he excommunicated those bishops who
had taken any leading part against him, and thus declared war at
the moment when he should have been the messenger of peace.
§ 59. Some angry expressions which dropped from Henry
when the excommunicated bishops came to implore his protection,
produced the murder of the primate. The tide of opinion now
ran against the supposed author of this horrid deed ; but the king
made his peace with Rome by solemnly disavowing any knowledge
of, or participation In the murder. St, Thomas became a most

40 HERETICS PUNISHED, CONVENT AT HACKINGTON, [a,D, 1171.
powerful advocate with Heaven, and the miracles performed at
his shrine would be Incredible, if the force of imagination, in curing
the most inveterate disorders, had not been proved by the quackery
of modern times. Henry himself paid honour to him when dead,
and subjected his own person to great severities at his tomb.
Louis too, with more consistency, visited his bones, and sought to
obtain the heavenly aid of him whom he had protected on earth.
Of the cleverness and decision of Becket's character there can be
no doubt ; but it seems equally unquestionable that his object was
personal ambition : he died a martyr to the cause of the advance
ment of his own ecclesiastical power. The violence of his letters
to the court of Rome, and the vindictive persecution of his enemies,
show most forcibly how far he was from that serenity which the
disinterestedness of a good cause can alone inspire.
§ 60, It was during this period (1160) that the first punish
ment for heresy took place In England. About thirty Germans,
under a teacher named Gerhard, appeared in this country. They
were examined before a synod at Oxford, burnt in the forehead,
and turned out to perish In the fields. They made no proselytes,
excepting one woman, and as the only account of their tenets which
remains to us is derived from those who punished them, no fair
judgment can be passed on the opinions which they entertained.
They are said to have rejected the use of the sacraments of baptism
and the Lord's supper, to have been adverse to marriage, and to
have gloried In their sufferings *-
§ 61. The manner in which the court of Rome Interfered
with the concerns of this kingdom cannot be more strongly illus
trated than by a quarrel which happened in 1 186, when Archbishop
Baldwin attempted to build a convent at Hackington near Canter
bury. The monks of the metropolitan church saw that any other
archieplscopal establishment was likely to interfere with their
right of electing to the see ; and Indeed the object In the erection
of this religious house seems to have been to diminish their power.
They appealed therefore to Rome, and the pope insisted on the
destruction of the intended establishment, which M'as accomplished
in ] 189 ; and so far did this jealousy extend, that when Hubert
* Collier's Ecc. Hist, i, 347.

II, § 61,] STEPHEN LANGTON. 41
in 1196, attempted to found a society of canons at Lambeth, and
offered every safeguard which oaths could give, that they should
not interfere with the election, the monks of Canterbury still
resisted ; and the see of Rome too well knew her own interest,
not to advocate the cause of those, who were always ready to
fight her battles against any other authority.
In 1200, Innocent III. took the bold step of imposing a tax
of one-fortieth on all ecclesiastical revenues, for the purpose of a
crusade ; to which it was never fully applied, says DIceto, unless
the church of Rome has renounced her innate rapacity.
§ 62, It was, however, in the reign of John that the papal
authority rose to Its greatest height ; the first act of encroachment
was the appointment of Stephen Langton to the see of Canter
bury, On the death of Hubert, the monks, to make sure of their
privilege, hastily elected Reginald, and dismissed him secretly to
Rome, to obtain his investiture ; but, contrary to a promise which
he had given them, he disclosed the news of his election in
Flanders, and brought the anger of the king on those who had
been Instrumental to it. Upon this the monks, out of revenge,
elected another primate, and the question was referred to Rome.
The suffragan bishops of the diocese, too, sent in their claim ; but
this was immediately rejected ; and the pope, having annulled
both the elections of the monks, compelled such of their members
as were then at Rome to proceed to a fresh election, absolving
them from all the promises to the contrary which they had made
in England. Stephen Langton, In whose favour these steps were
taken, was by birth an Englishman, had received his education
at Paris, and had subsequently been made a cardinal. The
intemperate warmth of the British monarch was met by the
haughty firmness of Innocent, who first laid the country under
an interdict, and then excommunicated John. But so little real
effect had these spiritual weapons, that the only two successful
expeditions which John made, against Wales and Ireland, took
place during this very period.
§ 63. In 1212 the pope proceeded to depose John, and to
free his subjects from their oaths of allegiance, and in 12J3 com-

42 HENRY UI. [a.d, 1213.
mitted the execution of this act to Philip of France. The secret
cabals of his discontented barons, whose defection rendered all his
prospects of defence uncertain, coupled with the threat of a foreign
invasion, forced the pusillanimous John to surrender bis king
dom ; and on May 15, 1218, at Dover, Pandulf restored the crown,
which was laid at his feet ; a tribute of a thousand marks was
imposed, and the legate having obtained the object of his church,
forbade Philip to proceed in the invasion, and neglected the
interest of even those English churchmen who had suffered in the
cause. So much did the pope now consider England as his own,
that when, in 1215, the barons compelled John to sign the
charter, the pope espoused the cause of the king with such
earnestnes)?, that he suspended Langton for the part which he
had taken ih^ favour of liberty.
In this year the council of St. John Lateran was held, which
authoritatively declared transubstantiation to be a tenet of the
church. § 64. The papal power had probably reached its greatest
height by the surrender which John made of his crown ; but its
exactions and practical effects were by no means diminished under
the weak reign of Henry III. A vast number ofthe benefices in
England were filled by Italians, who resided out of the kingdom,
and impoverished it by the sums which were thus withdrawn.
But to what source could the oppressed inhabitants look for relief?
They were little likely to obtain it from Rome itself, and the
inadequacy of any such attempt they themselves experienced when
the barons made a remonstrance to the council of Lyons (1245) ;
for the pontiff amused them with delays, till their patience was
exhausted, and their return to England was the next year fol
lowed by a further exaction of one half of the revenues of the
non-resident clergy, and a third of the rest. But this demand
was too great to be complied with, and the prudence of the court
of Rome perceived the danger of pressing it,
§ 65, It was not, however, from the barons alone that the
opposition to the court of Rome arose*, for Robert Grossteste, or
* Fo.x's Mar, i, 364.

II. § 65. 1

statute op mortmain.

43

Greathead", bishop of Lincoln, ventured to lift his feeble voice
against corruptions which he justly designated as antichristian.
Innocent IV. had named his nephew, Frederic de Lavania, then
a child, to a canonry in the church of Lincoln ; but the remon
strances of the bishop were so strong, that though they drew from
the pope a torrent of abuse, he wisely gave way to the more
prudent advice of some of his cardinals, and did not follow up
the question. The good bishop died soon after, and on his death
bed endeavoured to convince his friend, John of St. Giles, that
the pope was antichrist ; and it should be remembered that he
was one of the most learned men of his day.
§ 66. The chief points in which the English clergy had
encroached on the civil power consisted In their growing wealth,
and the freedom from temporal jurisdiction which they claimed.
A partial remedy was provided first by a statute which passed
in 1275, allowing a clerk to be tried by a jury before he was
delivered over to his ordinary, and the Statute of Mortmain,
1279, made the king's consent necessary for any transfer of
property to an ecclesiastical body; but -when Edward I. had
established his power, he soon exerted it over the ecclesiastical
portion of his subjects.
In 1292 he demanded one-half of the revenues of the church,
in addition to many other exactions which he had already made,
and frightened the clergy into submission. Robert Winchelsey,
then archbishop of Canterbury, In hopes of putting a stop to these
proceedings, which seem in truth to have been very tyrannical,
obtained a bull from the pope, which prohibited princes from
taxing church property ; but the inefficacy of this was soon
proved ; for Edward excluded from the protection of the laws
those ecclesiastics who refused obedience to his demands, and
directed his civil officers to sleze all the actual property of clergy-

¦¦' See a life of Grossteste by Pegge
4to. He was born 1175. In the early
part of his life he resided in Oxford, and
lectured there to the black friars. When
elected bishop of Lincoln, 1235, he was
much assisted by the friars in his epis
copal duties, strongly enforced discipline,
and endeavoured to reform abuses, de

fended the rights of the church and
kingdom against papal encroachments,
though he always submitted to the autho
rity of Rome ; about 1252, he put forth
a sermon at Lyons, inveighiug bitterly
against the corruptions of the court of
Rome.

44 GROWTH OF THE PAPAL POWER. Qa.D. 1292.
men. This soon brought the question to a close, and obliged the
churchmen to submit.
The ecclesiastical history which lies between this period and
the first preaching of Wiclif Is marked by little peculiarity, and
the civil power, as might be expected, during the active reigns of
the two Edwards, seems to have been gaining ground. But the
immediate vices of the clergy, and the fundamental errors existing
in the ecclesiastical system, which formed the real cause of the
attacks of Wiclif, and which are indeed the only church history
of this period, shall be detailed by way of preface to the account
given of this great author of the Reformation, There are, how
ever, some few general observations, which may be introduced
with advantage into this part of our history,
§ 67. In tracing the extension of the papal dominion in this
kingdom, much more must be attributed to the vices of the British
kings, than to any other cause. The comparative weakness of
the popes before the conquest had prevented them from Interfering
so much with the affairs of Britain ; but as Rome became strong,
she advanced her claims, and established them, whenever her
interests could be mixed up with the correction of the real griev
ances existing in church or state. The unjust usurpation of
William I, was sanctioned bythe pope, and this same king intro
duced legates to execute his tyranny; but his injustice consisted
in favouring the Norman clergy, and not in robbing the church
as a body; and William Rufus might have kept himself as inde
pendent as his father, had not his invasion of church property
compelled Anselm to fly to Rome for protection. The quarrel
about investiture was really one as to the power which it gave the
king of selling his preferments. Had not Henry so disposed of
the benefices which became vacant, the interest of the clergy of
England would have coincided with that of the king ; his own
avarice created the opposition which was raised against him ; and
in this vice he was so shameless, that when he had been Invested
with authority to restrain the marriage of the clergy, he used It
by selling them licences which dispensed with the restraint. It
was not till Stephen had most unjustly seized on the castles of
Roger, bishop of Sarum, and his nephews, that his own brother

II. § 67.] THE CONTEST WAS A TEMPORAL ONE.

45

Henry, the papal legate, ventured to summon the king before an
ecclesiastical tribunal; and Stephen, himself an usurper, appealed
to the pope against his own bishops. John was incapable of con
tending with Rome, because he had first lost the confidence and
love of his subjects. And the same thing occurred during the
reigus of more powerful monarehs. Edward I. imposed a tax of
one-tenth on ecclesiastical property, through Pope Nicholas IV.,
and afterwards exacted larger sums from the clergy, till they in
their turn obtained a bull which forbade the transfer of any
ecclesiastical revenues to lay purposes without the concurrence of
the holy see.
§ 68. Most of the contests which took place concerned the
property of the church, and might more justly be viewed as ques
tions of civil right, than as belonging to ecclesiastical matters.
The church is a body corporate, with spiritual functions, but
possessed of temporal rights; the Injustice generally arose with
regard to the temporalities, ordinarily v,-ivh respect to the appoint
ments ; and as the ecclesiastical body had no other means of
defending its own rights, than by spiritual thunders, the invasion
of a right purJy temporal In its nature became a question '-°
spiritual power, from the way in which the contest was carried
on". The king kept a bishopric or abbey vacant, and let the
temporalities out to farm. The church was injured by the want
of a head, but the injustice was such as might have been remedied
without any appeal to a foreign power, if the barons had main
tained the rights of the church ; but when the church found no
other remedy, her members were forced to seek for aid from any
source which could afford it to them, and so put themselves under
the protection of Rome. And that see usually showed itself
eager to support the weaker party, till the stronger submitted to
acknowledge the authority of its decisions, but exhibited no
objection to subject the church to the crown, provided the crown
was subservient to Rome.
§ 69. So again with regard to the right of taxation, the

" See the Constitutions of Boniface, in
Johnson's Canons, 1201, which, though
they were never established as law, yet

mark strongly the violence and folly of
those who then wished to legislate as
friends of the church.

46 THE CONTEST WAS A TEMPORAL ONE.
church had always possessed the privilege of imposing taxes upon
her members, but the necessities of Edward t. induced him to
demand a contribution of one-fifth of their moveables from the
elergy; and Winchelsey, then archbishop of Canterbury, (1296)
obtained a bull prohibiting princes to levy, and churchmen to
pay, any taxes imposed without the permission of the Roman see,
Edward reduced the clergy to submission by putting them out of
the protection of the law, as they would contribute nothing to the
support of the government ; but his conduct was certainly very
tyrannical. The papal bull claimed a power over the crown, to
which there could be no just pretension, but such a claim could
hardly deprive the clergy of the right of taxing themselves. The
question was not whether or no they should pay taxes, but as to
the authority which should Impose such taxes. This proceeding
of the king was an infringement of their civil rights ; and had In
its nature a tendency to weaken the dependence of the church on
the crown, and to transfer the allegiance of the heart of the
churchman from his king to the pope; and the frequency of
political disturbances and personal Insecurity induced the wealthy
members of the church to prepare eveiy means of defence within
their power ; so that If we regard the higher clergy in their manner
of life, and their proceedings against the crown, they resembled
laymen rather than ministers of the Gospel. There were many
Instances when they engaged personally in war, and their castles
were often as strong, their retainers as numerous and warlike, as
those of any temporal lord ; and the history of the churchmen of
this period can hardly be reckoned as belonging to ecclesiastical
history, any further than as it records the temporal wealth and
power \Y\th. which they were then invested.
§ 70, In order to discover the source of that political influence
which M-as possessed by Rome, we must look at the elements of
which society was then composed. The king vs'as the monarch of
a military oligarchy, whose power mainly depended on the mihtary
strength which he possessed ; and therefore, chiefly on his own
pei-sonal character, and the manner in which he used the resources
of the crown. The church was a confederacy of corporations, sole
and aggregate, whose very existence depended on opinion, and

II. § 70.] THE CONTEST WAS A TEMPORAL ONE. 47
whose real strength consisted In combination, and In cultivating
the arts of peace and civilization. Rome, possessed of many
advantages In other respects, formed a centre of combination for
the church, and the folly and injustice of the crown and of the
barons, would have rendered Rome and the church invincible,
had not those vices, which are, humanly speaking, inseparable
from power and wealth, destroyed the illusion of public opinion,
and prevented churchmen from being able to trust in each other.
The vices of monarehs and of nations first made the pope a king
of kings ; and the vices of Rome and her servants destroyed a
power which no other human force could have subdued.

48

CHAPTER III.
PROM WICLIF, 1356, TO HENRY VIIL 1509.
101. Men wish to remedy abuses when they affect themselves. 102. Political
abuses; separate jurisdiction of the clergy. 103. Money drained out of the
kingdom, 104. Laws to restrain the papal power. 105. Moral abuses; the
mendicant orders. 106. Doctrinal abuses; pardons; transubstantiation.
107. Little prospect of redress; inutility of canons, 108. Wiclif a leader in
the Reformation. 109. His enmity to the friars. 110. He defends the crown
against the papal power. 111. Attacked by the papal authority, but defended,
112. Driven from Oxford. 113. Summoned to Rome, but dies. 114, His
talents and opposition to Rome, 115. Opinions of Wiclif ; papal supremacy.
116. Church property; ceUbacy. 117. Purgatory; episcopacy. 118. Seven
sacraments. 119. Transubstantiation; on justification and sanctification,
120, Wiclif's followers. 121. Enactments of Henry IV. in favour of perse
cution. 122. William Sawtrey, martyr. 123. Lord Cobham. 124. His
execution. 125. Pretended rebeUion of Lord Cobham. 126. Pecock. 127.
His excuse for images and pilgrimages. 128. Papal supremacy and monastic
orders. 129. The Bible; celibacy; fasting. 130. Continued persecution,
131. Summary of the history; origin of ecclesiastical power. 132, Compe
titors for the nomination to preferments, 133. Origin of the claim of each,
134, Each seek their own advantage, in consequence of the wealth of the
preferment. 135. Advantages and disadvantages of wealth to the church,
136. Civil offices in the hands of churchmen; these evils were destroyed when
they came to be examined. 137. Many steps made towards reformation, but
an Almighty hand was still wanting.
§ 101. The period which we are about to examine is often regarded
with less attention perhaps than It deserves, since it must contain
traces of those steps which eventually led to the Reformation.
The opinions of a people like ourselves are not changed In a
moment, or at the mere mandate of a court ; parties must have
been long nearly balanced, or the party weakest in political
influence must really be the favourite of the nation, before a rapid
transition can alter the religion of a country. The prejudices of
the multitude generally coincide with whatever they have found
established, till circumstances induce them to suppose, that some
pressure under which they are labouring may be removed. The
discovery of an abuse by no means disposes the generality of man
kind to seek a remedy; but they are easily excited to desire the

III. § 101.] POLITICAL ABUSES OP THE CHURCH OP ROME. 49
reform of abuses which affect themselves, or when any other causes
pf suffering dispose them to wish for a change.
Before, therefore, we enter on the history of Wiclif and his
followers, it may be useful to devote a few pages to a short account
of the abuses which existed in the church about this time. We
will begin with those of a political nature.
§ 102. The general extension of the papal authority had so
blinded the eyes of mankind, with regard to that species of anomaly
In civil government which has since been designated under the
name of imperium in imperio, that though there were frequent
complaints of the pope's interfering too much with the affairs of
this country, yet no one seems to have claimed that total exclusion
of foreign jurisdiction, which is now generally admitted as neces
sary to constitute an independent kingdom. There were many
attempts to limit the exclusive jurisdiction which the church exer
cised over its own members, and which was in reality subversive
of the equitable administration of justice. If a priest were guilty
of the most heinous offences, he could only be punished by eccle
siastical censures, auttthe commission of rape, murder, or robbery,
was visited by confinement in a bishop's prison, in which the
appearance of canonical severity was rendered ineffectual by the
ease with which a dispensation from any canon might be obtained.
§ 103. These evils, however, did not affect the mass of the
people, and though injurious to society, were confined within a
compass comparatively small; while the quantity of money" taken
out of the kingdom by means of the ecclesiastical hierarchy was
felt by all, and could not fail to attract the notice of the most
uninformed political economist. The great source of this abuse
was the power exercised by the pope of granting preferments by
means of provisions or expective graces, by which he appointed a
successor* to any benefice, whether in his own gift or no, before it
. became vacant, and thus took the patronage of all countries Into
his hands. This opened a door to a variety of other abuses ;
' In 1376, the sum paid to the pope I the king. Cotton's Abridgment, 128 ;
was five times as much as that paid to 1 Lewis's Wiclif, 34;
• Lewis's Pecock, 21:

50

ABUSES OP THE CHURCH OP ROME, POLITICAL, [a,D, 1356.

hungry foreigners were introduced into the richest offices*, who,
while they enjoyed their incomes abroad, thought little of the
spiritual care of their flocks, or the temporal hardships to which
the exactions of greedy stewards necessarily exposed them. At
the same time an additional revenue was produced to the papal
throne by means of bribery, and the exactment of annates or first-
fruits, which were a tax of one year's Income levied on preferments
when they became vacant. It was originally paid on those bene
fices only which were in the gift of the pope ; as therefore his
patronage was extended, he enlarged at the same time this branch
of his income, and the indefinite power thus exerted enabled him,
as circumstances arose, to advance his prerogative''. The pope
claimed to himself the right of taxing beneficed churchmen accord
ing to the value of their preferments, and the tallage amounted
generally to a twentieth, sometimes to a tenth, or larger propor
tion. This method of raising money was introduced at the time
of the crusades, but subsequently extended to other wars, in which
the interests ofthe church of Rome were concerned. This revenue
was occasionally granted to the king, though ultimately appro
priated to the pope. The sum, too, collected as Peter's-pence"
was considerable, and the fees paid to the pope's officers for aiding
suitors in their causes, or expediting ecclesiastical business with
the church of Rome, tended to swell the total amount which was
drained from the pockets of our ancestors, and rendered the minds
of all men alive to every argument tending to show the unsound-

'¦ The annates were by the reformers
considered as bribes, (see § 201, a.) and
it is probable that at first they very much
resembled them. It is uncertain when
the custom originated, but their date
seems earlier than that generally as
signed ; they wore objected to as illegal
and oppressive before 1250, and at the
council of Vienne, 1315, proposals were
made for their discontinuance, which
were opposed by Clement V. It is not
extraordinary that uncertainty should
prevail with respect to them, for they
were an irregular demand, settled bythe

pope's chamber, and often exceeded two
or three years' income; Lewis's Pecock,
p. 40. They were declared illegal by the
council of Constance. The pope did not
obtam them for himself in England, till
after the reign of Edward I,
' Peter's pence was an annual tribute
of one penny paid at Rome out of every
family, at the feast of St. Peter. It was"
granted by Ina, (740,) partly as alms,
and partly in recompense for a house
erected in Rome for English pilgrims.
It was paid generally till the 25th of
I-Ionry VIII. Burn's Eccl. Law,

* Fox, A. & M. i. 489. Lewis's Wiclif, 35

Ill, § 103. J LAWS TO RESTRAIN ABUSES. 61
ness of a system of which they personally felt tho galling effects.
The ofiicers who thus impoverished tho kingdom were Injurious
in another point of view ; they not only formed, as it were, a
papal army within the country, but furnished information to
Rome* of everything which was transacted, thus providing that
court with the means of continuing the slavery to which England
Was reduced"*. The prerogative of sanctuary t had become exceed
ingly Injurious to morality and the police ; for the perpetrators of
every species of crime, who could reach one of these places of
refuge, were free from immediate danger, and reserved for the
commission of fresh enormities, whenever their pursuers relaxed in
their exertions to bring them to punishment. Wealth, then, and
authority, as well as almost every species of knowledge, were in
the hands of those most interested in the continuance of abuses,
so that all external Influence seemed combined to perpetuate
these evils. § 104, There are, however, three laws, by which it was
attempted to restrain the power of the church, passed not far from
this period.
(a,d. 1279.) The Statute of Mortmainj tried to prevent bodies
corporate from acquiring any lands or tenements, since the ser
vices and other profits due from them to the superior lord were
thereby taken away, because escheats, &c,, could never accrue, as
the body never died. But this enactment was variously eluded ;
and the number of subsequent laws On the subject prove how
inadequate human institutions are to counteract the Interests of
those who are possessed of power. Some persons may question
the justice of such an enactment, some persons Its wisdom ; but
the tendency which all bodies corporate have to accumulate
property clearly points out the necessity of some species of

"¦ It is perhaps worthy of remark, that
as the popes, from Clement V., 1305, to
Gregory XL, 1378, (Vaughan's Wieliffe,
i. 281,) were aU Frenchmen, and resided
at Avignon, as well as Clement VII.
and Benedict XIII. to 1409, this wealth

and power was thrown into the hands of
a nation engaged in political rivalry with
England, and that therefore the eyes of
the people of this country must have
been peeuliariy open to this abuse during
the life of Wiclif.

Lewis's Wiclif, 35, j- DjJjI gg
.¦j: Burn's Justice ; Tomliu's Law Diet.

62

ABUSES OP THE CHURCH OP ROME. MORAL. [a.D. 13d6.

restraint, though it appears very doubtful whether this be the
wisest method of Imposing It. Strict justice and sound policy
seem always to go hand in hand ; and as it is hard to prevent any
individual who has acquired wealth from applying his property as
he pleases, It would perhaps be wiser to allow bodies corporate to
alienate, under certain restrictions, than to endeavour to prevent
them from acquiring. The laws which obstruct the alienation
and transfer of property are those which are most Injurious In
England. (a.d. 1343.) The statute against provisions forbade any one,
under the pain of forfeiture, to receive or execute any letters of
provisions for preferments ; but as this law practically carried all
questions dependent on It before the tribunals of the court of
Rome, to which the party aggrieved naturally applied for redress,
it was enacted by the statute of prsemunire", (a.d. 1352,) that
whoever drew out of the country a plea which belonged to the
king's court* should be outlawed, after a warning of two months.
Of the justice and wisdom of these laws there can be little doubt;
§ 105. Had the members of the establishment which was
thus privileged, and for whose support these large sums were
expended, been themselves irreproachable in their conduct, it
would have obviated one great source of scandal ; but so far was
this from being the case, that during part of this time nothing
could be more corrupt than the papal court "("; while its emissaries
in England did all they could to irritate those whom they pillaged.
The pride and luxury of the higher ecclesiastics was excessive;
they vied with temporal lords In all the vanities of life, and men
who had forsworn the world, were on their journeys often seen
accompanied by fourscore richly-mounted attendants. Celibacy,
which was strictly Imposed by the ordinances of the church, led

" The exact derivation of the word is
uncertain. Some take it to proceed from
the defence it gives the crown against
the encroachments of foreign powers :
others from pramonere, which has been
barbarously turned into prmmunirc ; in
¦nhich sense it is certainly sometimes

used. The terra praemunire is either
taken for the writ, or the offence for
which the writ is granted. It was twice
renewed by Edward III. 27. 28; by
Richard II. 12. 13. 16; Henry IV. 2.
Abridged from Blount's Law Distionary.

Edward III. 25.

t F. Petrarchoe Epist. sine tit. lib. p. 797, 807,

Ill, § 105.] ABUSES OF THE CHURCH OF ROME, MORAL, 53
the clergy Into divers snares and temptations ; and the canons
against incontlnency are so numerous, that their very number
proves their inefficacy. Those who had the cure of souls not only
neglected their duty ^vIth regard to preaching and instructing the
common people, but most of the higher stations In the state were
held by Churchmen*; many filled menial offices In the establish
ments of their patrons; and their Ignorance was frequently so
excessive, that numbers of them were unacquainted with the Ten
Commandments, and could hardly pronounce correctly the words
for the performance of the sacraments. These causes gave rise
to the mendicant orders, who Infested the church chiefly In tho
thirteenth century. They jjretended to an extraordinary call
from God to reform the world, and correct the faults of the
secular clergy. To this end they put on a mighty show of zeal
for the good of men's souls, and of contempt of the world ; ac
cused the secular clergy of famishing the souls of men, calling
them dumb dogs, and cursed hirelings; maintained that evangelical
poverty became the ministers of the Gospel; that It was unlawful
for them to possess anything, or to retain propriety In any worldly
o-oods. As for the public orders of the church, they would not
¦ be tied to them, alleging that themselves being wholly spiritual
could not be obliged to any carnal ordinances. They broke In
everywhere upon the parochial clergj' ; usurped their office ; in
all populous and rich places, set up altars of their own; withdrew
the people from communion vi'ith their parish priest ; would
scarce allow the hopes of salvation to any but their own disciples,
whom they bewitched with great pretences of sanctity, and
assiduity in preaching. These artifices had raised their reputation
and interest so high in a few years, that they wanted very little
to ruin the secular clergy, and therewith the church. But in less
than an age the cheat of these impostors became manifest to all
men. They procured to their societies incredible riches ; built to
themselves stately palaces ; Infinitely surpassed the viciousness of
which they had themselves (perhaps unjustly) accused the secular
clergy ; and long before the Reformation became the most In
famous and contemptible part of the church of Rome".
^ Henry Wharton's Defence of Pluralities, 9, 10. a.d. 1692.
* Vaughan, i. 298,

54

ABUSES OP TUB CHURCH OP ROME, DOCTRINAL. [a.D. 1356,

§ 106, Nor were the doctrines of this period less exception
able than the political or private characters of the churchmen.
Idolatry had become excessive, the people neglected the weightier
matters of the law, and placed their hopes of acceptance with
God on pilgrimages*, which were esteemed the more meritorious
in proportion to the difficulties which were to be encountered on
the way. Another method by which the beguiled multitude
hoped to obtain for themselves the favour of Heaven, consisted In
their purchasing an absolution for their sins from the chief
minister of the church, who claimed to himself the power of
binding and loosing, without reference to the conduct of those
who made themselves the objects of these papal remissions : not
that the Infallible head of the Christian community could act
contrary to the ordinances of God, but that the Almighty would
ratify his servant's decree, whatever might be its nature. The
doctrine of transubstantiation must not here be omitted, which
subsequently formed so ordinary a subject of persecution. It
was asserted, that under the form of the bread and wine, the
very same body of Christ was presented which had been born of
Mary, and had suffered on the cross, and that the elements after
consecration no longer retained their material substance, while It
was added, that he who would not believe this, would have dis
believed Christ to be the Son of God, had he seen him In the form
of a crucified servant.
§ 107. These numerous abuses", much as they must have

' As an abstract of the more offensive
abuses (Fox, Acts and Mon, i, 453.)
about this time, the Complaint of the
Ploughman may be consulted ; its au
thor is not known. It begins with a
brief accoxmt of the Old Testament
history, and a statement of the doctrines
of the New Testament; it complains
that men have taken away the honour
due to God ; that auricular confession is
not of divine institution, and leads to
much evil. It objects to the spite, en
mity, pride, and worldly mindedness of
the priests; their pharisaical prayers.

singing and offering mass, instead of
teaching ; to their unmarried state, as
the cause of much evil in the church ;
to their splendid buUdings, images, &o,
and not feeding the flock, and to their
preventing others who would do so ; to
their injustice, innot punishing the clergy
as other persons; to their setting up the
canon law and pope's decrees above the
law of God ; to their inquisitorial man
ner of taking evidence. He blames the
pope's unwillingness to forgive ; his com
manding people to fight for him, and to
swetvr even falsely, aud to break God's

* Wordsworth, E, B, i, 165.

Ill, § 107.J ABUSES OF THE CHURCH OF ROME, DOCTRINAL, 55
injured tho commonalty, aud oftended those who from their
situation were most capable of judging of their destructive ten
dency, seemed to admit of no remedy, since the interests of the
parties concerned appeared to be so much at variance with each
other. Whatever might be the wish of her conscientious mem
bers, the church of Rome was little likely to reform abuses pro
ductive of so many temporal advantages to herself. If anything
were conceded to the remonstrances of the prince or people, it
was as readily withdrawn when occasion admitted of its resump
tion. Severity in the canon law becomes nugatory, whenever the
power of dispensing with it is lodged In the hands of the same
body against whose irregularities it was framed; and that balance
of mutual advantage, which mixed establishments enjoy, cannot
exist in conjunction with such an anomaly ; In fact, the profit on
the dispensation seems sometimes to have been one object in
framing particular canons^.
§ 108. Against these abuses did Wiclif stand forward as the
champion of Christianity*. We must not Indeed esteem him to
have been first in the glorious path ; for in his writings he often
refers to Greathead and Fitzralph"; but he took so conspicuous a
lead In the contest, that he may well be deemed one ofthe grandslres
of the Reformation. His first work was against the covetousness
ofthe court of Rome; it was published in 1356, and denominated

commandments; he reprobates the sins
of pride and covetousness ; calls Christ
the good Shepherd, the clergy evil ones ;
asserts that the pope is anticlirist, and
has no power over purgatory; declares
marriage to be honourable to all, and
compensations for whoredom in the
clergy abominable ; and ends with a
prayer for deliverance from such teachers.
' Clement V. by way of favour to
Archbishop Reynolds, 1313, gave him
power to grant the following dispensa
tions. To dispense with his own visita
tions, which might be performed by

preach ; to ordain one hundred bastards ;
to allow twelve minors to hold prefer
ments ; and forty priests to hold plurali
ties. The severity of a canon thus be
came a bank from which the pope might
draw, Wilk. Cons, U. 433—444.
=" For Greathead, see § 65. a. Richard
Fitzralph was educated in Oxford, and
afterwards became in succession arch
deacon of Litchfield, commissary or
chancellor of Oxford, and archbishop of
Armagh ; from whence he is often called
Armachanus, About 1359 he main
tained nme conclusions against the beg-

proxy; to absolve one hundred exoom- ging friars before Innocent VI.; he died
municated persons ; to grant one hun- in banishment. Fox's Acts and Mon, i,
dred days' absolution, for hearing him | 464, &c,
* Lewis, Life.

56 WICLIF. [|a.d. 1356.
"The last Age of the Church*." He was at this time about
thirty-two years of age, and had rendered himself conspicuous
in the university of Oxford by his learning, and the freedom of
discussion in which he indulged. He had originally belonged to
Queen's college, but was subsequently elected to a fellowship of
Merton, which then enjoyed considerable celebrity as a college.
The subject was well chosen ; covetousness is a vice so open to
observation, and so palpably contrary to the precepts of the Gospel,
that though Its existence proved nothing In reality against the
doctrines of the church, the discussion prepared men's minds to
doubt whether infallibility of belief belonged to a body which
was obviously deficient in practice. Had the church of Rome
herself undertaken the reformation of those abuses, which her
.sincere members must have deplored as strongly as the Protestant,
it is far from Impossible that our separation from her might never
have taken place : but the providence of God, who ordains all
things for the best, made the examination of her conduct the
means of detecting the errors of her creed. In 1365, Wlclif-f-
was appointed warden of Canterbury-hall, by Simon de Isllp,
archbishop of Canterbury, but was the next year expelled by
Langham, who had succeeded to the archieplscopal chair.
§ 109. This exjjulsion arose from the enmity of the eccle
siastics regular, who formed a part of that society, and who were
favoured by the new archbishop. Wiclif Indeed had long shown
himself a great enemy:]: to the friars, who were then very nume
rous In and about Oxford, and who had rendered themselves
obnoxious to the university by their endeavours to draw away
the students from the colleges into their own establishments;
and an additional stimulus -was now given to this general dislike
by the 'political circumstances of the kingdom ; for though his
immediate opponent M'as a monk, and not a friar, yet as the
resistance was against the court of Rome, to Mdiich both orders
were equally allied, the animosity may be esteemed to have been
common to both. In 1366, a demand was made by Urban V. of
the arrears of the tribute conferred by John on the papacy, and
which had not been paid for many years. The question had been
* Lewis, Wiclif, 3. ^- Ibid, 13. X Ibid. 22, &c.

III. § 109.]

WICLIP.

57

referred by Edward to the parliament, but as the opinions of the
hierarchy were different from those of the rest of the kingdom,
the refusal which this demand had there met with was questioned
by many ecclesiastics, and among the rest, by some of the regular
clergy resident in Oxford ; and against one of these, Wiclif
publicly advocated the cause of the king, and maintained the
soundness of the answer returned by the parliament ; viz., " that
as neither John nor any other king had power to dispose of his
kingdom, without the consent of parliament, no subsequent
monarch could be bound by any such transfer, in Itself originally
illegal*." Although his labours were not confined to the univer
sity, yet Oxford appears to have been the chief seat of his residence
and exertions, where, In 1372, he professed divinity, i. e. took his
degree of D. D., giving lectures and holding disputations"; In
these he frequently Inveighed against the errors of the church of
Rome ; and his diligence and zeal were crowned with ample
success ; for his audiences were most numerous, and his opinions
received with marked approbation.
§ 110. In 1374, Edward issued a commission to his
bishops -f, In order to ascertain what preferments were in the hands
of foreigners ; and in consequence of their report, a meeting took
place at Bruges, between the pope's nuncios and certain ambas
sadors from England, of whom Wiclif was one : this honour he
probably obtained in consequence of his having before advocated
the spiritual liberty of the kingdom. It was here after a time
settled, that the pope should not In future use provisions, nor the
king present to benefices, by Quare impedit ". On his return In

» Wiclif is frequently called professor
of divinity, which arises, I believe, from
a mistake concerning university customs.
In theory, every D.D. is S.T.P. "sanc-
tEe theologise professor,'" and all the divi
nity exercises consist in teaching theo
logy. At this time, doctors were really
teachers. '^ Quare impedit is a writ that lies for
him who has purchased an advowson,

against him who disturbs him in the
right of his advowson, by presenting a
clerk thereto when the church is void,
Blount's Law Diet, in voc. The king
in this case must have placed himself in
the situation of one claiming the right
of advowson, and have issued a corre
sponding writ, and by his superior power
have enforced the admission of his clerk.

• Lewis, Wiclif, App, No. 30. p. 349.

t Ibid. 33.

68 AvicLiF, [a. n. 1376.
1376, Wiclif obtained the rectory of Lutterworth, and the pre
bend of Aust, in the collegiate church of Westbury. During the
reign of Edward III, the payment of Peter's pence appears to
have been discontinued; but when Richard II, came to the
throne it was redemanded ; and the question, having been debated
in the first parliament of that reign*, was referred to Wiclif, who
maintained, that as an alms, or charitable donation, it might be
lawful for the kingdom to suspend the payment which had been
originally made as a free gift, ' For it was one of Wiclif's
favourite maxims, on which he often reasoned in public, as well
as exercised his pen, that the civil power, the original donor of
ecclesiastical property, might, when the wealth so bestowed was
uselessly or injuriously lavished, rescind its donation, and resume
its rights. This doctrine, together with his opposition to the
power of binding and loosing, rendered him obnoxious to the
papal displeasure, while his continual strictures upon the infamous
lives of ecclesiastical dignitaries exposed him to the personal hatred
of many powerful churchmen,
§ 111 , In 1377, Gregory XI, f issued several bulls, by which
Simon Sudbury, archbishop of Canterbury, and WiUiam Courtney,
then bishop of London, were appointed papal commissioners to
try Wiclif on certain points brought against him. A bull to the
same effect had previously been sent to the university of Oxford ;
but his tenets had taken such deep root in that place, that it pro
duced little effect^:. Before these commissioners he appeared in
St. Paul's ; but the presence of John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster,
and H. Percy, earl marshal, caused so great a tumult in the
assembly, that no proceedings were entered into ; and a similar
confusion arising from the presence of the mob, together with a
message from the queen-mother, (Jane, daughter of Edmond earl
of Kent,) produced the same conclusion to a subsequent session
held at Lambeth. About this time Wiclif sent in a declaration
of his faith on certain points, contained in eighteen articles§, of
which the substance will be given under the head of his opinions,
§ 112. (a. d. 1378.) The death of Gregory put an end to
the commission, and no formal decree was issued against Wiclif;
' Lewis, Wiclif, 55. -|- Ibid. 56, + Ibid, 54, § Ibid, ,59,

in, § 1 12,] wicLiP, 59
but his health suffered much from anxiety and fatigue; and during
the next year he was nearly brought to the grave by a severe fever
under which he laboured in Oxford*, On this occasion his old
enemies, the friars, in company with the aldermen of tho city,
paid him a visit, and after professions of kindness, exhorted him
to do them such justice as remained within the power of a dying
man, for the many Injuries which their society had experienced
from him. Upon this, he ordered himself to be raised in his bod,
and exclaimed aloud, " I shall not die, but live, and declare the
evil deeds of the friars ! " On his recovery, he continued to preach
against the same opinions which he had before attacked, and
began his translation of the Scriptures into English ; and though
this excited considerable opposition, yet his controverting the
favourite doctrine of transubstantiation-f- raised a much more
formidable storm against him, which, in the following year, 1382,
ended in his being forced to remove from Oxford to Lutterworth.
The particulars of this persecution are reported in so contradictory
a manner by different authors, that It is diflacult to determine
what portion of credit should be attached to each. It appears
that his friend the duke of Lancaster J, however he might approve
of his arguments against the papal supremacy, was unwilling that
any Innovations should be made in the received opinion about
the sacrament ; so that Wiclif on this occasion must have stood
alone. § He Is reported to have recanted all his heretical tenets,
which were certainly condemned, and the students of the univer
sity forbidden to attend lectures where the objectionable doctrines
about the sacraments were professed.
It Is manifest, at the same time, that there was no great
readiness on the part of the university to obey this archieplscopal
mandate, though Wiclif and some of his more immediate fol
lowers were ultimately silenced and expelled.
§ 113. Some of the errors which are Imputed to him are so
obviously absurd", that he must have given his testimony against
•¦ One of these is, Item, that God ought to obey the devil, — Lewis, 107. art. 7-
* Lewis, W., 82. f I'^'i^'- ^^- + I*)"^- ''^•
§ KnyghtOn, x. Scrip, col. 2647,

60

[a, D, 1382,

them as readily as his persecutors, while the recantations which
are preserved are merely qualifications of his own opinions, and
professed for the purpose of obviating false reports concerning his
faith ; and Mr, Vaughan* has clearly shown that he had prepared
his own mind for extremities, even at the time that he proceeded
with all outward moderation.
This became now every day the more necessary; for the number
of his followers was daily drawing the attention of the church, and
the bishops were arming themselves v>'ith the civil power to repress
Innovations. In 1382-[- the statute was enacted which directed
sheriffs to Imprison Itinerant preachers till they should justify
themselves to the church ; a law which would have afforded every
facility to persecution, had not the complaint which Wiclif pre
sented to the commons Induced them to disclaim the authority of
the enactment altogether ''j:. His rest, however, In this world
was of short continuance ; he experienced a fit of the palsy before
he got to Lutterworth ; when cited by Urban to appear before
him, he was obliged to plead his infirmity, and a return of his
disease carried him off In 1384§. The disorder attacked him
during the time of divine service in his parish ; he fell down, and
became speechless ; and this circumstance has not failed to attract
the notice of his enemies, who have recorded the evenf^.
§ 114. In estimating the value of the labours of Wiclif, we
should not forget that he was distinguished in his own day, as
much for his learning and eloquence, as for his opposition to the

court of Rome ;

and that his enemies, among the calumnies with

^ It has been questioned whether it
were ever enacted by parliament, (Fox,
i. 502,) or only inserted in the rolls by
Braibrook, bishop of London ; (Collier,
i. 616,) but it stands in the statute book,
and is not repealed the next year. Burn
ing was probably the punishment for
heresy by common law. This law was
to authorize the sheriff to detain the
heretic ; and the statute, 2d. Hen. IV.
c. 15, gave the bishop the power of send
ing to the sheriff an heretic who would
* ii. 129.
."I: Vaughan, ii, 126,

not abjure, or who had reLapsed, without
any application to the crown. It is pro
bable that the actual burning was autho
rized long before this.
¦^ Os nempe quod contra Deum et
sauctos ejus, sive sanctam ecclesiam, iu-
gentia locutum fuerat, a loco suo misera
biliter distortum horrendum cernentibus
spectaculum exhibebat. Lingua effects
mula confitendi vel testandi copiam de-

negabat, &c.
Aug. 312,

&c, — Walsingham, Hist,

f Fox, i. 502.
§ Lewis, AV., 122,

HI, §114.] WICLIP, 61
which they have loaded his memory, confess that they could not
help admiring the various talents which he possessed". The
temporal question of the papal supremacy furnished him with
ready hearers among the powerful in the nation ; and opposition
to the encroachments of the church of Rome, enabled those who
called its spiritual opinions In question to enter on a more Impar
tial investigation. At the same time we must remember, that the
persecutors and adversaries of Wiclif were not induced to e.xert
themselves merely for the sake of upholding the doctrines which
gave so much offence, but that the political power which they
possessed virtually depended on the submission which was paid to
their decisions. He who controverted the one, was of course ready
to free himself from the other, and was punished when in their
power as an enemy to the papal throne.
§ 115. It becomes our next business to consider the opinions
which Wiclif entertained ; and in so doing. It will be desirable to
follow the same division as has been already adopted, with refer
ence to the abuses in the church : with regard to those which are
obvious. It will be unnecessary to state his sentiments ; customs
which promoted the cause of vice and immorality were of course
his aversion ; and we will confine ourselves, therefore, to those
points, about which different ideas might conscientiously be enter
tained. He denied entirely the supremacy of the pope*, maintaining
the authority of the king and the civil power, and attacked the
clergy for refusing to pay taxes, unless authorized by the church
of Rome, as if they were subject to a distinct jurisdiction only ;
thus proving his correct notion of the subjection of all orders to
the political head of their country ; while at the same time his
answer about Peter's pence as strongly proves his firm conviction,
that the state was independent of any external power.

" In philosophia nuUi reputabatur se-
cundus, in scholasticis disciplinis incom-
parabilis. Hie niaxirae nitebatur aliorum
ingenia subtiUtate scientise et profundi-
tate ingenii sui transcendere et ab opini-

onibus eorum variare.'  Potens erat et
validus in disputationibus super cseteros,
et in argumeutis nulli credebatur se-
cundus — Henrieus de Knyghton, 2CG4.
Lewis, xxiii.

* Lewis's AViclif, 153, 154,

62

WICLIF,

[a,d, 1384.

§ 116. He was a constant and vehement opponent to the
begging friars*, reproving their vices and wealthy poverty ; and
so far in this particular did he go, that he has been stated to have
denied to the church the right of possessing any temporal pro
perty ; whereas his opinion seems to have been this, that if the
church did not use the wealth committed to her care, discreetly,
and to the purposes for which it was given, the laity, as original
donors, might resume their grants ;-nay, that It became the duty
of temporal lords to deprive the clergy of possessions which were
not rightly applied".
He did not approve of the constrained celibacy of the clergy,
by which they fell into divers temptations and sins ; especially
Avhen, by the Influence of parents, their vows were made at an early
period of life, while the parties so promising were not aware of
their own weakness, and were subsequently renewed, through fear
of poverty, or of disobliging their superiors, " For marriage,"
says he, " is expressly allowed to priests under the old covenant,
and not forbidden under the newf:" thus grounding his ideas on
the word of God alone, which he seems to have admitted as the
only ultimate standardj.
§ 117. His doctrines, therefore, founded on the same prin
ciple, correspond in most points with those of our church, though
in some very material particulars he manifestly differs from us.
He admitted, for Instance, the belief in purgatory, and seems

" Lewis, 387, art, 16, " Licet regibus
in casibus limitatis a jure, auferre tem-
poralia a viris ecclesiasticis, ipsis habitu-
aliter abutentibus ;" see also p, 66. 73.
145. Vaughan's Wic, ii. 4. This ques
tion is frequently confused, because the
limitations are neglected. Civil society
is established for the preservation of
property: when, therefore, any regula
tions with regard to property reaUy
interfere with the preservation of it, the
body politic must have the right of
cli.anging the tenure. Tho right is the
same, whether lodged in a body corporate,
as the church, or an individu.al land
holder; but the regulations which per

tain to the possessions of such a body as
the church, are much more likely to
require modifications, than those which
refer to the property of an individual.
The laity have a joint interest in the
property of the church, having as much
right to the spiritual services of church
men, as the churchmen have to the tem
poralities of their preferments. And a
wise government, while it provides that
the cliiims of all parties shall be satisfied,
will interfere as little as possible with
regard to the tenure itself. Yet cases
may occur in which it may become
necessary to legislate for both.

•* Lewis's Wiclif, 22, &c.

t Ibid, 163,

Ibid, 380, 18.

IIL §117.]

wiclif's OPINIONS, &c.

63

1;o have esteemed the praying for souls In it to bo useful,
though sometimes accompanied with such errors as made it less
desirable*. He rejected episcopacy" as a distinct order In the church,
affirming, that In the apostles' time the two orders of priests and
deacons were sufficient, and that the numerous distinctions which
existed were the Inventions of men, and served but to augment
their worldly pride -f-.
§ 118. These two points have been mentioned, as those
alone in which he differed very materially from the church of
England ; for though he upheld the seven sacraments", he did so
in such a sense as to render the dispute about them almost a
matter of words. He esteemed baptism J: as absolutely neces
sary, but presumed not to say that a child dying without it might
not be saved ; In cases of necessity, he seems to have allowed
that the rite might be performed by a lay person. The views
which he entertained with regard to the hierarchy, rendered It
impossible that confirmation § should be essentially or necessarily
confined to the bishops, and he considered many of the ceremonies
then used as nugatory and useless. He thought that absolution
was of no use, unless the penitent were contrite in the sight of
God, and pardoned by him. He rejected the efficacy of Indul
gences, and ironically declared that the pope was very uncharitable,
if he allowed one soul to remain in purgatory when he might so

» See § 460, b. Great confusion is apt
to arise, as to the distinction between the
different orders in the church, aud the
difference of ecclesiastical rank in the
tame or different orders. In the church
of England there are three orders,
bishops, priests, and deacons. In the
church of Scotland there are only two,
priests and deacons. In the church of
Rome, with which we agree as to epis
copacy, there are four degrees of bishops.
The pope, patriarchs, archbishops, bi
shops ; all of whom are bishops. The
church of England admits of only the
two latter of these. Deans, archdeacons,

chancellors, &c., are all priests holding
different offices. The moderator of the
church of Scotland is a priest holding an
oflBce. The deacon is common to all.
In the church of Rome there are, besides
these, subdeacons, and four other inferior
orders; acolyth, exorcist, lector, ostiary,
A cardinal is a member of the body cor
porate of the college of cardinals. He
may be a bishop, priest, or deacon.
* The five commonly called sacra
ments, that is to say, Confirmation, Pe
nance, Orders, Matrimony, Extreme
Unction, XXV. art.

Lewis, 161.

t Ibid. 15-

X Ibid. 1G5.

§ Ibid. 1C7,

64 wiclif's opinions, &c, [a,d, 1384,
easily deliver them*. Though he admitted the utility of confes
sion f to a godly and discreet priest, yet he argued very strongly
against the absolute necessity J of it, and affirmed that It was never
enjoined as a sacrament till the time of Innocent III. (about
1200). He conceived that matrimony § and extreme unction ||,
were sacraments In a certain sense ; but in the former he over
looked the restrictions of the Levitlcal Law with reference to
affinity H, as not binding on Christians, He objected to prayers
addressed to saints**, to pilgrimages "ff and images||, which
he allowed of only as books for the unlearned.
§ 119. But the great offence for which, as we have seen, he
was visited with considerable persecution In his latter days, was
the opposition which he showed to the received doctrine of tran
substantiation. In this he asserted that the elements did after
consecration continue to possess their original natures of bread
and wine ; and the decree with which this delivery of his opinion
was followed In Oxford§§, is probably the first formal determi
nation of the church of England In the case, " so that this opinion
of transubstantiation, which brought so many to the stake, had
not with us a 140 years' prescription before Martin Luther ||||."
In consequence of an expression used by Melancthon ITU, an
idea has prevailed that Wiclif was unsound*** as to his belief
in the doctrines of justification by faith, and sanctification by
the Holy Spirit, the very fundamentals of Christianity. And
this notion has been introduced into the Church History of Mr.
Milner. But the continuance of this mistake itself partly arises
from the ignorance with regard to the doctrines of the church of
Rome, which is so common among Protestants. That church
has overlaid these fundamentals with various superstitions, among
which the simple may easily be bewildered ; but the humble
Roman Catholic will tell his Protestant friend, that he has no
hopes but in the mercy of God through Christ Jesus, and the
* Lewis, 170. f Ibid. I7I. + Dialog, iv. ch. 23, p, 139,
§ Lewis, 171. II Ibid, 379. 14, <lf Ibid, 173, •» Ibid.
ft Ibid. 17G. Xt Ibid, 175. §§ Ibid, 319 ; Wilk. Cons, iii, 170.
nil Wordsworth's E, B, i. 49, n.; Sir R. Twisden's Hist. Vind, 19.3, 4,
«||«[[ Lewis, 140, ••• Vaughan, ii. 359.

III. §119.]

WICLIP S FOLLOWERS.

65

assistance of the Holy Ghost; although he may occasionally expect
to be made partaker of these blessings by means not derived
through the Holy Scriptures, and to which the Protestant would
object. Wiclif, however, is most distinct in his declarations with
regard to both these doctrines. He directs his hearers to look up
to Christ and be saved*, and to seek the aid of the Holy Spirit,
to raise up even good thoughts in their hearts".
§ 120. The opposition which had been raised against Wiclif
was calculated rather to give notoriety to his doctrines, than to
silence those who advocated the cause of reformation ; and the
effect of his preaching was so widely spread, that Knyghton affirms
that above one-half of the people of England were Lollards"; a
declaration which must be received under limitations, as the term
might be applied to any one who did not assent to all the decisions
of the Roman Catholic clergy ; and it is probable that the inha
bitants of this country had so far attended to the arguments of the
reformei', as to begin to exercise their own thoughts on religious
subjects. Many of the ecclesiastical followers of Wiclif refused
to accept of beneficest, on account of the unscriptural compliances
to their patrons which the acceptance of such preferments entailed
upon them, and travelled through the country diffusing the
doctrines of Christianity. They were known under the name of
poor priests, and preached in markets and other places where they
could attract the largest audiences. Their exertions were often
supposed to create a licentious freedom among the commonalty,
which was probably, in some measure, the case, as there is a much
closer connexion between civil and religious liberty than is gene-

" There is an abstract of the opinions
of Wiclif in AlUx's History of the Albi-
genses, p. 252, ch. xxiv,, and a much
longer one in Vaughan, ii. ch. viii., be
sides that in Lewis, ch. viii.
' The name is probably not derived
from Walter Lolhart, nor from Lolium,
Cokle, but from a German word lullen,
(to sing with a low voice,) and the well-
known termination hard (we say in Eng

lish to lull asleep.') As therefore a beg-
hard is one who prays, so a Lollard is
one who frequently praises God with a
song. Lay-brethren, among the monks,
were formerly called LoUard-brethren ;
and the terms beghard and lollard are
frequently used indiscriminately. See
Mosheim's Eccl. Hist. iii. 355, (n). The
modern word " canting " may illustrate
the same idea.

* Vaughan, ii, 356, 7.

t Ibid. 196.

wiclif's followers.

[a.d. 1.396.

rally supposed ; nor is it to be questioned that many of those who
received the spiritual tenets of Wiclif*, and wh« possessed con
siderable power, were ready to defend him with the arm of flesh,
The University of Oxford became so tinged with his opinions,
that, ifj 1396, it was subjected to tho visitation of Archbigljop
Arundel, notwithstanding the opposition shown to thp adpiissii?^
of any external jurisdiction. Upon this occasion the commis
sioners selected 298 conclusions'', which were declared erroneous,
and deserving of censure, and transmitted them to the convocation
then assembled in St. Paul's ; but these coefcive measures seeni
not to bwe produced much effect, or to have eradic^-ted tbe regard
justly borne to Wiclif by those who h^d imbibed his sentiments ;
for letters testimonial of his general good cbap^cter, and propriety
of behaviour, were subsequently given, and sealed with the uni
versity seal, in 1406"=.
§ 121. The storm of persecution which Wiclif had escaped
by death, and which some of his followers avoided by reeantatioDS,
still continued to lower, though its violence was not felt till the
next reign. In 1388-f- an Inquisitorial commission was issued,
enjoining strict search to be made after those who held heretical
opinions ; but the exertions of the Lollards dx) not appear to have
abated, or to have been confined to preaching, and the gradual
dissemination of their tenets; for, beginning to feel their own
strength in the country, they not only satirized the clergy, (a,d,
1395,) but presented a petition to the parliament J, ih whijeh
many severe animadversions were passed on evils existing in the
churph. The circumstances under which Henry IV. came to the
throne rendered It necessary for him to strengthen his interests
with every species of ally, and there was no method by which the

'' The works of Wiclif, from which
these were taken, are very numerous,
amounting, tracts and all, to nearly 300.
Lewis gives a catalogue of them, with
observations, in eh. ix. p. 179 ; a Ust of
them may be found also in Vaughan.

' The authenticity of these letters has
been doubted ; the question is fairly dis
cussed, aud the document given in LewiSj
228; and App. No. 28, p. 343 ; see also
ColHer's Ecci. Hist. 624, i. The opi
nions of Wiclif were condemned in con
vocation, in 1410. Collier, 629, &c.

Lewis, 220.

t Collier, i. 590.

X Lewis, App, No, 27, 337.

Ill, § 121.] sufferings OP WILLIAM SAWTHEV. 67
support of th^ cljiirch could be gained so easily, as by assistjpg
the bishops in their severities against the Lollards, to which cause
we may probably trace the enactment of the statute against
them*, (a.d. 1400.) Thjs law, after forbidding aU unlicensed
preaching^, authorizes thp bishop to arr^st, and detain In prison,
any one suspected of preaching or spreading unsound doctrines,
witll regard to the sacraments or the authority of the church, till
they shall proceed to their purgation, or abjure their errors ; in
default of which he is allowed to hand tliem over iinmedlately to
the secular power, which shall forthwith " do them to be burnt."
If what has been before said be correct, this act nierely took away
from the crown the power of refusing the writ de hceretico pombu-
rentfo, which it had preyiously exercised, and thus gave the church
the full privilege of inflicting death on those w^o differed from
her, or who refused to pay submission to the supremacy which
she claimed, § 122, William Sawtrey|, a Lor \on clergyman, was the
first among the followers of Wiclif wh mf&red martyrdoni ; he
was brought to the stake by Archbislvp Arundel, because he
refused to worship the cross, and denied that the bread in the
sacrament was transubstantiated.
There is an almost uninterrupted succession of martyrs and
confessors from this time to the period of the Reformation, ex
cepting when the ineffectual struggles of the English in France,
or domestic convulsions, produced a feverish tranquillity to the
professors of the true faith. In the examination of these persons,
of which several remain to us in their original forms, written
when they took place, or soon after, a considerable similarity
prevails. The questions on which condemnation was pronounced,
though they vary, ordinarily turn upon transubstantiation, or
submission to the authority of the church.
§ 123. The most illustrious of these suf&rers, whose private
virtues as well as public character rendered his punishment a
great object with the upholders of the papacy, was Sir John
Oldcastle, Lord Cobham§:- he had acquired his rank by marrying
• See § 113. b. f Collier, j, 614. + Fox's A, and M, i, 586,
§ GUpin's Lives of the Reformers, Lond, 1819, Christian Knowledge edit,
P 2

68 LORD COBHAM. [a.D. 1401.
the daughter and heiress of that nobleman, and seems to have
shown himself, at all times, a firm opponent to the usurpations
and power of Rome. When the ill conduct of Richard II. had
paved the way to the throne for Henry IV., Lord Cobham early
joined a standard which was at first ostensibly unfurled in the
cause of justice, Henry rewarded his services with his confidence,
and, in 1407, he was appointed to a command in an army
destined for France, which, in conjunction with the Duke of
Burgundy, raised the siege of Paris.
Immediately after the coronation of Henry V., Archbishop
Arundel prepared to exterminate heresy, which was every day
becoming more prevalent throughout the kingdom; and Lord
Cobham was universally marked out as its upholder, as not only
countenancing it in his own person, by entertaining unsound
opinions on fundamental doctrines*, but by sending preachers
into the dioceses of London, Rochester, and Hereford. When
application was made to Henry, to allow of the prosecution of
this nobleman, he desired that the process might be delayed till
he had himself laboured at his conversion ; but the firmness of
Lord Cobham so exasperated the monarch, that he delivered him
over to the ecclesiastical tribunal.
§ 124. Of this trial we have a particular account written
by John Bale", afterwards bishop of Os.sory, and first published
in 1544. The points of examination coincide very ihuch with
those of William Thorpe -f- in 1407, of which, too, we have a
history, probably written by himself; and it is impossible not to
admire the Christian spirit of the author exhibited in this work,
so little imitated by Bale, who Is far too acrimonious against the
errors which he combats. They were both required to give
their opinions concerning confession to a priest, the use of images,
pilgrimages, and oaths; but transubstantiation was the great rock
of offence, and submission to holy church the touchstone of their
sincerity I . The answers in both these cases differ so little from

the Lorde Cobham. By Johan Bale.
Printed, 1544. Reprinted, 1729.

» A Brefe Chronycle concernynge the
Examynacyon and Death of the Blessed
Martyr of Christ, Syr Johan Oldecastell,
* Bale, 22, f Wordsworth's Ecc, Biog. Ill, vol, i. from Fox, i, 602,
X Bale, 71, Wordsworth, 203,

Ill, § 124,] LORD COBHAM EXECUTED. 69
the opinions of Wiclif, that it is hardly necessary to state them
at length ; upon their refusal to abide by the decisions of the
church, both were remanded to prison. It is not known* what
ultimately became of Thorpe, but he probably died in confine
ment. Lord Cobham made his escape from the Tower, and fled
into Wales -f", where he remained concealed four years; during
his confinement, a pretended recantation was published, in which
it was declared that he submitted to the authority of the church;
but his friends, who informed him of this proceeding, affixed in
many conspicuous places a letter addressed to them for this pur
pose, in which he expresses his continuance in the same opinions
which he had maintained before his judges. He was at length
discovered, and sent back by Lord Powis ; and on his arrival in
London was burnt in St. Giles's Fieldsj, hanging on a gallows,
to which he was fastened by chains.
§ 125. This spot was chosen for his execution on account
of an affair which had taken place there about Christmas, 141 3,
immediately after his escape from the Tower. Henry V. was at
Eltham§ when news was brought him at supper that a body of
Lollards were assembled, to the number of twenty thousand, in
St. Giles's Fields, under the command of Lord Cobham. Fol
lowing the dictates of his own courage, the king collected such
forces as his household would supply, and hastened to disperse
the rioters, whom he easily overthrew, and took many prisoners,
most of whom were afterwards executed, by being hanged and
burnt ; and a statute was soon after made, in a parliament held
at Leicester, granting every aid from the temporal arm to the
persecutors of Lollardy. This tale Is so variously represented,
that it is difficult to arrive at the truth. That an assembly of
Lollards took place seems unquestionable; but there Is no proba
bility that it was very numerous, or headed by Lord Cobham, or
that its objects were such as are attributed to it; and the evident
tendency which such a story must have had, to inflame the mind
of the king against these unfortunate men, furnishes us with a
sufficient reason why this colouring should have been given to the
circumstances ; while the admission of the correctness of the tale
* Wordsworth, 2U. f Gilpin, 80. X Bale, 96. § Gilpin, 81, &c.

70 PECOCK. [a,d, 1444,
ihvolves an Indotisistency and folly in thef sufferers, for whidh tto
adequate cause dan be assigned.
§ 126. Another promoter of the Reformation*, who, though
not a ttiartyr, was a confessor in its caUse, was Re^iilald PeCJOek.
fey tranquil opjiositloil tO the mote zealous follow6rs of Widlif,
and by grounding his arguments on sound reason in the interpre
tation of the word of God, he contributed mufch to the fai-thet-*
ahce of the Reformation. He was born about 1390, beeaint)
fellow of Oriel, Oxford, 14l7; about 1425, he left the university,
and went to court, urldet the protection of Humphrey, duke of
Gloucester, and in 1444 became bishop of St, Asaph, which pre
ferment he probably obtained through bribery", by means of a
papal provisloii; for he defends siich a method of becofflillg
possessed of a benefice, on the plea that all ecclesiastical property
belonging originally to the head of the chutch'f-, the pope may at
his option resume aUy part of it for his own use. In 1449 he
published his " Repressor of overmuch blaming the Clergy|,"
and the year afterwards was translated to Chiehestesr, where be
published his trOatlse on Faith. His moderation, and the low
authority which he allowed to the church, together with some
expressions against the French war, which might be unpleaSailt
to the court, seem to have raised him up enemies among all orders
in the state. In 1457 he was expelled from the House of LoMs§,-
and the next year deprived of his bishopric; though he abjufed
his errors at Lambeth and Paul's Cross, He subsequently ob-'
tained a bull of restitution from the pope, which proved prejit^
dicial to his interfests ; for by so doing he became liable io a
prECmunlre, and stlbjected himself to the anger of the throne : he
retired to Thorney Abbey, in Cambridgeshire ; but of the exact
date of his death nothing is knoWn,

" This bribery might have been no
thing but the payment of annates or
first fruits; see § 103. b. A conscien
tious man, *lio admitted the pope's right
of patronage, might as safely pay his
first-fruits to liim, as we do to the crown ;
and yet a zealous refortner would call

this simony. The question would really
turn on the influence which such pay
ment had in procuring the grailt bi tlie
benefice ; aud, in order to judge of the
question correctly, we must go back to
the individual case of Pecock, of which
we know nothins.

* Lewis, Lifo of Pecock, f Ibid, 42, X Ibid. 44. g Ibid; 143.

III. § 127.] OPINIONS OP PECOCK. 71
§ 127. His real offence was the method in which he defended
the doctrines of the chUrch : for when he had advanced what
Iliight be fairly said in favour Of its tenets, he acknowledged its
accidental defects, and betrayed the weakness of a cause, which
could not be supported, unless other authority were admitted than
such as can be derived from the Scriptures. * He denied not the
errors which the use of images produced, but esteemed them
remediable evils, while he thought that the figures themselves
wete useful in instructing the unlearned, and reminding all
Christians of the events which they described : he wished there
fore that such false representations of the Deity as existed should
be removed, and more correct ones substituted in their place.
It was on the same principle that he advocated the cause of
pilgrimages ¦!•. To visit a spot where some martyr had suffered,
or some event connected with religion had occurred, could not
fail to excite a lively remembrance ; while for the convenience of
those who frequented such places, the erection of a church or
convent was judicious and praiseworthy. He argued that the
prayers offered at such shrines or images were addressed to the
person represented, while the lively impression, excited in the
mind of the devotee, served to render these acts of adoration more
strong and availing; but it should be remarked J, that he says
nothing of indulgences granted in consequence of pilgrimages,
and advises people not to spend their time in them§, but rather
to read and to hear the word of God.
§ 128. In defending the papal supremacy, he used the well-
known text||, " Thou art Peter," &c,, and allowed that the pope
was possessed of authority equal to that of an apostle, though he
would not admit that he might alter any institution of Christ.
With regard to the religious orders U, his opinion was, that their
variety promoted activity ; that if these men had not been friars,
they might have been something worse ; that their dresses were
to remind them of their vows; that their possessions were
dedicated to God's service, and, like the wealth of churches, might
have been employed to less profitable uses; while such institutions
• Lewis, 61, 77. t Ibid, 69. X IbW- 70. § Ibid, 78,
II Ibid, 94, H Ibid, 95, &c.

72 CONTINUED PERSECUTION. [a.D. 1490.
formed a retreat for the sons of noble families, and were at least a
fault less offensive to the Almighty, than negligence of his honour.
He freely expresses his disapprobation of many abuses which had
been introduced, but argues on the general ground that they were
at liberty to impose on themselves any laws they chose, in exten
uation of some absurd regulations which had been adopted among
certain of the religious orders*.
§ 129. He considered the Bible -f- as the foundation of his
faith, and advised the laity to study it, conceiving that no man
should be punished for heresy, till the error of his opinions had
been clearly shown him; and In this respect he deemed the power
of the church to be declaratory, rather than to consist in defining
and decreeing points of faith; he allowed of the marriage of the
clergyj, and disapproved of the ecclesiastical laws about fasting§.
Thus little did many of his opinions differ from those of Wiclif,
while the milder reasoning which he used, together with the
advantage possessed by him, in advocating the established order
of things, contributed much to spread his sentiments, and to
induce his countrymen to examine the grounds of their religion.
Under these circumstances it is no wonder that he became an
object of hatred to a body which he endeavoured to reform ; but
it is not easy to perceive the source of the dislike AvhIch was
shown him by the temporal lords, unless indeed we take into
consideration the general Influence of the clergy", and the facility
with which prejudice is conveyed. He does not appear to have
possessed any very superior talents, or to have been calculated for
a martyr ; yet God can work by weak Instruments as surely as
by those which appear to be strong, and to Him be the glory.
§ 130. The troublous times which succeeded this period
furnish but little matter for the ecclesiastical historian, to whom
the ground is barren till we begin to approach the era of the Re
formation. The advocates of persecution ceased not to endeavour
to eradicate all opinions contrary to their own. and the sufferings

» In the first parhament of Edward
IV. the temporal lords amounted to
thirty-five, the spiritual to forty-eight.

This is probably the real solution of the
difficulty, Henry's Hist. Eng. x. 280,
and 66.

Lewis, 100. + IbiiJ. 198. + Ibid, 208. § Ibid, 209.

Ill, § 130,] summary op the history. 73
of their victims became more and more efficacious in the propa
gation of the reformed tenets ; while the vices of the clergy were
calculated to substantiate and confirm the accusations of their
enemies. In 1490, Innocent VIII. sent an epistle to Archbishop
Morton, directing him to reform the religious orders; and the
pastoral letter addressed by the metropolitan to the abbot of St.
Alban's*, furnishes a sad picture of the depravity which reigned
within their walls. They are accused of many crimes, and charged
with turning out the modest women from two nunneries under
their jurisdiction, and of substituting in their room females of the
worst characters. In one case a married woman, whose husband
was stlU alive, had been made prioress of Pray, for the purpose of
keeping up an adulterous connexion with one of the monks of
St. Alban's. -f-Fox gives a detailed account of nearly twenty
individuals who were burnt for heresy, between the death of
Lord Cobham and 1509, when Henry VIII. ascended the throne ;
and this fact will greatly account for the facility with which the
doctrines of the Reformation, when published, gained a rapid
admission into this country.
§ 131. In taking a summary view of the history of the church
up to the period at which we have arrived, we must regard the
ecclesiastical establishment both as a civil engine and as a spiri
tual body. The reason why the state has allowed any temporal
wealth or authority to be granted to the church, beyond the
mere support of those who are engaged in the offices of religion,
depends on the well-grounded presumption, that educated men
acting under the sanctions of religion, are peculiarly likely to
exert the influence which they thus possess, in the promotion of
civil order and sound morality, and by this means to benefit the
body politic ; and we may presume that God has ordained that it
shall be so, in order that, as the preaching of the first followers
of Christ was supported by a Divine authority, which enabled
them occasionally to work miracles ; so the instructions imparted
by the minister of God's word, In the present day, should be
aided and facilitated by the support of earthly power. This
position is so sound in itself, that the only question on which a
• Wilk, Cons, iii. 632. f Acts and Mon, 586, &c, vol, i.

74 SUAlM.iRY OP THE HISTORY. [a.D. 1490,
reasonable doubt can remain is, as to whether this po#'er shotild
be lodged in the hands of the ecclesiastic himself, or only flii'-
nished in his aid by the civil magistrate. But in the petiods of
which we have been examining the history, the poWer in question
was vested in the ecclesiastic; and by degrees he was found to
exert it for the aggrandizement of his own order, and to beeothe
a Mval of the crown and aristocracy. There can be no doubt,
therefore, that the power originally granted for Spiritual objeets
had been utterly misused, and conv6Tted to an end for which It
was not at first destined.
§ 132. It does not, however, follow, that the authority thuS
created was Useless as a civil engine ; and the Vefy acquisition of
sUch an influence, dependant Solely on opinion, must lead to the
presumption, that much benefit accrued from its existence. We
have before seen that the power Of the papacy arose from the
injustice of the crown ; and that as the interference of a foreign
powet, exerted in the cause of justice, made the people at first
look up to its support, so the policy of the crOWn aftetwai'ds
induced the king frequently to join with the pope, in oppressing
the church, and plundering its property. Each patty sOught its
oWn immediate advantage, without consulting the interests,
spiritual 01* temporal, of those committed to its care. In this
state of things, the right of appointing to ecclesiastical beneflCeS
was of the utmost importance ; and for this privilege there were
in fact three competitors. The lower clergy sought tO eleCt thOse
who were destined to govern them ; the pope, or higher cletgy,
desired to appoint them; and the king was anxious that the
nomination should be vested in himself. The same competitSf^
mUst exist in every church establishment; and disputes will
necessarily arise, whenever the situations in the church are
invested with such temporal advantages, as render the acquisitOn
of them an object of solicitude,
§ 133, When the higher stations conferred nothing but
spiritual superiority, attended with temporal difficulties and
danger, the appointment was safely lodged in the hands of the
lower clergy, who had no inducements to elect any but the fittest
governors ; while the subordinate places were filled by men, who

Ill, § 133,] summary of the history. 73
derived their ttutherity from their ecclesiastical superior, or the
eleetien of the people, with the charge of whom they were
inttusted, Bishopfios, therefore, were filled by the election of the
clergy belonging to the See ; and as the establishment of parish
priests rendered the number of electors too large, they were chosen
by the members of the cathedral church alone, But when the
bishopric was endowed with a temporal estate, and men might
wish to become bishops without desiring a spiritual office, the
king was anxious to promote his own friends ; and sound policy
induced him to place this newly-established temporfll power in
hands which might render it serviceable to his government. This
created a dispute between the crown and the chapter ; and the
king very frequently deprived the chapter of its just rights, and
turned the revenues of the church into the pockets of his favourites
or himself. If the church establishment were of any benefit to
the nation,^ the nation was injured by this injustice, and the
churchman, oppressed by the king, and unable to obtain redress
from the aristocracy, sought it from the pope. Here, then, the see
of Rome claimed a right to consult the general benefit of Christ
endom, by appointing proper persons to the more exalted situa
tions, and pretended to manage the temporal wealth of the church,
for the advantage of the whole Christian body politic.
§ 134. The appointment might safely have been committed to
any one of the three parties, if they had acted up to the pretensions
on which they claimed it ; but as each In their practice deemed
the ecclesiastical oflSce a mere temporal property, the persons so
appointed, ahd the rest of the community, regarded the matter in
no other light ; and when they looked for spirltuj^l guides, they
could find nothing but lordly governors. The clergy, when they
elected, sought their Own immediate interests ; and the prospect
of future elections made the community, to whom the church
belonged, subject to etefnal cabals. The king neglected the
interests of the church, and made the preferment a reward for a
COtirtier, or a means of enriching himself; and the pope generally
nominated a foreigner, who utterly disregarded the cUre of souls.
It Was the wealth and Importance of the situations which Induced
each of these three parties to overlook the good of the people, and

76 summary op the history, [a,d. 1500.
against this, therefore, the attacks of the first reformers were
naturally directed ; and the grossness of the abuse, which was
every where exposed to their view, induced them to run into the
extreme of denying that any temporal wealth should be assigned
permanently for the support of the ministers of religion.
§ 135. No question can be attended with greater real diffi
culty, than the ascertaining the proper quantity of temporal wealth
which ought to be assigned to an ecclesiastical body, in order to
make it as efficient as possible; for as any quantity, however
great, may be used to the advantage of the state, so poverty will
hardly ensure the existence of those virtues, which render the
churchman beneficial to society, in a political point of view. A
small quantity of wealth and power would only have exposed the
churchman of this period to the rapacity of the court and nobles ;
and the very safety of civilized society depended, in some measure,
on the ability of the church to maintain Its rights ; for however
barbarous the church was at that time, the king and his lords
were generally worse ; but there can be no doubt that the height
to which the church power had now risen, rendered the members
of that body totally unfit for spiritual duties, and made a reforma
tion absolutely necessary. The time was come, when either their
wealth and power must be taken from the clergy, or Christianity
would be destroyed by those who were her appointed guardians.
And the attacks of the poor priests were formidable to the priest
hood, because they were backed by truth. The bishoprics had
now become places of such vast importance, in a political point
of view, that the appointment could only be safely lodged in the
crown ; and by degrees this arrangement took place ; the chapter
generally elected by the advice of the court, and the pope sanc
tioned the election by nominating the same man ; but Wiclif and
his followers, who saw the spiritual evils of such an order of
things, without regarding the difficulties which attended any other
system, prevented perhaps moderate people from listening to their
advice, when they beheld their doctrines coupled with such extreme
measures of reform.
§ 136. Another abuse of the same sort existed in this cir
cumstance, that most of the Important situations in the state were

III. § 136.] SUMMARY OP THE HISTORY. 77
monopolized by churchmen. From their superior education, they
were probably better suited to the performance of many civil
duties than any of their contemporaries, and there are frequent
complaints of their engrossing offices of every description. This
augmented the evil before complained of, and tended to with
draw the clergy from their peculiar duties ; but In this case the
jarring interests of the laity would generally provide a remedy,
as well as counteract the Injustice of that exclusive jurisdiction
which the church claimed over her own members. Both these
abuses might tend perhaps to delay the progress of civilization,
but in the end they were sure to be overcome by it. With
regard to the other, the temporal wealth of the clergy, while the
corruption of the doctrines of Christianity prevailed, there seemed
no limit to its extent ; for there Is no reason why an ecclesiastical
dominion might not have been established In any or all the king
doms of Europe, as well as in the papal states. Every event,
therefore, which drew the attention of the people, and led them
to examine the doctrines of Christianity, or the conduct of the
clergy, assisted in loosening the fetters by which the minds of the
nation were held captive. And it is in this point that our grati
tude is peculiarly due to Wiclif and his poor priests. The trans
lation of the Scriptures, and the tracts which he wrote, dwelling
on the vices of the clergy, and enforcing the leading features of
Christianity, instructed many, who in their turn became teachers,
and excited inquiry. While the barbarous severities, with which
the clergy punished those who differed from them, must have
attracted the notice of every one, and disposed them to regard the
church with no very friendly feeling.
§ 137. The steps then towards a reformation which had
been made were many, though they were little observed perhaps
by the majority of the most Intelligent among the clergy. The
wealth of the clergy and the secular nature of their pursuits were
observed, and called forth the animadversions of those who wished
to remedy existing abuses, and who were not friendly to the esta
blished hierarchy. The Scriptures had been translated, and were
read, not to any great extent indeed, but they were read, and
might be procured In English. There were many individuals

78 SUMMARY op THE HISTORY. [a. D. 1500.
ready to propagate the truths pf the GrPSpel, and to undergo thfi
greatest sufferings in the cause which they had egpousg^: audthesp
not only men pf education, but many of them possessed of power
and rank. The dawn of reformation was stM, as far as Jjuipaw
eye could distinguish, far distant ; there was still wuch tp b§ ep^
countered and borne ; but the eye of faith in Wiclif clearly foresaw,
that Christianity must be restored to its just authority. Perhaps,
in exafpinlng the steps which led to the Rpfprniation, top rnuch
stress is sometimes laid on the individuals who stpod forward iji
the cause ; and their succession, and the connexion betwepn tljose
who succeeded each other, Is traced with a mlnutengss whipb
tends rather to cloud the truth, than to placp it in the clearest
light. Let any one study the word pf God while he b.eholds the
systems of error and knavery which have beeij_'' jniei to be
-built upon It, and the necessity of reformation will need no other
light than that which Providence has furnished. Greathead and
Fitzralph, Wiclif and Pecock, Sawtrey ^.nd Lord Cobham, may
have advanced the Reformation among us; but; he who will behpld
the truth must look beyond these instruments to their great
Artificer. The flame which was kindled anaong the Alblgenses,
and in the valleys of Piedmont, may have lept its brightness to
dispel the thick darkness which enveloped us ; but we shall fail
to derive Its greatest advantage from the study of ecclesiastical
history, if we turn not our eyes to that brightness which no
human device can extinguish, and look not up to |the true church
of Christ, built upon the Rock of truth, against which the gates
of hell shall never prevail.

79

CHAPTER IV,
FPOM THE ACCESSION OF HENRY VIII. 1509, TO TIJP ENP OP
THE PIVOJICE OF THE ftUEEN, ANP THE SEPARATION
FROM ROME, 1.534.
151. Ecclesiastical exewptlfms, 15^, IJunne mjjrdered. 153, Iinpojjcy pf the
clergy with regard to the immunities, 154. Faults of the clergy, 155.
Wolsey, his rise. 156, He spoils Henry VIII, 157, The progress of
literafjjre favpiiyable to the Refqrniation, 158. Origin of the divorce. 159.
Progress of it, Campegio. 160, Wolsey'g fa)l. Ifil. Coijdupt aftpr if. 1(58.
The divorce referred to the universities, 163, The opinions of the universities.
164. Cranmer made archbishop of Canterbury. 165. Cranmer dissolves the
mairiage, Fipal rjipfure with ^oine. 166, The pijj'ljament join in the
rupture. 167. More and Fisher. 168, Character of More, 169. Character
of Fisher. 170. Persecutions. 17L Supplication of beggars. Practice of
prelates. }72. Effects of discussion. 173. f5ffppt§ of pergeputjou, 174.
Review of the Reformation.
§ 151. The events which were naost instrumental In producing
the Reformation in England belong rather to thp civil than the
ecclesiastical historian : for though the spirit of reform was amply
spread throughout the people, yet unless other circumstances had
tended to promote a change, and to weaken the power of the
church, it is probable that this body might still have been able to
suppress those Innovations which sapped the foundations on which
the superstructure of Its wealth and authority was raised, "VVhat-
ever contributed to weaken the influenpe of the ecclesiastical
body, gave at the same time a greater freedom of discussion to
the laity; and the extension of knowledge at once paved the way
to truth, and deprived the clergy of that branch pf power which
consisted in their being almost the only depositories of every
species of information*.
The first event which bears on these points was a bill which
parsed the commons In 1 51.3, subjecting all robbers and murderers
to the civil power, and which, in order that it might get through
the lords, had two provisos attached to it ; first, that bishops,
* Burnet, i.

80

ECCLESIASTICAL EXEMPTIONS.

[a.D. 1509.

priests, and deacons* should be exempted from it ; and, secondly,
that it should remain in force during this parliament only. At
the termination of that period, the clergy were not satisfied that
the bill should expire with the authority from which it sprung ;
but some little time afterwards, a preacher, at Paul's Cross, vehe
mently reprobated the idea of subjecting any ecclesiastics to the
jurisdiction of the common courts of law ; and this question was
afterwards discussed before the king, who ultimately determined
to support his own authority over all his subjects.
§ 152. While this point was in agitation, an event occurred
which not only tended to irritate the minds of the people gene
rally on this subject, but to throw the balance very much against
the clergy in the opinion of the nation. Hunne, a respectable
citizen of London, (a.d. 1514,) was put into the ecclesiastical
court, for not paying certain fees to the priest of his parish, and
was subsequently impolitic enough to sue the priest in a prae
munire. Such indiscretion naturally suggested the idea to his
spiritual opponents, that he must be tinged with heretical pravity,
and he was consequently confined in the Lollard's Tower, where he
was soon after found hanging. The coroner's jury which sat on
the body brought in a verdict of wilful murder against Horsey the
chancellor, and other ecclesiastical officers ; who, on the other
hand, declared that he had put an end to himself. The persecu
tion of this unfortunate man did not terminate here ; for after
having been tried for his heterodox opinions, and condemned, the
murdered body was exposed to the flames. The convocation, too,
vehemently attacked Dr. Standish, who, though a churchman,
had ventured to advocate the cause of the civil power, and to
declare that a breach of the common law, perpetrated by an eccle
siastic, should be punished by the civil authority : in this case,
however, their malice was obviated by the support of the king,
who had been convinced by Dr. Veysey, that the immunities

» It is hardly perhaps necessary to
observe, that sub-deacons and the four
inferior orders were subjected to the
effects of it. As the greater part of this
and the following chapter are abridged
from Burnet's History of the Reforma

tion, of which there are many editions,
and to which reference may be made
without any difficulty, I shall omit the
mention of the page in which the event
occurs, and merely quote the book in
which it ig to be found.

IV. § 152.] IMPRUDENCE OP THE CLERGY. 81
claimed by the clergy had no more foundation In scripture than
in reason. § 153, After a considerable struggle the parties came to a
sort of compromise ; Horsey was brought before the court of
king's bench, and the attorney-general did not proceed against
him ; the question, Indeed, seemed brought to a quiet termination ;
but nothing could tranquillize the minds of the people of London,
whose hatred to the clergy became so excessive, that one of the
arguments by which the bishops tried to prevail on the king not
to suffer Horsey to be brought before a jury, was, that they could
expect no justice from men who were so vehemently prejudiced
against them. The clergy themselves must have lost much In the
good opinion of the people in general, by the obstinate manner in
which they advocated so odious a cause. They seemed deter
mined to join themselves to crimes of which they must have
disapproved in their hearts ; and In coupling their own immunities
with the outrages of some of their members, they extended to the
whole body that general detestation which would otherwise have
justly fallen on the individuals In fault. This proceeding of the
clergy, in withdrawing the cause of Horsey into their own courts
from before a lay tribunal, might have arisen from mistaken prin
ciples ; but the ecclesiastical power should then have proceeded
to punish his enormities with due severity ; whereas Horsey
seems not only to have escaped, but to have been rewarded for
his crime *.
§ 154. Such conduct could not fail to make the people enter
tain a low opinion of the justice of the plea itself, when the exer
cise of it, In the present instance, was so palpably iniquitous, and
naturally inclined them to listen to arguments in opposition to a
claim, which they had already learnt to dislike. Nor were the
political power or the ordinary lives of the ecclesiastical body
likely to counteract among the nobility the injurious influence of
those feelings which pervaded the commonalty. We have an
authentic account of the domestic economy of the greatest church
man of this perIod-[-, whose establishment vied with, and even
• Supplication of Beggars. Fox, ii. 232.
f Cavendish's Life of Wolsey. Wordsworth's Eccl. Biog, vol. i.

82 WOLSEY. [a.D. 1515,
surpassed that of most of the princes of Europe, and whose sole
administration of public affairs must have been very grating to
men who deemed themselves entitled to a share, at least. If not
to the whole of the concerns of government.
§ 155. Cardinal Wolsey was the son of poor but honest
parents, and owed his extraordinary rise to his talents as much as
to fortune. He was chaplain to Henry VIL, and employed by
him In some important transactions, much to the satisfaction of
that monarch. When he was first introduced to Henry VIIL,
by Fox, bishop of Winchester, he was one of the king's chaplains,
and about forty years of age. The Immediate object of that
prelate was probably to raise up a rival to Lord Surrey ; and the
choice was so well made, that It soon became evident to all, that
the new favourite would rapidly surpass his patron In the affec
tions of the king. He was successively made bishop of Lincoln,
archbishop of York, and held, besides these, the see of Tourney in
France. He was soon afterwards created cardinal, and legate a
latere by Leo X., and his own sovereign advanced him to the
chancellorship of England, and allowed him successively to hold
the sees of Durham and Winchester. The influence which he
possessed over Henry was founded on a profound knowledge of
the character of the king, and the determination of making every
thing give way to the one object of pleasing his master. Henry
was naturally fond of amusement, and Wolsey easily persuaded
him to devote himself to its pursuit ; well aware that the admi
nistration of business must thus fall into the hands of the favourite.
In these two objects, the cardinal seems to have been indefatigable:
he led the monarch on from one pageant to another, and exerted
himself so actively in managing the affairs of the country, that no
transactions of Importance should seem to be neglected. Of his
talents as a statesman there can be no doubt; but his honesty has
been questioned ; and he has been accused of having consulted his
own interests and pique against Charles V. in the later affairs of
his administration. He had indeed no great reason to be pleased
with the emperor, who had probably promised assistance, and
held out hopes, which he never intended to realize; but we need
not seek for secret reasons in a matter which admits of an easier

IV. § 155.] WOLSEY INJURED HENRY VIII, 83
solution ; the personal anger of Catharine, and of her family, will
sufficiently account for the existence of such reports, without
taking into account that degree of odium which an exalted station
generally draws upon Itself; while the true policy of England*
will satisfactorily answer any arguments which may be draM'n
from the proceedings of the court of Henry, when under the
immediate direction of the cardinal,
§ 1 56, The anxiety with which Wolsey sought the popedom
was excessive ; and In his eagerness to obtain it, he was perhaps
betrayed into some steps which were hardly consistent with the
interests of his country; but it should be remembered, that Henry
was scarcely less anxious than himself, and no one can greatly
blame a, minister who diligently promotes the earnest desires of
his master, even when his own advancement Is the object of their
pursuit. The readiness with which Wolsey complied with all
the wishes of the king, and the pains which he took to please him,
produced a very injurious effect on the mind of that monarch
himself. Henry possessed by nature considerable abilities, and
his education had been carefully attended to, so that no young
prince ever came to the throne with greater prospects of fulfilling
the fond expectations of his people. These flattering appearances,
however, were in a great degree destroyed by that want of
restraint^ of which he was the continual victim. Henry, for
instance, was by temper and education inclined to show the most
profound reverence for the church of Rome ; yet even in this, his
self-will hurried him to contribute to the overthrow of an authority
which he had himself defended ^.
§ 1 57. The literary character of the monarch, as well as of
the favourite, considerably promoted the advancement of sound

• In 1521, Henry published a work
against Luther, of which the title is,
"Assertio Septem Sacramentorum, ad
versus Martin. Lutherum, sedita ab in-
victissimo Anglic et Francise Rege et
DomiiK) Hiberniae Henrico ej us Nominis
Octavo." 4to. It was printed by Pyn-
son, Lond. 1521 ; it exists in MS. in the
Vatican, and has been reprinted. Ant-
* Burnet, part iii. 14. f Cavend, Wols, 543.
G 2

werp, 1522; Rome, 1543. The reprint,
Lugduni, 1661, contains Henry's answer
to Luther, and a preface. (See Strype's
Mem, i. 51.) When presented to Leo X.,
it obtained for the king of England the
title of Defender of the Faith, which had
been previously borne by several of the
kings of England. — Burnet, i.

84

THE PROGRESS OP LITERATURE,

[a.D, 1523,

learning in the kingdom * ; both were munificent patrons, but the
cardinal in particular, if his plans had been brought to perfection,
would have left a standing and splendid monument of his great
ness and his wisdom'*. Greek literature f was now beginning to
flourish, and the study of the Scriptures became a favourite pur
suit with those who engaged in it ; the first patrons, therefore, of
these learned bodies, who promoted its advancement, though the
firm friends of the papacy, were, in fact, preparing the pubhc
mind for the reception of the Reformation b. Thus Colet, too,
who was a liberal promoter of the study of the Greek language,
when he became dean of St. Paul's, read public lectures'' In that
cathedral on the epistles |. In this work he was frequently
assisted by many of his learned friends, and carefully provided
that the church should never be without a sermon on the Sunday,
These innovations quickly brought him under the suspicion of
heresy; but Archbishop Warham dismissed the charges brought
against him; and he continued to preside over that body which
he so richly benefited and adorned. The enemies of innovation
thus quickly perceived the tendency of these proceedings, but the

" His plan for the foundation of Car
dinal's College, now Christ Church, Ox
ford, was as follows. — Lord Herbert's
Life of Henry VIII. p. 146.
A dean and subdean.
60 superior canons, 1 all to be engaged
40 inferior canons, I in study.
13 chaplains, 1 j 41 ¦ t
^ ' [ tor the service of
12 singing men, V ^j,^ .h^p^j,
16 choristers, )
Public professors of the college aud of
the university; of divinity, canon
law, civil law, medicine, liberal arts,
and literse humaniores.
Private lecturers or tutors, to read
lectures in philosophy, logic, sophis
try, (rhetoric,) and literse humani
ores.
4 censores morum et eruditionis.
3 bursars, together with inferior of
ficers, in total numbers 186.

^ It is worthy of remark, (Fuller, v,
170,) that the chief of those who for their
talents or attainments were invited from
Cambridge to become members of the
cardinal's college in O.Kford, were subse
quently cast into prison on the suspicion
of heresy. Fritli suffered martyrdom;
Cox was tutor to Edward VI. and was
an exile ; Tyndale, Taverner, and Good
man, promoted the translation of the
Bible. The offer was made to Cranmer,
but he refused it. (Strype's Cranmer,
p. 3.)
¦^ Stafford read lectures on the Scrip
tures iu Cambridge, 1524, (Strype's
Mem. i. 74,) being the first who substi
tuted the text for the sentences. Latimer
was one of his hearers.

• Strype's Mem, i, 52.

Ibid, 59, &c.

t Knight's Life of Colet, 13.

IV, §157,]

THE PROGRESS OF LITERATURE.

85

more enlightened members of the establishment could not overlook
the necessity of endeavouring to introduce some improvements;
for such was the general Ignorance of the Scriptures at this period,
that, as Erasmus tells us, the spurious Gospel of Nicodemus* was
set up In the cathedral of Canterbury; and it was a rare thing to
find a New Testament in any church. The re-establishment of
sound learning was the only human remedy to such evils ; and
the art of printing, while it promoted most effectually this object,
produced perhaps in this country its most beneficial effects in
disseminating the opinions of the more enlightened among the
mass of society •*, The kingdom was thus prepared to take
advantage of those external events which Providence was about
to bring forward, and In which the instruments were blindly
working to produce an end the most opposite to their Individual
wishes^. Henry VIIL, the public advocate of the papacy, and
who had been honoured M'ith the title of Defender of the Faith,
was to become the chief means of humbling the papal power;
while Wolsey, and the other patrons of learning, were opening
the eyes of the world to those abuses, of which no one exhibited
a stronger instance than the cardinal himself f. It may, perhaps,
be asserted with truth, that no one of these causes would by itself
have brought about so important a change, but each contributed
partially to this end, and their combination produced it.
§ 158. The event which put all these springs In motion was
the divorce "f". Catharine of Spain had been previously married
to Arthur, the elder brother of Henry, and the marriage had In
all probability been consummated; yet, on the death of the

i" It is observed by Henry (in Hist.
Eng. xii. 286,) that the early growth of
English literature, and the perfection of
our language, is greatly owing to the
popular nature of the first productions of
the British press; so that while foreign
printers were advancing the study of the
classics, our own were rendering their
native tongue pure and classical,
° There were at this time many per-
• Knight's Life of Colet, 64,
•)- Burnet, book ii.

sons brought before the ecclesiastical
courts for heresy, particularly in Essex
and London, (Strype, Mem. i. 113, &c.)
' No man perceived the necessity of
reforming abuses more strongly than
Wolsey; (Strype's Mem. i. 72;) he in
stituted a general legantine visitation for
that purpose in 1523, 24, in which he
was supported by Fox; but his purposes
came to nothing.
Erasm. Perigrinat, Rel, ergo.

86 ORIGIN OP THE DIVORCE, [a, D, 1527-
young prince of Wales, Henry VII,, unwilling to send back the
Infanta and her dowry, had betrothed her to his second son. In
order to accomplish this object, he had obtained a bull from
Rome; but it appears, that he had himself afterwards repented of
the transaction, and that Henry VIIL, when he became fourteen
years of age, made a protestation against the connexion, though
when he ascended the throne, he was nevertheless persuaded by
some of the council to marry his brother's widow,
(a.d, 1527.) The king and queen had now lived together for
eighteen years ; she had borne him several children, all of whom
except Mary had been taken off by early deaths ; and the mind
of Henry became scrupulous as to the legality of the connexion,
and alarmed lest the threatenings of the Jewish law should be
accomplished In his dying childless*. Wolsey, on the other hand,
was accused by the friends of Catharine of having suggested these
doubts to the mind of his sovereign, and it was said that he did
BO by means of Longland the king's confessor: nor did his enemies
scruple to assert, that it was through his secret influence that the
French ambassadors questioned the legitimacy of Mary, when her
marriage with the duke of Orleans was In agitation -f-. These
charges, however, appear to be unfounded ; and it Is even probable
that the scruple about the marriage had strongly affected the mind
of Henry before his affections were fixed on Anne Boleyn ; but
neither of these points Is of much real importance at present,
though they have been discussed as If the character, of the Refoi-r
mation depended on the principles which actuated those with
whom it originated. Of the sincerity of Henry's religious scruples,
and the real tenderness of his conscience, there can now remain
no great difference of opinion : If all these particulars were esta
blished in his favour, it would probably produce no great change
in our sentiments concerning him.
§ 159, The first proposals for the divorce were made to the
court of Rome while Clement VII, was a close prisoner in the
hands of the imperialists, so that though his ears were open to
the requests of the English messengers, yet, till his escape,
nothing was done in furtherance of the king's desire : and before
" Lev, XX. 21. f Burnet, i. Cavend. Wols, 428,

IV. § 159.] campegio COMES TO ENGLAND. 87
this time the matter had certainly so far advanced, that the
dissolution of the marriage had become the great object of Henry's
wishes. In 1528, Campegio was sent to England finally to decide the
question in conjunction with Cardinal Wolsey, and he brought
with him a bull which was to confirm the sentence of the legates.
This document, however, he was directed not to show. to any one
but the king; for Clement had still the greatest reason to dread a
new rupture with the emperor, which any appearance of readiness
on his part, in forwarding the divorce, might have produced; and
he seems to have been In the greatest alarm till this bull was
committed to the flames, since the policy which he adopted was
of that intricate nature, which such a disclosure would have con
siderably disconcerted. Campegio made no haste In a journey
from which he expected to reap little profit, and much unplea
santness, and after many delays arrived in this country; where,
notwithstanding the urgent solicitations of Wolsey, he strictly
adhered, to his instructions concerning the bull. These causes so
retarded all proceedings, that the court was not opened till May 31,
1529 ; and after some other delays, arising from the refusal of the
queen to appear a second time before the legates, and her appeal
to Rome, Campegio, at the moment when every one expected the
sentence to be pronounced, adjourned the court from July 23, to
October 1, as being vacation time in the Roman courts.
§ 160. In so doing he was probably aware of an avocation
of the cause to Rome which had taken place a few days before the
adjournment. The king, it may be supposed, was much irritated
at this double dealing on the part of Clement, but he exhibited no
outward marks of his displeasure, and even received tlie cardinals
with apparent cordiality*; but the interview at Grantham was
the last which Wolsey enjoyed. He was soon after deprived of
his chancellorship, and subjected to a prsemunire. The treatment
which he now experienced was most cruel and unjust ; for the
legantine office, which was the pretended ground of this attack,
had been exercised with the consent and approbation of the king;
and if in compliance with the wishes of his master he had been
* Cavend. Wols, 442. et passim:

88 wolsey's fall. [a.d. 1529.
guilty of some unjustifiable conduct, yet surely no act of which
he was ever accused could be more unjustifiable than the con
demnation to which he was exposed ; and even In point of com
pliance he seems often to have tried to check* the madness of
Henry's proceedings ; nor could It be expected that the minister
of such a tyrant could be very independent In his conduct.
§ 161. Wolsey quietly submitted to every severity, hoping
by such compliance to soften down the feelings of his master,
whose favour he expected to have regained, could he once have
been readmitted Into his presence. This, however, was prevented
by the watchful zeal of his enemies at court, who from his long
prosperity had become very numerous, and at the head of whom
we must not forget to mention the lady who had now possession
of the monarch's affections: he was sent, therefore, to his diocese
of York, where he appears to have given universal satisfaction -(- ;
but he was subsequently removed on the charge of high treason,
and died at Leicester Abbey In his way to London. His pride
and ambition were neither apostolical nor Christian ; but they-
are the vices of human nature, and were peculiarly those to which
he was most exposed. For them he Is amenable to the tribunal
of God, and not to that earthly power which had led him into
them, and to which power he was In all appearance faithful to
the last; and there must have been something fundamentally
good In a man who could so attach his servants to his person |.
The latter interviews between them and their master are quite
pathetic ; and the respect shown to him in the north, during the
whole of his disgrace, speaks more highly of his general conduct §,
than volumes of panegyric, while the testimony of an Iniquitous
bill, which was brought in soon after, for cancelling the king's
private debts ||, proves most strongly the goodness of a minister,
who could raise the country into such a state of prosperity as Is
described in the preamble. After his fall, he showed the greatest
signs of weakness and childish clinging to the hopes of reobtaining
the royal favour IT; but on this object alone he had placed his
affections; so that in reviewing his life one cannot help mourn-
• Cavend. Wols. 543. + Burnet, P. iii. + Cavend, Wols, 466,
§ Ibid, 495, &c. || Burnet, i. f Cavend. Wols, 450, &c.

IV, § 161.] PROGRESS OF THE DIVORCE. 89
fully regretting, that he never served his God with half the zeal
he served his king ; but while we leave the sinner to the mercy
of the Almighty, we must not overlook the human greatness and
superiority of the man.
§ 162. All progress in the divorce was now rendered nearly
hopeless ; the cause had been removed by a papal avocation into
Italy, and notwithstanding the promises which were continually
given to the English ambassadors, little expectation could be
entertained that justice would be obtained In a place, where so
many conflicting interests must delay the final decision. The
question was freed from this dilemma* by the sagacity of Cran
mer*, who, when his opinion was accidentally asked In private,
suggested the idea of settling the dispute by reference to the
opinions received from the several universities ; and Henry no
sooner heard of the plan, than he adopted It. The means taken
in order to procure a favourable answer must probably for ever
remain a secret ; but there appears to have been little or no
bribery used, In comparison with what is generally represented.
In Oxford and Cambridge, It Is likely that favour and Influence
were exerted, and the whole discussion seems to have been con
sidered as a party question ; but the Interested prejudices of the
ecclesiastical members of those societies were as capable of warp
ing the opinions of the judges against the cause, as any court
interest could have tended to promote it.
In the Sorbonne, though the royal influence was doubtless
exerted In favour of the divorce "I", yet the conduct of that body
was certainly open to the charge of favouring the other side
through the force of party feeling : nor must It be forgotten, that
truth is as much obscured by prejudice as by any other cause;
and we cannot doubt, that the blindest churchman must have
seen the tendency of such an appeal, from the authority of the
pope to the opinions of the learned. In England, It could be no

' See Wordsworth's Eccl. Biog. iii.
437. 3, where it is with some appearance
of reason attributed rather to Wolsey ;
but after all, the cardinal may previously

have consulted the universities, and
Cranmer have merely said. We shall
never receive any decision, except through
the universities.

Burnet, i, f Ibid. P. iii.

90 THE OPINIONS OF THE UNIVERSITIES. [a.D. 1529.
secret that Anne would probably favour the reformers; and what
circumstance could have conduced more strongly to dispose the
mass of the clergy to promote the interests of Catharine ?
§ 163. There is no reason to suppose, that the influence
exercised In France or England preponderated much on either
side ; in both, there was the interest of the court balanced against
that of the church ; yet In each of these countries it was decided,
that a marriage with a brother's widow was contrary to the law
of God, and therefore null from the beginning ^ The same, and
corresponding answers, were obtained from many other universi
ties and learned Individuals. The Protestant divines generally
coincided In maintaining the illegality of the former marriage,
but were some of them doubtful as to the propriety of a new con
nexion. In order to enforce these decisions with their full weight
on the mind of Clement, a letter was addressed to him from Eng
land, which was signed by those chiefly who were immediately
connected with the king ; yet the fears by which the mind of the
pope were biassed, made him continue that system of deceit
which he had carried on from the beginning. The ready compli
ance of the clergy In this country may partly be accounted for, in
consequence of their then lying under an unjust prsemunire, for
having acknowledged the legantine power of Wolsey, which
Henry had personally authorized. In order to buy off this,
(1530,) the convocation consented to a considerable subsidy; and
in the bill which granted It, the king's supremacy was asserted :
it was, however, with much difficulty that this clause was passed,
and so little with the good-will of the lower house, that after the
acknowledgement, a proviso was inserted, quantum per Christi
legem licet.§ 164. The parliament at the same time objected to the
constitutions framed by the clergy*, which fell heavily on the

" The reader will find a different ac
count of the matter given in Lingard,
vi. 224. The discussion is important as
far as the characters of the individuals
concerned are at issue, but of little con
sequence as to the question generally.
* Str\pe's Mem. i. 198.

Henry may appear more or less guilty;
but his guilt affects not the Reformation,
The Roman Catholic may reject him,
but Protestants will hardly claim him as
their own.

IV. § 164.] PARLIAMENT OBJECTS TO ECCLESIASTICAL COURTS.

91

laity, with regard to mortuaries, probate of wills, &o., and in a
later session, (1532,) made complaints against the manner in
which the ecclesiastical courts examined and tried delinquents ;
for when brought before them on no definite charges, and without
accusers, they had no alternative but to abjure opinions, which
possibly they had never held, or to be proceeded against as
heretics. But In consequence of some offence which the king
conceived against the house, for rejecting a bill about wards, this
motion was not carried into a law till 1534. This session was
also marked by the enactment of a law against annates, by which
all persons were forbidden to pay their first-fruits to the see of
Rome. These steps were probably taken merely to alarm that.
court ; for though Henry was determined to proceed, whatever
might be the consequence, yet at this time he had probably no
wish to produce an open rupture. In this autumn (1532) his
marriage was solemnized with Anne Boleyn, and upon the death
of Warham, (August,) the archbishopric was offered to Cranmer,
whose modesty, as well as unwillingness to take the oaths to the
pope, delayed for some time his consecration. These obstacles,
however, were both overcome, (March 30, 1533,) and he was
contented to swear true obedience to the pope, with the salvo of
a protestation, that his so doing should not affect the duty which
he owed to his God, his king, or country.
§ 165. The first act of his primacy was the declaration of
the sentence of divorce, in conformity to the decision of convoca-
tlon^ Which act at this moment seemed rather misplaced ; for

" The texts of Scripture which bear
on this question are Gen. xxxviii. 8.
Deut. XXV. 5, which direct the brother
of a man who died without an heir to
raise up children to his brother ; Levit.
xviii. 16, which forbids a man to marry
his brother's wife; 18, or two sisters;
and Levit. xx. 21, which threatens, that
in that case they shall die childless ;
from whence it would appear, that the
marriage was illegal, except for the pur
pose of preventing the extinction of a
Jewish family. By the present law of
England, the marriage might be set
aside during the lives of both parties,

" ad reformandos mores," but if not so
set aside, it would be afterwards good in
law, and the children legitimate. Cal
vin attempted to reconcile the difference
between Deut. xxv. 5, and Levit. xviii.
1 6, by interpreting the word brother as
a near kinsman, an extension of which
it will undoubtedly admit, as in the
instance of Boaz aud Ruth ; but to
which it cannot be confined, when Gen.
xxxviii. 8, and the case of the seven
brethren mentioned iu the Gospels, are
considered. Second Edition. This has
been since changed, and the marriage is
now, ipso facto, void.

92

CRANMER DISSOLVES THE MARRIAGE. [a.D. 1533.

the marriage with Catharine must have either been from the
beginning Illegal, and a formal divorce therefore unnecessary, or
the connexion with Anne was nothing less than bigamy. The
king himself continued to the very last anxious to preserve terms
with Rome, and even sent messengers to justify his conduct.
One great source of delay in the process in Italy had arisen from
the refusal of Henry to appear in person, or by proxy, when
summoned before the pope ; an act of submission, which he
declared to be contrary to the rights of an independent prince,
and esteemed a species of personal Indignity : at the same time
the discussion was involved in greater difficulty, because the
strength of the argument In favour of the illegality of the mar
riage depended on the total inadequacy of any papal dispensation
to set aside the law of marriage established from the word of
God, and this argument the pope would not allow to be brought
forward in his presence. Yet all this might have been overlooked,
and peace have been preserved by mutual concessions, had not the
Imperial faction hurried on the pope to give a decision on the
case, when he found that a messenger who was expected from
England did not arrive. The French and English authorities
who were in Rome, (1534,) had made strong remonstrances
against such precipitation, and urged the possibility of the mes
senger's having been accidentally delayed ; but this prudent
advice .was offered in vain ; and the messenger who brought the
necessary concessions (March 23) was met on his arrival by the
rejoicings of the imperialists, M'ho were exulting in the victory
which their cause had gained'^. Reconciliation was now too late,
and the apparent indignity with which his sincere endeavours
after peace had been treated, rendered Henry more determined

^ The correctness of this account, '
which is taken from Burnet, is contro
verted by Lingard, (vi. 267. ". 153,) on
the ground, that the royal assent was
granted March 30th to tiie bill which
set aside the authority of the pope,
when nothing could possibly have been
known of the decision given on the 23rd.
Henry had probably made up his mind
to reject the authority of the pojio be

fore this, yet he might wish for the
sanction of the court of Rome, with
regard to his marriage, and have thought
that the intimidation produced by these
bills brought into parliament might not
have been uninflueutial in promoting a
favourable issue. We can hardly ex
pect consisteucy of conduct from such a
man as Henry,

IV, § 165.]

FINAL RUPTURE WITH ROME.

93

than ever to do away with the papal authority within the pre
cincts of his dominions.
§ 166. The parliament was In every way willing to promote
the views of Henry In opposition to the church of Rome, for It
had already abrogated the papal supremacy, and established that
of the klng^ (a.d, 1534,) Its other acts were, one concerning
the punishment of heretics. In which the inquisitorial power of
the bishops' courts was destroyed, inasmuch as they could now
only proceed in open court, and by witnesses ; and it was ordained
that none were to be troubled for any of the pope's laws or
canons^ : another, relating to the succession, In which the children

" The nature of the supremacy which
Henry VIII. claimed to himself is dis
tinctly marked in Tonstal's Letter to
Pole. (Burnet, P. iii. Records, No. 52.)
He states. That no man knew better
than the king the difference between the
duties of a Christian prince and spiritual
persons. That he pretended not to the
cure of souls, but to that authority which,
while it vindicated his kingdom from a
foreign and usurped power, would com
pel all persons within his dominions to
conform to the laws of God,
' The canon and civil law are by
Blackstone (Introduct. § 3. iii.) ranked
among the leges non scripttE, because
they are received in England from cus
tom, and not from any intrinsic autho
rity of their own : a point expressly de
clared in the statute 25 Hen. VIII.
c. 21,
By the term civil law is generally un
derstood the municipal law of the Roman
empire, as arranged from the confused
mass of laws, edicts, and imperial de
crees ; first, by private lawyers, then by
Theodosius, A.n, 438 ; and, lastly, by
Justinian, about 533. The Corpus Juris
Civilis, as compiled under his auspices,
consists of, —
1, The Institutes, which contain the
elements or first principles of the Roman
law, iu four books.
2. The Digests, or Pandects, in fifty
books ; containing the opinions and

writings of eminent lawyers, digested in
a sytematic method.
3. A new Code, or Collection of Im
perial Constitutions, in twelve books ;
the lapse of a whole century having ren
dered the former code of Theodosius
imperfect. 4. The Novels, or New Constitutions,
posterior in time to the other books, and
amounting to a Supplement to the Code ;
containing new decrees of successive
emperors, as new questions happened to
arise. It was these which were found about
1130, at Amalfi, in Italy.
The canon law is a body of Roman
ecclesiastical law relative to such matters
as that church either has, or pretends to
have, the proper jurisdiction over. The
Corpus Juris Canonici was compiled from
the opinions of the Latin fathers, the
decrees of general councils, and the de
cretal epistles and bulls of the holy see,
by Gratian, an Italianmonk, about 1151,
and has received subsequent additions ;
it consists of,
1. Decreta Gratiani.
2. Decretalia Gregorii IX.
3. Liber Sextus Deeretalium, and the
Clementine Constitutions.
4. The Extravagants of John XXII,
and his successors.
Besides these pontifical laws, there
are national canons established in synods
held under the authority of a Roman

94 BISHOP FISHER. [a,d, 1534,
of the king, by Anne Boleyn, were declared heirs to the throne ;
at the same time, those who oppugned this bill were adjudged
traitors to the king; and an oath was framed for its observance,
in which a clause was inserted, that the party swearing would
bear true faith to no foreign authority or potentate, and deem any
oath, previously sworn to that effect, as of no avail,
§ 167. This law was passed In a session during the spring,
(a.d. 1534,) and though the oath was readily taken by the
majority of the nation, Sir Thomas More, and Fisher bishop of
Rochester, refused to do so, and were In consequence committed
to the Tower, Fisher seems to have been a good man, and a
sincere papist, and was at this time very old and infirm ; but he
had not conducted himself with any great wisdom or prudence
with respect to the maid of Kent. Elizabeth Barton had pre
tended to revelations concerning the king's death, and, like many
impostors, half deceiving, half deceived, had become the tool of
some designing priests, who preached her up as a prophetess, and
foretold the destruction of Henry, She and some of her accom
plices were afterwards hanged, and then made a confession of the
cheat ; for which she justly blamed her spiritual guides, who
fostered the imposition. Fisher had to a certain degree promoted
these proceedings by his countenance, and probably believed in
her inspiration. Sir Thomas More, however, had placed no
confidence in her predictions.
It had originally been In contemplation to comprehend both
these distinguished Individuals in the bill of attainder by which
the other persons suffered ; but the declarations of Sir Thomas
More*, and the fear of bringing the question before the house
of lords, saved him from this unmerited Imputation f, while

legate, aud provincial canons established
by synods held in the provinces of Can
terbury or York.
By the statute 25 Hen. VIII. c. xix.
and 2 Eliz. c. i. it was enacted that a
review should be had of the canon law ;
and till such review should be made, all
canons, constitutions, ordinances, and

synodals provincial, being then already
made, and not repugnant to the law of
the land, or the king's prerogative, should
still be used and executed. And as no
such review bas yet been perfected, upon
this statute now depends the authority of
the canon law in England,

Wordsworth's E. B. ii. 174. -|- Burnet i.

IV. § 167.] mohe's character. 96
Fisher's name was Inserted in the bill, though no proceedings
were Instituted against him. Both these men were therefore the
objects of the displeasure of the court when the affair of the oath
took place ; and More, seeing from the first that he could expect
no mercy, made up his mind to suffer ; for he was well aware of
the Importance which would be attached to the refusal of a man
of his own high character, and of the effect which such an example
must have in discrediting the party of his opponents. He is
justly considered by the church of Rome as a martyr to her cause,
and every one must allow him the credit of having laid down his
life in firmly maintaining his sincere opinions,
§ 168. His character is singularly splendid. He had raised
himself by his honest exertions as a lawyer, and In 1523 was
elected speaker of the house of commons, where he was distin
guished for his opposition to the illegal attempts of the king's
ministers. On one occasion, upon the demand of a supply,
Cardinal Wolsey wished to have received an answer before he left
the house, but the members preserved an obstinate silence, till at
last their speaker on his knees, with many compliments*, so
urged the privilege of the body, that the cardinal hastily retired
in great anger. Upon the disgrace of Wolsey, More was made
lord chancellor, being the first layman who ever arrived at that
honour, and In this exalted station retained the same unblemished
fame which had raised him to it. It is extraordinary that one
who had In his writings expressed such liberal notions* should
have been himself a persecutor ; but he gloried In withstanding
heretics by his pen and power, and the blindness of the times
prevented him from seeing the practical advantage of that liberty
of which he understood the theory. He was tried on the act
passed November, 1534, which made those who refused to take
the oath relative to the succession liable to the penalties of treason,

* The Utopians allowed of no perse
cution for religious tenets, 264, and their
priests had no temporal power, but
merely animadverted upon the evil doers,
and, if necessary, excommunicated them.
275, Su: T, More's Utopia, Han, 1613.

12mo. He denies ever having caused
heretics to be beaten or ill treated, be
yond being confined. (Works, p. 901.)
But this must be taken in a very quali
fied sense. See Fox and Strype's Mem,
i. 310, &c.

• Wordsw, E, P. ii, 77.

96 SIR THOMAS MORE. [a,d. 1535.
contained in the former bill. When condemned, he received his
sentence with that placid serenity which had always marked his
life. He prayed that as St. Stephen and St. Paul were now
blessed saints, though one had been present, and consented to the
death of the other, so he in like manner, and his judges, might
hereafter meet in heaven, to their everlasting salvation''. His
playful disposition attended him to the scaffold, and he died In
full hopes of a blessed eternity, with a pleasantry upon his lips.
(1535.) The death of this wise and good man leaves an indelible
stain on the character of Henry, who, out of self-will and pique,
suffered his faithful servant to be murdered by the hands of an
executioner. Had the writer of Utopia acted up to his profes
sions and opinions, he must have proved a merciful and unperse-
cutlng papist, if he had not become a Protestant ; and this was
certainly the character of More after he ceased to be chancellor;
for though so fixed In his sentiments, that he was ready to die for
them, yet he never blamed those who acted on different principles.
His apparent obstinacy might possibly have arisen from his not
rightly understanding the nature of the king's supremacy. He
had viewed the pope as his spiritual father, and when the title of
supreme head of the church was transferred to Henry, he felt
that this species of authority could not be vested in a temporal
prince. He would have been willing to swear to the succession*,
had the preamble which restricted the papal authority been
separated from It; and Cranmer -f- was anxious that this conces
sion should have been made to the sentiments of More, (as well
as to those of Fisher, who denied not that the king and parlia
ment had a right to nominate a successor to the throne;) but he
had to deal with a monarch who ill brooked opposition j', and who,

' This account is taken from a Life of
Sir T. More, published in Wordsworth's
Ecc. Biog. ii. 213, m which many inte
resting particulars of this good man are
recorded. He is there stated to have
been tried in Westminster-hall, and con ¦
demned on the testimony of Rich, the
king's solicitor. If these anecdotes be

correct, which I much doubt, they add
much to the injustice of his death. But
under the second bill there was no neces
sity for any witnesses at all. It was by
that act treason not to take the oath,
which he refused to do. He was be
headed July 6th, 1535.

Words. Eccl. Biog. ii. 177. + Strype's Cranmer, i. 39,
± Words, ii. 223.

IV. § 168.] MORE AND FISHER, 97
after the death of the chancellor, acknowledged the excellence of
a servant, whom his cruelty had destroyed.
§ 169. Fisher was detained In prison above a twelvemonth,
and treated with a severity which nothing can excuse ; for at tho
age of fourscore he was actually In want of both clothes and fire*.
The same act of parliament under which More suffered, termi
nated his misery, in consequence of his speaking against the
supremacy. The execution took place Juno 22, 1535 -f-. He was
a learned aud devout man ; and it is more than probable that to
him the two universities owe the foundation of the Margaret
professorships of divinity, which were established by the king's
grandmother, Margaret, countess of Richmond, to wdiom ho was
confessor ; the colleges of St, John's and Christ's Cambridge are
of the same foundation. The countenance which he gave to the
maid of Kent may render the soundness of his judgment very
dubious ; and even the severities used by him towards those who
differed from him in opinion may be attributed to sincere, though
mistaken motives ; nor can we fail to respect the man who would
never exchange his small bishopric of Rochester for more valuable
preferment, or, to use bis own expression, desert his first wife
because she was poor.
§ 170. The clergy at this time seem to have become the
objects of the hatred of their fellow citizens; nor can this
surprise us, if we consider, not only the cruelty which was exer
cised towards heretics, but the liability under which every one
lay of being called before the bishops' courts, a tribunal of which
the authority was almost unlimited, till the passing of the bill
for punishing heretics J.
The limits of the work will hardly allow us to enter on any
detailed account of those who suffered in the cause ; and as an
abridgment of the history of their deaths must destroy all those
minute traits which peculiarly interest and Improve us In the
history of martyrs, we must content ourselves with a mere notice
of some of them. Bilney, a clergyman of Cambridge ; Byfield,
a monk ; and Tewkesbury, a citizen of London, were severally
* Fuller, 192, § 12. f Ibid. 203, &c. ' + See § 166.
II

98 COOKS against the papal power, [a. d. 1534.
burnt as relapsed heretics*. Bainham, a lawyer, was first
whipped and tortured, and afterwards consigned to the flames*.
The body of William Tracy was dug up, and burnt, because In
making his will he had consigned his soul to Christ, without
mentioning the saints or purgatory. Harding, Hewett, and
Frith, were subsequently also burnt. Frith was a young man of
eonslderable note, who, from his character for learning and piety,
was removed from Cambridge, to the cardinal's college in Oxford.
He wrote a book against the corporal presence, which was
answered by Sir Thomas More ; and while in confinement, and
without books, he replied to his opponent. He had, moreover,
impugned the doctrine of purgatory, against which the attacks
had of late become frequent ; for it is obvious that they who con
troverted the papal supremacy, must either be prepared to destroy
this appalling weapon of superstition, or have been contented to
find themselves deserted by the mass of society, who would hardly
bear patiently the thunders of the Vatican, while they were
labouring under the dread of those penal fires from which the
pope could free them.
§ 171. "fin the Supplication of the Beggars^ a witty pro
duction by Simon Fish, of Gray's Inn, the source of the Romish
superstitions is stated to be the belief in purgatory; and the
remedy which the author recommends is not the enactment of
new laws, but the disclosing of the hypocrisy of its votaries. The
church, he argues, has been able by power or policy to obviate the
effects of all laws, but that, by going to the root of the error, the
evil might be easily eradicated. The other attacks are directed
against the obvious vices of the clergy, which are very fuUy
described. This work, by some accident, found its way into the
hands of the king himself; but the wit which it contained saved
the author from any harm. Another work, of nearly the same
date, but which is a very superior production, Is denominated the

° There are some interesting particu
lars recorded of a visit paid by Latimer
to Bainham, the night before the execu
tion, his anxiety about his wife, and

Latimer's consolation, Strype's Eccl,
Mem. V, 372,
' This work is printed at length in
Fox.

* Fox, ii. 211, &c, cScc, Burnet, i, f Fox, ii. 229, &c, Burnet, i.

IV. § 171,] EFFECT OF DISCUSSION, 99
Practice of Prelates''. In It the tyranny of the clergy is strongly
painted. They are described as possessing in all their establish
ments gaols, and instruments of torture. He who was once
within their keeping was never allowed to escape, lest he should
convey to the world unseasonable reports of what he had there
seen. The papal supremacy is attacked on the same grounds of
Scripture as would now be employed, and with much perspicuity;
the existence of purgatory is denied. It is stated, that In the
universities they were not permitted to study the word of God,
till their minds had been perverted with some years' previous
study, with which they were "clere shutt out of the under-
standinge of Scripture ;" that auricular confession was made the
tool of political Intrigue ; and that Wolsey used Longland as a
spy and Instrument about the king. The reasoning is generally
correct and sound, though there are some points in which we
should hardly now agree with the writer ; but the spirit of the
book is excellent, and the address, towards the end of the preface,
to the true servants of Christ, not to resist, but to endure persecu
tion, is quite apostolical.
§ 172. Such writings, when viewed in combination with
the condition of public affairs, prove that the seeds of the Refor
mation were now securely sown. But there was still the utmost
need of the fostering hand of God, to secure what he had planted,
against the rude assaults of superstition, and the vices incident to
human nature. The papal supremacy was indeed suppressed, so-
that men might safely exercise their powers of reasoning, in dis
proving the grounds on which that authority was built. But the
supremacy of Henry was little better, in point of freedom of
discussion ; for he by no means allowed to others that liberty of
seeking the truth, which circumstances had induced him person
ally to adopt ; but these great events, by exciting an universal
sensation, had taught the people to reason for themselves, and to
ground their own belief on the dictates of holy writ"; and the

^ The practice of Papistical Prelates,
made by William Tyndale, 1530, edited
by Fox iu Tyndale's Works, fol. 1573,
reprinted in the works of the reformers.

' It was an observation of Robert
Whitgift, abbot of the black canons, at
Wellow, near Grimsby, in Lincolnshire,
and uncle to tlie archbishop, that they
H 2

100

EFFECT OP PERSECUTION.

[a.D. 1634

discussions arising from the attacks of their enemies made It
necessary for the church of Rome to argue, as well as to punish ;
and in this species of encounter, the superior abilities of even Sir
Thomas More could not conceal the weakness of the cause.
§ 173. Many of the remedies, too, to which the friends of
the established religion had recourse, convinced men, that their
spiritual guides were not the ministers of good-will and peace ;
and the very necessity of rigorous persecution, while it proves the
unsoundness of the cause, has always the tendency of more widely
diffusing the tenets against which it is directed. How, more
over, can the world imagine, that the doctrines of Christ form
the belief of men who were ever anxious to destroy copies of the
Scriptures? A very ludicrous Instance of the inutility of such
attempts is related of Tonstal, bishop of London, who, when in
Flanders, took some pains to procure for the flames as many of
Tyndale's New Testaments as he could. Tyndale was aware of
some errors in the first edition, and gladly therefore allowed the
bishop to purchase all the copies which were left, for the purpose
of finding the necessary means for publishing a second, and more
correct one. These, which were thus bought, were carried into
England, and burnt in Cheapside ; and when Constantine, who
had assisted Tyndale, had brought over a large supply of the new
edition, he was seized and examined before Sir Thomas More,
who was particularly eager to discover those who had enabled
¦ them to undertake so expensive a work, and promised to show
kindness In case this information were readily communicated.
The discovery that Tonstal had most effectually befriended the
publication, naturally excited a great laugh.
§ 174. In reviewing the Reformation at this point of its
history, the English Protestant cannot withhold the tribute of
thanksgiving to the Author of all good, from whom this deliver
ance sprung, nor fail to remark its progress, so contrary to the
expectations of human foresight. He will observe, that the chief
mover of the Reformation, in this country, was a king brought

and their religion could never continue ;
for that he had read the whole Scrip
tures over and over, but could never find

therein that their religion was founded
by God. Wordsworth's Eccl, Biog, iv,
318. Wlutgift's Life, by Sir G. Paule,

V. § 174.] REVIEW OP THE REFORMATION. 101
up with a high respect and admiration for those doctrines which
were combated by the reformers ; who had personally embarked
in their defence, and acquired the title of Defender of the Faith ;
which* if the vicar of Croydon may be believed, he valued more
than London, and twenty miles about it, and who retained his
predilection for most of his opinions even to the end of his life :
that one of the greatest patrons of literature from which the
Reformation gained very important assistance, by enabling men
to examine the basis on which the papal fabric was constructed,
with his dying breath urged the king to beware of, and to reduce
the Lutherans -f-; and that he again, who by his writings and
severe activity, fanned the flame of discussion which ultimately
convinced the nation, laid down his life an honoured victim to
that cause, which he had greatly, though unwillingly, contributed
to overthrow: that the character of the pope, who by his intem
perate and illegal haste in pronouncing the decision, had made
the breach incurable, was marked by caution rather than heat, so
that he had before been particularly careful to avoid coming to
extremities ; and that the separation ultimately took place in
consequence of the accidental delay of a messenger : who can
observe all this, and not acknowledge the shortsighted policy of
earthly designs and prospects ; and If he rejoice In the Reforma
tion which these events produced, can fail to thank that almighty
Power which setteth at nought the wisdom and prudence of man,
and governeth the world according to those laws which most *
surely promote the interests of his creatures !
* Practyce of Prelates, fol. K. 4. Strype's Mem. i. 62.
-l" Cav. Wolsey, 543.

102

CHAPTER V.
FROM THE DIVORCE OF HENRY VIII. TO THE END OF HIS
REIGN, 1534—1547.

291. Tire commencement jof the church of England j the authority of it vested in
the crown ; ecclesiastical commission. 202. Visitation of monasteries j causes;
of the dissolution of them. 203. Death of Anne Boleyn. 204. Bill of suc
cession. 205. Convocation. Parties. 206. First document of the church of
England. 207. Proclamation for reformation, 208. Henry summoned to
Mantua by the pope. 209. Pilgrimage of grace. 210. Reduced. 211.
Dissolutionof monasteries; 'j,212. Surrenders of monasteries. 213. The Insti
tution published, 214. The sacramentaries persecnted. 215. John Lambert
tried aud burnt. 216i Proclamation against the marriage of priests. 217.
Law of the Six Articles. 218. Acts of parliament. 219. Anne of Cleves ;
Cromwell's fall. 220. His character. 221. Divorce, and marriage with
Catharine Howai'd; persecutions. 222. Execution of Catharine Howard.
223. Bonner's injunctions; acts of parliament. 224. Persecution at Windsor ;
English litany. 225. Anne Askew bumt. 226. Cranmer and the queen in
danger. 227. Cruelty of Henry. 228. His character. 229. Points gained
in the Reformation. 230. Evils still requiring reform. 231. Effect of the
Reformation in Germany very small. 232. Intercourse between Henry and
the German reformers.

§ 201. The existence of the church of England as a distinct body,
and her final separation from Rome*, may be dated from the period
of the divorce. In the remaining part of this reign we shall

" The act which immediately caused
the separation was the bull of Paul III.
published in 1538 j (Burnet, p. i. b. iii.
Rec. No. 9;) but the authority of the
pope in England had been before done
away with by the act (25 Henry VIII.
c. 20,) which forbade the procuring bulls
or breves from Rome, or the payment
of first-fruits or tenths. (See § 103, and
b.) These payments had gradually
grown up with the encroachments of the
papal see. (See Lingard, iv. 198.) The
origin of first-fruits has been referred to
the presents which were made at conse
cration or ordination; and which, as
they were regulated by tho value of the

benefice, insensibly grew to be rated at
one year's income. On this supposition
they would have been paid by the infe
rior clergy of the diocese to the bishop,
and by the bishop himself to the pope:
which seems generaUy to have been the
case. In England, Pandulph, when
bishop of Norwich, 1(1222—1226,) is
said to have exacted, or to have obtained
through the pope, this tax from his
clergy, on the plea of the encumbrances
with which he found himself burthened.
The amount of the sums paid for first-
fruits was often uncertain. Tenths were
a tenth part of the yearly value of all
benefices exacted by the pope from the

V. § 201.] causes op the dissolution of monasteries.

103

trace her progress towards her present matured state, and observe
the numerous difficulties which she encountered on the way.
In looking back at the events recorded In the last chapter, It is
impossible to suppose that the steps towards reformation should
have been acceptable to the great mass of the clergy, whose privi
leges were directly attacked ; and the opposition of some of them,
and secret practices of others, irritated Henry to exercise a severity
which nothing can excuse. The bishops and universities readily
took the oath of the king's supremacy (1535) which met with
little resistance, except from the Franciscan friars^. It was this
refusal, or the discovery of the secret proceedings of the monks,
which produced the general visitation ]of monasteries ; for the
carrying on of which, as well as of other reforms, Cromwell was
created first vicar general, and afterwards lord vicegerent. One
of the first points which fell under the cognizance of this newly-
created power, was with regard to the authority from which the
bishops derived their right of ecclesiastical jurisdiction. The
Roman church esteemed this as communicated from Christ
through his vicar the pope, an idea which must give the bishops
of Rome an influence over all the countries in Christendom, for

clergy, a tithe of the tithe, in imitation
of the same proportion paid bythe Levites
to the high-priest. These were iu Eng
land sanctioned by law, (20 Edw, I.)
when Pope Nicholas IV. granted them
for six years to Edward I,, under the
pretence of his undertaking a crusade;
but they had been long before paid, and
indeed granted by Innocent IV. to Henry
III., in 1263, for three years. The
sums so due had been levied first by a
valuation made in 1254, under the direc
tion of Walter, bishop of Norwich, and
therefore called sometimes the Norwich
Taxation, and sometimes Pope Inno
cent's valor; but upon the fresh grant
made to Edward I. a new valu.-ition
took place (1288—1292,) which is gene
rally denominated Pope Nicholas's valua
tion, and is still used iu estimating the
value of livings in some colleges : a third
valuation of a part of the province of

York took place in 1318, in consequence
of the invasion of the Scotch, entitled
Nova Taxatio. By the 26th Henry
VIII, c. 3, the first-fruits and tenths
were both transferred to the crown, and
a new valuation was made by commis
sions issued by the king under an act of
parliament. It has been questioned
whether from the words of this act the
crown has a right to frame a new valua
tion. See § 756. a. The words are,
" that the chancellor for the time being
shall have power to direct commissions"
for making the valuation, but the mean
ing of the act itself does not appear to
look forward to above one valuation.
This is called the valuation of the liber
regis or king's booh.
' See an account of the cruel execu
tion of several of these in Strype's Mem.
i. 302, &c.

104

CAUSES OF THE DISSOLUTION OP MONASTERIES. [a.D. 1535.

which there is not the slightest foundation in Scripture ; and
Henry, therefore, wishing to put an end to this error, now sus
pended all the bishops from the use of their episcopal authority,
during the visitation which he purposed to institute : and after a
time the power of exercising it was restored by a commission to
the following effect, which was granted to each of them on their
petitioning for it : " Since all authority, civil and ecclesiastical,
flows from the crown, and since Cromwell, to whom the ecclesi
astical part has been committed, is so occupied that he cannot
fully exercise it, we commit to you the licence of ordaining,
proving wills, and using other ecclesiastical jurisdiction, besides
those things which are committed to you by God in holy Scrip
ture ; and^we allow you to hold this authority during our pleasure,
as you must answer to God and to us." It must be confessed
that this commission seems rather to outstep the limits of that
authority which God has committed to the civil magistrate";

' Tlie original documents may be seen
in Collier, vol, ii. Rec, No. 31. 41, and
Burnet, vol, i. Rec, iii. No. 14, and vol,
ii, Rec, No. 2, Strype's Cranmer, 1060.
The discussion is one of much difficulty.
The authority in question must have
flowed either from the pope, the king,
or the word of God ; and as there is no
direct injunction on the subject iu the
Scriptures, as the authority of the pope
was laid aside, the bishop could claim
his right of jurisdiction from the crown
only. The difficulty, however, consists
in confusing things in themselves dis
tinct ; the ministers of God's word must
derive from him such authority as shall
enable them to carry on a Christian
church, independent of the civil magis
trate ; for there is no reason why such a
body may not exist in a heathen coun
try; but it does not necessarily follow
that the same entire power must belong
to them when the government shall have
become Christian. The right of ordina
tion, for instance, must belong to the
church independently of the civil power;
but a Christian government may still
assign limits to the exorcise of it. It is
no infringement of the right of ordaining,

to prevent a^bishop from admitting can
didates unless they possess certain quaU-
fieations. The law cannot say that the
person so ordained shall not be a priest,
but that he shall not hold church prefer
ment, and at the same time it may punish
the bishop for breaking the law of the
land. The proving wUls, &c. must be
long to the civil magistrate alone; and
a court of conscience, or ecclesiastical
court, seems to be founded partly on the
law of God, partly on that of man. If
all ecclesiastical power were confined to
ecclesiastical matters, the difficulty would
cease to exist. But this can hardly bo
the case ; the magistrate ought, perhaps,
to govern the temporal concerns of the
church entirely; but for his own conve-
vience, and for the benefit of society, he
has committed some portion of this
power to churchmen, who exercise a
mixed authority, derived from God, m
part directly, in part through the civil
magistrate. Much information on this
subject may be found in the opinions
delivered by the commissioners, 1640.
See Burnet, Hist. Ref, i, B. iii, Rec.
xxi. qu, 9, &c, I

V. § 201,] CAUSES OP the DISSOLUTION OP MONASTERIES. 105
but In this case there was no opposition raised on the part
of the bishops, excepting by Gardiner*, and when the sus
pension was taken off, they continued to perform the usual duties
of their office; for the visitation was really directed against the
monasteries. § 202. The king was probably influenced In this measure by
the prospect of plundering these wealthy bodies, designing, per
haps, to have expended the money so raised in the construction of
harbours, and the erection of new bishoprics ; while Cranmer was
equally eager for their dissolution, being fully aware that these
establishments formed the great bulwarks of the church of Rome,
and hoping that their property, turned Into a new channel, would
substantially advance the cause of learning and religion. The
instructions -f- given to the commissioners directed them to examine
Into the statutes of the several religious houses, and the manner
in which they were observed ; to inquire Into the lives of the
members ; to enjoin the observance of certain general rules ; and
to see that the king's supremacy was duly admitted.
Great abominations seem to have been discovered in some
societies, which, together with the prospect of avoiding a storm
now ready to fall on their heads, induced several convents to
resign their charters ; and in the session of parliament at the
beginning of the next year, an act was passed which dissolved all
monasteries of which the annual income was under 200/. (a. d.
1536.) It is possible that greater abuses might have prevailed In these
less extensive establishments, and that such laxity was produced
by 'the freedom which a small number of persons must enjoy,
when placed under their own superintendence ; but it was easy
to perceive that this alienation was but a step to the total disso
lution of the monastic orders, and that the same avarice which
had swallowed up the weaker bodies was only restrained from
destroying the stronger by the want of power. The whole
number of monasteries which was Included under this bill was
much increased by the manner in which their estates were let ;
* Strype's Mem, i, 331, -j- Burnet, P, i. Rec. B, iii. No, 1.

106

DISSOLUlION OF MONASTERIES.

[a.D. 1536.
for from the syster^i-of fines% the annual income was generally
reduced far below the real value of their property. These foun
dations are said to have amounted to the number of 375*, and to
have yielded an income of 30,000/. per annum, besides a large
sum arising from plate and jewels ; but the mass of this wealth
was quickly dissipated. And notwithstanding the erection of a
court for the express purpose of augmenting the king's revenue^

" When an estate is let in this man
ner, it is done by the following process.
The property is sold for a certain num
ber of years, (at present, according to
the laws regulating church property
generally, for twenty-one years,) and the
fine or purchase-money so paid belongs
to the owner for the time being. But
when seven years have elapsed, the pur
chaser of the property is allowed to re
new his lease, or to re-purchase the
property for seven fresh years, to be
reckoned at the end of the fourteen
years for which he is now possessed of
it. This, by calculation, is worth from
one and a-quarter to one and a-half
year's income; and the original lessor,
or the owner for the time being, is in
duced to grant such a fresh lease, from
the immediate want of money, or from
the uncertainty of his own life; since,
if he were himself to die during the
fourteen years, he would get nothing,
and the whole benefit would accrue to his
successor. Thus an estate worth 100^,
per annum might originally have been
sold for its then value, and when seven
years were expired the lease might be
renewed for 125/. or 150/, making an
average annual income of from 18/, to
22/, instead of 100/. The same process
takes place when the property is let on
lives. The estate is then originally sold
for so long a time as three particular
persons, whose names are inserted in
the lease, shall either of them live;
and when one of these dies, the holder
of the property pays a fine, to be
allowed to renew the bargain, and to
substitute some fresh life in lieu of

the one deceased. In former times
much of the property of the kingdom
was held on this tenure ; but iu modem
days most private landowners have
allowed these leases to run out, and have
relet their estates at annual rents ; but
almost all the property of corporate
bodies is still so leased. From which
circumstance it is easy to see why the
real income is much less than the nomi
nal property. The original sale gene
raUy took place beyond the memory of
man ; and the bishop, the chapter, or
the college cannot afford to run the risk
of the loss of the immediate fine, iu the
hopes of an advantage which their suc
cessors may probably reap ; so that vir
tually most church property is mortgaged
for fourteen years, in England ; aud in
Ireland, (from the custom of renewing
every year, instead of every seven years,)
for twenty years. In most of such
leases, however, there is also an annual
rent reserved : — Thus, if an estate be
worth 150/. per annum, the fine shall be
set as if it were worth 100/, and the
tenant be bound to pay 60/. annually for
the support of the establishment. In
estimating, therefore, the values of the
property of these monasteries, the re
served rents may probably have alone
entered into the calculation, and the fine
have been overlooked, as not forming a
part of the income.
¦• The court of augmentations was
established 27th Henry VIII. (Fuller,
vi, 348,) by act of parliament, consisting
of a chancellor, and many other officers
with high salaries, amounting to 7,249/.
10s. 3d. They were appointed to survey

Fuller, vi, 312.

V. § 202,]

DEATH OF ANNE BOLEYN,

107

comparatively little advantage arose to the crown from these
attacks on the property of the subject.
§ 203. The cause of the Reformation* met with a serious
blow in the death of Anne Boleyn, who had uniformly exerted
her influence in its favour, and was probably very instrumental in
promoting the translation of the Bible now going forward. She
had undoubtedly been guilty of indiscretion in the Intimacy which
she had used towards some of her male attendants ; but her real
crime consisted in her no longer possessing the love of Henry,
who had transferred his affections to Lady J. Seymour ; and one
of the strongest arguments in favour of her innocence consists in
the nature of the court before which she was arraigned, and of
the charges which were separately brought against her. She was
first condemned for adultery, and then divorced on account of a
pre-contract of marriage, which proved her never to have been
the wife of the king. The evidence of her guilt would not have
admitted of being brought forward openly, and she was tried iu
secret, condemned, and executed in the Tower, May 19.
Her marriage with the king was dissolved by a decision in the
archbishop's court, and is said by Burnet to have been annulled
in consequence of a pre-contract between her and Lord Percy,
which the queen acknowledged. The effect of this proceeding
was to render the princess Elizabeth illegitimate ; but it is sup
posed that Anne was induced to admit the existence of such a
bar to the marriage, in hopes of conciliating the favour of the
royal father towards her child ; and it is probable, that her con
duct in her last moments was influenced by the same views*.

and govern the property which fell iuto
the hands of the crown, by the dissolu
tion of monasteries ; but as many of the
estates were soon sold through the neces
sities of the king, the court was found to
be unnecessarily expensive, was discon
tinued, and finally dissolved, 1» Marise,
1553. » Lingard, who wishes to establish the
guilt of the queen, supposes that the pre
vious criminal connexion of Henry with
Mary, the elder sister of Anne, formed

the ground of the separation. No reason
is assigned for the divorce in the original
record of it ; see Wilkins, Con. iii, 801 ;
but the letter of the earl of Northumber
land, May 13, in which he denies the
existence of any pre-contract, at least
proves that there was an idea of proceed
ing against her on this ground, and so
strengthens the account given by Burnet.
See also Cavendish's Life of Wolsey;
Wordsw. Ecc. Biog. i. 363 ; Lord Her
bert's Life, p. 195. comp. hist.

Burnet, i.

108 marriage WITH LADY JANE SEYMOUR. [a.D. 1536,
Blame has been attached to Cranmer for his compliance in this
instance ; but upon the admission of the pre-contract, he had
only to pronounce the sentence of the canon law ; while the
Reformation has been loaded with the obloquy attending the
presumed guilt of its patrons ; as If the cause must be bad which
had been promoted by such unworthy instruments. For Henry,
little can be said In excuse; yet he always treated Elizabeth
with kindness ; and Mary was now reconciled to him upon ac
knowledging the king's supremacy, renouncing the papal usurpa
tions, and giving up all advantage which might personally arise
to her from the jurisdiction of Rome.
§ 204. On the day after the execution of Anne, Henry
married Jane, the daughter of Sir John Seymour ; and In the
parliament which met on the 8tli of June, the act of succession
passed, which, after conferring the Inheritance of the crown on
the children of the present marriage, left the king, In case there
were none, at liberty to bestow the throne on whomsoever he
pleased, either by letters patent or by his will. Nothing can more
strongly mark the absolute sway which this monarch maintained
over the parliament, than a power so vested in an individual,
while the policy of the transaction equally demands our notice,
for he kept both his daughters entirely dependent upon himself;
and by enabling Mary to succeed to the kingdom, paved the way
towards a reconciliation with the emperor, and through him,
with the court of Rome, if any future circumstances should dis
pose him to entertain the wish of doing so. It seems, indeed,
that some overtures were about this time made by the pope ; but
two acts of parliament rendered the attempt perfectly nugatory ;
for the first subjected to a prsemunire all emissaries of the papacy ;
the second destroyed all grants held under bulls, which were
declared null and void ; and those whose property was on this
tenure were directed to bring the grants into chancery, in order
that they might be renewed by the archbishop of Canterbury
acting for the king,
§ 205. Whatever Importance may be attached to the acts
of this session of parliament, those of the convocation demand at
least an equal portion of our attention. Alexander Alesse, a

V. § 205.]

CONVOCATION.

109

Scotch reformer, had fled his country not long after the persecu
tion of Patrick Hamilton ; and having been kindly received into
Cromwell's house, was here introduced to the English clergy by
the lord vicegerent himself. When his opinion was requested,
he argued strongly in favour of rejecting the five sacraments, find
was answered by Stokesley, bishop of London, who exhibited
much learning in the canon law; but Cranmer gave a satisfactory
reply to his arguments, by adducing the authority of the word of
God, and enforcing its superiority.
The parties into which the church was now divided were led
by the two archbishops, and may be ranged in the following
order : — •

Cranmer, archbp, of Canterbury,
Goodrich, bishop of Ely.
Shaxton, bishop of Sarum.
Latimer, bishop of Worcester.
Fox, bishop of Hereford.
HiLSEY, bishop of Rochester.
Barlow, bishop of St. David's.

Lee, archbishop of York.
Stokesley, bishop of London.
Tonstal, bishop of Durham.
Gardiner, bishop of Winchester.
Longland, bishop of Lincoln.
Sherburn, bishop of Chichester.
Kite, bishop of Carlisle.

After much discussion, certain articles, which had been sub
mitted to them by the king, were agreed upon, and published by
the royal authority ; and as they may be deemed the first document
of the faith of the church of England, they cannot be esteemed
unworthy of peculiar notice; their general oiitline Is as follows^: —
§ 206. The Bible and the three creeds are laid down as the
basis of our faith. Baptism Is declared to be absolutely necessary';
that Is, that children dying unbaptlzed cannot be saved.
Penance, that is, repentance, is a sacrament, and necessary.
Confession to a priest is necessary and effectual.
The corporal presence Is necessary to be believed.
Though justification depend on the merits of Christ, yet good
works are necessary In order to obtain eternal life.

" They are printed in the Formularies
of Faith, Oxford, 1825, § 271, a. and in
Bumet and Fuller. They must be con
sidered as a compromise of opinions
between the two parties, rather than
as expressing the entire sentiments of
either. It is indeed obvious, that the
doctrines of the Reformation had not at

this time made any great progress ; for
in a protestation of the lower house,
consisting of 67 articles, (Fuller, v, 208,
§ 28,) there is hardly a point in which
the churches of Rome and England dif
fer, in which the tenets of the latter are
not reprobated.

110 PROCLAMATION FOR REFORMATION. [a.D, 1536.
With regard to ceremonies, it was ordered, that images should
be retained as examples to the people, but idolatry, and the abuse
of them, was to be guarded against. Saints were to be honoured
as examples of life and advancers of our prayers ; and they were
to be addressed with this view, but not worshipped. Many
ceremonies, such as the use of holy-water, ashes, palms, &c. were
to be retained as typical signs ; and praying for the dead was
enjoined, though the existence of purgatory is questioned. It
should be observed, too, that no mention Is here made of the other
four sacraments, though the use of them is inculcated in several
of the doctrinal works which were subsequently published during
this reign. A royal proclamation was Issued immediately after
the publication of these articles, of which the following is an
abstract. § 207. Thomas Cromwell, lord vicegerent, directs the clergy *
to observe all the laws which have been made against the papal
supremacy, and to instruct their flocks, at least four times in the
year, that the king under God is the supreme head of the church.
To explain to the people the articles concerning faith and cere
monies, which had been lately put forth ; and to persuade their
parishioners to observe the ordinance for abolishing many of the
holydays during harvest. To discountenance superstition, and
preach that obedience to God's commandments, and works of
charity, were more acceptable than pilgrimages, and the worship
ping of relics. They were to set up Bibles in Latin and English
in their churches, and encourage the people to read them ; to see
that the children within their cures were brought up honestly and
religiously, and to teach them the Lord's Prayer, the Ten
Commandments, and the Creed, in the mother tongue. Wherever
the incumbent was non-resident, he was to appoint a proper
curate ; and all the clergy are directed to lead decent and sober
lives. Non-residents, on preferments worth twenty pounds, are
to give one-fortieth of their stipend to the poor of the parish.
Incumbents of preferments worth a hundred pounds per annum
are to keep a scholar at the university ; and so on for every
• Burnet, P. i. B, iii, Rec. No. 7,

V. § 207.J THE KING SUMMONED TO MANTUA. Ill
hundred pounds : and in case of dilapidated buildings, one-fifth
of the income was to be expended on repairs. We cannot help
observing the sound sense and propriety of these Injunctions.
§ 208. During the progress ofthe Reformation, many appeals
had been made to a general council; and Paul IIL, wishing to
sanction his proceedings underthe appearance of such an authority,
yet having no desire that it should be independent of the influence
of the papal throne, assembled one at Mantua. Before this
tribunal, Henry was cited to appear ; but when information of
this summons was brought to the convocation by Fox, bishop of
Hereford, that assembly protested against the measure, as more
likely to gratify ambition and malice, than to satisfy the ends of
justice and truth. The king* also published his reasons against
it, showing the absurdity of expecting a fair trial, when the pope,
one of the parties, was to sit as judge, and the court itself was so
situated, that no Englishman could safely make his appearance
at it. Reginald Pole, who was now resident at Padua, attacked
the king in his writings ; and his book De Unione Ecclesiastica,
ends by comparing Henry to Nebuchadnezzar, and praying the
emperor to direct his arms against so heretical a Christian, rather
than against the Turks.
§ 209. Some progress was made during this summer in the
dissolution of monasteries ; for besides those foundations which
the liberality of parliament had already bestowed on the king,
many abbots made voluntary surrenders of the establishments
under their charge, to the commissioners of the augmentation
ofiice, in hopes of obtaining better terms and larger'^allowances for
themselves ; entertaining little doubts, that the rapacity which
had swaUowed up the smaller, would soon extend itself over all
such ecclesiastical bodies. Many persons were thus deprived of
all means of subsistence ; for besides their actual retainers,
monasteries were in the habit of feeding a large portion of the
neighbouring poor, while the number of actual members ejected
must have been considerable. It is not wonderful, then, that
persons influenced by passion, as well as urged by necessity,
• Sleidan's Hist, Ref, 231,

112 THE PILGRIMAGE OP GRACE, [a.D. 1536.
should endeavour to raise disquiet against a government with
which they had so little reason to be contented. The court had
indeed used some methods for obviating these causes of complaint;
thirty-one religious houses had been refounded, and much of the
forfeited lands had been sold at very easy rates to the neighbouring
gentry; but these Innovations had produced a general discontent,
and their effects were quickly manifested by a rebellion in
Lincolnshire, which was, however, soon quieted by the concili
atory measures of the duke of Suffolk. This was followed by a
much more formidable rising in the north ; and the insurrection,
from the religious turn which was given to It, and from their
standards, consisting of representations of the five wounds of
Christ, and of the cross, was denominated the pilgrimage of grace.
As this event had been produced in great measure by the clergy,
the king issued a strong letter to his bishops*, enjoining the use
of zeal and discretion In their own preaching, and ordering them
to publish the articles already set forth ; they were also directed
to take care that the inferior clergy did the same, and were not
to allow any one within their dioceses to preach out of his own
church, for whose honesty and judgment they could not answer.
§ 210. The direction ofthe military operations was committed
to the duke of Norfolk, who, when he joined the earl of Shrews
bury, found the rebels so strong and desperate, that it was
necessary to adopt the greatest caution. They were under the
command of a gentleman of the name of Aske, who was well
calculated for his office, and numbered among their ranks the
archbishop of York, and Lord Darcy, who having been made
prisoners at the capture of Pomfret Castle, had taken the oath of
the party, viz., that their object was to preserve the king from
low-born and pernicious counsellors, and to re-establish true
religion. The rebels had already taken Hull and York, and
advanced as far as Doncaster ; but their further progress was
stopped by the prudence of the duke of Norfolk, who, after many
delays and much intercourse, obtained for them a general pardon,
(a,d, 1537.) Yet disoontent ,soon manifested Itself again, and
* Addenda, ix. 360, vol. i. Burnet.

V, § 210.] NORTHERN REBELLION, 1 1 3
breaking out in a fresh northern rebellion, it was easily put down
by the forces still under the command of the duko of Norfolk and
Lord Shrewsbury, and the chief offenders were executed; amongst
which number were comprehended Lords Darcy and Hussey, Aske,
many gentlemen of consideration, and six abbots *.
§ 211 . The suspicion that this rebellion had owed its origin
and support chiefly to the encouragement of the clergy, undoubt
edly hastened the suppression of religious houses ; but their
general dissolution arose from other causes, and would probably
have taken place, had these events never occurred. In order to
prepare the way for this fresh attack on church property, a new
visitation was set on foot, and the disorders discovered In these
establishments were thrown open to the world; for as the visitors
were charged with receiving bribes'', they found It necessary to
quiet unpleasant reports concerning their own 111 conduct, by
publishing such scandalous stories of the parties visited, as fell
within their observation.
The vicious lives and conversations of " the religious," as they
were denominated"!", were too notorious not to call forth the
indignant animadversions of their enemies; and, as might have
been expected, the guilt of individuals entailed a great degree of
infamy on the body In general. We have, however, so many
authentic documents of their gross profligacy and superstitious
knavery, that little doubt can be entertained of either their guilt,
or the benefit which morals have received by the suppression of
monasteries''- But there were several exceptions to this extensive
condemnation J ; and in many of the convents visited by the

¦ There seem to be good grounds for
this accusation : we have several oifers
of bribes to Cromwell himself: when
Latimer wrote to him to pray that the
priory of Malvern might be spared, he
offered five hundred marks for the king's
favour, and two hundred for that of the
vicegerent. (Strype's Mem. i. 399.)
So Sir Thomas Eliot off'ers him the first-
fruits of such lands as should be granted.

(Ibid. 405.) See also Burnet, vol. i.
224, fol., 8vo. 407.
¦> The Roman Catholics, on the other
hand, accuse the visitors of great iniquity
in their proceedings; of having first
corrupted, and then punished the nuns
whom they had debauched, and of hav
ing brought untrue accusations against
tliose who had resisted their solicitations.
(Fuller, 315.)

* Fuller, 313. + Strype's Ecc. Mem. i. ch. 3r.. Fuller, 316, &c.
+ Strype's Ecc, Mem. 393,

114 DISSOLUTION OP MONASTERIES, [a,D, 1537,
commissioners, not only were real devotion and sound morality
found to exist, but the liberal hospitality and charitable munifi
cence of the members, merited for them that love, which was felt
towards the monastic orders by a large portion of the community,
particularly by the common people.
§ 212, Many abbots now tendered their resignations, influ
enced by various motives, as either their fears of the king
predominated, or as they entertained views favourable to the
Reformation ; while others hoped, by conciliating the good-will of
the ruling powers, to obtain for their societies new and more
useful foundations. The benefit derived to the crown by these
resignations fell infinitely below the amount at which it might
probably have been calculated ; for in many cases the establish
ments were found to be in a very dilapidated state. The several
members of such foundations, foreseeing what was likely to happen,
had been providing for the storm ; and while they consulted their
own personal interests, had neglected the common property, of
which they expected so soon to be deprived. Several abbots -were
attainted of treason, for having converted the plate of their convents
to the use ofthe rebels in the north, and on their conviction their
abbeys were declared forfeited to the king. To most of the
ecclesiastical persons now ejected annuities were assigned out of
the revenues, which varied according to the nature of the foun
dations and the merits of the individuals. Religious frauds were
in many places destroyed, shrines defaced, and relics taken away ;
so that the most effectual methods were adopted in order to wean
the minds of the people from such superstitions.
§ 213. " The Bishops' Book," or " The Godly and Pious
Institution of a Christian Man," was now first published*; It was
afterwards printed in a more perfect form In 1543, when It was
denominated " The Necessary Doctrine and Erudition for any
Christian Man," and, as put forth by royal authority, was called
" The King's Book;" and since the two together form the chief
documents from which the authorized opinions of the church of
England during this reign can be derived. It will be necessary to
" Strype's Ecc. Mem. i, 485.

V. § 213.] PERSECUTION OP SACRAMENTARIES.

115

examine them in detail ; and the subject will more conveniently
be deferred to the end of the chapter^*.
§ 214. Thus far everything seems to have favoured the
Reformation; but a new line of policy, which was adopted by
Gardiner and the other friends of popery, appears to have created
an alteration in the sentiments ofthe king, and thus to have given
a considerable advantage to the cause which they advocated.
This party had generally exhibited great outward compliance with
the opinions and wishes of Henry; and by enlisting his vanity on
their side, they now worked the ruin of many of their opponents,
and provoked him to exercise much cruelty towards them.
Among the reformers generally, there was no point on which the
minds of many were so little settled as concerning the nature of
" presence," by which our Saviour's body is said to be present In
the elements. Henry, in his book against Luther, of which he
was particularly proud, had maintained the doctrine ofthe "cor
poral presence," and all the public acts of the church of England
had declared for the same opinion. The subject itself is one of
extreme delicacy, and the political relations of the kingdom
rendered additional caution necessary ; for if any person had
been persecuted for tenets which they held in common with the
Lutherans, this circumstance might have subjected the king to
the remonstrances and anger of the princes of Germany; but
towards the sacramentaries'' he was fettered by none of these
scruples ; and they might be attacked under the vain expectation
of reducing all men to the same opinions in religion, or in order
to vindicate the infallibility of that supremacy of which he deprived
the pope, by assuming It as his own prerogative.

" It may not be amiss to remark, that
there were two books known by each of
these names. A declaration against the
papal supremacy in 1536, inconsequence
of Pole's Book on Ecclesiastical Union,
is called also the Bishops' Book, and one
published in 1533, De Difierentia Regia;
et Ecclesiasticee Potestatis, the King's.
(Strype's Cranmer, 76, vol. i.)

There is, too, considerable confusion
about this book in Burnet, who is gene
rally ignorant concerning printed books,
and makes a confusion between the Insti
tution and Erudition,
^ The sacramentaries denied the cor
poral presence of Christ in the eucharist.
(See §313.)

See Appendix B,

I 2

116

PERSECUTION OF LAMBERT,

[a.D. 1538.

§ 215, (a,d. 1538.) John Lambert^ while chaplain to the
English company at Antwerp, had, by his acquaintance with
Frith and Tyndale, advanced in those religious opinions which
he had originally derived from Bilney. Sir Thomas More had
directed the Antwerp merchants to dismiss him from their
service ; and on his return to England, he escaped persecution
only by the death of Archbishop Warham. He now kept a
school in London, and having advanced some opinions concerning
the corporal presence, in consequence of a sermon preached by
Dr. Taylor, afterwards bishop of Lincoln, he was brought before
Cranmer, and unfortunately appealed to the king. Gardiner
seized the opportunity, which was thus afforded him, of exaspe
rating the royal theologian against heterodox opinions, and a public
trial was appointed to take place In Westminster Hall. It requires
but little sagacity to determine how a disputation carried on
between persons so differently circumstanced was likely to termi
nate. On the one side sat the king, surrounded with his bishops,
at once disputants and judges ; on the other, an heretical school
master, supported only by a conviction of the truth, and reasoning
on a topic wherein the learned have differed, and concerning which
pious Christians have disagreed. The poor man was after a time
silenced, and on this conviction sentenced to be burnt''- At the
execution, In Sralthfield, after his legs were consumed his body
remained alive, and was at length put into the fire by the halberts
of the civil officers, while his last words were, " None but Christ,
none but Christ." The king was as much pleased with the affair

° His real name was Nicholson : he
adopted this for the sake of concealment,
in consequence of having been before in
trouble about religion. (Strype's Cran
mer, i. 92.)
•> Cranmer, unfortunately, on this oc
casion, argued against Lambert, in favour
of the corporal presence. He was at
this time a believer in transubstantiation,
an error which he did not reject till 1546,
in consequence of a conference with Rid
ley, (strype's Cranmer, i. 96. ) It has
been asserted that Cranmer successively
held the doctrines of the Romanist, the

Lutheran, and the Calvinist, on this
point, (Laurence, Bampt. Lect. 16 and
202 (10.) But this he positively denied
in his examination before Martin. (Fox.)
The mistake probably arose from his
publishing the Catechism of Justus Jonas
in English, in 1648, which might be
supposed to contain the opinions of the
Lutherans. (Oxford edit. 208.) But the
point is there treated of so generally, that
though the Lutheran doctrine appears to
be maintained, yet neither of the other
parties need be much offended at it. (See
also § 280, a.)

V. § 215.] PROCLAMATION AGAINST PRlESTs' MARRIAGE,

117

as the party who duly magnified it, and they now began to obtain
a considerable Influence at court,
§ 216. One of the first eftects of their success* was the
issuing a proclamation which reprobated the marriage of priests
without " a common consent of his highness and the realm," and
prohibited those who ventured to marry, or retain their wives
openly, from the performance of any sacred office, under pain of
losing all their ecclesiastical privileges ; but we may observe that
the document was so worded as to screen Cranmer from any dan
ger, whose wife was at this time living secretly with him; while
It held out the prospect of a change in the law respecting the
celibacy of the clergy; and Bishop Ponet, or whoever else was the
author of the Defence of Priests' Marriage, assures us, that the
king intended to grant this liberty, but was hindered by the advice
of certain counsellors, who pretended that his sanction to such an
innovation would occasion offence among the people.
§ 217, It is not improbable that the unwillingness exhibited
by the Protestant party]-, to allow the king to dispose of all the
church property, might have contributed to increase his inclination
in favour of their opponents ; for, in a committee of the parlia
ment^ which now sat, (a.d. 1539,) the parties were so balanced,
that neither side could hope to carry matters entirely according
to their wishes; and after eleven days' useless discussion, the duke
of Norfolk, the great patron of the papal opinions, proposed for
their consideration Six Articles, to the following effect : —
1 st, I That in the sacrament of the altar, after the conse
cration, there remaineth no substance of bread and wine, but
under these forms the natural body and blood of Christ are
present. 2nd, That communion, in both kinds, is not necessary to sal
vation to all persons, by the law of God; but that both the flesh
and blood of Christ are together in each of the kinds.

" In this parliament, writs were issued
to tho mitred abbots; it met April 28th.
Strype s;\ys (Mem. i. 542) that the same

questions were agitated in convocation,
and decided in the same manner.

' Slrype's Cranmer, i. 98. f Ibid, i. 103.
X Speed, 780, 31 Henry VIII. c. 4.

118 SIX ARTidES. [a.D. 1538.
8rd, That priests, after the order of priesthood, may not marry
by the law of God.
4th, That vows of chastity ought to be observed by the law
of God. 5th, That the use of private masses ought to be continued,
which, as it is agreeable to God's law, so men receive great benefit
thereby. 6th, That auricular confession Is expedient and necessary, and
ought to be retained in the church.
Cranmer argued against the admission of them with all the
eloquence and force of which he was possessed ; but the king
himself publicly advocated their adoption, and spoke in their
favour*, so that the enemies of the Reformation were finally
successful, and the law of the Six Articles passed. The penalties
affixed by this bill were cruel and severe. He who wrote or
spoke against the first of these articles was to be punished by
being burnt ; if he controverted any of the others, by perpetual
imprisonment; but if the opposition were wilful, and he preached
against them, he was liable to be condemned to death. The
punishment affixed to the non-observance of religious chastity
was, for the first offence, the loss of benefice, as well as goods and
chattels ; for the second, death. This clause was said to have
been inserted by Cromwell, that the severity of the act might be
felt by both parties.
§ 218. Another act passed for the suppression of all monas
teries ; and though, In this session, eighteen abbots were present
In the house of lords, yet no protestation was recorded. The
object of this bill was, in reality, to legalize the previous surren
ders, and no additional steps were taken In consequence of it.
This was followed by one for the erection of more bishoprics^
and another, which gave to the king's proclamations, under certain
limitations, the force of law.

" N. B. Westminster was erected,
1540; Chester, Gloucester, Oxford,
Peterborough, 1541 ; Bristol in 1542.
Henry had many plans for erecting more.

(Mem, ii. No. 106.) One scheme is
given m Strype, wherein the number
amounts to twenty.

* Strype's Cranmer, i. 104.

V. § 218,] ANNE OP CLEVES, CROMWELl's FALL, 119
It is extraordinary that the proceedings which followed the
passing the act of the Six Articles affected Cranmer in a very
trifling degree, though he had openly opposed them, and at the
king's desire had written a treatise against them. : yet such was
the love and confidence which Henry entertained towards the
archbishop, that he would never even receive an accusation against
him. The archbishop sent his wife Into Germany privately, and
continued in the performance of his ecclesiastical duties. He
disliked several of the articles, and abhorred the severity of the
act; but his opinions were not now diametrically contrary to the
first article, and he complied. Latimer and Shaxton, on the
other hand, esteemed it contradictory to the word of God, and
conscientiously resigned their sees.
One point, however, was gained to the cause of the Reforma
tion: a proclamation was Issued for the printing of the Bible,
which at the same time allowed the free use of it to Individuals.
§ 219. The death of Jane Seymour had left the king a
widower in October 14, 1537; and though the birth of Edward
had provided him with an heir to the crown, it was not probable
that a man of his temperament should remain long in this solitary
condition. He had heard much of the beauty of Anne of Cleves;
and Cromwell was well pleased to promote a match which was so
likely to prove beneficial to the cause of the Reformation. When
the king and the minister were both in favour of the marriage, it
is natural that advantageous reports concerning everything con
nected with it should predominate, and that the charms of a
future queen should be described In favourable colours. The
disappointment, therefore, of Henry was the greater, when he
beheld his destined bride ; and though he was married to her,
(Jan, 6th, 1540,) yet this consort seems never to have possessed
the slightest portion of his affection. The fall of Cromwell was
probably owing to this circumstance ; for though the outward
appearance of favour was continued, and though he sat in this
parliament as lord vicegerent, yet on June 1 3th he was arrested
by the duke of Norfolk, and sent to the Tower. His fate was
instantly decided ; for few wished to save him ; and no one,

120 CROMWfiLL's CHARACTER. [a.D. 1540.
excepting Cranmer, ventured to plead his cause. He was con
demned by an act of attainder, on some very extraordinary
evidence of having threatened the king's life, aud the sentence
was put in execution on July 28.
§ 220. Thus fell one great instrument of the Reformation*,
whose talents had raised him to the highest station attainable by
a subject, and whose fall was more owing to the changeful dispo
sition of his master, than to any fault of his own. His exaltation
from the lowest rank of life had exposed him to the envy and
hatred of the noble and powerful, while the papal party looked
on him as the great enemy of their cause. Deprived, therefore,
through this unfortunate marriage, of the favour of the king, on
which alone he could depend for support, and particularly obnox
ious to those towards whom the affections of Henry were at this
moment directed, he felt the unjust force of an attainder, where
he was unable to answer for himself, and of which unfortunately
he had introduced the precedent-f". Nothing of any serious nature
was laid to his charge ; from whence it may fairly be inferred
that no such evidence could be adduced ; for had it existed, there
was nothing to hinder its production. His great merit, inde
pendent of his own industry and abilities, consisted in bringing
forward men on account of their talent rather than interest |.
§ 221, This was the first step towards the dissolution of
the objectionable marriage, which was afterwards brought before
the convocation, and annulled on the plea, that the king's consent
to it had not been inward and full, a circumstance which was
absolutely required to make the sacrament complete, and upon the
further ground that the marriage had never been consummated.
This decision, however absurd in itself, seems to have perfectly
satisfied the princess, who was contented to be treated as a sister,
and to reside in England on a pension of three thousand pounds
a year. She wrote to her brother, the duke of Cleves, signifying
her full concurrence in all these proceedings.
The king was married Immediately after to Catharine Howard ;
an event which gave additional power to the papal cause, for she
» Burnet, i, + Sec § 227. X Strype, Ecc, Mem, i,-562.

V, § 221.] PERSECUTION OP BARNES, ETO. 121
was niece to the duke of Norfolk, whom every one regarded as
the chief patron of that party. Add to which, that those Pro
testants, who had previously shared the favour of this variable
monarch, were now In too much danger for themselves to come
forward in the defence of others, so that the attainder of Barnes
for heresy passed without any opposition, and he was burnt in
Smithfield, without even knowing the grounds on which he was
condemned. He had Indeed preached at St. Paul's Cross against
Gardiner ; but this offence had apparently been forgiven ; and
Barnes, as well as Jerome and Gerard, who suffered with him,
had, after a conference with the king, renounced errors which
they probably never entertained. But this could not save them ;
the spirit of persecution was now let loose, and Its effects were
felt by many of the advocates of the Gospel.
It is the observation of Lord Herbert*, that "these punishments
did but advance their religion ;" and " It was thought they had
some assistance from above, it being Impossible, otherwise, that
they should so rejoice in the midst of their torments, and triumph
over the most cruel death." The cruelty of the king, however,
was not confined to the reformers; on the same day an equal
number of Roman Catholics were executed for denying the
supremacy. § 222. (a, d, 1541.) No one had now any very material
influence over the mind of Henry; and the cause of the Reforma
tion met with different success, according to accidental circum
stances, and the changing opinions of the king. In May the Bible
was printed, and ordered to be set up In all churches. This was
not in itself any very important step, for the same injunction had
been before made ; but every proclamation of this sort increased
the facility of access to the word of God : and wherever the Bible
is In the hands of the mass of the people, their teachers cannot
long impose on them the doctrines of men instead of the com
mandments of God,
(a, d. 1542.) The discovery of the former III life of the queen
led to the attainder of herself and her accomplices; and an
* Life of King Henry, p. 226,

122

BONNER S INJUNCTIONS.

[a.D. 1542,

enactment was made*, not more remarkable for Its severity than
folly; as if laws could provide for female chastity, while the
conduct of the other sex tended to overthrow the bulwarks of the
sacred institution of marriage.
An attempt was made in convocation, to suppress the English
Bible, against which great objections were raised, on the grounds
of its Incorrectness ; and Gardiner presented a list of words which
did not admit of translation''. But Cranmer, knowing that the
correction of inaccuracies would proceed but slowly, in the hands
of those who were adverse to the general distribution of any
translation at all, used his influence with the king ; and to the
great displeasure of the clergy, the examination of the Bible was
referred to the universities.
§ 223. In the injunctions which were now set forth by
Bonner for the diocese of London*, and which probably corre
spond with those of other bishops at the same period, there are
many good directions given to the clergy, with respect to their
own lives, and the performance of the pastoral duties ; and they
are particularly forbidden to allow any one to preach in their
cures, who had not been licensed by the bishop or the king"f-.
The evil which might thus have arisen to their flocks from the
want of preachers was obviated, as far as possible, by a set of
homilies now published ; a useful step in a period of so much
irritation, and calculated to calm the angry passions, which so
greatly injured the cause of true religion^. During these troublous

» It was enacted, that if the king were
about to marry a woman whom he
esteemed a, maid, and she, not being
so, did not reveal it, that she should be
adjudged guilty of treason ; and that any
other persons, who were conscious of
the same, and concealed it, should be
esteemed guilty of misprison of treason.
¦ '' They consist of about one hundred,
of which the great mass are perfectly
capable of being translated without any
loss of meaning. In some few cases,
the original words are retained in our

present translation ; as Tetrarch, Syna
gogue, Gentile, Pagan, Parable, &c.
See Fuller, Ch. Hist. p. 238; Lewis,
145, &c.
° Of these there is an imperfect copy
iu the Bodleian ; the title is, " The
Epistles and Gospels, with a brief postel
upon the same, &c." It is recognised
by Richard Taverner, and printed, cum
privilegio, by Richard Bankes. The
copy in Lord Spencer's library has the
date of 1540, but the title appears not to
be exactly the same.

• Burnet, P. i. B. iii. Coll. No. 26.

+ Burnet, i. 317, fol,, 675, 8vo.

V. § 223.] LAW IN FAVOUR OF TOLERATION. 123
times, such of the clergy as were licensed to preach, were so
frequently attacked on account of their expressions, that many
adopted the custom of writing their sermons, which has since
generally prevailed.
(a. d. 1 543.) An act was passed during the early part of this
year, of a very mixed and heterogeneous character, which is said
by Burnet''* to have been framed by Cranmer, and yet had a
tendency to suppress the use of the Bible. It contains internal
evidence of the conflicting interests and divided power which
belonged to the two parties in the kingdom, and strongly marks
the distracted state of religion at this period. It favoured the
Protestant, by ordaining that spiritual persons should not be burnt
for heresy tUl after the third conviction ; that lay persons should
in that case be subjected only to the loss of their goods and
chattels, and to perpetual Imprisonment; and that all parties,
when accused, should possess the privilege of vindicating them
selves by witnesses. On the other hand, Tyndale's translation
of the Old and New Testament"!" was prohibited, and as there
was no Bible printed which did not contain some part of
this version, it was almost impossible for any one to be free
from danger, if he possessed a printed copy of the Scriptures.
At the same time, the free use of the Bible itself was confined
to persons of a certain rank, while others were restricted to
the Primer, and] such other books as had been or should be set
forth by his majesty since 1540. Two provisos, however, did in
reality confer on the king the power of doing what he pleased ;
for the act of the Six Articles was declared to be still in force,
and the king was permitted to alter any part of this act. Subse
quent events soon proved how insufficient these enactments were,
as a safeguard against the bigotry of the bishops, and the religious
tyranny of the throne.
This was followed by another more important step|, the revision
^ It should, however, be observed, that Burnet is, with regard to this act,
more than ordinarily inaccurate,
* Burnet, i, 321, fol,, 583, 8vo. Lewis, 148. f Lewis, 148.
X Strype's Ecc. Mem, i, 584,

124 ENGLISH LITURGY, [a,D. 1544.
and republication of the Institution of a Christian Man, which
now appeared under the title of The Necessary Doctrine and
Erudition of any Christian Man, and was denominated the
King's* Book, as being put forth by royal authority.
§ 224. Catharine Parr, whom the king married in July, was
a secret friend of the new doctrines ; but her Influence was not
sufficient to 'guard some unfortunate men against a persecution
which took place at Windsor*, where there existed a small
society of favourers of the Reformation. Four of them were
brought before a jury, composed of tenants of the church, and
being convicted of heresy, on frivolous pretences, three of them
were burnt. In consequence of some evidence which transpired
at this trial, a plot was formed against certain members of the
royal household ; but the framers of It were convicted of perjury,
and suffered for that crime. These accusations did not end here ;
for Cranmer himself was secretly attacked "f" ; and Henry, who
bore him a sincere love, suffered the project to be carried so far
as to discover the authors of this accusation against the arch
bishop : and they were many of them persons to whom his grace
had shown much kindness ; yet he took no further notice of their
Ingratitude, than to require of them repentance, and a confession
of their faulty ; for no one was ever better acquainted with the
precepts or practice of forgiving Injuries than Cranmer,
(a. d. 1544.) Before the expedition against France in which
Boulogne was taken, a litany in English had been published,
which corresponds with our present one in almost every particular,
except that the invocation of saints and angels was still retained,
and there was a petition against the tyranny of the pope. To
this work, psalms and private devotions were added ; and In the
preface the utility of private prayer in the mother tongue is parti
cularly insisted on. The correct notion also of Christ's presence
in the sacrament of the Lord's Supper, seems to be delivered, in an
explanation of the Lord's Prayer, as a paraphrase to the fourth
» See Appendix B, § 271, &c,
* Fox, ii. 468, f Strype's Cranmer, i, c, xxvi.
X strype, 174.

V. § 224.]

CHAPELS, CHANTRIES, ETC,

125

petition*. In the following year (1545), a collection of prayers
was published, which was formed by the new queen herself.
§ 225. Several reformers were about this time advanced to
the bench, so that the party among the heads of the church, which
was more immediately connected with Cranmer, acquired con
siderable strength. Holgate was made archbishop of York,
Kitching supplied his place at Llandaff, Heath was translated to
Worcester, Holbeach became bishop of Rochester, Sampson went
to Litchfield and Coventry, and Day succeeded him at Chichester.
In the parliament of this year, all chapels, chantries, and
fraternities were given to the king, under which titles the univer
sities conceived that they might possibly be comprehended ; but
on a representation made to the king, he confirmed them in their
privileges. The answer M'hich the king made to the speaker,
when he presented these bills, breathes nothing but good sense
and moderation ; advising the people to lay aside that virulence
which had been shown on religious subjects, exhorting them to
live peaceably, to further and advance all useful instruction, to
have charity one towards another, and to love and serve God.
After such expressions as these, it is wonderful that in the next
year (1646), the same man should exercise a violent and unjust
persecution against fellow-creatures, who were at least harmless,
however erroneous in their opinions he might esteem them.
Shaxton had been for some time a prisoner in the counter in
Bread-street, and was accused of having denied the corporal
presence ; for this he was condemned to the stake ; but he con
fessed his error, recanted, and preached a sermon at the execution
of Anne Askew, who was soon after burnt in Smithfield. It was
suspected that this gentlewoman was favoured by certain ladies at
court, with many of whom she was acquainted ; so that Chancellor

° The words are, " The lively bread
of the blessed body of our Saviour Jesu
Christ, and the sacred cup of the pre
cious and blessed blood, which was shed
for us on the cross ;" not as he is in
heaven, but as he was on the cross, and
therefore as a type or memorial of a past
event, (Burnet, i. 331, fol., 8vo. 600;

iii. 118, fol., Ovo. 283.) Strype says he
never saw the book ; and Burnet's ac
count of books must always be taken
with great caution. I do not know
whence the words are taken. They do
not occur in Marshall's or any other
Primer, that I am acquainted with ; nor
in the Bishops', or King's Book.

126 CRANMER AND THE QUEEN ATTACKED. [a.D. 1546.
Wrlothesly, who was a vehement persecutor of the reformers,
hoped to have obtained some information from her with reference
to this point; but having endured the rack*, which the chancellor
is said to have inflicted on her himself, she confessed nothing, and
suffered with three others, under the act of the Six Articles.
§ 226. On this occasion, too, the same attack was directed
against Cranmer "f"; and Henry, to try how far the malice of his
enemies would go, allowed him to be summoned before the
council, having beforehand provided him with his own signet, in
order that he might appeal to the royal judgment. When he was
about to be brought before this prejudiced tribunal, he was treated
with so much disrespect, that though a member of the. council
which was to examine him, he was suffered to remain some time
standing in the lobby among the footmen and messengers. For
this disgraceful piece of neglect, Henry very severely rebuked his
council, and strongly testified the affection which he bore towards
his most faithful servant. The queen also was in very Imminent
peril from a conspiracy formed against her ; her prudence, and a
fortunate discovery with respect to the plot, enabled her to preserve
herself. Gardiner had spoken to her prejudice, in consequence of
her frequently disputing on religious topics with the king ; and
when he had excited the suspicions of his majesty, Henry agreed
that she should be apprehended and examined ; which were but
other names under which total ruin was concealed. By the care
lessness of the chancellor, the queen became possessed of a paper
containing an account of these projected steps. She soon after
introduced the subject of divinity, while in conversation with her
husband ; and when he hinted at her having opinions of her own,
she parried the blow, and said, that if in conversation she had
assumed more upon herself than became her sex and station, It
was but to entice him to a subject on which she obtained so much
information, § 227. The execution of the earl of Surrey (Jan. 19, 1 547)
may be considered as the last act of this reign ; for though the
attainder of the duke of Norfolk was subsequent, yet the death of
• Fox, ii, 488,
f N.B. Strype, xxviii. places this two years earlier, See.§ 224,

V. § 227.]

HENRY S CHARACTER.

127

the king (Jan, 27) himself, prevented the execution of the sen
tence. It was remarkable at once for cruelty and Injustice, and
affords another instance of the danger of admitting a trial, where
the parties are not suffered to confront the witnesses who are
brought against them. This evil example was set in the case of
those who were attainted with the marchioness of Exeter and
countess of Salisbury; in which case Cromwell consulted the
judges, who answered, That it was a dangerous question, that the
parliament, which should be an example to other courts, ought
carefully to observe the strictest justice ; but that as It was itself
supreme, whatever it decided must be the law : the precedent
was followed In many other cases, and Cromwell himself fell by
it. The number of persons who were executed in this reign was
very considerable*; for independent of those who fell in the cause
of religion, the king himself was sanguinary towards those who
were about him ; and excepting in the case of Cranmer, he seems
to have Instantly forgotten the services of men on whom he had
bestowed his confidence ; and no sooner did they become the
objects of suspicion, than they experienced the selfish severity of
their master. He appears indeed to have been sensible of the
merits of his ministers, and few kings have been more fortunate
in this particular ; but the good opinion which he entertained of
them was no security against a change in his affections, and this
was generally followed by persecution from their political oppo
nents, and ended in a tragical fall.
§ 228. Henry possessed considerable natural abilities, and
these had been improved by study ; so that in point of under
standing, few monarehs seem to have been better calculated for the
performance of an important part ; the sentiments of his heart
appear to have been originally noble and generous, yet all these

" And for testimonies in this kind,
some urge two queens, one cardinal, {in
procinctu at least,) or two ; (for Pole
was condemned, though absent;) dukes,
marquises, earls, and earls' sons, twelve ;
barons and knights, eighteen ; abbots,
priors, monks, and priests, seventy-seven ;
of the more common sort, between one

religion and another, huge multitudes.
(Lord Herbert's Life of Henry VIII.
267.) The countess of Salisbury was
mother to Cardinal Pole ; and her exe
cution, two years after her attainder, has
left an indelible stain on the character of
Henry.

128 henry's CHARACTER, [a.D. 1547.
qualities were destroyed, or rendered pernicious, by the want of
self-restraint of which he was the victim. Possessed of power at
an early age, and unfettered by any constitutional restrictions, he
soon found that his own will was law; and where this point was
or might be questioned, he bore down all semblance of opposition
by the severity of his measures *. Wolsey was the early minister
of his pleasures, as well as the guide of his political conduct ; and
the secret by which he ruled his self-willed pupil was by making
him unable to govern himself. The flattery of applauding church
men prevented him from being contented with the character of a
learned theologian, to which he had much claim, and transformed
him into a bigoted dogmatist. And yet to the last he possessed
great liberality of sentiment, where he was not irritated by having
his vanity offended ; but whenever he was contradicted in matters
of religion, or when his own desires were thwarted, he became
ungovernable and cruel : on such occasions he overruled justice,
and proved himself a capricious tyrant, in spite of all the esti
mable qualities with which nature had bountifully supplied him.
But even his very vices were by the providence of God made the
Instruments of beneficial results : his desire to divorce Catharine
destroyed the papal power in England : his tyranny, and the
influence which he exercised over his subjects, enabled him to
dissolve the monastic establishments ; a power which must have
impeded every step towards reformation, had they been continued
in existence ; and with regard to their destruction, if he had been
troubled with a very scrupulous conscience, he would never have
resorted to the means by which he accomplished this stupendous
work. Had all the property thus taken from the patrimony of
the church been vested in the crown, It would have rendered It
independent of parliamentary grants, and have furnished the
means of continuing a tyranny, as injurious perhaps to the country
as that of a foreign power, balanced by the royal authority ; but
the profusion of the king, and the rapacity of his court, entirely
freed the country from any danger on this head, and ultimately
» If it be asked how Henry became I church had destroyed the power ofthe
possessed of power to do this, it must be ; aristocracy, so that when the church was
remembered that the crown and tho humbled, the king stood alone.

V. § 228.] POINTS GAINED IN THE REFORMATION. 129
threw the wealth, which their forefathers had so grossly misap
plied, into the hands of individuals, who are the safest guardians
of the public property.
§ 229. It may be convenient. In this part of the history, to
mark the points which had been gained in the Reformation, as
well as to enumerate such particulars as still wanted alteration.
The power of the papacy in England was for the time annihi
lated, not merely by legislative enactments — for acts of parliament
had always proved inadequate to curb an authority which set law
at defiance — not merely by taking away the wealth of the sup
porters of so monstrous a scheme of oppression, but by breaking
the charm which had given energy to the whole, by weakening
the force on which this machine depended for its motion. The
superstitions of the church of Rome had been attacked in their
very origin, and many of the more gross of her Idolatries had
been put down by the civil power ; but the method which had
been most successfully adopted, was that of allowing the people
to think and judge for themselves. The Bible and the three
Creeds had been declared to be the rule of faith ; the use of the
Bible had been granted to the people, and they were directed to
read the word of God, and to learn from it their duty towards
Him and their neighbour. The wealth of the monastic orders
was taken from the former possessors most unjustly; but they
were legitimately deprived of the real source of their riches, when
the notion of purgatory was discountenanced, and when in the
instructions delivered to the people no mention was made of this
doctrine, from whence the influence of the church of Rome is
derived. The translation of the Bible was authorized by the
government ; copies of it were distributed throughout the king
dom ; and the Litany was published in the mother tongue. The
people had now, then, the means of instruction ; and to the
rising generation these blessings were insured by the injunction,
that the children in every parish should be instructed In the Ten
Commandments, the Lord's Prayer, and the Belief, and that
these elementary subjects should be fully explained to them by
their spiritual guides.
§ 230. But the act of the Six Articles was still In force.

J. 30

POINTS STILL WANTING TN THE REFORMATION. [a,D, 1547.

Still was It a capital offence to deny the corporal presence of
Christ in the Lord's Supper: the cup was still denied to the
laity; an unnecessary and compulsatory restraint was imposed
on the marriage of the clergy; and those who had taken vows of
chastity were still obliged by law to continue in their single state.
To this, perhaps, as individuals, they had no right to object ; but
to the body politic, a forced celibacy is apt to become a state of
real licentiousness*. The use of private masses was continued,
the necessity of auricular confession was still sanctioned, and the
Latin language still used In the mass. The power of the eccle
siastical courts was still continued, and the nature of such tribunals
was most oppressive to the subject. It was not that they armed
themselves against vice and immorality, or were formidable to the
evil doer ; but their processes were so indefinite, that no one
could esteem himself secure against the sentence of such a court :
and those churchmen who possessed any authority under these
jurisdictions were enabled to exercise oppression to an unlimited
amount, since they could enforce by civil penalties the spiritual
decisions of the church. Confession put the clergy in possession
of the secrets of society, and continued an influence. Injurious even
if exercised on Christian principles ; which makes one man the
keeper, and not the adviser of another's conscience ; which
deprives the laity of that sense of personal responsibility to God
which a future judgment will require ; which makes the priest
hood, in their desire to guide the actions of their flock, convert
religion into an opus operatum, and change Christianity into a
system, in which the unimportant devices of men are inore
regarded than the love and the fear of God, that love, which
gives obedience its charm, and renders our imperfect performances
acceptable at the throne of grace.

* As a confirmation of this assertion,
the reader may not be displeased at
seeing an answer of Mr. T. Lawney,
to the duke of Norfolk, upon the passing
of the act of the Six Articles : " O, my
Lawney, (said his grace to his old chap-
l.ain, knowing him of old much to favour
priests' matrimony,) whether may priests

now have wives or no ? If it please
your grace, (replied he,) I cannot well
tell whether priests may have wives or
no : but well I wot, and am sure of it,
for all your act, that wives will have
priests." (Strype's Cranmer, u. viii.
p. 49.)

V. § 231.] REFORMATION IN GERMANY. 131
§ 231. If it be asked what effect the Reformation In Ger
many had on that in England, and why so little notice has been
taken of the events which were passing there, it must be answered
in excuse, that the limits of the work necessarily confine our
researches to those topics which affected our own church, and
that the history of the foreign churches scarcely come under this
denomination during the reign of Henry VIII. If we except
that secret influence which the alterations in religion, which then
took place, must have had on the minds of any people, who were
at all connected with them, these foreign changes probably
little retarded or advanced the corresponding steps, with the
details of which we have been engaged. The dispute between
Henry and Luther had alienated the good-will of the monarch
from those proceedings, which he himself was about so soon to
imitate; aud the opinions concerning the divorce expressed by
many of the German divines, (viz., that though the marriage were
unlawful, they did not approve of the divorce,) had not tended
to conciliate him. Yet when he was embarked in an opposition
to the authority and power of Rome, the common Interests of
both parties naturally disposed each of them to connect themselves
with the other.
§ 232. After the publication of the confession of Augsburg
in 1530*, the Protestant princes assembled at Smalcalde wrote
in 1531 to the kings of France and England"!", with the view of
obviating the ill effects which false reports, concerning what had
been done in Germany, might have produced in the good opinions
of these sovereigns. Henry sent them a very civil and charac
teristic answer, in which he acknowledges the necessity of some
reformation, expresses his anxiety for It, and his wish that a
general council might be assembled, but points out the danger
of admitting such violent remedies as some levellers had desired
to introduce. In 1535, Fox, Heath, and Barnes, were sent ambassadors to
Smalcalde J, where proposals were made to them by the Protes
tant princes, that the king should approve the confession of
** See it in the Sylloge Confessionum. f Sleidan, 145.
X Strype's Mem, i. 348, K 2

132 INTERCOURSE BETWEEN HENRY AND THE GERMANS. [a,D. 1547.
Augsburg, and become the patron or defender of a league
established for its support ; that they should endeavour to
promote the calling of a council, which might be really free,
and there advocate their doctrines ; that they should oppose the
authority of the pope ; should engage in certain conditions of
mutual defence ; and when matters were more advanced, should
send a learned embassy to England, Henry agreed to most of
these terms (1536,) but was probably rather disposed to receive
an embassy of divines, in order that they might alter their own
confession according to his advice, than Inclined to model his own
faith In unison with their decisions. He was, however, particu
larly anxious that Melancthon might visit him In England.
In March, 1538, the Protestants met at Brunswick*, and
Henry sent C. Mount there, to learn their object in meeting,
and to discover whether they were likely to send the embassy
and Melancthon. They on their part wished to learn his
objections to the Augsburg confession, but gave a commission to
their agents now sent, to discuss these topics with the English
divines. Burgrat and his colleagues had much communication
on the subject, and probably agreed better with Cromwell and
Cranmer, than with the sentiments of the king himself. The
discussion was ended by a letter-)- addressed by them to Henry,
in which they object to three points — the denial of the cup to the
laity — the continuance of private masses — and the celibacy ofthe
clergy. An answer was sent them in the name of the king,
drawn up by Tonstal, bishop of Durham, who defends each of
these particulars. Melancthon wrote to Henry early the next
year in remonstrance, and the German orators were again sent to
renew the conference j (1539); but the act of the Six Articles
was passed soon after, and subsequently no real progress was
made in the Reformation during the reign. Whatever effect,
therefore, might be produced by this connexion, in the next
reign, wo can hardly trace any benefit arising from it In the
present.

• Lord Herbert's Life, 213. -I- Burnet, i. Addend.i, No. vii.
X Strype's Mem. i. 526.

DATES RELATIVE TO THE DISSOLUTION OF
MONASTERIES.
1535. The visitation of monasteries began in October. — Bumet,
184 fol.
Nov. 13. The first resignations are dated this day. — Bumet,
Rec. iii. No. 3.

1536. Before April 14, the act for the dissolution of the smaller
monasteries passed. — Bumet, 194. fol.
1537. A new visitation of monasteries. — Burnet, 235. fol.
1539. An act legalizing the dissolution of monasteries and granting
them to the king. — Bumet, 260. fol.

1540. April 22. The knights of St. John of -Jerusalem suppressed.—
Burnet, 275. fol.

1545. Colleges and chantries given to the king. The universities are
confirmed. — Bumet, 338. fol.

134

APPENDIX A. TO CHAP. V.
ON THE DISSOLUTION OF MONASTERIES.
241, Questions to be discussed. 242. Monasteries, originally beneficial to society.
243, Benefits of sanctuary. 244. Monasteries practically beneficial. 245.
Architecture. Books. Trades. 246. Monasteries, by degrees, become less
useful. 247. Are favoured by the people. Tlie effect of celibacy with respect
to them, 248. Monasteries overturned by Henry's rapacity. Plans for em
ploying this wealth. 249. Education for diplomacy. 250. Impropriations.
25 1 . General education. 252. Property more valuable by distribution. 253.
Evils felt at the dissolution of monasteries. 254. The transfer of property
ultimately produced good. 255. Much evil was produced at the time. 256.
Libraries were destroyed. 257. Labourers unemployed. 258. Amount and
effects of this transfer of property. 259. The ultimate result, beneficial.
Benefits of a church establisliment.
§ 241. The dissolution of the monastic establishments in this
country forms so striking a feature in the reformation ofthe church,
that the subject seems to claim a more full and distinct discussion
than has been already given to it.
The whole question, perhaps, belongs to the civil, rather than
the ecclesiastical historian, as affecting In a greater degree the
temporal, than the spiritual concerns of the country ; but In our
happy constitution the interests of the church and the state are so
vitally blended, that any event which considerably affects the one,
cannot fail to be of great importance to the other.
In this case. It is indeed possible that the monasteries might
have been retained, and the original objects of the foundations
have been complied with, under such modifications as were
admitted Into our colleges ; the Reformation might, on this sup
position, have proceeded as it did ; and the same preponderance
of property have been retained in the hands of ecclesiastical
persons, without preventing those changes which took place in
the doctrine and discipline of the church. But it may be useful
to inquire what portion of these alterations Is In any way due to
the transfer of property itself, and whether, without it, these

V. § 241.] QUESTIONS TO BE EXAMINED. 135
changes would have taken place at all. And again, whether, if
the property had been retained in mortmain, and appropriated to
other general purposes, the body politic would, or would not, have
been benefited ; in short, to see the effect which monasteries had
on England, aud to trace the political alterations which their
dissolution has produced.
§ 242. In reviewing the earlier periods of our history, we
shall probably be compelled to admit the utility of monastic
societies. Wliile the country was a prey to barbarism, and the
ravages of war were continually overturning every approach to
security, the veneration paid to religious houses must have tended
to soften and humanize the mind, as well as to form a barrier
against the actual destruction of property.
Among the Saxons, the introduction of Christianity was
accompanied by these establishments, which polished the rude
institutions of the Inhabitants of England, while the religion itself
contributed more effectually to the same end, by working on the
hearts of the individual converts. When, then, the Danes com
menced their system of plunder, the monasteries, which had
become numerous, formed the chief points against which their
attacks were directed. Superstitious hatred might, it is true,
have guided the Invaders to the places dedicated to the worship
of a God whom they despised ; but the frequent recurrence of
the same sacrilege arose, more probably, from avarice ; and these
pirates learnt, by experience, that the habitations of the mOnks
contained the riches, as well as the religion ofthe country; while
the feeble efforts which were generally made in their defence
promoted the recurrence of tho same aggressions,
§ 243. The conversion of the Danes to Christianity restored,
in some degree, the dilapidated monasteries, and re-established
them in their ancient rights and privileges ; a step which would
hardly have been taken, unless the idea of utility had been
connected with such foundations ; for the very privileges, which
afterwards became so Injurious to society, were then of material
advantage to it ; and when the want of law and civilization armed
the hand of every man against all who offended him, the reverence
which was paid to the rights of sanctuary provided a powerful

136

MONASTERIES ORIGINALLY BENEFICIAL. [aPPEND. A.

remedy against the violence of passion ». In all this we may
trace a strong resemblance to the institutions of the early Greeks,
among whom the same evils were guarded against, by provisions
corresponding in many respects. The Conquest was so far from
rendering these safeguards unnecessary, that the power of the
clergy, particularly of the monastic orders, formed a most salutary
check on the ferocious tyranny of the barons ; and the terrors
with which the church was armed by its property, as well as the
influence of the court of Rome, not only prevented acts of aggres^
sion, but proved a continual restraint on men who needed every
check which might retain them within the bounds of civilized
intercourse, and the humanities of life.
§ 244. Every lay fief, held upon the tenure of military
service, was. In reality, a premium upon war. In invasion, it
formed the prize towards which the soldier looked : in seasons of
tranquillity, it provided the soil on which fresh troops might be
raised, either for the defence of the kingdom or the extension of
conquest. All ecclesiastical property, on the other hand, tended
to promote the cultivation of peace : it was the price paid by the
public to those who fostered the arts, and who possessed the only
learning of which the nation could boast. The object for which
such donations were made, was, it Is true, superstitious, but their
ordinary effects must have been, in some degree, beneficial ; for
mankind would otherwise have more quickly seen through the
delusion on which such foundations rest ; and would never have
continued to promote establishments, which not only employed a
large portion of the wealth of the kingdom, but of which the
practical tendency must have been daily brought before their eyes.
§ 245. English architecture may be said to owe its origin to
ecclesiastical bodies, not only because they required extensive
places of worship for their use, and were possessed of wealth
adequate to their construction, but the designs and execution of
the work Itself were frequently furnished by the members of
monastic fraternities. The whole of the book learning of the

" By Alfred's laws, it appears that
asylum was only afforded in the sanctuary
for a time appointed by law, and varying.

according to the circumstances, from
three to more nights. See Johnson's
Canons, a.d. 877, § 2, &c.

V. § 245.] ARCHITECTURE. BOOKS. TRADES. 137
country was in their hands ; and to this they added those arts
which are connected with ornamenting MSS,, artificial penman
ship, and minute painting and gilding for Illuminations, Their
talents were also often directed to objects of more obvious and
immediate use ; for they frequently superintended certain species
of manufactures within their walls, and converted the raw mate
rials with which their lands furnished them into articles ready for
the market. In all this, the sanctity which was attached to the
religious body answered the great end of all political institutions,
the security of property; and at a period when every other tenure
was uncertain, religion, deformed as it was in many respects,
provided a safeguard against violence, which enabled the monastic
orders to cultivate the substantial good of the country.
§ 246. Society in the different stages through which it
passes, requires changes of Institutions corresponding with the
advancement of civilization, or the progress of the arts. Chartered
companies, for instance, may have enabled a number of persons to
engage In trades, and to enter into speculations, to which indivi
dually they might have been unequal ; but when the commerce
has long been in existence, the regulations of such a company may
become injurious to the further improvement of It. The same
observations will apply, probably, to establishments calculated to
foster civilization ; and thus the prevalence of the monastic orders
may have prevented those Improvements in manufactures and
moral habits, which their existence originally promoted. As the
law became strong enough to protect the Innocent, sanctuaries,
which had previously answered this purpose, furnished an asylum
for the guilty only, and counteracted the force of legal authority,
in aid of which they had been established. For a time, the arts
flourished within such foundations ; but the very nature of them
precluded that healthful activity which constitutes the wealth of
a nation, and can alone continue to diffuse throughout a country
the advantages of real Information. In these bodies, on the con
trary, the road to honour and preferment was so confined, by the
prejudices of the ruling powers, that they contributed little to the
dissemination of general knowledge. The countless multitudes
who by the Increasing superstition of the times were admitted

138

MONASTERIES BECOME LESS USEFUL, [apPEND. A.

into the religious orders, became a burden to the state, inasmuch
as their pursuits were directed to objects little beneficial to man
kind. The number of teachers who can be employed to advantage
must soon be limited bythe population of a country; the services
of religion are supplied by a comparatively small number of func
tionaries; and learning, If confined to the walls of a convent, and
not brought forward by competition, or applied to the purposes
of general life, will soon degenerate Into trifling and superficial
pedantry, and be sought no further than as it may deceive the
vulgar. In the very manufactures which were exercised under
the superintendence of the monks, the accidental advantages
which they possessed enabled them to create monopolies; and
their power and Influence In procuring a market stood In the way
of that freedom of trade, which is the only sure basis of internal
prosperity, § 247. These establishments, then, had in their origin been
most useful to the nation ; but as the alteration of circumstances
made them less necessary, the influence of superstition produced
a continued Increase to their numbers^ while their augmented

• The following Table will
houses founded in each reign,

William L ,
William II.
Henry I,
Stephen .
Henry II. .
Richard I,
John Henry III,
Edward I. .
Edward II,
Edward III,
Richard II.
Henry IV.
Henry V,
Henry VI. .
Edward IV.
Edward V.
Richard III.
Henry VII.
Henry VIII.

give some general idea of the number of religious
(Tanner's Notitia, p, viii.)

Reigned Yeara. 20 13
35 18
34 9
17
56 3419 50
22 13 9
38
22

23
37

Monast.
Founded. 45 29
143 146 163 52 81
211 107 42 74
21 12 4
33 15

few

p. a.
2,252,41
4,08 8,11 4,79 5,774,76
4,78 3,01
2,21 1,48
1,0,92
0,44 0,86
0,68

Colleges in the
Universities.

3 1
3 5 1

1178

27

V, § 247.]

MONASTIC ESTABLISHMENTS.

139

power still added In an alarming degree to the extent of the evil.
It was in vain to expect a remedy from new laws ; for the effect
of every enactment will invariably become paralyzed, whenever it
acts against the immediate Interests of the ruling part of society.
The nobility could not be restrained from contributing to the
support of foundations, where their children received their educa
tion, and where the younger branches of the family found a ready
asylum, when the resources of the paternal estate were Inadequate
to their support. To the rest of the kingdom, the power of the
church formed as it were a barrier against the tyranny of the
great ; and the lands of monasteries were generally let on terms
so advantageous, that the tenant found his duty and interest com
bined, in the defence of his ecclesiastical lord. The policy of the
church of Rome kept this enormous body as distinct as possible
from the rest of the nation ; and celibacy, by which this end was
principally effected, though it exposed the clergy to various
temptations, and lowered them in general esteem, could not fail
to direct all their energies to the glory and augmentation of that
society to which they belonged,
§ 248. The ostensible plea on which this property had been
acquired, chiefly depended on a false idea of a state of purgatory;
and if the majority of the clergy were sincere in such a belief, (a
point which we can hardly doubt,) these innovatIons^ which
must have at once alarmed the consciences and the worldly
interests of so large a number of persons, could hardly have been
introduced without the application of much external force. It
seems probable, then, that unless the rapacity of Henry and his
courtiers had previously scattered the wealth, and thus destroyed
much of the worldly power of the church, the Reformation
would hardly have taken place at this time. It was avarice
which led them to make this attack on the property; but In
attempting to defend their conduct, they examined the grounds on

" It may be observed, that the transfer
of property from one religious purpose
to another was not now introduced.
(Collier, i. C50.) In 1414, all alien
priories not conventual were dissolved
by an act of parliament ; many colleges

owe much of their wealth to this source,
before the time of Wolsey, (Tanner,
Notitia, xxxiii, &c.) whose liberality of
foundation chiefly consisted in suppress
ing mouiisteries to found a college to his
own honour.

140 PLANS FOE USING THE WEALTH OP MONASTERIES, [ APPEND. A

which these foundations were laid, and soon found the instability
of a building which had neither sound reason in its favour, nor
the revealed word of God for its support. Had this step never
taken place, we might still have been blessed with the Reforma
tion ; but it would probably have been delayed, or have been
effected with a violence which might have swept away with it
many of our most valuable institutions.
It was the wish of many of the reformers, that the wealth of
the suppressed monasteries might have been applied to some
useful endowments; and the scheme Is in itself so plausible, that
few can have thought much on the history of the Reformation,
without having sketched out some ideal plan which might have
employed a portion at least of these large revenues. What was
done in this way, viz. the erection of six bishoprics, and the
foundation of fifteen chapters'', several hospitals, and the two
colleges'' which are the glory of our sister universities, so strongly
plead In favour of such an application, that to maintain a con
trary hypothesis may seem to be an affectation of paradox, If
indeed It be not chargeable with ingratitude, in one, who has
passed the best years of his life within one of these establish
ments, and derived from that connexion the means of performing
the greater part of that little good which he has been able to do
In bis generation,
§ 2+9, Henry certainly intended to have supplied many of
the wants of the nation from this fund ; but through the facility
with which he granted it away, he defeated his own designs'*.
Some of It was employed In the construction and improvement
of harbours ; but I have not been able to ascertain what portion
of It w-as thus expended. It was the wish of Sir Nicholas
Bacon*, that some provision should have been made for the

^ Bristol, Canterbury, Carlisle, Ches
ter, Durham, Ely, Gloucester, Norwich,
Peterborough, Rochester, Westminster,
Winchester, Windsor, Worcester, Wol
verhampton; the annual value of these
was rated at less than 60001. (Speed.)
<' Trinity College, Cambridge, aud
Christ Church, Oxford.

" Henry, with all the wealth which
passed through his hands, was so im
provident, that before the end of his
reign, he had recourse to that dishonest
and most impolitic measure of debasing
his coin. (Camden's Elizabeth, p. 49.)

* Burnet, i. 269.

V. § 249. J

IMPROPRIATIONS,

141

education of youth, for the purposes of diplomacy, and that they
should thus have been prepared for serving their country among
foreign nations. But It may well be doubted whether liberal
instruction on general principles be not the most useful prepara
tion for every line of life ; and whether the early direction to a
peculiar branch of study has not the tendency of confining the
views of the student. Be this as it may, the sum thus expended
would have been small, and the diSiculty of the question at issue
depends on the extent of the wealth so to have been applied.
§ 250. There Is, however, one point which every well-wisher
to the church must deplore, I mean the continuance of those
impropriations which had transferred much of the property of
the secular clergy Into the hands of the monastic orders. While
the society so endowed, furnished the parish with a spiritual
pastor, there was some plea for the transfer of the Income iTrom
the individual to the body of which he was the representative ;
but when the whole establishment was granted to a layman, the
impropriation ought to have been restored to the person who had
the cure of souls. The want of this arrangement so obviously
just, has been of infinite injury to the country, by rendering many
pieces of preferment inadequate'^ to support a clergyman in that
rank of life in which he has been placed by society. This evil
is now very sensibly diminished by the liberality of the crown,
and by grants from parliament ; but its existence has been one
cause of the prevalence of pluralities, while for a long time it
contributed to make the body less respected In the eyes of the
world ; for it must never be forgotten that mankind will judge
by external circumstances, that a poor establishment will naturally
be subject to contempt; and that men who are despised will often,
by ceasing to respect themselves, become really despicable.
§ 251. But to recur to the question at issue. If it be asked,
whether the property so seized might have been employed in a
way more beneficial to the nation ? It must be confessed, that In

" It may not be amiss here to observe,
that the stipend of the secular clergy
was itself lessened by the Reformation,
as much of the pay of the curate de
pended on what he obtained by saymg

masses for the poor, and on different
small fees which the various offices of
the church of Rome greatly multiplied.
All personal tithes gradually ceased to be
paid after the Reformation.

142 APPLICATION OF THE REVENUES. [aPPEND. A,
some points it most certainly might; but as a whole, it has
probably fallen into hands, In which tho greatest advantage has
been derived from it. We are not speaking of the justice of ita
application, but of its ultimate utility. Some of it might have
been applied to promote education, particularly If we look to the
northern parts of England; but real education Is more truly
promoted by exciting general activity through the division of
property, than by any other means ; by assisting those who are
otherwise destined for learned professions, and thus enabling them
to receive an education superior to that which their own pecu
niary resources would supply. Where the expense of a classical
education is wholly provided for the indigent, the youth whose
lot was cast in a lower sphere of life is forced up Into an un
natural competition with his superiors. For the aid of talent
and genius, when found among the lowest ranks of life, charitable
foundations are a national blessing ; but surely in this point we
abound ; and though some of the wealth in question might have
been advantageously turned Into this channel, yet we are speaking
of the enormous revenues of the church which were then dissi
pated, and which were much larger than these objects could
require. In academical establishments much was accomplished
by Henry, so that as far as the universities are concerned, the
south of England has rather reason to be thankful for what
has been done, than to repine that this branch was less extensive.
This observation, however, cannot be extended to the northern
counties ; and In these, a place of acadeaiical education seems
a great desideratum, particularly for the clergy, as the general
poverty of the benefices will not allow those who are candidates
for them to Incur the ordinary expenses of either of the present
universities^. § 252, The blessings which have flowed from the London
hospitals seem clearly to prove, that much might have been use
fully applied to similar purposes in other parts of the kingdom ;
but public munificence has amply supplied this want, and no
one can doubt that where such places of relief owe their origin
" This was written some time before the splendid plan of the church of Durham
was published to the world.

V, § 252,] EVILS PPLT AT THE DISSOLUTION OP MONASTERIES. 143
and support to subscriptions, they possess a greater likelihood of
promoting the end for which they are destined. The question
does not simply resolve Itself Into the discussion, whether such
and such sums might not have been beneficially employed In
education and charity; but whether the consequences of the
distribution of property have not converted a larger sum to these
very purposes, and provided that all the money thus employed
should be more properly applied. Landed property belonging
to bodies corporate is generally much less really productive, than
the same quantity in the hands of an Individual. The temporary
nature of the tenure on both sides prevents any very strenuous
exertions towards improvement ; neither are willing to forego
present advantage for the sake of future gain; so that the property
itself becomes more valuable by the change of masters, while the
growing wants of Increasing prosperity will turn as much wealth
into the course of education and charity, as would have been
employed in It upon the other scheme ; add to which, that the
supply of an open competition Is not only more sure to be adequate
to the demand, but the very freedom of it prevents that lethargy
of repletion, under which wealthy bodies are but too apt to
suffer. § 253. The estates, of which the church was deprived, were
thrown into the hands of those who could not be entitled to them
upon any plea ; and while at the moment the nation was the
loser, the court favourite alone derived advantage from the spoil.
The poor were robbed of the rude hospitality with which the
monasteries abounded ; they were no longer provided with the
same number of spiritual guides, who, with all their imperfections,
must at least have equalled in point of information their lay
contemporaries, and who, by being scattered through the country,
must have furnished employment to a large portion of the lower
orders. The farmer lost a kind and Indulgent landlord, whose
place was frequently supplied by a griping spendthrift; at the
hospitable board which his own farm supplied, he was always a
welcome guest, whenever he chose to partake of the liberality of
the convent ; the new '^proprietor, under whom he held, was
occupied with the affairs of the nation and the court ; and was

144 THE TRANSFER OF PROPERTY, ETC. [aPPEND. A,
scarcely known to him, but as the receiver of his hard-earned
rents. The higher orders, who were not directly benefited by the
plunder, felt the want of corrodies for their old servants % and
were often distressed in providing for younger children, who would
have been otherwise destined for the church.
§ 254. With all this In their favour, It seems wonderful that
monasteries could have been overthrown with so much ease and
rapidity ; and for this difiiculty we shall hardly find a solution,
unless we consider the arbitrary power of Henry, and how much
the clergy had made themselves the objects of hatred among the
people by their vices, their superstition, and their tyrannical per
secutions. As it was, the change produced a most formidable
rebellion ; and if the people could have foreseen the extent of the
evil which this transfer of property was likely to produce, they
would have resisted any such alteration : but fortunately they
did not : for had their resistance been effectual, the country would
in all probability have been injured as to its true Interests. Those
who had become thus easily possessed of property were in the
course of time forced to part with their ill-acquired wealth ; and
it is an observation worthy of attention, that few families really
profited by church lands'*. This effect need not be attributed to
the immediate vengeance of Heaven, (for the land of laymen may
be as truly dedicated to God as that of the church,) but arose
from this principle, that the rapacious are generally prodigal ; and
that however property may be divided for a time, the industrious
and virtuous will sooner or later become Its possessors; And thus,
before the expiration of many years, the spoils of the church were
thrown into those hands in which they would produce the greatest
good to the body politic.
§ 255. But the Immediate effect was not at all that of pro
moting the welfare of this land. It was not the quiet transfer of
wealth, accompanied by activity and prudence; but the forced
dissolution of the right of property, and attended with waste and
destruction. The tenants of the monastery were in many cases
» The founder, or his representative, | tering a certain number of persons on the
had generally a reserved right of quar- | convent.
" See Spelman on Sacrilege,

V, § 255.] DESTRUCTION OP LIBRARIES. 145
deprived of their leases, and the rents forced up to an unprece
dented height. Those persons who possessed reserved rents on
the lands of religious houses found such difSculty in obtaining
their rights, when the property fell into the hands of the king, or
a powerful subject, that they were often obliged to relinquish
the claim ; and where, as was frequently the case, the family of
the founder had retained legally, or by tacit consent, the right of
presentation to the preferments, the new owners of the soil
deprived them of their privilege. Attempts were indeed made to
obviate these evils ; but who shall be bold enough to presume to
set limits to violence, when the first principles of justice are
destroyed? Or who shall check the rapacity of plunder, when
the rights of property are systematically disregarded ?
§ 256. Barbarism seems to have joined hand in hand with
avarice in the work of destruction ; the moveable parts of religious
houses were quickly carried off and sold, and the dismantled
building left to the pitiless ravages of time, a lasting monument of
how much the Reformation cost us ! The contents, as well as the
fabric, suffered in the storm ; the libraries were left to the ignorant
possessor of the soil, or pillaged for the sake of the parchment
and paper which they contained; so that the loss to English
history is beyond conception; for the monks were the only
historians of the times*, and In almost every monastery a record
was kept, not only of the transactions of the society, but the
political events of the period were regularly Inserted ; and when
we have passed beyond, comparatively speaking, modern times,
the monastic chronicles form the only documents for history.
§ 257. The improvements in agriculture did not of course
keep pace with the alteration In the state of property, and the
holders of large estates, In order to obtain the highest rents, found
it necessary to convert much of their land into pasture. This
circumstance reduced the ancient cultivators of the soil to a
miserable state of precarious existence, and greatly promoted
vagrancy and disorders, for which succeeding legislators In vain
sought a remedy, till the establishment of the poor laws, in the
reign of (Jucen Elizabeth, connected the prosperity of the lower
* Fuller, 334.

146 AMOUNT OF THIS TRANSFER OF PROPERTY. [aPPEND. A,
orders with the Interests of the landlord. By the dispersion of so
much property, many individuals were forced to earn their bread
by labour, who would otherwise have wasted their lives in sloth
and Inactivity; but the mass of persons who were thus driven to
exertion were not provided by education for cultivating any higher
branches of even manual labour, and the nation found itself
overburdened with agricultural workmen at a time when the
population did not amount to one-half Its present numbers,
§ 258, We may easily conceive that this must have been
the case, when we consider the amount of the sum transferred,
which, according to Speed, was not less than an income of one
hundred and fifty thousand pounds, scarcely if at all below that
of all the other church property^. In our own days we have
" There is much difiiculty in forming an accurate estimate of the value of the
property so transferred ; but in the absence of substantial information, some readers
may be pleased with having even an approximation to the real sum placed before them,
and will excuse the author for presenting such data as are within his reach, defective
as they are. Speed says Henry transferred 161,109/. 9s. I^d. to temporal uses.
£. s. d.
According to his abstract of dissolved monasteries they "]
amounted to 1,100 in number, and their value was > 171,312 4 3J
per annum  J
Among these, I believe that seven cathedrals are euume- j
rated, (Canterbury, Durham, Ely, Gloucester, West- I
miuster, Winchester, Worcester,) the income of which j ' '
amounted to ,.. ... ... ... ... J

Reducing the sum total of the suppressed monasteries to 157,483 15 74
Subsequent foundations :
Five bishoprics: Bristol, Chester, Glou- -i
cester, Oxford, Peterborough, at the \ 1,858 11 6
value in the king's book ... ... J
Westminster, at the same average ... 371 14 3J
Sixteen chapters (the stalls) including
Christ Church, Oxford, (Speed) 5,942 8 2

8,172 13 114
Leaving, independent of Trinity Cambridge, and the ) 1 40 ^ii 1 1 «
London hospitals  f '
The approximation to the value of the other church preferment, at the same
date, is as follows : —
8331 benefices (in Speed)  f 108,182 6 3
Bishoprics and stalls (at one-eighth of this)  13,522 15 0
£121,705 1 3
(The one-eighth is taken as an approximation to the present proportion.)

V. § 258.]

IMMEDIATE EFFECT INJURIOUS,

147

experienced the stagnation and distress produced by the change
from a state of war to peace, and an alteration In the value of
money, together with the want of employment which such causes
have occasioned, and this accompanied with no violence, and
taking place at a moment when the diffusion of knowledge had
opened every avenue for adventure. We may conceive, then, a
forcible transfer of property, not relatively less than what the
church at present possesses in this kingdom, at a period when the
employment of resources was little understood, and when the
religion, with the rites of which these establishments were con
nected, was one which occupied many Individuals in its services,
and those of every different rank In society, and we shall be able
to form some idea of the evils and difficulties with which this
change was for the time attended. The acts by which it was
brought about were undoubtedly legal, for they were sanctioned
by the parliament ; and the supreme body in a kingdom must
Mr. Nasmith, in this edition of Tanner's Notitia, has given us from the Liber
Regis, and other sources, (Lingard, vi. Note E. p, 503,) as accurate an account as
can be expected of the annual revenue of all the monastic houses. The result is
the following. (N.B. This must regard the larger monasteries only. )

No. of houaes.

Orders.

Revenue.

186 20 9
101

Benedictines ...
Cluniaes
Carthusians ...
Cistercians

 £65,877 14 0
 4,972 9 2i
 2,947 15 4J
 18,691 12 6

173 32

Austins Premoustratensiaus

 33,027
 4,807

1 11
14 1

25

Gilbertins

 2,421

13 9

3

Fontevraud nuns

 825

8 6^

3

Minoresses

 548

10 6

1
2

Bridgettines . . .
Bonhommes . . .

 1,731
 859

8 91
5 llj

Knights hospitalars
Friars ...
with a clear revenue of

 5,394
 809

6 5i
U 8^

Larger M. 555
Smaller 375

142,914
 30,000

12 9i
0 0

930
(Fuller, p.

312.)

172,914

12 9i

This result, drawn from sources totally different from the former, is sufficiently
near to show that no very considerable error has been committed in the investi
gation, L 2

148- THE ULTIMATE RESULT BENEFICIAL, [aPPEND, A,
have the right ^ to dispose of the property of any of its members ;
but the dissolution was carried on In opposition to every principle
of sound policy, with a spirit which nothing can justify, and
produced effects at the moment highly prejudicial to society.
§ 259. The ultimate result was unquestionably beneficial ;
for it turned all this wealth from a channel, in which it was giving
birth to little activity, either of mind or body, into the hands of
private possessors, who are of all people the most likely to
promote the prosperity of the community. It is Indeed probable
that a larger portion might have been employed with advantage
on hospitals and places of education, but that this sum ought not
to have been considerable ; and there can be little doubt that
England would have been richer, had the Impropriations been
restored^. I mention this, because I believe that the value of a
proper provision for the parochial clergy Is often not understood,
and often misrepresented. Had we never heard of such an
establishment, and did we first meet in some Utopian scheme
with such a project as the following, we should probably hardly
imagine anything more perfect. That in every small district
of the country a certain quantity of property was set apart, in
order that some individual of the community, selected from any
class, might be educated in a superior manner, and appointed to
the superlntendance of the spiritual and temporal wants of this
little community; that he was furnished with a residence among
them, and with the means of relieving the poor ; and that all this
was provided by a grant from the landed property of the country,
made so long ago that it existed before any tenure at present on
record. I imagine that If this plan were thus offered to our
notice, no one would doubt of its utility or wisdom ; and If In
» The word right is used in its extreme 1 » See some good observations on the
sense. They have a power which no , ill effects of impropriations in Speaker
authority in England can contradict. "William's speech, January 15th, 1563.
The law does, under certain circum- (Strype's Ann. i. 437 ;) and in the rough
stances, deprive an individual of his pro- draft of a reformation in ecclesiastical
perty, (as in cases of treason ;) it occa- law, mider the head of Better Providing
sionally forces him to sell it. The ques- for the Poorer Clergy, impropriations
tion in reality is one of policy ; but sound are said to be radix omnium malorum.
policy and justice are the same thing. It (Strype's Ann, i, 479,)
is in this sense that the parliament have j
the disposal ofthe revenues of the church, i

V. § 259.] CHURCH ESTABLISHMENT. 149
practice it be found less pure than it seems in theory, if the least
promising of his sons be selected by the lay'proprletor to hold the
family living, if large preferments be given to unworthy persons,
it should not be forgotten, that directly or indirectly the laity are
the patrons of the great mass of preferment in this country. Nor
ought we to overlook this fact also, that a large portion of the
livings of England are inadequate to repay the actual expenses of
such a liberal education as is generally bestowed on the clergy of
this land.
It would be absurd to expect, that a body possessed of such
power and wealth as has been granted to ecclesiastical persons
should be free from numerous assaults, in a country where free
discussion on ev<ery subject is allowed; but it cannot be inconsistent
with toleration, which is the glory of our church, or with charity,
which characterizes our religion, to pray, that the attacks of our
enemies may induce the church to remedy the evils which exist
among us ; and that those who are ignorant enough to revile our
establishment, may be convinced of their error by the benefits
which they shall receive from their spiritual guides.

150

APPENDIX B. TO CHAP. V.
STATE OF RELIGIOUS OPINIONS IN THE CHURCH AT THK
END OF THE REIGN OF HENRY VIIL
271. Three works published by authority. 272. The arrangement of the Thirty-
nine Articles foUowed. 273. The Trinity. 274. Standard of faith. 275, 276.
Points of faith referring to individual Christians: 277. Points referring to
the church. 278. The Seven Sacraments. 279. Penance; Orders; Con
firmation; Extreme Unction. 280. Lord's Supper; Matrimony. 281.
Traditions ; supremacy of the king. 282. Observations. 283. Points still
wanting reformation.
§ 271 . This abstract is made from works put forth by authority,
which are in number three :
I. Articles devised by the KInges Highnes Majestic, to sta-
blyshe Christen quietnes and unitie amonge us — 1536.
II. The Institution of a Christian Man, &c. 1537. This was
dedicated by the bishops to the king, and is therefore called the
Bishops' Book.
III. A Necessary Doctrine and Erudition for any Christian
Man, set forth by the King's Majesty of England, &c. 1543-
This was addressed by the king to his people, and is therefore
called the King's Book^.
It seems to be the generally received opinion'', that the doc-

• The three have been of late printed
in one volume, under the direction of the
late bishop of Oxford (Dr. Lloyd), at
the university press, and are thus placed
within the reach of every student in
theology. They are entitled. Formu
laries of Faith, put forth by authority
during the reigu of Henry VIII. 8vo,
Oxford, 1825, In these observations,
No. II. is called the Institution, III.
the Erudition. In the preface to the
Three Primers, printed 1834, by my late
friend Dr. Burton, Reg. Prof, of Div.
Oxf., he shows that many parts of Wil
liam Marshall's Primer, 1535, have been
introduced into the Institution, No. II.
*> Probably, among those who had
access to the Scriptures, the opinions

of the reformed church were gaining
ground. The king had made a great and
hasty political step, which was likely to
introduce doctrinal changes, to which he
had no inclination, and therefore retraced
those steps which he had apparently
taken. (Burnet, i, 274, 286, and Rec.
No. 21, fol.) In 1540, between the
dates of these publications, two commis
sions had been appointed, one for the
examination of the doctrines, the other,
of the ceremonies of the church. The
first sent in numerous answers concern
ing the sacraments, their number, nature,
and efficacy ; Confirmation, and the use
of Chrism therein; the nature of Ordi
nation, and the difference between
Bishops and Priests; Confession and

V. § 271.J RELIGIOUS OPINIONS. HENRY VIII.

151

trines of the church of England were retrograde during the period
in which these treatises were written ; so that we might expect to
find the last of the three the least distant from the tenets of the
Roman church ; and these expectations upon examination are in
some degree realized. With regard to the two latter works, which
in all material points are the same, it will be useful to specify
the most marked differences as we proceed In discussing the
general contents of the latter, which was the standard of faith
when Henry died.
§ 272. The Articles themselves are In a great measure
inserted verbatim, or nearly so, Into the Institution, and from
thence copied into the Erudition ; but in one case, in which a
material alteration is observable. It consists of the introduction of
opinions which are less at variance with the doctrines of our
church. In the exposition of the honour to be paid to saints, the
Christian is in the Articles, 1536, directed to address them, as
advancers of our prayers to Christ, the only Mediator ; whereas
what is said in the latter tracts* places the intercession of the
saints in heaven -f- on the same ground as that of the ministers of
Christ's church on earth». The very dates, Indeed, would lead

Excommunication, and Extreme Unc
tion. These contain a fund of informa
tion. The other committee drew up a
Rationale of the Church Service, (Strype,
E. M. ii. Rec, No. 109,) a sort of Expla
nation of the meaning of the Ceremonies
used in the church of Rome, (Collier,
ii. 191 ;) but it does not appear that any
use was ever made of this, (Strype in
deed supposes (i. 546) that it was
quashed by Cranmer,) unless it served
to direct those who made some altera
tion in the service book, " Portiforium
secundum usum Sarum noviter impres-
sum, et a plurimis purgatum mendis.
In quo nomen Romano Pontifici ascrip-
tum omittitur, una cum aliis, quse chris-
tianissimo nostri Regis Statuto repug
nant. Excussum Londini per Edvardum
Whytchurch, 1541."

" With regard to Good Works, there
is perhaps a slight alteration, (99, 372,)
in which the Erudition is nearer to the
church of England; and an expression
of the " merits " of the saints bemg con
veyed to the whole body of Christians,
in the Institution (53 and 58), which is
left out iu the Erudition. The power of
priestly absolution is more strongly
marked in the Institution (98, 260,)
and the unlearned are in the Erudition
directed to say the Pater-noster in their
mother tongue (335). There is also an
excellent tract on Freewill in the Eru
dition (359), which does not exist in the
other ; as to. the particulars wherein the
Erudition had gone back towards the see
of Rome, see § 283.

* Formularies, 14.

t Ibid. 70. 237.

152 ORDER OF INVESTIGATION. [aPPEND. B,
US to expect no great difference between the two first works,
though the change of opinion indicated by the passing of the act of
the Six Articles, in 1539, might direct us to look for it between
the Institution and the Erudition,
The order which it will be desirable to adopt in the following
Investigation is probably that of the Thirty-nine Articles of our
own church ; for the student in divinity will thus more readily
discover the points in which we disagree. The tract Itself is
arranged on a totally different principle. It explains successively
the Creed, the Seven Sacraments, the Ten Commandments, the
Lord's Prayer, the Ave Maria, and finishes with the exposition
of certain articles on Freewill, Justification, Good Works, and
the praying for souls departed. The elementary nature of the
subject-matter explained prevents, on many points, any great
difference of opinion ; and the difiiculty which necessarily exists
in marking the shades of progressive alterations must be pleaded
in excuse, if in any particulars these distinctions should appear to
be Incorrectly laid down in the following pages''.
§ 273. I. — V. In the first division of the Thirty-nine
Articles, there is of course no material difference, as the church
of Rome holds the doctrine of the Trinity in common with the
church of England.
§ 274. VI, — VIII, In the second division, wherein the
basis or groundwork of our faith is marked out, the Erudition
coincides, in fact, to a great degree, with the church of England,
though in principle it differs from it most widely*. As a standard
of faith, it admits the whole body and canon of the Bible -f-, (i. e.,
the Apocrypha and all,) the three Creeds, the decisions of the four
first councils, and directs that the interpretation of the word of
God shall take place according to the meaning of the words of
Scripture, and as the holy and approved doctors of the church do
agreeably Intreat and defend |, The church of England neglects
not the assistance of the holy fathers in the Interpretation of

>> The doctruies of the church of En
gland are not here stated, since they
may be found by consulting the Thirty-

nine Articles, which, as they are printed
in the Prayer Book, must be within the
reach of every reader.

• Form, 5. 61, 227. t Ibi<J- 324, 160, 210. 375, X Iljid- 227, 61.

V, § 274,] STANDARD OF FAITH. 153
Scripture, it merely rejects the authority of such interpretation,
and receives the Creeds, not upon tradition, but because they do
agree with the Bible.
The authority of the moral law is established in the adoption
of the Decalogue as a rule of conduct ; and In the rejection of the
ceremonial ritual, all Christian churches agree. There is, how
ever, one observation which Is worthy of attention, in which it is
asserted that the fourth commandment does not now pertain to
Christians, though Christians are bound by it to the observance of
the Sunday, and other holydays appointed by the church*. It Is
not indeed very clear what is meant to be conveyed by this expo
sition ; for if it only refers to the change in the day of the week,
the alteration has been admitted since the times of the apostles,'
but as it now stands, it might certainly be extended to a length
which few Christians would be willing to admit.
§ 275. IX.— XVIII. In the third class of articles, in
which points of faith referring to individual Christians are treated
of, it will be necessary to examine each separate article.
IX. The doctrine of original sin is fully admltted-f", though
the exposition of it, in the Institution, is much more precise and
copious j, in declaring the corruption of man's heart always
abiding in him.
X. Freewill § is fully explained In an excellent little tract at
the end of the Erudition, in which the positions correspond with
our present article : I cannot help recommending it to the atten
tion of my readers, particularly the concluding paragraph : " All
men be also to be monished, and chiefly preachers ||, that In this
high matter, they, looking on both sides, so attemper and mode
rate themselves, that neither they so preach the grace of God,
that they take away thereby freewill, nor on the other side, so
extol freewill, that injury be done to the grace of God."
XI. Justification is attributed to the free mercy and grace of
God, through Jesus Christ, as its final and efficient cause IT; and
repentance, or penance, and a lively faith, are declared to be neces
sary to our receiving of the same : but on this point the Instltu-
* Form. 306, 142. f Ibid, 331. 363, 169, + Ibid, 171.
§ Ibid, 359. II Ibid. 362, «([ Ibid, 368,

154

POINTS REFERRING TO INDIVIDUALS, [aPPEND. B.

tion Is more clear*. It asserts, that the justification of mankind +
could not be brought to pass by any works of our own, but by
faith in the name and power of Jesu Christ, and by the gifts and
graces of his holy Spirit. That our acceptance hereafter will take
place J, not through works of righteousness which we shall have
done, but by the only grace, goodness, and mercy of God, and by
and for the redemption which is in Christ Jesus.
XII. Although rather more efficacy may be attributed to good
works than in our Article §, yet the total inability of man to do
anything pleasing to God of his own power is distinctly and
clearly declared ||,
XIII. XIV. Of works before justification, and of supereroga
tion*, nothing Is said; for though It be asserted In the Institution IT,
that the graces and merits of the church shall be applied to every
member, yet the words do not necessarily imply any Idea of super
erogation. In these articles, XII. — XIV., the Erudition Is the
nearest to the opinions of our church.
§ 276. XV, The universal sinfulness of man is frequently
implied ; the efficacy of Christ's offering, as it were, assumes his
freedom from sin; and the doctrine Itself Is distinctly asserted**.
XVI. The general efficacy of repentance, through Christ, per
vades the whole of what is said on penance ; and that the justi
fied may fall, and rise again to newness of life, is asserted -f-f-.
XVII. In the doctrine of predestination, there Is a difference
between the two tracts ; neither of them asserts it in that distinct
manner in which it Is contained In this article :|:j; but the Insti
tution admits the principle; the Erudition teaches it not, because
it is not clearly taught in Scripture and the doctors§§. Tho
universality of the offer of grace and redemption is stated ||||, so
that it Is the fault of men themselves, that they reject and resist
grace.

• They are indirectly rejected, when
it is said, "By good works we mean not
the superstitious works of men's own in

vention," (F. 370,) wherein many called
religious have trusted.

* See § 283. f Form, 36, + Ibid. 60. § Ibid. 99.
H Ibid. 372. f Ibid. 53. •* Ibid. 65, 67, 232.
tt Ibid, 367. XX Ibiti. 53, 52. g§ Ibid. 224, |||| Ibid, 360, 365.

V. § 276.] POINTS REFERRING TO THE CHURCH. 155
XVIII. The article of obtaining salvation only through
Christ is implied, though not asserted totidem verbis*.
On this class of articles, then, we may observe, that the doc
trines here established nearly resemble those of our own church,
though in some particulars the propositions are not advanced
with that uncompromising distinctness of attributing all to God's
mercy, without the intervention of man's works, which a further
study of the subject dictated. Whatever was vitally important
on these subjects is asserted ; but the writer often seems to attri
bute an importance to man's own co-operation in his justification,
which he subsequently modifies, so as to give the whole glory to
God-f-; yet the fear of admitting Antlnomlan laxity. In establish
ing Christian faith, must plead a substantial excuse for those who
had not yet practically learnt, that good works do spring out,
necessarily, of a true and lively faith.
§ 277. In the fourth division of the Articles, it will pro
bably be advisable to continue the same method of examining
them. XIX. — XXI. The doctrines contained in the nineteenth ar
ticle]: are, to a certain degree, in accordance with those expressed
in the Erudition, excepting that the breach with the church of
Rome Is, in the Thirty-nine Articles, distinctly brought forward ;
whereas the framer of the Erudition wished, if possible, to have
preserved a communion with her, as far as was consistent with his
ideas of the truth. There is, therefore, no mention of the errors
of the church of Rome in matters of faith §; and while the in
dependence of each national church is asserted, it is added, that'
a diversity of rites does not destroy the unity of the whole. The
remaining positions of these Articles are not touched upon ; for at
this time no doubt was entertained of the authority of the church
(^, e. the king) to ordain what she pleased, and nothing Is said of
general councils.
XXII. The people are directed to abstain from reasoning on
purgatory II, Inasmuch as the state of the dead is uncertain, and
pardons from Rome are called abuses, and unequivocally rejected ;
• Form. 36. 363, f IWJ- 368, 371, 2, + Ibid, 245, 55.
§ Ibid, 247, II Ibid. 375, 211.

156

SACRAMENTS.

[append, b.

but prayers for the dead, masses and exequies for the whole
Christian community of the quick and dead, are denominated
charitable works, and approved of. In the remaining part of the
Article, the Erudition speaks a language at total variance with
our church. Images are allowed of as books for the unlearned *,
and no objection is made to adoration or prayer made before
images, provided it be addressed to God. The invocation of
saints "f", that is, the asking for their prayers, is approved of, as
corresponding with a request of a similar nature, addressed to the
ministers of God's word J, or a faithful Christian brother who was
still on earth.
XXIII. XXIV. Concerning ministering In the congregation,
there was, at that time, no difference of opinion ; and excepting
in the translation of the Litany in the King's Primer, the use of
the Latin service had not been altered.
§ 278. XXV, The Erudition still retains the use of the
seven sacraments^; but it must not be forgotten, that this ques
tion Is, in a great degree, merely concerning the name, for, at the
same time, it makes a distinction as to the necessity of the sacra
ments, and qualifies what It says about them, so as to be much
less distant from the church of England, than might be supposed
at first sight §. The three necessary sacraments are, Baptism,
Penance, and the Lord's Supper. The other four are, as divine
institutions, called sacraments, but are not binding, of necessity,
on every one. The minister of the church of England would
say, that baptism, repentance, and the Lord's supper, were neces
sary for all men, though he would esteem repentance merely as a
Christian state of mind, and totally different from the other two ;
and he would acknowledge that the other four were, when divested
of some superstitious non-essentials, religious observances, which
the church of England has done well In retaining among her

" This part of the Erudition differs
considerably in point of form and ar
rangement from the Institution, but the
doctrines do not seem to be materially
altered. According to Burnet, (Rec.
No. 21. book iii.) the whole subject had

been examined with great care by a com
mittee of divines, whose answers upon
each head are severally recorded, and
strongly mark the judicious caution with
which this work was carried on.

" Form,'299. 137, t Ibid, 237. 70.

: Sec § 272,

Form, 293, 129.

V. § 278.] SACRAMENTS. PENANCE. 157
services. Whether we denominate any or all of them sacraments,
must be allowed to be a question of human prudence. The term,
properly speaking, is not used in Scripture, and If fjLvcrTrjpiov*
be applied in an ecclesiastical sense, as equivalent to sacrament,
it is given to matrimony alone. The question really is, whether
the difference of being instituted by Christ himself, personally,
constitutes such a distinction as to warrant the church in affixing
a separate name. In this, the Erudition differs from the church
of England. In baptism, the only difference which exists -f, consists in
retaining the use of the chrism.
§ 279. It should be observed concerning penance, or its
almost equivalent term repentance |, that the sacramental part
consists in the absolution given by the priest ; and that absolution
pronounced authoritatively to an individual, unless it be accom
panied by confession, or at least a declaration of the grounds of
confidence in the penitent, is but a mockery of religion. When,
therefore, I have stated what my own idea of the doctrine of the
church of England is on this point, (for I believe that many men,
equally good judges of the subject, might differ from me herein,)
I shall proceed to point out the differences AvhIch the Erudition
exhibits. In order that sinners may be made partakers of the only
remedy for sin, the death and merits of our Lord and Saviour
Jesus Christ §, the conviction of sin within ourselves, and the
humble acknowledgement of it to God, is absolutely necessary;
for which purpose, the confessing our transgressions to our
brethren, particularly to the ministers of God's word, is fre
quently useful; and in cases where the mind is troubled, the
special declaration of God's merciful pardon to the individual
may beneficially be made by those to whom " the word of God,"
(«', e. " the keys of the kingdom of heaven,") has authoritatively
been Intrusted.
The church of Rome would, I believe, say, that the confession
* Ephes. V. 32. t ^o™- 292. 127. :J: Ibid. 257.
§ Service of the Visitation of the Sick; and E.-ihortation to the Lord's Supper.

168 SACRAMENTS. PENANCE. [aPPEND. B.
and absolution were, humanly speaking absolutely necessary for
salvation. The medium which the Erudition observes is this;
contrition would send the penitent to the priest *, he would con
fess his sins, submit himself to discipline, as a part of the satis
faction for them. In order to show his willingness to return to
God ; always understanding that the real and whole satisfaction
depended on the merits of Christ, while what he did himself was
but the fruit of a contrite heart ; and that upon this he would
receive absolution authoritatively pronounced. At the same time
the confession to the priest is said to be commanded by the church
from Its utility -f-; and the universal efficacy of repentance, even
without absolution, (in the absence of a priest,) or of good works,
(provided there be no time for the sinner to perform them,) is
fully declared.
On this view of the subject, it is evident that the Erudition Is
much nearer to the church of Rome than to ourselves, and the
point is of much more importance than it appears at first sight ;
for though in practice our church may too much neglect confes
sion, and the consequent exercise of the priestly authority, yet the
opposite extreme is far more dangerous, as it converts the priest
hood Into the judges, not the guides of the people; since the
undue Influence of the Roman Catholic clergy over their flocks
does in reality hinge on the necessity of absolution in ordinary cases.
The question concerning Orders, between the church of England
and the church of Rome, regards chiefly the name, whether or no
they shall be called a sacrament ; but on this subject there Is a
point which requires observation, as the Institution and Erudi
tion differ from bothj. In declaring that there are only two orders
mentioned in Scripture, those of deacons or ministers, and of priests
or bishops; and the Institution § seems to speak of bishops as a
human appointment, in the same manner as the jurisdiction of
archbishops, metropolitans, &c. over bishops, is declared to be an
arrangement made by men : the papal supremacy is totally
rejected, and kings are exhorted to reduce it.
• Form. 259. t Ibid. 261. $ Ibid. 281, 105. § Ibid. 118.

V. § 279.] SACRAMENTS. MATRIMONY. ORDERS, ETC 159
In Confirmation, which was still called a sacrament, the use
ofthe chrism was retained*.
Extreme unction was so called, as being the last unction used
by the church ; the others are given at Baptism and Confirma
tion; but if we except the anointing, nothing is said of this
sacrament which a Protestant might not adopt with regard to our
corresponding service, the Visitation of the Sick,
§280, XXVIII,— XXXI, The Erudition retains the whole
ofthe doctrine of transubstantiation ^-f, and the denial ofthe cup
to the laity. It allows, too, of the utility of masses | performed
for the universal congregation of Christian people quick and dead.
With regard to matrimony, the difference between the churches
of Rome and England Is merely as to the name. We call it a
religious rite, confirming the civil contract, they a sacrament.
XXXII. Of the celibacy of the clergy nothing Is said in the
Institution, and it Is only indirectly mentioned in the Erudition §:
but we must remember, that in the mean time it had become a
part of the law of the land, by the enactment of the act of the
Six Articles. § 281, XXXIV. The doctrine concerning traditions and
ceremonies is nearly the same as ours, viz., that It is not neces
sary that they should be the same In every place, and that they
cannot be correct, if contrary to the word of God||. Ofthe two
next articles of course nothing could be said, as the Homilies and
Ordination Service were not then put forth.
XXXVII. The king's supremacy Is frequently and strongly
enforced H, and It is curious to remark how much more this is
attended to in the King's Book than it is in the Bishops'; at the
same time the authority of the see of Rome is frequently declared
to be usurped. In the remaining articles we do not differ from
" In the Articles and Institution, the | obscurity of the subject, or at most to a
corporal presence is spoken of in such desire to draw, as near as possible, to
general terms as might be used by a the Lutherans ; while the distinct asser-
Lutheran, as well as a Roman Catholic, tion of this doctrine in the Erudition
(Form. p. 100.) This, however, could : may have arisen from the persecution
hardly have arisen from any change of j against the sacramentaries which had
opinion, but must be attributed to the , since taken place.
* Form. 290, 95. t Ibid, 263, 5, + Ibid. 376.
§ Ibid, 293, II Ibid. 246, 56. ^ Ibid, 286, 120, 304, 310, 311.

160 GENERAL OBSERVATIONS, | APPEND, B.
the church of Rome. And on those subjects on which nothing
is said In the formularies, the mention of the Articles referring to
them has been omitted.
§ 282. In estimating the steps, then, which our church had
advanced at this period, we cannot but observe that in point of
doctrine very little had been effected. In that class of our
Articles which pertain to the salvation of the Individual, there Is
a very marked agreement with the tenets of our church. But it
must not be forgotten, that the Roman Catholic differs more from
the Protestant, as to the means whereby the convert may be made
partaker of the blessings of God's grace, than as to the source
from which that grace and mercy flow ; so that the general posi
tions of both correspond much more nearly than is commonly
supposed. The acknowledgment of the helplessness of man,
without the aid of God, Is common to us both ; nor do either
deny that there is no remission of sins, or salvation, but through
Jesus Christ, As to the ordinary means of obtaining this grace,
the Erudition coincides more with the church of Rome than with
ourselves ; and the only real point gained is the denial of the
papal Infallibility, a doctrine which prevents investigation, and
hangs like a dead weight on every improvement or reform which
religion or prudence would desire to introduce. It forms a barrier
without an outlet, but which God enabled his servants to break
down, through the ambition and evil passions of Henry VIII. ;
and when this was once done, even In those points in which the
tenets of popery were concerned, and In which Cranmer was
prevented from expressing his genuine opinions, the principle Is
often In fact surrendered, while the name is retained, and many
portions of those doctrines, which had been found by experience
to be productive of evil, are mitigated and explained away,
§ 283. At the end of the fifth chapter a brief account was
given of those points wherein the church still needed reform, and
it may be useful here to state some of the particulars in which
the Reformation had gone backward between the periods at which
these two tracts were published. The advances which had been
made may be seen § 272, and note "¦,
With regard to transubstantiation, the ])oint introduced was

V. § 283.] GENERAL OBSERVATIONS. 161
the statement, that " the substance of the bread and wine do not
remain after consecration*;" a question of fact, which, like the
miracles performed by our Saviour, must be judged by the senses.
The cup, too, was denied to the laity t-
The expression of praying for the " quick and the deadj" Is
introduced ; there was no change, excepting in the use of the
words. Many ceremonies are specified, about which nothing Is said in
the Institution §. "As the hallowing of the font, of the chalice,
of the corporace, of the altar, and other like exorcisms and bene
dictions." In speaking of justification by faith, the Erudition
calls God " the principal cause and chief worker of this justifica
tion In us ||," but, " it pleaseth the high wisdom of God that man"
shall be also " a worker by his free consent and obedience to the
same." Expressions which are indeed afterwards qualified.
To these we must add the compulsatory celibacy of the clergy.
Upon the whole, then, we must conclude, that in doctrinal
points the church had gone backward, and that the discussions
which had taken place, and the examinations of the several
subjects, had been outbalanced by the influence of the Roman
Catholic party, and the passions and prejudices of the king.
• Form- 263. t Ibi<i- 265. X Ibid. 375. § Ibid. 310.
II Ibid. 364.

162
CHAPTER VI.
THE REIGN OF EDWARD VI., FROM 1547 TO 1553.
301. Lord Hartford protector. 302. Images pulled down, 303. Causes which
retarded the Reformation. 304. Royal visitation. 305. Homilies. 306.
Gardiner and Bonner. 307. Acts of parliament. 308. Communion service,
309. Confession. 310. Gardiner imprisoned; Cranmer's Catechism. 311.
Celibacy of the clergy. 312. Acts of parhament ; the attainder of the admiral.
313. Transubstantiation; consubstantiatlon; doctrine of the church of Eng
land. 314. Disputations on transubstantiation. 315. Anabaptists. 316.
New liturgy. 317. Risings among the people, 318. Bonner deprived. 319.
Fall ofthe protector; Ordination service, 320. Gardiner deprived. 321.
Hooper ; nonconformity. 322. Review of the Common Prayer. 323. Rid
ley's visitation. 324. Foreign churches, and foreigners in England. 325.
The forty-two articles. 326, King's preachers. 327- Mary refused the use
of the mass. 328. Character of the protector. 32P. Acts of parliament.
330. Poverty of the church. 331. See of Durham dissolved. 332. Edward's
three foundations in London. 333. Lady Jane Gray. 334. Character of
Edward. 335. State of the church. 336. Erastianism of the church of
England. 337. Opinions of Cranmer. 338. His plan of reforming: the
eivil power finally established the alterations. 339. The commissions of the
bishops, and conduct of Cranmer. 340. He saved episcopacy. 341. Docu
ments of the church of England of Lutheran origm. 342. Wisdom with
which the documents of our church were drawn up.
§ 301.^ Edward VI., who was in his tenth year (Jan. 28, 1547),
when the death of Henry VIII. called him to the throne, was by
his father's will placed under the guidance of a council, the several
members of which were invested with equal powers; but the
preponderating influence of Edward Seymour, earl of Hartford,
and maternal uncle to the king, who was created duke of So
merset, soon enabled that nobleman to acquire a decided superi
ority over his colleagues, and to obtain for himself the chief
authority In the kingdom, under the title of protector. The
retiring disposition of Cranmer made him less inclined to interfere
in temporal affairs, and Wriothesley, by putting the court of
chancery in commission, In order that he might attend to the
concerns of the state, gave such an advantage to his political
" Burnet is throughout this chapter and the next the chief authority, but it is
unnecessary to mark every reference.

VI. §301.] I.V1AGES PULLED DOWN. 163
opponents, that they deprived him of the seals, and granted tho
protector letters-patent, by which he afterwards held his office.
This circumstance was favourable to the cause of the Reforma
tion, for the political connexions and Interests of his family, as
well as his own inclinations, led him to favour this side of the
question, and to co-operate with Cranmer in promoting its
advancement. § 302. The advocates of reform at this moment, not only
had to contend against their open enemies, the friends of the old
superstition, but were equally endangered by the injudicious
zeal of their own hasty and unthinking allies ; who, without
waiting for authority, began to remove images, and make other
alterations, which caused an unnecessary irritation among the
Roman Catholics, and were calculated to raise up a spirit of Inno
vation in the reforming multitude. Some persons, therefore, who
had been engaged in these transactions, were brought before the
council and severely reprimanded, but no punishment was inflicted
on them, through the interference of such members of that board
as were convinced of the impropriety of retaining images in places
where religious worship was carried on. Cranmer indeed was so
thoroughly sensible of the injurious tendency of this practice, that
he was anxious at once to remove them entirely; and the popu
lace, probably aware of the wishes of those in authority, ventured
to commence the work of destruction. But Gardiner, on the
contrary, still continued to maintain their utility, and Wrote for
this purpose to the duke of Somerset and Ridley, so that thO
question was brought under discussion ; and whenever this is the
case, it may always be hoped that truth will ultimately prevail.
§ 303. Another circumstance led to the examination of
masses for the dead, in which the result coincided with that In
the present case. Henry VIII. had left considerable property to
the church of Windsor for the purpose of obtaining annually for
his soul a certain number of masses and obits, acting, in this case,
as many a sinner had done before him : he practically denied, by
the whole tenor of his conduct, his belief In purgatory; yet, at his
death, his last will testified that he still retained It : he destroyed
the institutions which had been erected solely In consequence of
M 2

164

THE REFORMATION RETARDED,

[a, D, 1547.

this superstition, and so tried to persuade others, that the Idea of
it was groundless, yet proved by his bequest, that he still enter
tained a hope that it was true.
The progress of the Reformation, however, was by no means
so rapid as might have been expected. The people In the larger
towns, indeed, began by degrees to open their eyes to the corrup
tions of the church of Rome ; but when, at the dissolution of the
monasteries, provision was made for each of the monks, payable
till such time as they were furnished with benefices, the surest
step was taken to continue the diffusion of the old opinions. By
this enactment, it became the interest of the court of augmen
tations, and of those who had purchased monastic property subject
to the payment of an Income to the old members of the previous
establishment, to take every means that these persons might be
introduced into fresh preferments. Men, therefore, whose pre
judices almost necessarily led them to dislike the Reformation,
were thus scattered everywhere as instructors of the people, and
every vacant benefice, to which a cure of souls was attached, and
which therefore was not tenable by a layman®, was given to some
ejected monk, and the guidance of the parish committed to one
who was most likely to mislead them with regard to the Refor
mation. Add to which, that the poverty of the church not only
prevented men of liberal education from entering into holy orders,
and thus curtailed the number of ministers, but rendered such as
served the poorer parishes of necessity friendly to doctrlnesb from
which they had derived their chief support : while the stock of
information possessed by the clergy was generally insufficient to
direct them to the truth, or to point out the superstitious and
injurious tendency of the religious opinions which they professed.
§ 304. In this posture ofaffairs. It would have been impolitic

» Burnett, ii. 7, says, that it was ordi
nary, at that time, for laymen to hold
preferments without cure of souls. Pro
tector Somerset had six good prebends
proniised to him, t\^'0 of these being
afterwards converted into a deanery and
treasurcrsliip. Lord Cromwell had been
dean of Wells. Sir Thomas Smith, who
was iu deacon's orders, though living as

a layman, was dean of Carlisle. Strype's
Life, p. 31.
^ A large portion of the income of a
curate depends, iu Romau Catholic coun
tries, on tiie fees which are paid him for
the performance of masses and other
rites connected with the service of the
church.

VI, § 304.] A VISITATION AND INJUNCTIONS,

165

to leave the cause of the Reformation to the tranquil effects of
Increasing light and knowledge ; Its adversaries were widely
spread, and Invested with much power to oppose the progress of
any such principles of amendment ; and Cranmer, therefore,
wisely determined to use the authority and influence which he
possessed. In order to advance the cause which he had so much
at heart. (September 1st.) The act of parliament which had given the
force of laws to the proclamations of Henry VIII. had continued
the same prerogative to the counsellors of his son, while under
age, and on this authority a royal visitation for ecclesiastical
matters was appointed. In addition to the injunctions given to
the late visitors, curates were directed, in those now published*,
to take down all images which had been abused by false devotion,
and to avoid such customs as tended to superstition; but the people
were forbidden to interfere in any such matter. A greater
strictness in the observance of the Sabbath was enjoined, and the
ministry were ordered to renew and increase their zeal and
activity, in preaching within their own churches. In reading the
portions of scripture* appointed for the service, and in performing
their other sacred duties.
1 § 305. In order to supply the deficiency of preachers, the
first book of homilies was published in July-f-, and began to fi.x
jthe standard of the faith of the church of England as It is now
established. To assist the unlearned in the interpretation of
jScripture, it was ordained that the Paraphrase of Erasmus®
should be set up in every parish church; at the same time the
petition for the dead in the bidding prayer^ was altered to nearly

* In 1542 it bad been ordered that a
chapter out of the New Testament should
be read at morning and evening service,
on Sundays and holydays, and that, when
the New Testament was finished, they
should go through the Old. (Strype's
Mem. i. 580.)
" The Paraphrase of Erasmus on the

Gospels and Acts was translated into
English chiefly by Nicholas Udal, under
the patronage of the queen dowager, and
published in 1 547 ; the translatiou of the
rest was printed in 1549, and again in
1552. (Strype's Mem. II. i. 45.)
'' The bidding prayer is that used be
fore sermon, wherein the preacher directs

• Sparrow's Collection of Articles, &c.
t See § 412, b.

166

BONNER AND GARDINER,

b

1547.

its present form, and severe penalties imposed on simoniacal
presentations. In the injunctions transmitted to the bishops,
they were directed not only to preach themselves, but to take care
that their chaplains also did so, and to admit none into orders,
who were not qualified for the office, and willing and able to
perform their clerical duties, particularly that of preaching.
§ 306, The success which attended the arms of the protector
In Scotland gave his party, and the friends of the Reformation,
such a superiority as enabled them to proceed with vigour In
putting these injunctions in force. We can hardly now be aware
of the political necessity which might then have existed, for
using severity towards those who did not assent to these altera
tions and Injunctions, though of the general impropriety of such
an attempt there can be little doubt. The mass of the clergy
had been admitted to their benefices as members of the church of
Rome, and their unwillingness, therefore, to change their creed,
could never form a just ground for temporal punishment. Bonner
and Gardiner were the chief objects of this persecution, the former
of whom was committed to the Fleet prison for a short time,
notwithstanding the submission which was forced upon him;
but Gardiner remained there for a longer period ; and his whole
conduct on this occasion exhibits him In more favourable colours
than at any other period of his history; his letter to Sir J.
Godsave Is very much what the remonstrance of a bishop should
be on such an occasion. He professes himself ready to suffer
rather than to admit anything contrary to his conscience, and
signifies his determination not to surrender the liberties of the
subject, without petitioning against a proceeding sanctioned by
the rggal authority alone : his chief objection was directed against
the third homily, on the Salvation of Mankind, because it
excluded charity from the work of justification ; nor was he
satisfied with the Paraphrase of Erasmus, of which he said,
that the English translation contained many additional errors

his hearers to pray. The term comes
from bede, a Saxon word, signifying a
prayer, which is retained in the English
word, " bid," Old forms of this prayer

may be found in Strype's Eccl. Mem. i.
Coll. No. 37. Burnet, ii. No. 8. iii.
No, 29. CoUier, ii. No. 54. The one
in present use is in the 55th Canon, 1603.

VI. § 306.]

ACTS OP PARLIAMENT.

167

beyond those exhibited in the Latin. A letter which he addressed
to the protector on his return from Scotland breathed the same
strain, and complained that he had now been detained seven
weeks in the Fleet prison without servants or attendants, and
contrary to law and justice. But this was as Ineffectual as the
last, and he remained a prisoner while the parliament sat, a
severity which must probably be attributed to Cranmer, and can
hardly be justified. It appears indeed to have produced some
sort of remonstrance from the Lady Mary, who always expressed
it as her opinion, that the affairs of religion should remain in
the condition In which her father left them, till her brother was
of age to judge for himself; a position generally advanced and
maintained by the friends of that party.
§ 307. However tyrannical these proceedings of the council
may appear, there seems no reason for accusing that body of
any deslgti of establishing an undue authority; for the first acts
which were passed in the parliament assembled in the autumn
revoked most of the severe laws enacted towards the end of the
last reign. In this number were comprehended those concerning
treason and LoUardies ; that of the Six Articles, as well as the
particular one under which they had been acting, and which gave
the force of law to the royal proclamation. This was followed
by another act on the Communion, in which severe censures
were imposed on those who ridiculed the mass ; but It was
ordained that the laity should receive in both kinds, and that no
private masses should be celebrated ; a most important step in
the cause of Reformation ; for it cut at the root of most of the
superstitions, and made the people view religion as a concern of
their own, and not as an opus operatum, which might be left to the
priest without any co-operation on the part of the congregation.
Some acts were alsO passed relating to the temporal affairs of the
church. By one law which now passed, it was ordained that
bishops should in future be appointed by letters-patent, and not
by a cong6 d''elire% and that all processes relating to matters

" The difference of these two forms .is
as follows : Bishoprics are in theory
elective by the several chapters of the

cathedral churches. The conge d'elire
signifies the vacancy to the chapter,
enjoins them to elect a bishop, and

168 ACTS OP PARLIAMENT. [a. D. 1547.
not purely spiritual should be carried on in the name of the king ;
an enactment which took away all controlling power from the
ecclesiastical courts themselves, and compelled them to punish
any neglect of their orders by excommunication ; so that this
sacred and awful process Is frequently degraded by being used
without any adequate reason, and In cases where there may be
no moral offence. The nomination of the bishops virtually made
little difference, as to ecclesiastical appointments, but with respect
to the other part of the bill, either too little or too much was
done. No causes, not purely spiritual, should have been left to
the cognizance of these courts, unless some temporal power had
at the same time been conceded to them ; and this mistake has
created an odium against these tribunals, which the church
cannot remedy, and which originates In the heterogeneous nature
of their composition. The lands belonging to chantries were
now given to the crown, much against the wishes of Cranmer,
who hoped by continuing them till the king became of age, to
have preserved a large fund for the future benefit of the poorer
clergy. In the first draft of this bill the words ran, " chantries,
hospitals, fraternities, and colleges ;" and as these expressions
might have been so interpreted as to take in the universities,
much exertion was made by those who understood the value of
establishments for education*, and a clause Inserted to prevent
their being comprehended under these general terms.
§ 308. (a.d. 1548.) The new year commenced with several
very important steps in the reformation of religious matters.
Directions were issued for the removal of all images, as well
as the suppression of many superstitious ceremonies ; a procla
mation was made against "the abuse of churches -f-," which were
names a given person whose election name. In both these cases the spiritual

would be agreeable to the king. If the
chapter were to refuse the person so no
minated, they would incur a prsemunire,
as trying to curtail the royal prerogative.
Letters-patent nominated the bishop to
the performance of all episcopal ofiices,
which he was to perform in the king's

dignity was conferred by the consecra
tion which took place subsequently; so
that in neither does the sovereign inter
fere with the priestly offices, any more
than the lay-patron of a living does with
the ordination of a candidate whom he
nominates to it.

* Strype's Life of Smith, 29. Cheke, t Strype's Cranmer, 251.

VI, § 308,] COMMUNION SERVICE, 169
exposed to many indignities, and made the scenes of riot and
confusion ; and severe threats held out against those who ven
tured to run before the civil authority In the abolition of such
points as were still sanctioned by the law of the land. In order
to prepare the way for the formation of tho Book of Common
Prayer, a committee was appointed to examine the services, who,
on account of the pressing need of some alteration in the mass,
commenced with the Communion Service, by proposing questions
on the nature of the sacrament of the Lord's Supper, to which the
several members were required to send In their respective answers;
and though many documents of this description were destroyed
in the days of Queen Mary, yet this Is preserved, and Is curious,
as marking the care and anxiety used In drawing up this neces
sary and Invaluable work. It Is printed in the Collection of
Records of the History of the Reformation, No. 25. The points
in which their sentiments differ from the church of England are,
that most of them still retained a belief In transubstantiation,
that they approved of masses satisfactory, and of praying for the
dead, and that many of them objected to the use of the vulgar
tongue for the whole of the ceremony, though they consented to
the reading and explaining the Gospel In English.
§ 309. The Communion Service, which was published on
March the 8th*, does not essentially differ from the one now in
use, and In its composition Cranmer appears to have made no
unnecessary alterations, but to have retained whatever was Inno
cent In the service of the mass : the work itself indeed appears
to be an intermediate step between the old and the new offices ;
for such parts of It only were In English, as more particularly
related to the general communicant ; while the rest, even the
consecration of the elements, was not translated.
In the Exhortation, read the day before the celebration of the
communion -(-, the people are allowed to use or to abstain from
auricular confession, and warned against entertaining uncharitable
opinions with regard to those who differed from themselves in
this particular. The evils and abuses arising from this custom
* Sparrow's Coll. 13, + Ibid. 18,

170 AURICULAR CONFESSION, [a,D, 1518.
had so alienated the minds of most men from it, that it was
readily dispensed with ; but it has proved a misfortune to our
church, that the tide of opinion has carried us too far towards the
opposite extreme. The Scriptures never speak of confession as
obligatory in such a sense, as the injunctions of the church of
Rome had ordained. Confession to a priest is nowhere men
tioned as absolutely necessary; but reason, as well as the word of
God, strongly points out, that to acknowledge our faults, especially
to one vested with spiritual authority over us, must be a most
effectual means of restraining us from the commission of sin ; and
wherever the congregation has been scandalized by our trans
gressions, surely a public avowal of our errors must prove au
obvious method of making all the retribution which we can, not
to God, but to offended society; nor can we doubt that the
Almighty will accept such an outward act of humiliation. This
was in all probability the whole extent of the penance of the early
church ; but the power with which private confession Invested
the priest, together with the profit to the ecclesiastical body with
which absolution was gradually accompanied, transformed that
which was instituted for the glory of God, and the salvation of
mankind, into an engine of papal authority. The Indulgences
offered In the " Hours after the Use of Sarum," the book of
devotions then gradually adopted in England, would move at once
our derision and pity for an age which could admit such absur
dities, did not the proffered pardons now hanging In foreign Roman
Catholic churches convince us, that the spiritual safety of the
people can never be ensured by any state of civilization, whenever
the holy Scriptures are practically not the standard by which
men measure their duties, and the groundwork on which they
found their reliance.
In the church of England the confession of particular sins is
recommended in the Exhortation to the Sacrament, and the
Visitation of the Sick ; but so little are we accustomed to this
most scriptural duty, that these recommendations are frequently
unknown and generally neglected, while scarcely a vestige remains
of ecclesiastical law for the restraint of vice ; and though the
punishment of many offences has been wisely transferred to the

VI. § 309.]

GARDINER.

171

courts of common law, yet the laxity which prevails with regard
to numerous breaches of the law of God may be well esteemed a
deficiency in our national duty.
§ 310, About the middle of this year Gardiner fell into fresh
troubles. The point in which he probably offended the ruling
powers was by denying, as far as he dared, the supremacy of the
council. But the friends of the Reformation do not seem to
have acted with that spirit of forbearance which befitted so good
a cause, and the want of which contributed to excite the spirit of
personal hostility with which the reign of Mary was disgraced,
and which fell with tenfold severity on the heads of the reformers.
The protector appointed Gardiner to preach before the king, and
wished to have compelled him to adopt in his sermon certain
notes written with the king's own hand ; but with a proper spirit
of independence, the bishop of Winchester declined taking notice
of this Interference, and upon this he was imprisoned. About the
same time Cranmer put forth his Catechism. This work was
translated from a German Catechism, used in Nuremburg, through
the medium of a Latin version made by Justus Jonas, and is pro
bably due to the labours of some of the chaplains of the archbishop.
It is not improbable that the Latin version was brought Into
England by Justus Jonas the younger, when he was driven from
his own country through the severity with which the Interim was
imposed, and hospitably received, among other confessors, by
Cranmer. On this supposition we may attribute the Latin
version to Justus Jonas the father, a man of much celebrity among
the German reformers. The English translation is generally
made with much closeness, but in some instances new matter has
been introduced into the text^.
§ 311. (Nov. 24.) In the parliament which was assembled
during the autumn a bill was brought in to enable the clergy to
marry; It passed through the commons without any great oppo
sition, but in the lords met with such delays, that it did not receive
the royal assent till the spring of the next year. The question at

" See Burton's preface to Cranmer's
Catechism, which has been printed toge
ther with the Latin of Jusstus Jonas,

Oxford, 1829. The date in the preface
of Justus Jonas's dedication is Feb. 11,
1539.

172 MARRIAGE OP THE CLERGY. [a, D. 1548.
issue was really divisible Into two heads : first, whether any law
of God enjoin celibacy in the clergy; and, secondly, whether the
clergy were themselves bound by any oath voluntarily taken, and
which could not be dispensed with. With regard to the first of
these, there is no difficulty; for I believe that the church of Rome
pretends to no higher authority than that of ancient custom,
sanctioned by the enactments of the church; and against this, the
examples of the apostles and the primitive church are so strong,
that the ecclesiastical advantages to be derived from the celibacy
of the clergy must form its only tenable ground of support : and
here the evils of forcing human beings in this particular have
been so strongly experienced, as to overbalance, in the opinions of
moderate reasoners, all the benefits which may result from a single
life among the priesthood when undertaken in a voluntary manner.
With respect to the second particular, It appears that the secular
clergy were under no vow of living single ; for even the vow of
chastity, which existed in the Ordination Service of the foreign
churches, formed no part of that used in England ; and had It
been so, chastity Is probably more safely guarded by marriage,
than by abstinence. At the same time, there is so great a sem
blance of self-devotion in abstaining from the innocent pleasures
of life, for the sake of religion, that It Is no wonder If the abolition
of celibacy among the ministers of religion were frequently
objected to the reformers. But, on the other hand, Its practical
results, and the judgment of such men as Ponet, Parker, Ridlej^
and Redmayne, who argued In favour of the marriage of the clergy,
though some of them abstained from It themselves, serve strongly
to convince us of the superior wisdom of Almighty God, who has
so formed the laws by which the universe is directed, that we
exercise the soundest human policy when our institutions approach
the nearest to the dictates of his revealed word.
§ 312. (Jan. 15, 1549.) In the act which passed confirming
the use of the Liturgy* a clause was Inserted which allowed the
use of psalms or hymns taken out of the Bible, and the singing of
psalms became a marked characteristic of the favourers of the
* Strype's E. M. II. i. 136.

VI. § 312.]

ACTS OF PARLIAMENT.

173

Reformation: many, therefore, were now translated and composed:
and it is no small reflection on the poetical talent or piety of our
church, that the collection of psalms made soon after this period
has been allowed to continue the best which we possess In an
authorized form*.
Another act enjoined the eating of fish on those days of fasting
which had been appointed by the Roman Catholic church. The
object of this enactment was declared to be the support of the
fisheries, and not any religious difference which existed as to the
species of food used ; and though we may laugh at the framers of
an absurd law, we cannot but deplore one practical evil arising
from such Injudicious interference ; for mankind have of course
seen through the folly of the ordinance, and with its neglect have
neglected also the sacred duty of real fasting, which is placed In
so ridiculous a light.
The attainder of Sir Thomas Seymour produced little effect on
the Reformation, except by bringing some degree of obloquy on
two of its friends: on Cranmer, for signing a death-warrant, from
which it was thought that his office might have screened him ;
and on the protector, who was unjustly said to have given up bis
brother too easily, though it appears that he had long used all the
means in his power to prevent the catastrophe towards which the
ambition of the admiral was unceasingly hurrying him.

' The authority possessed by the old
version depends on a clause in an act of
which the words are, " Provided always,
that it shall be lawful for all men, as
well in churches, chapels, oratories, or
other places, to use openly any psalm or
prayer taken out of the Bible at any due
time, not letting or omitting thereby the
service or any part thereof mentioned in
the said book :" (2, 3, Edward VI. u, i.
vii.) expressions which equally apply to
any other version. But it may still be
doubted, whether even this is not repealed
by the last clause of the act of uniformity
of Elizabeth. The custom of introducing
psalmody into the church service had
been for some time established among
Protestants abroad, and was early

brought into England, and this act seems
merely to have given a legal sanction to
the custom. Th, Sternhold translated
fifty-one psalms into metre, which were
pubUshed in 1549, and the remainder of
them were completed, during the reign
of Mary, by John Hopkins and other
exiles, whose initials are generally afiixed
to them. W. W,, WiUiam Whitting.
ham, afterwards dean of Durham ; W.
K., William Kethe ; N., Norton ; M.,
Markant ; R. W,, Robert Wisdom ; J).
(qu. Dr.) Cox translated the Lord's
Prayer. There are several other ini
tials, with the authors' names of which I
am unacquainted ; T. C, T. B., E. G.
T. N. , J, P. ; several of these are affixed
to the early editions only.

174 TRANSUBSTANTIATION.. [a.D, 1549.
§ 313. An ecclesiastical visitation was appointed early in
this year, in order to suppress many superstitious observances
which still continued to be used. No difiiculty was found In
gaining outward compliance with the commands of the govern
ment, but it was Impossible to eradicate Instantaneously prejudices
and customs which had long been prevalent In the country, and
to which the vulgar, from their ignorance, had attached the notion
of religion. The exertions of the reformers, however, were not
confined to these minor objects alone ; steps were taken for the
establishment of the doctrine, as well as discipline of the church,
which rendered it necessary that the chief articles of faith should
be gradually examined. No opinion was entertained with so
much earnestness on the part of the common people and the
priesthood, as that of transubstantiation ; Its friends regarded the
suppression of It as depriving them of their chief spiritual hope,
and the clergy foresaw in Its destruction the overthrow of much
of their authority. Without entering Into a discussion of the
question, it may perhaps lead to clearness. If the several opinions
entertained on this subject be briefly stated.
The church of Rome holds the doctrine of transubstantiation;
that is, that after consecration the elements of bread and wine no
longer remain, but that a perfect body of our Saviour is given to
each individual receiving the consecrated wafer, and that the
same body which was offered on the cross ; so that a miracle Is
constantly repeated, of which the senses of the party receiving are
not a test.
The Lutheran church holds the doctrine of consubstantiatlon*;
that is, that the body of Christ is so with the bread, or in the
bread*, that it is actually eaten with the bread ; and whatsoever
motion or action the bread hath, the body of Christ has the same;
so that the body of Christ may truly be said to be borne, given,

• The Lutherans are also called Ubi- 1 notice, and a formnUry of faith, of which
quitarians, from maintaining the ubiquity it forms a leading article, was composed
of Christ's body. Brentius is said to have i at Berg in 1577. See Broughton's Diet.
first brought the doctrine into especial | of all Religions.
" Burnet, P. iii. b. IV. No. 1.

VI. § 313.]

CONSDBSTANTIATION.

175

received, eaten, when the bread Is borne, given, received, or eaten;
that Is, This is my body.
The doctrine of the church of England is, that the bread and
wine are outward and visible signs of the body and blood of
Christ, which body and blood are received and eaten In a heavenly
or spiritual manner by the faithful In the Lord's Supperb.
§ 314. Cranmer wrote on the subject, and was answered by
Gardiner ; and disputations were this year held in Oxford and
Cambridge, and again in the next at Cambridge. In the former,
Dr. Smith challenged his successor in the divinity chair, Peter
Martyr, to a public disputation ; but as they were not prepared
to argue on the same grounds, the one wishing to confine the
discussion to Scripture terms, while the other trusted to his school
divinity, the matter was deferred till the arrival of certain com
missioners from London ; and in the mean season, Smith having
fallen into trouble, either on account of a tumult now raised, or
on some other grounds, made concessions to Cranmer, and fled
the kingdom. But the disputation subsequently took place on the
following heads :
In the eucharist there is no transubstantiation.
In the bread and wine Christ is not corporally present.
The body and blood of Christ are united to the bread and wine
sacramentally. At Cambridge, the theses which were summed up by Ridley
were, Transubstantiation cannot be proved from the direct words of
Scripture, nor be necessarily collected from it; nor Is it confirmed
from the early fathers.
In the eucharist, no other sacrifice is made than the remem
brance of Christ's death, and thanksgiving.
And here it must not be forgotten, that the cause of the

' It is highly probable, that soon after
the consultation of Cranmer and Ridley
on the subject of transubstantiation,
(Todd, Intr, vii. to Cranmer on the Sa
crament,) the archbishop caused an Eng
lish translation of the book of Bertram
the priest, concerning the body and blood

of Ch; ist, to be published. Two editions
were printed in 1548 and 1549; reprints
of this work are common. See § IS. b.
It is highly satisfactory to observe how
entirely this author agrees with the doc
trines of the church of England.

176 JOAN OP KENT BUR.NT. [a, D. 1549.
Reformation was greatly promoted by the exertions of certain
learned foreigners*, who were encouraged to visit England by
the friends and promoters of true religion ; and who repaid the
debt of gratitude, which they Incurred, by being extremely useful
in the advancement of sound learning and Christian truth. Peter
Alexander was first received Into the family of Cranmer, and then
obtained preferment from hini. Faglus was placed at Cambridge,
where he soon died, and was succeeded by Tremellius ; and Bucer
taught Divinity, and Cavelarlus, Hebrew, at the same university.
Peter Martyr was established at Oxford, as we have just seen, and
the disputations which have been mentioned were in each uni
versity maintained by these alien teachers.
§315. These discussions appear to have been carried on
with great propriety; and it Is much to be lamented that the
other proceedings of this period were not marked with the same
moderation. Complaints had been brought to the council of the
prevalence of anabaptists, who propagated most pernicious doc
trines, and who frequently combined much criminality of life
with their erroneous opinions : but with this sect, unfortunately,
other persons were often confounded, whose only fault consisted
in entertaining sentiments concerning the efficacy of infant bap
tism at variance with the received practice of the Christian
church. To check the progress of these opinions, a commission
was appointed ; and though the members of it generally used
kindness and persuasion, yet in the case of Joan Bocher of Kent,
a woman apparently more fit for a madhouse than the crown of
martyrdom, they delivered her over to the secular power, and she
was burnt during the next year^. There was considerable diffi
culty in persuading Edward to consent to this severity, and it was
only on the strong remonstrances of Cranmer that he was induced
to sign the warrant. The act was performed by him with tears
in his eyes, and with an appeal to the archbishop, that at the
day of judgment he must answer for having procured the signa
ture. This proceeding gave great and just offence to the world,
» She was burnt for denying that our Saviour took the fiesh of the Virgin Mary.
(Strype's Mem. II. i, 335.) " Strype's Mem. II. i. 321, &c.

VI. § 315.J NEW LITURGY, 177
and was used as an argument to justify the necessity of capital
punishments. In matters of faith, by the persecutors of the next
reign ; who In the sufferings of the father of our Reformation
have often traced the retribution of Divine justice on one, who,
in these Instances, as well as those during the life of Henry, can
not be excused even by bis friends. The same severity was used
in 1 551 towards George Van Pare, a Dutch anabaptist.
§ 316, The event which must principally attract the notice
of the friends of the Reformation during this year is the Intro
duction of the English Liturgy. The book now published
differed In some respects from that which Is in use at present, and
the differences may be found in another part of this work*. In
the execution of the whole production much forbearance was
exhibited ; nothing was changed excepting where necessity dic
tated It ; and in matters Indifferent, the previous misapplication
of an innocent ceremony was not admitted as a sufficient reason
for rejecting it altogether. One great point gained by the adop
tion of this work consisted in the rejection of a multitude of
saints, to whom, by degrees, all the merits of our Redeemer had
been transferred f, and petitions addressed, which to the eye of a
Protestant appear almost blasphemous, when directed to a crea
ture. The translation of the public services, too, was a most
Important step ; for the use of the Latin language had probably
been closely connected with the continuance of those errors which
it concealed from the notice of the vulgar. It had been originally
a natural process, from the admiration of the saint or martyr, to
pray that the supplicant might be enabled to imitate his virtues,
and from thence, in an age of darkness, to address the prayer to
the beatified being himself; but in the sixteenth century It was
an act of interest and prejudice to continue the pious fraud, and
of wisdom to conceal the grossness of the error, under the mystery
of a dead language. One argument used In its favour is curious t.
The inscription on our Saviour's cross had been limited to three
languages, and to these, therefore, the service of the church ought
to be confined ; a method of arguing at present not very Intelll-
• § 743. a. t Burnet, P. ii. No. 29. + Burnet, ii. 58, fol,, l.TO, 8vo,

178 RISINGS AMONG THE PEOPLE, [a,D, 1549,
gible. The book was framed In 1548, the act which sanctioned
it was passed early in the spring, and ordained that It should be
used after Whitsuntide.
§ 317. The questions of Infant baptism and predestination
Caused no small inconvenience to the church, by the diversity of
opinion which they excited among the friends of religion, and the
scandal, which the mistaken adoption of the latter produced in
the lives of some who imagined themselves to belong to the
number of the elect. Indeed, a general dissoluteness of morals
seems to have prevailed ; for the people were at once freed from
the restrictions imposed by the authority of the ecclesiastical
courts, and had not yet reaped the advantages of the moral
restraint of religious education, of which the fruits must neces
sarily be slow. The oppression, too, which the transfer of so
large a portion of property had occasioned, began to be severely
felt. The new possessors of the soil frequently turned out the
old cultivators, and converted the land into pasture, which was
found to be much more profitable from the increasing trade of the
kingdom in wool. The ejected labourers, in their own minds,
connected these proceedings with the change in religion, and
risings among the people were very general during the summer.
Most of these were easily suppressed ; but in the west, and In
Norfolk, they became formidable. The men of Devonshire and
Cornwall besieged Exeter % which was with difficulty relieved by
Lord Russell, who completely dispersed their forces, and put an
end to the rebellion by the execution of the ringleaders. During
the height of their prosperity, they ventured to propose terms to
the government, and demanded the virtual restitution of popery.
To each article of this document distinct answers were sent by
Cranmer, which are printed at length by Strype, and the tenth
is too curious to be omitted*; they insisted In it, that the Bible
should be called in, since the clergy could not otherwise easily
confute heretics.

" The raising of the siege of Exeter is
still celebrated in that city on the 6th of
August, which is denominated the Jesuits'

day, from the leaders who guided the
besiegers.

* Life of Cranmer, Ap. 40.

VI. § 317-] BONNER DEPRIVED OP HIS BISHOPRIC. 179
The rebels in Norfolk were dispersed, after some bloodshed, by
the earl of Warwick ; and the protector, who had from the first
favoured the cause of the commons, and in so doing incurred
considerable odium among the nobility, proclaimed a general
pardon with very few exceptions, though contrary to the wishes
of many members of the council.
§ 318, (Oct, 1st.) During the autumn Bonner was deprived
of his bishopric : he had uniformly complied with the Injunctions
which were sent him ; but as he was, with good reason, suspected
of favouring the opposite side ofthe question, he was summbned
before the council, and ordered to preach at St. Paul's Cross,
The topic on which he was particularly directed to dwell, was,
the power of the king while a minor ; and he was ordered to
declare that the acts ofthe council were nowise less binding than
those of a monarch of age. When the time of his preaching had
arrived, he omitted this subject entirely, and turned his discourse
to the question of the corporal presence ; and upon this he was
cited before a commission appointed by the king ; and after much
useless altercation, in which he was needlessly insolent to the
court, he was imprisoned and deprived. The excuse which he
made for himself was, that in consequence of his notes having
fallen down, he had forgotten that part of his sermon In which he
meant to have touched on this head ; and though this excuse was
probably false, yet the treatment of him cannot but appear severe,
even supposing the deprivation to have been legal in itself. It is
sometimes maintained that the deprivation took place In virtue of
his holding his bishopric during the king's pleasure, in consequence
of a commission which all the bishops took out at the beo'innino'
ofthe reign*, and In which the clause durante beneplacito exists.
This document, however, seems merely to regard the exercise of
his episcopal functions, and in which, certainly, he Is limited to
the pleasure of the king ; but the words can hardly extend to the
bishopric itself. The sentence of deprivation, too, Is passed on
the plea of the omission in the sermon.
§ 319, (Oct. 14.) The fall and imprisonment of the protector
was hailed by the Roman Catholic party as the triumph of their
•" Burnet, P. ii. No. 2.
N2

180 ORDINATION SERVICE. [a.D. 1550.
cause ; yet their exultation was of short duration ; for the earl of
Warwick, (afterward duke of Northumberland,) who had been
the chief Instrument in bringing It about, finding the young king
entirely disposed towards the Reformation, immediately joined
that party ; and Wriothesley, earl of Southampton, baffled in all
his projects, retired from court, and soon after died.
(a.d. 1550.) With the view of counteracting an opinion which
generally prevailed, that the old service was now to be renewed,
all the books connected with it were ordered to be delivered to
persons appointed by the king, for the purpose of being destroyed ;
and strict Injunctions were given for the regular use of the Com
mon Prayer.
A committee* of twelve persons was also appointed to pre
pare a new Ordination Service, one of whom was Heath, bishop
of Worcester ; and upon bis refusal to consent to the proposed
alterations, he was committed to the Fleet prison : so little were
the principles of liberty, of either conscience or person, then
understood. The form then adopted is, with very little alteration,
the one at present In use. In Its formation, the ceremonies which
had by degrees been Introduced into the church of Rome were
omitted, while an addition was made of certain questions addressed
to the candidates themselves, forming altogether one of the most
•beautiful and Impressive services of our church,
§ 320, The continuance of Gardiner's imprisonment had for
two years deprived the see of Winchester of its bishop, and after
the fall of the protector, when in the fulness of his joy he ex
pected a speedy release, he found himself exposed to increased
severity. Two sets of articles were proposed to him for subscrip
tion, the latter of which he refused to sign, as he did not approve
of their contents ; maintaining that his signature could not be
fairly required while his person was not at liberty; and upon this,
permission was refused him to walk in certain galleries In the
Tower, with which he had been previously indulged. In this
state he remained till the next year, when he was deprived of
his bishopric by a commission issued by the king, (April 18,)
nominally, for his obstinacy In refusing to acknowledge his fault
• See § 744,

VI. § 320.] GARDINER. HOOPER. 181
about preaching*, but really on account of his attachment to the
old superstitions ; for his whole conduct, like that of the greatest
part of the friends of the church of Rome, consisted in opposing
the measures of the Reformation, till they were passed into laws,
and then entirely complying with them ; and whatever vs'e may
think of the sincerity of such proceedings, no one can doubt that
the punishment inflicted on men so acting was contrary to com
mon justice, and therefore to sound and Christian policy.
§ 321. A difficulty now occurred, arising from an opposite
party In the church ; for when Hooper was appointed to the see
of Gloucester, he refused to be consecrated in the episcopal
habits a; and though Cranmer and Ridley argued against the
soundness of such scruples, and consulted Bucer on the subject,
who, as well as P. Martyr, expressed his opinion in favour of
conformity, yet Hooper could not till the next spring be prevailed
on to give way ; and even then he did so with a reservation that
he should not be obliged to wear these supposed relics of popery,
except on public occasions. The dispute was an unfortunate one,
being the first of a series which for many years agitated our
church ; but on a calm examination of the subject, at a period
when it is to be hoped that such Indifferent matters may be
viewed without prejudice, It must be granted that though the
distinction of ecclesiastical dress appears In itself to be useful,
yet It may seem, too, that the policy of the government would
have been wiser had they left Hooper to his own conscientious
scruples, and found some other divine, who without possessing
less sincerity, was not so strongly bent on following his own
opinion In trifles. Obedience to general rules, in points In them
selves indifferent, is of more consequence, and the neglect of it
ought to be considered as a matter of conscience far more im
portant, than the disinclination of an individual to the use of
any dress which the authority of the church has established.
Whether it were judicious In those who regulated these particu
lars to adopt this or that vestment, is a question which admits of
° It should be remembered that the | some coloured material, ani that the
chimere was then generally made of | cope was still used,
* See g 310.

182 COMMON PRAYER. BLCER. [a.D. 1550.
fair discussion ; but whether an individual minister is to conform
to the orders of the church, is one on which a difference of senti
ment cannot for a moment be entertained. It may be prudent
on some occasions to overlook minutise of this sort ; but if the
question be brought to a point, the governors and governed should
remember that obedience to constituted authority, provided that
what is commanded be in no wise contrary to the revealed law of
God, Is a fundamental article of the Christian code.
§ 322. About the end of this year, or the beginnmg of the
next, a review was made of the Common Prayer, in which Bucer
was much consulted. The objections which he made were nu
merous, and applied especially to the praying for the dead, exor
cising the devil, to some of the expressions in the sacramental
service, and of the ceremonies at baptisms, to the anointing the
sick, together with many minor points ; and It is curious to ob
serve that most of the particulars which he mentioned are altered
in our present service. At the same time he wished that a
change should be made in the ecclesiastical habits, and many
obvious deficiencies supplied, as the want of frequent communion
and more active ministers. As a new year s gift, he sent Edward
a book written by himself, entitled, " De Regno Christi Consti-
tuendo;" in which he points out many evils which stood in need
of reformation, and in consequence of which Germany was then
sufferine. He chiefly complains of the want of ecclesiastical
discipline, and urges the young monarch to exert himself with
the clercrv. This work appears to have had considerable effect on
the king ; for he began a treatise of his own, on the reform of
abuses*, which, though in all appearance the performance of a
bov, abounds with many just observations.
§ 323. L'pon the deprivation of Bonner, the see had con
tinued vacant about five months *, till Ridley, a man in every
respect suited to so great a charge, was made bishop of London
and Westminster ; the sees being now consolidated, and Thirlby
removed to Norwich. In the visitation of his diocese, the chief
» Bonner was deprived, Oct. 1, 1549. ] Westminster, Feb. 24, 1550. The viM-
Rldlcy appointed bishop of London and 1 tation before Jime 26. See § 318.
• Remaius of Edward VI, No. 2. 54, foL, 98, 8vo.

VI. § 323,] FOREIGNERS AND THEIR CHURCHES, 183
care of Ridley'' was directed against the remnants of superstition,
which were still retained by the clergy and the people, and in
which they had been fostered, if not supported, by Bonner ; as
well as against unauthorized preaching and expounding of holy
writ. At the same time the altars were everywhere converted
Into communion tables, since the name and form probably con
tributed to the continuance of the idea of an expiatory sacrifice
offered by the priest. This order of the bishop's was during the
autumn confirmed by a letter from the council, and, by the same
authority, a stop put to the custom of preaching on week days,
which had been established in many parishes ; and was found to
be inconvenient, in consequence of leading the people away from
their accustomed places of worship, and exciting a spirit of rivalry
among the preachers, which was at this moment especially pro
ductive of confusion In the church.
§ 324, The difficulties against which the Reformation had to
contend on the Continent* created a great Influx of strangers into
England, and by the friendly Interference of Cranmer and others,
congregations were established in London, under the general
superintendence of John a Lasco, a Polish nobleman, who had
been driven from his country for the sake of his religion, and
become a preacher of the Gospel. Much favour was shown them
by the council, and a church assigned for their use, where, during
this reign, they greatly flourished, notwithstanding the Internal
feuds into which they fell, A'Lasco preached before the Ger
mans ; but there was also an Italian, as well as a French con
gregation, to which several immunities were granted. There
was a church of strangers, too, from Strasburg f, under Valeran-
dus Pollanus, established at Glastonbury, who made use of a
liturgy of their own, not very different from that of the reformed
churches of France.
England also furnished an asylum to many learned men whose
labours were transferred to this country In consequence of the
misfortunes of their own, and the liberal reception which was
"See his injunctions in Sparrow's I questions relative to the general life and
Collections, p. 33. They contain many | conversation ofthe clergy.
» Strype's Cranmer, II. xxii. 335, f Strype's Mom, II. i. 378.

184

THE FORTY-TWO ARTICLES,

[a.D, 1550.

here afforded them. This praise is chiefly due to Cranmer*, who
on all occasions proved a most kind patron to those who were
persecuted for religion, and endeavoured to Induce well educated
friends of the Reformation to take up their abode In England, by
the pensions and employments bestowed on them. To this source
we owe the assistance which our church derived from Bucer,
Faglus, Peter Martyr, and Ochin, who, among many others,
partook of the bounty of the archbishop, and became the orna
ments and instructors of the two universities -f-. Cranmer seems
also to have entertained the hope of bringing all the Protestant
churches to a community of faith, by forming a council in
England, to which deputies should be sent from the rest, and
who might publish such articles of belief as were received by all;
and for this purpose he had some communication with Melanc
thon and Calvin; but the troubles with which he was himself
soon after oppressed, put an entire stop to the project *-
§ 325. (a.d. 1551.) It was In all probability during this
year that the Reformers were employed in drawing up the Forty-
two articles which were published the next ; and though Ridley
might have assisted the archbishop, as well as some others, yet
there is every reason to believe that they are really the work of
Cranmer, and this indeed he seems to have acknowledged In an
examination In the reign of Mary;]:, They resemble so closely
the Thirty-nine Articles of our church, that it will hardly be
worth while to state the minor differences which have been
subsequently introduced, as the subject itself must be resumed in

" The project of establishing an autho
ritative standard of faith, by a general
congress of reformed divines, (Laurence's
Bamp. Lect. 219,) had long been a fa
vourite idea with Melancthon, We find
him thus alluding to it in the year 1542 :
" Quod autem ssepe optavi, ut aliqnando
authoritate seu regum, seu aUorum pio-
rum principum, convocati viri docti de
controversiis omnibus libere coUoque-
rentur, et reUnquerent posteris firmam et

perspicuamdoctrinam, idem adhuc opto."
Preface to his Works. Epistolse, Lon-
din, p. 147.
The project, therefore, probably did
not begin with Cranmer ; he corre
sponded with Melancthon on the subject
in 1548, and with Calvin in 1551 ; but
the difficulties were so great that it was
abandoned, and the archbishop began
to prepare a formulary for the use of the
church of England.

* Strype's Cranmer, II, xxii. 335, &c.
.|- Ibid. III. xxiii, 573. xxiv, xxv. &c. J Ibid, II. xxvii.

VI, § 325.] TREATMENT OF MART. 185
the history of the reign of Elizabeth*. One thing, however,
should be observed, that there is no historical evidence to confirm
an idea not unfrequently entertained, viz. that they were drawn
up for the sake of promoting peace and tranquillity, and as a
compromise of opinion rather than a standard of faith. We
shall perceive in them a desire to avoid curious and unprofitable
questions, as well as to leave disputed poiuts to the judgment of
the individual; and undoubtedly several of the articles are so
framed, that conscientious persons, holding different sentiments,
may safely subscribe to them-f-; but latitude of interpretation,
which is suited to the weak and doubtful, cannot be granted to
those whose decided sentiments are at variance with the plain
and grammatical sense of the formularies of our church.
§ 326, Among the next objects which engaged the attention
of the governors of the church, were certain alterations in the
Common Prayer Book, the details of which are given in their
proper place :j:. They consisted chiefly in the omission of super
stitious rites which had been continued in the first Liturgy.
The Ordination Service, too, was now added, and the whole, thus
amended, differs very little from the one at present in use.
In order that the Reformation might be introduced Into the
hearts of the people, as well as the institutions of the church, six
eminent preachers were appointed among his majesty's chaplains
in ordinary, two of whom were to reside at court, while the other
four made a progress through the country, and as far as possible
supplied the want of preaching clergymen, a deficiency which
was then strongly felt,
§ 327, The use of the mass within her own house had
during the whole of this period been allowed to the princess
Mary, through the connivance of the government and the anxious
interference of the emperor, but It was now determined by the
council to withdraw this indulgence. Edward indeed had always
shown a great dislike to its continuance, and had at one time
assented to it, at the request of Cranmer and Ridley, with tears
in his eyes; but the government having now become more fixed,
• See § 481. -f Burnet, ii. 129, J See § 745.

186 THE protector's death, [a.d, 1552,
the influence of the emperor had less weight, and they proceeded
against one of her chaplains for saying the mass, and confined
him in the Tower, The chancellor, with certain others, was
sent to try to convince her royal highness of her errors; and
she appears to have been rather obstinate In her unwillingness to
listen to any arguments on the Protestant side of the question,
and in refusing to hear Ridley preach. But who can wonder
that a continuance of unkind treatment should have confirmed
the prejudices, an! closed the ears of one, who in her own person,
and that of her mother, had suffered so much from the friends
of the Reformation ? Who can wonder that human feelings of
resentment should have been mingled with a mistaken notion of
her duty, and exercised when power was placed in her hands ?
§ 328. The fall of the duke of Somerset and his execution,
(a,d. 1552,) produced no great effect on the Reformation; he
had proved, during his power, a firm and zealous patron of those
who promoted It, and his advice and example had co-operated to
fix the love of pure and simple Christianity so strongly in his
nephew's mind, that his loss was in this particular scarcely felt.
There can be little doubt of the injustice of his condemnation,
and less with regard to the severity of its execution. His dying
speech was full of Christian fortitude and resignation, and casts
reflections on no one; but the opinions of the world long attributed
his death to the duke of Northumberland; and when in the
beginning of the next reign that nobleman was led to the scaffold,
he was reproached as having been the author of this cruel
measure. The virtues of the protector, however conspicuous,
were not unmingled with faults. In his greatness he was kind
and affable, in his misfortunes always dignified. His military
undertakings were generally successful ; and while he exhibited
himself the undaunted advocate of the oppressed, he ever proved
that he was faithful and upright in his transactions. His love
for the Reformation had been constant and sincere; but he'
gained far too great a portion of church property to be deemed
disinterested in the share which he had in the destruction of
ecclesiastical bodies; nor has the severity which he used towards
his brother escaped the censure of historians. In order to alienate

VI. § 328.] ACTS OF parliament, 187
the mind of his nephew, many false representations of his crimi
nality seem to have been made, and during the period after his
condemnation, great pains were taken to keep the attention of
the young king engaged in such amusements, as should prevent
his thinking on the fate of his uncle.
§ 329. Several bills passed during this session of parliament
which were important to the church*. One confirmed the
alterations which had been made in the Common Prayer Book,
and directed ecclesiastical persons to enforce, by severe censures,
the attendance on the new service. A second enjoined the
observance of such holydays as were retained in the calendar,
and ordained that the people should abstain from flesh on fast
days, and the Fridays and Saturdays in Lent, but allowauce was
made for a greater laxity with regard to particular cases, and it
was soon found that the exception became the general rule. A
third declared the marriage of the clergy to be legal to all intents
and purposes ; for though this liberty had been conceded by the
act passed in 1549 i", yet the prejudices of the people had set so
decided a mark on such of the clergy as took advantage of this
allowance, that the children had been considered illegitimate:
they were enabled by this act to inherit according to law.
Another bill was brought in against simoniacal contracts, but It
never received the royal assent ; and an attempt made to attaint
Tonstal, bishop of Durham, was thrown out in the commons, as
they would not hear of it, unless his accusers might be heard face
to face. The duke of Northumberland found this parliament so
little suited to his views, that he determined to dissolve It, and
call another. § 330. The plan of reform for ecclesiastical courts was this
year renewed. It had at first been put into the hands of thirty-
two persons, but this number was now diminished to eight, who
were to prepare the matter for the larger committee. The chief
part of what was done seems to have been the work of Cranmer:
it was translated Into Latin by Dr, Haddon and Sir John Cheke;
but during this reign it was never given to the public, nor were
* Burnet, ii. 145. f See § 311.

188 POVERTY OF, THE CHURCH, [a,D, 1552,
any steps taken towards establishing it as law. In the reign
of Queen Elizabeth it was printed, but has remained to the
present day In the same unauthorized condition : the considera
tion of it during the history of that period will for many reasons
be most convenient*.
The church had been so profusely robbed of its temporalities,
under the idea that its former wealth had produced the greatest
part of its previous corruptions, or more probably to gratify the
cravings of a corrupt court, that its members were reduced to
the greatest misery, and forced to support themselves by the
most degrading employments. They not only became tailors and
carpenters, but some of them kept even alehouses ; and under
these circumstances it was impossible that many persons should
be educated for the ministryf-. The church of England pro
bably stands alone. In later times, as exhibiting instances of
ecclesiastical offices unprovided with any temporal support: some
of our livings have no endowments, and owe all their emoluments
to periods subsequent to the Reformation, Nor were these
spoliations confined to the lower offices in the establishment ; the
bishopric of Gloucester was entirely suppressed, and Hooper, who
had been first consecrated bishop of that see, and subsequently
held the see of Worcester together with it, was now called bishop
of Worcester alone ; and in other cases, during the vacancies
of the bishoprics, their manors and property were frequently
taken from them ; so that to the present day nearly one-half
of our bishoprics are left with Incomes scarcely adequate to
the situation in the world which Is attached to the episcopal
dignity ''.
§ 331, (a.d. 1663.) In the new parliament, two tenths and
two fifteenths, with one subsidy" for two years, were granted to

» This evil has been remedied since
the first publication of this work.
" Tenths and fifteenths were temporary
aids issuing out of personal property, and
granted to the king by parliament. They
were formerly the real tenth or fifteenth

part of all the moveables belonging to
the subject. In later times they became
a fixed sum, A lay subsidy was usually
raised by commissioners appointed by the
crown, and was to all intents and pur
poses a land tax. Blackstone, i, 309, 312,

See § 435, «,, + Burnet, ii, 154.

VI. § 331,]

DURHAM,

189

the king ; and the clergy taxed themselves six shillings In the
pound on their benefices. The bishopric of Durham was at the
same time suppressed, and converted into two sees, one of which
was to have been established at Newcastle, where a cathedral
chapter was also to have been erected ; but none of these changes
really took place, on account of the death of the king, which pre
vented also the accomplishment of another plan, by which the
temporalities of that see were converted into a county palatine,
and given to the duke of Northumberland, Tonstal had previ
ously been deprived for misprision of treason, and was detained in
confinement till the succession of Mary restored him to liberty.
The last act of this reign connected with the Reformation was
one by which the use of the larger Catechism was authorized, and
schoolmasters directed to teach It, This work was supposed to
have been compiled by Ponet'', bishop of Winchester, and is
printed in the Enchiridion Theologicum. It was originally put
forth both in English and Latin, and the Forty-two articles were
appended to it* ; it was sanctioned by an injunction of the king's,
dated May 20th, 1563,
§ 332, In consequence of a sermon preached by Ridley before
the king, in which the bishop insisted on the duty of relieving the
poor, Edward sent for him, and desired his aid In forming such

^ Bale, de Scriptoribus Britannicis, men
tions Ponet as the author ; see the ques
tion discussed in Todd's Historical and
Critical Introduction to the Groundwork
of the Thirty-nine Articles, This work
corresponds in some degree in its general
plan with the Church Catechism which
had been published four years before, and
is followed almost entirely by Noel in his
Catechism of 1570. With regard to the
History ofthe Composition of the Church
Catechism, probably Cranmer, Ridley, or
whoever was the author, merely intro
duced a few explanatory questions and
answers before, and intermixed with, the
Creed, the Ten Commandments, and the
Lord's Prayer, which had previously been
pubUshed by authority, in English, in the
King's Primer, printed 1545 — 6. (The

questions and answers relating to the
sacraments were drawn up by Dr. John
Overall, and inserted after the conference
at Hampton Court, 1604.) It might na
turally have been supposed that it was
taken from Luther's Catechism, 1529,
and Cranmer's, 1548 ; (which in all pro
bability is derived indirectly from Lu
ther's ;) but these are not only much
larger works, but make a different division
of the Ten Commandments. In the In
stitution, 1537, King's Primer, 1545 — 6,
Catechism, 1 549, the Second Command
ment is inserted in its right place ;
whereas in the Primer 1535, in Luther's
and in Cranmer's, the Second Command
ment is omitted, and the Tenth divided
into two. See § 412.

§ 481, &c.

190 FOUNDATIONS OP EDWARD. [a. D. 1553,
institutions as would be most beneficial to the poorer branches of
society. Upon a consultation with the lord mayor three esta
blishments were founded, which are still the glory of our metro
polis. St. Bartholomew's hospital was assigned for the sick, the
royal house of Bridewell for the correction of the profligate, and
the Gray Friar's church in Newgate was assigned to the education
of orphans, under the name of Christ's Hospital, Donations were
also made to St. Thomas' in Southwark.
§ 333. The commendations which are deservedly bestowed
on these munificent grants are not, unfortunately, due to the later
acts of this hopeful prince. Lady Jane Gray was granddaughter
to Mary the sister of Henry VIIL, who, after the death of her
first husband, Louis XII. of France, married the duke of Suffolk.
This family had been placed In the bill of succession of Henry
VIII. before that of Scotland, though sprung from the younger
sister ; and the duke of Northumberland now persuaded Edward
to set aside Mary and Elizabeth, and leave the crown to Lady
Jane, to whom her own mother had demised her right, and who
had lately been married to Guildford Dudley, the fourth son of
the duke. Although the love he bore his cousin might have
influenced him, yet the fears which Edward entertained as to the
bigotry of Mary were the chief instrument by which this step was
promoted; but It does not appear what induced him to set aside
Elizabeth, It was necessary to use the greatest threats and per
suasions, in order to Induce the crown lawyers to draw up any
Instrument for this purpose, as they declared that such a transac
tion would amount to nothing short of treason ; but they at last
complied, upon the promise of a pardon under the great seal, and
the council set their hands to the deed. Some others seem to
have had great scruples as to subscribing it ; but Judge Hales
positively refused, and Cranmer only consented upon the earnest
entreaty of the king. It Is unfortunate that he here wanted
firmness to abide by his own better judgment, which might have
assured him that the Almighty is able to provide means adequate
to the accomplishment of his own ends, without our adopting such
measures as are In themselves unjustifiable.
§ 334. The king's health had long been declining, and on the

VI, § 834.] THE king's DEATH, 191
sixth of July he breathed forth his pious soul In ejaculations for
the religious welfare of his poor country. The early age at which
it pleased God to take him away, contributed In itself to raise his
character in the eyes of the world ; and the various commenda
tions which are bestowed upon him might appear exaggerated,
were they not supported by such circumstantial evidence as pre
vents us from doubting their correctness. The warmest panegyric
of Edward is derived from the pen of Cardan, who, on his return
from Scotland, In 1552, was Introduced to that monarch when he
was under fifteen years of age. He wrote from Italy after the
death of the king, and could have had no object for expressing
such sentiments, unless he had really entertained them. He
describes Edward as a miracle of prudence and wisdom, and pos
sessed of every qualification which could adorn a young prince ;
and relates a conversation which he held with him on the subject
of comets, in which the king certainly had the advantage over the
philosopher. He spoke English, Latin, and French, fluently;
and was acquainted with the Greek, Spanish, and Italian lan
guages. He possessed much information on most subjects, parti
cularly on foreign and domestic policy; he kept a journal of all
which passed about him, and seems to have been able to transact
business with ambassadors, so as to fill them with the greatest
admiration for his abilities. He was affable and courteous to all,
nor was his kindness confined to words ; and in the severity which
he was through others compelled to adopt towards heretics, he
exhibited the greatest reluctance to proceed to extremities. He
has been blamed for the facility with which he assented to the
execution of his uncle, yet In all probability he was In this actu
ated by the love of justice, as his mind had been totally alienated
from the protector, through the malicious representations which
were Industriously poured into his ears, and which Insinuated that
the duke of Somerset had entertained designs against the lives of
the other members of the council. The character, Indeed, of this
king was founded on the only sure basis, a religious education,
which he had the happiness of receiving under the tuition of Cox
and Cheke, to whose care he was intrusted from the age of six
years. The real and sincere piety which he always exhibited

192 CHARACTER OF EDWARD, [a, D, 1553.
appears In almost every action of his life ; It rendered him obedient
and docile as a child, just and exact in all his transactions ; and
as he grew up to govern others as well as himself, rendered him
tender to the wants and consciences of his fellow creatures. The
only exception perhaps to this, consisted in the zeal which he
showed In trying to prevent his sister Mary from attending mass*.
He deemed the celebration of this supposed sacrifice an act of
idolatry, and considered himself, therefore, bound by the law of
God to prevent the continuance of it : when urged by Cranmer
and Ridley to consent to its being tolerated In compliance with
the wishes of the emperor, he burst into tears, and declared his
willingness to lose his crown and dignities in endeavouring to
obey the commandments of the Most High. These good men
left him with their eyes full of tears, and as they passed, the
archbishop took Cheke by the hand, and said, " ' Ah ! master
Cheke -f-, you may be glad all the days of your life, that you have
such a scholar.' Adding, that ' he had more divinity In his little
finger, than we have in our whole bodies,' More divinity, both
in the theory and the practice too; and this was owing In a great
measure to Cheke's Instructions."
§ 336. The church of England had now in its doctrines
arrived at nearly its present state ; for the changes which have
subsequently taken place have corrected some points which were
amiss, but scarcely deserve the name of alterations. The real
state, however, of its members was far from being settled. The
great mass of the common people were still ignorant and vicious,
and had received the new ordinances Inasmuch as they came from
authority, and took off restraints under which they had previously
laboured, but they neither understood nor rejoiced in the doctrines
of the Reformation, against which their prejudices were excited :J:.
The upper classes had been bribed Into acquiescence in these
changes by the robberies committed on church property, in which
they had been allowed to share ; and though there doubtless
existed many sincere friends of the truth, yet society In general
can never be expected to take any very active concern in religion,
• Bumet, ii. 171. f Strype's Cheke, 178.
X Strype, E. M. III. i, 167. 17. 194. 309,

VI, § 335,] STATE OF THE CHURCH, 193
beyond those interests which are politically combined ¦with it.
Most of the clergy had complied with what had been done, from
fear rather than from any approbation of it, and were ready to
turn whenever an opportunity should occur. The measures which
had been ordinarily adopted by the reformers, however necessary
they may have appeared — and of this, In the present day, we are
not fully adequate to pass a judgment — were much more calcu
lated to procure compliance than to produce conviction ; add to
all which, that oppression and depravity of morals seem to have
been exceedingly prevalent. This, indeed, was the natural con
sequence of the forced transfer of property, and the depression of
the ecclesiastical courts, which In an age of barbarous ignorance
were indispensable to preserve the tone of morality in the country.
Had it pleased God to have continued the reign of Edward, these
evils would probably have gradually vanished; or had he been
succeeded by a monarch indifferent about religion, England might
quickly have relapsed into Its former state, and a reconciliation
with the church of Rome might have brought back many of the
grievances from which the kingdom had been freed ; but the
ways of the Almighty are inscrutable, and He produced the ulti
mate establishment of the Reformation by other means than
human prudence could foresee,
§ 336. It Is frequently objected to the church of England,
that all her institutions, as established In this reign, depended
much more on the civil magistrate, than on any ecclesiastical
authority. The standard of her faith, and the formularies by
which her public services are conducted, were so far settled at
this time, that though they have often been reviewed, they have
never received any material alterations. If, therefore, the religion,
then admitted, were, as it Is sometimes called, a parliamentary
religion, this stigma must still be attached to our church ; and
it may be useful to Inquire how far the appellation is correct,
and how far the existence of this fact may be deemed injurious to
us as a spiritual body. Many of the principles on which this
question must be decided are detailed In a note on a former
chapter*; and perhaps It may be assumed, that matters purely
• See § 201. c. o

194 ERASTIANISM OP THE CHURCH OP ENGLAND. [a, D, 1553,
temporal should be directed by the civil magistrate alone, that
those which are purely spiritual should be left, as far as possible,
to the management of the clergy alone, as the ministers of God,
and responsible to his tribunal; and that all mixed matters should
depend on a combination of these two species of authority. Now,
as almost all practical questions are of a mixed nature, and as we
can hardly conceive any case purely spiritual, except between an
individual and his Maker, we shall only have learnt the nature of
the difficulty In question, by laying down these general principles.
When we look at the outward circumstances of the case, there
can be little doubt that before the commencement of the Refor
mation far too much power existed in the hands of the church,
and that the priesthood had assumed an Inordinate degree of civil
jurisdiction, under the plea of spiritual government. It was
natural, therefore, for those who endeavoured to overthrow this
anomaly, to fall into the opposite extreme, and while they com
bated the misuse of such a power, to deny the existence of It
altogether. It were to be wished, perhaps, that all bodies corpo
rate should correct themselves; but It must require much external
pressure, and much Internal wisdom, which shall enable the better
members of such a society to effect a general amendment. There
was in this case an abundance of external pressure ; and though
there was much of internal wisdom, yet that wisdom had rather
been opened to a few by the perusal of the Scriptures, and the
examination of the question, than diffused through the mass, by
the gradual extension of knowledge.
§ 337. On one side therefore was the truth, supported by
the strength which it must always possess, and favoured by those
who were placed in the highest stations, both in state and church,
and supported by a party formidable from their number, and
respectable from their attainments. On the other, were the Igno
rance of the people, and their prejudices ; but this was aided by
the interested views of the clergy, who were scattered through
every village, and possessed a force which was by no means
balanced by the selfishness of a few courtiers, who had profited
by the spoliation of the church. The courtier cared little for the
establishment of one religion or another, provided he could secure

VI. ^ 337,] OPINIONS OP CRANMER. 195
his wealth; but the village pastor and his partisans were led to
esteem the cause which they advocated as the cause of God, and
formed a tremendous phalanx, which might be directed to the
most dangerous undertakings. Whoever, therefore, attempted to
guide the cause of the Reformation, during the reign of Edward
VL, must either have waited for the slow developement of Chris
tian education, and the falling off by death of those who opposed
his plans, or he must have exerted an external force, which might
overthrow the Immediate power of his opponents ; and the ques
tion of employing the one or the other of these means could
hardly have admitted of debate, when the health of the king and
the opinions of his successor were taken into the account ; nor
can we fail to examine with interest the opinions of Cranmer
himself, as far as they bear on this point. What Is here stated
Is derived from the answers which he gave to such questions as
were proposed to certain divines In 1540*, and in which the
offices and authority of the priesthood are examined : from hence
it would appear, that his own sentiments were nearly Erastian :
he seems to esteem the whole of the clerical office as dependent
entirely on the civil magistrate ¦[• ; that there was originally no
difference between a bishop and a priest:]:; that the prince or the
people might make a priest for themselves §, for whom no conse
cration was necessary || ; and that the power of excommunication
depends entirely on the civil authority committed to a bishop IT.
It may be remarked that these opinions are not discoverable In
the formation of our church services, which are almost entirely
taken from those of the Roman ritual, yet a trace of them
remains in those articles which refer to the church, and among
which Art. XIX. XXI. and XXIII, might be subscribed by
any one who held opinions purely Erastian.
§ 338. With these views, therefore, and placed under these
circumstances, we can hardly be surprised if in his proceedings
he leaned towards the civil authority, which was in great measure
under his own direction. His plan of proceeding generally was
to Intrust the task of reforming any particular branch of church
• Burnet, I, iii. Rec. No. 21. f Qu. 9. X Q"- If- § Q"- I'
ll Qu, 12. ^ Qu. 16. O 2

196 PLAN OF REFORMING. [a, D. 1653.
matters to a committee of divines appointed by the crown, some
times on the ground of the ecclesiastical supremacy, and sometimes
under an act of parliament, and then to sanction the result by a
fresh bill, or by publishing It under the royal authority. This
method of proceeding may be esteemed very unconstitutional
with regard to the convocation, but If the supreme authority be
lodged In the civil magistrate, In him too must be vested the
power of finally approving or rejecting all regulations with regard
to the service of the church. The Prayer Book was framed by
clergymen, and the act of uniformity enjoined, that in those
churches where the ministry was supported by the church property
this service should be used; and the only real hardship seems to
consist in this, that those individuals who disapproved of It were
not allowed any Christian liberty of absenting themselves from
the churches, and of seeking elsewhere a service better suited to
their own opinions. To say that the country would have become
Mahomedan*, if the court had enjoined It, Is to assert what can
neither be proved or disproved. The alterations were imposed
by the civil authority, and many persons received them with great
unwillingness ; but this might have been equally the case, had
they been Imposed by some ecclesiastical power alone, and If the
support of the crown had been required merely to enforce the
rnandates of the spiritual tribunal. The exertion, therefore, of a
temporal power cannot vitiate the enactment itself, and the pro
priety or Impropriety of it must depend on Its intrinsic merits.
It must be acknowledged that great severity and Injustice were
used towards some churchmen, particularly towards Gardiner
and Bonner ; but this cannot invalidate the orthodoxy of those
changes in doctrine or discipline to which they as individuals
objected. It is as absurd for a Roman Catholic to reject the
tenets of the church of England because they were imposed by
act of parliament, as It would be for a Protestant to discard the
truths of Christianity because they have been derived to us,
accompanied with errors, through the church of Rome, Every
change introduced Into the church of England must receive Its
final sanction In precisely the same way: nor does there appear
• Strype's Annals, III. ii. 368. No. 54.

VI. § 338,] CONDUCT OF CRANMER, 197
to be any solid reason why the laity, who possess a strong Interest
in everything connected with the service of the church, should
not exercise an influence in its being adopted or rejected,
§ 339, These observations, however, will hardly apply to
the commissions which were granted to the bishops. If the
existence of a Christian priesthood be derived from God, surely
the civil magistrate cannot have any other power over It, than
that of preventing spiritual authority from being applied to tem
poral purposes. It may limit the use of It with regard to public
ministrations, but if the authority of Cranmer were entirely
human, if _when he ordained to the ministry, the act depended
solely on the commission from the king, It seems unnecessary to
reason about different forms of church government, or to contend
for the sacred character of the ministers of the Gospel, there is
really no such thing as a priesthood. Many parts of the episcopal
authority are essentially derived from the crown, but there Is
something beyond this which is derived from God ; and this mea
sure can by no means be approved of, if any of the principles on
which we have been reasoning be admitted. Granting, however,
that the commissions were totally false in the principle on which
they depended, this fact cannot invalidate the acts of those
who held a real episcopal character under a false idea ; and it Is
evident that the chief part of the bishops of that period, however
they might be forced to act under these commissions, entertained
opinions on the ecclesiastical functions, corresponding with those
which have been here laid down. Nor, on the other hand, sup
posing that the correctness of all which was done were clearly
established, does it follow that the so doing it was either politic
or judicious; and Cranmer may not only have used severity
towards those who opposed him, but have adopted steps which
cannot be justifled — may have virtually forced the consciences of
the weak, in hastily imposing on them those changes which
would have been adopted quietly, or gradually modified, had he
allowed the progress of opinion to follow its natural course.
§ 340. In order to judge of the foundation on which this
charge is raised, we may inquire, what would have been the
result of such a proceeding ? Were there no hasty spirits who

198 CRANMER SAVED EPISCOPACY. [a.D, 1553.
would have borne down, not only the errors of Romish supersti
tions, but the decencies, too, of public worship, which we have
derived from Rome I Was there no necessity of issuing procla
mation after proclamation against those who were eager to inno
vate and to destroy every vestige of whatever had been once
misused ? Compare what took place in Scotland with the events
in England. Do we owe no gratitude to those, who, when the
tide of Reformation seemed likely to overbear the limits of mo
deration, endeavoured to guide and direct Its course by the force
of legal enactments ? The active friends of Reformation restrained
their own zeal when the work was carried on by those in autho
rity ; but could Cranmer, or any one else, have successfully
opposed this torrent 2 and can we Imagine that he himself would
have been able to introduce these more quiet alterations, had he
failed to exert his temporal influence ? The friends of the church
of Scotland may rejoice, that no moderate reformer stepped
forward from among their bishops, to modify the violence of those
who overthrew the whole of what had been long|establIshed;
but the admirer of our episcopal church must, under God, thank
Cranmer that his parliamentary Interference saved our apostolic
establishment from the rude hands of Ignorant reformers, who,
in their zeal for re-establishing the religion of the Bible, cast off
the innocence of the dove and the prudence of the serpent.
Nothing but these rapid proceedings, founded on the temporal
power which he possessed, and which he exerted In reforming
what was amiss, could have prevented others from withstanding
all attempts at amendment, till the force of the multitude had,
as in Scotland, thrown down what the episcopalian will consider
as almost the church itself. So far, then, from blaming the arch
bishop for his manner of reforming by legislative enactments, we
must consider that the existence of our establishment, in Its
present apostolical form, Is owing to this very circumstance.
§ 341. In examining how much the Reformation in England
was affected by the opinions entertained by the divines of the
Lutheran or Calvinistic schools, It should bo remembered that the
fame and notoriety of the reformer of Geneva was little spread at
the period when the authoritative documents of the church of

VI, § 341.} ORIGIN OF THE DOCUMENTS, ETO,

199

England were published, and that these productions were directed
against the errors of the Roman church, rather than intended to
mark the differences which might exist among Protestants, At
a later period, the sentiments of Calvin undoubtedly affected In a
great degree the opinions of Individual divines of our church ; but
the formularies which distinguish us as a Christian community
had no reference to the theology of Geneva, and are derived, in a
great degree, from the Lutherans'"'.
We have before seen that Henry VIII. was particularly anxious
that Melancthon should visit England ; and the same proposal
was made to that reformer from Cranmer in the reign of Edward
VI, ; but this object was never accomplished. He appears to
have been consulted in 1535 concerning the Articles which were
published during the next year ; and the definition of justification
there given Is probably derived from the loci communes of this
author : in the whole of these articles the ideas and language of
the Lutheran divines have been closely followed. Many of the
Forty-two Articles owe their origin to the same source*; and
even those which cannot be traced with certainty exhibit a corre
spondence with the general opinions of the German divines. An
exception, however, must be made with regard to one article. In
which Cranmer differed totally from them, and which is strongly
marked by the clause against consubstantiatlon, or ubiquitarianism,
which existed in the Article on the Lord's Supper in the Forty-
two Articles, but which was omitted in the reign of Elizabeth'':

• This question, as far as relates to
those articles of our church which are
sometimes deemed Calvinistic, is most
ably handled by Archbishop Laurence, in
his Bampton Lectures, who provesclearly
that they are drawn from Lutheran
sources. Indeed, the controversy on the
predestinarian question only began in
Oct, 1551, Calvin's first tract was pub
lished in 1552, and the dispute was con
tinued for many years, Laurence's
Bamp. Lect. 237.
>> " Forasmuch as the truth of man's
nature requireth, that the body of one

and the self-same man cannot be at one
time in divers places, but must needs be
in some one certain place ; therefore the
body of Christ cannot be present, at one
time, in many and diverse places. And
because (as holy Scripture doth teach)
Christ was taken up into heaven, and
there shall continue unto the end of the
world, a faithful man ought not either to
believe, or openly to confess the real and
bodily presence (as they term it) of
Christ's fiesh and blood, in the sacra
ment of the Lord's Supper." Art. 29
ofthe XLIL; and 28 of the XXXIX.

* See § 181, &c.

200 CHURCH DOCUMENTS NOT ORIGINAL. [a.D. 1553.
it may, however, be worth remarking, that Cranmer was called a
Zulngllan, and not a Calvinist, by Fox, as entertaining this
opinion. Some of the points in which the Common Prayer
Book differs from the services of the Roman church are derived
from the reformed service of Herman, archbishop of Cologne*,
and others owe their origin to the Liturgy of Strasburg, which
was framed by Calvin f, but had been modified before it was
published In England.
§ 342, If this examination of the question shall surprise
those who generally esteem the authoritative documents of the
church of England original compositions, if It shall seem to
detract from the value which is generally attached to the labours
of Archbishop Cranmer and his colleagues, let it be remembered,
that the sacred subject on which these works were drawn up Is
the only one in which originality is the worst of faults. If
the heathen philosopher wisely grounds the truth of his con
clusions on the fact, that they do not materially differ from the
opinions of previous Investigators, surely the Christian, who is
employed in framing articles of faith, may reasonably declare,
that he has only quitted the tenets of his predecessors where he
found them Inconsistent with the revealed word of God.
At the commencement of the Reformation in England, our
reformers naturally cast their eyes on two standards of faith, on
that of the church of Rome, and that of the Lutheran churches,
which had already discarded the errors of the papal court. The
rule, then, which sound reason would seem to dictate, is, that in
those points wherein the church of England found it necessary to
differ from that of Rome, it should refer to the opinions of the
newly-established churches, and follow them as far as they were
consistent with Scripture ; and where that which was taught by
the Lutherans appeared to be questionable, the church of England
should either borrow the expression of its opinions from some
other reformed church, or construct Its own articles directly from
the word of God, And this appears to be the plan on which
these documents In our own church were framed. In our Articles
are contained the great truths of Christianity, which we hold in
* See § 744, n, t See § 745, b.

VI, § 342.] CHURCH DOCUMENTS, HOW FRAMED. 201
common with the church of Rome ; there are many more which
are derived from the Lutheran church ; there are some in which
we differ from both. In our public services, the greater part of
the Common Prayer Book is taken from the Roman ritual, and
some portions are borrowed from the Lutheran churches^i^.or^ra'thGF
drawn up In imitation of them. - ' -\'%'~
It may Indeed be asked, why our reformers did iiot at onee"
leave the works of others, which had been so generally hiixed up
with errors, why they did not seek at once for the standa>d-of their
faith, and the formularies which were to guide them In their
prayers, from the unerring rule of the word of God ? But such a
question will be asked by those only who are little aware of the
difficulties which attend such an undertaking. Standards of
faith are only necessary on account of the heresies Into which
mankind have run, and must be drawn up with reference to such
heresies. To modify, therefore, the previous labours of those who
have gone before us in detecting and restraining error, is not only
an easier and safer plan, but it is one which is much more consistent
with Christian modesty. The word of God, in this case, does not
immediately furnish the adequate means of preventing errors; for
both parties often assume the word of God to be -with them ; and
the only question Is as to the interpretation which we ought to
assign to it. The form In which we address the throne of grace
is of less importance ; the real question is, as to that for which
we ask. When, therefore, the country has been used to one form,
it would be Injudicious to change it further than the errors con
tained in such a composition absolutely demand ; and in those
points where alteration was necessary, true wisdom would lead
us to imitate what has already been adopted by our Christian
brethren, and of which they have testified their approval by con
tinuing its use.
With this view of the subject, there is every reason for
applauding the conduct of Archbishop Cranmer, and admiring our
own standards, because they so nearly resemble the works of the
same sort which preceded them ; and to rejoice that the docu
ments of our church are not new, but amended transcripts of
those which our forerunners have established.

202

CHAPTER VII,
THE REIGN OF MARY L, FROM JULY 6, 1553, TO
NOVEMBER 17, 1558,
351, Lady Jane Gray. 352, Mary seated on the throne ; her promises, 353,
Gardiner's plans. 354, Mary prepares to restore popery. 355, Parliament,
356. Cardinal Pole, legate, delayed on his journey towards England. 357.
Convocation. 358. Disputation held in it. 359. Wyatt's rebellion ; execu
tions, 360. Ejection of the married clergy, 361. Disputations at Oxford.
362. Confession of faith of the Reformers published. 363, Marriage of the
queen, 364, Reconcihation with Rome. 365. Preparations for persecution.
366. Persecutions. 367. Disputes among the Reformers in England and
abroad. 368, Death of Gai'diner, 369. Steps in favour of the church. 370.
Death and character of Cranmer. 371, Many others suffer, 372, Pole,
archbishop of Canterbury ; documents destroyed. 373. Visitation of the
universities, 374. Paul IV, enraged with Pole ; disasters of the nation ;
persecutions, 375. Deaths and characters of Mary and Pole,

§ 351, The sentiments which Mary was known to entertain with
regard to religion induced some persons to question for a .short
time her title to the succession^ of the justice of which there
could be no real doubt. These same fears had formerly Induced
many of the council to assent to the measure adopted in the will
of Edward, and now co-operated In making them try to promote
this illegal settlement, and to advance the ambitious plans of
him who had devised it. The absurd power granted by parlia
ment to Henry VIII. of naming his successors in his will, had
rendered the order of inheritance less clearly defined in the minds
of those about the court, and many of them imagined that the
bequest of Edward was equally binding in law with that of his
father. Of Lady Jane Gray*, to whom the crown was now offered
by her father and father-in-law, the dukes of Suffolk and North
umberland, the brightest expectations were entertained ; and her
only fault seems to have been, that she allowed her own better
" Burnet, ii, 174,

VII. § 351.] mart's PROMISES. 203
judgment to be influenced by the solicitations of her friends. She
had received a classical education under the care of Dr, Aylmer,
afterwards bishop of London, and taken such advantage of his
instructions, and the philosophy of our holy faith, that she was
prepared for either the crown or the scaffold.
§ 352. The good sense and loyalty of the nation quickly
rendered her case desperate, while the unpopularity of the duke
of Northumberland contributed greatly to strengthen the party of
Mary: the friends, therefore, of the queen became daily more
powerful, were joined by the council, and she was proclaimed
throughout London on the 19th of July. Within a few days,
the chief of her enemies were sent to the Tower, and she remained
in quiet possession of the throne. The only point in which she
seems at this period of her reign to have acted culpably was In an
assurance given by her, that she would force no one's religion.
This promise was made to the Suffolk men, who being
friendly to the reformed doctrines, joined her standard from a
sense of duty; whereas her known love to the papacy renders it
probable, that from the first she was determined to pursue steps
which could not be carried on without breaking the pledge given
to those who supported her. The promise was repeated publicly
on the 12th of August before the council*, and on the 18th by a
proclamation; but in both these cases a tacit reservation seems to
be made in the prospect of some alteration In the law of the land.
From her general conduct, we can hardly conceive her to have
been Insincere when she made it ; but she must have been very
weak and ignorant, to suppose that the wishes of her heart could
be accomplished without falsifying such a declaration.
§ 353. The government was now under the direction of
Gardiner, who was In many respects a politic man, and understood
the temper of the country j-. His plan was to have restored
everything connected with religion to the state in which it had
been left by Henry VIIL, and thus by degrees to have brought
back the kingdom to a reconciliation with the court of Rome.
This scheme favoured his own private views, as well as the public
" Strype, Eccl. Mem, v, 38. Fo.x, iii. 14, -f Burnet, ii, 180,

204

CONDUCT OF THE PROTESTANTS, [a,D. 1553,

objects toM-ards which It was directed ; and had it been tempe
rately pursued might have led to the re- establishment of the
papacy in England, by slower, yet surer steps, than those which
were adopted ; while it would have freed the chancellor from
some alarm which he could not but feel, at the prospect of the
speedy arrival of Cardinal Pole, who never trusted him, and who
Avas from many circumstances likely to gain an influence over
the queen, inconsistent with the interests of Gardiner. These
prospects, however, of moderation, and the hopes which her
declarations had infused into the reformers, were soon dissipated ;
for the early acts ofthe reign were strongly marked with precipi
tancy as well as severity". Bonner* proceeded to take possession
of his see (August 5th) without any legal revocation of the
sentence by which he had been deprived ; and the intemperance
of Bourn, his chaplain, who preached soon after at St. Paul's
Cross, produced such a tumult, that the life of the preacher was
endangered, and only preserved by the interference of some of
the Protestant divines.
§ 354. In consequence of this, all sermons were prohibited
till licences had been given under the great seal to such persons
only as were likely to spread the doctrines of the church of
Rome ; and a commission was issued for the purpose of setting
aside the deprivations of those bishops who had been ejected ; so
that every measure seemed rapidly tending to the re-establish
ment of the ancient order of things. It became apparent, too,
that the church was the object which predominated in the mind
of the queen, who, in promoting the interests of Rome, forgot
those ties by which human beings are most closely connected.
She used cruelty towards one of the Suffolk men, who intempe-
rately reminded her of her promise with regard to religion, and
imprisoned Judge Hales, who had strongly advocated her cause
against the pretensions of Lady Jane Gray, because he urged the

* Mass was said m London at St.
Nicholas', August 21, (Strype, Eccl.
Mem. V, 34.) Mountain was persecuted
by Gardiner for celebrating the commu

nion before the service had been changed,
p. 104, Mass was celebrated at the open
ing of parliament, 57,

Strype's. Eccl, Mem. v, 27,

VII, § 354.] PARLIAMENT, 205
magistrates in Kent to put in force the laws of Edward which
were still unrepealed. These were but sad prospects for the
friends of the Reformation, and they began to prepare themselves
for the struggle. The foreigners who had been established in
this country were now dismissed ; and many of the English
clergy gradually fled beyond sea, to preserve their lives for better
times, and to enjoy that liberty of conscience In a distant land
which they could no longer hope for at home. But the more
exalted members of the church, whose situations held them up as
examples to their flocks, notwithstanding that they were advised
to fly, remained at their posts, ready to serve God by suffering
in his cause, as well as to worship him in safety, and In the
sunshine which the favour of the court shed around their pious
exertions. Hooper and Coverdale repaired before the council
when summoned; and Cranmer, since it was maliciously reported
that he was ready to concede everything, drew up a protest^
against the mass, which was unfortunately circulated before it
was finished for publication ; and when he could not deny that he
was the author of It, he was by the council committed to the
Tower, on the charge of high treason.
§ 355. In the parliament which was assembled October 5,
the marriage of Henry and Catharine was confirmed, an object
which the queen had much at heart, and which Gardiner had
promised to procure ; but he of all men was the least fit to be
the agent In such a transaction, who had been most active in
procuring the divorce, and had been joined in the commission by
which the marriage had been declared void. The acts of the last
reign relating to religion were at once annulled, and severe
penalties Imposed on those who interfered with the performance
of any sacred function. In the act of attainder against the Lady
J, Gray and her husband, Cranmer was comprehended, and
though his see was now legally void, yet was he still regarded as
archbishop, by those who wished to uphold the ecclesiastical
exemptions, and to proceed against him on other grounds.
§ 356, In consequence of some private communications
" This letter is printed at length in Strype's Cranmer, 437.

206 DPXAY OF POLE. [a.d, 1553.
between Mary and the court of Rome, Cardinal Pole was appointed
legate, with full powers for the reconciliation of the kingdom,
and immediately commenced his journey towards England ; but
he was stopped on the way, through the Interference of Gardiner,
who represented to the emperor the danger of so precipitate a
step, which might probably prevent the marriage between Philip
and Mary, (an object to which the attention of Charles was now
directed,) and create a fermentation in the country, very prejudi
cial to the interests of the queen, A suspicion Is suggested by
Burnet, that she herself was influenced by more tender motives,
in requesting that the legantine commission might be intrusted to
the cardinal, hoping that he might obtain a dispensation to marry
her, as he was only a deacon ; but the tale rests on very slight
foundation ; and had Gardiner been aware of such a wish on the
part of Mary, he would probably have fostered an arrangement
which must have left the prospect of the see of Canterbury open
to his own ambitious views. The queen sent a messenger to the
legate while he remained in Germany, to state the progress which
she had made in the cause of the church of Rome, and desired
him not to proceed to England till further notice. The wisdom
of this delay was very apparent ; for the nation was generally
adverse to the two measures In which the court was now engaged.
The parliament had conceded every point with regard to religion,
as far as It was unconnected with politics, but they were anxious
that the crown of England should not be deprived of the spiritual
supremacy which it had acquired, and abominated the idea of
becoming an appendage to the Spanish monarchy. So strong
indeed was the general feeling against the match with Spain,
that a deputation of the speaker and twenty members of the
house of commons waited on the queen to deprecate any thoughts
of a marriage with a foreigner : but instead of producing the
desired effect, the parliament itself was dissolved, and the
enormous sum of twelve hundred thousand crowns was said to
have been intrusted to Gardiner by Philip, in hopes that the
enemies of the marriage might be bought off from their oppo
sition, § 357, In order to give freedom of discussion to the convo-

VII, § 357.] CONVOCATION. 207
cation which was now called*, an act of parliament was previ
ously passed, repealing the statutes of Henry VIII, which rendered
all persons who joined in framing canons without the royal
permission liable to a prsemunire; a penalty which must have
subjected the ecclesiastical authority to the civil power, aud not
only have offended the prejudices of a Roman Catholic, but have
tended, too, to limit the privileges of the church, Weston, dean
of Westminster, was appointed prolocutor, a man much looked
up to on account of the firmness which he had exhibited In the
former reign. Its first act was directed against the Common
Prayer, which It denominated an abominable book, and declared
to be heretical, on account of the denial of transubstantiation
which it contained. The same stigma was also affixed to the
Catechism^, said to be set forth by order of convocation. These
steps produced a warm discussion in the lower house ; but of the
proceedings of the bishops no record remains. Care had been
taken that among the proctors elected by the clergy such men
alone should be found as favoured the prevailing cause, but of
those who sat in right of the situations which they held in the
church-f, six were found bold enough to controvert the senti
ments of the ruling party, and to enter into a disputation against
the power and numbers with which they found themselves
surrounded. At this disputation many of the council were
present, from whom, during the heat of the discussion, when the
arguments of the Protestants were borne down by the clamour
of the majority, they received more liberty of expressing their
sentiments than their ecclesiastical opponents would have allowed ;
but from the commencement, for it lasted three days. It was
apparent that this bold minority could entertain little hope of
obtaining a fair hearing ; Weston indeed declared that they
were assembled, not to call in question the undoubted truth of
transubstantiation, but to answer the objections of those who-
refused to subscribe to this undeniable proposition. And so
manifest were the difficulties against which the friends of the
Reformation had to contend, that when they were refused the
» See § 331.
* Strype's Ecc. Mem, v. 59. -f- Fox's Acts and Mon. iii. 16,

208 DISPUTE ON TRANSUBSTANTIATION, [a,D, 1553,
assistance of Rogers and Ridley, most of the six declined entering
on the question, and were only drawn into the debate by degrees,
in supporting Cheyney, who would not avoid the contest under
every disadvantage^
§ 358, Discussions of this public nature have but little effect,
except perhaps the evil one of warming the passions by connect
ing human vanity with sacred truth ; but we cannot fail to
admire the bold zeal of men who ventured to stem the torrent of
virulence and persecution, merely to convince the bystanders of
the goodness of their cause; and in this point of view their
exertions probably even now produced some good effect ; for at
the close, when the house was asked whether sufficient answers
had not been given to the objections of the reformers, and the
clergy were ready in the affirmative, the multitude who stood
around Instantly vociferated, No ! no ! The reformers had found
themselves treated with so little fairness, that they refused to
become the respondents ; and the whole argument was summed
up by a remark of Weston's, which briefly stated the merits of
the controversy, " You have the word," said he, " but we have
the sword," An observation calculated to show the erroneous
principles assumed by the church of Rome, as well as to display
the cruelty of the individual. Men vested with unlimited power
are generally the same in all communions ; and the friends of
the papacy cannot hope to be more fortunate in this respect than
other Christian bodies ; and wherever the infallibility of the
church is asserted, then farewell to truth and to every hope of
obtaining it, since It becomes the duty of those vested with
authority, not to enter into any discussions, by which refor
mation may be promoted, or truth elicited, but to curb with the
severe mandates of autocracy the Idea of calling in question any
of its tenets ; and these words of the prolocutor, harsh as they
may appear to a Protestant ear, become the language of sincerity,
when proceeding from the mouth of a consistent Roman Catholic,
who allows not the possibility of salvation beyond the limits of
his own church,
§ 359, (a,d, 1554,) The Spanish connexion was so much
disliked by the nation in general, that though the court of Madrid

VII. § 359.] EXECUTIONS, 209
granted terms absurdly beneficial to the English crown, It was
followed by a rebellion. The ramifications of this plot were
numerous, but the discovery of one branch, which In the west of
England was conducted by Sir Peter Oarew, proved destructive
to the rest. He himself fled; but the unwise duke of Suffolk
just did so much as to Incur the crime of treason, without bene
fiting the cause which he espoused ; and the only one of the
leaders who made any movement In the affair was Sir Thomas
Wyat In Kent, whose rebellious forces, after some trifling suc
cesses, were dispersed, and he himself taken prisoner at Temple
Bar. The practical effect of this injudicious and unwarrantable
proceeding was to strengthen the hands of the queen, and to give
her an opportunity of using severity on the unfortunate Lady
Jane Gray and her husband. Mary behaved with great courage
and propriety throughout the whole period of danger, and never
removed from Whitehall ; nor can we venture to blame her for
the execution of these young persons who had been guilty of
treason, notwithstanding the palliations which may be urged in
their favour. And though we cannot help pitying the early fate
of one so young and lovely, yet the Christian spirit with which
she died is much more calculated to raise our admiration, and to
excite us to the imitation of such studies and pursuits, as enabled
a woman about seventeen years of age to meet death with tran
quillity and resignation. We may remember, too, that she suf
fered for a crime into which the ambition of her relations had
hurried her against her wishes and her conscience. The duke of
Suffolk, Wyat, and fifty-four others were executed, and a large
number^ of the common people were forced to beg their lives
with halters about their necks. Elizabeth was confined, and the
proceedings were generally severe, particularly in fining the jury
which had acquitted Sir Nicholas Throgmorton,
§ 360. Strengthened by the discomfiture of this rebellion,
Mary commenced the work of anti- reformation. The first act

• This number is variously stated.
Burnet makes it 600 ; HoUnshed, 400 ;
Stow, 240 ; Gardiner is said to have
preached before the queen on the 11th,

the day before Lady Jane's execution,
and to have urged her not to show mercy.
Strype's Ecc, Mem, v. 140, 145.

210 MARRIED CLERGY EJECTED, [a, D, 1554.
was to publish articles of directions for the bishops In their pro
ceedings against the friends of the opposite party; and the chief
object of attack was the marriage of the clergy, of which the
parliamentary sanction had been annulled in the general repeal
of King Edward's laws. But even those who quitted their wives
were ejected from their preferments, and the whole was carried
on under a commission from the queen as supreme head of the
church, a title which she did not care to assume, except to expel
the reformed clergy from their benefices. The bishoprics of
York, St. David, Chester, and Bristol, were declared void on
account of the marriage of those who held them ; and Lincoln,
Hereford, and Gloucester, on the plea that they were held by
royal patent, upon the good behaviour of the possessors, a con
dition which it was alleged these bishops had manifestly not
fulfilled. Accidental circumstances produced many other vacancies, so
that, with the restoration of deprived bishops, there was at this
period an alteration of sixteen out of the bench. The number
of priests who were now ejected, though variously stated and
perhaps exaggerated, was in all probability considerable. The
whole proceeding must be regarded as arbitrary, and more tyran
nical and illegal than what had been done with regard to Bonner
and Gardiner; for these married priests had formed the con
nexion under the authority of the law of the land, and without
violating any promise to the contrary made at ordination ; since
it appears, that the oath used in England, in that service, was
conceived in such terms as did not interfere with the chastity of
the marriage bed ; yet when the new act abrogated the previous
concession, the alternative of compliance was not offered, but they
were at once deprived of their preferments : many indeed were
subsequently admitted to other benefices ; but this, though it
diminished the hardship, did not obviate the evils inseparable
from considerable changes*; and the rapidity with which this
was effected unsettled the minds of the people in general as to the
distinctions of right and wrong ; an observation which applies to
the whole of the present alterations in religion,
* Strype's Cranmer, III, ix. 476.

VII. §361.] DISPUTATION AT OXFORD, 211
§ 361, Every one had during the late reign sworn to the
supremacy of the king. When, therefore, they now found them
selves obliged to renounce this oath, and were absolved from It,
they learnt to despise the sanctity of promises ; and the clergy,
who should have been the firmest in the observance of so sacred
a bond, were the first to take advantage of any means by which
they might escape from it ; and in order to conceal the baseness
of their conduct, introduced abundance of hypocrisy, frequently
adapting their professions to the sentiments of the individuals
whose approbation they sought. But the council confined not
itself to these less conspicuous victims, and steps were taken to
prepare the way for more Important proceedings. A public dis
putation was held at Oxford on April 16, in which, on three
successive days, Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer, were exposed to
the arguments and insults of certain opponents, who were armed
with full authority from convocation, and backed by the ap
plauding clamours ofthe ignorant and prejudiced clergy"; and in
their conduct on this occasion these martyrs perhaps showed as
much patient endurance, as In the torments to which they were
subsequently exposed ; for it may fairly be questioned whether
the overbearing dogmatism of such a tribunal were not more
difficult to be encountered with Christian meekness, than any
bodily pains which could be inflicted, and which were to be borne
as inevitable sufferings in a righteous cause,
§ 362. To enter into the details of such a transaction would
exceed the limits of this work, and the force of the whole would
be lost by such abridgment as would be necessary. They may
be found at length in Fox, from whence they are copied into
Wordsworth's Ecclesiastical Biography: suffice It to say, that
the triumph of the Roman Catholic party was, as might have
been anticipated, complete, and that the three prisoners, when
condemned by their earthly judges, appealed to the righteous
decision of the tribunal of heaven ; upon which Weston declared,

" The previous steps taken by Gar
diner, at Magdalen College, (FuUer, viii.
p, 7,) may enable us to account in some
measure for the little favour which was
extended to these eminent martyrs by

members of the university. AU the
friends of the Reformation had probably
been driven away. (Strype's Ecc, Mem,
V. 81.)

212 DISPUTATION AT OXFORD, [a, D. 1554.
that if they went to heaven, he was persuaded that he should
never come there. The treatment which had been experienced
by the bishops at O.xford induced the prisoners In London to
decline any public disputations. In this they were probably
wrong; for however little fairness'* they could expect, still the
example and effect of bearing patiently, for the cause of truth,
insults, as well as death, must always prove the sincerity of that
faith on which their reliance was placed. In order that their
real belief might be known, the reformers who were in prison
published a confession of faith consisting of eight articles*, In
which they declared that they received the Scriptures as the word
of God, that they admitted the Catholic creeds of the four first
centuries, believed in justification by faith, and rejected the use
of the Latin tongue in the church service, the invocation of saints,
purgatory, the mutilation of the Lord's Supper, transubstantia
tion, and the adoration of the elements, and asserted the lawfulness
of marriage to every order of men : on these points they offered to
dispute, If called on by proper authority.
§ 363, The marriage ofthe queen, though it produced a short
calm for those who had offended against the civil power, does not
appear to have obtained the same favour for any who were perse
cuted for religion ; and Philip, though he probably saved the life
of Elizabeth from the suspicious severity of her sister, and obtained
the pardon of several who were condemned, procured for himself
little kindness from the English, who were justly offended at the
proceedings of the court, the changes which were daily making
in religion, and the political and personal connexion Into which
the queen had herself entered. These feelings were not at all
diminished by the vindictive spirit with which Mary punished
those who had spread malicious reports concerning herself, nor
did the violent conduct of Bonner, during his visitation, tend to
diminish the general Indignation and disgust of the nation. The

' One of the strongest evidences against
the sincerity of the opponents to the
Protestant disputants is, that they de
prived the champions of the reformers

of all books, or the means of preparing
themselves by writing or study, (Pro-
testatio Ridleii, 53, 55. Ench, Theol,)

Strype's Ecc, Mem. vi, 224, No, 17,

VII, § 363,] RECONCILIATION WITH ROME. 213
Protestants vented their 111 humour in deriding and ridiculing
the superstitions of the Romish church; the Roman Catholics
exerted themselves in establishing the most objectionable parts of
their rites, regardless of the feelings of men who were already
exasperated, and every step served but to add virulence to the
persecutions which soon began to be exercised.
§ 364, The autumn was chiefly occupied by the steps
towards a reconciliation with the church of Rome. One of the
first acts of the parliament which was assembled in November
was to repeal the attainder of Cardinal Pole, who in the mean
time had been allowed to proceed to England; and within a few
days after his arrival the nation was absolved upon the request of
the two houses, and once more received into the bosom of the
papal church; the acts which had of late years passed against the
authority and jurisdiction of the papacy were repealed; and
everything but the church lands restored to their former con
dition. The convocation had made a petition that this point
might not be pressed, convinced that the spoilers would never
surrender their prey, and, to use their own words, preferring the
salvation of souls to their own private Interests, But the answer
of the cardinal excited the most lively fears among the "detainers"
of ecclesiastical lands by inveighing strongly against such sacri
lege % while from necessity he sanctioned the adoption of the law.
As an intermediate step, the Statute of Mortmain was repealed
for twenty years, so that the church was enabled to received the
donations which the fears or piety of the nation might be Induced
to bestow upon It. But the bull published by Paul IV. in the
next year, which virtually annulled all these acts of the legate,
proved how little faith can be placed in the promises of a power,
which arrogates to Itself the right of absolving the sacred tie
which is established by an oath. This parliament had in all pro
bability been greatly bribed, so that little opposition was made to
the wishes of the queen and clergy; and Gardiner, whatever may
be our opinion of him as a man, showed considerable talents as a
" He bade them consider the judgments I they had not been taken away by him-
of God, which fell on Belshazzar, for his self, but by his father,
profanely using the holy vessels, though ,

214 PREPARATIONS FOR PERSECUTION, [a.D. 1555,
politician. The severe acts against heresy were renewed, and
others passed, which tended to strengthen the hands In which the
administration of affairs was placed.
§ 365. (a.d, 1555.) Before the commencement of the ter
rible persecution with which this year was disgraced, a question
was agitated, as to the manner in which the government should
proceed against heretics; nor should it ever be forgotten, that the
side of reason and mercy found Its advocate in Cardinal Pole.
Gardiner, whose opinions were at variance with these milder plans,
had suffered much under the reign of Edward, and his politic
mind showed him that nothing short of the severest measures
could then have reduced the nation to Its former dependence on
the authority of the pope : add to which, that there existed a
strong feeling of personal antipathy between the chancellor and
those who were now subjected to his power ; and these evil pas
sions were strongly excited by the republication at Strasburg of
his own book, in which he had advocated the cause of the divorce,
and heaped many reproachful expressions on the mother of the
queen ; a very delicate piece of vengeance, of which he could not
but be very sensible.
The feast of reconciliation with the church of Rome, which
was established by the cardinal (Jan, 26), was followed by the
persecution of men whose only crime consisted In their refusing
to subscribe to doctrines which they had previously rejected, and
from which they had been zealously trying to turn away their
brethren. In order to give effect to this step, and that the state
of the reformed part of the population might be correctly ascer
tained, it was ordered, In the instructions given by Cardinal Pole,
that books should be kept by the bishops and their officials, In
which the names of those who had been reconciled to the church
of Rome might be inserted, and that processes might be instituted
against the rest*; a measure which, had it been carried into effect
with any activity, must have constituted an Inquisition the most
formidable that was ever established, inasmuch as the previous
state of the kingdom had Induced men to declare their real senti-
* Strype's Cranmer, 498.

VII, § 365.]

PERSECUTION.

216

ments, and to throw aside that caution which is the only safeguard
against Inquisitorial tyranny.
§ 366, It will be useless to record more than the names of
the chief reformers who perished In the flames (some particulars
shall be added in Appendix F), for records of this description lose
their whole force and beauty by being abridged ; and if they are
to benefit us by their perusal, they must be examined In all the
details of the original historians, Rogers was burnt In Smith-
field, Hooper at Gloucester, Saunders at Coventry, and Taylor
at Hadley, Gardiner was disappointed with the effect of these
executions ; for judging of the Influence of fear from himself, he
had miscalculated on the power of terror in the cause of religion.
Nothing but extreme severity could possibly have put down the
flame which was now kindled ; but the public exhibition of those
who so patiently suffered, animated others to the struggle, and led
the friends of the papacy to mistrust the doctrines of a church
which used for Its support means so diabolical.
The general feeling of disgust which was excited by these
severities*, was fostered by a book in the form of a petition
against persecution, published abroad, and sent over into this
country by the reformers; and though the king disclaimed any
share in these proceedings, and Alphonsus ''f, a Spanish friar,
ventured to preach against them before the court, yet no effectual
stop was put to them, and they were carried on throughout the
whole year; during which, four bishops, thirteen priests, and fifty
others, suffered at the stake. The disappointment with regard to
Mary's expected delivery^ did not tend to lessen the number of
these executions; for it is reported that she had conceived an
idea that she should never be brought to bed, till all the heretics
in prison were burnt. Their deaths, however, did not procure
for her the relief for which she looked ; and before the end of the

» As the subsequent conduct of Philip,
and the general character of Alphonsus
de Castro, (see White's Evidence agaiust
Catholicism, note G, p, 251, 2nd edit.)

prevent us from attributing this measure
to Christian charity, their opinion with
regard to the impolicy of these severities
is at least strongly marked.

Strype's Ann. i. 261. f Strype's Ecc, Mem. v, 333.
X Burnet, vol. iii. 174, fol. 419, 8vo.

216 PERSECUTION, [a,d, 1555.
year Philip began to neglect her, having given up all hopes of a
family, the only circumstance which could have procured for him
an Influence in the country, and fulfilled the ambitious views
with which he had formed the connexion.
§ 367. The steps which were taken to detect and convict
heretics had gone very near the establishment of an inquisition;
for the justices of the peace were directed to look out some well
affected persons in every parish, who might give secret information
concerning their neighbours ; and the lieutenant of the Tower
was ordered to allow the use of torture for the discovery of the
truth ; and though these instruments were probably applied to
the detection of civil as well as ecclesiastical offences, yet where,
under a government so earnest In the interests of the church,
their introduction had been sanctioned, little could be wanting
but the organization of a chamber of Inquisitors. The numerous
letters of directions and thanks for attending the execution of
heretics, which were addressed to the gentry, prove that the civil
power, when it became the handmaid of superstitious Intolerance,
stood in need of every support, lest the unrestrained feelings of
the common people should have tempted them to commit acts of
violence against a government, which was turning the power
intrusted to it for the preservation of its subjects, to their destruc
tion, both of body and soul. The prisons were filled with the
friends of the Reformation, numbers of whom were found ready
to undergo any sufferings In the cause on which their hopes were
fixed*. Many fled beyond sea, and many more temporized with
the civil authority, by publicly attending mass, or entirely
renouncing their faith.
But the apostacy of these members is not more painful than
the disputes by which these persecuted believers added to their
own sufferings. They quarrelled on the subject of freewill and
predestination*; and in the discussion, unfortunately, some of them

" See an account of this dispute in a
pamphlet published by Archbishop Lau
rence. Great offence was taken at some
of the prisoners in the King's Bench,

for gaming, (1554, 5,) and they, in de-
fending themselves, maintained strongly
the doctrines of election and reprobation,
running into Antinomianism; compro-

Strype's Cranmer, 501, ii. III. xiv.

VIL § 367-] DISPUTES AMONG THE REFORMERS,

217

fell into Pelagianism : nor was the evil confined to this country *,
but arose also among the English who were scattered on the Con
tinent, and broke out with disgraceful warmth at Frankfort'' and
other places. Great objections were raised against the Common

mises were made, but no solid reconcih
ation was effected, Bradford wrote a
treatise on predestination, which he sent
to Oxford, for the approbation of Cran
mer, Ridley, and Latimer, The bishop
of London alone answered him, but did
not approve of the work. The conduct
of some of the parties appears to have
been disgracefuk Authentic Documents
relative to the Predestinarian Contro
versy, 8vo. Oxford, 1819.
^ There is a full but prejudiced account
of the troubles at Frankfort, printed
1575; it was reprinted in 1642, and is
contained in the Phoenix, vol. ii. Ful
ler gives a large abstract of it, viii, p.
25, &c. It is highly favourable to the
nonconforming party. ( 1554. ) The
magistrates of Frankfort had granted the
use of a church to some English fugi
tives, provided they would comply with
a French congregation which had fied
there from Glastonbury. These persons
altered some portion of the Common
Prayer, to adapt the service to that of
the other church, and invited the Eng
lish fugitives to come and join them:
this, however, was refused by many,
(e. g. the churches at Strasburg and
Zurick,) iu consequence of the altera
tion of the Common Prayer. This dis
pute continued for some time to distract
the church, and Knox and Whittingham,
in order to assist their cause, submitted
a platform of the Prayer Book to Calvin,
who animadverted on it, as containing
many points which were childish and
trifling; but their account of the book
is obviously unfair; and Calvin could
hardly have judged of. the question from
this imperfect document. (He might,
however, have seen the book before this

time, though the sending the platform
seems to imply the contrary.) A part
of the Geneva service was now introduced,
and in consequence of the offence taken
at this, another form was composed to be
used for a time. In the mean season
Cox came to Frankfort, and after some
difficulty established the use of the
Common Prayer. There were probably
faults on both sides. (1557.) There was
a second dispute about Church discipline.
Mr. Ashley having been brought before
the ecclesiastical authorities for cen
suring some of the ministers, rejected
their authority, as being parties in the
dispute. The congregation generally
took his part, and attempted to frame
new laws for discipline. Robert Home,
dean of Durham, and afterwards bishop
of Winchester, was then pastor, and
after fruitless attempts at reconciliation
on both sides, he ultimately quitted the
place. This church was, in its constitution,
under both the old and new discipline,
perfectly "independent," It consisted
of a pastor, assistant elders, who per
formed in turn the clerical duties, and
deacons. They laid down their offices
annually, and an election took place,
accompanied by imposition of hands.
Ordinary members were admitted into
communion upon making a declaration
of faith, and subscribing to the form of
discipline ; and questions, if any objec
tion were raised against the ministers,
were ultimately referred to the congre
gation, (Phoenix, ii. 125, &c.) In the
details of the discipline of this church,
we may see the platform of what was
often attempted, and ultimately esta
blished during the usurpation.

Strype's Cranmer, 507, i'- HI. xv.

218 DISPUTES AMONG THE REFORMERS. [a.D. 1555,
Prayer Book* and the Communion Service, and in this part of
the quarrel Knox rendered himself conspicuous.
§ 368, Pole had always been averse to violent persecution,
but was unable to show any opposition to It sufficiently strong even
to mitigate Its severity; for independently of the suspicions which
were entertained concerning his own opinions, Gardiner had sent
unfavourable reports of his conduct to the apostolic chamber. The
end of the latter was now drawing near, and served, but too late^
to teach him the vanity of pursuits unconnected with our duty.
He had seen the religion which he upheld triumph over its oppo
nents ; he had himself been restored, and raised to eminence and
power ; he had beheld his personal enemies at his feet ; and con
tributed probably to the condemnation of men with whom he had
before been connected as a brother bishop ; and having scarcely
learnt the inutility of those measures to which he had been instru
mental, he, too, was called away to answer before the Judge
eternal (Nov. 12), He was a shrewd, clever man, and probably
much more of a politician than a churchman. The treatment
which he had himself received may account for some of his viru
lence, if it cannot excuse it : nor does he appear to have been
totally devoid of kindness towards Protestants: for during his
prosperity he screened Sir Thomas Smith and R. Aseham from
persecution-f-: and It must never be forgotten, that he effectually
prevented this country from falling under the Spanish yoke at a
moment when his personal interests would have Induced him to
promote a connexion with that court |. The circumstance which
weighs most strongly against his character is the ill opinion which
Cranmer always entertained of him, and which would hardly
have been the case with one so kind-hearted and forgiving as the
archbishop, had he not known him to have been a bad man.
§ 369. In the earlier part of the summer, the queen had been
engaged in rebuilding the convent of Franciscans at Greenwich,
and for the purpose of endowing as many religious houses as she
could, gave up all the church lands vested in the crown, and In
• Strype's Eccl, Mem. v. 406, &c. f Strype's Life of Smith, 48, 50,
± Burnet, ii. 208,

VII, § 369,] STEPS OP MARY IN FAVOUR OP THE CHURCH.

219

the end of the year discharged the clergy from the payment of
first-fruits and tenths; anxious, no doubt, that the church should be
provided for in temporalities, as well as reformed in its discipline :
for in the convocation which was held by Cardinal Pole, (Novem
ber 2nd,) many constitutions were made, highly beneficial to the
ecclesiastical body, in preventing abuses and reforming Its mem
bers, and which, had they been carried into full execution, must
have gone far to establish the Roman Catholic religion, for a time
at least, on a firm basis. For errors and faults in practice are so
much more obvious to mankind in general than any other species
of evil, that whenever strict clerical duty is observed, the mass of
the people will be little likely to examine, with any severity, the
tenets of their Instructors, and will take for granted the soundness
of the speculative opinions of men who live with propriety. Nor
were the plans of reformation adopted by the cardinal confined
to mere discipline, for he purposed to have reformed the Necessary
Doctrine and Erudition of any Christian Man% and to have pub
lished it, as well as a translation of the New Testament, and to
have established cathedral schools,
§ 370. (a.d. 1556,) J One of the earliest acts of this yearwas
the degradation and burning of Cranmer, He had been condemned
on the 1 2th of September preceding, and afterwards summoned to
appear before the pope while he was detained a prisoner in Oxford,

" This was done by Bonner, The
title of the work is, A Profitable and
Necessary Doctrine, with certain Homi
lies adjoined thereto, set forth by the
Rev. Father in God Edmonde bishop of
London, &c. &c. for the diocese of Lon
don, 1555.
The first part is the same work as the
Erudition, mutatis mutandis : v. g. the
article on confirmation is changed ; it
lays greater stress on the necessity of
being confirmed. In the explanation of
the Creed, all which opposes the papal
supremacy is left out, and that doctrine
distinctly stated. In the Sacrament of
the Altar, the doctrme of tho real pre
sence and transubstantiation is taught ;
but the Ten Commandments are still

divided in the Protestant manner. The
volume next contains injuuctions sent to
his clergy. Then follow thirteen homi
lies, said to be done by the bLshop and
his chaplains ; but one or two of them
agree almost entirely with those pub
lished by Cranmer ; the names of Harps-
field and Pendleton are affixed to some
of them. There was another set of ho
milies published by Bonner in 1558, in
number thirty, which are totally different
from these, applying pecuUarly to the
sacraments and the doctrines of the
church of Rome; they are sometimes
bound up, instead of the former, with
the copies of the Profitable and Neces
sary Doctrine.

220

CRANMER,

[a,d, 1556,

and when a sufficient period had elapsed to procure an answer
from this fictitious tribunal, where his condemnation took place
in consequence of his supposed contumacious absence, he was
publicly degraded by Bonner and Thirlby, the former of whom
added the bitterness of personal malice and reproachful words to
an office in Itself sufficiently distressing. It was indeed peculiarly
embarrassing to Thirlby, who had always retained for the arch
bishop that love and reverence which a long acquaintance with
his virtues had justly procured him : but the power of inflicting
such wounds gratified the bishop of London, that most low of
persecutors. The fall of which this good man was subsequently
guilty, in signing the recantation, takes off from the whole ofthe
glorious dignity with which the closing scene of the other martyrs
was enlightened ; but It cannot but afford a useful and consolatory
lesson to the Christian of the present day. If one so gifted as
Cranmer was Inadequate to withstand the Influence of kindness
and attention when used to mislead him, though he had been
before able to view with tranquillity the prospects of death ; how
careful should we be against the temptations of prosperity ! If
one who had so fallen was subsequently enabled to meet death
with such pious resignation and firmness, what confidence may
we place In the grace of God, whose strength is perfected in
weakness ! The condemnation of this good man to the flames,
notwithstanding his recantation, was to him a most fortunate
occurrence ; for it brought him back to that Christian condition
which his concession had lost ; but it is peculiarly unfavourable
to the character of Mary ; for with whatever view we examine it,
we can hardly help suspecting that a vindictive spirit was
exercised, even If she be acquitted of any personal animosity
against one who had played so conspicuous a part In the divorce
of her mother, Cranmer exhibited most decidedly the Influence
of religion on a mind naturally sensible and strong. There was
little brilliant In his talents, or commanding In his understand
ing^, yet the sound sense which he possessed made him produce

" Dr, Laurence (archbishop of Cashel)
gives much higher commendations to the
talents of Cranmer, and even prefers

him to Ridley; the opinion expressed in
the text is taken from Burnet. Bampton
Lect. p. 205 (11, 12, 13).

VII, § 370,]

PERSECUTION,

221

more effect In the Reformation In this country than any other
person. Much of this, during the reign of Edward, was owing
to the situation which he filled ; but few others, unless they had
possessed his judgment, his Christian feelings, and simplicity,
would have been able to weather the storms to which his bark
was exposed during the tumultuous period of the reign of Henry
VIII''. To him we chiefly owe the Articles of our church, the
first book of Homilies, as well as much of the compilation of the
Common Prayer. To him we owe one of the brightest examples
of a primitive and apostolic bishop ; and if in his early days we
cannot admire the zeal with which he advocated the divorce. If in
his latter end we deplore his fall", let us remember that he was
but a human being like ourselves, and that the blessings of which
he was the Instrument, all proceed from a heavenly Source, to
which our gratitude is chiefly due.
§ 371. These victims, however, did not satisfy the friends
of religious intolerance, for the fires of persecution were lighted
throughout the country, and the persons who suffered in them
were chiefly taken from the lower ranks of life. Neither age nor
infirmity, ignorance or learning, could free those who refused to
submit to the dogmatical dicta of a corrupted church from the
most cruel of deaths. During the year, eighty-five persons of
different descriptions were burnt, and by their constancy animated
their brethren to be equally firm in the same cause. Notwith
standing the danger, ministers were everywhere found to Instruct
their flocks, and ready to expose themselves to death for their
religious opinions. Nay, the very terrors of persecution most
strongly pleaded in favour of a faith which could enable men to
endure them patiently; and the government was at last obliged

•> Fuller's view of this part of his
history is far less favourable, (p. 371.)
Cranmer " had done no Ul, and privately
many good offices for the Protestants,
yet his cowardly compliance hitherto with
popery, against his conscience, cannot be
excused ; serving the times present in his
practice, and waiting on a future altera
tion in his hopes and desires,"
' The six confessions or recantations

made by Cranmer are curious in pointing
out the imperceptible steps by which he
was led on from one point to another,
tiU he gave up and renounced almost all
that he had ever taught, and assented
directly to the errors of the church of
Rome. Five of these are in Strype's
Ecc. Mem. v, 392, &.e., the other in
Fox, ui, 559.

222 PEESECUTION. [a. D. 1 557.
to prevent the people from expressing any signs of approbation
towards the martyrs, and to order housekeepers to keep away
their apprentices from a sight, which might urge them to violence
against the executioners, or admiration of the victims. The
country was supplied with books and religious tracts from the
reformers who were beyond sea, and out of the reach of personal
risk, but to whose spiritual welfare the calm which they enjoyed
was far more dangerous than the storm which was raging in
England ; for instead of passing their time in mortification and
prayer, to which the sufferings of the reformed at home might
surely have directed them, they commenced those disputes about
the liturgy and ceremonies, which have ended In dividing the
Protestant church, and humbling us In the sight of our oppo
nents*. § 372. Cardinal Pole was now raised to the archieplscopal
see of Canterbury, to which his consecration took place the day
after the martyrdom of Cranmer ; for it seems that he had some
scruples about entering into the bishopric during the life of its
former occupier. His pall and bull of consecration had long been
in England ; for though the pope bore no good-will towards him,
which indeed he soon manifested, yet he had now no grounds for
refusing a favour which the queen so earnestly desired ; since she
on her part was exerting herself in promoting the temporal inte
rests of the church. She re-established several religious houses,
particularly those which had suffered for their adherence to her
mother ; converted the chapter at Westminster Into a monastic
foundation ; and took every means to destroy the documents of
the former reign, which either favoured the Reformation, or cast
disgrace on her present coadjutors, by testifying their former
compliance ; an act, which in itself is hardly justifiable, and which
has had the effect of obscuring the history of the period, and
leaving on the minds of those who study it, an impression as
injurious to the cause which It was meant to benefit, as any
positive testimony could have afforded.
§ 373. (a. d. 1557.) The next year commenced with the
* See § 307, b.

VII, § 373,] VISITATION OF THE UNIVERSITIES, 223
visitation of the two universities, in which the commissioners
seem to have reformed such real abuses as they met with ; though
one of their chief employments was to dig up the bones of Bucer
and Faglus at Cambridge, which were burnt on account of the
heresy of their former owners ; and those of the wife of Peter
Martyr at Oxford, which were burled In a dung heap, because
she had died excommunicated. This absurd brtvtum fulmen was
but the prelude to more serious persecutions, which were carried
on with unabated vigour over the kingdom. The sufferers
amounted in this year to seventy-nine, which number was
probably increased by a commission given to Bonner and twenty
others for the discovery of heresy and the punishment of certain
offences, in which they were invested with all the authority
which the infliction of fine and Imprisonment could afford them.
This, though far different from the establishment of the inquisi
tion, was a very Important step towards its introduction. In
all these transactions, the cardinal was probably not guilty of
any of the severest or most cruel measures. He seems to have
tried, in a quiet manner, to check the vehemence of the bishop of
London: but he possessed neither firmness of character nor
influence sufficient to arrest these tyrannical proceedings ; he had
indeed dismissed several persons on very equivocal submission,
but by so doing exposed himself to the malice of the pope, which
broke out on the following occasion.
§ 374. Paul IV. had persuaded Henry II. of France to
break the truce with Spain, contrary to all good faith ; and when
after the battle of St, Quintin, in which the English had assisted
the forces of Philip, the pope found himself exposed to the power
of the Spaniards by the removal of the army of the duke of Guise
from Italy, he vented his rage on Pole, for not having prevented
this step of the English cabinet, withdrew his legantine powers,
and summoned him to Rome to answer the charges which were
brought against him of favouring heresy. Peto, the queen's con
fessor, was Invested with the authority of which the archbishop
was deprived ; but Mary, justly offended at these hasty decisions,
refused to admit him into the kingdom. These disturbances, how
ever, were quickly brought to a conclusion, for the advance of the

224

PERSECUTION.

[a.D. 1568.

duke of Alva on Rome reduced the pope to the necessity of a
peace, one of the secret articles of which was the restoration of
Pole, (a, d, 1568.) The loss of Calais and Gulsnes, which seems to
have been chiefly owing to the defective manner In which they
were supplied, brought the dissatisfaction of the English nation
to Its summit ; nor did the difficulties, chiefly financial, with
which the council were surrounded, suffer them to adopt a rapid
attack on the former fortress, a step strenuously recommended by
the king. A parliament was now assembled, and relieved them
from a part of their difficulties by a grant of money, which came
too late to retrieve the errors that had been committed, and on
the prorogation of It the bishops renewed their persecutions.
Thirty-nine suffered this year, making the total of the victims
during this reign amount to two hundred and seventy. Some
authors^ give a much larger number ; but humanity shudders at
this ; and In a proclamation now put forth, the people are for
bidden even to pray for the sufferers, a step in persecution much
more unchristian than could have been conceived, had not expe
rience taught us how far the evil passions may carry human
beings, when unrestrained by a sense of true religion. Bonner
himself seems to have been glutted with murder, and to have
confined his exertions to the personal castigatlon of his Ill-fated
prisoners. § 375. At length, however, it pleased Almighty God to put
an end to these cruelties by the death of Mary, who, after a pro
tracted state of declining health and suffering, ended her inglorious
career on the seventeenth of November. With all her faults, she
must be allowed the praise of sincerity: for the love she bore to
the Roman Catholic religion and the papacy, induced her to
advance its supposed interests at her own expense^, as well as

" Lord Burleigh reckons it at 400.
(Burnet, P. ui. 189, fol., 454, 8vo,)
The writer to Ridley, De Coena Domini,
at 800 in the two first years of the perse
cution. (Burnet, vol. ii. 272, fol., 658,
8vo.) This was probably Grindal.
Strype makes it 288. vi. 556. Ecc.

Mem. The numbers as given annually
by Burnet amount to 270.
" Her foundations were made out of
the revenues of the crown, and instead
of making a gain of godliness, as was the
general plan of the Reformation, she
offered not up unto the Lord, of that which

VII. § 875.]

225

that of her persecuted subjects ; and her chief misfortune seems
to have been this, that a genius which would have shone in a
nunnery was exalted to a throne. Her temper, naturally sour,
had been rendered morose by the sufferings which she underwent ;
and her personal animosity was so wrapped up under the garb of
religion, that she probably did not distinguish between the two.
Had she met with more wise and liberal counsellors, she might
have escaped much of the obloquy with which her name was then
and Is still loaded ; and had she followed the advice of Cardinal
Pole, she would probably have avoided many of those enormities
which disgrace human nature, and are an everlasting stigma on
the Christian religion. The legate himself breathed his last
within sixteen hours of his mistress ; a man very different from
those with whom he was politically connected, and who sought to
establish the religion he professed, by reforming obvious abuses,
and by gentleness of treatment. It does not appear that he always
wished to abstain from severe measures against heretics ; but, as
it has been before observed, he could not follow the bent of his
own mind ; and it is not unworthy of remark, that the only
pardon* Issued for an heretic in this reign was granted at his
intercession. Many Protestants had formed a very different
opinion concerning him, and believed that he was in fact the
friend of the Reformation f ; but this false idea| was soon taken
off; and on finding their mistake, it Is not wonderful that they
should feel exasperated against him, though his conduct through
out seems to have been that of a reasonable and sincere Roman
Catholic.

cost her nothing. Among other dona
tions, she gave some rectories, which
were in the hands of the crown, to Ox
ford, to repair the schools ; and restored

the temporalities to Durham, which had
been taken away as a prey for the duke
of Northumberland,

• Strype's Ecc, Mem, vi, 29, f Cranmer, 498, App. Lxxxii.
X Ecc, Mem. v. 542,

226

CHAPTER VIII,
DURING PART OF THE REIGN OF ELIZABETH,
Nov, 17, 1558—1563.
401. Varied prospects of Elizabeth, 402, Prudence of her conduct. 403. Coro
nation; parliament. 404. Bishoprics pillaged by the Crown. 405. Confe
rence in Westminster Abbey. 406. Convocation; injunctions, 407.
Ejection of the recusant clergy. 408. Court of high commission; images.
409. Consecration of bishops, 410. Defective ministry arising partly from
the poverty of the church, 411. Reforms; Jewel's Apology. 412. Parlia
ment; convocation. 413. Benefits of the Reformation. Evils arising from
the Reformation.
§ 401, The prospects of Elizabeth upon her succession to the
throne were of that varied nature which give birth to, as well as
require, superior abilities ; nor would it have been easy to decide
whether or no the dangers which threatened her from without,
were balanced by the domestic advantages with which her reign
was commenced. Against France and Scotland, her nearest
neighbours, she was engaged In open hostilities, and the loss of
Calais had so dispirited the nation, that they were unable to exert
themselves for its recovery, dissatisfied as they were at the idea
of losing it. The army and navy which she possessed were scarcely
adequate to the defence of her shores, and the pecuniary resources
of the kingdom too low to afford her the means of recruiting them
with effect. The plans of reformation in religion, which she had
determined to adopt, were likely to alienate her only ally, and it
was probable that no small number of the people of England who
adhered to the Roman Catholic persuasion would entertain senti
ments little different from those of Philip, These disadvantages
were counterpoised by the unanimity of the nation ; for no
monarch ever ascended the throne with stronger expressions of
public opinion in their favour, or whose character stood higher in
the estimation of all orders. The cruelties of the late reign had
gone far beyond the wishes of most of the more violent Roman
Catholics; and the disgraces which had attended the arms of

VIII. § 401,] VARIED PROSPECTS OF ELIZABETH, 227
England had rendered the people generally dissatisfied with the
government : to which it may be added, that Elizabeth had been
the victim of much personal vexation, and the good conduct which
she had exhibited under very trying circumstances, had given
her a just title to the popularity which usually attends the
oppressed, § 402, The first acts of her reign were dictated by great
prudence, and she seems to have been peculiarly fortunate as well
as judicious in the selection of the persons by whom these trans
actions were chiefly directed. In the communications which she
made to foreign courts, to inform them of her succession, she
gratefully acknowledged the personal debt which she owed to
Philip, nor did she neglect to send a dispatch to the court of
Rome; but Paul IV. refused to acknowledge her legitimacy, and
threatened to show her no favour, since she had assumed without
his concurrence a crown which was held in fee of the apostolic
see; a haughtiness of proceeding which must be deemed the first
step to that animosity between the two courts, of which the
effects were so severely felt by the Roman Catholics of England.
She seems Indeed at this time to have desired as much union
between her subjects of different persuasions, as was compatible
with her own religious opinions and those which they severally
professed ; for though she had always been bred up a Protestant,
and decidedly favoured that side of the question, yet in retaining
twelve of those who ha,d belonged to the council of Queen Mary,
as her own privy counsellors, she gave the surest pledge that she
had no intention of introducing any very violent innovations. No
one could have doubted her inclination to promote the cause of
the Reformation, since one of the first cares which occupied her
attention was the appointment of a committee to examine into
the service of Edward VI. , and to alter whatever was amiss ; yet
its consultations were accompanied with a marked attention to
prudence, rather than by zeal for alteration ; and the same feature
belonged to the other proceedings of this period. The only Inno-
vation* In the church service which she sanctioned on her own
* Strype's Annals, i. 77- U 2_

228 PRUDENCE OP HER CONDUCT. [a.D. 1558.
authority consisted in allowing the Ten Commandments, as well
as the Gospel and Epistle, to be read in the vulgar tongue ; and
the same proclamation which enjoined this, forbade both parties
to preach or expound them*, directing that the adoption of the
English language In the public prayers should be confined to the
Litany, the Lord's Prayer, and the Creed. This step was perhaps
rendered necessary by the eagemess to reform which was exhi
bited by certain persons desirous of entering on controversial
subjects, and anxious to get rid of everything which offended
them, without waiting for the dilatory process of legal enactments.
The queen, however, possessed far too much sense to permit such
tumultuary alterations, and her own conduct was characterized by
firmness as well as prudence. She began her political career by
trying to gain the good opinion and affection of all her subjects ;
and the condescending propriety of her personal manner contri
buted greatly to produce this desired effect. She readily presented
herself to the eyes of all orders, and assumed a demeanour, which,
though rather theatrical, was very taking with the multitude.
When, for Instance, she was proceeding on her way to the coro-
natlon-f, (a.d. 1559,) a character in one of the city pageants,
representing Truth, presented her with an English Bible, she
kissed It, and with both her hands held It up, and then laid it
upon her breast, and greatly thanking the city for that present,
said she would often read over that book.
§ 403. (Jan. 15.) She M'as crowned by Oglethorp, bishop
of Carlisle, as none of the other Roman Catholic bishops would
consent to take part In the ceremony |. They foresaw the influ
ence which her reign must probably have on religion ; and being
most of them unwilling to make new changes in their faith, they
determined not to contribute in any degree to her establishment
on the throne ; a species of policy as unsound in principle as it
was injurious to themselves in Its effects ; for unless they pre
tended to alter the line of legal succession by their noncompliance,
it could hardly liave any other tendency than that of alienating
the mind of the queen from their cause, and certainly conveyed
• Strype's Annals, i. 77. t Ibid. i. 43. X Ibid. i. 73.

VIII. § 403. J CORONATION, PEACE. 229
an idea that they wished to frighten her into compliance with
their views ; a step In itself unwarrantable, and which argued
great ignorance of her temper and disposition. Fully conscious
of the difficulties with which the kingdom was encompassed, she
hastened to compose her differences with foreign powers, in order
that every facility might be given to the Internal settlement of the
government; and quickly assembled a parliament, to frame such
laws as might bring back the state of religion to nearly the same
condition as had been established in the days of her brother. The
first act of this session restored to the crown the fullest authority
over all persons within the realm, without conferring the appel
lation which had been previously borne with it ; for Elizabeth
seems to have entertained some scruples as to the lawfulness of
assuming the title of supreme head of the church, as belonging to
Him only who is head over all. The powers, however, which
were conveyed by it were fully ample to answer every purpose of
reform*, and she was empowered to appoint commissioners, whose
jurisdiction had bounds as indefinite as the supremacy itself. An
oath, too, was imposed on all persons holding or taking any office,
and most severe and unreasonable penalties affixed to the refusal
of it. During the whole of the debate on this act, the strongest
opposition was shown on the part of the Roman Catholic bishops,
who advocated the cause of civil liberty ; being naturally adverse
to opinions so much at variance with what they had lately pro
fessed, and which were at the same time likely to eject them from
their preferments. § 404. Nor were the temporal interests of the queen for
gotten ; for besides having the tenths and first-fruits restored to
her, she was allowed to take possession of any ecclesiastical lands
or property belonging to vacant sees, and to transfer an equivalent
from such impropriations as were vested iu the crown, a law
which gave occasion to many exchanges seriously detrimental to
¦ the bishoprics ; and it is hardly to be doubted, that the intention
of those who passed the bill corresponded with the effects pro
duced by it-f", for who was likely to examine scrupulously Into the
* Statutes of the Realm. f Ibid,

230

PARLIAMENT.

[a.D. 1559.

fairness of the exchange while the preferment was vacant, and
the appointment of the successor vested In the hands of the very
authority which pillaged the benefice^!
§ 405. The act of uniformity, too, passed during this session,
which, by restoring the use of the Common Prayer Book, gave
back to the laity the full enjoyment of the sacrament of the
Eucharist under both kinds. These innovations, however, were
not made without keeping up at least the appearance of free
discussion ; for a disputation was appointed to be held In West
minster Abbey, in which the advocates of either faith might
advance the arguments in favour of their own opinions, and
endeavour to refute the positions of their adversaries : but though
this conference was commenced with all due formality, yet it
ended in tumult and confusion, and served only to widen the
breach between the contending parties. The failure on this
occasion seems to have been entirely owing to the Roman
Catholics ; for they refused to comply with the conditions on
which the debate was to take place. It had been agreed that
each party should read their arguments on the questions, audi
then give the written documents to their opponents, who on the
next day were reciprocally to answer each other, and to transfer
their papers. The points of discussion were, 1. Whether It were
contrary to the word of God and the custom of the primitive
church, to use an unknown tongue in the public service, and
administration of the sacraments. 2. Whether every church has
power to appoint rites and ceremonies, or to alter them, provided
it be done to edification. 3. Whether the mass could be proved
by the word of God to be a propitiatory sacrifice for the dead amd
the living. But on the first day, though Cole delivered a long
oration on the first question, the Roman Catholics refused to give
in a copy of their arguments, and on the second day the con
ference was broken up, through a dispute about the order of pro
ceeding, and in consequence of some applause which had been

" So well aware of the evil tendency of
this law were the bishops who were first
consecrated, that they offered the queen
to raise for her an income of a thousand

marks, if she would stop these exchanges ;
but their appUcation was ineffectual.
Strype's Grindal, 49.

VIII. § 405,] CONFERENCE IN WESTMINSTER ABBEY. 231
given to the Protestant advocates on the former occasion. Thus
ended the disputation, of which the result was such as might
naturally have been expected from this sort of exhibition, in
which all the passions are excited by its publicity, and no room
left for quiet discussion ; and yet it was not without its use'*.
The 111 conduct of the Roman Catholic advocates turned the
general opinion against them, and the Reformation made much
progress in the sentiments of the numerous hearers, and through
them in the country at large ; for all men readily exclaimed, that
the present Issue was produced by those who knew that their
opinions could not stand the test of sober reason ; and who,
therefore, preferred the dissolution of the conference, to exhibiting
their own weakness ; which observation was much favoured by
what was said by the bishops of Lincoln and Worcester, who
objected, in toto, to thus allowing the laity to become judges In
ecclesiastical aflfe,Irs, and concerning doctrines which had been
before settled by the Catholic church, and were not now there
fore to be called in question by any but an assembly of divines; a
method of solving the difficulty which must appear reasonable to
those who believe in an infallible church, but which is unfor
tunately equally conclusive against every species of amendment
or reformation, wherein the interests of such a church are
concerned. § 406. The convocation had been assembled at the same
time as the parliament*, and certain articles which Were exhi
bited in the lower house, and sent up to the bishops, showed the
decided spirit of popery by which this body was actuated, as well
as the favour which was shown to such opinions in the universi
ties, where these articles had received many subscriptions. These
exertions, however, produced no effect.

" There is a document in Burnet, II.
iii. No. 5, signed by several of the privy
council, attributing the whole blame to
the bishops who refused to produce their
opinions on paper. The bishops of Lin
coln and Winchester were the next day
committed to the Tower, and the rest of

the Roman Catholic disputants obliged
to find baU for their personal appearance
before the councU as often as it sat, A
step which, though it may possibly be
defended, on the plea of their disorderly
conduct, cannot but appear severe and
vexatious. See Strype's Ann, i. 139,

Strype's Ann, i, 80.

232

INJUNCTIONS OF ELIZABETH.

[a,d, 1559.

The queen's Injunctions were published during this spring*,
which correspond in most respects with those set forth In the
beginning of the reign of Edward VI. The chief additions to
them consist in regulations concerning the marriage ofthe clergy^,
their habits, &c., together with an open declaration of the supre
macy, which the queen claimed to herself and 'to which allusion
Is made In the thirty-second article of our church-f-. It is here
declared that the queen neither does nor will challenge any other
authority than that which was used by her father and brother ;
viz, the sovereignty over all persons born within the realm, and
the exclusion of all foreign jurisdiction. These Injunctions, as
well as certain Articles of Visitation ]: with respect to parishes,
were but preparatory steps to the establishment of the court of
high commission, which was constituted towards the end of June,
and by means of which a general visitation with regard to eccle
siastical matters took place throughout the whole kingdom,
§ 407. The ninth section in the act of Parliament § had
enjoined all spiritual persons holding preferments, to take the oath
of supremacy under pain of deprivation ; and this was now ten
dered by these commissioners. All the bishops, with the excep
tion of one only, Kitchin of Llandaff, refused so to do, and were
ejected from their sees, to the number of fourteen. Whether
they now acted from conscientious motives, or hoped by their
numbers to force the queen into compliance, must In this world,
at least, remain a secret; but as several || of them had previously
assented to the doctrine of the pre-eminence of the civil power,

" Great scandal seems to have arisen
in the church, in consequence of the in
discreet marriage of its ministers, (Spar
row's Coll. p. 70', § 29.) It was there
fore ordered, that no priest or deacon
should marry without the approbation
first obtained of the bishop and two jus
tices of the peace for the county, nor
without the consent of the parents or
relatives of the woman, or of the master
or mistress with whom she was at service,
in case she had no relatives, (a proof of
; * Sparrow's Coll. 65.
§ Stat. Realm, 1 Eliz, e. 1.

the low rank held by the clergy.) The
marriage of bishops was to be sanctioned
by the metropolitan and commissioners
appointed by the queen, and that of deans
and heads of houses by their visitors ;
and in case of neglecting these orders,
they became incapable of holding eccle
siastical benefices. I know not whether
these were ever acted on, but they formed
one of the heads of examination with the
concealers, Strype's Ann, v, 163. See
S 428.
t Ibid. 81. X Ibid. 175.
II Strype's Ann. i. 216.

VIII, § 407.] COURT OF HIGH COMMISSION,

233

their combination looks very much like a conspiracy to support
each other in their refusal. The treatment* which they expe
rienced after their deprivation was generally moderate, and in
several instances most kind and considerate^- Heath resided on
his own property in Surrey, and was several times visited by the
queen herself; and even Bonner, notwithstanding all the enor
mities of which he had been guilty, died a natural death ; in
prison indeed ; for the resentment of the populace rendered it
dangerous for him to leave what became a place of safety rather
than of confinement. The rest of the clergy generally complied
with the changes which were established by law, as, indeed, they
had frequently done before ; for of 9,400 beneficed men In
England, there were but 14 bishops, 6 abbots, 12 deans, 12 arch
deacons, 15 heads of colleges, 50 prebendaries, and 80 rectors,
making a total of 189, who refused to take the oath of supremacy;
a number which would appear very inconsiderable, amounting to
little more than one in fifty, did we not consider the conciliatory
steps which the queen had taken to satisfy all parties, and the
modification of the meaning of the oath which the declaration in
the Injunctions Implied'',
§ 408, Another point into which the commissioners inquired
was the abuse of images-|-: and dm'ing this summer many appear

" See note H. in Lingard's Hist, of
Eng. vol. vii. where the same treatment
is represented differently. As it is diffi
cult to defend the justice of these eject
ments, so it is impossible to deny the
necessity of them. See a considerable
account of them in FuUer, (ix. 58.)
Nine sees were now vacant, and three
bishops fled beyond sea.
^ The publication of a form of com
munion to be used at funerals, and the
rubric and absolution in the service for
the Visitation of the Sick, (Sparrow's
Coll. 201,) may be adduced as instances
of the general wish to conciliate exhi
bited by our church. The Romau Ca
tholic population had been accustomed to
connect the idea of a funeral with a mass

for the dead, and when the superstitious
part of the custom was abrogated, what
ever was not unscriptural was retained ;
and at the moment after that in which
the body of a relation has been committed
to the earth, the surviving relatives are
Ukely to remember Him through whom
we aU hope to rise again. So again the
customs of the church of Rome had in
the minds of the people rendered abso
lution by the priest, as it were, necessary
to salvation; and if any dying brother
humbly and heartily desired this office,
if his scruples made him wish for such
a declaratory consolation as a fellow-
sinner could authoritatively give him, a,
form of absolution was adjoined for the
purpose.

Strype's Ann. i. 211.

t Ibid. 254.

234 IMAGES. [a.d. 1559.
to have been destroyed. When Elizabeth* first eame to the
throne, the zeal of the reformers had induced them to outstep the
limits of the law with regard to these objects of national abomi
nation; but the proclamation of the queen had checked the spirit
of unauthorized destruction. Her own sentiments on this subject
were, it must be owned, not very equivocally displayed ; it was
not in her a toleration of what might be deemed innocent by
some, but the approval of such representations as seem forbidden
in Scripture. She allowed the rood to remain In her own chapel
for some time''; and though there was something said about
images, in the Injunctions and Articles of Visitation, yet the
clergy were rather ordered not to extol them, than to east them
entirely out of places of Christian worship, unless they had been
superstltlously misused. In the next year-f, indeed, some of the
new bishops, with a laudable anxiety for God's service, endea
voured to carry this point, by addressing themselves to her
majesty, and stating at length the arguments against the con
tinuance of this abuse ; and their exertions seem to have been
crowned with the success which they so well deserved. In this
case, the temporising spirit of the queen strongly showed itself.
She was perfectly right in trying to conciliate all her subjects;
but as the principles of real toleration were not then at all
understood, she rather compromised the opinions of Protestants
than favoured the sentiments of her other subjects ; and in endea
vouring to induce the Roman Catholics to become members of
the church of England, she ran the risk of driving from our
communion the soundest friends and ablest supporters of the
Reformation. § 409, The next step, which from its importance to the
* This crucifix was off'ensive to many infiuence for its removal, (Strype's Ann,

of the bishops; and in 1561 a disputation
was held, in which Parker and Cox sup
ported its remaining, Grindal and Jewel
argued against it. (Burn. Ref. vi. 381,
No. 60, 8vo.) This seems to have had
little effect; for in 1565 R. Tracy wrote

U, 198.) Between this time and 1570 it
appears to have been put out of the
chapel, and restored again, to the great
dislike of the people, (Strype's Parker, ii.
35,) and to have been there when the
Admonition to Parliament was published,

to Secretary Cecil, urging him to use his ; 1572. (Strype's Ann, ii. 200.)
• Strype's Ann. i. 290. f Ibid. 330,

VIII. § 409.] NEW BISHOPS, 235
church greatly occupied the attention of the court, was the filling
up of the vacant bishoprics. It so happened, that from deaths
and deprivations almost all the sees were at this moment unoc
cupied ; nor could those bishops who retained their preferments
for the present, be induced to assist in the consecration of men
of whose opinions they did not approve. But against this evil a
remedy had been provided by the providence of God ; for there
still existed several members of the episcopal order, who, having
fled beyond sea, and escaped the persecutions of Mary, became
the Instruments of continuing to our church the apostolical suc
cession of bishops. As much evil had been produced during the
reign of Edward VI. by the favour which some individuals
holding high situations in the church, had shown the Roman
Catholic religion, it was now determined to employ great caution
in the selection of those who were to discharge this most
important duty.
The character of Matthew Parker, as well as the personal
favour of Elizabeth, marked him out as the future metropolitan;
but his own unwillingness to accept so responsible and arduous
an office delayed his consecration for nearly a twelvemonth: the
ceremony was at last performed, on the 17th of December, in the
chapel at Lambeth, by Scory, who had formerly held the see of
Chichester, and was now elected to that of Hereford; Barlow,
formerly of Wells, now bishop elect of Chichester; Coverdale,
bishop of Exeter, who was never re-appointed to any see; and
Hodgkin, suffragan of Bedford*. Strype has been very particular
in recording everything which was done on this occasion from the
most authentic documents*, in order to refute the fable of the

' The legality of the EngUshi conse
crations was in 1568 very nearly tried
before a common jury, in a court of law.
Home, bishop of Winchester, tendered
the oath of supremacy to Bonner while
a prisoner in the Marshalsea, and there
fore within his diocese ; and Bonner
among other pleas, put in one which
denied that Horne was a bishop at all.
He had been consecrated according to
the service established by Edward VI,
• Parker, ', 101

and abolished by Mary, and which had
never since been distinctly authorized
by act of parliament. The point was
argued, and would have been brought
before a jury, had not an act been passed
which declared all bishops, priests, and
deacons consecrated according to the
form estabhshed, to be bishops, priests,
and deacons. (Fuller, ix, 80. Strype'*
Ann, I. u. 2,)

236 nag's head consecration. [a.d. 1559.
Nag's Head consecration which was promulgated by the Roman
Catholics about forty years after the event had taken place*;
when it might have been supposed that all direct testimony
would have been lost. The story Is, that the bishops elect met
at a tavern which bore that sign, and that when Oglethorp refused
to consecrate them, .Scory laid a Bible on each of their heads, and
bade them rise up bishops. The tale has been refuted as often as
brought forward, and bears on Its face this difficulty, that had
this account been known to the enemies of the church of England,
it is not likely that any delicacy on their part should have delayed
its publication for so long a period,
§ 410, The other sees were most of them filled up during
the next year, and the church began to employ Itself on those
points in which amendment was chiefly required. The state of
the ministry formed one of the most prominent cares towards
which the attention of the guardians of the establishment were
directed ; for the ignorance which generally prevailed In the
universities^, together with the superstition which reigned there,
made it very difficult to obtain men suited to the task, or capable
of performing the duties to which they were called; so that the
necessity of the case induced many bishops to ordain persons of
whom they entertained a good opinion with regard to their
religious sentiments, but who were Inadequate, in point of attain
ments, to so important a charge. The ill effects, however, of this
system was soon discovered -f, and in August Parker wrote to
Grindal desiring him not to ordain any more mechanics''.

" Jewel, writing to Peter Martyr in
1559, says, "Academia utraque, et ea
prsesertim, quam tu non ita pridem doe-
tissime atque optime coluisti, miserrime
nuuc disjecta jacet, sine pietate, sine
religione, sine doctore, sine spe ulla lito-
raruni." (Burnet, P. iii. No. 58.) To
Bullinger, "Academiai nostrfe ita afflie-

^ Gibson (afterwards bishop of Lon
don) writes to Mr. Pepys, 1696, Diary,
ii. 1 53. "The other day I met with a
catalogue of the clergy of the archdea-
coiu'y of Middlesex, taken iu 1563, with
an account of each man's learning and
abilities ; iu short, observing the strange
ness of the characters, I ran over the

toe sunt, ut O.xoni* vix duo sunt, qui , whole, and as I went along, branched
nobiscuni scntiant; et illi ipsi ita abjecti them under different heads, whereby
et fracti utnihU possint." (Strype's An. thuir several abilities in learning are
No, 20, vol. ii. 490.) ' there cxiu-csscd.
" See § 623. f Stryijc's Parker, i, 180. X Ibid. Grindal, 60.

VIII, § 410.] defective MlXlSTRY, TiEFOPM, ETO,

2S1

The difficulty of finding persons who might be willing to enter
into the ministry, and able to fulfil the duties of it, had been
greatly augmented by the extreme poverty to which the clergy
were generally reduced. This evil arose chiefly from Impropria
tions and alienations which had been carried on to a dreadful
extent, and which were now by no means effectually prevented ;
but the loss of those offerings customarily made at shrines, and of
the fees paid for the performance of ecclesiastical duties In the
parish, had in no small degree contributed to the same end. This
latter cause was particularly Injurious, since the benefices in large
towns chiefly depended on this source of revenue ; and those
places, where the efficiency of the clergyman was of the most
importance, had no means of supporting the incumbent. St.
Mary Ax, for instance, had for some time been without any
minister, as its revenues did not amount to five pounds*, till it
was united by Grindal to another parish. To all these causes
must be added the simoniacal contracts of corrupt patrons, who
sought not for those who could " preach learnedly, but pay
largely t"
§ 411. The bishops seem at first to have been so fully
employed about the concerns of their several dioceses, that little
progress was made in the public and outward concerns of the
church, though Its leading members were In all probability secretly
preparing what was required, and deliberating on those particu
lars in which reform was principally wanted.
(a,d. 1662.) These points consisted in the publication of cer
tain articles of faith, which might set forth, In an authoritative
manner, the belief of the church of England ; in a new translation
or revisal of the Bible ; and the establishment of a code of eccle
siastical laws.

" Docti Latine et Greece . 3
Docti .... 12
Mediocriter docti . . 2
Latine docti ... 9
Latine mediocriter . . 33
Latine parum aliquid, &c. 42

Latine non docti
Indocti

13 4

" If the London clergy were thus igno
rant, what must we imagine the country
divines were ?"

' Strype's Grindal, 78. f Strype's Ann, iv, 146, See also §

430.

238

PARLIAMENT. CONVOCATION.

[a,d, 1563.

While these things were preparing, Bishop Jewel put forth
his Apology for the Church of England, a work aa remarkable
for the elegance of the Latin in which it is written, as for the
soundness ofthe positions which it maintains*. He there states,
in a brief and oratorical style, the grounds of the separation of
our church from that of Rome ; showing that In what she had
done, England had rather returned to the state of the primitive
church, than occasioned a schism in the Christian family, and
that the Innovation with which we were charged, was merely the
rejection of the errors introduced by the community from which
we had separated 'i.
§ 412. (January 12, a,d, 1563.) In January of the next
year the parliament and convocation were assembled ; by the
former, a very severe lawf was passed for enforcing the supre
macy ; and to refuse the oath, when tendered a second time, was
declared to be treason ; a step which, though it might in some
measure seem to be defensible, in consequence of the treasonable
conspiracy carried on by the Poles and others, with the design of
bringing in Mary queen of Scots, appears to be as remarkable for
the unsoundness of its political principles, as for the cruelty of
its enactments]:. The words of the oath of supremacy even
during this reign, were such, that a Roman Catholic, whatever
his views in politics might be, could hardly take it ; so that if
the law were acted upon, It might bring some of the most faithful
of her subjects into jeopardy of their lives ; while it is evident
that no laws can guard against the attacks of men who are urged
by religious phrensy, and willing to make themselves martyrs in
the cause of their own opinions ; a truth which was fully verified
throughout the whole of this reign.
In the lower house of convocation many of those questions
were now agitated which formed the groundwork of the subse-

* It is printed in the Enchiridion Theo
logicum, and has been lately reprinted by
the Society for Promoting Christian
Knowledge. It may be deemed a book

authorized by the church of England,
It was published at the command of
the queen, and ordered to be set up iu
churches. (Strype's Ann. III. i. 738.)

¦* Strype's Ann. i, 424.

¦)- Statutes of the Realm, c, i, 5 Eliz.
.+ See § 453. ».

VIII. § 412,]

CONVOCATION. HOMII.IES.

239

quent objections of the puritans ; but as the motions founded on
them were never passed, the discussion of the points themselves
may be reserved to the beginning of the next chapter.
The acts of this convocation are much more Important. The
Articles of our church, then consisting of thirty-eight*, were
published, as containing the confession of the church of England,
but they do in reality differ very little from the forty-two which
were put forth by the authority of Cranmer, in the reign of
Edward VI.
(March 3.) The larger catechism% too, revised and enlarged
by Alexander Noel, dean of St. Paul's"!", was approved by the
lower house of convocation ; a tribute of respect which confers
on It a species of semi-authority, though not officially promulgated
by the church of England.
The second book of Homilies'' was printed about this period |,

• It is printed in the Enchiridion
Theologicum, and is chiefly taken from
Ponet's Catechism, § 331. a.
*> See § 305. The history of the com
position of the Homilies is buried in so
much obscurity, that a short note will
convey to the reader all that is known
concerning them. The first volume is
generally attributed to Cranmer, Ridley,
Latimer, Hopkins, and Becon. Burnet
(Pref, to the Thirty-nine Articles, p. ui.)
says that Jewel was particularly engaged
in compiling the second. Archbishop
Parker, however, in 1 563, speaks of them
as being " revised and finished, with a se
cond part, by him and the other bishops,"
(Strype's Parker, i. 253,) an expres
sion indicating, perhaps, that they were
drawn up in the reign of Edward VL,
though not published, but by no means
deciduig the question. The language of
the two books is different, and there is
much internal evidence of the several
homilies having been composed by dif
ferent authors. The first book is pro
bably the most valuable, and the expres
sions used in the thirty-fifth Article,

" Non minus quam prior tomus homili-
arum qu£e editse sunt tempore Edvardi
Sexti," &c., seem rather to indicate that
the latter work was not composed by the
same authors. The homiUes on Salva
tion, Faith, and Good Works, are with
reason attributed to Cranmer. (Todd,
on the Thirty -nine Art. pref. p. xi.)
That on Adultery is by Becon, and
printed in the second vol. of his Works.
The most important editions of the
Homilies are as follows :
First book, first edit, 154", last of
July. 1 Edw. VI.
Second, divided as at present, 1549,
August.
Second book, 1st, 1563, that on Wil
ful Rebellion was added 1571.
Last, by authority, 1623.
" Fortunately, the variations in the
different editions, numerous as they are,
are almost universally verbal or gram
matical ; and it is remarkable, that a
book which has passed through the hands
of so many editors, and has been altered
in almost every edition, should have
received so few alterations of any im-

* See § 485.

f Strype's Ann. i, 525. and 323.
Ibid. u. 104,

240

EFFECTS OF TIIE REFORMATION.

[a.D, 1663.

though It took some time to distribute It generally throughout
the country. § 413, As these documents together form the standard and
basis of our present church, we may deem the Reformation to
have now received its accomplishment ; the changes which have
been since made are in their nature comparatively Insignificant ;
so that before we proceed to the continuation of the history, it
may be useful, for a moment, briefly to Inquire what we have
gained or lost by the Reformation in religion.
We have learnt the fundamental truth on which the whole of
Christianity rests, nay, which is Itself Christianity ; That " we
are accounted righteous before God only for the merit of our Lord
and Saviour ,Iesus Christ, by faith, and not of our own works or
deservings." That good works, however pleasing to God, are
only accepted as proofs of the faith which we entertain in the
mercy of Heaven, and as proceeding from love towards Him who
hath redeemed us. That acts of penitence, however sincere, can
in no sense be deemed a compensation for our sin, although they
may prove useful to ourselves In preventing a repetition of our
crimes ; and that there is no sacrifice for sin, but the atonement
which was once offered on the cross.
The establishment of these truths virtually got rid of the
greater part of the superstitious rites with which religion had
been overwhelmed, and she was again enthroned in the heart of
the true believer, instead of being Identified with ceremonious
observances. A communion had been substituted in lieu of the
mass ; and with the rejection of the doctrine of transubstantia-

portance as to doctrine. One use of
such collations, is to prove that the
Horijilies have not been tampered with
by any sect or party among us, for the
purpose of making them express senti
ments different from those of the original
compilers." Dr. Elmsley's Preface to
the HomUies, with various readings, Oxf.
1822. When Dr. Elmsley was engaged in
preparing this edition, he kindly promised
the use of his Collections for the present

work, but added, that there was no real
information on the subject. His death
deprived the author of this advantage,
and of the advice of a friend, who, to a
mass of real knowledge on almost every
subject, joined a facility of communica
ting it, which endeared him to those
who were acquainted with him, and
which would not have disdained to ren
der this sketch less unworthy of perusal,
by correcting its errors and supplying
its deficiencies.

VIII, § 418.] DENEPITS OF THE REFORMATION; 241
tion, the laity were taught that the body and blood of Christ are
verily and Indeed taken by the faithful alone in the Lord's
Supper; the efficacy of which consists In the institution of Christ,
and the state of their own consciences, and not in the magic virtue
of priestly offices. The personal responsibility of the individual
Christian was clearly insisted on; and though the laity were not
deprived of the comfort and aid of spiritual guidance, yet that inqui
sitorial power which the clergy had exercised by means of auricular
confession was removed, and the priesthood became the directors
of their flocks, and not the self-constituted judges of the terms on
which pardon might be obtained from the Almighty, They were
still the keepers of the keys of the kingdom of heaven; but by the
dissemination of the Scriptures, and the progress of education, the
rest of their brethren were permitted to guide their own footsteps
towards the gates of paradise. The Bible was indeed committed
to their peculiar care, but It was not withheld from the hands of
the people ; so that though it was their especial duty to lead on
their fellow-servants in the right path, yet they could no longer,
like the lawyers of old, take away the key from others, or prevent
those from entering in who would gladly do so. All were taught
to examine for themselves; and though little toleration was sub
sequently granted to any who ventured to differ from the queen,
yet the first great step towards religious liberty was irrevocably
made when It was authoritatively stated*, that every assembly of
human beings was liable to err, even in things pertaining to God,
At the same time a very material diminution was made In
the power of the church, considered as a body distinct from the
laity, when its members were allowed to connect themselves to
the rest of society, by those ties of matrimony which the law of
God has left open to all: for these bands which attach the ind^
vidual churchman to the nearer concerns of private life, can/ial?
fail to weaken the interest he feels in the political welfare of tlie
ecclesiastical body, to which alone the earthly affections of tfe.
unmarried must be wedded. The property of the church, and
that influence which Is ever connected with Its possession, had
undoubtedly in former times been too great for the welfare of the
* Art, xxi.

242 EVILS ARISING FROM THE REFORMATION. [a.D. 1 563.
kingdom; but the Protestant monarehs had taken good care to
prevent the recurrence of this evil : nor can it be denied, that the
poverty which succeeded its too wealthy state, was in many
respects injurious to the cause of vital religion, as it neither
afforded the ministers of God's word such facilities for education
as their profession required, nor gave them the means of keeping
up their outward respectability before their flocks. This was
peculiarly felt by many of the newly-appointed bishops, who,
returning pennyless from their foreign hiding-places, found them
selves on a sudden exalted into situations, from which much'
worldly pomp had always been expected, and for the supply of
which the revenues of their preferments were totally inadequate.
They were forced, therefore, in their prosperity to exercise that
patience, which they had long practised In the hour of misfortune;
and by the sacrifices which they were called on to make, the
momentous truth was daily impressed on them, a truth which it
would be well if none of us forgot, that the church establishment
is intended to promote the cause of religion, and not religion to
advance the interests of the church.
Among the abuses which had been remedied, many were as
offensive to the religious members of the Roman Catholic com
munion as to Protestants ; nor can it be denied that other evils
were introduced, from which they had been comparatively free,
and which cannot fail to prejudice them against the measures
which were adopted.
Enough has been already said of the spoliation of church
property, which accompanied this part of our history : but on the
whole, probably, the present revenues of the church are adequate
to her real interests, If they were reasonably divided and properly
distributed; and poverty is a much more safe state for the church
of Christ than wealth: " How hardly shall a rich man enter into
the kingdom of heaven !"
The subjection of the ecclesiastical body to the state, in the
manner in which it takes place in the church of England, must
be very offensive to those whose views in this respect have been
differently directed ; and though perhaps such a constitution may
be as beneficial to society as any human appointment can be

VIII. § 413,] EVILS ARISING FROM THE REFORMATION. 243
expected to prove, yet we must be blind not to perceive many
evils resulting from it. It may perhaps be questionable, whether
much power over his lay brethren may be safely intrusted to the
minister of the Gospel ; yet It cannot but appear singular, that of
all the different denominations of Ghristlans which exist In
England, probably no one body has committed so little spiritual
authority into the hands of those who preside over its concerns,
as the established church. This is probably right, as far as the
laity are concerned ; but it cannot be right when we look at that
discipline which the church ought to exercise over its official
members. All the power which was exercised in ecclesiastical
matters, during this and the following reigns, was in reality a
civil power, and was often exerted unfortunately for civil purposes.
So that the church frequently formed a rallying point in political
differences ; and as the spirit of civil liberty by degrees emanci
pated the church from the tyranny to which it had been reduced,
it left us without effectual ecclesiastical discipline.
In matters of faith, too, many evils of the same description
took place. The people had been taught to believe that religion
consisted in the performance of religious duties, and not in the
religious state of the heart, of which religious actions are the
natural and necessary fruit; and when the principles of the Refor
mation had pointed out the inadequacy of the acts themselves to
obtain the favour of God, men were ready to forget that the act
generally produces the temper, and that the temper cannot really
exist, unless accompanied by the act. Confession, for instance, had
been abused; and when men were told that it was not necessary
for salvation, they assumed that it did not contribute to produce
a humble frame of mind. They were told that stated fa-sts were j
an Invention of men, and they forgot that fasting is an Institution '
sanctioned by Christ*. They learnt that In many cases the
* There can be little doubt that the abstinence during Lent. The error

abuse of fasting among the Romau Ca
thoUcs has produced an injurious coun
teraction among Protestants with regard
to this duty; but undoubtedly many
members of the church of Rome submit
to a very rigorous and conscientious

consists in imposing such rules as neces
sarily binding on Christians, and in sub
stituting one species of food for another.
As early as 1541, Gardiner reproved
some Cambridge students for neglecting
the observance of Lent; but in the
R 2

244

EVILS ARISING FEOM THE REFORMATION. [a.D, 1563.

Roman Catholics had mistaken and neglected the end of religious
performances, and they themselves, while keeping the eye fixed
on the end, neglected the means whereby that end might be
obtained. The Roman Catholic clergy had often exercised an
authority over their flocks, which tended to destroy the moral
and religious energies of the people ; do no conscientious Pro
testants, while they deplore the want of restraint which arises
from actual discipline over those who are placed under our
spiritual care, and which we are not allowed to use, nevertheless
neglect to introduce those moral restraints which nothing but
religious education and sound Information can Impart?
The extent of this subject renders it Impossible that it should
be fully developed; and it must be left to the meditations of the
thoughtful reader of ecclesiastical history, with the brief expression
of a hope that Roman Catholics may draw nearer to Protestants
In those points where we surpass them, and that we may draw
nearer to them in those particulars wherein we have been losers
in receding from them.
If any religious Roman Catholic be unwilling to allow, that
in the advantages before enumerated we at all surpass him. If his
whole hopes of salvation be built on that foundation in which we
as Protestants trust, let us pray God that neither of us may as
individuals be cast out through our own faults ; and while we
acknowledge the advantages derived to us through the church of
Rome, let him thank God that he, as a member of that commu
nion, has obtained in spiritual things many benefits, which he
owes to the existence of the Reformation ; and let us hope and
pray, that the dissemination of religious knowledge may by God's
mercy prove a blessing to all Christians.

beginning of the reign of Elizabeth, it
seems to have been very strictly kept.
(Parker, i. 133.) Proclamations were
issued concerning fasting in 1563, 1572,
-1576, 1601. And Elizabeth herself
-would not eat flesh during Lent, till she

had obtained a dispensation to that effect
from the archbishop, 1587; and there
are instances of other dispensations to
the same efiect. (Fuller, ix. 182.
Strype's Whitgift, ii, 456.)

245

CHAPTER IX,
DURING PART OF THE REIGN OF ELIZABETH, FROM
1563 TO 1583.
414. Disputes about ecclesiastical dresses. 415. The question resolved into its
elements. 416. Uniformity in dress enforced ; Sampson and Humphrey.
417. Opinions concerning these points. 418. Of Jewel; Sandys; Grindal;
Parker; Whitgift. 419. Of foreign divines. 420. Conduct of Elizabeth
and Parker. 421, Of the Puritans, 422, Parker's treatment of the Non
conformists. 423, Objections of the Nonconformists, 424. Baptismal ser
vice ; churching of women ; music, 425. Church discipline, 426. Ordina
tion ; parochial discipline. 427, Prophesyings ; alienation of church pro
perty, 428. Ecclesiastical commission ; commissions of concealment. 429.
Conduct of Elizabeth about church property. 430. Poverty of the church ;
(a) question of church property. 431. Early history of the reign. 432. The
London clergy. 433. Cambridge ; Cartwright, 434, Convocation, 435.
Ecclesiastical laws ; acts of parliament, 436. Poor laws, 437, Against
Roman Catholics. 438. Roman Catholic seminaries abroad; Persons and
Campian. 439. The treatment of the Roman CathoUcs, due in part to them
selves. 440. Principles on which the question of the treatment of them rests,
441. Blame due to the Roman CathoUcs. 442. Their conduct ; the real
causes of the evU. 443, Temporal character of the Reformation, 444.
Persecutions under Mary and Elizabeth compared. 445. Injustice and
intolerance of the reign. 446. Severity towards the Nonconformists ; Arch
bishop Parker. 447. Grindal, Archbishop ; prophesyings stopped ; the arch
bishop suspended. 448. Examination of the conduct of Grindal. 449, Of
the treatment of the Puritans,
§ 414, No sooner had the external enemies of Protestantism lost
their power to persecute In England, than the spirit of discord
arose within the bosom of our own church ; and when all essen
tial points of reformation had been established, the trifling articles
of dress and ceremonies produced a flame, which finally ended in
the temporary destruction of our church and constitution. In any
great change of opinion, among the mass of society, it Is natural
for men to run Into extremes ; and wherever party spirit has been
prevalent, the passions are so called Into action, that some time
is required before reason can assume her command ; and during
such a period, the externals of religion, or of party distinction,
naturally produce the greatest effect, aud excite the warmest
animosity.

246 ECCLESIASTICAL DRESSES, [a,D, 1663.
The church of Rome had abounded in ceremonies so numerous,
as to become burdensome to its members; and the foreign
reformers, in avoiding this extreme, had perhaps rendered the
outward offices of religion too simple, and therefore less calculated
to excite all those feelings among the people, which may bene
ficially be enlisted in the cause of devotion. Many ofthe English
divines had adopted their ideas on these points from the school of
Geneva, and the disputes which had thence arisen, and which
had previously disturbed the peace of the exiles in Frankfort,
were unfortunately now introduced into England. We cannot
but deplore such an event ; but it forms a melancholy comment
on the words of St. Paul, and clearly proves how little all other
gifts profit, if not accompanied with Christian charity.
§ 415. In order to get a clear view of the merits of the
question, it may not be amiss to resolve it into its elementary
principles ; for the point at issue is very complicated. It seems
to divide itself into the following heads.
There are corruptions concerning which the Christian, and
particularly the Christian minister, must undergo any extremity,
rather than admit of them. But it may be questioned whether
the use of an ecclesiastical dress, or of ceremonies, be one of this
nature; if it be, the Individual is right In not complying; but if
it be not, then he who resists Incurs the wrath of God in with
standing the commands of his prince, and opposing the law of the
land. In these, however, and other points, in which the civil magis
trate has a full I'ight to command, he may exert that power so as
to do great injury to the cause of Christianity ; and as the subject
is clearly directed to obey in matters indifferent, so the magistrate
is bound not to be peremptory in his commands, unless there be
some sound reason for exerting his authority.
The first of these queries must receive its answer from the
conscience of the subject ; the latter, from the judgment of the
government ; and both ought to rest upon the decisions of the
word of God.
But the difficulty of this discussion is much Increased by the
complicated nature of the duty of ecclesiastical officers, who as

IX. § 415.] ECCLESIASTICAL DRESSES. 247
churchmen are bound to obey the established laws, and as
governors of the church, ought to deal charitably with weak
brethren, and to soften down as much as possible the severity of
those laws which they are called upon to execute. In case, then,
the laws are such as are in the opinion of the individual injurious
to edification, though he may himself comply with them, yet he
can hardly enforce conformity on others ; and the spiritual safety
of a man so situated will be best consulted by resigning the office
with which he was intrusted, for the Christian benefit of those
under his control.
In estimating, therefore, the conduct and treatment of the
puritans, these several bearings must alway be kept in view ; and
when the matter is duly appreciated, we shall have every cause to
be thankful that we live in times In which toleration has nearly
put a stop to such discussions.
§ 416. In the first year of Elizabeth the act of uniformity
was passed, which gave full powers to the queen with regard to
ecclesiastical concerns ; and in the last clause but one it is enacted,
that all ornaments for churches, and the ministers thereof, shall
remain as they were in the second year of Edward VI. * Pro- !
ceedings, however, were not commenced for some time against
those ministers who did not comply with this part of the law,
and a sufficient period was granted to the doubtful, had they been
ready to avail themselves of It. But the evil of nonconformity
seemed to gain ground by delay ; and In the beginning of 1565,
Elizabeth sent a pressing letter to Parker, and through him to
the rest of the bishops, In which she enjoined them to begin the
work of enforcing uniformity*. It can hardly be necessary in the
present day to prove, that outward habits are to be ranked among
things indifferent, and that the clergy, therefore, ought to comply
with such injunctions as are given by the legal enactments of the
country: but the general antipathy exhibited In London and
elsewhere to the cap and surplice, prove that the consciences of
. brethren were then easily offended ; while the methods used to
remedy the disorder, show that such scruples were not always
* That is, according to the rubric of 1549 ; see § 743, b. 9,
* Strype's Parker, i, 309.

24S

SAMPSON AND HUMPHREV.

[a.D, 1565,

treated with becoming tenderness*. The majority of the London
clergy complied with the order concerning the unity of apparel,
but a considerable number refused to do so, and were subsequently
deprived of their preferments. This species of tacit resistance to
the authority of the crown was not confined to the lower orders of
the clergy, or to those whose situation in life, or want of educa
tion, might lead us to doubt the probability of their estimating
the question fairly, but men of considerable weight entertained
scruples on the subject, and some of them were even exposed to
the penalties of the law"(-. Sampson, dean of Christ Church, and
Humphrey, president of Magdalen College, Oxford, were cited
before the ecclesiastical commission, and required to conform In
the use of the cap and surplice ; and though they wrote a most
submissive petition |, declaring their scruples and unwillingness to
comply, because the law concerning the restoration of the cere
monies of the Roman church is joined with the hazard of slavery,
necessity, and superstition, yet no alternative was left them but
that of surrendering their scruples or their places §.
§ 417. Their conduct throughout seems to have been that
of men of tender consciences, not of persons obstinately bent on
following their own devices ; yet Sampson was Imprisoned and
deprived ||, and Humphrey, after having been connived at for ten
or eleven years, ultimately complied with the ordinances of the
church. Such Christian and dignified submission as was exhi
bited by these men could not be expected from all ; nor, indeed,
did all others display it ; but that species of insolent opposition to
all church discipline, of which instances subsequently occur, was
of later growth, and may possibly owe its origin to the severities
now practised. In estimating the fault or the punishment of
these men, our judgments are liable to err, from not knowing
what opinions were generally entertained about the dresses
themselves a. In the present day it seems absurd to talk ofthe

" These opinions are expressed at
length in a letter from Whittingham,
dean of Durham, to Lord Leicester.
_ ___ — * Strpye's Grindal, 144.
:j: Strype's Parker, Ui. No. 30, i. 323,

(Strype's Parker, iii. 76, No, 27, and i,
329, ch, xxiii,)
t Strype's Parker, i. 822,
§ Ibid. i. 327. Il Ibid, i, 368,

IX. § 417.]

SAMPSON AND HUMPHREY.

249

necessary connexion between popery and a square cap and sur
plice; yet, where knowledge was scarce, and prejudice strong,
such a connexion existing in the minds of the people might have
produced Infinite harm. At all events, these disputes among
churchmen must have been very Injurious to the cause of real
piety. It may now appear probable, that greater concessions to
the weakness of sincere brethren might have been made with
advantage by the stronger and the sounder members of our dis
tracted church. They would have imitated the true mother in
the judgment of Solomon, and have been ready to concede their
rights, to relinquish even the justice of their cause, sooner than
suffer the object of their affections to be torn asunder In the
struggle; and this Idea rests on the opinions expressed by many
individuals who were neither so much implicated as to become
parties In the discussion, nor so far removed in point of time from
the events, as to be unable to understand the prejudices which
influenced the sincere nonconformist.
§ 418. Jewel, though he conformed himself, and blames
those who laid too great a stress on the matter, never seems to
have been pleased with the dresses, and uses very strong expres
sions in disapprobation of them'',
Sandys*, in his will ofthe date of 1588, says, when speaking
of the rites and ceremonies of the church, " So have I ever been
and presently am persuaded, that some of them be not so expe
dient for this church now; but that in the church reformed, and
in all this time of the Gospel, wherein the seed of the Gospel
hath so long been sown, they may better be disused by little and
little than more and more urged." In a private letter to Peter

" " De religione quod scribis, et veste
scenica, o utinam id impetrari potuisset.
(Bumet, Ui, vi. No. 57.) Nos quidem
tam bonse causae non defuimus, Sed illi,
quibus ista tantopere placuerunt, credo,
sequuti sunt inscitiam presbyterorum :
quos, quoniam nihU aliud videbant esse,
quam stipites, sine ingenio, sine doctrina,
sine moribus, veste saltern comica vole-
bant populo commendari. Nam ut alan-

tur bonse literse, et surrogetur seges
aliqua doctorum hominum, nulla, o Deus
bone, nuUa hoc tempore cura suscipitur.
Itaque quoniam vera via non possunt,
istis ludicris ineptiis teneri volunt oculos
multitudinis, " Letter to Peter Martyr,
1559. So in the next of the same date.
" Omnia docentur ubique purissime. In
ceremoniis et larvis passim plusculum
ineptitur." No, 58,

« Strype's Whitgift, i, 548,

250 ECCLESIASTICAL HABITS, AND .[a.D. 1565.
Martyr in 1560, he expresses himself much more adverse to the
dresses'". Grindal had great scruples about the habits*, and wrote to
Peter Martyr on the subject, who advised that in his private
dress the bishop should certainly comply, but that if the public
ministration in it would promote the idea of the mass, he had
better not sanction what was wrong by his example: and that at
all events he should continue to speak and teach against the use
of the habits"!". In a letter to Bullinger, 1566, he adds, that when
the bishops who had been exiles in Germany could not persuade
the queen and parliament to remove these habits out of the
church, though they had long endeavoured it, by common consent
they thought it best not to leave the church for some rites, which
were not many, nor in themselves wicked; especially since the
purity of the Gospel remained safe and free to them.
It may fairly be presumed, that Parker himself entertained
some doubts concerning the points which were afterwards dis
puted between the puritans and the high church party; for in
the questions prepared to be submitted to convocation in 1563+,
probably under his own direction, and certainly examined by
himself, there are several which manifestly imply that such a
difference of opinion might prevail. They refer to the abolition
of the use of the vestments, of private baptism administered by
lay persons, of organs and curious singing, of the answers of
sponsors, &c.§ And Whitgift was one of a number of heads of
houses in Cambridge who petitioned for a greater licence about
the dresses. § 419. The sentiments of foreign divines may seem to
deserve less attention ||, inasmuch as they derived the great mass
of their Information from persons who were suffering in the cause
of nonconformity; yet surely, whatever may have been the bias
of the accounts which they received, they were less likely to be
prejudiced on this side than the bishops were on that in which
^ " Tantum manent in ecclesia nostra i quas diu non duraturas speramns."
vestimenta iUa papistica, Capas intellige, | Burnet, ui. vi. No. 61.
» Strype's Grindal, 42. f Ibid. 45. + Strype's Ann. i, 475.
§ Strype's Parker, i. 386, No, 39. || Ibid, u, 110.

IX. § 419.]

OPINIONS CONCEKNING THEM.

251

their personal authority was concerned, which seemed to be
resisted by all who refused to comply with the injunctions of the
court. These foreigners, in conjunction with the judicious advice
which they invariably give, viz,, that anything was better than
that the church should be left destitute of pastors, in consequence
of their scruples, frequently press upon the bishops the propriety
of charitable concession, as far as it would be admitted by the
government. The church of Scotland went so far as to address
an epistle to their brethren in England*, in which, perhaps, they
press the matter more strongly than it deserves; but these con
current testimonies demonstrate one thing at least, that a great
stress was laid upon the question, while the event proved that
many ministers of God's word were silenced in consequence of the
dresses enjoined ; and it may be remarked, that England never
became convinced of the propriety of her ecclesiastical habits, till
the opponents of her decent forms had power enough to cast them
out of the church, and to substitute their own more superstitious
simplicity*. § 420. Elizabeth herself was very peremptory on the ques-
tion-f. She could little brook resistance on any point; but when
the scruple seemed so trifling, as on this subject it must have
appeared to any one who was not under the Influence of prejudice
or passion, resistance to her mandates assumed the semblance of
personal opposition. And when Parker and the other bishops
had begun to execute the laws against nonconformists, they must
have been more than men, if they could divest their own minds
of that personality which every one must feel when engaged in a
controversy, in which the question really is, whether he shall be
able to succeed in carrying his plans into execution. The arch
bishop, indeed, who was first employed in this unpleasant task J,
seems to have experienced more of this feeling than perhaps

* Clerk, writing on the question of the
habits, speaks, " de fanaticis nostris Su-
perpelUcianis et Galerianis," and adds,
"ut quod temporis antehac artibus et
scientiis solet attribui, id nunc futilissimis

de lana caprina altercationibus fallitur et
consumitur." Strype's Parker, in. 133,
No. 43. See some excellent observations
about religious prejudice by Buchanan.
Pearson's Life of, i,"115.

• Strype's Parker, in, 150, No. 51. f Sec § 446, b.
+ Strype's Parker, i, 317, 389,

252 CONDUCT OF THE PURITANS. [a.D. 1565.
beseemed his high station; yet the situation in which he was
placed renders him an object of our pity rather than our blame.
He probably foresaw the ill effects which nonconformity would
bring upon the church, and prepared to resist the torrent with the
bulwarks of severity and law. In this he found himself hardly
supported as he could wish by the court, where there existed a
strong party favourable to the puritans. He perceived, perhaps,
that the odium of the measures which he was forced to adopt was
thrown on the bishops, who were becoming more and more the
objects of general dislike*; and lamented, with prophetic boding,
the conduct of some of the nobility, whose favour was raising up a
party against the hierarchy, which would ultimately destroy every
distinction of rank.
§ 421. Little can be said in favour of the puritans, and
those who rejected the ceremonies of the church, but that they
were sincere in the objections which they raised against the use
of rites corrupted in the church of Rome. Their scruples will in
these days appear trivial, but they were not then esteemed so;
as party feeling began to operate on both sides, each became
anxious to enforce thew~own opinions, and in the warmth of
controversy the nonconformists seem to have forgotten that they
were disobeying the civil magistrate, and not to have considered
that the bishops were only enforcing that which by law they were
bound to enforce. The authority which the puritans withstood
was not the mere spiritual authority which the episcopal function
had bestowed on their judges ; It was an indefinite and ample
power conferred on the ecclesiastical commissioners, from the
supremacy vested by the parliament in the queen. It -was a
power which the puritans may have deemed unnecessary, oppres
sive, and little suited to the character of Christian bishops ; but
they must have known that It was one which had been conferred
on the hierarchy by the law of the land, and by the person in
whose hands the executive was placed. But there are many
considerations which should prevent us from passing any severe
censure on either party: the new standard of opinion to which
the disputants referred, was one to which they had never been
" Strype's Parker, ii. 323.

IX. § 421.]

NONCONFORMISTS. PARKER.

253

accustomed ; the New Testament itself is very indistinct In
settling such points, and to reason by analogy is a task which
requires much temper and experience. The people, too, had
been long trained to attach Importance to ceremonies, and though
ignorant of principles, were overjoyed in exercising the privilege
of thinking for themselves, which they had just acquired. This
exercise of their new right was highly unacceptable to the queen,
and the government In some points tried to restrain it so much,
that the struggle by degrees became one for civil as well as for
religious liberty.
§ 422. It appears, then, that neither the government in
enforcing conformity as it did, nor the puritans In resisting It,
can well be justified by any sound principles of Christian charity ;
the one imposed a yoke^ when it was hardly necessary, the other
rejected it when It might and ought to have been borne. Nothing,
therefore, could be more distressing than the situation of a consci
entious bishop at such a period. It must have required a patience
truly Christian not to have been irritated at the conduct of the
nonconformists, and perhaps still more of Christian courage to
enforce laws, when hinderances were thrown in the way by the
powers above, and insults heaped on those in authority by the
party against whom the severity was directed. Parker, the first
metropolitan of this reign, was In many respects calculated to
shine with splendour In the situation In which he was placed : he
was liberal, and ever ready to advance the Interests of learning
or of talent ; he was himself learned and studious, but his peculiar
qualification seems to have been a desire and faculty of systema
tizing and improving every establishment to which he belonged,
a talent which was extremely required at this period ; but perhaps
he was not well calculated to hold that even balance between

¦ It should be remembered, that most
of the regulations with regard to the dis
tinctive dress of the clergy have gra
dually been given up, excepting, indeed,
the surpUce, and the square cap in the
universities. Copes and tunicles are
almost forgotten ; albes are confounded
with surplices; and the gown and cas
sock, with the square cap and hood, are

used according to the discretion of the
clergyman himself. It may indeed be
questioned whether this has not gone too
far. Perhaps the interests of the church
would be best consulted, if, without
adopting any distinctive habits, we all
dressed so that the world might from our
appearance presume that we belonged to
the ministry.

254

NONCONFORMISTS, PARKER.

[a.D. 156.5.

contending errors, which the difficulties of the times placed more
immediately in his hands. Before the heat of controversy had
begun, concession was comparatively easy; without giving up the
ordinances of the church, a latitude of practice might have been
tolerated which became inadmissible when the question was
brought to an issue. The remonstrances too of Parker might
have had more influence on the queen than those of any other
person, and It was her majesty who was most strenuous In insist
ing on conformity; but he seems hardly to have wished that his
weak brethren should be dealt with more gently, for he was very
peremptory In his proceedings with Sampson *, though he after
wards kindly wrote in his favour when ejected from the deanery;
and in this conduct was strikingly opposed to Grindal, who
intreated the dean, even with tears in his eyes, to comply in the
use of the habits "f". So again, when thirty-seven of the London
clergy refused compliance with the ecclesiastical dresses, and of
these some of the best ministers, by the acknowledgment of the
archbishop himself, he does not appear to have adopted any
conciliatory steps, or to have treated them as brethren In Christ.
There is no reason to question the sincerity of his motives, and
his judgment was approved by many persons, (especially by Cox,
bishop of Ely.) who hoped that by reducing the clergy of the
metropolis, all difficulty would be obviated elsewhere :j:. But
where severity is used in cases of conscience. Christian charity is
often lost sight of, and the omission never takes place but at the
certain loss of the party who neglect it. The sufferers were
deemed confessors by their friends, and the party of the puritans
was strengthened by their punishment.
§ 423, It must not be supposed that all the objections* of
the nonconformists were confined to the ecclesiastical dresses, or
that the cap and surplice were the only points against which their
animadversions were directed. The Book of Common Prayer

" The objections of which the heads
are here set down may be seen in Bur
net's Reformation, Ui. No. 79- Append. ;
Neal's Puritans, i. 192 : but many are

of course omitted, and a full reference to
them would exceed the prescribed limits
of this work, as they lie scattered in va
rious places.

* Strype's Parker, i, 327.

-|- Ibid, i, 368 and 430.

X Ibid. i. 430.

IX. § 423.] OBJECTIONS OF THE PURITANS. 255
was generally attacked; many of its ceremonies, especially in
Baptism, and the Churching of Women, were rejected, and
organs and church music were considered as unchristian.
The discipline of the church, too, was impugned. Objections
were raised against episcopacy itself, as well as against the lordly
and temporal authority possessed by the bishops; while the
ordination of ministers, without their being elected by their
flocks, was accounted antiscriptural, and the whole was summed
up In the want of a presbytery.
At the same time they brought forward many real abuses,
which the church could more easily deplore than remedy. With
regard to the scarcity of preaching ministers, the blame seems to
belong exclusively to neither party; for though the hierarchy
undoubtedly silenced many who would have laboured in this
service, yet the nonconformist might have easily obviated the
difficulty by accepting the ecclesiastical dresses : thus Withers,
at Bury, conformed, because he found his congregation much less
offended at the use of the cap than at his own silence*. The
non-residence, too, which was licensed by authority, could form
no just ground of separation from the church, as not being essen
tial to the establishment ; and the religious conformist must have
viewed the neglect of a parish in the same light in which it
appeared to his dissenting brethren.
§ 424, In the Baptismal Service it was objected, that the
use of the sign of the cross was superstitious, and borrowed from
the church of Rome : as if any misuse of a custom derived from
the primitive church could render Its nature sinful, or that the
danger of misconception were not sufficiently guarded against, in
the words of the prayer which accompanies that part of the
service : — that the answers were made in the name of the child,
and not in that of the sponsors ; a difference which at all events
is not very Important, since the very act of bringing the infant to
the font implies all that the words can convey, viz, that the
persons so admitted would become the servants of that Lord into
whose faith they were baptized. Lay baptism, too, fell under
their censure ; but it has been questioned whether it were ever
* Strype's Parker, i, 374,

256

OBJECTIONS^^ OF THE PURITANS. MUSIC. [a,D, 1565.

authorized by our church. It had formerly been the custom for
midwives to administer this sacrament in cases of necessity ; and
as this was not distinctly forbidden, the custom was continued^
and thus tacitly sanctioned^.
In the Churching of Women, they liked not that she should
be veiled of necessity, on her first appearance In the congregation,
or that she should always be seated in the same place ; customs
which It is ridiculous to discuss ; and which, in the process of
time, have been disused In most parishes, and only partially
retained in others.
The offence which was taken at organs and church music, as
practised in cathedrals, was rather general ; and the question of
rejecting them was agitated In the Convocation of 1562*. But if
these churches were served in those days with as little reverence
among the subordinate members, as Is sometimes now apt to be
the case, it is no wonder that sober-minded Christians should be
offended : and yet to correct such negligence seems a more reason
able and obvious remedy, than to deprive our church of a species
of service, which, to those who are accustomed to it, is the most
elevating and delightful in the world.
§ 425. In point of discipline, the differences of opinion were

" Archbishop Sandys says, in his will,
"for the private baptism to be minis
tered by women, I take neither to be
prescribed nor permitted." (Strype's
Whitgift, i. 548.) But in the oath ad
ministered in the diocese of Canterbury,
in 1567, to Eleanor Pead, a midwife, is
the following clause, " Also, that in the
ministration of the sacrament of baptism
in the time of necessity, I will use apt
and the accustomed words of the same
sacrament, that is to say, these words
following, or the like in effect : I christen
thee in the name of the Father, the Son,
and the Holy Ghost, and none other
profane words." (Strype's Annals, I. ii.
243.) The oath in such a case may
have been borrowed from the old formu
lary, and have been contmued, without
being particularly attended to, for the

sake of a fee paid to some ecclesiastical
officer. The questions asked according
to the Prayer Book of 1549, 1552, and
1560, seem to leave Uttle doubt that the
custom was sanctioned. " By whom
was the child baptized ? Who was pre
sent when the chUd was baptized?
Whether they caUed upon God for grace
and succour in that necessity ? With
what thing or what matter they did bap
tize the child? Whether they think
the child to be lawfully aud perfectly
baptized?" expressions which hardly
agree with the idea of the child's having
been baptized by a minister, and which
questions are for that reason generally
omitted at present, though they have
been considerably altered in point of
words.

* Burnet, iii. vi. No, 74,

IX. § 426.] OBJECTIONS OF THE PURITANS. DISCIPLINE. 257
so numerous, that It will be enough if we confine ourselves to the
prominent features of the objections, without entering on the
degrees in which they were held, or the alterations which at
different periods grew into vogue with the nonconformists. The
chief stumbling-block was episcopacy, as a distinct order in the
church, and the authority over the rest of the ministry which this
distinction produced in the body corporate of the establishment.
• Those who maintained this objection might be again divided Into
two parties; the one was dissatisfied with episcopacy in the
abstract ; the dissatisfaction of the other was confined to the
temporal state and civil functions of the bishops ; but among the
mass of the nonconfomists and their followers, who were often
very ignorant on such subjects, such a distinction was little
attended to. They hated the bishops, from being taught that their
office was unscriptural, and their proceedings unchristian ; and
they troubled not themselves to mark the difference between the
office itself, and the temporal authority vested in the bishops of
the church of England,
The alleged want of an efficient presbytery was closely con
nected with this question, and with the circumstance that all
ecclesiastical power was given exclusively to the bishops, who
were appointed by the crown. Most of the exiles for religion,
who on their return formed the influential part of the church of
England, had been familiar with establishments abroad, in which
the individual pastors were possessed of considerable weight in the
government of the church and Its concerns : on their arrival In
the land of promised rest, they found that this spiritual power
was in no degree conferred on themselves, but that they were
subjected to a very peremptory method of treatment before the
ecclesiastical commission, the proceedings of which were quite
unsupported by the general tenor of the law of the land. The
seeds of civil liberty were throughout the whole struggle closely
mixed up with the complaints of the puritans; and the same men
who had learnt to search for the truth on religious subjects, and
to pursue It in spite of the powers of this world, which were
arrayed against It, were little likely, from human motives, to

258 OBJECTIONS OP THE PURITANS. DISCIPLINE. [a. D. 1565
submit to injunctions, however reasonable, which were arbitrarily
imposed. § 426. The dispute as to the calling of ministers chiefly owes
its origin to the same source. The warm upholders of this
opinion would have said that ordination consisted virtually in the
elective call of the flock ; that this formed the essence of the
appointment to the ministry; and that without it, all ordination
was the Invention of man, and not the Institution of God. Its
more moderate friends would have maintained that the laying on
of the hands of the presbytery was sufficient without the presence
of a bishop, provided the ministry of the person admitted were
not unacceptable to the parish. Between these extremes there
exist many smaller varieties, many plausible errors, into which
all men are apt to run, when they set up their own opinions as
the test of right and wrong.
The absence of spiritual discipline was a source of complaint
with all parties ; and the nonconformists lamented, with some
show of reason, that the only exercise of it, which remained, was
confined to non-essentials In religion, of which they themselves were
the unfortunate victims : and it was the observation of one of the
best wishers to the church*, that ecclesiastical offices were now
misused to private gain, rather than public benefit. The country
had been used, under the auspices of the court of Rome, to a
strict inspection as to some particulars relating to morals, at least
to the idea of it. In the presbyterian churches, a great deal of
real discipline was preserved, and much actual superintendence
exercised ; but the power of the church, as it now existed in
England, was inadequate to keep up the old episcopal jurisdiction
which had been carried on In former days; and from her adopting
little of the presbyterian government, she wanted the discipline of
combination, with which the diffusion of power under that system
invested the ministerial body. But it may fairly be questioned
whether this species of authority be not in its nature wrong.
There are but two principles on which punishment can ever be
i| * Burleigh's Letter to Aylmer, 1579. Strype's Aylmer, 188.

IX. § 426.] OBJECTIONS OP THE PURITANS. DISCIPLINE. 259
administered with advantage : first, when severity Is used for the
sake of the person punished ; and secondly, when it is done for
the sake of civil society: when the penalty Inflicted may reform
the aggressor, or prevent the recommission of the crime in others,
by the force of terror, and the influence of example. The latter
of these may be fully exercised by lay courts ; and though on
many occasions ecclesiastical discipline may further the former
object, yet the authority with which It invests the pastor, makes
him as it were a judge over his brethren ; and wherever temporal
disability is connected with ecclesiastical censure % it gives the
minister of the Gospel a character which will probably injure the
state of his own mind, and perhaps alienate the affections of his
flock ; while it cannot fail to make both parties refer their conduct
to the laws and institutions of men, rather than to the command
ments of God. But it was the want of power vested in the
subordinate ministry, which was the real cause of the present
dissatisfaction ; and neither the policy of the queen, nor the
general state of the clergy, gave any great probability that this
would be granted.
§ 427. The most obvious evil which existed at this time was
the want of an effective ministry; and for the sake of improving
the clergy, exercises were established in most of the dioceses,
which were called prophesyings, from an expression used by St.
Paul*. The manner of carrying them on varied In different
places "f", but was generally^as follows^. The diocese was divided
into convenient districts, and the clergy belonging to each were
assembled at stated periods, about once In the fortnight, when,
together with prayers, some text of Scripture was discussed by
speakers appointed by the moderator, who was himself nominated
by the bishop or archdeacon, and was, in some dioceses, the dean
* In our own church, temporal pains ' churchmen from attempting to put ec-

are attached to spu'itual punishments

(a man, for instance, who is excommu
nicated, cannot perform any legal act) ;
and that proper jealousy which the civil
courts have always exercised, lest the
rights of the subject should be in any
way infringed, has by degrees driven
" 1 Cor. xiv, f Strype's Ann. in. 325, 472, 481. + Grindal, 26()fc^^
S 2

clesiastical censures in force, except on
very flagrant occasions ; so that even a
clergyman must have been guilty of ex
cessive misconduct, and have disgraced
the church, before the bishops' court
can interfere for his correction.

260

PROPHESYINGS.

[a.D. 1565.

rural of the deanery. From the injudicious proceedings in
particular districts, in which subjects tending rather to schism
than to edification were brought forward, objections were raised
by those In authority, and the mind of the queen was prejudiced
against them, so that they were generally suppressed in 1577,
though approved of by many persons well able to judge on the
question^. They formed, as it were, a nucleus for the presbytery,
which might easily have been abused ; but had they been judi
ciously carried on, they might have supplied a defect which is
still strongly felt. A young clergyman, who has had but little
experience in the care of a parish, might, in such a body, have
found an authorized guide for his own conduct, on many minor
points In which he hardly ventures to apply to his archdeacon or
his bishop ; and by the frequent discussion of such questions the
priesthood would become better able to perform their duties, while
the very act of thus assembling would have given a spiritual tone
to the meetings of the clergy, the present want of which must
certainly be deplored. There was at the time less trouble In
silencing the whole, than in remedying or preventing these disor
ders ; and the disinclination which had been felt towards these
prophesyings, prevented the adoption of such exercises as might
have produced all the good, without occasioning the evils com
plained of. Something of this sort was rendered the more
necessary'', on account of the scarcity of preachers and educated
clergymen ; but Elizabeth seems not to have possessed any very
correct views with regard to their improvement. She applied, it
is true, certain lapsed revenues to the foundation of schools, and
patronized the universities ; but she adopted such measures with
respect to church property as would have rendered it impossible
that England should have ever possessed a learned ministry, had
not her proceedings been partially stopped, and subsequently, in

" Lord Bacon expresses his approba
tion of these exercises strongly. (Strype's
Ann. v, 480.) Sir Francis Knowles,
s Sir Walter Mildmay, and Sir Thomas
! Smith commended them, to say nothing
of the bishops who sanctioned their in
troduction, (Strype's Ann. iii, 477.)

•> Whitgift says, " I thinke it not
amisse for the ordinarie to appoint some
kinde of exercise for the unlearned mi
nisters, but not in that forme." Strype's
Whitgift, ui, 128, No. xiU, 12,

Ix. § 427.] ECCLESIASTICAL COMMISSION. 261
some degree, remedied. The dignified clergy were during her
reign pillaged most unmercifully ; and though many a sensible
and conscientious person might have esteemed the former revenues
of the bishops too great, yet It must be remembered that high
situations soon become nugatory, unless they are supported by a
corresponding income. She was enabled to commit these depre
dations on the establishment, by an^act which passed in the first
year of her reign, allowing her to exchange the lands of vacant
bishoprics for impropriated tithes, and though the crown was
probably not much the richer for this iniquitous bill, yet the
courtiers and favourites of the queen made such use of it, as to '
render the church unable to support its ministry.
§ 428, The great engine for the government of the church,
during this reign, was the court of ecclesiastical commission. It
was established under the eighth clause of the Act of Supremacy,
which allowed the queen to delegate her own power to persona
appointed for that purpose. It was composed chiefly of church
men ; but the names of some of the laity were always joined
with them, although, as might have been expected, the laymen
took less interest In the transactions, and frequently absented
themselves, when offensive measures were to be carried through.
Its authority, like the queen's supremacy, was indefinite and
unlimited, and strongly resembled that exercised by the star
chamber. The efforts of the commissioners were first directed
against nonconformity, and irregularities of less Importance ; and
though their severity fell the heaviest on those whose scruples or
fancies prevented them from complying with the regulations about
dresses, &c,, yet the court soon began to be oppressive to the
poorer clergy*; for whoever was invested with such a power as
was intrusted to the members of it, was enabled to convert it to
his own private advantage, by means of bribes received from
individuals exposed to prosecution, or who were liable to be
brought before a court in which the proceedings were unknown
and arbitrary : and the number of commissioners, in different
parts of the country, allowed very unfit persons to be invested
with the office. * Strype's Parker, U, 306,

262 ECCLESIASTICAL COMMISSION. [a. D. 1565.
The chief oppression *, however, arose afterwards from com
missions of concealments, in which the queen granted a right of
appropriating to the use of particular persons such property as by
former confiscations belonged to the crown, but which had been
transferred into other hands. The proceedings of the commis
sioners were often most injurious to honest possessors, and one
considerable branch of their profit arose from sums given to stay
or prevent processes. The value of what was at stake was often
enormous. The whole foundation of the church of Norwich was
at one time In jeopardy of falling from the purposes for which it
was made, and being converted into a private estate "f"; but the
officers of the crown interfered ; and though in danger for a con
siderable time, it was ultimately saved, and refounded by the
queen in 1 588.
§ 429. The granting such commissions is one among many
impolitic acts with which the government of Elizabeth is marked.
Security of person and property is the object for which men sub
mit to the restraints Of civil society ; whatever, therefore, tends
to render any tenure insecure, must in some degree unhinge the
bands of society ; and the feeling of the possibility of such inse
curity Is almost as bad, in this respect, as the reality. From the
quantity of land which had changed its possessors within a few
years, almost every rich subject must have held property which
had once belonged to ecclesiastical bodies, and his title, therefore,
have been liable to be called in question, unless his power pre
served him from such apprehensions. Her conduct, then, must
appear as injudicious, as it was unjust. The ravage which was
committed by Henry was the wasteful prodigality of a tyrant ;
yet to those who view the payment of the establishment as the
means of promoting religion, not as the end, the alienation must
appear an useful, though somewhat a harsh measure. Under
Edward, the monarch was too weak to resist the avarice of
those who governed, and Mary rather enriched than robbed the
estabhshment ; but Elizabeth laid her hands on all that she
could grasp, though, for the sake of keeping up appearances, she
* Strype's Parker, ii. 224, and Annals, v. 162. 168. f Ibid, in, 450,

IX. § 429.]

CONDUCT OP ELIZABETH.

263

restored some small portion in foundations connected with educa
tion. She acted towards the property of the church with no
more prudence or forbearance, than she did towards that of the
crown, and in both seemed to look no further than the lifehold
interest which she possessed in it. The improvident leases made
by churchmen themselves tended to Impoverish the revenues of
the establishment ; but for one case on record where the clergy
were to blame, several might be found where the interference
of the court obliged them to give away, in a legal form, what
belonged to their successors.
The queen never liked to apply for money to parliament, lest
the members should interfere with her proceedings*, but wasted
the church In paying those courtiers whom her parsimony pre- ,
vented her from rewarding otherwise "f". She did not begin thej
custom, but she ought to have put a stop to if. She did not,
perhaps, allow it to go so far as the puritans wished, or satisfy
the desires of her courtiers, but it went to such a length that
England has felt it ever since. Nor has the liberality of parlia
ment, combined with the bounty of Queen Anne, been yet able
to render our poorer livings adequate to the decent maintenance
of a clergyman : and were it not for the piety of those who,
through the possession of private property, are enabled to devote
their talents to the service of God, by entering into the ministry,
a great number of parishes in England would be destitute of an
educated pastor.
§ 430. The poverty of the church, in the early part of the
reign of Elizabeth, was excessive]: ; not only among the higher
clergy, who were exposed to these attacks from the court, but
among the lower and laborious individuals who possess no dignified
station, and have no further worldly prospect than to provide
bread for themselves and their families^. At this moment, when

• Archbishop Parker, in a letter to
Elizabeth which he wrote from his death
bed, remonstrates with her on this point.
(Strype's Parker, U, 430,)

" Parker inhibited Grindal from hold
ing a visitation of the London clergy, (at
which fees, procurations, and synodals,
are paid to the bishop,) because they

* Wordsworth's Ecclcs. Biog, iv. 70. and 233,
+ Strype's Grindal, 42, 49. + See § 410.

264 CAUSES OF THE POVERTY OF THE CLERaV. [a.d. 1565.
from being allowed to marry they required greater incomes than
before, the revenues of the church were labouring under a great
depression, attributable to a combination of several causes.
The wholesale alienation of church property which had taken
place in the reign of Henry VIIL, had unsettled the minds of
the nation with regard to all tenures ; might had legally been
converted into right, and all men were ready to take advantage
of the change''. The court Invaded the wealth of the higher
clergy*, and they in their turn were often little careful of the
interests of their successors "f", and sometimes raised a revenue by
appropriating to themselves the Income which was originally
granted for the officiating incumbent:]:. Where the law did not
strictly interfere, it was not very likely that lay-patrons would be
very scrupulous as to the person to whom they committed the
cure of souls ; and, to use the words of the learned writer of the
preface to Bullinger's Decads§, "Patrons now-a-days search not
the universities for a most fit pastor ; but they post up and down
the country for a most gainful chapman : he that hath the biggest
purse, to pay largely, not he that hath the best gifts, to preach
learnedly, Is presented." To this may be added the loss sustained
through the discontinuance of fees and offerings which were made
by the laity to the curates of their parishes ||. Oblations made at
shrines, the profits arising from pilgrimages, mortuaries, and
personal tithes, (being the tenth of all men's clear gains,) had in
towns formed a considerable source of Income to the clergy ; these
payments had now ceased ; but the government had been far
from interposing to supply the deficlencyll. The courtiers joined

had scarcely wherewith to buy food and
raiment, (Strype's Grindal, 57.) Grin
dal, in his letter to Elizabeth, says,
(Ibid. 565.) " So that at this day, in
mine opinion, where one church is able
to yield sufficient living for a learned
preacher, there are at the least seven
churches unable to do the same ; and in
many parishes of your realm, where

there be seven or eight hundred souls,
(the more is the pity,) there are not
eight pounds a year reserved for a mi
nister." (See also Strype's Whitgift, in.
171. No. 26.)
^ As an instance of such proceedings,
see the account of the visitation of the
Savoy. (Strype's Grindal, 236.)

* Strype's Annals, vi. 466. No. 29. f I^id. vi, 266. No, 32, i.
+ Ibid, vi, 471, No, 32, ii. § Ibid. iv. 146, ij Strype's Whitgift, iii, 171.
% Strype's Grindal, 78.

IX, § 430,] CAUSES OF THE POVERTY OP THE CHURCH.

265

with the puritans in attacking the church, the latter to depress
its power*, the former to share in the spoil, and to render the
clergy beggars, in order that they might depend on them*;' , \^ ^.

" The whole question of church pro
perty is one of vast importance to the
country, and is unfortunately so fre
quently misunderstood, that it may prove
useful to say something of the principles
on which provision ought to be made for
the clergy. The payment, if rightly
arranged, will redound to the benefit of
the whole body politic. Humanly speak
ing, labourers cannot be procured without
hire, and their quality will correspond
with the payment, which is provided for
them. Now men are paid either by
consideration or by actual advantages,
{i.e. in a civilized country by money;)
and the consideration wUl itself depend
on the esteem in which the profession is
held, as well as indirecly on the rank
and fortune which are independently
possessed by those individuals who com
pose it. Thus, for instance, the pro
fession of arms is honourable, and there
fore the pay which is allotted to officers
always has been, and should be, inade
quate to support the rank which they
hold in society; and yet we find men of
famUy and fortune crowding into the
profession for the sake of the honour to
be acquired in it. Compare this service
with the collection of customs or excise,
and it wUl be found that the same pay
in money will provide a very different
species of person for the employment.
The duty of an estabhshed clergy is to
promote the spiritual benefit of their
brethren, and the reason why the state
pays them at all, is, that the spiritual and
moral advancement of a country directly
infiuences the prosperity of a state. For
it may safely be asserted, that nothing
but vice really injures a kingdom, and
that states fall not from luxury, but
from the vices which accompany luxury.
In England, for instance, an individual
may enjoy luxuries and conveniences

^:

unlaiown to people of the ^ame station in
other countries of modern Eur^p^ "f ^*
the ancients ; yet the commonwealth is
the richer for our comforts, ana'We^afe
stiU, comparatively speaking, far from
being a vicious nation. The object,
therefore, which the politician should
have in view, in providing for an esta
blished clergy, is to assign such a remu
neration to them as will procure a body
of men whose rank in life will not be
likely to render them irreligious, and
whose attainments are such as to enable
them to promote the civilization of
society in general. There can be no
doubt that much temporal wealth is not
suited to promote Christianity, and that
without temporal wealth, such an educa
tion cannot be procured iu a civilized
country, as will render the generality of
teachers adequate to direct their fiocks.
The EngUsh politician has not the diffi
culty of adjusting this balance, for by
the great mercy of God we possess an
establishment in which the clergy are by
their station mixed with every rank in
society, and on the whole adequately
paid. In a scale which it has taken so
many centuries to form, and in which so
much has depended on circumstances
apparently accidental, there must exist
some pieces of preferment which seem
to be paid too largely, and we know that
there are many more, in which the
workman is inadequately remunerated.
In a constitution such as ours, the true
friends of the establishment wUl always
have the eye fixed on what can most
easily be remedied, and not on what a
theorist might originally have desired;
such laws, therefore, as tend to support
ecclesiastical discipline among the clergy
themselves, and to make us perform our
duties more adequately, must be deemed
beneficial, and every step should be pro-

'* Strype's Whitgift, i, 146, 147,

266

EARLY HISTORY OP THE REIGN,

[a,d. 1565.

§ 431. The events which took place between the settlement
of the church and the death of Parker are not in themselves very
important or interesting; and since we have already taken a
general view of the leading features which distinguished the eccle
siastical proceedings, a brief account of the various occurrences
must suffice. When the chief points were settled, as to belief
and discipline, it remained only to allow matters to take their
own course, and to observe how the laws and ordinances answered
the purposes for which they were intended. Activity and exer
tion were necessary among the clergy, in carrying on their minis
terial duties ; but the great object was to establish throughout
the country the habit of observing what the legislature had
enacted. Jewel*, in speaking of the state of the country in the
beginning of the reign, says, that the people were very ignorant
and superstitious, but very much inclined to religion ; a state in
which much labour was required, but in which the exertions of
the ministry were not likely to prove unsuccessful. Few, how
ever, seem to have trod this unpretending path of spiritual and
quiet toil : the one party were eager to introduce innovations
incompatible with what was established, the other were employed
in repressing these attempts, and In providing for their temporal
interests. The consequences of this were such as might have

moted which wUl provide for the poorer
clergy, for curates iu cases of non-resi
dence, and for the incumbents in Uvings
where the tithes are impropriated, which
are perhaps at present the worst paid of
any species of preferment ; but he must
be a very bold, and ought to be a very
cautions legislator, who would venture
to attack the oldest tenures in this or
any other country. That the legisla
ture has a, right to interfere with pro
perty belonging to either bodies corporate
or individuals, be they laymen or eccle
siastics, cannot be denied ; but the right
is the same in one case as in the other,
and in both the necessity which calls for
such a step should be clearly proved. It
is always much more safe to tax the pro
perty of some for the support of others.

than to touch the property itself. If
the tenths on the larger preferments
were increased, the sums thus thrown
into the hands of the governors of Queen
Anne's bounty would gradually provide
for the increase of smaller livings : nor
should it be forgotten, that probably one
half of the EngUsh bishoprics do not
amount in income to the salaries of the
judges, who upon a fair estimate of the
nature of their offices, and the rank they
rightly hold in society, are by no means
too highly rewarded. And that even
these incomes of the bishops are made
up in many cases of impropriations,
where the maintenance, which in foro
conscientice is due to him who performs
the spiritual duties of the parish, is taken
from him and given to another.

Burnet, iii, 207, fol., 495, 8vo.

IX, § 431,] TREATMENT OF THE LONDON CLERGY.

267

been expected, and are characterized In a mournful description
given by Strype, which is chiefly drawn from the papers of Lord
Burleigh*. " The churchmen heaped up many benefices, and
resided upon none, neglecting their cures ; many of them alienated j
their lands, made unreasonable leases and wastes of their woods,
granted reversions and advowsons to their wives and children, or
to others for their use. Churches ran greatly into dilapidations
and decays, and were kept nasty, and filthy, and undecent for
God's worship."§ 432. The declaration of open war between the high and
low church parties may be considered to have taken place in
1566"f"; when the proclamation of the queen gave, as it were, the
sanction of law to the Advertisements* which the bishops had
previously put forth, and they began to enforce uniformity among
the London clergy (March 26). Of 98 who appeared before the
commissioners, 61 complied, and 37 refused, of which number, as
Parker acknowledges, "were the best, and some preachers:}:;"
and contrary to the expectation of their judges, they showed
reasonable quietness and modesty. When the three months
which the law allowed them for consideration had elapsed, they
VfevQ ipso facto deprived of all their spiritual promotions; §and
in the beginning of the next year began to separate from the
church, by carrying on private meetings for devotions and
worship, which were conducted chiefly after the formula of the
church of Geneva. They alleged as their excuse, that In the
Common Prayer Book, "the ceremonies of antichrist were tied to
the service of God, so that no man might preach and administer

• The Advertisements are a set of
canons to enforce uniformity of "doc
trine and preaching ; administration of
prayer and sacraments ; certain orders in
ecclesiastical policy; outward apparel of
persons ecclesiastical; and promises to
be made by those entering on any eccle
siastical office." (Sparrow's Coll. 121.)
They were printed and published Jan,
25th, 1565, without the royal authority,

by the ecclesiastical commissioners, from
whence, indeed, they derive their name,
and are not called Articles or Ordinances,
(Strype's Parker, i. 313.) That part
which referred to dress was sanctioned
bythe proclamation, as above; and the
others seemed to have been used as if
they were law. (Strype's Parker, i. 319.)
A different copy of these is printed in
Strype. (Strype's Parker, iu. 84, No. 28.)

* Strype's Parker, ii. 204. f I'^'d. i- 427.
§ Ibid. 478, ch. ix.

X Ibid, 429.

268 CAMBRIDGE. CARTWRIGHT. [a.D. 157Q.
the sacraments without them." The government was alarmed
at such a symptom of dissent, and the ecclesiastical commissioners
were urged to exert themselves. During this period of schism,
there were not wanting instances of men, who, though they
disapproved of the habits, yet conformed to the established law,
following the suggestions of Beza, who advised his friends
modestly to protest against these proceedings *, but by no means
to desert their flocks for matters In themselves not ungodly.
§ 433. This schism of the London clergy, in itself injurious
to the Christian welfare of the state, was rendered far more
formidable by the appearance of the same spirit in one of the
cradles of our church establishment, where it might taint the
source from which sound sense and pure religion ought to flow.
The university of Cambridge had for some time been agitated by
the question of the habits; and, as was natural, the younger mem
bers generally ran into the novelties of the day, and discarded the
appointed dresses ; but at the end of 1570 the flame broke forth.
Thomas Cartwright, B,D., Lady Margaret Reader of Divinity,
had been delivering lectures-t", in which he attacked the liturgy,
and episcopal government, and had contributed much to promote
the insubordination which had manifested itself. He was fellow
of Trinity College, of which Whitgift was head ; and perhaps
from this cause Whitgift came forward as the decided opponent
of his opinions, that the bane and antidote might proceed from
within the same walls. ^ Cartwright had been ordered to retract
certain opinions contrary to episcopal government, which he had
previously maintained in six articles, acknowledged and sub
scribed by him ; and after abundant delay and forbearance on the
part of the authorities, he was deprived of his readership. He
was anxious to have maintained a public disputation, but he
would only do so on his own terms §, He required to know
beforehand his opponents and his judges, meaning such judges as
he himself should best like: but Whitgift, who had many private
discourses with him, repeatedly offered to dispute with him, on
condition that both parties should commit their arguments and
'' Strype's Parker, i. 483. f Strype's Whitgift, i, 38,
X Ibid, iii. 19, No. ix. § Ibid, i, 42,

IX. § 433.]

CARTWRIGHT.

269

positions to paper ; a demand to which no reasonable disputant
could object. The circumstance of being silenced by authority
seems to have exalted Cartwright into a confessor In the cause of
puritanism ; but if episcopacy were to be upheld at all, no gentler
steps could have been adopted. If a government be strong, it
need not persecute or punish every one who impugns Its form or
constitution ; but how can it allow such a person to hold a situa
tion of trust under it, particularly one which is likely to be Influ
ential In forming the sentiments of the rising generation ? *Cart-
wright subsequently vacated his fellowship in Trinity College,
according to the statutes, (Sept, 1672,) In consequence of not
taking orders, about which he felt some scruples, because he had
experienced no call to the ministry through the invitation of
some parish, a point which he deemed a necessary qualification ;
as If to educate the upper orders, and prepare young men for the
church, were not as suitable an office for a minister of God's word
as any other part of the ecclesiastical duties. This dispute created
a kind of personal struggle between Whitgift and Cartwright ;
and when the one published his answer to the " Admonition to
Parliament %" (a book set forth by the puritans, attacking the
whole government of the church, and in the composition of which
Cartwright had probably a considerable hand,) the other Imme
diately replied, and Whitgift defended his answer. As they
reasoned on different principles, it Is not extraordinary that the
partisans of both sides should deem their own champion suc
cessful : and as is ordinarily the ^case, the disputants mutually

• A full account of this dispute may be
found by consulting the index to Strype.
The principles on which the argument in
the Admonition is conducted were "that
we must of necessity have the same kind
of govemment that was in the apostles'
time, and is expressed in the Scripture,
and no other. The other was, that we
may not, in any wise, nor on any consi
deration, retain in the church anything
that hath been used under the pope."
(Strype's Parker, U. 140.) A method of
reasoning, in which the first part is a

mere petitio principii, the latter a fallacy.
The episcopaUan appeals to the Scrip
tures in defence of his form of church
government, (see § 460,) and believes it
to be that adopted by the apostles. And
while we acknowledge that the church of
Rome has preserved the vital points of
Christianity, as maintained in the five
first articles of our church, we must allow
that no misuse of subordinate matters
ought to prevent us from adopting them,
if in themselves they are admissible.

• Strype's Whitgift, i, 95.

270

CONVOCATION.

[a.D. 1571.

remained of their original opinion, while the cause of truth was
promoted by discussion, though the harmony of the church was
disturbed. §434. (a, D, 1571.) Theproceedings of the convocation and
parliament of this year require a good deal of attention ; but in
order to get a clear view of their effects, It will be necessary to
divide the subjects on which the several laws were enacted.
In the convocation, the Articles of Religion were again sub
scribed ; but any remarks on this event will more properly be
introduced when we enter on the history of the Thirty-nine
Articles, a subject so important as to require a distinct chapter*.
The establishment of a code of ecclesiastical law was also
brought into consideration. In the convocation, a set of canons
pertaining to discipline were framed, for the regulation of the
officers of the church, and to declare the duties attached to
bishops, deans, archdeacons, &c. ; as well as to prevent the evils
arising from non-residence, pluralities, and corrupt presentations.
They are extant in Sparrow's Collection "j", though they never
received the sanction of the queen, who thought that the authority
of the bishops, derived from her supremacy, was sufficient to
enforce them. Yet Grindal justly observed, when Parker urged
the adoption of them in the province of York, that the fine words
of her majesty might fly away as the wind, and would little serve
the bishops, if they were adjudged to have incurred the penalties
of a prsemunire, which could only be guarded against by a legal
enactment of them, derived from the royal approbation in
scriptis. § 436. The same subject was brought forward in the house of
commons:]:, and reference was made to the " Reformatio Legum
Ecclesiastlcarum §," a book drawn up chiefly by Cranmer |1 ; but
which was laid aside, and never legally enacted, in consequence
of the interruption occasioned by the death of Edward VI.^ But

' The title of the book jis " Reforma
tio Legum Ecclesiastlcarum, ex aucto-
ritate 1"" R, Henrici VIII. inchoata,
* § 485, &c. f P. 223.
§ Strype's Ann. iii. 93, &o.

deinde per R, Edvardum VI. provecta
adauctaque in hunc modum, atque nunc
ad pleniol'em ipsarum reformationem in
:J: Strype's Parker, ii. 62,
II §330,

IX. § 435.]

ECCLESIASTICAL LAWS.

271

Elizabeth was ever adverse to reformation in religion which
originated in any authority but her own ; and though it appears
that a committee was appointed, yet as they proceeded to examine
irrelevant questions, it served but to excite the anger of the
queen, and a stop was put to this and several other bills. It is
curious to observe during this reign the growing power of the
house, which, as it began to exert its own strength, without
having learnt to conflne the discussion to those subjects which
properly belonged to the cognizance of such an assembly, was
from time to time checked by the arbitrary mandates of the queen,
who in the moment when she most dreaded its influence, acted
towards the representatives of the people with a sternness and
tyranny which would never have been borne, unless It had been
exercised by a person of consummate skill, who knew when to give
way as well as when to press her authority. A similar attempt
at remodelling the ecclesiastical laws was again made during
the next year by Wentworth; but her majesty sent a message
to the house through the speaker* (1672), declaring that her
pleasure was that from henceforth no bills concernlngj religion
should be preferred or read in the house, unless the same were
considered and liked by the clergy; and at the same time

lucem Eedita, Lond. Day. Ap. 1571."
A copious abstract of it may be seen in
Collier, Ecc, Hist. ii. 326, See. It con
sists of fifty-one titles, besides an Ap
pendix, "DeRegulis juris," The most
remarkable pecuUarities of it are, that it
makes blasphemy and heresy ultimately
punishable with death. It is justly
severe on adultery, punishing the guUty
party with imprisonment and banish
ment, and not allowing them to marry,
a Ucense which it grants to the innocent.
It directs that a strict examination shall
take place before institution, and forbids
pluralities. It directs that the dean
rural shall be an annual officer appointed
by the bishops, and that he shall report
the conduct of the clergy; that 'arch
deacons shaU reside within the limits of

their jurisdiction ; that prebendaries
shall give public lectures iu the cathe
dral. It appoints, besides, provincial
synods and diocesan synods to be annu
aUy held in Lent. It gives directions
with regard to parochial discipline, re
commends that excommunication shall
be rarely used, and only by the bishops ;
and that impenitent persons under ex
communication shall after forty days be
handed over to the civil power, to be
imprisoned and fined. In each case
there is an appeal from the archdeacon
to the bishop, then to the archbishop,
and lastly to the king, who shall cause
the question to be decided in a provin
cial synod, or before commissioners
appointed by the crown. See also §
482. a.

Strype's Parker, ii. 203.

272 ACTS OP PARLIAMENT. [a.D. 1571.
demanded to see the bills in progress. All this was conceded to
her sovereign command ; and we can the less wonder either at
her Interference, or at the deference which was paid to her orders,
when we consider that the obvious tendency of these latter mea
sures was to undermine the church establishment, and totally to
alter its form. The question in both these cases was chiefly
spiritual, over which the house of commons could, properly
speaking, have no control, nor ought they to have legislated
beyond the point in which the temporalities were directly or indi
rectly implicated; here they rightly exercised their legislative
power, and we have during this session several laws which apply
solely to churchmen. By chap, 12, 13 Eliz., such clergymen as
had been ordained by any other form than that prescribed In the
Book of Common Prayer were made Incapable of retaining their
preferments, unless they subscribed to the Thirty-nine Articles ;
which same subscription was required of all who were instituted
to any benefice ; and if the benefice exceeded thirty pounds per
annum, they were required to have taken the degree of B,D. at
least in one of the universities ; no one could be ordained a priest
before twenty- four years of age, or a deacon before twenty-three ;
i. e. if he were so ordained, he was not a priest according to the
law of England, and could hold no English preferment. So again,
by 10 and 20, 13 Eliz., it is enacted that no lease of ecclesiastical
property shall be good in law, if granted for a longer time than
twenty-one years, or three lives; that tithes shall not be let,
except the incumbent reside on his living, or lease them to a
resident curate : all which matters are purely temporal, though
they refer to ecclesiastical persons.
§ 436. During this session the universities were incorporated,
and invested with certain legal privileges*, and in the next (1572),
a provision was made for the support of the poor ; which, not
withstanding its misuse, and the consequent objections which
have been raised against It, ought still to be the glory of our soil ;
and while we boast that no one can be a slave who has once
touched our happy land, we may rejoice that such care is taken
* Statutes of the Realm,

IX. § 436.] POOR LAWS. 273
of every inhabitant, that none can be starved in England without
a direct breach of our laws. It may not be improper to remark,
that the alteration now made in the law did not at the time pro
duce any great change in the treatment of paupers. The custom
in England, as I believe in all Christian countries, had always been,
to relieve the indigent by means of voluntary contributions, which
were here collected by churchwardens, and disposed of by them.
The vagrant laws had, with severe penalties against the idle and
profligate, provided for the wants of those who were really dis
tressed, and we have many acts of parliament which give direc
tions with regard to both these points*. (March 25, 1552.) One
went so far as to appoint, that in case of the refusal of any of the
parishioners to contribute, the churchwarden was to apply to the
bishop's court, and the bishop to proceed against them. But 6,
14 Eliz. provided for the poor by assessment throughout the
parish, and subjected those who refused to pay the sum assessed,
to imprisonment upon conviction before two justices of the peace.
The spirit therefore of this law, which is justly worthy of our
admiration, is due to Christianity, the legal enactment to our
ancestors ; and it may fairly be questioned whether the embo
dying it in its present form, however necessary, has not divested
the relief of the poor of its peculiar feature, and made this species
of charity a duty very unwillingly performed.
§ 437. But as some of the most important laws passed during
this session refer to the Roman Catholics, it will be necessary to
turn our attention towards them. It is allowed on all hands,
that the measures adopted at the commencement of the reign of
Elizabeth were conciliatory; and they were at first met by a
corresponding return on the part of the majority so treated.
-("The Roman Catholics did generally conform to the worship of
our church, to which, though they might not have approved of
all the alterations in it, they could raise no sound objections.
For, as the queen herself wrote to the duke of Anjou, in it "there
was no part that had not been, yea, that was not at that day
used in the church of Rome ; and that, if anything more were in
* Burnet, ii, 146. fol, 354, 8vo, f Strype's Grindal, 98.
T

274

ROMAN CATHOLICS.

[a. D. 1570,

ours, the same was part of the holy Scripture*." And Lord
Montacute, "a most devout follower of the Romish religion,"
argued In Its favour to the court of Spain, "that no other religion
was brought into England, than that which was consonant with
the holy Scriptures, and the four first oecumenical councils ¦("."
This state of things continued till the publication of the bull of
Plus v., 1569% which forbade her subjects to pay any deference
to the commands of one, whom In the fulness of his power he had
excommunicated ; and when Felton was found bold enough to
affix this document to the gates of the palace of the bishop of
London (1570), he met with a fate which his mad and rebellious
act justly merited, and became the cause of numberless ills to the
members of his own communion. One of its first consequences
was the enactment of three laws levelled directly against the
Roman Catholics, to which allusion has been before made.
(a. d. 1571.) The first was entitled. An Act whereby certain
Offences be made Treason:}:. The offences were the affirming
that Elizabeth was not a lawful sovereign, or that any one had a
better title ; that she was a heretic, schismatic, or infidel ; or
that the right of the crown could not be determined by law.
The second was against bringing in, and putting In execution,
bulls and other instruments of the see of Rome. It made all
liable to the penalties of treason, or a prsemunire, who were directly
or indirectly accessory to the bringing about a formal reconcilia
tion with the see of Rome, in the case of any of her majesty's
subjects. It did not affect absolutions given at confession §.
The third, an Act against fugitives over the sea, imposed on
them the forfeit of their property, but in case of their good beha-

« The bull is dated Feb. 23rd, 1569,
and may be found in Latin and English
in Powlis' Popish Treasons, p. 33 1 ;
Fuller, ix. 93, only gives the translation ;
Burnet, Ref. vi. 522. No. 13, gives the
Latin. Pius IV. had, when he came to the
papacy in 1560, made attempts at a.

reconcihation, by means of Parpalia, and
again, through the bishop of Viterbo,
aud Sir N. Throgmorton, ambassador
in France ; and an anxiety was expressed
that the church of England should send
deputies to the council of Trent; but
the project faUed. See Fuller, ix, p,
68, &c.

"* Strype's Annals, iii, 55, -|- Camden's Elizabeth, 19, 4,5,
X Statutes of the Realm, 13 Eliz, 1, 2, 3. § Butler's Catholics, i, 352.

IX. § 437.] ROMAN CATHOLICS, 275
viour provided for their families while they were absent, and
restored them to their possessions and rights a year after their
return, A privilege was extended to peers, which made it neces
sary that they should be sent for by letters under the privy seal,
before they incurred these penalties,
§ 438, Yet these laws, however severe, were not put In
execution till six years after their enactment, and five after the
massacre of St, Bartholomew had commenced the war of exter
mination, which the Roman Catholics wished to carry on against
Protestants. Cuthbert Maine, a priest, was the first who suffered
under them (1577); he was executed at Launceston, in Cornwall.
*He is described by Camden as an obstinate maintainer of the
pope's power against his prince. But the number of sufferers was
destined soon to be increased. Their friends called them martyrs,
their enemies branded them with the appellation of traitors ; and
they often partook strongly of the character of both. "f-Had no
succession been provided against the ravages of time, among the *
Roman Catholic priesthood, the stock of those who officiated in
England must soon have been exhausted ; but this was prevented
by Dr. William Allen, who for his exertions was afterwards
rewarded by the church of Rome with a cardinal's hat. The
fruits of his first labours were:!: :
The English college of secular clergy at Douay, 1568 : It was
removed to Rheims from 1578 to 1593, when it returned back to
Douay. This was foUowed by the English college at Rome, for
the education ofthe secular clergy, established in 1578.
A seminary at Valladolid, in Spain, established for the same
purpose about 1580.
College at Rome, about 1578, for seculars.
A seminary at Seville, ditto.
A seminary at Madrid.
If the objects of these societies had been confined to the edu
cation of men destined to the ministry of religion, the Protestant,
while he deplored this continued source of dissension, must have
admired the zeal of the man who so rationally promoted the cause
* Eliz. 224. t Butler's Catholics, i, 309, + Ibid. i. 492.
T 2

276

ROMAN CATHOLIC SEMINARIES.

[a, D, 15S0.

of his party; but these seminaries were made the hotbeds of sedi
tion. The oath^* which was taken by the students in Scotland,
where Mary allowed them a temporp.ry place of refuge, in conse
quence of certain troubles at Douay, sufficiently marks the
political tendency of some of these institutions; and the use which
the enemies of England tried to make of these establishments as
strongly points out the danger -f" which might be apprehended
from them, and which indeed was partly realized by the conduct
of some of their members. In January, 1581, the queen issued a
proclamation, which commanded the relatives of children who
were receiving their education in foreign countries, to give notice
to their several ordinaries, and to recall them within four months ;
and the sanguinary laws against seminarists and Jesuits were
subsequently put in force. Persons and Campian came over
into England in June, 1580, bearing with them a suspension
of the bull of excommunication J, as far as Roman Catholics were
concerned, till the time when the same might publicly be executed.
Persons, who was constituted the superior §, "tampered so far
with the papists, about deposing the queen, that some of them, (I
speak, says Camden, from their own credit,) thought to deliver
him into the magistrates' hand;" || and Campian wrote a chal
lenge to the church of England, by the publication of which the
government was excited to use every means for their apprehen
sion. It does not appear that Campian was privy to this act of
publication, and in consequence of the activity of pursuit which
arose from it, Persons fled out of the kingdom ; and Campian,
having with three others been apprehended on the 15th of July
(1581), was tried for denying the queen's supremacy, and executed
in December. § 439. (a, d, 1584,) It appears from Camden that some

=> " I, A. B., do acknowledge the ec
clesiastical and political power of his
holiness — Aud that my zeal shall be for
St, Peter — against all heretical kings,
princes, states, or powers, repugnant

unto theJ same. And although I may
pretend, in case of persecution, or other
wise, to be heretically disposed, yet in
soul aud conscience I shall help, aid, and
succour the mother church," &c.

* Strype's Ann. iv, 337.
§ Ibid, 247.

t Ibid, V, 57. X Camden's Eliz. 246.
II Strype's Ann, vi, 183. No, 6.

IX. § 439.] TREATMENT OF THE ROMAN CATHOLICS. 277
measures in themselves unwarrantable*, and excited by the
danger 'and jealousy of the times, were used to entrap Roman
Catholics ; and the treasons of Somerville and Throgmorton,
though they tended to keep the flame alive, cannot be brought
forward as proofs of the necessity of any such activity, Inasmuch
as the treason itself probably originated in this very cause : and if
it were not for the conduct of the court of Rome, as well as other
Roman Catholic courts ; if It were not for the opinion of men
who were far better able to judge of the matter than ourselves, I
mean the ministers of Elizabeth ; if It were not for the undoubted
testimony of loyal Roman Catholics of that period, we might fancy
that the alarms about the queen's life, and the consequent severity
towards the members of that communion, sprang from party zeal
and blind cruelty. But the pope had excited and fostered two
rebellions in Ireland -(•; and Sir Richard Shelley, writing to his
nephew, attributes the sufferings of her majesty's true servants to
the jealousies caused by the heads of some seminaries, and unna
tural subjects abroad]: : and in a letter to Lord Burleigh, in 1583,
he says, " That the misery that all Christendom suffered for, was
by the sending of these Jesuits into England after such sort as it
was and had been used."
The immediate effect of these alarms, beyond the animosity
excited against the Roman Catholics, was the formation of an
association §, in which the members promised to pursue, even to
death, any one who was concerned in the murder of the queen ;
for the assassination of the prince of Orange, and the plots real
and pretended against the life of Elizabeth, had put the whole
country into a ferment : and undoubtedly a Protestant might
reasonably have dreaded an event, which, by putting Mary of
Scotland on the throne, would have exposed the church of
England to very imminent peril. In this particular, the conduct
of Elizabeth herself seems liable to very just censure. The uncer
tainty of the succession tended above all other causes to prevent
the quiet settlement of the nation ; for had any accident happened
to her life, a thorough alteration would probably have ensued.
• Camden's Eliz. 294. f Ibid. 236, 242, + Strype's Annals, v. 198. ¦
§ Camden's Eliz, 300,

278

TREATMENT OF THE ROMAN CATHOLICS. [a.D. 1584.

Her delays and dalliance were excusable, If we view her merely
as a woman ; but she was a queen too, and the safety of the state
was at stake : she ought, therefore, to have sacrificed her own
fancies, to save the lives of her unquiet subjects ; but selfishness
was one of the strongest features of her character.
§ 440, In estimating the blame which is due to the govern
ment of Elizabeth, with regard to the treatment of the Roman
Catholics, the question seems to involve principles of a very
abstract nature, and to be by no means so clear, as it is generally
assumed to be, A government must always have a right to
defend itself, but retaliation can only be justified on the plea of
future prevention. It may be conceded by the Protestant, that
great cruelty was used towards the Roman Catholics, and that
the line of policy pursued, whether just or unjust, was very
injudicious; that a sincere Roman Catholic priest might have
acted against the statutes of Elizabeth upon mistaken principles,
and probably that many did so. But, on the other hand, It seems
likely that a Protestant at the time might fairly have esteemed
these laws necessary and just ; and upon abstract principles of
justice they probably must be reckoned just, though It would be
difficult to establish their necessity. The question would stand
thus : the head of a body politic (the church of Rome) officially
promulgates doctrines and assumes an authority'' incompatible
with oivil government ; every one, therefore, who by any act
maintains that authority, does virtually place himself beyond the
pale of civil society. We are not at present discussing how such
an individual ought to be treated. It is obvious that kindness
and reason would be most likely to bring him home to a sense of
his duty ; but a government must have a right to use severity,
and that upon the first principles of self-preservation.
§ 441. The question, therefore, which Is to be solved, is this ;
Whether a missionary Roman Catholic priest were placed under
these circumstances 2 If he brought over the bull of Pius V., he
was obviously guilty of treason ; and If he reconciled any English

» Pius V. pretended to free the sub
jects of Elizabeth from their allegiance
to her, Clement VIII. granted a ple

nary pardon to all the followers and
abettors of Tyrone, as in the case of a
crusade. Camden's Eliz. 581.

IX. § 441.] treat.ment op the roman catholics. 279
subject to the pope, who professed and held such language as the
bull maintained, it would be difficult to show that he was less
liable to the punishment of the law. And it appears equally
obvious, that If in reconciling a Roman Catholic to the church,
he disclaimed the objectionable authority of the pope, he must be,
in foro conscientice, free from the penalties incurred by a supposed
act of treason, of which the guilt was not substantiated by the cir
cumstances which attended it, inasmuch as it wanted the essence
of the treason, the objectionable claim to the authority. The pope,
as a sovereign, had waged a noXeiios acnrovZos with the queen, a
war in which no intercourse could be admitted, no quarter given
or received. Whoever therefore was a papist, or performed any
overt act in favour of the papacy, became a partisan of that cause,
and liable to the penalty due to any prisoner in such a method of
warfare. The alternative is a horrid one ; but he is In fault who
begins such a war, and no one can attribute this blame to Eliza
beth or her counsellors. Persons and Campian, when they came
to England* and brought a modification of the bull, were guilty
of treason, In^ro conscientias. The temporary suspension of the
bull does in reality not alter the question ; the bull was to be put
in force whenever circumstances made it likely to be injurious to
the country. We may pity men who were exposed to the neces
sity of committing such a treasonable act, if indeed they were
bound in their consciences to obey the papal authority ; but we
must blame the pope who sent them, not the government which
hanged men whose acts tended to overturn its authority. When
the individual convicted disclaimed the objectionable tenet, he
was sometimes pardoned, as in the case of Rishton, Bosgrove,
and Orton -f", though others were executed whose answers might
have satisfied a reasonable tribunal.
§ 442. But in viewing the question, with reference only to
the cruelty of it, the state of danger and irritation arising from
various injuries must fairly and fully be taken into consideration.
The Roman Catholics as a body were carrying on a most vehe
ment attack against Elizabeth, because she was a Protestant.
• Butler's Cath. i. 365. t Ibid, i. 429.

280

treatment of the ROMAN CATHOLICS, [a.D, 1584,

(1569,) The pope had excommunicated her, (1565.) France
and Spain had conspired for the extirpation of heresy. (1572.) In
France the Roman Catholics had begun by trying to murder all
their Protestant countrymen^. Spain had given proofs of her
tender mercies to Protestants in the Netherlands, and was pre
paring for the subjugation of England. Her own Roman Catholic
subjects were excited to rebel against Elizabeth ; as a body, they
never attempted to give any pledge of their fidelity; and had
such an attempt been made, the mass of English Roman Catholics
would probably have refused to join in it, against the papal
authority. Can any one, then, in his senses, wonder that no
minister of Elizabeth had courage enough to adopt a liberal line
of policy towards the Roman Catholics ? and if such had been
adopted, and the queen had been murdered, what would have been
the judgment of posterity on such a minister? No one possessed
of any feeling can fail to deplore the lot of an honest Roman
Catholic priest at such a period ; but our pity need not be confined
to him alone. A conscientious minister, or even the queen
herself, may well claim a share of our commiseration; who,
having the wish to treat the Roman Catholics with kindness,
found themselves obliged to use measures which nothing but
absolute necessity could palliate, which no necessity perhaps
could justify. But it would be unjust to history, if we failed to
state the causes of all these evils. They arose from the errors of
a church claiming to itself an indefinite infallibility, in which the
chief member attempted to enforce the dictates of his own will in
opposition to the law of God. They arose from a priesthood, who,
from principles of blind obedience to their superiors, dared not
disclaim that authority, when it was manifestly opposed to the
Bible. They arose from this circumstance, that both parties
mixed up religion with politics, and concealed their own inte
rested motives under the specious covering of the cause of God,

" One of tho most dreadful feattu-es
connected with the massacre of St, Bar
tholomew's consists in the approbation
given to it by the court of Rome, Gre
gory XIII. issued a bull for a jubilee in
consequence. It is curious to compare

the Prayers of the Protestants in En
gland for these persecutors, their con
version and salvation, with this docu..
ment. Strype's Parker, iii, 197. No.
68, U, 132,

IX. § 442.] treatment op the roman catholics, 281
In fact, the Reformation throughout partook much more of a
political nature than it ought to have done.
§ 443. The temporal interference of the church of Rome
was a tyranny against which the potentates of Europe had 'as
much reason to contend, as against the spiritual thraldom which
it pretended to exercise over their minds ; and by the grace of
God, the struggles which they made to free themselves from an
earthly yoke, served to deliver them from that spiritual darkness
which would have continued to blind their faculties, and have
prevented them from beholding the light. The immediate evil
which arose from this source was, that individuals imitated their
governors, so that a warfare of extermination was commenced
among brethren of the same nation and kindred. They made
Protestantism or their adhering to the church of Rome the tests
of a party zeal, which drove them into unwarrantable excesses ;
and the names of Protestant and Bomanist were rendered political
badges, full as much as religious distinctions : and let history
decide which party was the most to blame, in a struggle in which
neither can be excused. One thing, indeed, may be pleaded in
favour of the church of Rome, which cannot be advanced for us ;
that if their principles be taken for granted, and the question
abstractedly viewed, they are right in persecuting, jwhereas the
Protestant can have no such justification, and his advocate has
only to deny that we ever persecuted for religion. If there be no
salvation except within the pale of the church of Rome, a consci
entious Romanist may in kindness use any method of compulsion
to bring the Protestant into communion with himself: whereas,
since the sincere Protestant hopes to meet his brethren of every
communion in the blessedness which shall be hereafter, however
we may have differed on earth; as the true Catholic, whether
he be Protestant or Romanist, builds his hopes of glory on the
merits of his Redeemer, and places his prospects of grace on the
assistance of the Holy Ghost, we can only use the weapons of our
prayers for the enlightening of ourselves and others, and bring
forward those arguments with which Scripture will furnish us ;
believing that every other method of persuasion arises from the
same source, and is to be traced to the author of all evil. If the

282

PERSECUTIONS UNDER MARY AND ELIZABETH, [a.D, 1584.

enlightened Roman Catholic disallow the conclusion which Is here
drawn, if he reject the idea of persecution, even to produce salva
tion in the persecuted, let him honestly examine the question, and
see whether this be not a legitimate conclusion from the datum of
an infallible church, beyond the pale of which there is no hope of
salvation; and then let him examine the arguments by which the
nineteenth article of our church are supported ; and may God of
his mercy show him and us the truth.
§ 444. Having dwelt so long on abstract principles, it may
not be amiss to say something of the persecutions in Mary's days,
when compared with those exercised against the Roman Catholics
under Elizabeth. We will suppose, then, that by the law of the
land, as it stood at each of these periods, either prisoner could
legally have been put to death, the one for being a heretic, the
other because he was a seminary priest. The one% who might
be a perfectly illiterate person, because when examined he denied
the doctrine of transubstantiation, a doctrine which all must allow
to be beyond reason, not to be subject to the senses, and when
believed, to be a mere act of faith. The other, who must be an
educated man, known to be brought up at a seminary which held
doctrines incompatible with civil society, because he refused to
abjure opinions concerning the papal authority which he consci
entiously held, and the entertaining of which the supreme legis
lature of this country had decided to be a legal crime, and puur
ishable as treason. God forbid that any Christian should for a
moment approve of the latter; but is not comparison inadmissible?
is not the practical difference enormous ? May it not safely be
asserted, that an honest man expressing those sentiments which
are now generaUy held by Roman Catholics in England would
not have suffered under Elizabeth? and that a Protestant believing
what we believe, and teaching what we teach, would, if God had
given him grace and strength of mind enough to become a martyr,
have been burnt under Mary ? That Roman Catholics, acting as

" Bradford was condemned for deny
ing the corporal presence and transub
stantiation. So were Mrs. A, Ascue,
Kirby, and Roger Clarke: and number

less other examples might be found.
Strype's Ecc, Mem, III. i, 366. Fox,
ii. 487, and 479.

IX. § 444,]

INJUSTICE OF THE REIGN.

283

well as tho English Catholics have as a body always acted, would
have been treated well by the government of Elizabeth, is more
than can be proved ; for the first principles of toleration were then
unknown, either in church or state ; but toleration is a plant
of Protestant growth, and all true Christians may join in the
prayer, that her branches may cover the earth,
§ 445. The unjust method in which the trials of Roman
Catholics were conducted is sometimes brought forward as a
charge against Elizabeth, by those who advocate their cause;
but it must not be forgotten, that justice was never substantially
administered during this reign'*. The influence of the powerful
was frequently exercised against all right; and it is not to be
wondered if the Roman Catholics, in this respect, were not more
fortunate than their Protestant neighbours. The charge is well
founded, but it should be brought against the times generally.
The evil was common, and did not particularly affect the Roman
Catholics. It arose from the ordinary notions of the people as
much as from the court ; for a corrupt jury must be composed of
corrupt individuals, whose judgment will not be tolerated, except
when the feelings of a country are themselves corrupted.
But before we quit this subject, we should recollect that the
general opinions on persecution were totally different from what
they are at present. Very few of the Roman Catholic persuasion
founded their hopes of convincing Protestants on any other basis
than that of force ; and the puritan, while he required toleration
for himself, while he expected that every scruple of his own should
be treated with tenderness, had no desire to extend the same
allowance to others. Sampson, who, of all men, ought to have

» As proofs that this was the opinion
of those who lived at this time, see a
lett^ of Overton to Burleigh, where, in
speaking of Leicester, he says, "a no-
hleman far above my power and ability
to withstand;" "mine own counsel, for
fear of displeasure, scarce dare encounter
him in my causes." (Strype's Ann. vi.
207, No, 18.) Nevil expresses the same
idea to Lord Burleigh. (Strype's Ann.
V. 459.) Lord Es.sex, writmg to Ser
geant Puckering about a gentleman, a

foUower of the earl's, under prosecution,
treats justice, as if it were a mere piece
of party favour, and simply threatens the
judge. (Strype's Ann. v. 657.) The son
of one Collard, a brewer, in Canterbury,
murdered a poor man in open day, and
got his pardon by his father paying 240^.
to Chief Baron Manwood. (Strype's
Ann. v^ 391.) There are some persons
so ignorant as to wish for the good days
of Queen Bess !

284

PURITANS, HISTORY OP.

[a.D. 1584.

learnt kindness to those who differed from him, through what he
had himself suffered*, (Dec. 31, 1574,) wrote to Burleigh, to
remonstrate with him because he had been the means of deliver
ing some Roman Catholics out of prison ; and urges, that if they
were no longer kept in durance, they should at least be compelled
to hear sermons for their conversion. And, In 1577, Sir Nicholas
Bacon, in one ofthe last letters which he wrote "f", speaks of seve
rity as the only means of checking the Roman Catholics, and
thereby of withstanding the power of Rome. The puritans com
plained often of their treatment by the high church party ; but
no one can doubt, that they would have been far less tolerant,
had the power of enforcing their own opinions been placed in
their hands. § 446. (a.d. 1572.) When the laws against nonconformity
were at first enforced, they produced, as might have been
expected, a counteraction among those against whom they were
directed. Many of the clergy were deprived of their preferments,
and some of them formed themselves into a presbytery, at
Wandsworth ^ and under their superintendence the Admonition
to Parliament was published]:. The unbending spirit of the
one produced severity in those who governed, and severity
created hatred and animosity, which in its turn gave rise to
more vigorous measures ; till both parties neglected the essentials
of religion to dispute about its externals. In the next year,
(June 11> 1573,) § Elizabeth issued a proclamation against the
puritans, and they, on their part, agreed to protestations declara
tory of the reasons for their not joining in the national worship.
In the autumn, a madman, of the name of Birchet, excited by
puritanic principles, stabbed Mr. Hawkins, an eminent officer in
the navy, mistaking him for Mr. Hatton of the council, an event

» This presbytery, which was the first
established in England, was for some
time conducted in secret; and though
the bishops were acquainted with its
existence, they could not discover the
members who composed it, or prevent

the establishment of simUar Institutions.
The chief persons engaged in it were
Field and Wilcox. They published their
regulations, which were denominated
the " Orders of Wandsworth." (Fuller,
ix. 103.)

* Strype's Ann, iii. 491; f Ibid. iv. 98. X Neal's Pur. i. 231. 243.
§ Strype's Parker, ii, 256, and 283.

IX. § 446.]

PARKER.

285

which aggravated the ill-will which was borne towards them ;
and in order that this opposition to authority might be more
effectually prevented, a letter was written from the council to
certain chosen commissioners in every shire, (Nov.)* exciting
them to enforce the orders of the proclamation. During the next
summer, (a.d. 1574,) the exercises of prophesyings "|- were put
down in the diocese of Norwich, (June 7,) notwithstanding
some diversity of opinion which prevailed among the council.
These several steps served but to make the line of separation
between the puritans and the church more definitively marked,
and exasperated the minds of both. It is not easy to determine
how far any blame may attach to Archbishop Parker, for his
conduct may, in the judgment of some persons, appear to have
been dictated by correct views with regard to ecclesiastical policy;
and it is impossible to ascertain who were the prime movers of
that severe compulsion, which was hardly warranted by the cause
against which it was directed. It is generally attributed to the
queen herself^, who could ill brook any opposition to her com
mands ; but the real question, as far as Parker's character is
concerned, is, whether he approved of what was done, or whether
he only followed the directions of Elizabeth and her council.
(a. d. 1575.) There can be no doubt that he was a great and
good man, and that our church owes much to his wisdom, learn
ing, and care ; but it is not unlikely, that had he acted with the
same Christian forbearance and decision which was exhibited by
his successor, he would have saved the country from much irre-
ligion, fanaticism, and bloodshed. He was in most respects
peculiarly suited to his station; but in his intercourse and treat
ment of the puritans, he was perhaps guilty of an error in
judgment ; he was sincere, though warm, and in carrying on his

^ JeweU says, " Regince certum est,
nolle flecti. (1567.) Sed regina ferre
mutationem in reUgione, hoe tempore,
nuUam potest," (Burnet, vi, 445, No,
84. App, 450, No, 88,) Grindal says of

those who would not give vifay, " Sed
cum hoc non faciunt nos apud serenissi-
mara reginam ista contentione irritatam,
nihil possiunus." (Burnet, 463, No.
92,)

¦" Strype's Ann. iu, 384,

f Strype's Parker, ii, 361.

286

GRINDAL,

[a,d, 1676,

plans of reform, he deprived himself of the earthly happiness of
the latter years of his life : he died May 17*.
§ 447. (a. d. 1576.) One of the early acts of Grindal was to
reform the exercises of prophesyings. Into which some disorders
had occasionally crept; and for this purpose he issued orders-f"
concerning the manner of managing the proceedings of these
assemblies^: but the queen took occasion, upon his next appear
ance at court, to declare herself offended at the number of preachers,
as well as at these exercises, desiring him to redress both. In
consequence of this, he wrote to her a most apostolical epistle J,
(Dec. 20th,) and urged her to consider the utility of such insti
tutions, and the duty of obeying the will of God, and not follow
ing our own devices. This step, however, did not at all coincide
with the methods by which Elizabeth was determined to govern;
and during the next spring § she sent a letter to all the bishops
commanding them to suppress prophesyings In their dioceses, and
in June, sequestered the archbishop, and confined him to his
house''||; and thus made the remainder of his life inactive as to
the cause of the church; for though he appears during the whole
time to have carried on the ecclesiastical business in his own name,
yet his Influence and authority were thus rendered nugatory at a
period when everything depended on the favour of the court.
He seems indeed to have tendered his resignation with a sincere
wish for its acceptance ; but Whitgift had too much right feeling

" They were to be carried on in some
church appointed by the bishop ; and the
archdeacon, or some one, (a grave and
learned graduate,) appointed by hun,
was to be the moderator. Such portions
of Scripture were to be examined and
discussed as the bishop should appoint.
The laity were never to speak, nor any
of the clergy who were not previously
judged meet to be speakers ; the rest of
the clergy were to be allowed to perform
exercises before the clergy in private,
. but not before the whole congregation.
The speakers were immediately to be

stopped if they glanced at any state, or
any person public or private, or said any
thing against the laws, rites, policies, and
discipline of the church of England ; and
if they had ever been sUenced, they were
not to be admitted again without a fresh
appointment, *¦ Another source of displeasure is
hinted at by Strype and Camden, (Grin
dal, 440, and EUzabeth, 287,) arising
from his not granting a dispensation to
JuUo, a physician of Lord Leicester's ;
but the authority on which this story
rests is questionable.

* Strype's Parker, U. 430.
§ Ibid, 342,

f Strype's Grmdal, 327. X Ibid. 558, No. ix,
II Ibid. 343.

IX. § 447.] GRINDAL. 287
to allow him to enter on an office during the lifetime of an incum
bent, who, though he differed from his successor in principles,
was manifestly acting the part of an honest man*. The convo
cation too, in 1681, showed their respect for Grindal by presenting
a petition in his favour, drawn up by Tobie Mathews, dean of
Christ Church, and printed in Fuller"!"; and though there remains
no document which decidedly proves the time of his restoration,
yet it probably took place in the next year. He died July 6,
1583, and was succeeded by Whitgift, bishop of Worcester |.
§ 448. (a.d. 1583.) The conduct of Grindal must always
appear most exemplary. He was himself adverse to the eccle
siastical dresses ; yet upon the advice of Peter Martyr § he con
formed, and exerted himself to effect the same in his brethren,
because he saw that the want of a sufficient ministry was the
greatest evil which could happen to the church: but when such
measures were adopted as were against his conscience, he remon
strated as a Christian patriot, and offered a resignation of his
office, in which he could not fulfil the duties required of him by
the crown without offending his God. The question of whether
he was right in his judgment is totally indifferent ; but a monarch
with half the sense which Elizabeth possessed, had she not been
hurried away by her passions, would have treated him in a very
different manner, even though she supposed him to be in the
wrong: she might have accepted his resignation, and behaved
towards him with more personal kindness. But as it was, the
ill consequences of this affair were very apparent ; discipline was
neglected II, and the puritan party so far prevailed, as to Introduce
many clergymen of their own opinions into ecclesiastical situa
tions, notwithstanding the seeming triumph of the other side :
and the parliament of 1581 presented a petition in favour of
ecclesiastical reform, the general tendency of which was appa
rently to abridge the power of the bishops ^ by making the con
currence of the dean and chapter, or six preachers, necessary for
certain episcopal acts, such as ordaining, commuting penance, &c.
Most of the articles of this petition which regard residence and
* Strype's Whitgift, i. 222. f FuUer, ix. 120. + Strype's Grindal, 403.
§ Bumet, V. 478. |1 Strype's Whitgift, i, 226. if Ibid. iii. 47. [No. 3.J

288 TREATMENT OF THE PURITANS. [a, D, 1583.
pluralities have been since, wholly, or partially, adopted, excepting
indeed the fifth and sixth — that no dignitary of the church should
hold more than one living together with his cathedral preferment ;
and that no more than two such dignities should be tenable by
the same person*.
§ 449. But it may not be amiss here to say something more
of the treatment of the puritans ; for the line of policy was now
so decidedly taken up by the government, that any subsequent
concession must have looked like vacillation of judgment, or
weakness of power. Let it be asked, then, what the treatment
of the puritans ought to have been ? how should uniformity have
been preserved, without giving up episcopacy or other essentials ?
Before we enter on such a discussion, it may be useful to consider
how far the then existing law differed from the present ; and how
far that law itself was the cause of the opposition raised against
it. There was then nothing which resembled toleration towards
Protestant dissenters : if an individual were offended at any part
of the service, he could not absent himself from church, as he
would have incurred a severe penalty by so doing : he had no
other place of worship to which he might retire ; for in all pro
bability, at first, many of the puritans would have been perfectly
contented with this ; and if their passions had been allowed to
cool, if an opportunity of viewing our decent forms had been
given them, many might have quietly returned Into the bosom of
the church. Such steps, however, were little suited for the cha
racter of Elizabeth, who would as readily have surrendered her
crown, as have allowed her subjects to exercise their private
judgments on such matters ; and the punishment of death was
esteemed the only remedy for Brownists*, who denied the queen's
supremacy in any but civil matters. He, therefore, who could
raise a scruple in the mind of an individual, as to the legitimacy
of a ceremony, raised a spirit of insubordination in the breast
in which it was implanted ; and among the various opinions
which prevailed, and the elements of discord which were thus
' This has just now (August, 1840,) become the law of the land,
* Strype's Ann, v, 269,

IX, § 449.] TREATMENT OF THE PURITANS. 289
diffused throughout the kingdom, it was the public danger alone
which kept the nation united. Sermons tended to foster these
sentiments of free Investigation, and Elizabeth, who clearly saw
their tendency, instead of trying to direct them to useful objects,
and to disseminate real Christianity, endeavoured to curtail the
frequency of them, if not to suppress them altogether. Now had
the laws against nonconformity been made much more easy with
regard to those who were already In orders, and possessed of pre
ferment ; had the better sort of nonconformists been treated with
lenity, and had the government shut its eyes to their failings ;
had all interrogatories ex officio mero* been disused, which served
but to embody the nonconformists ; had every means been exerted
to Instruct the rising generation, and to convince them practically
that the dress was an indifferent point, (for many of the noncon
formists were at first weak brethren, and were often rendered
turbulent merely by severity;) had strictness of subscription
been required from all who took possession of benefices, and the
same sort of laxity allowed, which now prevails with regard to
dress ; had the government and the bishops exerted their first
energies in reforming undoubted abuses, it is probable that non
conformity would not have been so closely connected with revo
lutionary principles and the assertion of civil rights ; and that in
the subsequent struggle, the church might have helped to support
the throne, instead of proving the readiest point through which
the sovereign could be attacked. As it was, Elizabeth supported
the church by her energy and talents, and circumstances enabled
her to triumph over the rising spirit of freedom in the country;
but in the hands of James and Charles, the abuses real and
imaginary, which existed in the church, contributed greatly to
overthrow the monarchy. * See S 458, a.

290

CHAPTER X.
FROM WHITGIFT'S APPOINTMENT, 1583, TO THE END
OF THE REIGN.
450. Whitgift, archbishop; he requires subscription to the "Three Articles."
451. Treatment ofthe puritans; opposition to the bishops. 452. Objects of
the puritans. 453. Law framed against the queen of Scots. 454. Hooker
and Travers. 455. Death of Mary queen of Scots. 456. Attempts at inno
vation ; convocation. 457. Armada ; conduct of the Roman Catholics. 458.
Conduct of the puritans. 459. Treatment of them. 460, Question of
episcopacy. 461. Treatment of the libellers. 462, Roman CathoUcs, 463.
464. Origin of the Lambeth Articles. 465, Greater peace in the church,
466. Change of opinion in certain puritans. 467. Character of Elizabeth.
468. Her treatment of the puritans and Roman Catholics. 469. Religious,
but arbitrary. 470. Death of Elizabeth. 471. State of the church.
§ 450. The selection of Whitgift for the metropolitan see was
judicious, considering the line of policy with regard to church
matters which Elizabeth had determined to adopt. The question
was now, whether force should compel the clergy to be all of one
mind about indifferent matters ; and the present archbishop was
a fit instrument to decide it according to the wishes of the queen.
*He began his administration by examining how the regula
tions affecting recusancy and nonconformity were observed, and
addressed a circular letter to his brethren the bishops, directing
them to take care that the articles* concerning these matters, on
which they had agreed, should be duly enforced. In his own
diocese he began at once a very rigid inquiry into the state of the
clergy, and strictly enjoined subscription to the three articles,
which now stand In the thirty-sixth canon. From the subordi
nate officers, who were deputed to carry on this investigation"!".

" These are printed in Strype, and
contain in the sixth section the three
articles in the thirty-sixth canon to
which Whitgift required subscription,
(Whitgift, i, 229.) They had the sanc

tion of the bishops 'and of the queen ;
but the legality of requiring subscription
to them may stUl be doubted. See this
part of the question discussed in Neal's
Puritans, i, 320,

" Strype's Whitgift, i, 227, &c. f Ibid, i, 245,

,X. § 450.] MINISTERS OF KENT, 291
the ministers of Kent addressed themselves to the archbishop In
person, who, having spent two or three days in endeavouring to
convince them, proceeded to the suspension of such as persisted
in their non-compliance, while they on their part appealed to
the council. The same step was also adopted by certain ministers
in Suffolk*, who were placed under the same circumstances, and
in whose favour some of the magistrates of the county had ven
tured to petition")-. This produced a sort of remonstrance from
the council, and an answer from the archbishop, who was deter
mined to proceed with vigour, and to exercise the powers of the
ecclesiastical commission.
§ 451. The articles and interrogatories which were Issued
during the spring of 1584 are a strong Instance of the indefinite
and tyrannical power then exercised by the governors of the
church J. They were queries e.v officio mero, proposed to clergy
men, whose only accuser was common fame, and who were
expected to answer on oath questions which Involved not only
their opinions on matters in which they had, or might have, con
formed, but the very fact of their conformity and their future
intentions formed part of the inquiry. Whitgift and the other
bishops contended, that in their proceeding In this way they were
borne out by received custom and the usages of other courts, and
that such stsps were necessary, when no information could be
procured against nonconforming and popular ministers ; but this
circumstance, if indeed the fact were so, proved the total abhor
rence which the mass of the population must have felt towards
ecclesiastical courts, or that such nonconformity could not be very
frequent or considerable, when no evidence could be obtained of a
fact done in the face of the whole congregation, among whom any
stranger might be present. And Burleigh, who was the sound
friend of the church, though not an admirer of all ecclesiastical
proceedings §, characterises these articles as " so curiously penned,
so full of branches and circumstances, as I think the inquisitors of
Spain used not so many questions to comprehend and to trap
their preyes." He strongly advises a more charitable method of
• Strype's Ann. v. 264. f Strype's Whitgift, i. 250.
X Ibid. Ui. 81, No, iv, § Ibid, ui, 106, No, ix, and Fuller, ix, 156.
U 2

292 OPPOSITION TO THE BISHOPS. [a.d. 1584.
treatment, and while he disputes not the legality of what was
done, he subjoins, omnia licent, yet, omnia non escpediimt. As to
the wisdom and propriety of allowing the church to remain as it
was by law established*, the bishops seem to have convinced
several of the court by two conferences held with the opposite
party in the presence of those who entertained doubts on this
subject : in the latter of these, which took place at Lambeth in
1585, the archbishop during four hours confuted and answered In
a most satisfactory manner their scruples and objections. But
the steps which he took to enforce conformity, and unity of
opinion, were not so well received -|-; and this induced him to
comply with the suggestions of Walsingham, who advised, that
incumbents already in possession of their preferments should not
be pressed to subscribe the three articles, provided they gave a
written promise that they would comply with the use of the
Common Prayer, For that prudent minister could not shut his
eyes to the growing dislike which the conduct of the'eccleslastical
courts was daily creating towards the bishops and the church ;
an enmity by no means confined to the sufferers, or to the lower
orders in the country, but discoverable among many who were
possessed of considerable authority. Lord Leicester was long
looked up to as the head of the antleplscopal party, and the arch
bishop regarded him as a decided opponent of his measures^.
Mr. Beal, clerk of the council, was earnest too on the subject, and
wrote against the examination of delinquents by oath, ex officio
mero, and the use of torture §; and Sir F, Knowles on several
occasions exhibited so much antipathy to the bishops, that the
queen forbade him to meddle with the question. And some of
this party, in order to alarm the bench, and perhaps to share In
the spoils of the church, tried to promote a commission, {ad melius
inquirendum,) to ascertain the real value of ecclesiastical pro
perty ; but the exertions of the archbishop, and other friends of
the establishment, prevented the measure from being carried Into
effect. * Paul's Whitgift. Wordsworth's Ecc. Biog. iv. 343.
f Strype's Whitgift, i. 431. + Paul's Whitgift, Wordsworth's E, B, iv, 350.
§ Strype's Whitgift, i, 401, &c.

X. § 451,] OBJECTS OF THE PURITANS, 293
In the convocation which was held during the end of the last
year, and the beginning of this, were promulgated the Articuli
pro clero in Synodo Londin. 1584^*, which contain some judi
cious regulations with regard to the essentials of ecclesiastical
discipline, § 452. The puritans, during the session of parliament")", were
very strenuous in the cause of reform on many points in which
reformation was undoubtedly wanted. The great object which
they kept in view was to establish a preaching ministry, a desire
in which they were fully met by the high church party; but
their opinions did not coincide as to the means by which this end
was to be obtained. They would have applied the sums expended
in choral establishments to the payment of preachers, and have
transferred all ecclesiastical impropriations to the use of the
curates of those places where the corps lay; and would even have
laid their hands on lay impropriations, a step in which there was
no great probability of their receiving much support from their
friends at court. The bishops looked to conformity as the chief
remedy for the evils which they deplored, and thought that the
keeping up of establishments, in which the higher offices might
reward a learned ministry, was most likely to produce the real
prosperity of the church. At the same time it was the avowed
object of the reformers to introduce much of the presbyterian
government ; every question arising In a diocese or parish was to
be subjected to the decision of a general or provincial synod, to be
assembled at stated periods. The revision of the Common Prayer,
of the Ordination service, as well as of all other rites and cere
monies, was to be referred to the authority of the same tribunal,
and submitted to the approbation of the queen. As far as morals
were concerned, they sought a severe discipline, and were parti
cularly anxious to curtail the worldly pomp of the episcopal order.
They requested the establishment of a new set of ecclesiastical

" They were almost entirely drawn up
by Whitgift himself, as will appear by
comparing No. xiv. and xviii, 130, 145,
(Strype's Whitgift, iii.) but may be

traced back in their origin to the lower
house of convocation, in 1580, who pre
sented a draft of a similar bUl to the
lords. (Strype's Grindal, 587. No, xiv.)

Sparrow's Collection, 191. i" Strype's Ann. vi, 278, No. 39.

294 PARLIAMENT. [a. D. 1685.
laws, since in the present administration of those which existed
several abuses were to be found, particularly with regard to
excommunication for contumacy; while the licences for pluralities,
non- residence, and the ordination of clergymen without any minis
terial office, were frequently exposed to strong complaints. With
regard to many of these points, the laws had done almost all that
Could be effected by legal enactments, and the bishops were
anxious to remedy what was wanting; but it is curious to observe
how many of these changes have been gradually and partially
introduced. We must omit the introduction of the presbyterian
government, in which we are nearly as we were ; but the want
of anything of this sort depends probably more on circumstances,
than in any fundamental reason in the constitution of our church
establishment. These attempts, however, were at the time ren
dered fruitless; for Whitgift* addressed himself to the queen,
urging her to stop all such proceedings, and to rest the discipline
of the church on her own supremacy, a step to which her inclina
tions were always sufficiently disposed.
§ 453. This parliament was strongly impressed with the
idea of resisting the Roman Catholic party, which was at this
time not only powerful, but very active in the world. They
passed")", therefore, two acts, one for the surety of the queen's
person, the other against Jesuits and seminary priests. The first
of these was levelled against the unfortunate Mary queen of Scots,
whose misfortunes and hard treatment, towards the end of her
life, rendered her an object of pity, rather than of that just
reproach which her early conduct probably merited. This law
made any connivance at conipassing the queen's death, in any
person of whatever description, liable to the pains of treason. As
if an act of parliament could alter the nature of international law,
or divest murder of its atrocity, by giving it the form of a legal
trial ; as if any law of England could establish a jurisdiction over
an independent princess, from which her own rights had rendered
her free. And here it should be remembered, that the voice of
the kingdom was full as loud and guilty as the wishes of the
* Strype's Whitgift, i, 391, f Statutes of the Realm, 1, 2,

X. § 453.] HOOKER AND TRAVERS. 295
queen, and that no persons were more strenuous than the puritans
in their endeavours to bring the queen of Scots to the scaffold.
The second directed all seminary priests and Jesuits to leave the
kingdom on pain of death, and imposed heavy penalties on those
who received or aided them. The act, however, was limited to
those who refused to take the oath of supremacy*.
Elizabeth also soon afterwards undertook the protection of
the Netherlands, and in the next spring sent Leicester to com
mand in Holland against the forces of the Roman Catholics and
Spanish party.
§ 454. In this year a dispute took place, rendered memorable
from having been the origin of Hooker's excellent treatise on
Ecclesiastical Polity, a work which has tended more perhaps to
settle the question of church government than any other which
ever appeared*. On the death of Father Alvie, master of the
Temple, great interest was made by the friends of Travers to
obtain this situation for him")-. He had long been engaged in
giving the evening lectures there ; but Whitgift, who entertained
no good opinion of him, and doubted of his conformity, raised so
decided an opposition to the nomination, that the mastership was
procured for Hooker, by Sandys, bishop of London. The arch
bishop, indeed, had been well acquainted with Travers, who was
formerly fellow of Trinity college, Cambridge, and had shown a
strong preference for the discipline of Geneva, according to the
forms of which church he was afterwards ordained at Antwerp.
As the queen deferred much to the opinion of the archbishop,
the appointment of Travers was wholly refused, unless he could

» It should be remembered, that the
oath of supremacy at that time did not
contain the objectionable words "that
damnable doctrine and position," &c.
I call them objectionable, because a
sincere Roman Catholic, however he dis
approves of the doctrine of the pope's
power of deposing kings, wUl hardly like
to call that doctrine damnable which the
head of his church still perhaps main-
tams. In 35 Henry VIII. ch. i. § 7,
the oath contains strong expressions

against the usurped power of Rome;
that 1 Eliz. ch. i. § 9, is much shortened
and less objectionable to a Roman Ca
tholic, The oath of allegiance 3 Jac. I.
ch. iv, § 9, is much longer, and intro
duces the clause "damnable doctrine,"
&c, 1 WUliam and Mary, ch, viU, § 12,
the present oath was established ; so that
the oath of Elizabeth is, among the four,
the one which a Roman Catholic would
least scruple to take.

* Strype's Whitgift, i, 340, - f Walton's Hooker, Wor^w, Ecc, Biog, iv, 245,

296

HOOKER AND TRAVERS,

[a.D, 1585,

give proof that he had been ordained according to the laws of
England, and would subscribe to those articles which were im
posed by ecclesiastical and royal authority, as well as the Thirty-
nine*. For Travers refused to do any more than what was
enjoined by statute. He had endeavoured for some time to
introduce the presbyterian government into the Temple-)-, and
was supposed to be the author of a book on ecclesiastical govern
ment, which entirely rejected episcopacy*; and when Hooker
came to take possession of his new office, Travers wished to
have proposed him for the approbation of the society, and upon
his refusal some unpleasantness had grown up between them,
which was Increased by objections raised to trifles In the service,
wherein the master differed from the lecturer by conforming
strictly to the customs and laws of the church J. The quarrel
thus begun grew more important, when Travers objected to some
positions contained in Hooker's sermons, and a pulpit controversy
arose between them, in which the forenoon sermon spake Can
terbury, and the afternoon Geneva. The consequence was, that
Whitgift silenced Travers §, and he appealed to the council''.

" "Disciplina Ecclesise sacra ex Dei
verbo descripta." This was afterwards
translated and published by Cartwright,
" A full and plain declaration of Ecclesi
astical Discipline," &c. See Index to
Strype. ¦¦ Travers' Supplication to the council,
and Hooker's answer, are printed in the
end of the Ecclesiastical Polity, To
those who are unacquainted with eccle •
siastical law, the treatment of Travers
may seem in some degree unjust. He
argues that he was in orders because the
statute (12, 13 Eliz.) directed, that those
who had been ordained by any other
rites than those of the church of Eng
land should subscribe to the Thirty-nine
Articles, implying, that after that act
they were fully entitled to the advantages
belonging to other members of the esta
blishment. This applied directly to the
Roman Catholic priesthood, and the

same law prevaUs now. But according
to the doctrine of an episcopalian church,
he who was ordained without the pre
sence of a bishop was never ordained at
all : he wants the essence of ordination,
the laying on of the hands of the bishop ;
and this law, therefore, does not apply
to him. It is difficult to determine the
intention of the original framers of the
law. The early practice was probably
on the side of Travers, (as in the case of
Whittingham, to which he appeals, and
which was much stronger than his own.)
(Strype's Annals, iv. 167.) The present
interpretation of it is entirely in favour of
the archbishop. The words are: "Every
person under the degree of bishop, which
doth or shall pretend to be a priest or
minister of God's holy word and sacra
ments, by reason of any other form of
institution, consecration, or ordering,
than the form set forth by pailiament.

* Strype's Whitgift, i. 344.
Hooker's Answer to Travers, § 3, 4.

t Str. Ann. v. 353.
§ Str, Whitg, i. 474.

X. § 454,] MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS, 297
In his Supplication to the council, he tries to vindicate his
ordination, and licence to preach, and finds fault with the doc
trines delivered by Hooker ; and as this document became
public, the master was obliged to return an answer, in which he
vindicates himself, and states that Travers* was silenced for
breaking an order of the Advertisements, which forbade any
minister to answer the errors of other preachers except in private,
or by sending information to the ecclesiastical commission. But
from the Supplication of Travers, and the answers of Whitgift to
his argumentsf, there can be little doubt that his non-episcopal
ordination was one very decided reason for his suspension.
Travers was never reinstated, but a party was raised against the
master; and it was to convince them that he commenced his
immortal work of the Ecclesiastical Polity.
§ 466. It was towards the end of the year 1686 that the
conspiracy of Babington was discovered |, In which the false
principles Inculcated by Roman Catholic teachers urged on some
young zealous and unwary individuals to attempt the murder of
Elizabeth, They met with their merited fate, and were executed,
to the number of fourteen ; but their fall implicated the royal
prisoner, and the fears and suspicions of the kingdom conspired
to bring Mary to her trial and the scaffold. This treatment of
the queen of Scots has been viewed in different lights by the
partisans of opposite sides; but one or two considerations so
strongly stamp Its character, that however legal It might have
been in England, It can never stand before the tribunal of the
world. Nothing could subject Mary to an English court of
justice, but her own injudicious submission to It; and it is a fair
question for casuists to decide, how far any act which originated
from presumed force § can bind the person who submits to It,

in the time of the late king of most
worthy memory. King Edward VI., or
now used in the reign of our most gra
cious sovereign lady, before the feast of
the nativity of Christ next following,
shall in the presence of the bishop or
guardian of the spiritualities of some one

diocese, where he hath or shall have
ecclesiastical living, declare his assent,
and subscribe to all the articles of reli
gion, which only concern the confession
of the true Christian faith, and the doc
trines of the sacraments comprised in a
book," cScc, &c, (13 Eliz, ch, 12,) 1571.

Hooker's Answer, § 17. t Strype's Whitg. iU. 185. No. 30.
X Camden's Eliz. 339. § Ibid, 352.

298 ATTEMPT AT INNOVATION. [a.D. 1586.
At all events, the conditions of the act of Parliament ought to
have been complied with*, (1 13° Eliz.) and the testimony of
her secretaries have been confirmed by their being confronted to
her: but few or no criminals, in those happy days, had the
advantage of even-handed justice. Her guilt must ever remain
problematical; and however this transaction must disgrace the
name of Elizabeth, it should not be forgotten that the nation was
full as guilty as the queen-)". The policy, too, of the measure
may be questioned, if indeed it can possibly be politic to do
wrong. § 456. (a.d. 1587.) The firmness of the queen during the
last parliament did not damp the ardour for innovation ; for on
Feb, 27 a bill was brought forward which would have abrogated
all ecclesiastical law, and substituted a new code in its place;
but during the debate on the question, whether the book which
contained it should be read, the house adjourned, and several of
the more violent members were afterwards committed to the
Tower bythe queenj. The book§, as appears from the draft
of a speech against it, would have left the minister at liberty to
use what prayers he chose; would have altered several of the
Thirty-nine Articles; would have taken away the patronage of
livings, by making them elective, and probably have touched
lay-improprlations ; would have overthrown episcopacy, and all
ecclesiastical distinctions ; would have destroyed the supremacy,
and allowed the presbytery to exercise ecclesiastical authority
over the queen herself. All this was at once stopped: but some
petition seems to have been presented ; for an answer to one is
still extant ||, in which her majesty steadily and judiciously ex
presses her opinion of the ill effect of alterations, when essentials
were already established, and her determination to support what
the law had settled. The steps which were here taken were
much under the influence of the classes of ministers of Warwick
and NortbamptonlT ; and the proceedings of these reformers seem
to indicate an idea, that if the civil magistrate did not remedy

* Camden's EUz. 362, -f- Strype's Whitgift, i, 609. X ^^^^ >¦ 488.
§ Ibid, in, 186. No, 31, || Ibid, i. 494. If Ibid. i. 502.

X. § 456.] CONVOCATION. 299
the evils complained of*, it became their duty to take the
redressing them into their own hands. The activity of the anti-
episcopalians does not necessarily imply any remissness on the
part of the bishops ; for in the convocation held at the same time
with the parliament, some very good orders were agreed tof, with
regard to exercises to be performed by such ministers as had not
taken the degree of M.A.; their catechising and expounding the
Catechism; and to compel all preachers to deliver, every year,
eight sermons at least at each of their benefices.
§ 457. (a.d. 1588.) The history of this eventful year
belongs much more to the civil than the ecclesiastical historian ;
for notwithstanding the steps which were taken to urge the
Roman Catholics of England to unite in the attempt at subju
gating our island, It is manifest that the mass of them viewed
the matter in its true light, and joined hand and heart In the
common cause, wherever the government was wise enough to
employ their services. But it should not be forgotten, when we
examine the treatment which they received at the hands of the
Protestants, and which every well wisher to the honour of our
cause must deplore, that the men who were supposed to possess
the most spiritual influence among them. Cardinal Allen and
Father Persons, were exerting their utmost endeavours to enslave
their country. The conduct of a party must ordinarily be viewed
from what is done by its leaders; and perhaps there never was a
cause so cursed with injudicious leaders, as that of the English
Roman Catholics. This example, however, was by no means
universally followed by the ecclesiastics; for Wryght, a priest of
the college of Douay J, and living therefore in a state of proscrip
tion, wrote a tract for the satisfaction of some Roman Catholics
in which he proves that it was their duty to defend the country
against the invasion of Philip; and, together with the expressed
opinions of several persons of that persuasion, we have the
subsequent testimony of Burleigh, who at the very moment in
which he speaks of confining them, adds, " Yet with signification
unto them, that the same is not to be done, so much for doubt of
* Strype's Whitgift, i. 504. f Ibid. in. 194. No. 32.
X strype's Annals, vi. 583, No, 65.

300 TREATMENT OF THE PURITANS. [a.D. 1591.
any disloyal attempts by themselves, as to notify to the rebels
and enemies abroad*," that the expectations which they had
been led to form of assistance In England were unfounded.
§ 458. The pressure of external danger did not by any means
free the church from domestic troubles; for the more violent of
the puritan party had long been making preparations, and now
opened a vigorous attack on the episcopalians, by publishing books
which reviled the whole body, as well as the individual members.
The most noted of these works was put forth under the fictitious
name of Martin Marprelate, from which circumstance the whole
class of writers who pursued a similar track, adopted, or were
ranked under, the same denomination of Martins. A proclama
tion was directed against them in the spring of 1589 f; and by
the activity of the archbishop |, the press from which these libels
proceeded was taken, and several of those concerned in this
unchristian task were by degrees discovered and punished: but
the energy which this circumstance excited unfortunately brought
many of the puritans into trouble, who were not at all engaged
in propagating the evil. And their own conscientious refusal to
take the oath ex officio mero, lest they should thus indirectly accuse
themselves or their friends, detained them in prison for a con
siderable time. Cartwright was confined eighteen months §,
though he declared that for the last thirteen years he never wrote
or procured anything to be printed which might in any sort be
offensive to her majesty and the state ||, much less had any hand,
or so much as a finger, in the book under Martin's name. From
the proceedings against him and others, as they are recorded
(June 2) in an authentic document containing the charges and
answers to them, given by the prIsonersIT, there seems to have
been a decided party formed for the purpose of altering the
government of the church. It was their wish to proceed by
legal methods, while there was any hope of success from them;
and it may fairly be doubted whether the better sort had any
thoughts of employing force; for they declare that to their know
ledge no minister had any other intention than that of using
* Strype's Whitgift, u. 4. t Ibid. iii. 216, No. 41. $ Ibid, i, 601,
§ Ibid, n. 88. || Ibid. in. 231, No. 1. IT Ibid. in. 242, No. 4.

X, § 458,]

TREATMENT OP THE PURITANS,

301

prayer, teaching, and humble supplication to her majesty and the
parliament*. Yet on the other side it cannot be questioned, but
that by holding assemblies, and passing resolutions as their own
authorized opinions, they were taking such steps as must probably
lead to rebellion -f ; and many of the warmer partisans of the
presbytery manifestly intended to adopt more forcible measures.
When Cartwright was brought before the star chamber j he
refused to take the oath, to answer all questions ex officio mero'^ :
and till he had done this, his judges would listen to nothing
which he had to advance In his own favour. It is the expressed
opinion of some one who seemed to be their counsel, " that there
was no matter proved of any meetings or conventicles seditiously
made and executed by Cartwright and his fellows §." And the
judgment of Popham, the attorney-general, does not speak a very
different language ||.

" The whole method of proceeding ex
officio mero would now-a-days appear
very arbitrary and untenable. Wright
the puritan, in his answers to the matters
urged against him, begins, " First, he
most humbly desired that it might be
considered whether any man by our laws
be bound to accuse himself, upon his
oath, for any deed or word, much less to
declare his thoughts." (Strype's Ann. vi,
228, No. 23.) In the case of Bainbridge
and Johnson, it was referred to several
doctors of the arches, who answered,
that the parties were bound to answer
upon oath, and added : " And we find it
harder in our learning to give a good
reason of doubt, than to yield any other
resolution, though there preceded in
such a case neither special accusation or
denunciation." (Strype's Ann. vi. 122.)
The argument in favour of oaths ex
officio is as follows : If a man be accused
before his ordinary of any crime, he is
not bound to impeach himself, but if he
be examined on account of some crime
which from its nature it would be difficult
to prove, and which nevertheless the

judge ecclesiastical may wish to remedy,
the notoriety of fame is taken for evidence
against him, and he is bound to clear
himself by his own oath, and by that of
compurgators, declaring that they beUeve
his oath to be true, (Strype's Whitgift,
iii. 233, No. 2.) The ground of this is,
that the inffietions of an ecclesiastical
court are by law deemed medicinee not
pcencB. This argument is signed by nine
doctors of civil law, and stated to be the
universal practice of ecclesiastical courts.
In examining the question, we must not
overlook the feelings of the times with
regard to such a point. Beal, clerk of
the council and a puritan, would have
put the Roman Catholics upon their oath
twice every year, that they had not aided
Jesuits or seminary priests, they being
under a bond not to do so. (Strype's
Whitgift, iii. 203, No. 35.) Morice, a
learned civilian, wrote a tract, in which
he objected to the legality of the oath,
(Ibid, ii, 30,) and wished the matter to
be referred to the learned judges of the
realm, which his grace liked not. (Ibid.
29.)

* Strype's Whitgift, iii. 258, f Ibid, i, 613, X See § 554,
§ Strype's Whitgift, ii, 84, || Ibid, ii, 83,

302 TREATMENT OP THE PURITANS, [a,D, 1591.
§ 459. Whatever they might do hereafter, their present plan
was to use persuasion'; and for this purpose they meant to form
a synod, to be held either at one of the universities or London,
where their assembling would not attract notice*, and to divide
themselves, at other times, into classes, or provincial synods. In
the meetings which did take place, it appears that they passed
certain resolutions which tended to the subversion of all episcopal
discipline ; and it is not unlikely that, had they been suffered to
continue, and acquire strength, they might have been able to alter
the constitution of the church, if not of the state. Such assem
blies, therefore, could not be allowed by a wise government ; but
the methods which were adopted for their prevention, seem to
have been calculated rather to exasperate than to convince ; and
though they had the effect of silencing them for the time, yet they
must have produced a feeling among the people very unfavourable
to the cause which they were intended to support. The petition
of Eusebius Pagit, some time student of Christ Church")",
addressed to the lord admiral, contains a pathetic remonstrance
from a good and peaceable Christian. He had been forced to quit
his preferment upon some scruple with regard to the service, and
had continued to hold communion with the church of England,
because he sincerely esteemed it to be the church of God, and
endeavoured to support himself by keeping school : but from this
last resource he was again driven ; and his prayer goes not beyond
the request, that he might obtain some employment for the support
of his family which might prevent him from becoming a vagabond.
It must have been this severity towards the lower members of the
church, which so strongly exasperated the minds of the country
against bishops ; for, from the motions which were annually
made in parliament, and the decided favour which was shown by
many towards the presbyterian discipline, it is evident that the
nation was beginning to advocate the cause which the archbishop
endeavoured to suppress. And It is also clear that there must
have been some mismanagement In the hierarchy, which concen
trated all the sentiments, arising from a wish for civil liberty, in
• Strype's Whitgift, ii. 6. t Ibid. iu. 285, No, 11,

X. § 459.]

EPISCOPACY.

303

formidable array against themselves. The arguments in favour
of episcopacy, if fairly advanced, are so strong, that the question,
when the establishment was once fixed, might have safely been
left to the force of reason, while steady moderation was used to
prevent any very gross violations of the orders of the church, and
the combinations of its interested opponents.
§ 460. The argument in favour of episcopacy seems to stand
thus : — When the Reformation began, it found episcopacy esta
blished in the church of Rome, and possessed of distinctive offices,
of which the power of ordination seems to be the most peculiar
to It*. One party of the Reformers retained it as they found it,
but tried to separate It from the abuses with which it had been
combined; the other rejected it altogether, and made two orders
only In the church, (viz. priests and deacons,) appointing such
superior officers as were primi inter pares. The point at Issue
therefore is, were there three distinct orders b in the primitive
church ? and if so, was the right and office of ordaining peculiar
to the highest of these ?
In the apostolical history, as contained in the New Testament,
these questions are not clearly answered, and there^is much indis
tinctness about the names of bishop and priest, or elder; but If
we suppose, by way of hypothesis, that there were bishops.

" The distinctive characteristics of a
bishop, as laid down by Bishop Davenant,
in his beautiful determination on Diver
sity of Degrees in the Ministers of the
Gospel, are three : 1st, That, however
many presbyters there may be, there is
never more than one bishop in a city ;
2nd, The power of ordination ; 3rd, The
jurisdiction over the clergy. To these
may be added, the power of confirming,
of consecrating churches, &c. In the
whole of this question the reader may be
referred to Bingham's Antiquities, a
work in which he who seeks for informa
tion on any ecclesiastical subject may be
almost sure to find it.
^ Here, too, there is an equivocal
term iu the word "order." At the
councU of Trent, though there was no
question about episcopacy, there was a

discussion as to whether bishops were a
distinct order or only a different jurisdic
tion. (F. Paul, 557.) The Saxon church
was governed by bishops, yet the canons
declare that there is no essential differ
ence between the two orders of bishops
and priests. (Johnson's Canons, 957,
17.) This must always be taken into
account in questions with regard to epi-
scopacy. See also § 117, 279, It is not
necessary to suppose that Wiclif and the
Erudition intended to reject episcopacy,
though they denied the distinctness of
the orders. The real point at issue is,
whether a person could be ordained in
the primitive church without the pre
sence of an apostle, or of one holding a
peculiarly delegated authority, i. e., of a
bishop. See Bingham, i, p. 81.

304

EPISCOPACY.

[a.D. 1591.

priests, and deacons, we shall find no statements which cannot
be easily reconciled with the supposition <=.
As we proceed with ecclesiastical history these same traces
become more decisive, till we find that at an early period the
questions are both answered in the affirmative*^; and we infer,
therefore, that unless it can be shown that a change in this par
ticular took place, we may presume that the same ecclesiastical
constitution existed from the time of the apostles. A presbyterian
might argue, that in the apostolical history of the New Testament
there is nothing which militates against the hypothesis of the
two orders only, at least nothing which proves the point; that St.
James might have been the chief elder, the moderator, of the
church of Jerusalem; that Timothy and Titus ^ might have held
no higher office than that of dean In a cathedral church, or arch
deacon in a diocese ; and that as the presbytery had the power of
ordaining, they, as its superintendents, were directed by St. Paul
to set all things in order. But then this hypothesis does not
account for the introduction of episcopacy, without even a hint
from the historians that any alteration in the church government

"^ The argument concerning the name
of bishop is frequently mistaken.
There is no doubt that iTrioKOTros is
equivalent, in the New Testament, to
Trpea-^vTepos, and I am not aware that
it is ever used for what we should call
a bishop. But then the tei-ms used in
the New Testament for bishop are
anooToKos, or ayyeXos, and Clemens
Komanns, the third bishop of Rome,
is called an apostle by Clemens Alex-
andrinus. Strom, iv. 17. The conces
sion, therefore, of the use of the name
inioKonos proves nothing. The pres
byterian is forced to say that the order
equivalent to that of the apostles does
not now exist in the church, which is
really begging the question, and to
explain SyyeXos by <fte chief pastor of
the church. So that the argument from
the names is^ rather in favour of epi
scopacy.f- '^ Ignatii Epist. ad Smyi-najos, § viii.
ndvTes tS imoKona aKoXovOeire, a)S
'irjoovs XpiOTOs TW Trarpr Kal ra Trpeo-
^VT€pi<o, o)f rots flTTOOToXotS* Tovs de

Bmkovovs ivTpcTTeode, mr SeoC ivToXr]V.
(Coteleru, U. 36.)
Ou/c i^ov eoTiv ^wpls roii eTTioKOTTov,
ovre jiawTl^etv, oxjre dydnrjv jroteij', &c.,
meaning, perhaps, that without the
ordination of a bishop, at least without
the sanction of a bishop, no minister
may perform either of the two sacra
ments. Ad PhUadelphenos, iv. p. 31; °Ev
dvotaarTjpLov, a>s els iTrtoKOTTOs, apa tm
Trpeo^vTepico, Kal diaKovois rots ovvdov-
Xois pov, &C. fl. A. D. 107.
' For myself, I cannot understand
how this hypothesis can explain the
words of St. Paul, (Tit. i. 5.) "For
this cause left I thee in Crete, that thou
shouldest set in order the things that are
wanting, and ordain elders in every city,
as I had appointed thee," &c. Titus
must have had a delegated authority
very different in its nature from that of
a moderator in a presbyterian church.
But other persons may see the matter
differently.

X. § 460.] PUNISHMENT OF THE AUTHORS OF LIBELS,

305

was effected. When to this it is added, that there never existed
a church without episcopacy till the Reformation, the prOof seems
as strong as moral proof can be, that it Is most probable that
episcopacy is derived from the times of the apostles. And this
conclusion Is quite sufficient to guide the conduct of a sober-
minded christian^. But to return to the history.
§ 461. The treatment of the libellers themselves when
discovered, was, according to the system then pursued, much less
objectionable ; because the outrageous nature of their writings
obviously pointed out to the civil magistrate the necessity of
adopting severity*. Udal and Penry, who were the principal
writers of some of the books which attacked episcopacy^, forfeited
their lives to the vengeance of Insulted society, by the vehemence
with which they abused the established government. It may bo
more wise in a government on some occasions to overlook such
transgressions ; but If any notice be taken of them, an authority
which will defend itself must inflict some punishment on such
offenders. Hacket,who represented our Saviour, with Copplngerj:
and Arthlngton, his prophets of mercy, and judgment, were
candidates rather for a mad-house, than a dungeon. Greenwood
and Barrow §, who suffered for writing seditious books and pam
phlets, were on the high road to introduce the horrors of anarchy
which the anabaptists had exhibited In Germany ||, These ex
treme cases, however, cannot fairly be charged on the puritans ;
for though they were the natural fruit of the proceedings of that
party, yet the better sort of nonconformists utterly disliked what
these persons did IT, and were in their turns exposed to the
animadversions of these ultra reformists, who regarded them as

' The force of this argument wiU be
much increased by comparing it with
that in favour of infant baptism, or any
other parallel case, as that the sacra
ments are to be administered by clergy
men only, which presbyterians allow as
well as episcopalians. The elements of
the argument will in each case be the
* Strype's Whitgift, ii. 96.-
X Paul's Whitgift ; Wordsw, Eccl, Biog, iv, 354,
II -Paul's Whitgift, 357.

same : that at a certain time it was
found existing in the church ; that his
tory states not when it began ; and that
the supposition of it having existed from
the times of the apostles is not contra
dicted, but rather supported by the
apostolic history. Moral demonstration
hardly admits of proof more satisfactory.
t Ibid, il 175.
§ Strype's Whitgift, ii. 186.
5[ Ibid. 362,

306 PURITANS AND ROMAN CATHOLICS. [a, D, 1593,
only half reformed. It may be doubtful, perhaps, even in these
cases, whether gentler remedies might not have been adopted
with success ; but it is obvious that something more than argu
ment was necessary for beings who made so bad a use of their
reasoning faculties. And the satirical productions of Tom Nash*,
who answered them in their own way, had probably more effect
with the people, than either argument or severity.
§ 462. The national alarm, excited by the conduct of foreign
Roman Catholic courts, and which proved so injurious to those
of that persuasion who belonged to England, had not been
obliterated by the general readiness and fidelity exhibited by
Roman Catholics themselves during the period of danger which
was lately passed ; and the continuance of the same threatening
policy on the part of Spain and Italy, tended to continue the
same cautionary and harsh measures on that of the English
government. The parliament of this year enacted some very
severe laws, which affected the puritans and Roman Catholics.
The first subjected all above the age of sixteen, who did not
frequent their parish church, to the penalty of imprisonment ;
and in case of their not conforming after three months, they were
obliged to abjure the realm, and if they returned were declared
felons without benefit of clergy. Their goods were lost to them
during their lives, and their friends forbidden to harbour or
conceal their persons. This act more particularly touched the
puritans")*, whose conduct In 1588 had given just offence to the
country. The second confined all popish recusants, who had any
property, to their own places of residence, and imposed the
penalty of the loss of all their possessions, in case of their re
moving from thence, except on specified occasions ; while those
who were not possessed of goods to a greater amount than twenty
marks per annum, or 40Z. actual property, were forced to abjure
the realm ; and in default of this, or in case of returning, were
adjudged felons without benefit of clergy. There were also some
executions of Roman Catholics, which kept alive the flame of
animosity on the one part, and of terror on the other ; and the
* Walton's Hooker ; Wordsw, Eccl, Biog, iv, 245,
¦y Bancroft, Wordsw, Eccl, Biog, iv, 359,

X. § 462.] ROMAN CATHOLICS. S07
law which treated all priests as traitors, perhaps in some cases
produced the treason which it was intended to prevent ; while
the declarations* and opinions maintained by some Roman
Catholics created a horror and antipathy against a religion, which
could foster such sentiments, and allow of such expressions
without the strongest reprobation. But the soothing hand of
time was not destitute of its effects ; and many of the Roman
Catholics began to find out for themselves the unjustifiable lengths
into which their leaders would have guided them. One of them
in 1697 writes to Burleigh-)", "that the course they ran into
tended, for aught he could perceive, to the ruin of our country,
overthrow of the monarchy, destruction of all the nobility, and
to bring England into perpetual bondage of the Spaniards : they
neither, as it seemed," added he, "respecting religion, (though
they made it their cloak,) their native soil, nor anything else, but
their own ambitious humour ; persuaded by this means to attain
to special authority and government under the king of Spain."
In 1602, upon a quarrel between the Seculars and JesuitsJ,
the former published several books, in which they threw the
whole blame of the persecution on the latter ; and declared that
the kindness of the queen had continued, till the ill conduct of
the see of Rome, and this part of her Roman Catholic subjects,
had forced her to adopt severe measures. And in consequence of
a proclamation which was now issued §, thirteen secular priests
came forward, and made a formal declaration of their own fidelity.
Though the effects of these circumstances come not up to our
wishes, yet we may fairly conclude that they were not destitute
of their use ; for notwithstanding the invasion of Ireland by the
Spaniards, and the crusade which was pubUshed by Clement
VIII,, in favour of Tyrone, yet the executions towards the end
of the reign appear less frequent''.

» It is calculated by Milner, that 204
Eoman Catholics suffered death during
this reign: 15 for denying the queen's
supremacy, 126 for the exercise of
priestly functions, and the others for

being reconciled to the church of Rome,
or aiding or assistmg priests ; 90 died in
prison, 105 were banished. (Butler's
English CathoUcs, i, 398.)

* Strype's Ann, vii, 91, No. 45. t Strype's Whitgift, u, 369.
X Camden's Eliz. 651. § Butler's Catholics, ii, 56.

X 2

308 LAMBETH ARTICLES. [a,D. 1595.
§ 463. (a, d, 1695,) The church was destined this year to
meet with internal trouble, in doctrine as well as discipline ; and
a theological question, on which the two divinity professors at
Cambridge were at variance, became the subject of discussion
between the unlearned*, whose attainments frequently did not
allow them to see even the difficulties which it Involves, The
opinions of many persons in Cambridge did not correspond with
what had been taught by Calvin with regard to predestination;
and in a sermon preached before the University, William Barret,
fellow of Cains college, denied, the absolute decree of reprobation
without respect to sin, and the certainty of faith, affirming that
Christians might fall from grace. Being called upon to answer
for this supposed heterodoxy, he was enjoined to make a public
recantation drawn up by the heads themselves, which act he
performed in so very negligent a manner, that he was again sum
moned before the authorities. Upon this he complained to the
archbishop, and when his recantation was examined, it was found
to contain the denial of doctrines generally received in the church,
and to be as objectionable as those opinions which he had broached;
(he recanted, for instance, " that sin is the proper aud primary
cause of reprobation ¦)",") In this part of the proceeding another
dispute arose, as to the final jurisdiction of the university over its
own members, and when this was amicably settled, the matter
was discussed in the archbishop's palace*; and the Lambeth
Articles were the fruit of the conference,
§ 464, 1. God from eternity hath predestinated certain men
unto llfe^, certain men he hath reprobated.
2. The moving or efficient cause of predestination unto life, is
not the foresight of faith, or of perseverance, or of good works, or
of anything that is in the person predestinated, but only the good
will and pleasure of God.
3. There is predetermined a certain number of the predestinate,
which can neither be augmented or diminished.
° Sir Phil. Warwick, Mem. p. 86, attributes the want of moderation visible in
these articles to Fletcher, bishop of London.
* Strype's Whitgift, u, 228, + Ibid. ui. 318, No. 22.
X Fuller, Eccl. Hist, ix, 230, and Str, Whitg, u. 280.

X, § 464.J LAMBETH ARTICLES. 309
4, Those who are not predestinated to salvation shall be
necessarily damned for their sins,
5, A true, living, and justifying faith, and the Spirit of God
justifying, Is not extinguished, falleth not away, it vanisheth not
away in the elect, neither finally or totally,
6. A man truly faithful, that is, such an one who is endued
with a justifying faith, is certain, with the full assurance of
faith, of the remission of his sins, and of his everlasting salvation
in Christ. 7. Saving grace Is not given, is not granted, is not communi
cated to all men, by which they may be saved If they will.
8. No man can come to Christ, unless it shall be given unto
him, and unless the Father shall draw him; and all men are not
drawn by the Father that they may come to the Son.
9. It is not in the will or power of every one to be saved.
Whatever may be the opinion of any individual reader, as to
the truth of these articles, it will require but little powers of
criticism to remark the dogmatical manner in which they are
expressed, and to observe how different their tone Is from the
language of Scripture, and the articles of our church. -Nor can
we be surprised if such a decision failed to produce peace in the
university or elsewhere*, and excited the displeasure of those
who cared for the tranquillity of the church. One of the pro
fessors, Baro, immediately opposed the errors which these articles
were calculated to produce, and was examined in consequence
before the heads; and it was only by the quiet Interference of
the archbishop, that this poor man, who had taught divinity In
Cambridge for many years with no higher a stipend than twenty
pounds per annum, escaped the loss of even this trifling pittance ;
and that for preaching doctrines which are in perfect accordance
with the articles of the church of England f*.

" Montague, in his Appello ad Casa-
rem, (p. 55 — 72,) says that these articles
were forbidden by public authority. And
Collier asserts the same ; (ii. 645 ;) but
Fuller doubts this ; (ix, 231 ;) and though

perhaps Elizabeth might have com
manded the archbishop to suppress them,
yet as they were drawn up by no autho
rity, but merely by some bishops and,
divines who met at Lambeth, they never

Strype's Whitgift, U. 280. f It'i'^l- 'J- 290.

310

THE LAMBETH ARTICLES DISLIKED. ^A.D. 1595.

§ 465, The advancing age of the queen and the archbishop
tended much to soften down the asperities which previous events
had excited between the contending parties, and the government
of Whitgift was crowned towards its latter end with more peace
than had marked his early labours; and however peremptory*
some of his conduct may appear, he was a sincere reformer of
abuses, and entirely free from many faults which are but too apt
to degrade the higher clergy in the eyes of the people. In the
house of commons, indeed, in 1598 and 1601, some attempts were
made to interfere with ecclesiastical matters, but the objects of
the bills brought forward were totally changed. The framers of
them now tried to reform real abuses which existed in the esta
blishment, not to destroy and undermine the establishment itself.
*They complained of excessive fees, of delays, of unnecessary
citations, while grievous sins were left untouched, as well as other
abuses in the bishops' courts. They objected to pluralities, to
non-residence; and though the authority of the queen-)" put a
hasty stop to these attempts, yet the attention of the government
was directed to the subjects, and such remedies were devised by
the archbishop and his colleagues, as were calculated to obviate
the evils for the future.
§ 466. The quiet of the church was also much promoted by
the maturer judgments of those who had been chiefly instrumental
in causing the disturbances. | Robert Browne, the founder of
the sect called Brownists, the first body of separatists from our
church, became wiser as he grew older, and returned once more
into her bosom ; and Cartwright, who had fought among the
foremost of the party, was so convinced of his error, that he

were the doctrines of the church of
England, though they might express the
opinions of some of her most exalted
members at that period,
° Sir G. Paul speaks in such high
terras of the gentleness of Whitgift, in
the passage where he alludes to this
charge, that the epithet may appear to
have been applied rashly; (Words. Ecc.
Biog. iv. 371 ;) but some of his expres

sions about Cartwright ai-e very warm;
(Strype's Whitgift, i. 96 ;) and in giving
his sentence concerning the heresy of
Christ's sinning, he says, " This is my
resolution, which I would have you, and
all men to know. And those that shall
impugn this, or teach to the contrary, I
will prosecute with extremity, and to
extremity;" (Strype's Whitgift, ii. 65;)
words which are at least peremptory.

* Strype's Whitgift, ii. 374.

•f- Ibid. ii. 445.

X Ibid. i. 619.

X. § 466,] CARTWRIGHT RECANTS, 311
declared his sorrow for " the unnecessary troubles he had caused
in the church, by the schism he had been the great fomenter of;
and wished he was to begin his life again, that he might testify
to the world the dislike he had of his former ways*." The
writings of Hooker and Bancroft had, under God's providence,
been very instrumental in producing this happy effect, and we
have only to lament that the question had not been more left to
the force of reason for its answer. When the nonconformists
began to pursue a line of conduct which interfered with the civil
rights of the establishment ; when they adopted such measures
as would tend to overthrow the crown, unless a timely restraint
were put upon them, It was absolutely necessary that the authority
of government should repress their meetings : but perhaps much
of the opposition to episcopacy arose from the manner In which
the judicial powers of the bishops were exercised. The final
repentance of su^ch a man as Cartwright is one of the strongest
testimonies in favour of the hierarchy. He had been far from
exhibiting the worst specimen of those who had opposed the
cause of the established church; he had possessed knowledge for
the investigation of truth, and carried with him much zeal for
reformation ; he had experienced some harsh treatment, and had
given way to a schismatic spirit in his own proceedings ; but
with him the truth prevailed, and he saw his error before his
death; nor is it Improbable that the later kindness of Whitgift
might have helped in producing this effect. It is possible that
the diabolical spirit of schism, with which some of this party
were infected, who, in the hopes of remedying evils which they
could see, ran themselves into ten thousand greater evils, of which
no one could foresee the extent, and who set at defiance every
law which Christianity has given us for our guidance, might not
have been restrained without the strong hand of power ; but
much connivance, and much more personal kindness, were per
fectly compatible with the severe enforcement of general obedience;
and though the peace now produced may be attributed to the
previous severity, yet the success of the line of policy which had
Strype's Wliitgift, ii. 400.

$12 CHARACTER OF ELIZABETH. [a.D. 1603.
latterly been pursued, and the tranquillity which accompanied it,
seem to plead most strongly in favour of lenient measures.
§ 467. (a.d. 1603.) The reign of Elizabeth was now drawing
to a close, after a prosperous continuance of forty-four years, over
which the disastrous troubles of succeeding times have thrown so
strong a glow, that we frequently find a comparative estimate of
the age in which we live falsely made in favour of this period of
our history. Elizabeth, as a governor — for in this light alone is
it fair to estimate her character — was possessed of considerable
talent, which she generally employed to the advantage of the
state: whatever her weakness as a woman may have been, she
selected her servants more according to her judgment than her
passions ; and in most of her transactions she was well served,
and consulted the good of her subjects, as far as their welfare was
consistent with her own plans or ideas. She regarded, if I may
use the expression, the kingdom as her private property, and her
object was to render the estate as good as possible. She had
only a lifehold interest in the property, and was less careful,
therefore, of the peculiar interests of her successor. From her
disinclination to be controlled, she was always unwilling to make
any calls upon the parliament, and sacrificed the property which
belonged to the crown and the nation, for the sake of rewarding
those who were about her; and thus converted to her own personal
advantage that which ought to have provided for the wants of
posterity. The same feeling gave a parsimonious turn to much of
her conduct*; it made her unwilling to spend money for necessary
objects, and rendered her always much Inclined to receive pre
sents")"; it was this which made her guilty of an obvious meanness
in seizing on the property of her favourite Leicester j immediately
on his death, In order to satisfy the sum in which he was indebted
to her treasury. Iu no point, however, was this fault so conspi
cuous, as with regard to tho church; but the instances are far too
numerous to be here recorded. The reader may be referred to an
address of Whitgift to her majesty, which is given in Walton's
Life of Hooker §. Parsimony, however, was no further used than
* Strype's Smith, 140, &c, f Strype's Ann. iv. 209.
$ Camden's Elizabeth, 420. § Wordsw. Eccl. Biog. iv, 233,

X. § 467.] ELIZABETH FOND OF MONEY AND POWER.

313

as a means of enabling her to govern ; she was unwilling to ask
for money, lest she should become indebted to those who granted
it. Of power, for its own sake, she was peculiarly fond, and in
no species of power did she take a greater delight than In that
which belonged to the supremacy ; a point which was attacked
by two descriptions of her subjects, the puritans and the Roman
Catholics. The treatment which she wished to adopt with regard
to these two parties, and her decided temper, are characteristically
marked in an observation of her own, made to Malvesier, the
ambassador from France*. She told him, "that she would
maintain the religion that she was crowned in, and that she was
baptized in : and would suppress the papistical religion, that It
should not grow. But that she would root out puritanism, and
the favourers thereof. And that she had rather be the last of her
line without marriage, than Monsieur should innovate or alter
anything in her reformed church." And this line of policy seems
to have been pursued systematically on her part.
§ 468. Had the Roman Catholics allowed her to follow Her
own designs, she would probably have used little severity towards
them, as she was in some particulars certainly not adverse to
them'', and on several occasions, even after compulsion had begun,
she exhibited an unwillingness to shed blood")", and an inclination
in their favour. But the prejudices of her Protestant subjects
were offended at any kindness which was shown to their Roman
Catholic brethren J; and we can feel less surprise that the
unjustifiable conduct of the more conspicuous members of that
body should have exasperated the Protestants. With regard to
puritanism, which she hated, the question was totally different.
This faction owed much of its existence to a spirit of insubordi
nation, and was coupled with a strong desire of establishing the
civil liberties of the subject ; but its votaries carried their notions

" Elizabeth may be said to have mixed
up with her Protestantism many feelings
favourable to Roman Catholic customs.
She was fond of outward show in reU
gion, as was visible in the whole question

about the ecclesiastical dresses. She re
tained the crucifix in her own chapel
(§ 408) ; she was adverse to the marriage
of the clergy.

* Strype's Ann. iv. 242. f Ibid, v. 188, 197.
X Strype's Parker, in, 83, No, 27.

314" ELIZABETH. ROMAN CATHOLICS AND PURITANS. [a.D. 1603.
of freedom into the confines of libertinism, and Elizabeth was
little likely to approve of a system, which directed the specula
tions of its followers to the strict examination of what the law
had already settled. She was a great friend to education, as the
surest means of eradicating the power of the papacy ; but she did
not clearly foresee that the dissemination of knowledge was
incompatible with the absolute power which she wished to
exercise. It was with the view probably of checking investiga
tion that she was ever hostile to multiplying sermons, and the
steps which she took to put a stop to prophesyings owe their
origin to the same cause. Indeed, the peremptory manner In
which she decided ecclesiastical questions fell under the rebuke
of Grindal*, who told her, that church matters were to be settled
according to the will of God, not her own ; and that she too was
mortal, and must answer before the tribunal of Christ. It was
the same love of power, the same objection to being controlled in
any way, which contributed to prevent her from marrying ; and
this disinclination to the married state in her own person, ren
dered her very tyrannical on this point with regard to all about
her, and, combined with early prejudices, made her always adverse
to the marriage of the clergy''.

i" Sir Simon Degge tells us, "That
priests' children, in the beginning of
Queen EUzabeth, were fain to be legi
timated. In the first and third of King
Edward, all laws, statutes, and canons,
against the marriage of priests, were
made nuU and void. (See § 31 1, 329.)
And by another statute in the fifth and
sixth of King Edward, it was adjudged
and declared, that the marriage of
priests was lawful, and legitimated their
children, and made them capable to
endow their wives, and to be tenants by
courtesy. But these laws were repealed
in the first of Queen Mary, and lay
repealed all Queen Elizabeth's days,
(§ 360,) till the first of King James, and
then the latter acts of King Edward were
revived, and made perpetual, and priests'
diildreu made legitimate." (Strype's

Parker, ii, 461.) The act was unre
pealed specifically, but the Injunctions
of Elizabeth (§ 406,) presume the lega
lity of the marriage of priests, and pro
bably she deemed it virtually repealed in
the general terms which abrogated all
the ecclesiastical acts of Mary. It is
obvious, however, that churchmen did
not think so, for Archbishop Parker calls
his wife Margaret Parker, alias Har-
leston, and procured the legitimation of
his children: her brother was the heir
to Mrs. Parker. Elizabeth would abso
lutely have forbidden the marriage of
the clergy, if Cecil had not interposed,
she did actually forbid the residence of
women within cathedral closes; (Strype's
Parker, i. 212 ;) and when Fletcher,
newly made bishop of London in 1594,
"married a fine lady" as his second

Strype's Grindal, 572, No. 9.

X, § 469,] ELIZABETH RELIGIOUS, AND A GREAT MONARCH, 315
§ 469. With all this, she possessed a strong feeling of
religion, was scrupulous in the observance of the outward offices
of It, and from the judgment of those who were best able to
decide the question*, (as far as one human being can form an
estimate of another,) she was truly religious. There is an answer
of hers to the house of commons-)", towards the end of her reign ;
which marks a most conscientious sovereign; and the excuse
for her errors, which she makes towards the conclusion of it, (viz.
that princes are often deceived by the interested advice of their
servants, who prevent the truth from coming to them,) would bo
valid in her favour, had not the whole political proceedings of
this reign placed the broad hand of authority over every attempt
which was made to remedy evils by free and Impartial discussion.
Her great qualities have met with so many panegyrists, that it is
unnecessary to dilate upon them. She was perhaps the greatest
monarch who ever sat on the throne of England ; but the present
generation has every reason to congratulate itself, that the real
happiness and prosperity' of the subject have been more substan
tially consulted in our own days.
§ 470. The immediate death of Elizabeth was attended with
some painful circumstances, in the explanation of which, various
historians have amused themselves ; but the ordinary decay of
nature, and the sufferings of ill health, In an old woman who
had always followed her own Inclinations as much as the queen,
seem fully adequate to account for her unpleasant condition.
The earliest account of this event which is extant, and which is
probably derived from the pen of some one who was present
when it took place, is as follows |: "The queen had for three
weeks been labouring under a disorder which strongly affected
her spirits, and produced a kind of stupor accompanied with
appearances of Insanity : she could not be Induced by reason,
entreaties, or any contrivance, to try the effect of medicine ; and

wife, the queen banished him from
court, " as being a very indecent act for
an elderly clergyman." (Strype's Whit

gift, ii. 215.) She was equally arbitrary
about the marriage of other persons con
nected with the court.

* Bm-net, Ref. vi. 388, No. 63. + Camden, Eliz. 635.
+ Strype's Annals,- vu. 521, No. 276, Strype's Whitgift, ii. 466.

316 DEATH OF THE QUEEN. [a.D, 1603.
there was much difficulty in persuading her to use such nourish
ment as was necessary for her animal support. The sleep which
she enjoyed was very little, and that not taken in bed, but among
pillows, on which she had accustomed herself to recline during
whole days without moving : her Intellect remained to the last,
though for three days she was unable to speak." Camden, too,
describes her excessive melancholy and depression, and gives the
generally received opinions concerning the cause of it*: but adds,
" And as she had done always before. In the prime of her age, so
now much more, she refused all help of physic." She was
attended in her last hours by Whitgift, Bancroft, and Watson
her almoner")", and partook with much satisfaction of the outward
consolations of religion, J " On March 24, she was called out of
the prison of her earthly body, to enjoy an everlasting country in
heaven, peaceably and quietly leaving this life, after that happy
manner of departure which Augustus wished for."
§ 471, In estimating the state of the church at this period,
when it had now been established for forty years, we cannot but
deplore the little progress which had been made in essentials.
The time had been wasted in disputes about unimportant matters,
and what had been settled, stood, as far as human institutions
are concerned, on no firmer basis than such as the caprice of a
monarch or the prevalence of a party might have destroyed In a
moment. The chief blame of this seems to rest with the leaders
pf the puritanic party. There were points which they wished to
be altered ; and for the sake of effecting their purpose, they
allowed themselves, and by their proceedings excited others, to
direct their chief efforts towards non-essentials. They saw that
the church of Christ was suffering from a want of attention to
the important concerns of religion, and they were so far from
relinquishing their prejudices, and coming forward to supply the
defect, that they principally exerted themselves In fanning the
flame of discord. They were perhaps unwisely dealt with ; they
were certainly treated with severity : but the injudicious conduct
of their superiors could never be an excuse for their relinquishing
* Camden's Elizabeth, 659. f Strype's Whitgift, ii, 466.
X Camden's Elizabeth, 661.

X. § 471,] STATE OF THE CHURCH, 317
their posts and duties, could scarcely oven palliate the schismatic
activity which many of them displayed. The blame of a want
of concession, and of harshness of treatment, must be attributed
first to the queen*, and then to Parker, Aylmer, and Whitgift;
and yet great caution is necessary In speaking of such men as the
two archbishops were, to whom our church owes so much. The
alteration of opinions, arising from the change of times, makes it
very difficult to estimate their conduct fairly: they were both
upright, conscientious men, who had to strive against the jobbing
dishonesty of the mass of the courtiers, and against the prejudices
and wilfulness of the queen : they were little supported by many
of their brethren the bishops : for what with the general igno
rance of the times, which furnished no great supply of fit men ;
with the appointment to ecclesiastical offices from interest rather
than merit ; with the temptations to which high situations in the
church expose those who fill them ; the government In spiritual
matters seems to have rested much more on the individual
character of the rulers, than is ever to be wished. Nor can it be
concealed that the ill- conduct of the dignified clergy themselves
added much to the burden which was imposed on those who held
the highest offices In the church. Burleigh, (1575,) In writing
to Grindal, says")", " that though he liked not the unruly repre-
henders of the clergy at this time, yet he feared the abuse of
ecclesiastical jurisdiction, both by bishops and archdeacons, gave
too great an occasion to those stoical and irregular rovers to
multiply their invectives against the state of our clergy." And
in another letter to Whitgift J, when again speaking of filling up
preferments, that " he saw such worldliness in many that were
otherwise affected before they came to cathedral churches, that
he feared the places altered the men." The universities contri
buted little to remedy or obviate the danger of the times §: the
state of Oxford was deplorable ; she was overrun with popery and
disorder || : and Cambridge, to which this period owes so much,
was, as we have seen, at one moment a prey to puritanism, at
• See § 446. f Strype's Grindal, 281. X Strype's Whitgift, i, 338.
§ Ibid, i. 610, II Strype's Grindal, 196,

318 STATE OP THE CHURCH. [a.D. 1603.
another engaged In disputes which tended to anything rather than
edification. The feeling which the more attentive study of these times Is
calculated to inspire, is the conviction of the superintendence of
Providence over the church of Christ. The exertions of the best
of human beings are often misdirected, are oftener thwarted by
the evil passions of the interested ; and yet all things work toge
ther for good to them that love God.

319

A LIST OF THE AUTHENTIC COPIES OF THE
THIRTY-NINE ARTICLES.

Size.

XLII. 1553.

XXXVIII. 1563.
No date.
No date.
XXXIX. 1571.

By whom printed.

4to. 8vo. 4to.

Copies existing.

Reg. Wolfe.
Grafton''.
Reg. Wolfe.
Jugg & Cawood.

Day.

Jugg & Cawood.

C. 0. C. Oxf.
Camb., & Pub.
Lib. Camb.
Bodley.
Bodley, 3 cop.
C, 0, C. Oxford,
Ch, Ch. Oxford.
St. John's Camb.
C. C. C. Camb.
Ch. Ch. Bodley.
O.C.C.Camb,&
Pub, Lib. Camb.
St. John's & Jes.
Cambridge.

Lan
guage.

By whom
reprinted.

Lat. Eng.
Lat. Ens.

Lat.

Eng.

Eng.

Sparrow.Lamb. Burneyi*.
Sparrow.Burney.
Burney .
Lamb,

Lamb,Sparrow.
Lamb.Burney.

" The reprints, to which allusion is here made, are to be found in Sparrow's
CoUection of Articles, a very useful book, but so incorrectly pubUshed as to be
quite useless on all critical questions. 4to.
Articles of Religion, &c. printed in 1811, 1 believe by Dr. Bumey, but unfortu
nately never published. 4to.
Dr. Lamb's Historical Account of the Thurty-nine Articles, Camb. 1829, 4to. a
very useful but expensive work.
^ Sparrow says, John Day. The Catechism is by Day,

320

APPENDIX C. TO CHAPTER X.
HISTORY OF THE THIRTY-NINE ARTICLES,
481. The Forty-two Articles. 482, Probably framed by Cranmer. 483. Taken
partly from the Augsburg Confession. 484. Not sanctioned by convocation.
485. Parker prepares the articles for convocation ; subscription required.
486. The controverted clause in the twentieth article. 487, Idea of the
author, 488. Laud, not to blame about the article.
§ 481. Although the value which we attach to the Thirty-nine
Articles must depend on other grounds than the authority to
which they owe their existence, or our respect for the Individuals
by whom they were framed ; yet the history of their composition
and the details which attended the original publication and revi
sion of them, can never fail to be interesting and instructive.
The Articles of our Church were first published in the year
1653*; they came forth under the title, " The articles agreed
upon by the bishops and other learned and godly men, in the last
convocation at London, In the year of our Lord MDLII., for to
root out the discord of opinions, and stablish the agreement of
true religion ; likewise published by the king's majesty's authority,
1563." They were published together with a short Catechism,-
(§ 331,) and were printed, as well as the Catechism, in Latin and
English. They were In number forty-two, and do not exactly
correspond with the present Thirty-nine. The accounts which
have been handed down to us of their first composition are
involved In so much uncertainty, that what is generally received
concerning them Is more worthy of the name of tradition than of
history. § 482. The power which had been originally granted to
Henry VIII."|", of appointing a committee for the formation of
ecclesiastical laws, and of which no use was made during his
* Lamb, 3. f Strype's Cr.anmer, 388.

X. § 482.] history of the thirty-mne articles.

821

reign, was renewed In 1549 to Edward VL, by an act of parlia
ment which limited its duration to the space of three years'*.
(a.d. 1551,) The committee was actually appointed Oct, 6th,
" And this year the archbishop was directed to draw up a book
of Articles for preserving and maintaining peace and unity of
doctrine in the church ; that being finished, they might be set
forth by public authority," This he did, and they were delivered
" to other bishops to be inspected aud subscribed, I suppose by
themi"*." (a.d. 1552,) In the May following, the archbishop
was directed by the council to send the Articles, and to signify
whether the same were set forth by any authority ; alluding,
probably, to the power vested In the commissioners by the act of
1549, and which would continue in force till the end of 1552,
In September the archbishop sent the book which he had now
set In order, by supplying what was wanting, and prefixing titles
to the several articles, to Sir William Cecil and Sir John Cheke-f-,
desiring them to take the same into their serious consideration,
and to present them to the king. They, however, imagined that
it would be better for the metropolitan to offer them himself;
and he did so. In October a letter was addressed by the council
to Harley, Bell, Horn, Grindal, Pern, and Knox, to consider
certain articles, which could hardly be any other than these. The
archbishop received the articles from the council Nov. 23rd, and
sent them back on the 24th, expressing, at the same time, a wish
that the bishops might be empowered to require subscription to

" The fruit of the labours of this com
mittee are published in the Reformatio
Legum Ecclesiastlcarum, § 435, a. The
early sections contain the doctrines of
the Thirty-nine Articles, but the words
used are not the same. They may
indeed be deemed an authorized expres
sion of the meaning of our articles.
'' The first sketch of the articles was
prepared iu the summer of 1551 ; but it
seems not to have contained the whole
of the articles which were published in
the spring of 1553. The five first, the

IXth, Xth, and XVIIth, were wanting;
and the clause in the XXVIIIth, (the
XXIXth of the Forty-two,) agauist
consubstantiatlon, or the ubiquity of
Christ's body, was added, which was
subsequently omitted in 1563. (Lau
rence's Bampt, Lect, 228, and p, 39,)
These circumstances are gathered from
a book published at Antwerp in 1564,
giving an account of a dispute which had
been held between Hooper and two of
his prebendaries, on the subject of th.ese
articles, in 1552.

Strype's Cranmer, 390,

-|- Ibid. 391,
Y

322 HISTORY OF tiie thirty-nine articles. [append, c,
them. All these details, which form the whole which is known
of the composition of the Articles, strongly tend to confirm the
idea that they were composed by Cranmer himself; and when he
was examined before the commissioners appointed during the reign
of Queen Mary*, he acknowledged " that they were his doings."
He is generally said to have made use of the assistance of Bishop
Ridley, and the draft of them might probably have been submitted
to the inspection of other divines ; but it is quite uncertain whether
they received any alterations from these persons, or whether they
were even examined by them. It is Indeed most probable that
this was the case : for in the letter of Edward VI. , dated June
9, 1653, and addressed to the bishops, they are called " Certain
Articles devised and gathered with great study-f, and by counsel
and good advice of the greatest learned part of our bishops of this
realm, and sundry others of our clergy;" expressions which would
hardly have been used, unless more bishops than Cranmer and
Ridley had been concerned In their preparation,
§ 483, Whether they were composed by Cranmer, or were
drawn up by any other hand, it will be curious to inquire from
what sources they are chiefly derived, since it Is not probable that
a man possessed of so much caution as marked the general conduct
of the archbishop, would have suffered a document to be prepared,
M'hich was Intended to convey the authoritative opinion of the
church of England, without consulting, and perhaps imitating
works of the same description which had already been received
among the most distinguished of the reformers,
(a,d. 1536.) Whatever use he might have made of the Hel
vetic Confession J In forming his own opinions, he does not appear
to have introduced it into the work in which he was engaged :
but with regard to the Confession of Augsburg, (1530, printed
1531, and republished with alterations 1540,) there is not only a
general agreement In doctrine, but In many places the very words
ofthe one are transferred Into the other =*. Several of the present
» Articles I, and II, of the Thirty-nine I III, of the Confession: the first sentence
are obviously taken from articles I, and | of XXV,, and most of XXXI., agree, in
* Strype's Cranmer, 390. ch. xxvii. f Strype's Mem, II, U, 105,
X See Sylloge Confessionum,

X. § 483.] HISTORY OP THE THIRTY-NINE ARTICLES,

523

articles are taken from papers drawn up by the committee of
doctrines*, 1540 ; but as those do in two instances correspond
also with the Augsburg Confession, It is not improbable that they
likewise owe their origin to the pen of the archbishop himself.
We may also conclude that the Xltli Article, on Justification, is
drawn from no other source than the laborious investigations of
Cranmer. In a book of his own, wherein he had written out a
large collection of quotations from Holy Scripture as well as
from different authors"!", he sums up the argument in words cor
responding, in a great degree, -with those of the article ; and
reference Is made In the same article to the Homily on Salvation,
though under a false title, which Is generally esteemed to be the
production of Cranmer. With regard to the XVIIth article,
great uncertainty prevails concerning the author ; yet there are
some passages in the works of Luther and Melancthon, which,
from the similarity of idea, and occasionally of expression, if they
formed not a text on which the framers of the articles commented,
might at least have been in their view when engaged in the com
position of it^, and leave little doubt that it was derived from
the German school of theology.

above half tho words which they contain,
with expressions used in the Augsburg
Confession ; the IXth and XVIth are
principaUy derived from the same source.
Articles IV, |XIV. XXIII. XXVL
XXXII, XXXIV. contain expressions
which leave Uttle doubt in the mind that
the Augsburg Confession was famiUar to
the person who was drawing them up.
Articles XXIV. and XXX. might be
added to these, but they were introduced
by Archbishop Parker, and are not in
the Forty-two Articles. The article on
the Holy Ghost (V.) is wanting in the
Augsburg Confession, and so it is in the
Forty-two. The term ex opere operato
occurs in the Article of the Forty-two
which corresponds with the present
XX Vth, and the same term exists in the
Xlllth article of the Augsburg Confes
sion, The verbal correspondence is more
• Strype's Mem, I. ii. 442. No. 112.

strongly marked by comparing these co
incidences with those parts of the Hel
vetic Confession, in which the same ideas
are conveyed in very dissimilar language.
See Apocrypha, 17 ; Trinity, 20 ;' Pre
destination, 34,
' Luther wrote his preface to the
Epistle to the Romans in German, and
it was translated into Latin by Justus
Jonas, 1523, The quotation is long, but
too curious to be omitted, I have to
thank my friend Dr. Burton for pointing
it out to me. (Works, Witeb. 1554, v.
100.) " Et jiaac certe stabUis sententia et
immota prajdestinationis necessitas sum-
me necessaria est. Tam imbeciUes enim
sumus, ut si in nostris manibus situm
esset, paucissimi aut nulli salvarentur,
diabolus ]^enim omnes vinceret. Nunc
cum hsec stabilis et certissima Del sen-
t Burnet, i, 288 fol,, 622, 8vo,
Y 2

324

HISTORY OP THE THIRTY-NINE ARTICLES.

[append. C.

§ 484. From the title under which the Articles were origi
nally published, it might be supposed that they derived their
authority from the sanction of convocation ; but if they were ever
submitted to the upper house, which Is very questionable, it is
indubitable that they were never brought before the lower ; while
all the original mandates which remain, prove that they were
promulgated by a royal proclamation alone*. Their publication,
however, was so rapidly followed by the re-establishment of popery
under Queen Maryf, that only a small part of the clergy ever
actually subscribed them,
§ 485. (a.d, 1562.) The examination of the Articles early
engaged the attention of the church when it was re-established in
the reign of Elizabeth ; and the task of remodelling them, and of
making such alterations as circumstances, or a further view of the
subject, might dictate, fell into the hands of Archbishop Parker,
The method which was pursued in this work was as follows. He
prepared a copy of the Articles for the examination of the convo
cation:]:, into which he introduced considerable alterations of his
own ; he omitted four of those of King Edward VI., which formed
the Xth, XVIth, XlXth, and XLIst, of the Forty-two, He
introduced four new ones, V. XII. XXIX. XXX.; and altered.

tentia mntari non possit, nee ab ulla
creatura convelli, turn certe spes est nobis
reliqufi, tandem vincendi peccati, quan-
tumvis etiam nunc in carne sseviat.
" At hie curiosuli illi habenis cohibendi
sunt, qui antequam Christum et virtu-
tem crucis discant, abyssum iUam prse-
destinationis scrutantur, et num prsedes-
tinati sint necne, frustra investigant.
Nam hi hand dubie in confusionem con-
t cienticB aut desperationem, sua hoc inepta
curiositate duceni ei prcecipitabunt seip-
sos. Tu vero in ratione discendarum
sacrarum rerum sequere seriem et ordinem
hie traditum ab Apostolo.
"Primum disee cognitiouem Christi,
ut agnoscas omnes vires tuas nihil valere
nisi ad peccandum. Deinde ut per fidem
cum carne tua assidue lucteris, quemad-

modum 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, eaplte docuit,
Mox eum ad caput 8 perveneris, hoc est,
ubi crucemettribulationes expertus fue-
ris, hanc mortificationem esse salularem
et repetendam, tum primum dulcescet
necessitas hsec prcedestinationis, tum pri
mum senties in 9, 10, et 11, quam plena
consolationis sit prcedestinatio. Nam nisi
tribulationem expertus sis, nisi ad portas
inferi aliqnando, ut in Davide et aliis
Sanctis videmus, ductum te senseris, non
poteris hanc prcedestinationis senientiam,
sine periculo et blaspheme quodam fre-
mitu naturEe contra Deum tractare."
The passages from Melancthon, and
¦another from Luther, are printed by
Archbishop Laurence, (Bampt. Lect.
notes 4 and 0. Serm. viii, 430, &c. )

Strype's Cranmer, 432. Mem. II. ii. 24, 278.
X Lamb, 13.

-|- Cranmer, 422,

X. § 485,] HISTORY OP the thirty'-nine articles.

325

more or less, seventeen of the others, II. VI, VII, IX, X, XI,
XVII, XXII, XXIV. xxv. XXVII. XXVIII. XXXII.
XXXIV. XXXV. XXXVI. XXXVII.a The convocation
which met on January 11, (1563,) made several alterations In
this copy prepared by Parker. They omitted XL. XLI. and
XLII, ; and when they were printed, the XXIXth also was left
out: they altered III, IX, XXI, XXV. XXVIII. XXXIV.,
and the title of XVI. The Articles so changed were subscribed
by the upper house of convocation on the 29th, and by the lower
house on the 5th of February. They were printed In Latin and
In English and consist of XXXVIII.
(a. d. 1566.) An attempt was afterwards made to bring In a
bill for uniformity of doctrine*, by requiring the clergy to sub
scribe the Articles of Religion ; It passed the commons, but was
stopped In the lords by the queen, who deemed it an infringement
on her ecclesiastical supremacy.
In 1571, the same attempt was again made on the part of the
commons "f"; and Elizabeth, with that wisdom which marked her
whole government, withdrew an opposition which would probably
have had no other effect than that of entailing upon herself an
ultimate defeat. The Articles which the clergy are by this act
called upon to subscribe are designated as comprised in a book
imprinted, intituled, "Articles," fcc.*"; but the extent of the
subscription is again limited, by their being subsequently confined
to those " which only concern the confession of the true Christian

" Many of these alterations are taken
from the Wirtemberg Cdnfession, which
was composed in 1551, and in the follow
ing year exhibited in the Council of Trent ;
e. g, part of the lid, the Vth, Vlth,
Xth, Xlth, Xllth. The archbishop
of Cashel adds the XXth, (Laurence's
Bampton Lect, 233.) I almost doubt
of this. The sense is the same, not the
words. The only changes which are
worthy of remark, from proving any
alteration in point of doctrine, are to be
found in the Vlth and the XXVIIIth.
The Vlth is less favourable to traditions,

and draws the distinction between the
canonical and apocryphal scriptures ; and
the XXVIIIth leaves out a sentence
contradictory of consubstantiatlon or
ubiquitinarianism. Burnet can hardly be
correct in his supposition" that this was
done to please the Rbinan Catholics.
Transubstantiation is dehied'in the sen
tence before, which is not altered,
*> This can be no other than that pub
lished 1563, by Jug^iind'jCawood, which
does not contain the 'controverted clause
of the XXth Article, See § 486.

* Lamb, 24,

t Ibid. 25,

826

controverted clause in article xx, [append, c.

faith, and the doctrine of the sacraments" comprised, &c, ; by
which expressions the XlXth, XXth, XXXVth, and XXX Vlth
are virtually excluded. In the convocation which was sitting at
the same time, Parker commenced a review of the Articles, for
the purpose of sanctioning, by the authority of convocation, the
Articles to which subscription should be required of the clergy.
When some trifling alteration had been made, and the XXIXth
article restored, these Articles, then consisting of the present
XXXIX, were subscribed by the upper house on the eleventh of
May, and afterwards published under the superintendence of
Bishop Jewel", and the ratification with which they now conclude
was added. But it is very extraordinary that disputes have
arisen, and the greatest uncertainty still prevails, as to the copy
of the Articles which may be deemed the authorized one, from
this period till the point was virtually settled by the canons
passed In the convocation of 1604.
§ 486. The records of the English convocations were unfor
tunately burnt at the fire of London in 1666, so that it is impos
sible to refer to the original documents ; and the manuscript and
printed copies of them exhibit such variety as tends rather to
involve the question in greater difficulty.
The disputed clause is that with which the XXth Article now
commences. " Habet ecclesia ritus sive cseremonlas* statuendi jus, et
In fidei controversiis auctoritatem ; quamvis" Eccleslse non
licet, &c,
" The church hath power to decree rites and ceremonies, and
authority in controversies of faith ; and yet" it is not lawful for
the church, &c.
The testimonies concerning the authenticity of this clause are
as follows :

' Bishop Jewel made several minute
corrections of the Articles which may be
seen iu Lamb, p, 30, and put the finish
ing hand to our present Articles.
" It is curious that the words sive
cmremonias do not exist in Wolfe's edi
tion of 1563, nor in the transcript from

the records of convocation 1562, pro
duced at Laud's trial. The word jus
too is translated power, a method of ren
dering it to which many an honest puri
tan might readily have assented, by
allowing that the church had the power,
but no right.

X. § 486,] controverted clause in article xx.

327

It is not found,
1 . In the Latin manuscript signed by the archbishops and
bishops in the convocation, 1562.
2, In the English editions of Jugg and Cawood, 1563*.
3. In the English manuscript signed by the archbishop of
Canterbury and bishops in the convocation of 1671.
4. In the Latin edition of Day, 1571. ") Published under the
5. In the English edition of Jugg v. direction of Bishop
and Cawood, 1571. j Jewel.
It is found,
1. In the Latin edition of Wolfe of 1563.
2. In one (or two ?) of the later editions of Jugg and Cawood
of 1571. 3. And appears frequently after 1679 "f".
(a. d. 1637.) But In the examination of Laud, when the ques-
tion was agltatedj, a declaration of a notary public was produced
before the star chamber, which testified that the clause did exist
in the authoritative copy ofthe acts ofthe convocation, 1562, then
still remaining in St. Paul's, (See the previous note"',)
§ 487. If then, in order to reconcile these conflicting testi
monies, and to mark tho grounds of his own opinion of the
authenticity of the clause,, a .writer may be allowed to hazard a
conjecture, he must state that he believes the clause to be In a
certain degree genuine, and to have been inserted^ through that
unquestioned sort of supremacy which was exercised by Elizabeth
in ecclesiastical matters, and Imagines that the discrepancies
arose from the carelessness'' of those who ought to have com-

• That this was done by Elizabeth may
be presumed from the following internal
evidence. The clause itself is in strict
correspondence with the prepossessions
of a child of Henry VIII, ; the XXIXth
article was omitted at the same time ;
and Elizabeth is well known to have
been favourable to the idea of the corpo
ral presence — witness the exclusion of
the rubric at the end of the Communion
Service in 1560; but the subscription at

the end (c) seems almost to leave the
question without a doubt. It is hardly
necessaryperhaps testate, that the greater
part of the reasoning on this question is
due to Dr, Lamb's book.
'' As a proof of the carelessness with
which persons wiU assert the .agreement
of documents of which they have no
reason to suspect the discrepancy, it
may be observed that Strype (Ann. I.
i. 484,) calls the C. C, C, Camb. manii-

* Lamb, 37, t Historical and Critical Essay, art. XXXIX,
X Bennet on the Thirty-nine Articles, 167,

328

controverted clause in article XX. [append, c.

pared the entries in the records of the two houses of convocation:
his conjecture then is as follows.
In 1662, Archbishop Parker and the bishops sent down a copy
of the Articles to the lower house, not containing the controverted
cause in the XXth article, but containing the XXIXth article.
The lower house then, or at least those who copied their records,
by the direction of Elizabeth, inserted the clause in the XXth,
and left out the XXIXth article. And the Articles so altered
were published by Wolfe, 1563 In Latin, under the immediate
authority of the queen herself". And it Is presumed that the
English editions published by Jugg and Cawood were edited
nominally by the queen's authority, but really from a document
furnished by some of the bishops, which was altered as to the
XXIXth, but not as to the insertion of the clause In the XXth.
*It is assumed, then, that this difference was either not
observed, or not much regarded, and that the house of commons. In
1566 and 1571, used the English as the authentic copy, and that
Archbishop Parker'' did the same when the Articles were written
out, to be brought before the upper house of convocation, In the
same year 1671, Thus then the discrepancy was continued In
the records of the upper house, and In the editions published
under the direction of Bishop Jewel. And it is probable that the
printers, when they found that there was a difference, at first
printed In both forms, to supply the wishes of their several
customers, and afterwards frequently inserted the clause"f", till the
edition was published in Oxford, when Prideaux was vice-
chancellor, which occasioned the discussion.
§ 488. The clause then may be considered genuine, as far as

script" of Parker's, "a draft of king
Edw.-ird's Articles, accurately writ out,"
whereas there are differences amounting
to eight whole articles and seventeen
variations, " At the end of this edition is the fol
lowing notice ; " Quibus omnibus Arti-
culis serenissima Princeps Elizabeth,
Dei gratia Angliaj, Francioe, et Hiber-
nife, regina, fidci defensor, &c., per seip-
" § 485, b.

sam diligenter prius lectis et examinatis
regium suum asseusum prtcbuit."
^ We must either suppose that Arch
bishop Parker did this hy inadvertency,
or that he presumed to oppose the wishes
of the queen : the former supposition
seems the least liable to objection, as the
attention of the bishops vould not be
drawn to a question which had never
been agitated, f Lamb, 36,

X, § 488,] controverted clause in article xx, 329
Laud is concerned ; for it was originally published by the autho
rity of the queen, although it had probably never passed througli
the upper house of convocation. Add to which, that with regard
to ecclesiastical affairs, the authority of the copy of the XXXIX
Articles must In 1634 have depended on the clause In the 36th
canon of 1604, and that edition of the Articles which the two
houses then subscribed; and this was that of Day, of 1593,
which does contain the controverted clause. The question there
fore, as far as Laud was concerned, or as far as relates to our
subscription in the present day, seems to be set at rest ; but it
seems equally clear that Archbishop Parker and the bishops did
not mean to authorize this clause in 1662 or 1671, for they intro
duced that at the end of the XXXlVth article, which contains a
milder assertion of the same doctrine, and which appears almost a
tautology as the Articles stand at present.

330

CHAPTER XI.
INTRODUCTORY OBSERVATIONS.
491, Reformation in England and Scotland compared; gradual in England ; 492,
and carried on in connexion with the government, 493, Rapid in Scotland,
and resisted by the crown and the church: objects of Cardinal Beaton; his
persecution of Wishart; and, 494, own death: siege of St. Andrew's; the
French and English take part in the contest ; the plans of each : the congre
gation established ; the use of the Common Prayer enjoined, 495, Arrival
of Knox ; his character ; establishment of the Reformation ; the power by
which it was established marked the character of it; its political independence,
and difference from the church of England in this respect. 496, The fault of
his principles, 497, General view of the Reformation ; opposition to govern
ment, 498, Preference to be given to the Reformation in England,

§ 491, It will hardly be possible to understand clearly the mutual
bearings of the two churches, which are now amicably flourishing
within the same Island, and which have contributed much to the
injury of each other, without taking a general view of the Re
formation as it had been carried on in Scotland^. The events
which there contributed to throw down the power of the church
of Rome are so totally different from those which produced the
same effect in England, that it was scarcely to be expected that
the two nations should regard their church in the same light :
and as the conduct of the mass of any people must In great
measure depend on the ideas prevalent among them, we shall
perhaps obtain the object which we have in view most easily, by
examining the more striking features which distinguished the
two Reformations. The limits of this work preclude the idea of
entering into any history of the Reformation in Scotland ; but a
few pages may enable us to estimate the causes which produced
that marked dissimilarity between these two events; and to
account, in a certain degree, for the existence of prejudices and
opinions fundamentally different from each other.

" The reader is referred to Cook's
History of the Reformation in Scotland,
and M" Crie's Life of Knox ; more par

ticular reference is hardly required con
cerning remarks so general as those
which are here made.

XI, § 491,] the reformation gradual in England,

331

The seeds of the Reformation must have been sown in every
country where mankind had begun to reason for themselves, and
¦where such abuses existed as could not fail to attract the notice
of the most careless, and to excite the regret of all who wished
well to religion. But the necessity of a total change In the
whole system, the unsoundness of the very foundations on which
the papal power was built, would have been discovered at very
different periods by different individuals or different nations, and
have given rise to very different opinions as to the methods by
which the change was to be effected. All truths, and particularly
moral truths, are likely to be disseminated to the greatest advantage
when the process is slow, and when the several steps are gradually
communicated to those most Interested In their admission or
rejection. In England, the class of reformers was numerous long
before the time of Luther. It is not of consequence to the
argument whether any of the light spread throughout Germany
were borrowed from England ; but most certainly the Bible was
appealed to in England as the standard of opinion long before
the dawn of the Reformation in Germany''. The English
reformers had advanced but few steps in the progress of the
Reformation ; but these points were to a certain degree established
long before they were to be brought forward as the basis of a new
system. Nor was the knowledge necessary for preparing the
minds of the people for the Reformation confined to any small
portion of society; it was generally diffused, and therefore par
tially admitted, by many who were not prepared to receive it
entirely; and persons so affected are much more likely to use
moderation in their proceedings, than those on whom the force of
truth has suddenly broken in, and carried off perhaps some things
which are valuable, as well as the errors which had been before
received. The worst of systems which has been long established
must possess some advantages, which it would be unwise to

ii Without referring to the time of
Wiclif and the prevalence of his opinions,
which had never been eradicated from
England, it may be remembered, that
Warham, in 1510 and 1511, compelled
pany persons to recant opinions which

are now universally admitted among
Protestants, and that several persons
more were condemned to death. See
Burnet. Instances of persons burnt
before 1517 may be found in Fox, vol.
U.; e.g. Sweeting and Brewster in 1511.

332 PROGRESS OP the REPORMATION in ENGLAND. [a. D. 1617.
destroy unnecessarily; and the most perfect may require such a
perfection in those who adopt it, as to render the use of it, if
suddenly imposed, dangerous in the extreme. Every system of
human affairs must require a constant change, and that govern
ment in church or state Is best, which provides that the changes
shall be moderated by prudence, and not received till their neces
sity Is apparent. A wise and good government will endeavour
to guide the opinions of Its subjects, a bad one will try to resist
them ; but in human affairs, that nation may be deemed fortunate
in which the government gradually follows the progress of the
opinions of its more enlightened subjects.
§ 492. In England, It was not any wisdom in his plans of
government which induced Henry VIII. to destroy the papal
power, but the providence of God made the passions of the
monarch take the same direction as the wishes of the more
enlightened of his subjects. The friend of the Reformation, the
moderate Roman Catholic, and the political patriot, who regarded
not the interests of religion, all wished that the temporal authority
of the pope should be discarded, and the prospect of a divorce
contributed to inspire the king with the same desire. The same
parties beheld the excessive power and wealth of the clergy, and
they wished therefore that this should be diminished ; they had
different objects in view, and possessed, perhaps, different opinions
as to the method in which this alteration should take place ; but
their combined wishes coincided with the rapacity and avarice
M'hich made the king regardless of justice and of policy. The
acts, therefore, of the government not only agreed with the wishes
of the more enlightened members of society, but probably opened
the eyes of many who were ready to observe these advantages
when placed before them. Henry did not innovate so much as
the reformers would have desired, but he outstepped the wishes
of the Roman Catholics. He could not be said to guide the
opinions of the country, but the acts of the government lay
between the extremes Into which the parties which composed it
would have fallen ; and therefore the Reformation, as far as It
proceeded during the reign of Henry, tended not only to remedy
actual abuses, but to render the opinions of the people better

XI, § 492.] progress op the reformation in Scotland, 333
prepared for estimating or directing future amendments. It left
the sincere and enlightened Protestant exposed to persecution,
but it had paved the way for real reformation, by destroying the
only power which could have effectually resisted it ; and by
showing the world, not only that reformation was required, but
that it mlghjt be carried on beneficially. It made the friends of
reform cautious, and the opponents of it more moderate.
§ 493. The course of events which took place In Scotland
were at total variance with these circumstances. Dr. Cook
begins his History of the Reformation in Scotland (1528) with
the martyrdom of Patric Hamilton, who had derived many of
his opinions from Germany, and received them from men who
had already proceeded to extremities in rejecting the Roman
authority. The greatest caution was necessary on the part of one
whose heart was bent on introducing the truths of the Reforma
tion into his native country, In consequence of the violence which
even the appearance of favour towards the doctrines of the
reformers excited among the clergy : but all his prudence and
caution were rendered useless through the treachery with which
he was assailed ; and Campbell, who first Insinuated himself Into
the confidence of Hamilton, and then betrayed him, not only
disgusted the feelings of the community, but his own subsequent
fate and that of Hamilton formed a striking contrast, and tended
to fix In the minds of the nation a dislike to the persecuting, and
a love for the suffering, portion into which the church was divided.
Campbell having witnessed the burning of Hamilton was so con
science struck, that he died In a state of insanity or despair.
This may be deemed the commencement of the Reformation,
and the effects of such a persecution rendered further severities
more and more necessary, while the political circumstances of the
country prevented the possibility of carrying them on. They
were renewed, however, after five years ; and Forest, a Benedic
tine friar, was convicted of heresy by means equally disgraceful
as those with which the condemnation of Hamilton had been
connected ; his private confessions to a priest formed the ground
of his condemnation. The persecution was by no means confined
to this victim ; but the minds of the people were excited by this

334 REFORMATION in ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND. [a.D. 1545,
combination of cruelty and treachery; and in addition to the
general causes which contributed to spread the Reformation, the
property of the church disposed the nobility to favour opinions,
which held out the hopes of converting this superfluous wealth
into a means of enriching themselves.
The crown, on the other hand, could not help regarding the
church as the easiest means by which it might hope to control
the aristocracy, and James V. supported the clergy with the view
of emancipating himself from that thraldom in which he was held
by his barons ; and to conciliate the favour of the church, he
suffered them to persecute the Reformers, and intrusted most of
the offices of the state to their administration. The power of the
crown was in England enormous during this same period, for the
power of the nobility had been previously reduced, and the king
joined himself to the other branches of his subjects in attempting
to destroy the exorbitant influence of the church; whereas in
Scotland the king endeavoured to shelter his own weakness by
calling in the aid of the clergy. This was the state of things
when Cardinal Beaton became primate ; and he entered on his
office with the determination of rooting out heresy, and re-estar
blishlng the power of the pope ; but his proceedings tended only
to increase the number of those who became hostile in their
feelings to the government. The death of the king and the
intrigues of the cardinal had nearly thrown the whole authority
of the kingdom into the hands of Beaton: but the manner in
which Arran afterwards attached himself to him, and the severities
which as regent and primate they were together enabled to inflict,
united a much larger portion of the nation in hostility to the
legal authority of the kingdom, than almost any other combination
of circumstances could have effected. Many an enlightened and
sincere Roman Catholic might have been pleased with the progress
of events in England, he might have hoped that his own religion
would have been established, while the political pretensions of
Rome were discarded. In Scotland he could have expected
nothing favourable to it, but from the suppression of the whole
power of the Reformers. In England, the man who wished to
free his country from papal influence, would have joined himself

XI. § 493,]

WISHART AND BEATON,

835

to the king. In Scotland, this man could have entertained no
hope of success, but in destroying the Roman Catholic church
and reducing the power of the crown. In England, the higher
members of the church were divided between reformers and anti-
reformers, and their power was nearly balanced. The changes,
therefore, which did take place in England were effected by the
councils of the government. In Scotland, the more exalted
members of the church, whose opinions coincided with those of
the Reformation, could only be safe by throwing their whole
influence Into the hands of the party which was opposed to the
crown. (1646,) It was not wonderful that Cardinal Beaton
should misunderstand the power which religion possessed In the
country, or that he should hope to suppress it by severity ; but It
was extraordinary that he should so act as to throw the whole of
the stigma on the church, and endanger a separation between that
body and the authority of the crown ; and the victim whom he
selected, and his own dreadful fate, produced a very marked effect
on the subsequent character of the Reformation in Scotland.
George Wishart was possessed of those qualities which peculiarly
rendered him an object of pity : he was well born, had received a
good education, (he had resided in Cambridge, and travelled into
Germany,) while his personal qualifications corresponded with
his literary acquirements, and he had begun to preach the gospel
successfully at Dundee. His apprehension, too, was accompanied
with a certain degree of treachery; for Bothwell, (the father,)
when Wishart was surrendered into his hands, promised to
answer for his safety, and his execution was accompanied with
many irritating circumstances ; it was carried on, not only with
out the concurrence of the civil power, but in opposition to the
wishes of the regent Arran ; and the prelates who condemned him
were themselves present when he died^.
§ 494. All these circumstances contributed to create so
strong a hatred against Beaton, that in a short time he was

" Wishart had tied bags of gunpowder
about him ; and some persons are so
sensitive concerning the honour of mar
tyrs, as to question the Christian pro

priety of this. Surely it would be no
imputation on the firmness of a man who
was about to be beheaded, that he wished
the axe to be sharpened.

336 CONNEXION OP FRANCE, AND ENGLAND. [a.D. 1547.
treacherously murdered in his own castle ; and the conspirators,
retaining possession of the fortress, commenced that open resist
ance to the government with which the whole of the Scotch
Reformation was accompanied. The conspirators who defended
St. Andrew's, were the advocates of the Reformation, and engaged
In open hostility against the government of the country; the
favour which was shown them by Henry VIII. excited a corre
sponding exertion on the part of the friends of the papacy, and
the castle was ultimately forced to surrender, in consequence of
the assistance afforded by the French to the besiegers.
Here, then, was a new element of discord. The crown, the
clergy, and the French, were arranged against the nobles, the
reformers, and the English ; and the connexion formed by the
royal family with France, which introduced many Frenchmen
into places of emolument and trust In Scotland, prevented the
people or the nobility from being pleased with that alliance. It
was the policy of France to reduce Scotland to a province, and
to connect the re-establishment of the Roman Catholic religion
with this event. The policy of England was to marry Edward
to Mary, and to form the whole island into one country; and
notwithstanding the rough method of courtship which was exhi
bited at the battle of Pinky, (1547,) the money which was
brought from England maintained a strong hold over the Interests
of many individuals among the Scotch nation, and the obvious
advantage which would be derived to both countries from a closer
intercourse contributed to give the preponderance to the side of
the reformers.
In England, during the reign of Edward, the Reformation
was carried on chiefly by the government, which outstepped the
opinions of the people. In Scotland, the feelings of the people
were favourable to Reformation, and the only hope of its final
establishment was connected in their minds with the prospect of
success entertained by those who must be viewed as rebels. The
castle of St. Andrew's had been reduced, but the spirit and the
feelings of the people could never be overcome, and from this
time, to the establishment of the Reformation in 1560, the mind
of every reformer must have been more or less hostile to the

XI, § 494.] KNOX. 337
government. The persecutions of Mary In England, to a certain
degree, produced the same effect in Scotland as was caused by
them in the southern part of our Island ; and while they alarmed
the fears, they united the efforts and the wishes of all who favoured
that cause which they were intended to overpower. The political
circumstances in which the regent was placed prevented her from
using persecution ; but the danger and fear of it at length embodied
the reformers of Scotland in the Congregation, and induced them
to frame and subscribe a deed of union, or bond of mutual sup
port, for resisting the tyranny which might be exercised against
the professors of the true religion, (a.d, 1557, Dec, 3.) It Is
curious that one of the early resolutions of this body directs the
use of the Common Prayer*, probably that of England; so that
the book which from mismanagement became the abomination of
every true son of the church of Scotland, had been originally
regarded in a very different light, aud perhaps contributed to
forward the Reformation among the ancestors of those who
subsequently rejected it with so unnecessary indignity,
§ 495. Notwithstanding the strength which the Protestant
party had now acquired, the Roman Catholic clergy were not
wise enough to discern their true policy; and the cruelty which
was exhibited In the execution of Mill, (1558,) an old minister
of above eighty years, of age, served but to excite the feelings of
men, who could not fail soon to learn their power, and tended to
consolidate a force which was sure to triumph In the end. It Is
probable, however, that the arrival of Knox gave a new turn to
the proceedings of the reformers ; and the comparison which is
here instituted will be Imperfect, unless something Is said of this
person, who held so conspicuous a place In the subsequent trans
actions of Scotland.
The natural impetuosity of his character, and the sufferings
to which he had been exposed, prepared his mind for the great
struggle In which he was soon to be engaged, but gave to his
conduct the air of patriotic exertion In the cause of religious and
civil freedom, rather than the appearance of Christian endurance
* Spotswood, 117.

338

ESTABLISHMENT OP THE

[a.D. 1560.

in the defence of truth. The disturbances, and destruction of the
monasteries, which took place at Perth, immediately after his
preaching there, have cast an obloquy on the Scottish reformer,
which he probably little deserves; but whatever portion of human
policy there might have been In destroying the buildings in which
the religious orders might again have assembled, and from whence
there might subsequently have issued a fresh band of defenders of
the church of Rome, this circumstance, and the consequences of
it, gave the Reformation here, as well as In England, an appear
ance of destruction, which must be deplored by every friend of
sober Christianity. The dishonesty of the regent prevented the
possibility of a quiet settlement of the question, and after mutual
successes, and a variety of fortunes, the death of the queen
dowager, and the interference of Elizabeth, paved the' way for
the settlement of the Protestant religion in Scotland, by the
parliament in 1560, and the publication of the Confession of
Falth^. Whatever was here established, was gained from the
crown and the clergy by the armed interference of the Protestants ;
and though the population was convinced by force of argument,
the concessions were obtained from the government by mere force
of arms. During the whole of this contest, Knox had much
influence in the civil as well as ecclesiastical transactions,
and his exertions and success could not fail to give a marked
character to his own opinions, and to those which were adopted
by the church. He learnt " to bind their kings with chains, and
their nobles with links of Iron ;" and seems to have introduced
among his followers the Idea, not only of the independence, but
of the superiority of the church, over the lay government of the
country; — a superiority nominally confined indeed to spirituals,
but which might easily extend Itself to the temporal concerns of
the kingdom^. The Articles of the church of England say,
" General councils may not be gathered together without the

» The Confession of Faith is printed
in Calderwood's History of the Church
of Scotland, p. 14; the Form of Church
Policy, in Spotswood's History, p. 152.
^ It may be remarked, that in this
particular the church of Scotland main

tains a doctrine corresponding with that
of the church of Rome. The position
here taken from a document of a later
date, was, I believe, always maintained
by the church of Scotland.

•XI. § 495.] REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND. S39
commandment and will of princes ;" in the act of the general
assembly of Scotland, August 27, 1647, approving of the Confes
sion of Faith set forth by the assembly of divines, this point is
distinctly denied ; " It being also free to assemble together syno-
dically, as well pro re nata, as at the ordinary times, upon dele
gation from the churches, by the intrlnsioal power received from
Christ." Occasions may arise, when it may become the duty of
the minister of Christ to do many things contrary to the general
line of his ordinary proceedings ; but these circumstances create
an exception, not a law; and it will be difficult to draw a line to
mark our duty, if the possibility of such circumstances is to frame
a general rule for our guidance.
§ 496. Of the sincerity and boldness of Knox there can
exist little doubt. But the Christian wisdom and prudence of his
method of proceeding may reasonably be called in question; and
while we admire his virtues, we may avoid his faults, and examine
the consequences of them. His harshness never convinced Mary,
and the conduct of his successors failed in reforming James, while
they certainly created in both these personages a great dislike to
the religious principles which were supposed to sanction such
conduct. There may be occasions when the preacher may be
called on to animadvert on the conduct of his hearers In personal
allusions ; but men of that period must have differed much from
the rest of their fellow-creatures. If they were likely to be reformed
by such addresses ; and the clergy who adopted such a freedom
must have been possessed of most extraordinary humility and self-
command, if there were not great danger of their misusing such a
licence. Granting that Knox always kept in view "that he might
gain the sinner to the Lord," we may well question the wisdom
of the means which he adopted for doing so. To Institute a
comparison between Cranmer and Knox would be an Invidious as
well as a difficult task ; but while we thank God for the Reforma
tion which they each produced, we may remember that the meek
ness of the one was as effectual as the sternness of the other; that
an unyielding stoicism is as much a worldly temper as a compliant
facility; and that the character of a firm yet mild gentleman, is
z2

34() GENERAL VIEW OP THE REFORMATION. [a.D, 1560.
much nearer to that of a Christian patriot, than the world will
generaUy allow.
§ 497. In examining the Reformation in Scotland as a
whole, it is impossible to overlook its political tendencies. The
changes which took place in England were moderate, because they
were guided by the government. All that could be preserved
in the constitution of the church remained, because the highest
members of the clergy were employed In carrying on the altera
tions. In Scotland, the bishops were hostile to the Reforma
tion ; and the Reformation which triumphed over the temporal
authority of the country, and conquered by the sword of the flesh
as well as by that of the spirit, threw down bishops, from nearly
the same reasons, as destroyed episcopacy in the reign of Charles I.
The principle which supported the Reformation in Scotland was
a spirit of resistance to civil as much as religious tyranny; and
though our gratitude is due to the great Disposer of events when
he produces good out of evil, yet, under whatever name we may
conceal It, rebellion is rebellion. He who argues in favour of
resistance on the ground of the ultimate necessity of it, reasons on
principles which can hardly be denied : but before he can apply
his doctrine to any particular case, it will be incumbent on him
to prove that the evil In question admitted of no remedy short of
the dereliction of a positive law of God. He must show that the
patient sufferings of Cranmer, and our other English reformers,
did not as certainly produce the Reformation In England, as Knox
and his friends were the authors of that blessed event to their
native country. He must show that the one line of conduct was
as much according to the will of God as the other. To plead the
necessity of doing evil that good may come, is to destroy a belief
in the providence of God : and it would probably prove much
sounder historical reasoning, as well as sounder theology, if we
were to attempt to discover how men who obey the spirit of the
Gospel triumph In their meekness, rather than to endeavour to
demonstrate, that circumstances change the nature of God's laws:
how Knox might have produced the Reformation in Scotland by
imitating Ridley or Hooper, rather th.an by joining In direct

XI. § 497.] THE REFORMATION IN ENGLAND PREFERRED. 341
opposition to his sovereign : how in later days the covenanters
and parliament might have brought Charles I. to reason, rather
than have dethroned and murdered him. No one would wish to
question the readiness of God to pardon those who err In their
zeal for his service, or to doubt his mercy in producing good
effects, from the worst passions of mankind ; but he permits those
things which he does not approve, and he may prosper that,
in which the individual instruments are not working according to
those laws which he has laid down.
§ 498, If these views of the question be correct, It follows
that the temper with which the Reformation in England was
carried on was likely to lead to a more satisfactory settlement of
religion than that in Scotland : that the Instruments, being
governed by more Christian principles, were more likely, humanly
speaking, to frame a moderate and more Christian constitution of
a church in our own country, than in that of our northern neigh
bours : that too great a deference to the temporal power was more
likely to form a sound Christian community, than that opposition
to the government, which marked the events of Scotland. And
I believe that a quiet examination of the real state of things at
the accession of James would lead us to this conclusion. With
the evils which have since grown up in England and Scotland,
we have nothing now to do ; but with this view of the subject
we can hardly help concluding, that the alteration in the church
which had taken place in England, was, with all its Imperfections,
a reformation ; while that In Scotland bore a nearer resemblance
to a revolution in the church. The temper of mind created by
the one or the other in the breasts of the individual members of
society must In some degree depend on the tendency of the change
itself ; and probably this predisposition to control the power of
the crown by force, which was engendered by the Reformation in
Scotland, contributed In a great degree to stamp Its features on
the events with which we shall presently be engaged ; but it is
only at the day of judgment that we shall learn how far these
forcible exertions of Christians are approved by Him from whom
the blessings of civil government are primarily derived. It is
the office of the ministers of God to teach their brethren what

342 THE I^EFORMATION IN ENGLAND PREFERRED, [A,p. 1560.
God will approve, not what he may pardon ; and it is the office
of the historian to point out how God brings good out of evil, and
to show mankind how the evil might have been avoided, without
relinquishing the prospect of good to which our earthly hopes are
directed.

343

CHAPTER XII.
THE REIGN OF JAMES I. FROM 1603 TO 1625.
501. Impression in favour of James, 502. MUlenary petition ; objections of the
puritans, 503, Proclamation for the conference at Hampton Court, 504,
First day ; Prayer Book. 505. Second day ; Articles, 506. Confirmation ;
Articles. 507. Catechism ; lessons from the Apocrypha. 508, Cross ;
surpUce; ring; prophesyings, 509. Third day; conclusion of it. 510. Bar
low's account of the conference, 511, Other accounts. 512, Covocation;
new canons. 513. Parliament ; state of parties. 514. Powder-plot. 515.
Statutes against Roman Catholics. 616. Oath of aUegiance; treatment of
Roman Catholics, 517. College at Chelsea. 518. Heretics; persecution.
519. Book of Sports. 520. Synod of Dort. 521, James's letter about
preaching, 522. Necessity of examining politics. 523, Character of James ;
tolerably wise, but very weak, 524. His high notions of prerogative in church
and state. 525, The light of the Reformation opened men's eyes about
poUtics. 526, James could not tolerate this in either church or state. 527.
Tolerant towards Roman CathoUcs : the question of toleration Ul understood.
§ 501. The tranquil manner in which James succeeded to the
throne enabled the most active politicians to turn their full atten
tion to ecclesiastical matters. All men recognised the justice of
his title, and hailed the prospect of his succession, although the
general temper of the country, and the circumstance of the king's
having been bred up in a church differing much from that of
England, prevented the friends of the establishment from being
entirely free from doubts, as to the result of his coming to the
crown. Dr. Neville, dean of Canterbury, was commissioned In the
name of the archbishop and bishops to present their congratu
lations to his majesty in Scotland. The answer returned by
James, that he would uphold the church of England as It was
established by Queen Elizabeth, together with the anxiety which
he exhibited, to be informed on ecclesiastical subjects, and con
cerning the present state of the church, contributed to create In
the minds of those who were interested in his future proceedings
a strong impression In his favour.

344 REFORMATION IN THE CHURCH. [a.D. 1603.
§ 502, The circumstances which had tended to alarm the
friends of episcopacy gave life to the exertions of the opposite
party, and applications of various descriptions were made at
court, to Induce the king to examine and remove whatever
offended the scruples of the weak, or the ¦ prejudices of the
wilful. With a view of advocating this cause, many petitions were
prepared, and among the rest, one, which from the supposed
number of ministers who subscribed It was called the Millenary,
although the names never actually amounted to above seven
hundred and fifty. This document is chiefly valuable in pre
senting to us the most important points complained of by
the puritan party. The topics on which It treats are*, 1.
Objections to the church service. 2. Pluralities, non-residence,
and unpreaching ministers. 3. The better maintenance of the
parochial clergy, which might be effected by restoring to them
the greater part of ecclesiastical impropriations, and a sixth or
seventh of all lay ones. 4. The redress of church discipline.
The three last of these were points on which the governors of the
church were equally eager, though their views, perhaps, did not
coincide exactly with those of the reforming party, since they
perceived difficulties which were not taken into due consideration
in the sweeping complaints of the others. The king himself was
fully alive to them, and it was by his direction that Whitgift "|-
(June 30th) addressed a letter to his suffragans, enjoining them
to make all due inquiries into the condition of their dioceses,
with regard to the number of recusants, the state of the incum
bents, and the value of the preferments. James wished for Infor
mation, too, with respect to the Common Prayer, and though
obviously favourable to the church of England, he was anxious to
arrive at the truth, by hearing whatever might be advanced
against It.
§ 503. It was with this view that he summoned certain
divines to a conference at Hampton Court. He is accused by
Rapin j of insincerity in holding out the prospect of a free dls-
• Fuller, A. 22, -)- Strype's Whitgift, U. 470. X "• 162.

XII. § 503.] CONFERENCE AT HAMPTON COURT. 345
cussion, on the points at Issue between the church and noncon
formists, which he never meant to realize : but if we are to judge
by the public documents, no charge can be less founded. In the
proclamation* under which this assembly was held, he twice
declares his own perfect approbation of the doctrine and discipline
as by law established, and his conviction that it was agreeable to
the word of God and the forms of the primitive church ; and
that the object which he had In view was to reform such cor
ruptions as had been introduced by time, as well as to furnish
himself with Information, In order that he might be able to judge
of the enormities which were objected against the ecclesiastical
government and the services. Much too Is frequently said of the
alarm experienced by the hierarchy at this period ; but though
they could not fail to be anxious at such a moment, they neither
seem to have entertained any very violent fears, nor to have had
any grounds for them. Whitgift, as he was bound, made every
preparation for the approaching conference, and particularly con
sulted Hutton, archbishop of York, on several important points f.
His answers were partially quoted at the conference, and it is not
improbable that application was made to other divines for their
assistance in the same manner.
§ 504, The establishment was represented by Whitgift,
archbishop of Canterbury, Bancroft, bishop of London, T, Matthew
of Durham, Bilson of Winchester, with five other bishops, toge
ther with ten divines, who were chiefly deans. The other party
consisted of Reynolds, president of Corpus Christi college, and
Dr. Sparks from Oxford, and Knewstubbs and Chaderton from
Cambridge, In the first day's conference (Jan. 14th) the church party
alone were admitted, and the object to which the attention of
the meeting seems to have been directed was to furnish his
majesty with information on certain points connected with the
question. In the Prayer Book, it was pointed out that confirmation, as
used In the church of England, affected not the fulness of the
• Strype's Whitgift, u. 486. f Ibid, iu, 392, No, 44,

346 CONFERENCE AT HAMPTON COURT. [a.D. 1604.
sacrament of baptism, which had been before administered ; and
was established on the authority of the apostles, and the custom
of the primitive church. That the absolution was merely a
declaration of God's pardon through Christ, pronounced by an
authorized minister, and addressed, In its most general forms, to
the whole congregation; but in the Visitation of the Sick,
(where the expressions are applicable to an individual, and seem
to presume a greater authority on the part of the minister,) that
it was used in the case of those only who desired such consolation
for the clearing and quieting of their conscience. That the use
of private baptism* by women and laics was never admitted
except in cases of necessity, according to the use of the primitive
church ; and that the words of the rubric were left general, as to
this particular, in order that the sacrament might not be omitted
on occasions where no minister was present. In each of these
cases the decision of the meeting was, that it should be left to
the discretion of the bishops, whether such words should not be
inserted in the several rubrics as would leave these points no
longer doubtful ; and it was agreed on all hands that some other
coercion might be used to enforce ordinary ecclesiastical disci
pline without having constant recourse to the severity of excom
munication. § 505. (Jan. 16.) The proceedings of the second day become
infinitely more interesting, inasmuch as they may be presumed
to contain all the objections to the details of the church of
England, in which a moderate nonconformist would then have
desired alteration. Dr. Reynolds arranged what he had to bring
forward under four heads : 1st, of doctrinal points ; 2nd, of such
things as pertained to the appointment of ministers ; 3rd, to the
remodelling of the Common Prayer ; 4th, aind to church govern
ment. The particulars objected to in the Articles were, that the
doctrine of final perseverance ought to be stated in a manner
more consistently with that of predestination than it was in the
XVIth and XVIIth articles ; and it was argued, that this would
* See § 424, a.

XII. § 505.] CONFERENCE, ARTICLES. 347
be effected by inserting in the XVIth article, immediately fol
lowing the words " after we have received the Holy Ghost we
may depart from grace," the qualification of this expression in
some such terms as these, " yet not totally or finally;" and it was
proposed that the Lambeth Articles* should be introduced into
the text of the Thirty-nine. These proposed alterations were
not received with any favour, and the king, in conclusion, re
marked, " Meantime I wish that the doctrine of predestination
may be tenderly handled, lest, on the one side, God's omnlpo-
tency be questioned by impeaching the doctrine of his eternal
predestination, or, on the other side, a desperate presumption
arreared by inferring the necessary certainty of persisting in
grace." Unfortunately, during this part of the discussion, Bancroft
suffered himself to be carried away by the violence of his temper,
and attempted to put a stop to the whole proceeding; but the
king reproved hina with much dignity and propriety, and the
argument was resumed.
§ 506. When the question of confirmation was brought
forward, and the texts (Heb. vi. 2, Acts viii.) had been quoted,
it was soon reduced into a more narrow compass by the con
cessions of the' complainants, who objected not to the institution,
but wished that the administering of the rite might no longer be
confined to the bishops alone, since their extensive dioceses ren
dered them totally unable to examine the whole of the candidates
properly. As no period could be assigned at which such a custom
had been admitted in the church, the proposal was laid aside,
and it was left to be subsequently decided, whether the words,
" an examination," should be introduced into the rubric before
confirmation*. Again it was objected, that the XXIIIrd article allowed a
layman to preach out of the congregation, because it asserted only,
that it was not lawful for him to preach " in the congregation,"

' See Bingham's Anticiuities, vol. iv.
p. 385, xii. ii. 3, who gives a consider
able account of the custom of the early

church on this particular, corresponding
with the present practice of the church
of England.

See § 464.

348 CONFERENCE. ARTICLES. CATECHISM. [a.D. 1604.
unless he were duly called. That the XXVth article called
confirmation a corrupt following of the apostles. That in the
XXXVIIth article, It was not enough to say " that the bishop
of Rome had no authority in this land," unless it were added,
" that he ought not to have any." But it was of course utterly
useless to attempt to answer such unimportant cavils. When
Dr. Reynolds wished that it might be inserted in the Articles,
" that the Intention of the minister Is not of the essence of the
sacrament," the king objected, as about the Lambeth Articles, to
the introduction of any more than was absolutely necessary into
the body of the Articles ; since every addition tended to encumber
the book, and, by destroying its perspicuity, to obviate the very
purpose for which they were framed.
§ 507, Some objections were then raised to the Catechism,
because Dr, Noel's was deemed too long, and that in the Prayer
Book too short ; and upon the suggestion of the king, an inter
mediate step was adopted, of adding somewhat to the old. It
is to this that we owe the explanation of the sacraments with
which the present Church Catechism ends*.
All parties agreed in wishing that the Sabbath might be ob
served with greater propriety, and that a new translation of the
Bible should be prepared.
There was some small discussion with regard to seditious and
popish books, which arose from the permission which had been
occasionally given for their Introduction, in order that they might
be answered ; but this question was soon dismissed, as being one
of policy, rather than suited to theological inquiry.
The petition of Reynolds, that learned ministers might be
appointed in every parish, was seconded by one from Bancroft,
who requested that we might have a praying ministry ; that the
homilies might be read till a preaching ministry could be pro
vided ; and that pulpits might not be made pasquils, where every
discontented fellow might traduce his superiors. These com
plaints serve to point out the state of the times, but were in their
nature too general to admit of any definite remedy.
With regard to the Common Prayer, the custom of reading
•* See § 747, a.

XII. § 507.] CONFERENCE, CHURCH GOVERNMENT, ^ 349
lessons taken from the Apocrypha was objected to ; and the king,
with great propriety and fairness, desired Dr Reynolds to mark
those chapters which were objectionable,
§ 508. The cross in baptism, and the questions proposed to
the children, were complained of; but after the antiquity of the
one, and the unexceptionable nature of the other, had been pointed
out, and when It was shown that the cross was not otherwise used
than as a ceremony, Mr. Knewstubbs seemed to doubt how far
the church had authority to impose such a ceremony ; and his
majesty declined entering Into the question, as to how far the
subject Is bound to obey, by quoting the parliamentary words,
" Le roi s'avlsera,"
The wearing the surplice, the words, " With my body I thee
worship," and the use of the ring* In the marriage-service, were
also mentioned, as well as the churching of women; but the
observations on these topics were shortly dismissed, on account of
their being deemed, as they really are, frivolous objections.
The question, whether ecclesiastical censures should be im
posed by laymen, was not entered into, since it had been previ
ously settled by the king and the bishops ; and when Reynolds
proposed that certain provincial assemblies should be held for
the purpose of conference, at which prophesyings, as they were
formerly called, might be established, James, who had long
smarted under presbyterian tyranny, broke forth Into a lively
description of the steps by which the reformers of Scotland had
first triumphed over the bishops, and then over the crown, and
ended by quoting his favourite apophthegm, " No bishop, no
king." § 509. (Jan. 18.) The meeting on the third day can hardly
be called a conference. It was now that the bishops brought up
their conclusions on certain points which had been previously
referred to their consideration, and at the same time those ques
tions which did not admit of an immediate decision were left for
' The giving a ring as a marriage pledge is an old Roman custom, (Juv. vi. 27.)
Conventum tamen, et pactum, et spousalia nostra
Tempestate paras ; jamque a tonsore magistro
Pectoris, et digito pignus fortasse dedisti.

350 CONFERENCE, CONCLUSION, [a,D. 1604.
the examination of committees. His majesty was particularly
eloquent in favour of oaths ex officio, and made a long speech to
prove their utility and necessity. This topic so pleased the epi
scopal party, that the archbishop declared that the king spoke by
the especial assistance of God's Spirit, and the bishop of London
returned thanks to the Almighty for his goodness in setting such
a prince over them — a line of compliment too well received by
James himself, and unfortunately repeated by most of the courtiers
who were present.
It was the observation of the king, that the scruples of the
nonconformists were mere matters of weakness, and that if there
fore they were honest and good men, they would be easily won to
conformity, if not, that they were better out of the church than
members of her ministry ; and on two occasions he made use of
very harsh expressions concerning them, threatening to " harry
them out of the land," in case they obeyed not, and adding,
that if they conformed not, " they ought to be hanged." The
preachers promised for themselves to perform all duty towards
the bishops, and to join against the common enemy ; but Mr.
Chaderton made a petition in favour of certain ministers in Lan
cashire, that they might be allowed to omit the use of the sur
plice ; to which his majesty kindly consented, as far as the bishop
of London would allow him ; for the bishops were justly afraid
that if any connivance were shown, excepting for a limited period,
the effect would be to undo all the good which they had promised
themselves from the conference. But when the same request
was again made for certain ministers in Suffolk, by Knewstubbs,
the king answered the petitioner sharply, and animadverted with
much reason on the ill-conduct of men who preferred their own
scruples to the unity of the church ; who would run the risk of
any difficulty which might arise, rather than give up a point
which they had once advocated ; and In whose disinclination to
obey, their own personal vanity was more consulted than the
good of the community. During the whole of the conference
there is nothing more striking than the superiority of the king
himself over both parties : he not only surpassed them in temper
and fairness, but apparently in learning and knowledge of the

XII. § 509.] CONFERENCE. CONCLUSION. 351
subject : notwithstanding the insignificance of the objections
raised, and in some cases their senseless futility, he heard them
with patience : wherever there seemed any reason for alteration,
he was ready to adopt it, and the bishops exhibited a great facility
in assenting to his proposals. The only appearance of want of
judgment consisted in the terms In which he threatened the non
conformists. § 510. The account of the conference which is here given
is taken almost entirely from one published by Barlow, dean of
Chester, who, having assisted in the discussion, was deputed to
write the history of it *, and probably aided In the task by Whit
gift. It is, however, so favourable to the episcopal party, that it
has not failed to be attacked ; but as It was published in the year
which followed the conference, and was not contradicted as to its
contents, there seems no reason for doubting Its correctness. What
is said of the conference on the second day was examined and
approved by many who were there present, and such original
memoirs as have come down to us correspond with sufi3.cient
accuracy with what is here detailed^.
§ 511. The only authentic document of which I am aware,
which seems to throw any discredit on this piece of history, is
a letter from Mr. Galloway, a Scotch divine, who was present
at the second day's conference, and who wrote to the ministers at
Edinburgh. Concerning this letter Calderwood observes "f", that
this account is very unlike Barlow's ; yet, after a minute and
careful comparison of the conclusions here drawn up, with those
of Bancroft's which are printed in Strype^:!:, I am convinced that

' See a letter from T. Matthew, bishop
of Durham, to Hutton, archbishop of
York, (Strype's Whitgift, Ui. 402, No.

" A note of such things as shall be
reformed in the church.
' 1, The absolution shall be called.

45,) Strype himself fully approves of The Absolution or general remission of
it, and Fuller, who must have been a sins,
very good judge on the question, intro- | "2, The Confirmaticm shaU be called,
duces it almost verbatim into his history. '¦ The Confirmation or further examination
The original pamphlet is not rare in of Children's Faith.
libraries, and has been reprinted in the " 3. The Private Baptism, now by
Phoenix and iu the Churchman's Re- laymen or women, shaU be caUed, The
membrancer, No. iv. I Private Baptism by the ministers only ;
* Strype's^ Whitgift, u. 492. f History of the Church of Scotland, fol., 474.
+ Whitgift, U, 501,

352

conference; different accounts. [a.d, 1604,

they furnish a strong confirmation of the account published by
Barlow. Neither Galloway nor Bancroft seem to make an
accurate distinction between matters which were discussed, and
recommended to the use of the clergy, without being authorlta-

and all those questions in that Baptism,
that insinuate it to be done by women,
taken away,
" 4, The Apocrypha, that hath some
repugnancy to the canonical scripture,
shall not be read; and other places
chosen, which either are explanations of
Scripture, or suit best for good Ufe and
manners. "5. The jurisdiction of the bishops
shall be somewhat Umited, and to have
either the dean and chapter, or some
grave minister assistant to them in ordi
nation, suspension, degradation, &c. (See
122nd Canon.)
"6, The excommunication, as it is
now used, shall be taken away both in
name and nature. And a writ out of
the chancery, to punish the contumacies,
shall be framed,
" 7, The kingdom of Ireland, the bor
ders of Scotland, and aU Wales, to be
planted with schools and preachers as
soon as may be.
" 8. As many learned ministers, and
maintenance for them, to be provided iu
such places of England, where there is
want, as may be.
" 9. As few double-beneficed men and
pluralities as may be ; and those that
have double benefices to maintain preach
ers, and to have their Uvings as near as
may be one to the other.
" 10. One uniform translation of the
Bible to be made, and only to be used in
all the churches of England.
" 11. One Catechism to be made and
used in all places.
" 12. The Articles of Religion to be
explained and enlarged. And no man
to teach or read against any of them.
"13, A care had, to observe who do
not receive the communion once in the
year : the ministers to certify the bishops,
the bishops the archbishops, the arch
bishops the king.

" 14. An inhibition for popish books
to be brought over: and if any come, to
be deUvered into their hands only that
are fit to have them.
" 15. The high commission to be re
formed, and reduced to higher causes
and fewer persons ; and those of more
honour and better qualities."
Calderwood's account of the matter is
as follows. History of the Church of
Scotland, p, 474.
" A conference was appointed to be
holden at Hampton Court the fourteenth
of January, betwixt some bishops on the
one side, and ministers on the other.
The good professors in England were
put in hope of a good beginning of Re
formation, and letters were sent by them
to sundry parts of the country, to take a
survey of the ecclesiastical estate, and
of the grievous abuses of the court ; but
they were disappointed of their expecta
tion. Two or three were appointed of
the sincerer side, that were not sound,
aud only to spy or prevaricate. Sundry
reports went of the conference, diSerent
from that relation which is set forth in
print by Barlow, I have therefore set
down here that relation, which Mr,
Patric Galloway sent from London to
the presbytery of Edinburgh, after it was
revised by the king himself.
" Beloved brethren, after my very
hearty commendations, these presents are
to show you, that I received two of your
letters, one directed to his maj. and
another to myself, for the using thereof ;
the samine I read, {^sic in orig. ] closed,
and three days before the conference,
deUvered it unto his maj, hands, and
received it back again, after some short
speeches had upon a word of your letter,
as tJie gross corruptions of this church ;
which then was exponed, and I assured,
that all corruptions dissonant from the

XII. § 611.] conference; different accounts.

353

tively enforced, and those on which some actual alteration was
founded. Thus, for instance, both of them state as a point
established, that in ecclesiastical censures, particularly of ministers,
the bishop should not proceed without the assistance of the dean

word, or contrary thereto, should be
amended. The twelfth of Januar was
the day of meeting, at what time the
bishops called upon by his maj. were
gravely desired, to advise upon all the
corruptions of this church, in doctrine,
ceremonies, and discipline ; and as they
will answer to God in conscience, and to
his maj. upon their obedience, that they
should return the third day after, which
was Saturday. They returned to his
maj. aud there apposed as of before, it
was answered, all was well. And when
his maj. in great fervency brought in
stances to the contrary, they upon their
knees, with great earnestness craved,
that nothing should be altered, lest
popish recusants, punished by penal
statutes for their disobedience ; and the
puritans punished by deprivation from
caUing and living for nonconformity,
should say, they had just cause to insult
upon them, as men who had travelled to
bind them to that, which by their own
mouths now was confessed to be errone
ous. Always after five hours dispute
had by his maj, against them, and his
maj. resolution for reformation inti
mated to them, they were dismissed that
day. Upon the sixteenth of Januar,
being Monday, the brethren were called
to his maj, only five of them being pre
sent, and with them two bishops, and
six or eight deans. Here his maj.
craved to know of them, what they
desired to be reformed : but it was very
loosely and coldly answered. This day
ended after four hours talking, and
Wednesday the eighteenth of Januar
was appointed for the meeting of both
the parties. Whereas before, the par
ties being called together, the heads
were repeated which his maj, would
have reformed at this time ; and so the
whole action ended, Simdry, as they
favoured, gave out copies of things here

concluded : whereupon myself took oc
casion, as I was an ear and eye witness,
to set them down, and presented them
to his maj, who with his own hand
mended some things, and eeked other
thmgs which I had omitted. Which
corrected copy with his own hand I have,
and of it have sent you herein the just
transumpt word by word — and this is the
whole. At my own returning, which,
God wiUing, shall be shortly, ye shall
know more paticularly the rest. So till
then taking my leave, I commit you to
the protection of the most High, and
your labours to the powerful blessing of
Christ. From London, this tenth of
Februar, 1604,
" Your brother in the Lord to his
uttermost,
"M, P, Galloway.
" The cause of my delay to write, was
my awaiting on his maj, leisure, to
obtain that copy spoken of before, as it
is, that so I might write, as it was
allowed to stand, and to be performed,"
A Note of such things as shall be
reformed.
"I, Of Doctrine.
" ], That an uniform short and plain
Catechism be made, to be used in all
churches and parishes in this kingdom.
There is already the doctrine of the
sacraments added, in most clear and
plain terms.
"2. That a translation be made of
the whole Bible, as consonant as can be
to the original Hebrew and Greek ; and
this to be set out and printed without
any marginal notes, and only to be used
in all churches of England, in time of
divine service,
"3, That no popish nor traitorous
books be suffered to be brought in this
kingdom, and that straight orderbe taken,
2 A

354

conference; different accounts, [a, d, 1604.

and chapter, or some other grave ministers. The subject, ac
cording to Barlow, seems to have been briefly mentioned by the
king ; and It is not improbable that a regulation so recommended
should have been at once admitted as beneficial, wherever it could

that if they come over, they be delivered
or sold to none, either in country or uni
versities, but to such only as may make
good use thereof, for confutation of the
adversaries. " II. Of the Service Book,
" I. That to the Absolution shall be
added the word of pronouncing the remis
sion of sins.
"2. That to Confirmation shaU be
added the word of catechising, or exami
nation of the children's faith.
"3. That the private Baptism shall
be called, the private Baptism by the
ministers and curates only: and all these
questions that insinuate women or pri
vate persons, to be altered accordingly.
"4. That such Apocrypha, as have
any repugnance to canonical scripture,
shall be removed, and not read; and
other places chosen for them which may
serve better, either for explanation of
scripture, or instruction in good Ufe and
manners; and specially the greatest
part of such places as were given in writ.
"5. The words of Marriage to be
made more clear,
" 6, The cross in Baptism was never
counted any part in Baptism, nor sign
effective, but only significative.
"III. Of Discipline.
" 1. The bishops are admonished to
judge no ministers, without the advice
and assistance of some of the gravest
deans and chaplains.
"2. That none shall have power to
excommunicate, but only their bishops
in their dioceses, in the presence of these
aforesaid ; and only upon such weighty
and great causes, to which they shall
subscribe. "3, The civil excommunication now
used, is declared to be a mere civil cen
sure : and therefore tho name of it is to

be altered ; and a writ out of the chan-
cellary to punish the] contumacy, shall
be framed.
"4. That all bishops, nominated to
that effect, shall set down the matters,
and manner of proceeding, to be followed
hereafter in ecclesiastical courts; and
modify their fees.
" 5. That the oath ex officio be rightly
used, id est, only for great and public
slanders. "6. That the bishops be careful to
cause the ministers note, in every parish
of their dioceses, the names of all recu
sants ; as also the names of such as
come to church and hear preaching, but
refuse to communicate every year once ;
and to present the same to the bishop,
and the bishop to the archbishop, and
the archbishop to the Idng.
" 7, That the Sabbath be looked to,
and better kept throughout all dioceses,
" 8, That the high commission be
rightly used, the causes to be handled,
and the manner of proceeding therein to
be declared ; and that no person be
nominated thereto, but such as are men
of honour and good quality.
" IV, Of the Ministry.
" 1, That the reading of ministers that
are of age and not scandalous, be pro
vided for, and maintained by the person
preferred to preach in his room, accord
ing to the valor of the living : and that
the unlearned and scandalous be tried,
and removed from these places, and
learned and qualified be placed for them,
" 2, That as many ministers as may
be had with convenient maintenance for
them, may be placed in such places,
where there is want of preaching, with
all haste.
" 3. That learned and grave ministers
be transported from the parts, where the
Gospel is settled and planted, to such

XIL § 511,]

CONVOCATION, CANONS,

355

be adopted. It is indeed incorporated in the 122nd canon, so
that we may easily account for its insertion in the two sets of
conclusions without impugning the accuracy of Barlow, who is
less particular in his mention of it.
§ 512. In order to give effect to tBje decisions of the confer
ence at Hampton Court*, the convocation, which was assembled
together with the parliament, was directed to frame and incorpo
rate a new body of canons. Little is known in detail of the
history of their composition, excepting that they chiefly consist of
a digest of old canons, to which some new ones were added.
They are in number 141 , and at the present day form the basis of
ecclesiastical law, as far as the clergy are concerned ; for as they
were never ratified by act of parliament, though sanctioned by
the royal assent, they are in law held not to bind the la,ity propria
mgore, that is, not inasmuch as they decide, but only where they
speak the language of the previous law. Many of them liave
been superseded by subsequent acts of parliament ; and the hand
of time, together with the change iu customs, has rendered them
so generally neglected as a code, that it is much to be wished thai

parts of the kingdom, where greatest
ignorance is, and greatest number of re
cusants are.
"4. That ministers, beneficed men,
make residence upon then" benefices, and
feed their flocks with preaching every
Sabbath day.
" 5. That pluralists and such as pre
sently have double benefices, make resi
dence upon one of them ; and that these
their benefices be as near other, as he
may preach to the people of both, their
week about : and where they are further
distant, that he maintain therein a qua
lified preacher. "V. For Schools.
" 1. That schools in cities, towns, and
famiUes, throughout all this kingdom, be
taught by none, but such as shall be tried
and approved to be sound and upright in
religion : and for that effect that the
bishops, in every one of their dioceses,

take order with them, displacing the cor
rupted, and placing honest and sufficient
in their places.
" 2. That orders be taken with uni
versities, for trial of masters and fellows
in colleges ; and that none be suffered to
have the cure of instructing the youth,
but such as are approved for their sound
ness iu reUgion ; and that such as are
suspected, or known to be otherways
affected, be removed.
" 3, That the kingdom of Ireland, the
borders of England and Scotland, and ail
Wales, be planted with schools and
preachers, as soon as may be,
" The ministers have been this long
time past, and shall be in all time com
ing, urged to subscribe nothing but the
three articles, which are both clear and
reasonable," (Then foUow the three articles in the
thirty-sixth Canon.)

* FuUer, X. 28,

2 A2

356 PARLIAMENT, STATE OF PARTIES, [a.D, 1604,
they were remodelled, and sanctioned by a legal enactment. The
account of the translation of the Bible, and the alterations in the
Prayer Book, will occupy a portion of distinct chapters on those
subjects. § 613. In parliament*, the security of the revenues of the
establishment was effectually guarded by an act, making all
alienations of church property to the crown Illegal ; a measure
which marked at once the weakness and the honesty of the king,
who fearing his own facility, lest he should concede to his courtiers
whatever they requested, deprived himself of the power of doing
injustice. The parliament likewise renewed the severity of former
statutes against Jesuits, seminary priests, and recusants.
These proceedings, Inasmuch as they were highly favourable to
the church of England, were proportionably displeasing to those
parties in the kingdom who opposed that body. The puritans
had hoped for much relief and favour from a presbyterian king,
but they found that their new monarch was as fond of exercising
his supremacy as his predecessor ; that two proclamations had
already Issued from the throne, to enforce the laws against the
nonconformists ; and that James himself had used expressions,
with regard to his own intentions, which were far from being
wise or moderate. The Roman Catholics had looked on him as
the son of Mary queen of Scots ; their ¦wishes for greater tolera
tion had been converted into expectations ; but they too now saw,
that whatever the private sentiments of the king might be, the
nation was about to relax none of the severities against them.
§ 5 14. It was the prevalence of these opinions which Induced
the framers of the powder-plot to enter into that most diabolical
conspiracy for destroying the hopes and prospects of the Protestant
part of the community ; a scheme not more remarkable for Its
atrocity, than for the little probability of Its final success, even
though the first step In this dreadful tragedy had prospered. It
is well known that Catesby and Percy formed the plan of blowing
up the king, lords, and commons, on their assembling in parlia
ment on the 6th of November, 1605. For this purpose they
hired a cellar below the house, in which they concealed thirty-six
• Fuller, X. 27,

XII, § 514,] POWDER PLOT. 357
barrels of gunpowder ; but on the eve of its execution a discovery
was made, by means of a letter sent to Lord Monteagle*, probaby
from his sister Mrs. Abingdon ». The conspirators fled from
London, but were overtaken In arms in Staffordshire, and the
ringleaders slain. Several others were subsequently taken and
executed ; and among the persons, whose names were connected
with the conspiracy are those of four Individuals who belonged to
the society of Jesus, Garnett, Oldcorn, Gerard, and Greenway ;
the last of these, on the discovery of the plot, fled beyond seas, a
step which, in the opinion of the world, must have implicated
him in the guilt of the treason, if the dreadful manner in which
others were examined by means of torture, had not furnished a
sufficient reason for any precautions which an innocent man might
make to avoid so dreadful a species of trial. Gerard was tortured,
but made his escape from the Tower. Oldcorn was executed for
concealing Garnett, who shared the same fate. The criminality
of this last prisoner has been called In question by members of his
own church, and is pretty fully discussed by Butlerf, In his
History of the Roman Catholics, His plea was, that all he knew
of the conspiracy came from the private confession of the prisoners,
which as a priest he was bound to conceal : but supposing this to
be true, let it be remembered, on the other side, that this private
confession to a priest, as well as the secrecy with which it Is
attended, is a human invention, not founded on any divine
command, merely a tradition of men, and In this case diametri
cally opposed to the word of God and the spirit of the Gospel.
It seems probable that Garnett was criminally implicated with
the conspirators, though there was little evidence to convict him
before a jury of the present day. Although no one can fairly
cha,rge this treason on the Roman Catholics as a body, yet that
church, by sanctioning the absurd miracle of the straw^, and

¦ " Welwood, Mem, fp, 22, says, that
the letter was a contrivance of James
himself, who had been informed of the
conspiracy by Henry lY. of France,
He wished to exhibit a proof of his own I ler, x, 40, )
sagacity in the discovery of the plot. I

^ A picture of Garnett was pretended
to be seen on a straw which had been
sprinkled with his blood. It was for
this miracle that he was beatified. (Ful-

* Butler's Roman Cath, U. 441. Nash's Worcestershire, i. 685,
t U, 164, &c.

358 STATUTES AGAINST ROMAN CATHOLICS. [a. D. 1606,
beatifying the man, who, whether guilty or not, suffered as a
traitor, did all that was possible to implicate the innocent members
of her communion In the guilt of this horrid transaction : nor
should it be forgotten, that the promotion of the Roman Ca
tholics' cause was the ostensible motive on which the whole was
founded and carried on. (a, d. 1606.) The effects of this trans
action were disastrous in the extreme to all in England who held
communion with the church of Rome, No great bigotry was
requisite to exasperate the minds of men against a religion which
was supposed to sanction such enormities ; and the bills which
were brought into parliament, in consequence of the supposed
insecurity of the Protestant government, strongly mark the
exasperation which prevailed,
§ 516, By the first*, Roman Catholics who attended their
parish churches were obliged to receive the sacrament once in
the year, or they might be convicted under a penalty of 20^. for
the first year, 40^, for the second, and 60^, for the third. Popish
recusants convict were to pay 20^. per month during their recu
sancy, provided the whole sum did not amount to more than
two-thirds of their property, and the crown had the choice of
demanding the 20^. per month or the two-thirds of their income.
Bishops, or justices of the peace, might require Roman Catholics
to take the oath of allegiance, which, if they declined, they were
liable to be imprisoned till the assizes ; and If they continued in
the same refusal were subjected to the penalties of a prsemunire.
The act of reconciling any one to the see of Rome, or of being
so reconciled, was declared to be treason; while to serve in a
foreign army without taking the oath of allegiance, or having
entered into a bond not to be reconciled to the pope, rendered all
who were guilty of it felons in the eye of the law. Notwith
standing the severity of this, the disqualifications which the next
act imposed must have been much more galling. Great rewards
were offered for the discovery of recusants who harboured popish
priests m Ineir houses ; and a penalty of 100^. was imposed on
any recusant convict who appeared at court. They were under
most circumstances forced to reside on their own property, and
-'¦ Statutes of the Res 1 in.

XII. § 615.] OATH OP ALLEGIANCE, 859
unless exercising a trade in London, prevented from coming
within ten miles of the metropolis. They were disabled from
being barristers or attorneys, physicians or apothecaries ; from
being officers of courts, or holding commissions in the army or
navy: they could be advanced to no employment in the common
wealth, and were liable to all the legal disabilities of excommu
nicated persons. They were subjected to large fines and disabili
ties in case they were married, or allowed their relations to be
christened or buried, otherwise than according to the rites of the
church of England. They were forbidden to send their children
abroad for education, and none but Protestants were licensed to
teach in England ; the children themselves could not Inherit any
property, till they had taken the oath of allegiance ; a disquali
fication which extended to all those who were out of the country
without licence. So that in every respect the Roman Catholics
were treated as persons hostile to the government, and who could
in no way be trusted. The only comfort is, that the severity of
such laws must soon render them nugatory in practice.
§ 516. The intention of the government In imposing the
oath of allegiance was undoubtedly wise and enlightened, yet the
form * of words was so constructed that a conscientious Roman
Catholic, entertaining every opinion which his Protestant monarch
could require of him, might scruple to take it. He might sin
cerely detest the obnoxious doctrine, " that princes excommuni
cated by the pope, may be deposed or murdered by their subjects;"
yet he might still feel unwilling to call that heretical and Impious
which was the approved doctrine of the church, which he erro
neously looked up to as the only church of Christ on earth. The
oath, if fairly examined, seems as much calculated to alarm a
weak and conscientious Roman Catholic, and to prevent him from
taking it, as to bind the hohest papist, who objected not to it, and
whose fidelity might have been secured by terms more general
and less offensive. In all probability Paul V. aimed at this
particular, when, without specifying the point of objection, he
declared that a Roman Catholic could not take the oath in
question, without grievous wronging of God's honour. The
* FuUer, a, 42,

360 . IREATMENT OP ROMAN CATHOLICS, [a. D. 1606,
church of Rome naturally disliked a declaration which, if true,-
must sap the foundations of her assumed temporal power ; and
the framers of the oath, by the words which they introduced, gave
her a handle which she might turn against any well disposed and,
scrupulous Roman Catholic who took it. Many persons indeed
who belonged to this communion seem originally to have done so;
and when the first brief was issued which forbade it, the majority
of them would not believe that it was genuine, till it was confirmed
by a second ; and, after all, BlackweU*, arch-priest of England,
not only took the oath, but persisted to his death in asserting the
legality of his conduct, though In so doing he drew down on
himself the vengeance of the apostolic chair, which was followed
by his deprivation.
At the same time, the laws against Roman Catholics were put
in force with all the activity which zeal and terror could exoIte"[";
twenty-eight priests and seven laymen were executed, and an
hundred and twenty-eight priests banished ; while the fines upon
recusancy were levied with extraordinary severity. However
greatly we may deplore such effects, we cannot be surprised at
them ; passion has always much more influence over mankind
than reason ; and the Protestants, In their eagerness to punish
their supposed enemies, comprehended every Roman Catholic
under the same ban, and drew the line of separation, not between
the loyal and the traitorous, but exactly where It was the policy
of the court of Rome to have It established, between those who
did, and those who did not hold communion with her.
§ 617. The general quietness of this peaceful reign, however
beneficial to the country, presents comparatively little for the pen
of the historian. A monarch of James's character was much
better suited to moderate the plans of others, than to put his own
projects into execution ; and the same facility of temper and
easiness of compliance, which softened the asperity of those with
whom he had to deal, rendered his own plans totally unsuccessful.
One of these was the erection of a college at Chelsea |, for the
promotion of controversial divinity. Its members were to form a
* Butler, Rom. Cath. u. 211. f Ibid, u, 183. X FuUer, x. 51.

XII. § 517,] HERETICS,
corps prepared to defend the church of England- -agaiiist the
assaults of the regular orders among the papaii^lir^ ^ ';lSu;t tiie
design lived not much beyond the completion orTifeie-huildings,
and was destroyed for want of funds and countenance. The
establishment itself was little required; since if but a small
portion of the higher situations In our cathedral churches were set
apart to reward learned divines, the wants of the establishment in
this respect would easily be supplied, James, with all his good
intentions, was but a weak man, fond of meddling with all
matters, and particularly vain of his theological acquirements,
which were indeed considerable.
§ 518. When Conradus Vorstius was ai^polnted to the
divinity chair at Leyden*, the king, who had been displeased at
some of his opinions which were unorthodox, not only answered
them with his own pen, but applied to the government to deprive
him of his professorship, a step in which the states were not at all
inclined to show as much obedience as his majesty expected. In
England, the result of the same temper was far more injurious:
Bartholomew Legate was delivered over to the secular arm by
the bishop of London, and burnt In Smithfield. The king himself
had often reasoned with this man, and every species of kindness
seems to have been shown him, till the time of his final condem
nation ; but it was not until the experiment had been tried here,
and in the case of Wightman at Litchfield, that James discovered
this great truth, that, in matters of opinion, wherever error of
judgment Is punished rather than viciousness of life, severity
tends more to display to the eyes of the world the appearance of
honest firmness on the part of the sufferer, than to convince
mankind of his guilt ; and the man whose tenets would be
generally condemned. Is by his voluntary submission to death,
often converted into a martyr. For the future therefore it was
determined not to execute heretics, but to allow them to waste
out their lives in prison ; a line of treatment dictated by the
soundest policy. Had -the enemies of Christianity pursued it
from the first, they would have destroyed one of the most po-werful
engines by which our most holy faith was spread. Had it been
* Fuller, X, 60,

362

SABBATH DAY.

[a.D. 1618.

adopted by Mary, it Is impossible to determine how much it might
have retarded the Reformation in England. But God, who was
pleased to water his church with the blood of his martyrs, has
hardly yet taught mankind that erroneous opinions can only be
combated by truth, while 111 conduct must be restrained by the
strong arm of the law.
§ 519. (a.d. 1618.) A diversity of opinion had long been
entertained by different members of the church with regard to
the observance of the Sabbath day^. The party most friendly to
the puritans had been strenuous In their endeavours to check that
laxity of amusements which had formerly prevailed throughout
the country; and in their so doing, they possibly went beyond
what the times would bear, and were occasionally guilty of some
extravagancies. It was this circumstance probably which created
an opposition on the part of those M'ho did not coincide with
them in ecclesiastical matters, and to this party the king joined
himself. In his progress during the last year he had observed a
disposition to interfere with the games of the common people In
.Lancashire, and consequently issued a proclamation in favour of
liberty on the Sabbath day, commonly called the " Book of
Sports*," in which he sanctioned a much greater licence of
recreation than the habits of succeeding generations have allowed.
Many of the most orthodox clergy disapproved -[- of what was
here done, and were in considerable alarm lest the court should
oblige them to publish this declaration : no such step, however,
was taken generally''.

" During the reign of Elizabeth all
sorts of amusements had been entered
into on the Sunday. (Strype's Annals,
iii. 585.) On her reception at Kenil-
worth, 1575, "the lords and ladies
danced in the evening with lively agility,"
(Ibid, V. 202.) There were sports at
the Paris Garden; the lord mayor was
presented to the queen ; plays and inter
ludes were acted, (Ibid. v. 211, 495.)

'' It appears to have been enjoined in
and about London. Abbot refused to
allow of its being read at Croydon.
Perhaps this appearance of opposition
prevented James from pressing it any
further. (See Wilson's Life of James,
p. 709, and Welwood's note. Complete
History of England.)

See § 558, &c. It is said to have been drawn up by Bishop Moreton,
t FuUer, X, 74, &c.

XII. § 520,] SYNOD OP DORT. 363
§ 520. The king's attention was probably directed* to
another object which had much greater attractions for a person of
his disposition. The differences of doctrine between the Calvinists
and Arminians were, in the United Provinces, mixed up with
much of political opinion; so that the Calvinistic and ruling
party was well pleased that tho credit of their synod, held at
Dort, should be strengthened by the presence of certain delegates
from the church of England, whose sentiments, from the known
bias in the mind of James, would probably coincide with their
own. The persons selected by the king for this employment
were, Carleton, bishop of Llandaff; Hall, afterwards bishop of
Exeter, who was forced to return before the end of the session,
from ill health; Davenant and Ward, both heads of colleges in
Cambridge ; Balcanquall, who represented the episcopal church
of Scotland ; and Goad, who was substituted for Hall. The
treatment which these delegates received from the states was
most honourable, and their presence contributed, in some degree,
to calm the violence of party spirit ; but as the Armlnian advo
cates would not argue the question, because they were not allowed
to do so in their own method, and were therefore condemned
unheard, very little good was done on the subject, and hardly any
other effect produced, save that its decisions gave one party In
that countiy a handle for persecuting the other. The five heads
of difference are"f", 1st, on predestination and election; 2nd, the
death of Christ, and the redemption obtained thereby; 3rd, on
human corruption; 4th, on conversion to God, and the method
of it ; 5th, on the final perseverance of the saints. Whatever
opinions the readers of this work may entertain on any of these
abstruse topics, I am convinced that every Christian mind will
agree that the decisions of this synod are far too peremptory,
inasmuch as they define beyond what the revealed word of God
has declared. Whoever will compare them with the corresponding
articles of our church, will have abundant reason for admiring
the cautious manner In which the same subjects are there laid
down, and for approving the nearer approach to the spirit of the
1* Fuller, X. 77f t Sylloge Confessionum,

364

king's LETTER ABOUT PREACHING, [a,D, 1622.

Bible, which her tenets exhibit as they are there publicly
displayed^. § 521. (a.d. 1622.) Towards the end of the reign*, the
eagerness which the king felt for the Spanish match, Induced him
to show much more favour towards the Roman Catholics than
the majority of his subjects approved. The connexion Itself could
not fail to be displeasing to the nation; but Count Gondomar,
the Spanish ambassador, well knew the disposition of the monarch
with whom he had to treat, and was always esteemed sufficiently
clever to have taken every advantage of this circumstance.
When James issued his directions to the justices of assize, to
release all recusants confined on account of religion, the opinions
pf his Protestant subjects were hostile to a step, which seemed to
set at defiance the laws enacted against the church of Rome, and
to free its members from those severities which the legislature
had deemed necessary ; but when the prince, and the most influ
ential man in the kingdom, had become, as it were, connected
with the political friends of the papacy, by throwing themselves
into the arms of Spain, the alarm and irritation was rendered far
more general. In consequence of this state of things. Abbot,
archbishop of Canterbury, addressed a letter to the king, in which
he Inveighs most strongly against toleration -f" : "By your act,"
says he, " you labour to set up that most damnable and heretical
doctrine of the church of Rome, the whore of Babylon:" and the
feelings of the country soon exhibited themselves In the tone
displayed in the sermons of the generality of preachers. Politics,-
together with the most abstruse points of theology, became the

" No further account is given of this
synod, because the subject is far too
extensive for a note. The opinions of
the author on the five points are printed
in his sermons, preached formerly before
the university; but the reader is advised
to form his own judgment from no human
standard. A brief account of the pro
ceedings of this synod is given in AU-
port's Life of Bishop Davenant, prefixed
to Davenant on the Colossians, p. 12,

&c. The best information on this
history is to be found in Hale's Golden
Remains. The proceedings of the synod
were very disgraceful, and they are
represented, perhaps, even worse than
they were. Brant's History of the Re
formation in HoUand treats fully of it.
What was here done, had, probably, a
considerable effect iu changing the opi
nions of the people of England, and
introducing greater moderation.

* FuUer, x. 100.

f Ibid, X, 106.

XII. § 521.] king's letter about preaching.

365

ordinary topics on which they dilated ; and It was particularly
observed, that at court the obedience of the subject was enforced,
while the duty of the king was insisted on in the country.
Such were the causes which induced James to address a letter*
to the archbishop, (Aug. 4,) accompanied with directions con
cerning preaching. He orders that no preachers besides bishops
and deans, and they only on festivals and state holydays, should
take occasion to run into any other discourses than such as may
be fairly drawn from the Thirty-nine Articles or the Homilies ;
that their evening sermons shall dwell solely on the Catechism,
and subjects connected with it ; that abstruse points of divinity
should be avoided ; that the power of the prince should not be
touched upon, nor any attacks made on papists or puritans ; that
great caution should be used in licensing preachers, particularly
lecturers, who formed a new body In the church, and were. In a
great degree, severed from the rest of the clergy ; and that to
these no licences should be given but through the archbishop of
Canterbury, on the recommendation of the bishop of the diocese.
These directions, however, were composed in a strain far too high
to answer the purpose for which they were Intended. Had they
been given as advice, the sound sense with which they are written
might have influenced many^. Had the government from which
they Issued been as strong as it was weak, they might have been
quietly enforced, to the benefit of the congregations ; as It was,
they were attacked by the captious, and In some cases Insisted on
with an undue severity, which must have rendered them liable
to objection, even in the minds of the well disposed.

" Much of the advice of James con
tained great good sense. Early in this
century, it had become the custom to
put into the hands of young students in
theology, some epitome, generally Cal
vin's Institutes, from which they drew
their opinions. (Words, Ecc. Biog, v,
479, note.) King James observed the
inconvenience, and prescribed a remedy,
by sending instructions to the univer

sities, bearing date Jan, 18, 1616;
wherein he directs them to bestow their
time on the " fathers, councils, school
men, histories, and controversies; and
not to insist too long on compendiums
and abbreviators. " (Ibid, v. 343, note.)
So that fhey might begin at the fountain
head, and search for primitive truth in
the primitive writers.

' Fuller, X, 108,

366 POLICY OP THE COURT. [a.d. 1625.
§ 522. The policy of the state Is so entirely mixed up with
the history of the church, that It is almost impossible to under^
stand the one, without examining the other ; and the field is at
the same time so wide, that the ecclesiastical historian incurs
considerable danger In venturing to enter upon it : yet he can
hardly render himself intelligible, unless he gives, at least, a
general view of those portions of state politics which influenced
ecclesiastical matters. This object will, perhaps, be obtained
most effectually, if we try to examine into the character of the
king, and to deduce our observations from his proceedings, as the
influence of the court was felt in every part of the administration,
and particularly in the church.
§ 523. James might perliaps have proved a good king, if his
weakness as a man had not rendered it almost impossible for him
to perform the duties of his station. For the observation, which
is in some degree applicable to all, viz. That even in the common
concerns of this life, " no weak man can prove an honest one," is
Infinitely more true, when applied to those who are invested with
supreme authority. That mental superiority on which James
always presumed, and which, to a certain degree, he possessed.
Induced him to endeavour to make himself the guide, and if I
may use the expression, the state tutor of Europe ; while his
personal imbecility prevented him from being able to govern his
own house. It was this weakness, probably, which made him so
insincere with regard to his word ; an evil which is apt to become
the source of an infinitely greater degree of weakness, by pre
venting him who is guilty of it, from carrying into effect even the
good resolutions which he has formed.
§ 524, His own opinions, with relation both to the state and
to the church, were peculiar, and upheld with a pedantic sem
blance of firmness which made his concessions always appear Mke
the effect of fear; while the display of these sentiments, on
occasions where they were inopportunely introduced, often added
to the suspicions which his subjects entertained as to the objects
which he had in view. In politics, he had formed so high an
idea of the regal prerogative, that in an answer to the parliament

XII. § 524. j CHARACTER OP JAMES. 367
in 1610, he said*, " That as it was blasphemy to dispute what
God may do, so it is sedition, in subjects, to dispute what a king
may do in the plenitude of his power." A monarch who had
formed such a notion, could not help wishing to make himself
absolute, however much he might desire to benefit his people by
the exercise of his authority ; and the party who in the state
were adverse to these regal pretensions, were in church matters
opposed also to the arbitrary proceedings of the bishops' courts,
and frequently to the whole system of church government ; so
that, in the mind of the king, and the general language of the
times, the term of puritan conveyed these two ideas, of dislike to
the government of the church, and opposition to that of the state,
which are indeed more closely connected than may at first sight
be supposed. § 525. The great point which the Protestant had gained by
the Reformation, was the establishment of the feeling of moral
responsibility in the minds of the mass of society. The Roman
Catholic teacher would fetter the freedom of the opinions of his
flock, even though he enforced the doctrine, that each man is
answerable for his actions ; for with regard to actions, the duty
of obedience to superiors, as it is generally insisted on, will often
sanction a line of conduct little approved of by the conscience of
him who enters on it ; obedience in itself is not a duty, unless it
be according to the word of God. The early promoters of the
Reformation had taught the people to think for themselves, by
referring questions to the criterion of their own judgments ; but
they were not at all disposed to carry the principle to the length
to which it must be extended whenever it is allowed to exist.
The crown had destroyed the papal authority in England for
nearly a century, but the power exercised by the government was
only different from the papal interference inasmuch as it had not
the same interest to support abuses. It sought to bring the
church back to the apostolic times ; at least such was its osten
sible object : and probably, if we take into consideration the
change of times, and the difficulties against which it had to con-
* Rapin, ii, 178,

368 STATE OP THE GOVERNMENT. [a,D. 1625,
tend, it did, in great measure, accomplish this end ; but the
means employed were far from apostolic. As the mass of the
inhabitants began to be enlightened, the same process took place
with regard to politics. From beginning to observe the conduct
of the government in the state, most men ventured to form a
judgment on what was going on, and by degrees wished to exert
their own Influence in the direction of affairs,
626, This was, doubtless, very much the case during the
reign of Elizabeth ; but, during her reign, when the more active
spirits began to pry Into state matters, they found a government,
with all its faults, promoting the good of the people : they found
a monarch wilful, indeed, but anxious to benefit her subjects ;
they found a power above them ready and able to repress every
step on the part of the governed to interfere with what did not
belong to them ; yet whenever any real difficulty occurred, this
same power, which they knew to be most formidable, was wise
enough to give way before matters were brought to a crisis.
When James took the helm, the whole prospect was changed ;
his notions of the regal authority were higher than those of his
predecessor, yet he had no prudence or self-restraint which could
support a force adequate to assert his kingly power : his motto,
Beati pacifici, had but little connexion with Christian peace,
which must be founded on justice : It was but a pretext for his
cowardice : he acted as if he had never learnt that a government,
in order to maintain peace, must make itself feared as well as
respected ; and as he became the laughingstock of foreign nations,
he lost all due authority at home. The administration of public
affairs would not bear to be examined ; and the king, the victim
of his own favourites, became tyrannically oppressive without
desiring it, In order to conceal his own weakness and the malad
ministration of his servants. His objection to parliaments arose
partly from this cause, but chiefly from the theoretical prejudices
vyhlch he entertained. He would look on his authority in no
other light than as an absolute monarchy ; and when the house
of commons began to talk of those privileges which were their
birthright, the speculative autocrat and legislator could endure It
no longer. His theory of ecclesiastical government was closely

XII, § 526.] James's government and character. 369
allied to his civil code, and in like manner referred rather to his
own Interest as a king, than to any other standard. In his youth
he had found himself very hardly treated by the presbytery in
Scotland ; and he seems, during his whole life, to have retained
a strong aversion from that form of church government, through
which he had suffered so much, and which had acted towards his
mother and himself with so little of the mild spirit of (Chris
tianity ; and yet he professed himself the firm friend of it *,
calling the service of the Common Prayer an evil mass, said in
English. No sooner, however, was he seated on his new throne,
than he discovered his mistake, and became attached to an
establishment, which, with all Its imperfections, Is probably the
most perfect which ever existed in the world, and which coincided
more nearly with his own preconceived notions of subordination.
Of his sincerity in these professions we have no further reason to
doubt, than from his former want of candour; and all his obser
vations concerning the church are marked with much sound
sense, excepting in some few cases, in which he suffered his
temper to get the better of his judgment. With regard to the
Roman Catholic religion, he seems to have entertained very
enlightened views.
§ 527. The power of dethroning and punishing kings was
the only tenet which he deemed inadmissible In practice ; and If
left to follow the bent of his own inclinations, he would have
allowed of a toleration almost as liberal as what Is now enjoyed
by the members of this communion ; but when he came to act,
his insincerity to both sides was apparent. He renewed the
severe and bloody laws against seminary priests, Jesuits, and
recusants, although In his first speech to the parliament")- he had
declared his wish to meet the Roman Catholics half way. The
state of the country and the feelings of the people were not yet
ready to admit of toleration as it is now established, and James
nominally gave way to the wishes of his people while he was
trying to act in direct opposition to them. The distinctions in
the question which now seem so important, were then apparently
* Calderwood's History of Scotland, f Rapin, ii. 106.
2 B

370 character of james, [a,d. 1626,
little thought of. To us no two ideas seem more different and
separable than, " the being allowed the use of their religion, as a
religion," and " the being invested with temporal power ;" yet
were they debarred the former, a privilege which should be
denied to no one ; while many of the important offices in the
state were filled by them, and they retained their legislative
authority, a point, concerning which a difference of opinion may
legitimately be entertained. They were invested with power,
and yet subjected to such burdens, as were indeed to be bought
off without any difficulty, but which could have little other effect
than that of making them discontented with the government,
and hostile to the puritanic party, who were as uncharitable
towards Roman Catholics as the worst bigots of that church are
towards all other Christians. The conduct of some of the Roman
Catholics was such, as must have alarmed any friends of social
order, and the whole mass were implicated in the crimes of a
few. Many sincere supporters of the monarchy were dissatisfied
with the moderate treatment which the Roman Catholics ex
perienced ; and by having raised their voices against the mea
sures of the government in this particular, they were connected
in the eyes of the court with the puritanic party. Many more
patriotic spirits were frightened at the inroads which the king
was apparently making In the constitution ; and by supporting
the interests of the people, were confounded with such as were
hostile to the church. The constitution of the court of ecclesias
tical commission enabled it to proceed in an arbitrary manner,
and Its proceedings assisted the other causes In augmenting the
number of both these classes of persons, whom the impolicy of
the court comprehended under the general denomination of
puritans. Thus all who were eager for the liberty of the subject,
all who feared concession to the Roman Catholics, aU who hated
episcopacy, were confounded in one common mass, and all had
too little reason to rely on the wisdom or sincerity of James.
The king himself was probably little under the influence of any
religious feeling. He talked about religion, and wrote on subjects
connected with it, but he swore profusely in his ordinary conver
sation, and was the companion of libertinism; while the favour-

XII. § 527.] character of james. 371
itism in which he indulged made him unjust to his most faithful
servants, and produced a venal disposal of every office in the
court*: and yet the weakness of James was probably the chief
source of his faults, and more than overbalanced all the talents
which he possessed.
• Nothing tended more to weaken the I exercised of aUenating the royal pro-
crown than the power which James | perty. (Burnet's Own Times, i, 26.)

2 B 2

DATES RELATIVE TO THE USE OF THE
BIBLE IN ENGLISH.
1536. Cromwell orders every parson to cause a Bible in Latin and
English to be set up in the choir for the perusal of the people.'
Fox, ii. 324.
1538. Cromwell orders a Bible of the largest volume to be set up in
every church, in some place convenient for reading. Fox, ii.
325.
1539. A licence for printing the Bible granted to Cromwell, that all
persons may have the free and liberal use of it. Burnet's
Records, iii. No. 1 5.
1540, May. A king's proclamation orders a Bible of the largest volume
to be provided by the curate and parishioners, under a penalty
of 40s. per month.
1541 . A brief published directing the same.
1543. The Bible was again suppressed. Strype's Cranmer, i. 121.
Lewis, 148.
1546. A proclamation against Tyndale's and Coverdale's Bible.
Strype's Cranmer, i. 197-
1547. Edward's injunctions directed that the whole Bible in English
of the largest volume should be set up in every church.
Lewis, 156.
1559. Elizabeth issued the same injunction. Lewis, 212.

TRANSLATIONS OF THE BIBLE.

Date. Authority.
706. Adhelm, Saxon Psalms - - Mant's Preface.
721. Egbert's Four Gospels - - — -
734. Bede's St. John's Gospel - - Fuller s Ch. Hist.
99, p. i.
880. Alfred's Version of the Psahns - Ibid. i. 121. § 44.
1340. RoUe's (or Hampole's) Psalms, &c. - Lewis, p. 13.
1380. ¦Wiclif's Bible - - p. 19.
1526. Tyndale's New Testament - p. 59.
1530.  Pentateuch - - p. 70.
1531.  Jonas - - p. 73.
G, Joye, Isaiah _ - - p. 78.
1534.  Jer. Psal. Song of Moses - p. 87, 88,
1535. Coverdale's Bible - - - p. 91.
1537. Matthew's Bible, (i. e. J. Rogers) - p. 105.
1539. Great Bible, Cranmer's - - p. 122.
Taverner's Bible . _ _ p. 130.
1560, Geneva Bible . - - p. 207.
1568. Bishops' Bible, (Parker's) - p. 235.
1582. Rhemes New Testament - p. 277.
1609. Douay Bible - - p, 286.
1611. Authorized Version - - p. 306, &c.

374

APPENDIX D. TO CHAP, XII.
HISTORY OF THE TRANSLATIONS OF THE BIBLE.
531, The division of the subject; various readmgs from alterations of the text.
532. There has been but one translation, which has been frequently corrected.
633, Saxon Translations : Hampole's, WicUrs. 534, Tyndale's Translation,
535, Coverdale's Bible ; Matthew's. 536. The Great Bible, or Cranmer's ;
Taverner's. 537. Geneva Bible. 538. Bishops' or Parker's Bible. 539.
Rhemes and Douay Translation, 540. The authorized Bible,
§ 531. The History of the English Bible will naturally divide
itself into four periods : —
1. That before any printed translations.
2. The reign of Henry VIII.
3. From thence to the end of the reign of Elizabeth ; and
4. From thence to the publication of the authorized version.
But before we enter on the history, it may be observed, that
there is one circumstance which frequently creates a difficulty in
examining these various translations, whether in MS. or print,
and which has made them appear much more numerous than
they really are^. The persons who transcribed the copies, or
who superintended the printing, seem to have introduced altera
tions into the text, without any other authority than that of their
own judgment. The variety of readings exhibited in the MS.
Bibles of Wiclif has -led Dr. James* and subsequent historians
to call this corrected version a distinct translation ; but the various
readings are not more numerous than those which might probably
be found in different editions of what is called Tyndale's New
Testament.

• The authorities followed in this ab
stract are Lewis's History of the Trans
lations of the Bible, reprinted 1818,
Newcome's Historical View of the Eng
lish Biblical Translations, Dublin, 1792,
Many of the observations have been

verified by examining the different works
themselves. There is much useful matter
in Baber's preface to his reprint of
Lewis's N. T. See also Cotton's Edi
tions of the Bible,

• Lewis, 43,

XII. § 532.] TRANSLATIONS OP THE BIBLE. 875
§ 532. In speaking of the different translations of the Bible,
such expressions are frequently used as would lead those who are
unacquainted with the facts, to suppose that they formed so many
independent works ; but we shall take a more correct view of
the subject in asserting, that there is but one version of the Pro
testant Bible in print, altered indeed and improved by different
hands, and which has received the subsequent amendments of
many learned men, but from the first to the last there has been
but one actual translation. Let any one compare the earliest
and the latest, and he will find a diversity indeed of words, but
such a similarity of expression as cannot be accidental. Let him
then look at two independent translations of the same book, of
Thucydldes for instance, by Hobbes and Smith, and the differ
ence will Immediately become visible. The resemblance In tho
versions is so great, that It might safely be maintained that none
of the authors of a new one undertook the task without the full
assistance of such previous translations as had been made. The
wisdom of proceeding by this method Is obvious, unless there be
some actual error of translation, for the mere fact that tho
version has been already received, and is familiar to the ears of
the people, is a strong reason why nothing should be altered.
§ 533. The Saxon church seems to have enjoyed at an early
period the benefit of possessing the Scriptures in the vulgar tongue;
for, independent of many different portions translated by various
persons, Bede is said to have given a Saxon version of the whole ;
and though this statement is probably incorrect*, yet he wrote a
comment on most of the books in the Bible-f-, and translated St.
John's Gospel, or at least a part of it, immediately before his death j.
Alfred is said to have translated the Psalter §, the whole Bible or
Testament, into Saxon ; but the selections which he made for his
own use appear to have been confounded with a general transla
tion, Elfric II, about the end of the tenth century, undertook his
translation of the Scriptures from the Latin ; and from the
different styles of the Anglo-Saxon versions of the Gospels, they

* Baber, pref. i,ix. f Turner's Hist. Anglo-Sa.\ons, iii, 381, 385.
X Fuller, i. 99. § Turner's Ang,-Sax. ii, 95, || Ibid, iii. 472.

376

TRANSLATIONS OP THE BIBLE, WICLlp's. [APPEND. D.

must have been translated oftener than once='. Archbishop
Parker, In his anxiety to prove that the proceedings of the Re
formation were not novelties, has published a Saxon version of the
four Gospels.
The oldest English translation now extant, is due to a priest
of the name of Rolle, who was a hermit at Hampole In Yorkshire,
and translated the psalms, and several other canticles from the
Scriptures, and wrote a running commentary on them : (he died
in 1349:) and it seems that at least parts. If not all the New
Testament, were about this period rendered intelligible to those
who understood only their mother tongue. (1380.) But the first
person who published the Bible in English was John Wiclif^;
his translation is made from the Vulgate, as he was unacquainted
with the original languages ; but he was so desirous of translating
literally, that he has rendered it frequently very obscure to those
who are unacquainted with the idiom of the Latin, Notwith
standing the opposition which was raised to the distribution of
this work, numerous copies of It still remain".
§ 534. The difficulty '^ of multiplying copies must have created

» See more particulars to the same
effect iu Lingard's Anglo-Saxon Church,
p. 423, note 46.
' This account is taken from Lewis's
History of the Translations, p. 19. In
the Life of Wiclif, published 1720, there
is a considerable account of his way of
proceeding, which Mr. Lewis seems sub
sequently to have erased, as it is not in
the edition of 1820, Oxford. This states
that he and his friends first framed, by
coUatmg different copies of the Bible,
the best Latin text they could, and
compared it with the Hebrew occasion
ally; and that they did not translate
word for word, but according to the
sense. In the same omitted paragraph
is a catalogue of the books of the Old
and New Testament, which distinguishes
the Apocrypha, that is, " withouten
authoritie of Byleve," p. 73, 1720. I
know not why it was omitted,
¦¦ Two editions of the New Testament
of this version have been published ; one

by Lewis, fol,, 1731, to which his History
of the English Translations formed a
preface. And again 4to., 1810, by H.
H, Baber : this is merely a reprint of
the other with » preface. Mr. T. H.
Horne, in the Introduction to the Scrip
tures, ii. 238, speaks of a translation
older than Wiclif's to be found iu three
libraries in Oxford. After having exa
mined the MS. in Christ Church library
I am myself convinced that this is not
the case, and perhaps a true solution is
to be found in § 531 ; and that this MS.
is a copy of Wiclif's Bible, with which
liberties have been taken and glosses
introduced. In some respects it resem
bles Mr, Deuce's, spoken of by Mr,
Baber. " Archbishop Usher tells us that, in
1429, one of these Testaments cost
21. \4s. Sd. (170 groats), which is as
much as would now buy forty Testa
ments: (Lewis, 25:) but this is a very
inaderiuate view of the matter. By

XII, § 634,] TRANSLATIONS OP THE BIBLE, TYNDALe's, ETC, 377
a constant hinderance to the general use of the Scriptures, had
not Providence ordained that the discovery of the art of printing
should, as It were, open a way for the reformation of the church,
and materially assist its progress. The first person who printed
any part of the Bible in English was William Tyndale. He had
received his education in Oxford and Cambridge, and having been
driven into Flanders, he published, with the assistance of John
Frith and William Roye, a translation of the New Testament
from the Greek''. (1626.) He was proceeding In this task, and
had printed translations of the Pentateuch and the prophet Jonas,
when he was exalted to a better world through the trial of mar
tyrdom ; a crown to which both his associates were afterwards
called, George Joye, who was employed by the Dutch booksellers
in publishing an edition of this New Testament, took the liberty
of making alterations in the text, though it was still printed under
the name of Tyndale ; a circumstance which caused an unseemly
dispute between them. Joye himself continued the work by
translating Isaiah, Jeremiah, and the Psalms.
§ 535. But the glory of putting forth the first English Bible
in print, was reserved for Miles Coverdale, afterwards bishop of
Exeter, who, in 1535, published what he calls a special translation,
a term which has been generally conceived to mean that it was
not borrowed from any other source, which is hardly true, unless
the expression be received under great latitude of interpretation, as
the translation bears evident marks of having been in some degree
taken from the former, though many expressions in it are varied.
The book is dedicated to the king, in consequence of the direc
tions which he had given for translating the Scriptures, and the
favour which he showed towards the undertaking generally: for.

Eaiguier's tables a quarter of wheat, in
1425, cost 5s. 8d. (17 groats.) The
price of the Testament was therefore
ten quarters of wheat, or about 30/., a
sum which would purchase at least 400.
^ This edition is by Strype called the
New Testament translated by Hotchyn ;
(that is, Tyndale;) Fuller calls him
Tyndal, alias Hichius. (Memor. i. 113.
Fuller, V. 224. § 37.) The reason for

this name is as follows : Hugh, baron of
Tyndale, of Langley Castle, Northum
berland, escaped from the field of battle
when the Yorkists were overcome by the
Lancastrians, lost his title and estate,
and took refuge in Gloucestershire under
the assumed name of Hutchins. Preface
to the reprint of the New Testament.
William Tyndale was the grandson of
the baron.

378 TRANSLATIONS OP THE BIBLE. COVERDALe's. [aPPEND. D.
upon the remonstrance of the clergy, who objected to Tyndale's
translation, on account of the supposed heresies which it con
tained, it was ordered to be destroyed; and the king directed
that a more correct version should be formed for the use of the
people. Coverdale, however, was not peculiarly suited to the
task, as he was unacquainted with the original languages, and
translated from such different Latin and Dutch copies as he
could procure.
(a.d. 1637.) The edition which passes under the name of
Matthew's, is partly taken from Tyndale, partly from Coverdale;
and was put forth under this fictitious name, probably by John
Rogers, who wished to conceal himself, through the fear of perse
cution. It was of this Bible that an impression of 2500 copies
was burnt at Paris, in 1538, by the inquisition, though Francis
had given leave for its being printed there.
§ 536. (a.d. 1539.) The Great Bible*, published under the
patronage of Cranmer, is rather another edition of that called
Matthew's, than a new one ; and has acquired the name of the
archbishop from a preface which he wrote to the second edition,
as well as from the support which he gave to the publication.
Cranmer, indeed, intended that this work should undergo a
thorough correction ; and for that purpose, having required the
aid of the convocation In 1542, he proceeded to apportion the
several parts to the different members; but found so much oppo
sition among the bishops, that he persuaded the king to refer the
matter to the universities, a step which might have produced
some good effects, if the next parliament had not proved so
favourable to the other party as to counteract all these designs*.
A Bible, recognised by Richard Taverner, was published also
during this year, which is so much altered as almost to merit the
title of a new translation. He had belonged to Cardinal's college,
in Oxford, and was subsequently taken into the protection of
Sir Thomas Cromwell, afterwards earl of Essex, under whose

" It is from this version that the psalms in the Prayer Book are taken, with
very slight variations, * Sec S 222.

XII. § 536.] TRANSLATIONS OP THE BIBLE. GENEVA, ETC.

379

patronage he executed the work. Upon the fall of Cromwell, he
was for a time imprisoned in the Tower, but speedily restored to
the favour of the king. He was famous for his great knowledge
of Greek. § 537. (a.d. 1560.) The refugees assembled at Geneva
during the reign of Mary, employed themselves, among other
useful pursuits, in forming a new translation of the Bible from
the original languages. The persons said to have taken part in
this work are Coverdale, Goodman, Gilby, Whittingham, Samp
son, and Cole ; to these are sometimes added Knox, Bodleigh,
and Pullain. The work, as might have been expected, was in
part new and in part a revision of the old translation. Little need
be said to prove its excellency, since, on comparing them, we
should find that the present authorized Bible differs but little from
it ; and that those who engaged in the two subsequent versions,
frequently adopted expressions taken from it, Into their own work.
There are many marginal notes and glosses subjoined, which occa
sionally point out the political bias in the minds of the composers:
a circumstance which induced James L, during the conference at
Hampton Court, to say that it was the worst* of all the trans
lations : one instance among many, where the judgment of that
monarch was overcome by his kingly prejudices ; for it is cer
tainly better than any before it. It was much used in private
families, but never authoritatively introduced into the church^.
The division into verses was first adopted In this Bible''.
§ 538. (a.d. 1568.) When a new edition of the Great
Bible ¦[¦ was required for the use of parish churches, in the reign

" N.B. It is sometimes called the
Breeches Bible, from Genesis iii. 7,
where Adam and Eve are said to have
sewed fig-leaves together to make them
selves breeches,
^ The Old Testament was divided into
sections and verses, marked off by points,
perhaps as early as the time of Ezra; a
method adopted for the sake of inter
preting it from Hebrew into Chaldee,

The division into chapters is of much
later date, and was made by Hugo de
Sancto Caro, or Cardinalis, who com
posed the first Concordance to the Vul
gate, (1240,) It has been used in the
Hebrew since Rah. Nathan made his
Concordance, 1445, Robert Stephens
divided the New Testament, and his son
Henry printed it so, (1551,) (Prideaux,
Conn, ii. 84, fol., i, 266,)

FiUlcr, X, 14,

t Strype's Parker, i. 414,

380 TRANSLATIONS OP THE BIBLE. BISHOPs'. [APPEND. D.
of Elizabeth, Parker was unwilling to put It forth again without
endeavouring to correct all the errors which had been observed in
it; and for this purpose employed a certain number of divines to
aid him in the task of making it as perfect as possible. As the
majority of the persons employed were bishops, the Bible itself
has been ordinarily denominated the Bishops' or Parker's Bible,
and is the one which formed the basis for the last or authorized
translation. The persons engaged in it were Alley, Davis,
Sandys, Horne, Grindal, Parkhurst, Cox, and Guest, all bishops;
besides Peerson, Beecon, Pern, Cole, and Goodman. This may
more properly be called a corrected edition of the Great Bible,
for nothing was altered unless from the fear that it might give
occasion to an error. A large preface is prefixed to it% as well
as several tables, one of which forms that of the degrees of
kindred within which matrimony is forbidden, inserted at present
in our Common Prayer Book.
§ 539. The Roman Catholics, finding that ofthe numerous
copies of the Bible some must of necessity fall into the hands of
members of their communion, wisely determined to put forth a
translation of their own. The New Testament was printed at
Rhemes in 1682; the whole Bible at Douay in 1609. It is
made from the Vulgate, and abounds with expressions, in which,
from retaining the words of the original, the sense is scarcely
intelligible to an ordinary reader. The persons who were deeply
engaged in the work were Cardinal Allen, Greg, Martin, and
R. Bristol*, others ascribe the version of the New Testament to
William Reynold, The work was accompanied by marginal
notes by Thomas Worthington; and In order to recommend Its
adoption, Greg, Martin published an attack on the translations in
general use in this country, and was answered by Fulke.
§ 540, In consequence of certain objections raised against
the Bishops' Bible in the Conference at Hampton Court, a new
translation was agreed on, and every step taken which could
render it worthy of our church and nation. The king called
^ Printed in Strype's Parker, No, 84.
* Newcome, 89.

XII, § 540,] TRANSLATIONS OP THE BIBLE, AUTHORIZED,

381

upon the principal divines of the nation to assist In carrying on
the work, and invited all who had any acquaintance with the
subject, to lend their aid with regard to such texts of Scripture as
they had found to be incorrectly rendered in the former translations.
The number of persons engaged in the work itself amounted to
forty-seven% who were divided into six committees, and sat at
Westminster and the two universities. The different portions of
' The translators were divided into six classes, and were to meet at West
minster, Cambridge, and Oxford, (Lewis, 310.)

Andrewes, D, ''
of Westm'.
Overall, D,
of St, Paul's,
Saravia,Gierke, Layfield, Leigh,Burleigh, Kinge, Thomson, Bedwell,

These met at Westminster, Barlow, D, of |
Chester,
Hutchinson,
Spencer,
Fenton,Rabbett,Sanderson,
Dakins.

Pentateuch.The story from Jo
shua to the first
book of the Chro
nicles exclusive.

The Epistles of St,
Paul and the Ca
nonical Epistles.

The classes at Cambridge were

Lively,Richardson, Chaderton,
Dillingham, Harrison,
Andrews, Spaldinge,
Birge.

From the first of
Chronicles with
the rest of the
story, and the Ha-
giographa, viz.,
Job, Psalms, Pro
verbs, Cantica,
Ecclesiastes.

Duport,
Brathwaite,
Radcliffe,Ward,Downes,Boyse, Warde.

The prayer of Ma-
nasses and the
rest of the Apo
crypha.

At Oxford.

Hardinge, Reynolds,
Holland, Kilby,Smith,Brett,
Fareclowe.

The four greater
Prophets with the
Lamentation, and
the twelve lesser
Prophets.

Ravis, D. of ''
Ch. Ch.
Abbot, D. of
Winches.
Montague, D,
of Worces.
Thompson, D.
of Winds.
Savile, Perin,
Ravens, Harmer.

The four Gospels,
Acts of the Apo
stles, Apocalypse.

382 TRANSLATIONS OP THE BIBLE. AUTHORIZED. [aPPEND. D.
the Bible were assigned among them, but each portion was, on its
completion, subjected to the other committees for examination ;
and in case of any difficulties, a final committee was to be formed
for their discussion. In order that the clergy so employed might
not be unrewarded, all persons possessed of any ecclesiastical
patronage were urged to bestow whatever happened to fall vacant
on some of the translators, and the king exhorted ecclesiastical
bodies to be liberal in contributing money for the support of the
undertaking. The rules laid down for the performance of the.
task were judicious. As little alteration as possible was to be
made in the Bishops' Bible ; and wherever this did not agree with
the original text, recourse was to be had to former translations.
No notes were to be affixed beyond what the literal explanation
of the Hebrew and Greek words adopted into the text might
require ; and a few marginal references, and only a few, were to
be appended. The commissions were issued in 1604 ; the persons
appointed entered on the work Itself in the spring of 1607*, but
the Bible was not printed till 1611, so much time and caution
was used to prevent inaccuracies.
Above two hundred years have now elapsed since this review
of the Bible ; and the church has subsequently contented itself
with discovering inaccuracies, without attempting to correct
them. The whole question of a new translation Is one of con
siderable delicacy; but the opinion of Archbishop Newcome,
supported as it is by the concurrent testimony of nearly thirty
divines of considerable weight, together with his own judicious
remarks, which was given to the world almost forty years ago,
ought not to have remained without due and public attention.
If prudential reasons forbid the publication of a new version, yet
surely there could be no danger in the correction of such mistakes
as are obvious to all men, (for some passages are scarcely intelli
gible,) and of such as are acknowledged by all who are acquainted
with the original languages. These amendments might be
introduced into the margin, and sanctioned by authority, so that
they might be used at the discretion of the minister; a step
* Johnson, 97,

XII, § 540.] TRANSLATIONS OF THE BIBLE. AUTHORIZED. 383
which would at least prepare the way for their ultimate Intro
duction into the text, and show a wish to make use of the growing
knowledge of the country, for the improvement of the services of
the church. Our present translation is, probably, the best in
existence ; yet this circumstance need not prevent the attempt of
lessening its imperfections.

384

CHAPTER XIII.
THE REIGN OF CHARLES I. 1625, TO 1649.
551, Causes of the fall of the church. 552, Montague Mainwairing; impolicy of
the court. 553. Forced loans promoted by the clergy. 554. Star chamber.
555. High commission ; Williams ; Abbot. 556. Feoffees of impropriations
brought before the exchequer. 557. Arminianism ; declaration prefixed to the
Thirty-nine Articles. 558. Sabbatarian controversy. 559? Book of Sports.
560, 561. The question discussed. 562. Prynne, Bastwick, and Burton.
563. Williams ; Osbolston. 664, Scotch Liturgy. 565. Episcopacy in Scot
land. 566. Charles I. does not govern wisely. 567. In 1637 he endeavours
to introduce the Liturgy ; the canons sent down previously. 568. Tumults in
Edinburgh ; the covenant framed aud signed ; civil war successfully carried on
against the government. 569. Laud; ceremonies, 570. Canons of 1640.
571. State of England, 572. Long Parliament. 573. Bishops deprived of
their votes. 574. Destruction of the church. 675, Causes of the war. 576
— 579, Outline of the war, 580. Self-denying ordinance ; Fairfax ; Cromwell,
581. Their campaign, 582. Lord Strafford ; Laud. 583. His character.
584. And trial. 585. Usher's episcopacy ; the assembly of divines at West
minster. 586. The parties in the assembly. 587. Presbyterians, their church
government, 588, Independents ; Erastians. 589. Thirty-nine Articles
altered ; church government ; ordination. 690. Works of the assembly,
directory, &c. 591, Presbyterian government, 592. Set up in London and
Lancashire ; earnestness exliibited in its favour. 593, The growth of inde
pendency. 594. Fate of the king. 595. His discussions on episcopacy, (a)
present state of church discipline, 596, 597. Character of Charles, 698.
Suffermgs of the clergy. 599. Cambridge. 600. Oxford.
§ 551. (a.D. 1625.) In the period of history on which we are
about to enter, it Is difficult to distinguish between the portions
which belong to the civil, or to the ecclesiastical historian. The
interests of church and state are so Intimately blended, that they
admit of no real separation; yet the multiplicity of affairs. In this
eventful reign, renders It absolutely necessary that much should
be omitted, and that a decided line should be drawn between the
two. Strictly speaking, perhaps little can be referred to the
church alone, but during the whole of the earlier government of
Charles, churchmen not only Influenced his councils to a great
extent, but the influence which they possessed tended greatly to
overthrow the monarchy, and to swallow up the ecclesiastical
establishment in its train. The causes which had contributed to

XIII, § 551,] MONTAGUE, MAINWAIRING,

385

transfer to the church much of the popular odium which was due
to the civil government, not only continued to exist, but some
accidental circumstances tended to augment the evil; it must
therefore be our first object to enter on the detail of these, that we
may understand how the church and monarchy fell together, and
how each assisted in promoting the destruction of the other.
§ 552. Montague*, in an answer to a Roman Catholic
book*, had made some concessions which offended many Protes
tants, and when attacked, had defended himself by publishing an
appeal to the king, which tended only to increase the storm.
When objections were raised against these books in the house of
commons, the king injudlGlously advocated the cause of the writer,
till deterred from doing so by the displeasure which this conduct
created among his subjects.
The necessities of the court induced those who governed, to
have recourse to many expedients for raising money, and as these
depended for their success on the strength of the royal prerogative,
whatever augmented it became peculiarly acceptable to those in
authority. Mainwairing-f-, who was one of the chaplains to the
king, preached and printed two sermons on this subject, (1628;)
which gave great offence to the commons, and he was severely
punished. Montague was held to bail In 2000^, ; (the dissolution
of the parliament probably prevented further proceedings against
him;) Mainwairing was fined 1000^,, and declared incapable of
holding preferment, or of preaching before the court. Yet both
these men were subsequently made bishops. The punishments
which had been thus inflicted by the commons, were perhaps
tyrannical, but it argued in the court a great contempt for the
opinions of the nation, when the animadversions of the parlia
ment were to prove the road to preferment, and naturally con
nected the church, in the minds of the people, with the party
which was adverse to the civil liberties of the subject. These

" The book which he answered was
called, A Gag for the New Gospel ; his
answer, A New Gag for an Old Goose,
He pubhshed also a treatise on the invo

cation of saints, and a work entitled
Appello ad Ccesarem. Collier, ii, 736,
gives a full account, Neal's Puritans,

• Fuller, xi, 119.

t Ibid. xi. 129. CoUier, ii, 743,
2c

386 CAUSES OP THE PALL CF THE CHURCH. LOANS. [a. ». 1626,
may be regarded as accidental circumstances, yet they strongly
mark the temper of the times, and the inclination of the court to
convert the church into an instrument for enlarging its power, a
design which was more strongly displayed on other occasions.
§ 553. When in the year 1626 the court*, on the dissolu?
tion of the parliament, adopted the method of forced loans, in
order to meet the necessities of the state, the king sent a eircular
letter to the bishops, instructing them to urge their clergy to show
their zeal in promoting these objects through their sermons ; a
step which, if successful, could not fail to give the clergy a clo?e
connexion, in the eyes of the people, with the abuses under which
so many real friends of liberty were groaning. Laud was probably
the author of the plan, as well as employed to draw up the letter ;
and indeed the whole of his policy went upon the idea that he
was benefiting the church by making churchmen contribute to
the direct support of the state, and thus divesting them of theJP
spiritual character. Connected as church and state must be, we
cannot entirely separate them, but the very notion of a priestr
hood, set apart for the service of God, seems to imply that, as far
as such a separatlnn is possible, it should be maintained. Laud
was probably an honest and pious man, but he seems not to have
seen that th.e improvements which he was sincerely anxious to
promote, were incompatible with the government which he
endeavoured to support; since arbitrary authority, in either
ehurch or state, must have the tendency of corrupting those who
command, and debasing those who obey. The steps by which
the house of commons were inclined to assert their right of
paying no taxes which they had not imposed on themselves,
appeared to Laud to sap the foundations of government, and to
give the subject an indirect power over his prince; in attempting,
therefore, to obviate this difficulty, he g^ppealed to the people
through the clergy; but in so doing, he made the latter appear tQ
the eyes of their flocks to be the tools of the court.
§ 664. When more churchmen were admitted into the
privy-council, and the same indivldnals became members of the
star-chamber and of the court of high commission, it was not
• Heylln's L»ud, 162.

XIII. § 554.] STAR CHAMBER. 387
unnatural that the people should connect in their own minds the
two latter courts, as constituting one and the same authority,
and thus the odium attached to either the one or the other,
combined to create a hatred against the church, "The star-
chamber* was a court of very ancient original, but new modelled
by statutes 3° Hen. VII. ch. 1, and 21° Hen. VIII. ch. 20,
consisting of divers lords, spiritual and temporal, being privy
counsellors, together with two judges of the courts of common
law, without the intervention of any jury. Their jurisdiction
extended legally over riots, perjury, misbehaviour of sheriffs, and
other notorious misdemeanors, contrary to the laws of the land.
Yet this was afterwards, as Lord Clarendon informs us, stretched
to the asserting of all proclamations and orders of state : to the
vindicating of illegal commissions, and grants of monopolies;
holding for honourable that which pleased, and for just that
which profited ; and becoming both a court of law to determine
civil rights, and a court of revenue to enrich the treasury; the
(privy) council table by proclamations enjoining to the people
that which was not enjoined by the laws, and prohibiting that
which was not prohibited ; and the star-chamber, which consisted
of the same persons In different rooms, censuring the breach and
disobedience to those proclamations by very great fines, imprison^
ments, and corporal severities ; so that any disrespect to any acts
of state, or to the persons of statesmen, was In no time more
penal, and the foundations of right never more In danger to be
destroyed." The severity frequently exercised by this court must
have been sufficient to excite a great dislike to it, had all its acts
been legal ; in many cases they inflicted the punishments of
whipping, branding, cutting off the ears, and slitting the nose ;
and this, not on thieves and vagabonds, but on writers of
political and religious pamphlets -f ; and sometimes to gratify
private malice, for the interest of the court was readily called
into action, whenever the character of a privy counsellor was
attacked. § 655. The court of high commission had been created by
the eighth clause in the act of supremacy j; and during the reign
* Blackstpn^'a Cprnmentaries, iv. ch, 19. f Fuller, xi, 136, rf § 428.
2c2

388 ABBOT. FEOFFEES FOR IMPROPRIATIONS. [a. D, 1 626.
of Elizabeth, considerable corruptions and much oppression had
originated from It ; but when many of the laity were made
parties in the contest about ceremonies, it became In several
dioceses a source of very serious hardship % and irritated the body
of the people against the whole government of the church.
The faults also of Laud were, by a species of reasoning which
is not uncommon, reflected on the body to which he belonged ;
and the general anger against the court, which arose from the
dissolution of so many parliaments, one after another, was in a
great measure directed against him. This dislike was increased
by the treatment experienced by two churchmen, who, though
high in situation, were oppressed by the court, and subjected to
the malice of their enemies. Williams, bishop of Lincoln * and
lord keeper of the seals, was deprived of this latter office from the
enmity of the duke of Buckingham, (a. d. 1 627 ;) and Abbot,
archbishop of Canterbury, suspended from exercising any eccle
siastical functions, because, according to Fuller -f-, he had acci
dentally killed a game-keeper some years before. He had,
however, ever since continued to perform the duties of his office,
had been cleared from all irregularity by a commission which was
formed for this purpose soon after the accident took place J, and
no mention of this reason is made in the commission by which
he was suspended. His real offence, probably, consisted in his
refusal to license a sermon of Dr. SIbthorpe'', who had preached
in favour of the legality of loans. The effect of these severities
was, as might have been expected, to create a further ill-will
towards the court and Laud, and a general sympathy in favour
of the sufferers.
§ 566. (a. d. 1632.) Another cause of discontent § arose in
the suppression of the feoffees for impropriations. The poverty
of the church had induced many persons to contribute money for

¦ Mrs, Hutchmson says, i, 129, (8vo,
edit.) such " of the puritans " as could
not fiee, were tormented in the bishops'
courts; fined, whipt, pilloried, impri
soned and suffered to enjoy no rest, so
that death was better than life to them.

However exaggerated, this must have
been in some degree true.
'> In Collier, ii. 740, there is some
account of this sermon ; see too Rapin,
ii, 259.

" Collier, ii, 735. f xi. 127. + Collier, u, 740, g Fuller, xi. 136,

XIII. § 556.] FEOFFEES FOR IMPROPRIATIONS. 389
the purpose of obviating this evil, and twelve feoffees were consti-
ttued for carrying this pious object into execution, which was to
be effected by the purchase of impropriate rectories. They con
sisted of four divines, four lawyers, and four citizens, who acted
without any legal authority, or charter of any sort, and large sums
of money were raised for furthering their ends. The first check
which M'as given to this society, arose from a sermon* preached
at Oxford in 1630, wherein the preacher inveighed vehemently
against those who managed its concerns, accusing them of carrying
on their oM'ii political plans under the mask of religion. They
were said to retain all the impropriations so purchased in their
own hands, and not to transfer them to the livings to which they
had belonged ; to employ the proceeds in maintaining factious
preachers in market towns, and In supporting silenced ministers
and their families. Such an establishment was liable to be
turned to the very worst of purposes, but if well directed, might
have produced much good ; and it was said that White "I*, one
of the feoffees, privately offered Laud to submit the whole to his
lordship's direction ; yet the fear of what might happen, induced
those who directed the ecclesiastical affairs of the kingdom, to
bring the matter into the exchequer, where the incorporation
was overthrown, the property forfeited to the crown, and the
feoffees subjected to such punishment as the star-chamber chose
to inffict : this last part, however, was never carried into effect.
Had Laud, by joining in this society and putting himself at its
head, attempted to guide, instead of opposing it, the result might
have been very beneficial to the church and creditable to himself;
as it was, he, for the time, carried his point, and violated the better
feelings of those who could hardly perceive the danger, however
real it might be ; and in the end, the bitterness which was thus
created tended to destroy what remained of the establishment.
§ 657. Notwithstanding the countenance which the church
of England had given to the decrees of the synod of Dort, the
opinions of the Arminians so gradually prevailed among the
higher clergy, particularly among those who had the disposal of
* Heyliu's Laud, 210. f FuUer, xi. 143.

390

ARMINIANISM.

[a.D. 1626.

preferment, that to entertain sentiments in favour of Calvinism
was the greatest bar to the advancement of any clergyman.
Bishop Morley, when chaplain to Lord Carnarvon *, was asked
by a country gentleman who wished to know something of their
doctrine, " What the Arminians held ?" " They hold," says he,
"the best bishoprics and deaneries in England*;" a bon mot,
which sufficiently shows how far party feeling was allowed to
prevail on every subject, and will partially account for the bias
which the religious part of the community, particularly the lower
clergy, took against the equally strong prejudice of the court ;
and it should be remembered that there is an anti-Calvinism
which is as much at variance with the doctrines of the church of
England and with Scripture, as the decrees of the synod of Dort
can be.
(June 14, 1626.) Early in the reign the king had issued a
proclamation -[• enjoining his subjects, particularly the .clergy, to
abstain from all innovations with regard to religion ; and in order
to co-operate with this injunction, (1628,) a declaration'' J was
prefixed to a new edition of the Thirty-nine Articles, in which all
persons were forbidden to interpret them' in any but the gramma
tical sense ; and It Is no small proof of the temper of the times,
that this was deemed to be in favour of the Armlnian side of the
question §, and that the Calvinists were about to petition against
it. Yet the conduct of the court did not correspond with this
apparent temperance in its declarations, for when Bishop Dave
nant || (March, 1631) had preached on the subject of predestina
tion, and in so doing offended the king, he was brought before the
council, and severely reprimanded, for that which, according to
his own answer, was done in ignorance, and perfectly in accord
ance with the published injunctions of the court. Something of

" The fact is alluded to in the remon
strance which was made to the king by
the house of commons, 1628. (Collier's
Hist. ii. 744.)

^ There is a copy of this original edi
tion, 1628, in Christ Church Library:
the date of this publication is sometimes
questioned.

"¦ Clarendon's Life, 50 or 26,
X Sparrow's Collection, 87,

Fuller, ix. 138.

-|- Heylin's Laud, 154.
§ Collier's Hist. ii. 746,

XIII. § 5S7.) SABBATARIAN' CONTROVERSY. 891
the game sotfc took place with regard to some preachers in Oxford,
on which Fuller observes, " The expulsion of these preachers
fexpellfed not, but increased the differences in Oxford, which burnt
the more for blazing the less ; many complaining that the sword
of justice did not cut indifferently on both sides, but that it was
more penal for some to touch, than others to break the king's
declaration." The natural effect of all this was to render every
one who entertained Calvinistic opinions, hostile to the court, and
to make them connect a dislike to the goternment of the church
with the hatred which they bore towards the state.
§ 558. The Sabbatarian controversy, too, contributed to
injure the cause of the church in the minds of the people. During
the period in which the Roman Catholic religion had prevailed in
this country, much laxity had existed with regard to the day set
apart for God's servloe, a laxity which had been continued during
the reigns of Elizabeth and James* by the practice of the couft,
though a sentiment of disapprobation against such proceedings
seems gradually to have spread throughout the nation. The
question, indeed f, involved a Conoluerabla number of heads,
which were variously argued, but the chief difference of opinion
consisted with regard to the manner In which this day ought to
be obsei^ed. While one party admitted of no other term for Its designation
than that of the Sabbath, this appellation was the abomination of
another; and moderate and indifferent persons called It by the
Several names of Sunday, Sabbath, or Lord's day.
Its beginning and duration formed another subject of dispute ;
some confined its continuance to the time occupied by the service
of the church, and others were as strenuous in enjoining a strict
observance of it frotn the Saturday evening till the following
night. One party founded the institution on the sole authority of the
church, others attributed the change in the day to the appoint
ment of the church founded on apostolic usage, while the original
dedication of one day in seven rested on the command given by
* See § 519, a. f Fuller, xi, 144, &c.

392

SABBATARIAN CONTROVERSY.

[a.D. 1632,

the Almighty at the creation : this contained virtually the ques
tion of the legality of any alteration in the day, and it appears
that the church of Geneva had once thought of adopting Thursday
as their day of rest.
But the point which was agitated with the greatest warmth,
was as to the manner In which this day ought to be kept holy.
The advocates of the greatest strictness would allow of no amuse
ments but walking, while the maintainers of the contrary opinion
devoted those parts of the day, which were not occupied by reli
gious services, to every species of enjoyment. The ordinary
amusements* in country parishes were called church-ales, clerk-
ales, and bid-ales, besides the revels or feasts of the dedication of
the church : they were merry-makings, consisting of drinking and
sports, particularly dancing, which took place either every Sunday
or on particular occasions. Such meetings necessarily led to
disorders, and the religious part of the community, in their anxiety
to repress them, occasionally fell Into the opposite extreme*, and in
their animadversions on the unruly, became uncharitable towards
those who differed from themselves, and unjustly severe on the
lower orders, whose excesses might probably have been checked
without any open interference in the magistracy.
§ 569. In 1633 Chief Justice Richardson, at the request of
the magistrates in Somersetshire "f-, ordered the Sunday ales and
wakes to be suppressed, and directed that the order should be
read by the clergy in their several churches ; an interference with
ecclesiastical matters which the archbishop, whose influence was
now supreme, highly resented. The judge, therefore, was brought
before the privy council, and commanded to rescind his order at

» " Some [preachers went so far as to
maintain, that to do any work or servile
business'on the Lord's day, is as great a
sin as to kill a man or to commit adul
tery; that to throw a bowl, to make a
feast, or dress a wedding dinner on the
Lord's day, is as great a sin as for a man
to take a knife and cut his child's throat.
That to rmg more bells tham one on the

Lord's day, is as great a sin as to commit
murder. And I know also a town of my
acquaintance, the preachers there brought
the people to that pass, that neither baked
nor roast meat was to be found in all
the parish for a Sunday's dinner through
out the year," &c. &c. (Preface to
Prideaux on the Sabbath.)

" Neal's Puritans, ii, 214.

t Rushworth's Coll. ii. i, 191.

XIII. § 559.] BOOK OP SPORTS. 393
the next assizes. To correct this spirit of what was called puri
tanism, the king, probably at the suggestion of Laud, Issued a
proclamation which is generally known by the name of the Book
of Sports. It contained a proclamation* which had been for
merly issued by James I., and was accompanied with a declara
tion, that the king would not allow any curtailing of the liberty
of his poorer subjects, with regard to their amusements on the
Sunday. The clergy were enjoined to read this in their churches,
a command which became a stumbling-block to many sincere
men. Some-f-, indeed, approved of the contents, others paid a
partial obedience to the injunction by reading the proclamation,
and immediately repeating the fourth commandment, or preaching
on the due observance of the Sabbath; while others utterly refused
all compliance with the order. Among the bishops there was a
great difference in the severity with which they animadverted on
those clergymen who had been guilty of neglect In this particular.
Some deprived those who persisted in their refusal ; others
declined becoming the accusers of their brethren; while much
moderation was exhibited by a third class, who exercised severity
on a few only of the most obstinate refusers.
§ 560. The subject itself is one on which so few directions
are contained in the Scriptures, that much latitude of opinion
might naturally have been expected with regard to it. Its name,
perhaps, and its exact duration, are of less practical importance ;
but the nature of the institution, and the manner In which It
6ught to be observed, are of the greatest consequence. The
generally received opinion, and that which tallies best with the
institutions of the church of England, seems to be, that the
dedication of one day in seven to the service of God is part of the
moral law; that the change of this day from Saturday to Sunday
is sanctioned by the custom of the apostles; and that the
Christian's liberty will allow of any method of keeping this day
which answers the command, of abstaining from work, and of
keeping it holy. Amusements in the abstract contain nothing
which need infringe on this holiness ; yet it is obvious, that some
amusements will so far unfit the mind for religious duties, that
* Rushworth's Coll, ii, i, 193, § 519, f Fuller, xi, 148,

S94 SABBATARIAN CONTROVERSY, [a, 6, 1638.
they must be totally inadmissible ; that to persons situated in
different spheres of life a different rule may be applicable ; and
that all recreations which offend against the religious Scruples of
our brethren, ought out of charity to be avoided. In this case,
therefore, it seemed an act of great impolicy, to say no worse, to
make the clergy exhort their parlshlonefS to join in dancing,
leaping, vaulting, archery, and May games ; amusements which
were little likely to promote the spirituality of the Sabbath
employments, even if we grantthatthey were not actually wrong:
and the issuing such a proclamation must have had the tendency
of alienating from the government the affections of all those who
had any doubts on these points. The effect in Somersetshire*
seems to haVe been, that the laity were petitioning to have these
disorders on the Sabbath put down by authority,'while the high-
church party requested that these amusements might remain ; a
state of things, which if it produced no other consequence, must
have raised a very unfavourable impression in the breasts of the
people concerning their spiritual guides.
§ 561. Had this proclamation confined itself to its proper
province, had It condemned in general terms the profanation of
the Lord's day, while it forbade magistrates to punish any who
were hot engaged in unlawful pursuits, the object of the king
might probably have been furthered ; for on these points, the law,
as it now stands, seems to be well calculated for procuring a due
observance of the Sabbath. While gross violations of propriety
are punishable as misdemeanors, pragmatical interference in the
amusements of the people is prevented by the silence of the law,
and every sincere observer of the Sabbath is at liberty to influence
by his example and advice others who are less strict in their
practice; a species of persuasion which is at once the most
effectual, and in which every step is sure to be accompanied with
the moral improvement of those who make it*.

» There are two acts of parliament
during this reign against profaning the
Lord's day; 1° ch. i. forbids bull-baiting,
bear-baiting, interludes, common-plays,
and other unlawful exercises and pas-
* Neal, ii. 215.

times ; people are forbidden to go out of
their own parishes for any amusements.
3" ch. ii. carriers and Wagoners are for
bidden to travel on the Sunday, and
butchers to kill meat.

XIII. § 562,] PRYNNE, BASTWICK, AND BURTON. 395
§ 562. (a. d. 1637.) A piece of severity* exercised on three
members of the learned professions, produced more effect in
spreading a general hatred against Laud and the government,
than the victims of this severity perhaps deserved. Prynne, a
common lawyer, Bastwick, a physician, and Burton, a clergyman,
had each of them published pamphlets offensive to the court, and
when brought before the star-chamber, they severally put in pleas
of such a nature as were not admitted. The prisoners, therefore,
were convicted as not making any defence, though they wished
to be allowed to plead for themselves, and were condenined to
lose their ears in the pillory, to be imprisoned in remote places
during pleasure, and fined 5000^. each. Prynne was also branded.
Such a punishment produced much more irritation than if they
had been sentenced to death ; and it so happened that, after
having been sent to Guernsey, Jersey, and Scilly, they were, upon
the assembling of the long parliament brought back in triumph,
to the disgrace of the court. Their faults, which were great,
were overlooked in the indignity of their punishment ; and the
blame was thrown on the church, because each of their libels
had been directed chiefly against the bishops and their govern
ment. § 563. Williams, who was a turbulent man-f-, after having
been deprived of the office of lord keeper, for which he was
probably unfit, had resided at his episcopal house at Bugden,
where he allowed of greater freedom in talking about the govern
ment than was well suited to his situation. He was indicted in
1637j for betraying the king's secrets, being a privy counsellor, a
charge which was soon dropped^ as being frivolous ; and another
brought against him, of suborning and tampering with witnesses.
Whether innocent or no, he endeavoured to escape by offering to
make a composition with the king, in which he was prevented by
some of his enOmies, and sentenced to pay a fine of 8000^., and to
be imprisoned during the king's pleasure. In this transaction
Laud took an active part, and the bishop afterwards complained
that he had ttot been allowed to impugn the testimonies of the
* Fuller, xi. 151. Heyhn's Laud, 328, f Fuller, xi. 155, Heylin's Laud, 343.

396 WILLIAMS. OSBOLSTON. [a, D, 1637.
persons brought against him, who, as being king's witnesses, could
not be excepted against; that Secretary Windebank had caused
all those, who would have given evidence in his favour, to be
imprisoned under royal warrants till the trial was over ; and that
those pleas of his, which the court was ashamed to set aside
publicly, were overruled in private. Another charge was brought
against him while he was in the Tower, which, for the severity of
the punishment, and the absurdity of the crime, rivals anything
recorded In history. Lambert Osbolston, sometime student of
Christ Church, master of Westminster-school, and prebendary of
that church, had been much favoured by Williams, who was dean
there, and taking part with him in his enmity against Laud,
he on some occasion wrote to the bishop a letter which contained
the following sentence*: " The little vermin, the urchin, and
hocus pocus, (Laud,) is this stormy Christmas at true and real
variance with the Leviathan," (Lord Treasurer Weston.) This
was found among Williams's papers when his house was searched,
and the bishop was sentenced to pay another fine of 8000Z, for not
having presented this libellous letter to some justice of the peace :
and Osbolston condemned to pay 5000Z,, to have his ears tacked
to the pillory in presence of his scholars, as well as to be deprived
of all his preferments. The personal part of the sentence he
escaped by flight, and his sufferings made him afterwards a
favourite with the commons, till the madness of their proceedings
induced him to join the king. More, perhaps, has been said on
this point than it deserves ; but it must ever appear not only to
affix a deep stain on the character of Laud, but to furnish a proof
of the personal insecurity under which every man must have
lived ; and show how impossible it was that such a government
should continue, when a prime minister could be guilty of such
open tyranny, § 564, As the events connected with the liturgy in Scotland
may be said to have formed the first step In the civil war, and
to have contributed much to give the rebellion a turn so pecidlarly
hostile to the church of England, It will be necessary to look back
into the history of the Reformation in that country, and to touch
* Fuller, 165,

XIII, § 564.] SCOTCH LITURGY. 397
on some points to which no previous allusion has [been made, In
order to comprehend the whole under one view. The alterations
in the church, which had taken place in that kingdom, had been
carried on in opposition to the bishops, who had often made
themselves the instruments of the persecutions inflicted on the
friends ofthe Reformation ; a circumstance* which rendered the
mass of the people inimical to the order. The nobility too were
equally hostile to bishops, since the avarice of the upper ranks
had contributed greatly to introduce the Reformation, with the
view of dispossessing the ecclesiastical owners of their property ;
and the tenures therefore, by which these possessors held their
newly acquired domains, were very doubtful. Elizabeth had
fostered the animosities of the people, and the apprehensions of
the nobles, for the purpose of keeping up a party in Scotland ;
and, under the nominal plan of Introducing a conformity between
the churches of the two nations had been seeking her own
interests, and promoting divisions among the Scotch. The
general assembly had, from the first, assumed to itself a consider
able power, independent ofthe government; and In 1666 had
decided on the adoption of the Geneva discipline, which virtually
destroyed the spiritual authority of the bishops, though they
retained in some measure their lands and their seats in parlia
ment. The properties indeed, and the higher situations con
nected with the abbeys, were generally in the hands of laymen ;
but the bishoprics were still filled by ecclesiastics. The authority
possessed by the bishops varied at different times, depending in a
great degree on the policy of the successive regents and favourites
of James. Till 1592, the assembly had generally rejected epis
copal interference -f", and the court retained sufficient power to
prevent the legal establishment of the presbytery. In that year,
however, this step was effected, and soon after, in consequence of
a tumult in Edinburgh, connected with the presbyterian ascend
ancy, the life of James was endangered ; an event which gave
him a continual dislike to that form of church government, and
a decided preference to episcopacy, independently of the consider-
• Sir P. Warwick's'Mem. 98, &c. f Guthry's Memoirs, 4,

398

SCOTCH LITURGY,

[A.D. 1637.

ation of the political influence which the votes of the bishops fur
nished to the court. He obtained for the bishops, in 1697 and 1600,
a concession of their right to sit in parliament ; but this was
fettered with such restrictions as rendered the spiritual authority
of the order almosi^ nugatory*, and they accepted what was
granted, though they never seem to have conformed to the stipu
lated conditions ; and when he came to the throne of England,
he formed the wish of reducing the two churches to an unifor
mity of discipline and service, a wish rea,sonable indeed in a king
of Great Britain, and in correspondence with the desires of every
friend of the two countries, but the plan was not likely to succeed,
unless attempted by honourable and fair means.
§ 665. (a. d, 1610.) In the assembly at Glasgowf- he so
contrived to collect a body suited to his own views, that he carried
all his points in favour of episcopacy, and presently set up a
court of ecclesiastical commission, Episcopacy, therefore, now
began to gain ground j, and James was very careful in the
selection of the men whom he advanced, consulting the older
bishops, and bringing forward such men only as were suited to
promote the real interests of the church. It was by these steps
that the assembly of St. Andrew's was enabled to consult about
introducing a liturgy, (1617,) which some of its members began
to form, or rather to copy from the Prayer Book of the church of
England ; and the assembly of Perth* to establish the five points
connected with the rights and ceremonies of the church. (1618,)
James would probably have gone further, had not the difficulties
with regard to his daughter's kingdom prevented his doing any
thing which might embroil him at home.

' These articles are, from then- num
ber, which was five, sometimes mistaken
for the Five Articles of the synod of
Dort, with which they are in no way
connected. They are printed in Spottes-
wood's Hist, of Sootland, p. 538; Neal's
Puritans, ii, 101 ; see also Wordsworth's
Eccl, Biog, V. 298.
The 1st enjoins the posture of Iweeling
in receiving the Lord's Supper,

The 2nd allows of private communion
in case of sickness.
The 3rd allows of private baptism in
case of danger.
The 4th enjoins the use of cateohising^
and confirmation.
The 5th enjoins the observation of
holy days and festivals.

Rapin, ii. 299. f Ibid, ii, 299. $ Guthry, 13,

XlII, § 566.] EPISCOPACY IN SCOTLAND. 399
§ 566. On the accession of Charles I.* (1625,) the presby
terians addressed a petition to him, but found that he was not at
all disposed to comply with their wishes; the interests of the
anti-episcopal cause, however, were kept up by the appointment
of a secfet fast, which was observed, at stated periods, among
tbeir friends throughout the kingdom. (1633.) AVhen the king
visited Scotland, they had prepared a petition, wliich they pur
posed to have presented to him, had he not forbiden the earl of
Rothes to do so : and the next year, Lord Balmiranoch, having
this petition in his possession, which he imprudently showed to a
friend, was imprisoned, and most unjustly condejnned to die"}",
(1634,) a sentence which, though immediately remitted, made
him for ever an enemy to the court, and induced him to combine
with others, who saw the danger to which the lives and properties
of every one must be exposed under so arbitrary a government,
and to form plans by which the chief authority might be trans
ferred into their own hands.
These circumstances had enrolled the lovers of civil freedom
among the enemies of episcopacy. The prejudices of the common
people were against it, and the lower clergy exerted their In
fluence to increase this dislike ; the nobles were afraid that their
titles to the church property which they held, would be cailed in
question % and to this was added a considerable irritation among
them, particularly In the earls of Traquair and Argyle (then Lord
Lorn J:) bythe appointment ofthe archbishop of St. Andrew's to
the chancellorship, and the advancement of other churchmen to
high civil offices. Fuller § insinuates that the bribery which
James had carried on among the leading presbyterians now ceased,
and that this, among other causes, contributed to the subsequent
opposition; and whether this were so or no, It is difficult to
determine how much blame attaches to Charles I. in all these
proceedings. He had been much less careful than his father || m
appointing proper men to the several sees as they became vacant,
» See an Abstract of the Acts of the ] species of property, passed during this
Scotch ParUament which affected this 1 session. (CoUier, u. 755.)
* Guthry, 7, &e, t Guthry's Mem, 9. $ Ibid, 12, and CoUier, ii, 770,
§ $i, 163. II Guthry, 14.

400 EPISCOPACY IN SCOTLAND. [a. D. 1637.
and in the selection of those whom he chose, he had been guided
by personal favour, as well as the hope of promoting his own
political ends; and probably much influenced by Laud, who
fancied that the advancement of churchmen into the higher offices
of state was likely to benefit the cause of the church. But the
great evil In Scotland was, that party was allowed to trample on
law and justice, so that men sought for power in self-defence; and
when further disturbances arose, neither the one side nor the
other had any other principles than those of using to the utmost
the power with which they were invested. The ruling party
was, for the time, generally the most in fault, as having the
greater means of doing wrong; and from 1610 to the date of
these events, the country had been oppressed by the episcopalians,
and their opponents were in secret brooding over their discontent
and the prospects of revenge.
§ 567. (a, d, 1637.) It was at this time, and under these
circumstances, that Charles* endeavoured to introduce the new
liturgy. He had originally intended to send down the English
Common Prayer Book, but the advice of some of the Scotch
bishops had induced him to alter this plan, and to substitute one
which might belong peculiarly to themselves, though it corre
sponded very nearly with that of the church of England''. This
was drawn up in Scotland -f-, chiefly, in all probability, by
Weederburn, dean of the Chapel Royal, Edinburgh, but over
looked by Laud, Juxton, and Wrenn. In the year 1 635 certain
canons I had been sent down to Scotland as the first step in the
intended alterations ; and these, without any other sanction than
that of a proclamation from the king, directed throughout that
the forms of the liturgy, not then published, should be used. If
the king had possessed a right of imposing canons and a liturgy
without the concurrence of the church, a right quite incompatible
with the political existence of any church, this method of pro
ceeding would have been very impolitic, as it could only irritate
the nation, and prepare them for resistance whenever any tumult
» See App, E, History of the Common Prayer, § 748. b.
» Fuller, xi. 160. f CoUier, ii. 767. X Heylm's Laud, 298,

XIII, § 567.J SCOTCH LITURGY, 401
should give them an opportunity of showing their dislike. The
discontented party had long been in correspondence with the non
conformists In England, and they well knew the strength which
their friends possessed in that country. The persons who were
chiefly engaged * in promoting this step, with regard to the canons
and liturgy, were some of the Scotch bishops who had been most
lately raised to their office, and who, having been advanced by
interest, not dependent on the older bishops, never cordially
joined with them, but hurried on the Introduction of the liturgy
without foreseeing the danger. Laud-f- had frequently urged
them to take care that their proceedings were according to the
law of Scotland, which he did not pretend to understand ; but
they, supposing probably that the power of the court and the
archbishop would carry them through In a point on which tho
king's heart was much set':]:, and neglecting the advice of the
older bishops, prepared the liturgy and procured its adoption
without any of those authorized forms with which it ought legally
to have been received.
§ 568. When therefore it was first read at Edinburgh,
(July 23,) it is not wonderful that it was received with so much
tumult, that the lives of those who performed the service were
endangered, and that there was no readiness on the part of the
magistrates or nobility to defend the insulted prelates, or to punish
those who were guilty of the disturbance. The enemies of
episcopacy rejoiced In these failures, and the mass of the nobles,
and those in authority, were not sorry to observe the overthrow
of a project, which had been carried on without their advice, by
churchmen, of whose exaltation into civil offices they were pecu
liarly jealous. Those among the lower clergy who were friends
to episcopacy, and who probably would have shown themselves
.in greater numbers, if the interests of the bishops had been
managed with any prudence, were offended that the introduction
of the liturgy had been carried on without their advice, or the
forms which were necessary to render it legal, and therefore little
disposed to befriend or support steps which were thus impru-
* Guthry, 14, f Heylin's, 326, + Guthry, 16.
2 D

*02 SCOTCH LITURGY, [a,D. 1637.
dently taken. After several applications had been made to
London, Hamilton, as commissioner from the king, ultimately
rescinded all that had been done, convoking a general assembly
at Glasgow, and calling a parliament for the next spring. He is
geiierally* accused of duplicity and cunning in all these transac
tions, and there is some evidence apparently against hini ; but
his line of policy was in reality much sounder than that of Laud,
and his fidelity seems adequately established by his subsequent
sufferings and death, It is obvious that any friend of the court
of Charles I. would have been esteemed a traitor, who had given
that advice which we should now deem to have been for the real
advantage of the king and the nation : and, be it remembered,
that the marquis of Montrose f, who was undoubtedly a patriotic
royalist, was at this time on the side of the covenanters. This
appellation was assumed by those who were enemies to the
liturgy, and to the arbitrary power of the throne, from a solemn
league and covenant^ nowfrapied, and to which the subscriptions
of all those who approved of the cause were affixed. Hardly any
steps could have tended more strongly than this, to mix up
church politics with civil : for among the various objects of the
confederacy, the second was to root out prelacy, i. e. church
government by archbishops, bishops, their chancellors, commis
saries, deans, deans and chapters, archdeacons, and all other
ecclesiastical officers depending on that hierarchy; and the third,

° N, B, There were two covenants :
the first signed by James I,, 1580, and
the one here pientioned. They are far
from corresponding. They are 'printed
in the Confession of Faith, &c, of the
assembly of divines at Westroinster,
This may be found in Fuller, xi, 201,
and in m.iny other historians : the ab
stract of it is as follows. The preface
declares the deplorable state of religion
in the three kingdoms to be the origin of
this act; in which, after the custom of
this .and other godly nations, they enter
into the foUowiug covenant :
1. "That they should reduce the
church of England and Ireljind to the

same model as that of Scotland. They
agrees —
2. " To extu'pate popery, prelacy, and
superstition, and to establish godliness.
3. "To defend the rights ot parlia
ment and the liberty of the kingdom,
the person, and authority of the king.
4. " To discover and punish all raahg-
nants, hinderers of reformation, &c,
5, " To preserve th? peace of these
kingdoms, 6, " To defend and assist all those
wlio have entered into the coveijapt,
7. "To humble themselves for the
sins of the nation, and to try to reform
them,"

Guthry, 34— 48— }09, f Ibid. 32-4

XIII. § 568,] LAUD, CEREMONIES., 403
to preserve the privileges of parliament and the kingdom. The
proceedings of the assembly at Glasgow*, (1638,) were such as
might have been expected. The church had been tyrannized
over for a time, and when allowed to express its feelings, broke
down all barriers, continued its sessions after it had been legally
dissolved by the king's commissioner, an^ went on to resciii4 at
once all that had been established since 1605, i. e., episcopacy, the
articles of Perth, the canons, and liturgy. These steps naturally
and necessarily led to a civil war. Leslie was appolpted to the
command of the army which they levied ; tlje castle of Edinburgh
fell into theh- hands, an.d the king was forced to treat, and make
peace with his rebellious subjects.
§ 569. The same steps had been leading silently to the
same result in England. The power exercised by Laud, not
only disgusted the nobility who might be deemed his rivals, and
who found theniselves supplanted by churchmen, but the severity
exercised by some of the bishops on their nonconformist brethren,
was likely to render the lower and more numerous portion of the
members of the establishment hostile to the government of the
church, and consequently not friendly to that of the state which
upheld it. When Laud was made archbishop •)-, (1633,) he
pressed conformity, and attended rnuch to the ceremonies of the
church, so that a preacher was censured for saying, that the night
was approaching, since shadows were growing so much longer
than the bodies, and ceremonies regarded more than the povver of
godliness. In his eagerness in this respect he not only enforced
those ceremonies which had been appointed, but took great
delight in increasing the number of them. He had put up a
crucifix on the altar | in Westminster Abbey at the coronation ;
had used considerable ponip in thp consecration of churches,
adopting an office^ composed by Andrews, bishop of Winchester,
which corresponds almost entirely with the service of the church
of Rome ; had directed the communion tables to be surrounded
with rails, and the communicants to approach the altar, and
' See au outline of the history of this office, § 750.
* Guthry, 41 f duller, xi, 150. X CoUier, ii. 736,
2 D 2

404 LAUD. CANONS. [a. D, 1638.
caused various genuflexions and bowings to be used on entering
and leaving the church. Most of which ceremonies were in
themselves very innocent, and it was natural, at a time when the
neglect of them was growing into fashion, that a man of Laud's
views should studiously observe them ; but it was madness to
suppose that the enforcing them would cure the evil, or fail to
irritate and augment the disorder. Pure Christianity, when
placed near fanaticism or formalism, will ordinarily soon gain
the ascendant over either the one or the other, but extremes are
little likely to produce a cure to their opposite evils,
§ 570, Laud, however*, was not contented with putting In
force the existing laws, or practising such ceremonies as he him
self approved; but when, in 1640, Charles was compelled to call
a parliament, which he so soon dissolved, to the regret of all good
men, the convocation which was then assembled proceeded to
frame a body of canons, and continued their session beyond the
existence of the parliament. These canons were put forth to the
world at a moment when every one was ready to cavil at the acts
of legitimate authority, and under circumstances which might
have rendered them questionable at any other time, inasmuch as
it was presumed by many, that upon the dissolution of the parlia
ment its sister assembly ceased at the same moment. The con
vocation was in fact now changed Into a synod, in which capacity,
to use the words of Lord Clarendon -f-, it "made canons, which
was thought it might do ; and gave subsidies out of parliament,
and enjoined oaths, which certainly it might not do : in a word,
did many things, which in the best of times might have been
questioned, and therefore were sure to be condemned In the
worst ; and drew the same prejudice upon the whole body of
the clergy, to which before only some few clergymen were
exposed," The canons themselves are such as prove the violence of those
who framed them, who must have been actuated by despair or
fatuity to select such a time for their publication. They enact |
that every officiating minister shall, on some one Sunday in every
* Fuller, xi. 168, f Hist. i. 140, + Sparrow's Collection,

XIII, § 570,] CANONS, 405
quarter, insist on the divine right of kings, and on their prero
gatives, iu which the power of taxing was indirectly implied.
That the day of the king's Inauguration shall be carefully observed.
They were very severe against papists, Socinians, and all sectaries.
In order to support the establishment, an oath was imposed
against innovations, in which every clergyman, or person taking
a degree, was to swear " that he would not consent to alter the
government of the church by archbishops, bishops, deans, arch
deacons, &c, ;" a form sufficiently equivocal, and which acquired'
for the oath the name of the '¦'¦ et ccetera oath," It was ordered
that the communion table should stand as In the cathedral church ;
that it should be railed in, and the people approach the holy table
when they received : and that on entering and quitting church
they should do obeisance. Every preacher was directed to enforce
in his sermons, twice every year, conformity to the rites and
ceremonies of the church of England °¦-
The effects of such a proceeding were obvious. The state of
the question between the king and the people at this moment was,
whether they should be governed constitutionally by law, or by
the arbitrary proceedings of the court : whether they should
possess the right of taxing themselves, or whether the security of
their property were to depend on the necessities of those who
governed them : whether the petition of rights were to be observed
or no. Whoever, therefore, among the clergy had followed these
canons, as to their spirit, must have taken a part in the great
question at issue, in favour of the court. The words indeed of
the canon are very cautiously chosen, so as to assert in general
terms only the right of kings to tribute, custom, and aid, while
the property of the subject is secured, a position which no Chris
tian will deny ; but the question was, whether the king had a
right to collect that tribute as he pleased, and to dispense with
the laws of the country.
§ 571. It is difficult to give a distinct view of the feelings of
the country with regard either to church or state, without entering
» Walker, in his Sufferings of the 1 1603 ; iu this he is mistaken ; 'see §

Clergy, p. 7, supposes that these canons
are now as much binding as those of

756, or the Act 13° C. IL, ch. 12,

406 STATE OP ENGLAND, [a.D, 1640,
into a protracted discussion, which must be little suited to this
work ; but as It is impossible to understand the condition of the
kingdom without doing so, a brief outline must be attempted,
E^'Ory real friend to his country, who understood the circum
stances under which England was then placed, must have desired
a reforrrtatioU, both in church and state. The power of tho king
was so ill defined, that it was scarcely possible for an honest man
to have served him without great compunction ; and however
little Charles might have wished to play the tyrant, it is diffictilt
for a king to restrain his minister's, If arbitrary power be once
placed in their hands. Such a power Indeed might be easily
borne by the people, were it not for the ramifications to which it
is liable ; for a monarch, unless he be unbendingly severe on his
immediate servants, becorttes, against his will, a tyrant to every
one of his subjects who is exposed to the arbitrary government
of those whom he trusts. The Court of ecclesiastical cotamission
had frequently exercised severity^ aiid sometimes cruelty. On those
who werO called before it, and the people had indistinctly inixed
tip the idea of the church government under which they groaned,
with episcopacy and the higher offices in the dhurch. It was this
which gave rise to the supposed necessity of imposing the et cceterd
oath ; and the very nature of that oath tended to countenance the
error: Laud and his party were justly alarmed at the spirit Of
innovation which they beheld ; and in their attempts to maintain
¦What was valuable, they were too fearful to allow that any part
of the fabric was unsound, and endeavoured to defend the whole,
corruptions and all. The honest party, on the other side, who
were anxious for the Correction of abuses, found that they had no
hopes of accomplishing their projected reforms, except by breaking
down the barriers of what was in itself excellent ; but which they
were forced to cOuple with the evils which they wished to remedy^
because the same defence was thrown around both ; nor can It be
doubted, that the enemies of the ecclesiastical constitution rejoiced
to perceive the church thus imprudently connected with the errors
of the state. The three parties, therefore. In the kingdom, with
reference to the church, were, 1, the high church party ; 2, those
who were desirous to see the church reformed^ and the excessive

XIII, § 71.]

STATE OF ENGLAND.

407

power ofthe hierarchy diminished''; and 3, those who were eager
to establish the presbyterian government at the expense of the
higher offices in the church. This latter party was at first in all
probability very small*, till ;polItical circumstances augmented
their power, and threw the preponderance into their hands ; but
the impolicy of which Laud was guilty, consisted in alienating
the moderate party, and driving them into the Interests of the
enemies of the state. The same observations will apply with
almost equal truth to the political parties which existed in the
kingdom ; and indeed the whole discussion appears to belong to
the state rather than to the church. Episcopacy, presbytery, and
independency, were made the watchwords of parties ; but the
real question throughout was a political one, and took Its religious
aspect rather from the connexion with Scotland, than because
the parties in England were contending about the government of
the church. The political reformers attacked the church, partly
because a churchman was governing the country, partly because
the feelings of the people were Irritated against the power of the
church as an engine of oppression, and partly because the votes of
the bishops gave a preponderance in the house of lords to the
friends of the court. The mass of the country wished perhaps
that the episcopal authority should be curtailed, but there was
probably no general objection to episcopacy itself.
§ 572, Such seems to have been the state of parties when
the long parliament was assembled, (Nov. 6th,) and one of its
earliest acts was to appoint a committee of religion -f-, consisting
of the whole house : this subsequently branched off Into divers
sub-committees, one of which took the appellation of " the com
mittee for providing preaching ministers and removing scandalous
ones»." The practical effect of these committees was to intimi-

" Baxter saysj (Life, i. 33,^ "Almost
all those afterwards called presbyterians
were before conformists ;" and 35, "that
those who were the honour of parlia
ment, were previously conformists. It
was an episcop.il and Erastian parlia

ment of conformists that took up arms
in England against the king ;" (iii. 149;)
'^ they knew but one presbyterian in the
house of commons,"
' The several chairmen of these com
mittees, by whose names they are fre-

Glfirendon, ii, 283. Heylin's Lr^ud, 503,

t Walker's Suff. 62, 63,

408

LONG PARLIAMENT,

[a,d,]640.

date the clergy, as well as to bring them into disrepute ; for the
mere fact of being brought before a tribunal, usually called " the
committee of scandalous ministers," could not fail to load the
obnoxious clergyman with a certain degree of obloquy. The
crimes which were ordinarily charged on the unfortunate delin
quents who were brought before this mock court of justice, were
with regard to those ceremonies which by law they were bound
to observe : and the reformers who were forward in maintaining
the sanctity of the law, when the other party violated it, were
guilty of the same Injustice when power fell into their own
hands. Indeed one great misfortune during the whole struggle
was, that neither side could feel secure under the protection of
the laws : the royal prerogative had first taught the people that
all bands were too weak to secure their liberty ; and when the
day of retribution came, the popular faction sought to make
themselves safe by overturning the whole power of their adver
saries. § 573. The chief attacks against the church, during the
early session of this parliament, aimed at destroying its civil
authority ; because, when that was effected, no one could expect
to find any great difficulty in overthrowing the whole fabric of
the establishment. It is perhaps in the abstract desirable, that
men peculiarly dedicated to the service of God should possess as
little temporal power as possible, for every act wherein coercive
authority Is used, must tend to destroy the Influence of our
spiritual advice, which Is the proper province of the clergy: but
he must be very ignorant of human nature, who supposes that
property can fail to confer power, or that the attempt to take
away the power, which Is alone able to defend it, can be made
without creating an insecurity to the property itself. The attack
began by a general outcry against the temporal power of the
church ; the lord keeper was ordered to leave out the clergy from
the commission of the peace ; and a bill was brought forward,

quently designated, were. White, Corbet,
Sir Robert Harlow, Sir Edward Dering.
White's was probably the same as
that for plundered ministers, formed to

provide for such godly ministers as had
suffered through the king's soldiery : it
was nicknamed " the committee for plun
dering ministers." Walker, Suff. 62—83,

J^lU, § 573,] BISHOPS DEPRIVED OP THEIR VOTES, 409
though without success, to deprive the bishops of their votes in
the house of lords. Sir Edward Dering, indeed, proposed one
which would have destroyed at once bishops, deans, and chapters;
but the question was moved rather as an experiment to try the
house, than from any idea that it would pass. The clamour,
however, which was raised by the mob without, and the counte
nance which they received within the house, at length drove the
bench to a step * which led to their final exclusion ; for towards
the end of the year, the populace of London became so violent
against episcopacy, and threatened the lives of the bishops with
so much vehemence, that, having been forced one night to fly
from the house by stealth, they met together, and signed a protest
against any of the proceedings of the house of lords during their
forcible and involuntary absence. This document was put Into the
hands of Lord Keeper Lyttleton -f-, in order to its being produced
when It had been approved by the king ; but he unadvisedly, if
no worse, brought it forward at once, and the poor bishops were
sent to the Tower on a charge of high treason ; a charge so
absurd in itself |, that one of the lawyers friendly to the parlia
ment declared, that they might as well have been accused of
adultery. They were there detained for some time, till deprived
of their votes, and presently after of their property. The hard
ship of these proceedings is described in a very Christian manner
by Bishop Hall, in the tract here referred to. The coercive power
of the spiritual courts had been before taken away by the act
which deprived the high- commission court of its authority, when
its sister power of the star-chamber had justly experienced the
same fate. The destruction of these two courts was an act which
well deserved the blessing of posterity, and we cannot but lament
that these prosperous beginnings were so soon clouded by tyranny
and oppression ; but it was by the popularity of such acts that
the parliament acquired its power, till the wickedness of some of
the members, and the weakness of the king, broke down the
barriers of right and wrong, and admitted all the miseries which
the rebellion introduced,
* Fuller, xi, 186. f Hacket's WUIiams, ii. 178.
:j: HaU's Hard Measure; Wordsw. Ecc. Biog. v. 320.

410 DESTRUCTION OP THE CHURCH, [a. D. 1641.
§ 574, These steps met with less opposition than might have
been expected from a nation which, on the whole, seemed favour
able to the chutch ; but It may be observed, that they extended
only to the diminution of the power of the hierarchy, and not to
its utter destruction. Many friends of episcopacy rtiight be glad
to see the bishops dispossessed of their votes in the house of lords,
and no friend of religion could be sorry to witness the downfall of
the high-commission court; and this was the ultimate point which
received the sanction of the king. When the war broke out, the
parliament soon found the church, particularly the higher mem
bers of the establishment, not only faithful in their allegiance,
but earnest in the cause of loyalty; and the consequence was,
that they were forced to destroy them as partisans, of their enemy;
and many more clergymen* were dispossessed of their preferments
as mallgnantSjthan as scandalous ministers. These circumstances
Juined individual clergymen, and weakened the body; but In all
ptobabillty the adverse faction would never have been able to alter
the constitution, and thus to annihilate the church of England as
a church, had not the hopes-f- of bringing over the Scotch to their
Cause, ultimately induced those who were anxious to carry their
political objects at any rate, to consent to the establishment of a
presbyterian government.
§ 575. It may be expected that something should here be
said of the growth of a faction which converted the monarchy
into a republic, and a church governed by bishops Into a pres
bytery; that softie account should be given of the means whereby
these steps were accomplished : but after having detailed most of
the false measures which connected the church with the downfal
of the state ; after having premised that the government was such
as no wise man could wish to support, while those who were at
the head of it resisted all legitimate reform springing from
parllamehtary discussion, It need hardly be added, that the
instruments corresponded with what might naturally have beeU
expected. Factious lecturers and preachers will never be want
ing where there are violent parties In the church, and reasonable
» Walker, pa«m. f Clarendon's Hist, ii, 117,

XIII, § 575,] CAUSES OP THE WAR, 41 1
causes of complaint. Demagogues are the production of every
country and period, but thfey are only dangerous when the sober
and thinking part of the population are discoiitetited. The strong
aim of power may pUt them down fOr the moment, but a strong
arm. Unless supported and nourished by a healthy body politic,
will tend but to weaken the system, thtongh its unnatural
exertions. The nation, by observing abuses, became overheated
and restless, and the court dared hot feel the pulse of the public
by calling a parliament, till the fever was too violent to admit of
ordinary remedies. The concessions made by the king in the
different acts of parliament which he passed, might have satisfied
the kingdom, had they been offered at an earlier period, wlieitt
they would have been received as a faVout ; but being, as it
were, torn from his grasp by the violence of the houses, the very
facility with which they were yielded, made those who had
obtained them doubtful whether they were sihcOrely granted;
and the leaders of the commons, with the view of securing their
own safety, demanded that the militia should be intrtisted to
sUch men as they could confide in, «', e., to themselves ; and
because the king wisely refused to resign this last bulwark of the
throne, they put themselves in a posture of defence, and began
the civil war,
§ 576, As the fate of the church depended for a time on the
state of the war. It may not be amiss to exhibit a brief Outline of
its progress, particularly as the complicated nature' of sUch a
Warfare mUst render it difficult to acquire an accurate notion of
what took place as a whole ^.
A, D, 1642. August 25. The royal standard was raised at
Nottingham*, Under most unfavourable prOSpects ; but the
loyalty of the nation soon put the king at the head of a respectable
force, with which he encountered the earl of Essex at Edge-hill,
and gained a considerable advantage over hitti, (Oct, 23.) This
gave the royalists the command of the Centre Of the kingdom, and
establislled their head-quarters at Oxford^ a toWft peculiarly well
f The following abstract of the war is taken from Clarendon and Ludlow,
* Clarendon, i, 720.

412 ABSTRACT OP THE WAR. f A. D. 1642.
suited for carrying on the war, as well from the influence of the
place itself, as the associations fixed In the minds of many of those
who were destined to take a part in the contest. It was too,
from its central position. In a military point of view, an acquisition
of no slight importance. His majesty afterwards advanced
towards London, (Nov. 13,) and was engaged for some days at
Brentford ; but the citizens, supported by the remnant of Essex's
army, contrived to defend the ground which they had occupied,
and he was forced to retire to Oxford, leaving a garrison at
Reading. §677. (a, D, 1643,) In the next spring the parliament were
able to recover Reading, but the general appearance of the contest
was decidedly against them. In the west, Sir, R, Hopton had
made himself master of the open country, and proceeded to aid
the royal forces in taking Bristol ; (July 25 ;) and had not the
king foolishly wasted time in the siege of Gloucester, there would
probably have been no army sufficiently strong to prevent his
marching to London. This delay, however, allowed the parlia
ment to collect a oonsiderable body of troops ; and when (Sept.
6,) they advanced towards the royal army, the siege was raised,
and the first battle of Newbury (Sept, 20,) subsequently fought,
which obliged the king, though he was not beaten, to retire upon
Oxford, instead of prosecuting the campaign,
§ 578, (a, d, 1644,) In the beginning ofthe next year the
Scotch army began its march southward. They had been urged
and Invited so to do by commissioners sent down for this express
purpose, who, on their return to London*, brought back with
them the solemn league and covenant, which the Scotch were
particularly anxious to enforce on their English brethren. The
English wished to have made a civil alliance, but the presbyterians
would consent to no terms without the alteration of the church
government ; and the necessities of the parliament induced them
to consent to this unreasonable proposal. Up to this period, the
war was in favour of the king, and in the beginning of this very
year, the relief of Newark, (March 22,) by Prince Rupert, and
his other successes, made the general aspect continue so, till the
* Neal's Puritans, iii, 56,

A.111, § 578.] ADSTRACT OF THE AV.U5, 413
loss of York, after the battle of Marston Moor, (July 2,) reduced
the whole of the north of England under the power of the
parliament. The marquis of Newcastle had been exerting himself
in the preservation of the interests of the king, not only against
the forces which were raised in the north of England for the
parliament, but against the Scotch army, under Leslie, and was
besieged by them in York. Prince Rupert had succeeded In
throwing relief into the place, and all might have done well, had
he been wise enough to have been contented with this ; but In his
hasty anxiety to gain a victory, which, if won, could produce
little effect, he put the whole to the Issue of a battle, lost It, and
with It, not only York, but the whole of the king's Interests in
that part of the country. This blow might have been fatal to
the whole cause, had it not been balanced by the surrender of the
forces of the earl of Essex*, in the west, who, having proceeded
too far in that direction, was cooped up at Fowey, (Sept, 2,) in
Cornwall, As for himself, he was obliged to retire by sea ; his
cavalry cut their way through the enemy, and his foot were made
prisoners. But even this success on the part of the king M'as on
his return towards Oxford counteracted by the second battle of
Newbury, (Oct, 27,) where the earl of Manchester, and Waller,
met him ; and after a very brisk encounter, In which both sides
suffered much, and scarcely any advantage was gained by either,
it became evident that the royalists possessed no decided superio
rity over their opponents,
§ 679. The fate of the war was even now. In a great
degree, undecided, as far as fighting was concerned; but the
parliament had learnt their faults, and discovered the remedy for
them, while the evils which accompanied the army of the king
daily increased. The discipline of the troops of both parties
had from the first been exceedingly bad. The royal army was
composed of a gallant band of armed and mounted gentry,
who at the moment when they charged were everything which
a general could desire; but at other times subject to very
little control, and almost ungovernable when they had met with
success, or experienced a reverse of fortune. The stern severity
* Neal's Puritans, iii, 89,

^1^ SELF-DENYING ORDINANCE, [A/D. 1644.
exhibited by the puritans induced the royalists to despise even
the form of godliness ; so that to be religious, and a gentleman,
became, In the opinion of the piultitude, contradictory terms :
the chief officers themselves were guilty of the grossest vices,
particularly of drunkenness ; ^nd the lawless proceedings of the
troops alienated the minds of many pf the people from the royal
cause; a state of things which engendered contention among
those who should have governed, and disobedience among those
who should have obeyed. The soldiers of the parliarnent were
collected chiefly by the hopes of pay, and when they had gained
advantages in the field, they were apt to turn them to their
personal profit, a species of fault which was much more easily
cured, than the disorganization which prevailed among the other
party;- while the appearance of strict religion which was maip-
tained among them, answered many of the purposes of military
discipline. But the alteration which now took place In the
management of the interests of the parliament, produced ?in
entire change in the whole face of their affairs.
§ 580. Essex had probably wished to become the arbitrator
of the war* rather than to conquer the king: he foresaw that
the complete success of either party must lead to the destructioiji
of the constitution; this produced a want of decision in his
counsels, and led to disgrace in the field, while his ill success
perhaps contributed much to the facility with which the selfr
denying ordinance passed. The country had long been scandalized
by the interested manner in which offices were assigned to the
members of the two houses, and the act which received this
denomination consisted in a vote which disabled all who sat in
either house from holding any situation of power or emolument.
The step was on many grounds necessary, since the parliament
was even now becoming intolerable from its tyranny and selfish-
pess; but it enabled those who were secretly promoting thei.r
own advancement, to remodel the army according to their own
wishes, and to raise up a power which ultimately overcame tlie
party which employed It. It is difficult to account for the ease
with which Cromwell retained his command in the army, together
• Life of Col. Hutchinson, i, 347- Calamy's Baxter, 53.

^ oou.j

FAIRFAX, CROMWELL.

415

with his seat in the house, unless indeed we conclude that he
was the secret contriver of the whole : but the wisdom of this
arrangement soon became evident ; for when the army in its new
sjtate took the field, it was obvious that the prospects of the royal
party were annihilated, Fairfax seems to have possessed much
military talent, but to have been too honest a man to enter deeply
into the cabals of the rebellion ; he kept his men in order, beat
his eneinies when he met thenj, and was ever ready to give them,
when, beaten, the best ternis which the interest of lils own party
would allow, Cromwell was equally good as an officer, but he
understood human nature, and was willing to leave no stone
unturned to accomplish the object which he had probably now
begun to entertain. He had clearly seen from the first that aj^
embodied gentry* must easily surpass in the field troops composed
of mechanics and servants ; but he perceived, and taught the
world, that religion, tinctured with fanaticism, was a more
powerful jnotive of action than a sense of honour ; and that the
love of freedom, with which the yeoman oi the country were
then inspired, was at least as powerful a stimulant as the desire
of dominion, which animated the nobility and royalists. He had
always shovra that he was no friend to half-njeasures, and his
talents had given confidence to those whom this circumstance
united to his Interests ; when, therefore, the self-denying ordinance
had cleared away many who were looking to a compromise, the
opposite party might succeed in continuing the command to one
who had taken no prominent part- in the business of the house,
and who was known to possess so much skill as a soldier.
§ 581. (a.d. 1645.) The campaign of Fairfax* was short and

" In this contest the generality of the
nobility, most of the knights and gentry,
adhered to the king, and were followed
by their tenants and the poorer sort of
people ; with the parliament were the
smaUer part of the upper orders, and the
greater of the tradesmen, freeholders,
and middle sort of men, particularly in
munufacturing corporations, together with
those who were more precise in religion,
(Calamy's Baxter, 46,)

' The whole of this war is fully de
tailed in Sprigge's Anglia Eediviva, ^
work which is sometimes attributed to
Nathaniel Fiennes. It is observed by
Baxter, (Life, p. 49,) that the commisr
sion of Fairfax now omitted the words,
" in defence of the king's person," and
so changed the cause of the war.

16 ABSTRACT OF THE WAR, [a, D, 1645,
brilliant : he proceeded from London in the spring, threatened
Oxford with a siege, but soon followed the motions of the king.
Charles, finding himself unexpectedly in the neighbourhood of
the enemy. It was determined to risk a battle ; and the precipi
tancy of Prince Rupert, as on many other occasions, contributed
to lose the battle of Naseby, (June 1 4,) a loss which destroyed
all the prospects of the royalists, Fairfax now proceeded to the
west, and rapidly reduced everything under his command. This
so utterly dispirited the king, who had been wandering about as
far as Wales, and had returned to Oxford with little hopes of
assistance, that the next spring he put himself into the hands of
the Scotch, and sent an order to the governor of Oxford to sur
render the place, and the war was terminated in favour of the
parliament. The fate of the royal cause had indeed long been
decided by the mutual jealousies with which this party was
distracted. The mass of those who composed the court were
contending for honours, and indulging in mutual disputes, when
the enemy was preparing to swallow them up ; and Charles had
never energy or firmness enough to take the command of the
whole Into his own hands, or to place it at the disposal of any
other efficient person. The headlong gallantry of Prince Rupert
was of serious inconvenience to the cause, but by no means so
injurious as the want of confidence in himself, under which the
king laboured, and which prevented him from assuming that
authority which might have restrained the turbulence of his
party; nor is it rash to assert, that his majesty would probably
have directed his own counsels as well, or better than, any other
individual engaged in the contest, had he only been decided and
firm, § 582, It Is difficult to conceive the state of a country more
wretched than that of England during this period. There was
war raging in every corner of the land ; the movements of the
armies, indeed, were comparatively confined, but the preparations
for the contest, and the bitterness of it, were spread over the
whole. There was much of virtue marshalled on both sides, and
both sides were supported by a host of selfish and Interested
partisans. The first exertions of the parliament were the struggles

XIIL § 582.] LORD STRAFFORD. LAUD, 417
of freemen too eager to vindicate their rights ; but they soon
outstepped the lines which freedom should have dictated, and
violated every principle of justice in murdering Lord Strafford,
under the form of a bill of attainder ; and impeaching Laud of
treason, of which he was undoubtedly Innocent, Lord Strafford
had been guilty of such an exercise of arbitrary power and
tyranny*, as might fairly have disqualified him from holding any
subsequent command. He had himself trampled on law : the
lesson was easily learnt by his opponents ; and Charles, by giving
way to the unjustifiable bill for his attainder, and perpetuating
the parliament, embittered the remainder of his own life ; and,
by consigning his friend and servant to the block, prepared the
scaffold for himself. The case of Laud was different from that
of Strafford, both in his criminality and In his sufferings. The
difficulty of estimating the character of Laud consists in our being
unable to determine the standard by which his conduct is to be
measured. If we regard him as a Christian bishop, the picture
will be in many respects sadly deficient ; to look upon him merely
as a statesman, is to degrade the sacred office with which he was
invested ; to view him only as a man, is to divest him of all that
is worth examining, and to pass sentence concerning those parti
culars on which God only is the judge. On whatever ground he
is placed, the opinions and the prejudices of the writer can hardly
fail to mix themselves up In the estimate : none but a churchman
could write a life of Laud, and few churchmen are sufficiently free
from the same feelings as prevailed in his day, to form the estimate
fairly. A temperate life of the archbishop would be a most
valuable acquisition to the Church History of our country.
§ 583. Laud was a man of an upright heart and pious soul,
but of too warm a temper, and too positive a nature, to be a good
courtier, a good ruler, or perhaps a good man. The great objects
which he had in view were such as every honest man would
approve, but his method of pursuing those objects produced much
of the misfortunes with which these unhappy times were marked.
" See some exceUent observations on this trial in Phillips's State Trials.
2 E

418 LAUD. [a.D. 1646.
Thetlmes wherein he lived were fraught with the utmost difficulty,
and the experience of past ages had given those who were
engaged in governing the kingdom no clue which might extricate
them from these difficulties. The nation had arrived at that point
wherein it was necessary that it should become free or be enslaved.
A powerful government, such as that of Elizabeth, might have
delayed the catastrophe, or have thrown the country backward
into a lower moral and intellectual condition, by riveting ,the
chains of slavery; but an arbitrary government cannot exist with
an enlightened people, and a government could hardly fail to be
arbitrary, which possessed two such courts as the star-chamber
and the high-commission. The church was attacked on all sides ;
but it is more than probable that the temporal power of the higher
members of it was the chief cause of these attacks. Laud saw
the danger, and in order to defend the establishment, and to give
it strength, he tried to advance churchmen into offices of power
and authority. In Scotland* the archbishop of St. Andrew's
was through his means made lord chancellor, and several of the
bishops privy counsellors ; with this view he himself became a
commissioner of the treasury ; and when he had made Juxon
lord treasurer, he writes in his diaryf-, " And now if the church
will not hold up themselves, under God, I can do no more." The
consequence was, that the church became hated by the people ;
and a body possessed of property which is generally disliked, can
hardly be preserved in times of civil commotion. Laud foresaw
perhaps the danger to which religion would be exposed, If the
violent decisions of the synod of Dort | generally prevailed : he
foresaw perhaps the tendency towards the presbyterian govern
ment, -which the Calvinists were creating, and he endeavoured to
counteract it by advancing those only who were in their theological
sentiments opposed to this party : thereby concentrating against
the high church all the strength of those who differed from him
on the five points, and who could never hope to obtain any
promotion, unless the whole principles of the men who had now
* Clarendon, i. 85—87. f p, 53, + § 520,

XIII. § 583,] LAUD. 419
the ascendancy were overturned*. Moderate churchmen, who
were suspected of favouring Calvinism, were driven into the
party which Laud was trying to destroy, and added to its strength ;
and there was a further danger, that every religious man would
be called a Calvinist, and thus forced to rank himself as hostile to
the archbishop.
Laud perceived that there was a growing disinclination to
ceremonies, [and in order to remedy the evil he enforced them
with severity. He was an arbitrary and stout man, and he dared
any one to oppose his authority: and this unfortunately converted
unimportant trifles into serious matters of dispute. The noncon
formists were probably the more guilty of the two parties, in giving
importance to ceremonies ; but they who punished them were
certainly not wise in enforcing the observance of outward rites,
till obedience was converted into a real scruple of conscience.
By a singular combination of these several causes, it so happened,
that religion appeared to be marshalled against the stability of the
royal government, and that men were led to believe, that they
were engaged in the cause of God, while they were taking
measures which must tend to throw down and destroy the
authority which God had given to the king. As a minister of
the crown. Laud beheld with dismay an Influence which he knew
not how to control, and was alarmed at the growing power of the
parliament ; so that he did his utmost to prevent the necessity of
assembhng any future one, and justified himself in his own mind,
because he fancied that the king had performed the whole of his
duty, In having sufficiently tried the temper of that assembly.
When, therefore, the archbishop found that the parliament, if
assembled, insisted on the redress of abuses before they would
grant any supplies, he exerted himself in raising money by every
means within his reach. As his policy thus became arbitrary, he
found no lack of persons who were ready to advocate and promote
his plans ; and It happened, as it always will happen In such
cases, that he imagined his forward instruments to be following

* When a new list 'of chaplains was
made out for^the court, Laud was directed
to mark them severally with an O or P,

as being orthodox or puritan, (ColUer's
Hist. ii. 733.)
2 E 2

420 LAUD. [a.d. 1646
their own zeal, while they were but observing his, and trying,
from interested motives, to gain his favour by outstripping the
energy of his measures : of course such supporters fled from him,
when the hour of difficulty arrived. In one sense his proceedings
were legal, for he endeavoured in every case to observe the law
so far as to have it on his side ; but he had no scruple in'making
the law bend to his wishes.
§ 584. The charges of treason which were exhibited against
him are too absurd to merit much discussion. He had doubtless
tried to render the government as arbitrary as he could, not to
overthrow the constitution ; he had endeavoured to alter the
church of Scotland ; and these were sufficient reasons why the
people of England might dislike him as a prime minister, but
amounted no more to treason than to any other crime. Of many
of the offences with which he was charged, he was undoubtedly
innocent ; he was free from the very thought of bribery, and
hostile to the pretensions and errors of the church of Rome : but
because he did not wish to exterminate Roman Catholics, he was
called a papist; because he approved of some of the ceremonies
of the Roman ritual, he was esteemed anxious to Introduce her
peculiar tenets into the kingdom. He probably* wished to effect
some sort of compromise with that church ; a step, perhaps, little
to be desired, provided Christian charity prevail between the
members of the two communions, and less to be hoped for, while
she maintains her claims to supremacy and infallibility ; and so
sensible was that court of his friendly intentions f towards peace,
that he was twice offered a cardinal's hat. But if he were guilty
of ten times as much as this, it was no treason. He had made
himself justly obnoxious to the dislike of the true friends of civil
and religious liberty, and he was persecuted even unto death by
men who had learnt to disregard both the one and the other.
He had often, perhaps, perverted the course of justice ; but the
course of justice was never more sadly perverted than when he
was consigned to the block. In his conduct as a man, there was
much of littleness, much of an unchristian temper. In his diary
• Fuller, xi, 217. f Heylin's Laud, 253,

Alii, 5 584,] LAUD. 421
there is a constant reference to dreams and other portents; and
his treatment of Williams and Osbolston*, as well as of many
others, precludes the possibility of supposing that he was not
influenced by personal feelings of revenge. In his defence he
generally argues that the act objected to him was the common
decision of the council, and sometimes justifies himself as having
been guided by the king: this method might secure him against
any legal punishment, but could never furnish him with a fair
excuse, since the influence of such a prime minister must have
been more than adequate to sway the council; and at all events,
to bring forward such a defence takes from him the character of
a hero, with which the circumstances in which he was placed
might naturally invest him. As it was, he did not save his own
life; and had he taken up a higher line of defence, had he justified
his general conduct, on the grounds of those violences which had
since verified the predictions of his own foreboding mind, he
would have maintained a position which sound reasoners might
believe to be untenable, but which every one must have acknow
ledged to have been nobly taken up. After all, however, he was
a great man, in heart and intention sincerely a friend to the
church, and a noble patron of learning. Had he fallen into other
times, his character might have shone as one of the brightest
luminaries of our country; had he pursued a different line of
policy, and endeavoured to soften down the asperities of party
feeling In that reformation of church and state, which was abso
lutely required, he might have been held up as the preserver of
the establishment; whereas he was, perhaps more than any other
individual, the secret cause of its destruction. He was possessed
of enormous power, and, as he feared the popular nature of inno
vations, he threw the full weight of his Influence Into the opposite
scale, and endeavoured to prevent them. He must not perhaps
be regarded as the enemy of real reforms*, but he did not perceive
» See the instructions sent forth by his j lated to reform the bishops themselves.
advice, in 1629, to bishops; and which. They relate to residing within their sees,
though they give particular directions triennial visitations, &c. (Heylin's
about lectures, &c., yet are well calcu- 1 Laud, p. 199.)
* See § 563.

422 ARCHBISHOP usher's EPISCOPACY. [a.d, 1643.
that the spirit of the times might be guided, but could not
be controlled; and that reforms which proceed from those In
authority are almost always safe, and generally beneficial ; so that
he continued to support abuses till the whole fabric of the state
was overwhelmed in their ruin, and he himself burled In their
downfall. Laud was never so great as while labouring under the
oppressions of the parliament ; he bore all their unjustifiable
conduct (and few men have been treated worse) with a quiet
composure, which his genuine religion afforded; and thanked
God for having given him patience to endure that which his
providence had laid upon him.
§ 585. The proceedings which have been already described,
extended only to the destruction of what had previously existed
in church and state. The royal authority was first resisted, and
then thrown down by the power of the sword. The bishops had
been first frightened from sitting in the house of lords, and then,
under the form of law, deprived of their votes. When the war
began, they were declared delinquents for continuing their
fidelity to the king, robbed of their property, and at length extir
pated by the same ordinance (Jan, 1643) which destroyed all
cathedral establishments, A proposal had been made by Arch
bishop Usher*, in 1641, when the first committee on church
affairs was formed, to constitute such a species of goverment as
should embrace the advantages possessed by episcopacy as well
as the presbyterian form. The clergyman, churchwardens, and
sidesmen, were to compose a body for the direction of the parish.
Choreplscopi, or bishops rural, were to be established in every
rural deanery, who should hold monthly assemblies. These were
to be subjected to the power of the diocesan synod, and that to
the provincial or national convocation. This system would have
given the authority of a body to the discipline of the church
administered by them; and the bishop or his delegate would In
each case have been the legitimate president of the several
boards: this plan, however, never took effect.
The desolation which had been caused by the war, was pecu-
* Calamy's Baxter, 149. Collier, ii, 871, &c.

j£vij.i. s oaj. I

ASSEMBLY OP DIVINES AT WESTMINSTER. 423

llarly felt with respect to the appointment of ministers who might
fill the vacant cures ; and as the bishops could not attempt to
supply the deficiency thus created, the parliament were obliged to
frame some sort of church government, which might succeed the
one destroyed by them. They could hardly venture to interfere
with the affairs of the church without the sanction of some sort
of ecclesiastical authority, and they therefore had recourse to a
body, which, from the anomalous nature of its constitution, was
not likely to raise any very decided opposition to such plans of
amendment as they might think fit to adopt. With these views
they called together the general assembly of divines at West
minster*, a collection of men connected with the ministry, who
might form a council for the parliament on such subjects per
taining to the church, as might be proposed to them by the two
houses. They were not a convocation summoned according to
any of the forms or principles which regulate that body. They
resembled not the presbyterian synod, for there was not even the
semblance of their being elected by their brethren ; but consisted
of such persons from the several counties, as the members of the
two houses chose to congregate for their own assistance, in
spiritual and ecclesiastical matters. The clergymen thus con
voked amounted to about one hundred and twenty, and to these
thirty lay members were added, consisting of ten peers, and twice
as many commoners, who possessed an equal share in the debates,
and equal votes with the former. Many of the members, who
were thus called on to join a party at open war with their
sovereign, declined any connexion with their proceedings ; but
the majority, being all nominated by the two houses, lent their
assistance to the cause of rebellion, and the places of those who
did not engage in this affair, were quickly filled up by the super
added members. They met for the first time in Henry Vllth's
chapel, on Sunday, July 1st, 1643.
§ 586, The members of whom this body was composed may
be divided into three heads; the episcopalians, the presbyterians,
• This account of the assembly of di- j taken from Neal's History of the Puri-
vlnes at Westminster is almost wholly I tans, vol, iii.

424 ASSEMBLY OP DIVINES AT WESTMINSTER. [a.D. 1643.
and the independents. The first and last indeed formed but a
very small part of the numerical force of the assembly, and this
small number was soon diminished by the secession of the
episcopalians, who were virtually excluded, by being called on to
take the solemn league and covenant ; for though an alteration
was made in the terms of that document*, for the purpose of
reconciling the friends of a moderate episcopacy, yet it was
obvious that no one who had any regard for the church of Eng
land could long continue to act with men, who were bent upon
destroying her sacred fabric root and branch. The contest,
therefore, lay between the presbyterlans and independents, and
the numerical superiority possessed by the former rendered the
struggle of the other party hopeless from the very first ; a pre
ponderance which the coalition with the Scotch exceedingly
augmented. These two parties agreed in their aversion to the
jurisdiction which the bishops had held over them, but they were
little suited to any real co-operation.
§ 687, The presbyterians maintain that their discipline Is
derived purely from the conduct of the apostles, as exhibited in
the word of God, and challenge a divine authority for their plat
form, with an exclusive dogmatism, which nothing but an express
command of Omnipotence could sanction. According to their
hypothesis, every parish forms a little republic of its own. The
minister and lay-elders constitute a body-politic for its domestic
government; a certain number of these, by a delegated authority,
compose the classical assembly, which in its turn sends members
to the provincial synod. These are under the superintendence of
the national synod, and that in Its turn Is subject to the oecume
nical. The system is well framed for giving considerable energy
to its decrees, and for maintaining a due subordination among the
several bodies, but Is liable to great abuse by the power which is
thrown into the hands of the individual clergyman ; and had this
discipline ever been introduced, without any of those checks which
could restrain its operation, the people of England would soon
have learnt that the episcopal jurisdiction^ which they had
" Neal, iii. 58, f Collier's Church Hist, ii, 866.

A.JL11, S 0»y,J ASSEMBLY OP DIVINES AT WESTMINSTER. 425
reduced, was little to be compared with the tyranny of that which
they had established*.
§ 588. It is less easy to give any distinct account of the
independents, since the name comprehends every species of
Christians who hold the same opinion of the independence of each
separate body of Christians. According to this hypothesis, wher
ever a congregation is assembled. Into which the several members
are admitted, and from which an exclusion may take place, there
will exist a full and independent church, neither connected with,
or dependant on, any other body of Christians. There is perhaps
in the abstract no absurdity in this tenet, but the slightest know
ledge of human nature would show, that nothing but an Imme
diate guidance from heaven, or the perfection of the individual
members, could keep out the grossest heresies from societies thus
constituted : and there are perhaps few errors which may not be
detected among those who have denominated themselves inde
pendents. Liberty of conscience was the standard around which
they rallied ; and when the more sober independents found this
assaulted by the presbyterians, they were forced to summon to
their aid the assistance of every separatist, however strange his
opinions might be. Nor, when supported by this force, would
they have had any probability of success, if the temporal power
which the presbyterians assumed, had not rendered their form of
ecclesiastical government incompatible with the dominion which
Cromwell was endeavouring to establish.
There was another faction, which though not directly advo
cated as a party in the assembly, found very able supporters
among individuals on both sides, and met with the strongest
co-operation from the prepossessions of the mass of those who
were invested with civil authority. The Erastians were so called
from Thomas Erastusf, M,D,, a native of Baden, who became
professor at Heidelberg, They maintained that the clergy should
be possessed of no coercive power, that they might persuade the
vicious, and try to reform the profligate, but that every species of
• See § 591, a, f Fuller, xi, 213,

426

ASSEMBLY OP DIVINES.

[a.D. 1643.

punishment, whether civil or religious, should be vested in the
civil magistrate alone.
§ 589. The first task in which the members of the assembly
were engaged, was tho alteration of the Thirty-nine Articles*;
and they had proceeded as far as the fifteenth, when the political
connexion with Scotland, and the arrival of commissioners from
that country. Imposed the covenant upon the nation ; a step
which created a necessity for much greater changes, and turned
their attention to the new modelling of the whole of the church
government. The most important question*, and one which was agitated
with the greatest warmth, was respecting the nature of congre
gations generally, as forming the essential difference between the
presbyterlans and Independents. In this discussion Lightfoot
and Selden joined with the greatest earnestness, and brought
forward their great learning, to show that the church at Jerusalem
must have consisted of more congregations than one, and that the
appeal from the church of Antioch would never have been made
to that at Jerusalem, had they esteemed themselves an inde
pendent community. It Is almost unnecessary to add, that the
presbyterians carried their point ; and, indeed, it is difficult to
conceive any national establishment founded on independent
principles. The presbyterlans -f" wished that the divine right of
their own form of church government should have been officially
recognlsed, but this absurdity was obviated by a judicious motion
of Whitelook, which recommended it generally, without touching

' The Articles in their altered state
are printed in the Appendix to Neal,
(vol, V. p. Liii.) No. 7, in columns parallel
with the original Articles, The chief
differences are. III, The " descent into
hell" is explained as " being under the
dominion of death," VI. All mention
of tho Apocrypha is omitted. VIII, On
the three Creeds, is wholly omitted,
IX, " Very far gone from original right
eousness," is changed into " wholly
deprived of." XI. The imputation of

Christ's obedience and satisfaetioii to us
is introduced; and that God will not
forgive the impenitent. XIII, " Inspi
ration of his Spirit" is rendered, "rege
neration of his Spirit." " They have
the nature of sin" is rendered, "they are
sinful." N.B. This last change of ex
pression takes place in the ninth. The
several clauses in these Articles are
accompanied with references to the texts
on which they are founded.

* Lightfoot's Genuine Remains, p. xxv.

t Neal's Pur, ui, 236,

S UQ^^.J ASSEMBLY OF DIVINES,

427

on this delicate question. Whatever might have been the decision
of these divines, it was probable that Erastian principles* must
have prevailed, at least in the house of commons ; for, when the
ordinance for suspending ignorant and scandalous persons from
the Lord's Supper was passed, an appeal from the decision of the
elders was allowed to take place -f-, which ultimately fell under
the cognizance of the parliament ; and all members of either
house were, in such places as they resided, ex officio triers of the
competency of the candidates for admission into the offices of the
church. This point was more immediately brought into dis
cussion | by the necessity of ordaining some ministers, in order to
fill up the vacancies which various circumstances had occasioned
in the church. Many of the orthodox divines had been driven
from their cures, and the bishops, who had alone power to ordain
new ministers, were all opposed to the proceedings of the parlia
ment. The house had at first committed to the assembly an
authority for approving of such ministers as were nominated by
the patrons to the several cures, but they soon found that a much
more extensive supply was required ; while their interest plainly
pointed out the wisdom of introducing their own friends into
situations, which were likely to prove so influential on the
opinions of the public. When, therefore, there appeared much
difficulty in settling anything definitely, an ordinance was made,
which conveyed to the assembly, pro tempore, the power of
ordaining. The same ordinance was subsequently continued for
three years, and then made perpetual,
§ 590, The works which this assembly gave to the public
are the more Interesting, because they have been retained as the
authorized guide to those of our countrymen who still adopt the
presbyterian form of church government. They consist of a
Directory for worship and ordination ; of a Confession of Faith ;
and two Catechisms, the larger and the shorter. Besides these,
there is a form of presbyterian church government agreed upon by
the assembly, but never authorized.
The Directory, as its name imports, does not itself contain a
• Ideal's Pur, Ui. 240, f IWiJ- 246—248, + Ibid, 126,

428 WORKS OP THE ASSEMBLY OP DIVINES, [a,D, 1643'
form of prayer, but gives the outline of such a service as every
minister Is left to himself to frame : a method which apparently
offers some advantages, when the person officiating Is possessed of
any very peculiar talent for such compositions, but even then
must always make the congregation depend on his abilities in a
way far beyond what is desirable ; but In the ordinary course of
things, is liable to most serious objections, and must virtually
tend to prevent all public devotion, since either the individual
will relinquish the plan of extempore composition, by constantly
using a form of his own, (and this can hardly be expected to be
so good as one composed by persons selected for the purpose,) or
his varying expressions will be apt to confuse the less enlightened
part of his hearers,'
The points on which the Directory essentially* differs from the
service of the church of England are, that the lessons are read
consecutively from Sunday to Sunday, and the Apocrypha is
entirely omitted. The use of sponsors in baptism, and of the
ring in marriage, Is dispensed with ; in the visitation of the sick
nothing Is said of confession or absolution ; and the burial of the
dead is accompanied with no religious rite. The rules about
ordination are peculiarly indefinite ; and the power vested in the
hands of the presbytery seemed to lie open to the admission of
almost any one, provided he would take the covenant, and could
satisfy his examiners of the evidence of his calling to the ministry,
and of the grace of God which was in him. It is not, indeed,
stated how this last particular is to be ascertained, and there must
always be great danger of hypocrisy, when men become the wit
nesses of their own qualifications on points which admit of no
definite proof.
The chief peculiarity of the doctrinal works is the prominence
with which the tenet of predestination is brought forward. The
confession * of faith of the assembly, however, is not exactly 'the

¦ The word essentially is used since,
under the directions given in the Direc
tory, the church of England service

might be employed, except in these par
ticulars.

* Neal, iii, 320,

Alll, § 590,] PRESBYTERIAN GOVERNMENT.

429

same as the Articles published by the parliament, for only a part
of it was authorzed by them''.
§ 591. The recommendations ofthe assembly* with regard
to church government, are embodied in a tract which has been
mentioned as published among their other works, and which,
though approved of by the church of Scotland, never received any
authority from the parliament. According to this, the officers of
the church consist of pastors, teachers, other governors, and
deacons. There seems no other difference between the two first,
than as they mark out different duties of the same office. They
constitute the only individuals who, in ordinary language, are
called ministers, and are invested not only with the power of
teaching, but combine in their persons a judicial authority, and,
in conjunction with the elders, possess the right of expelling from
the sacrament. It is in this that the chief difference consists
between the episcopalian and presbyterian form of church govern
ment*, with regard to discipline over the laity. The minister of
the church of England may exclude, for the time")", an offending
brother from the sacrament ; but then he is bound (within four
teen days, by the Rubric introduced after the Savoy Conference,)
to inform the bishop, who is to proceed against the offender ; so
that it will be necessary for the clergyman so repelling, to have
good grounds for all he does, and to be able to prove his charge.
W^hereas by the presbyterian authority, the minister, together
with the lay elders. Is the judge of the propriety of such excom
munication, and it remains with the offending party to appeal to

¦i These works are frequently to be
met with in a small 24mo, vol. neatly
printed. The solemn league and cove
nant, as well as the former covenant,
form a part of the same little book. The
Directory is also printed in the appendix
to Neal, No, 8, p, Lxiii.
' In episcopal government the bishop
is judge; in presbyterian, the minister
and elders. If an episcopalian clergyman
quarrel with any of his parishioners, he
cannot excommunicate them without
proving them guilty before a court, over

which he has no control, and which has
a control over him. The presbyterian
may excommunicate propria jure, and
the party excommunicated must appeal,
and the appeal will, in each case, he to a
court of which the clergyman may be a
member, and therefore a judge in his
own cause. The whole question of ex
communication is one of great difficulty.
Some good may arise from it in prevent
ing scandal ; but very little with regard
to the offending party. See Baxter's
own Life, i. 92.

* See § 587,

¦f- Rubric fpr the Lord's Supper,

430 PRESBYTERIAN GOVERNMENT. [a. D. 1643.
the higher tribunal of a superior court, of which the clergyman In
question may happen to be an influential member ; at all events
the person expelled will have to prove the original excommuni
cation to have been wrong, and be subject to the omts probandi.
Thus, whatever might have been the tyranny of bishops, the
people would have gained little by erecting a bishopric in every
parish. The other governors, or lay elders, were to compose a
kind of council for the pastor, and are copied from the Institutions
of the Jewish church. Deacons* were, in strict conformity with
their original appointment, persons selected to take care of the
temporal wants of the indigent, a sort of overseers of the poor''.
§ 592, This form of church government was nowhere esta
blished except In London and Lancashire, and was never invested
with such authority as its friends demanded, since an ultimate
appeal lay to the parliament. This was rendered absolutely
necessary from the power which the church would otherwise
have possessed, and which, had it been allowed to exert all the
civil ^influence of which it was capable, might have proved as
tyrannical to the republic as it did to James I,, while he was
subjected to Its sway In Scotland ,,. is curious to observe the
earnestness with which its advocates attacked this restrictive
check, which the parliament were wise enough never to take off.
The assembly of divines petitioned against it ; the Scotch sent
commissioners and remonstrated ; but the amendments of the
latter were burnt by the hands of the common hangman, and the
assembly were informed that they had incurred a prEemunire, by
discussing subjects which were not proposed to them by the
houses, and were requested to prove, from Scripture, that the
authority which they claimed was a jus divinmn, and clearly
established by the word of God, We have before seen the pro
bable argument In favour of episcopacy f, which. If not perfectly
convincing, Is at all events much stronger than that for the pres-

^ For further particulars concerning
the presbyterian discipline, see § 587,
and a note in Rapin, ii, 297 ; printed
also in Neal, iii, 323 ; or the burden of

Issiichar, printed in the Phoenix, ii, 260.
There is a Compendium of the Laws of
the Church of Scotland, published 1830,
in Edinburgh.

Acts vi.- f See § 460.

Alll, J 592, J PRESBYTERIAN GOVERNMENT. 431
bytery, Inasmuch as the voice of all authentic history concurs in
establishing the fact, that at an early period bishops were a dis
tinct order in the church, a point which the other party can never
establish in favour of presbyterian government without them.
And though these queries " de jure divino*" were answered by
some individual ministers assembled at Sion College, yet they
remained with the assembly without an answer, till the whole
fabric was destroyed by the prevalence of independency.
§ 593. The tendency of the system of the independents was
such, that under it no established religion could exist in the state,
since every teacher, who was not deficient in life and good
morals, might assemble a congregation wherever he pleased ; and
every society, having the means of excluding an offensive member
from its communion, might be deemed a church to all intents and
purposes. Any member of any religious community, who was
ejected from one society, might enrol himself in another ; so that
the coercive discipline of the church was reduced to a mere
nothing. It must be remembered that the church of England
possesses in the bishops' courts a very considerable authority for
the reformation of manners ; that, at the period of which we are
speaking, this was constantly exercised; and that the court of
high-commission, by supporting and aiding the minor courts, and
sometimes by superseding their authority, rendered the eccle
siastical discipline formidable, and in some cases oppressive. In
the presbyterian government the authority was placed In lower
hands, but by no means diminished; and in both cases, civil
punishments were the consequence of neglecting ecclesiastical
censures. The point at issue, then, on the part of the inde
pendents was, whether there should be any coercive discipline at
all ; and It was perhaps natural, that an army, which had con
quered the king, should not quietly surrender themselves to the
rule of their priests. Religion, real or pretended, had contri
buted much to preserve the discipline of the army ; and they
who in the field guided the sword of the flesh, took upon them in
the camp to use that of the Spirit, so that almost all the good
* Neal, iii, 279,

432 GROWTH OP INDEPENDENCY. [a. D, 1643.
officers of the parliament army became, by degrees, great
preachers. The presbyterian form of church government is very
republican, and It was partly from this reason that the republican
party in the state favoured its establishment, though they never
allowed it to possess an authority independent of themselves.
When the army had subdued the king, the republicans wished
them to lay down their arms ; but, in the division of spoil among
robbers, it is difficult to say nay to him who has the power in his
own hands. The presbyterian ministry favoured the form of
government which was best suited to themselves, and which
their party deemed the legitimate authority of the country ; but
the army, with their preachers, were ready to say, in spiritual as
well as temporal concerns, " Who shall be lord over us ?" It is
impossible, as it was before observed, to state the exact nature of
independency*; every separate church may vary, but the prin
ciple of it is to destroy the existence of any priesthood at all.
The presbyterian establishment continued till the Restoration,
though it was shorn of its glory, and the bonds of its union and
strength were broken.
The only place where the independents -f- had the power of
establishing a church government of their own was in Wales ;
but what was there done, was accompanied with so much manifest
dishonesty, that it can be hardly admitted as a specimen of their
principles;]:. § 594. Liberty of conscience was the aim of the indepen
dents, who wished also to subject the ministry to the power
of the state. They may be identified with the army to a certain
degree, as the presbyterlans became the same body with the
republicans ; and the struggle which remained lay between these
two confederate bands. The king, by surrendering himself to
the Scotch, who were combined with the presbyterians, became
indirectly the prisoner of the parliament, till the army got pos
session of him through the violent seizure of his person by Cornet
Joyce: both these parties possessed many individuals who
were anxious to restore tranquillity by re-establishing a limited
• Neal, iv. 172, f Walker's Sufferings of the Clergy, i, 147—169,
X See § 608,

PATE OP TIIE KING, 433

monarchy ; but the violent partisans, who ruled their several pro
ceedings, could hardly hope for safety, if the king were restored,
and must at all events have lost that Influence which they had
acquired. Anxious, therefore, for the destruction of Charles, the
difficulty which remained consisted in the means whereby this
object might be effected. The history of his escape from
Hampton Court is so enveloped in obscurity, that the utmost we
can do Is to conjecture the real cause of it. The leaders of the
army, who had for the time treated him with considerable
civility, now wished for his death, and for a pretext on which
they might found their change of conduct towards him : for this
purpose they alarmed his fears, and facilities for his escape were
afforded to his friends, of which they took advantage ; while the
general vigllancy of their guards made the flight from the king
dom almost impossible. It was thus, perhaps, that he left
Hampton Court without the knowledge of the army, but was
deceived In the hopes of finding a ship ready to convey him away.
It was thus that he fell into the hands of the governor of
Carisbrook castle, and was detained as a prisoner till his removal
for trial. It was necessary for Cromwell that the king should be
removed. It was necessary for the army that they should not
allow the king, by joining with the republican party, to anni
hilate the influence of the soldiery; and they cared perhaps less
for the fate of Charles than for their own interests : had he
escaped, they would have little regarded it, provided he did not
join the parliament and the republicans,
§ 595, The moderate republicans foresaw their danger, and
were anxious to re-establish the king*. The Scotch would have
consented to his restoration, because they perceived the risk they
ran of falling a prey to the English government, whatever It
might be, and they were ready to adopt either loyalty or rebellion,
provided their own interests were promoted. But Charles be-

"" Many of those who had contributed
to this catastrophe now saw the lengths
into which they had been carried, and
exerted themselvss to hinder the event
when it was too late. Forty-seven of
the presbyterian ministers in London

presented a petition to General Fairfax
and his council of war, wherein they
boldly and plainly rSbuked a victorious
army, and pointed out the villany of
their proceedings, (Collier, ii, 859,)
2 F

434

THE DISCUSSION ABOUT EPISCOPACY, [a,D. 1646.

lieved that the episcopal government of the church was the one
which the apostles had established, and he had suffered too much
by taking one false step (the death of Lord Strafford*) ever to
adventure his soul on another act which was in direct violation
of his principles. Had Charles consented to adopt the presbj'-
terian form of church government, the party which was treating
with him might possibly have been strong enough to restore him
to a nominal throne ; at least he had good reason to believe this,
and his resistance on this point obviously led to his death. The
decision of the king on this question was by no means the effect
of obstinacy, but of a thorough conviction, arising from a very
perfect understanding of the argument. He was twice engaged
in the dispute, and it fortunately happens that his papers are
preserved. In the first, Mr. Henderson -f-, who was deemed a learned and
a moderate presbyterian, was sent to satisfy the king's doubts,
while he was prisoner in the Scotch army at Newcastle, (May
29 — July 16th, 1646.) The arguments of the king are nearly
those which are before stated (§ 460) ; the answer of Henderson
appears to be a petitio principii, and an avoiding of the question.
There is not throughout a single argument on the jus divinum of
presbyterian ordination ; (that is, an argument to show that
episcopal ordination Is not as consistent with the word of God as
presbyterian ;) and this was what they virtually maintained in
their sermons when they attacked episcopacy. The argument
really Is this. The point is not settled in Scripture, the expres
sions of which are not contradictory to either hypothesis : the
presbyterian hypothesis is inconsistent with ecclesiastical history:
which hypothesis therefore Is the most probable ? All Henderson
says Is, It Is not settled in Scripture. Tradition is Inadmissible
into theological argument, or the papists must carry the day''.
Episcopacy has obviously done much harm to religion ; therefore

'' This is a position which the member
of the church of England would never
grant. ,, We are ready to meet the Ro-
* Life of Col, Hutchinson, ii, 156.

man Catholics on the ground of tradition,
when the meaning of that term is rightly
settled. t King Charles I. Works, 75—90.

^±11. S OyO.J FATE OP CHARLES. EPISCOPACY,

435

it ought to be cast out : had he been pleading for the reform of
episcopacy, his argument would have been good, "therefore
it ought to be reformed." One query of the king received no
answer*; viz. What warrant is there In the word of God for
subjects to endeavour to force their king's conscience, and to make
him alter laws against his will ?
The discussion at Newport-t" (Sept. 18, 1648) is more fully
drawn up, on the side of episcopacy, inasmuch as his majesty
was here assisted by Usher, Sanderson, Sheldon, and Duppa,
whereas in the other case all was done by himself: the pres
byterian argument Is well stated, but labours under the same
difficulty ; it avoids the real question. That In favour of episco
pacy Is hot perhaps so sound as the king's at Newcastle : they
assert that eplscopacyj may be sufficiently proved from Holy
Scripture ; a position which a presbyterian would indubitably
deny ; and which cannot probably be carried beyond the point
that it is in no wise inconsistent, but rather agrees with, the
account there given of the church officers. Charles does not insist
on the divine right, but puts these three questions §, to which no
answer was made: 1. Did Christ and his apostles appoint any
one form of church government 2 2. If so, may this be changed
by human authority? 3. Was this government episcopal or
presbyterian"?

= The whole question of episcopacy,
as debated by the presbyterians, is fre
quently confused, from not distinguish
ing between the order of bishops and
their jurisdiction. If it be granted that
bishops are a distinct order, it does not
follow that they are to be the sole gover
nors in the church. They are so, per
haps, too much in the church of England,
and the result has been, not that they
now tyrannize over the inferior clergy, as
in the early days of the church of Eng
land, for in the present times the force
of public opinion will sufficiently prevent
this ; but that ecclesiastical discipline
among the clergy has been destroyed by

* Letter, i, 76,
+ Letter, iii, 2, 616.

the counteraction arising from the risk of
their tyrannizing. Bishops in most cases,
where a clergyman is concerned, are by
law the sole judges, (at least their courts
are, and the world does not know that
a bishop's court is not the same thing as
a bishop. ) They are forced therefore to
shrink from the appearance of bemg un
just, and they may more truly perhaps
be accused of not exerting the power
which they possess. In many cases the
expense of doing their duty is so enor
mous, and the difficulty of proving
charges, though notorious,"so great, that
he must be very ignorant of human na
ture, who hastily passes censure on

t King Charles's Worlcs, 612—646,
§ Letter, iii, 9, 620, and 646,
2 P 2

436

PATE OP CHARLES. EPISCOPACY.

[

A.D,

1 648.

The whole of these two discussions is well worthy the attention
of any one who Is anxious to examine into this point, and will
leave on the mind of the reader a strong impression of the good
ness and sense of the king. He seems to have comprehended the

bishops in this particular. If a certain
number of clergymen, chosen indepen
dently of the bishop, were appointed as
his 'assessors and council, much of the
personal responsibility would be taken off,
and the opinion of the public would sup
port ecclesiastical discipline, whereas it
is now frequently arrayed against it on
most false grounds. (See some obser
vations on this head in p. 34, Church
Reform, by a Churchman.) Something
of this sort is directed ui the 31st Canon
with regard to ordinations ; though, per
haps, it has hardly ever been practically
adopted by any bishop. Here, according
to our canon, the power of a bishop is
limited ; for he ought not to ordain with
out the presence of the dean," archdeacon,
and two prebendaries, or at least four
parsons, masters of arts, and allowed
preachers ; nor (35) without the can
didates having been previously examined
in the presence of at least three of them :
a step which would greatly diminish the
odium of rejecting candidates for orders.
The neglect of this canon has not been
to render bishops arbitrary in rejecting
candidates for orders, but to admit im
proper persons into the church. In
many cases the freehold of a clergyman is
implicated in the question of his conduct,
and God forbid that any man's property
in England should be left unguarded ;
but it is surely but fair to the flocks over
whom we are appointed to watch, that if
we neglect our duty, and can be con
victed before a jury of our fellow bene
ficed clergymen, we should be removable
by law, without entailing a vast expense
on the bishop, who only does his duty in
dismissing an offending clergyman. The
presbyterian church obviously possesses
the ad\ antage in point of discipline ; but
there is no reason why these advantages
should not be transplanted into a church.

which shall at the same time retain the
apostolic order of bishops. Archbishop
Usher's (§ 585,) plan would have com
bined many of the advantages of these
two forms of govemment ; and probably
the only hopes which we can reasonably
entertain of ever seeing ecclesiastical
discipline over the clergy effectually re-
estabUshed, (which God of his great
mercy grant,) must arise from adopting
something of this sort. A bishop, who
was disposed to do so, might introduce
much without any change of the laws ;
for the constitution of our parish offices,
rural deaneries, archidiaconal and epis
copal visitations, are all founded upon a
principle which, while it made the bishop
the head and source through which the
jurisdiction of the church was derived
from the throne, presumed that much of
this authority was exercised bythe united
influence of the clergy themselves, who
would thus become the guardians and
judges of the conduct of their brethren,
(Herbert, in his Country Parson, ch, xix,
p, 62, considers visitations as clergy
councils.) The churchwardens and sides
men form a sort of parish councU for the
clergyman ; the dean-rural was formerly
the overseer of his deanery. The visi
tations might answer the purposes of
pecuhar and general assembhes of the
diocese, while the convocation might
form a national synod. All but the last,
might,' to a certain degree, be estabUshed
in his own diocese by any bishop who
chose it.
The kmgdom has for the last two
hundred years been making rapid strides
in every species of improvement, and a
corresponding alteration in the laws on
every subject has taken place: dm-ing
this period, nothing has been remedied
iu the church ; a few acts of parliament
have regulated some of its temporal

A.H1, § 595.] FATE OP CHARLES. EPISCOPACY.

437

question fully, and to have acted upon it honestly, though it cost
him his crown and his life. For when no concessions could be
obtained from him, the party who wished for his death became
sufficiently strong to perpetrate the murder ; and he was brought
to a mock trial, which exhibited his patience, his Christianity,
and the injustice of his oppressors; and his death sealed the
testimony of his uprightness as a man.
§ 696. Charles had the misfortune of being educated in a
political school little likely to enable him to see the line of policy
which It was wise for him to adopt. When the majority of the
influential part of society have made up their minds as to the

concerns, and obviated some evils, but the
clergy have never been allowed officially
to state the disadvantages under which,
as a body poUtic, we labour ; or to sug
gest the methods by which these evils
might probably be cured ; and if the
temper of the mass of churchmen be little
suited to enter on such discussions, as is
sometimes asserted ; if there be greater
risk in discussing the question of [altera
tions, than in continuing the abuses un
der which we labour ; the fault is attri
butable chiefly to those who have long
closed our national assembly, and to the
want of discipline which the circum
stances of our country have created.
The state of the church of England at
present is that of a perfect toleration of
religious opinions, co-existent with an es
tablishment ; a form, under God's pro
vidence, probably the most likely to fos
ter real Christianity ; but the temporal
advantages which the establishment pos
sesses are, perhaps, more than counter
balanced by the total inabiUty of our
church to regulate anything within her
self, and the great want of discipline over
the clergy. (We must except, indeed,
that which public opinion has esta
blished.) In those points which are re
gulated by acts of parliament, the odium
of putting them in force is thrown on
the bishop alone, when frequently there
is no such necessity ; while the absurd
nature of our ecclesiastical laws renders

every species of discipline over the laity
not only nugatory, but, when it is exer
cised, frequently unchristian, ridiculous,
and iu many cases very oppressive. In
all this, the fault is not in the clergy ;
but, alas, we bear the blame, are made
obnoxious to reproach, for faults among
ourselves which there is no power to
punish : and liable to censure on account
of laws, which ought to have been abro
gated long ago, but over which the clergy
have no control. As to ecclesiastical
discipline over the laity, it can hardly
exist where universal dissent is tolerated ;
and it may be a great question, whether,
in the present state of society, its re-
establishment would promote the cause
of vital religion : a, clergyman who does
his duty may reprove in private an erring
brother ; may warn, may admonish him
of his faults ; and it may be doubted
whether any other authority is wisely
intrusted to us; whether the temptation
to overstep our duty, from personal con
siderations, may not more than outweigh
the probable good effect of such power.
As it is at present, excommunication
bears with it such terrible civil penal
ties, that it can hardly be used in a
Christian manner. With regard to dis
cipline among ourselves, there can be no
doubt that it is much wanted ; and may
God grant it us, as it shall seem good to
him !

438

CHARACTER OP CHARLES,

[a, D, 1648,

necessity of any alteration in the government, prudent concession
may disarm Innovation of Its violence, may counteract its 111
effects, and may guide the stream of opinion, though nothing can
arrest it. The same stream may thus produce fertility as it
passes, which, if left to the direction of the thoughtless and
wicked, who form a large portion of every society, would have
produced all the evils which the most fearful could anticipate.
The people of England had come to the decision, that they had
the right of taxing themselves, and of being governed by law**-
The friends of the court dreaded to admit the first, and were
unable to concede the latter, unless the first were previously
granted ; and Charles, having learnt from his father that the only
source of legitimate power lay in the crown, regarded all opposi
tion as a species of rebellion, and tried to govern without parlia
ments, A general combination was formed against the court ;
the court was composed of many unwise, of many dishonest
individuals, and when it came to act against the people, it was
inadequate to the task. A churchman at the head of the ministry
tried to excite the church in defence of the supposed rights of the
crown, but he had previously divided that body by his endeavours
to promote his own theological party; and while the more
dignified part of the establishment generally sided with the king,
there was a strong party who were willing and eager to humble
the superior members of their own order, whom they regarded as
their oppressors, and to destroy the higher offices in the church,
and those preferments from the attainment of which they found
themselves excluded on account of religious opinions, which the
governing ascendency deemed unorthodox.
§ 697. When the first parliament of 1640 was assembled,
good men had reasonably formed great hopes from its moderation
and prudence, and its dissolution was accompanied with the
universal sorrow of the well-affected ; the friends of the govern-
' This is in fact the substance of the
petition of rights. (Rapin, ii, 270.) ' Itis
there declared, That the right of impos
ing taxes belongs to the parliament; that
this had been infringed ; and that vio
lence had been offered to the subject by

imprisonments, the quartering of sol
diers on divers counties, and issuing
commissions of martial law. This was
presented in 1628, and a very genera]
answer returned to it.

AlH. § &y7.J CHARACTER OP CHARLES. 439
ment saw no other hope than in assembling another, and no one
could expect that such a step could be free from great danger.
The violence of the long parliament soon drew from the affrighted
court what might easily have satisfied its predecessor ; but the
ease with which concessions were made, and the warmth of those
who demanded them, convinced all who were thus implicated,
that they could not trust to concessions so made, or secure their
own personal safety, except by throwing down and trampling on
the crown ; and the want of confidence in the court which the
country entertained, enabled them to do so. When subjects
begin to force a government, to yield is dangerous, to resist often
impossible, and that which, if granted with a good grace, might
have conciliated a large portion of the kingdom, became so
inadequate to satisfy those who had obtained it, that the very
concession could on their part be guarded only by further demands.
The sole ground on which the conduct of the parliament can be
justified, is, that they could not trust the promise and concessions
of the king ; and if this could be established, they had no alter
native but to submit their necks to the hazard of the block, or to
take the militia into their own hands. It was so much their
interest that a general opinion of the insincerity of Charles
should prevail, that the fact of its prevailing does not at all prove
Its truth ; yet there is some strong evidence against the king.
He* calls the advice for peace, given him by the two houses
assembled in Oxford, "the base and mutinous motions" of his
" mongrel parliament ;" an expression which, coupled with many
others In his letters to the queen on the treaty at Uxbridge,
makes it very questionable how he might have acted, had he
gained the superiority in the war. Yet, after all, these may be
petulant terms, elicited by anger, or by tenderness to the pre
judices of his wife, or he might have seen more deeply into the
undoubted insincerity of the parliament ; but it can hardly be
imagined that he would intentionally have violated those bills, to
which his assent was affixed ; and at all events the security of
the people was better guarded by their power of refusing illegal
" Works of King Charies I,, 150, No, 29. Rapin, ii, 512,

440

CHARACTER OF CHARLES,

[a,d, 1649,

supplies, than his safety could have been secured, had the militia
been in the hands of the parliament. The real danger seems to
have consisted in the weakness of mind rather than in the dis
honesty of Charles, for no one could trust that a determination
once formed might not be immediately changed. He had listened
to the proposals of Strafford*, when that minister advised him to
establish a perfect tyranny, and had continued to trust him as his
adviser ; he had surrendered up the same man to the violence of
his enemies, when he ought to have defended him ; and can we
wonder that the world should be induced to believe that Charles
was not worthy to be trusted ? It was probably this same want
of firmness and self-confidence, which rendered the issue of the
war so disastrous; which first ruined the discipline of his officers,
and then exposed his army to defeat. His failings led to a
catastrophe which might probably have been avoided, had he
been a worse man, at least the evil day might longer have been
delayed. His virtues were tried and exhibited by the difficulties
and misfortunes to which he was subjected, and have gained him
the appellation of a martyrs^. Had he lived when the constitution
was more fully established, he would probably have proved a
constitutional and good king; had he lived when the country
was less prepared to assume its share in the government of itself,
he might have been found a better king than his father ; as it
was, his weakness lost him his crown and life, while his firmness
prevented the church of ' England from being swallowed up by
fanaticism, or changed to a presbyterian form ; a fate which

" It is perhaps unfortunate that this
appeUatiou should ever have been affixed
by authority. He was in one sense a
martyr to the defence of the church of
England, and in his death exhibited
strong proofs of his sincere Christianity,
Nor is it less to be lamented that the
observance of the fifth of November, the
thirtieth of January, and the twenty-
ninth of May, has not been legally dis
continued, since it can only have the
effect of protracting animosities and con-

tmuing party feelmg, which it should be
the office of a wise government to de
stroy as much as possible. The services
might be changed by the crown, they
are not sanctioned by any act of parlia
ment. It is curious that Sancroft, who
drew up the office for the thirtieth of
January, uses, in a letter to his father
written at the time, expressions more
strong than any which he has introduced
into the services. (Life, i. 43.)

Lu'llow's Mem. iii. 322, or third edit. 26?.

XIII. § 697.] SUFFERINGS OP THE CLERGY. 441
would probably have attended her, had he coalesced with either
the army or the republicans.
In this great struggle, when the virtues, vices, and energies of
every man were put to the severest test, there are few whose
history will bear more near inspection than that of this virtuous
man. There were others who were wiser, better, and greater,
but his faults were the errors of a judgment which did not suffi
ciently rely on itself, and followed the prejudices in M'hich he had
been brought up, or which were Instilled into him by others ; his
virtues were his own, and the fruit of his sincere religion. There
is perhaps no greater proof of the honesty of his intentions, than
the fact* that the best vindication of him which his friends could
publish after the Restoration, consisted in an authentic copy of his
letters, speeches, and public acts.
§ 598. Something has been already said with regard to the
sufferings of the clergy, who were on both sides exposed to great
cruelty. Those evils which the friends of the parliament endured,
were generally the rude Insults of unauthorized violence. The
language of the royal party -f- had applied the name of puritan to
those who would not conform in church matters, and the rabble,
taking up the term, comprehended under it all who were disposed
to greater strictness in life or preaching, and who thus became
the objects of popular odium, when the fury of the war let loose
the multitude against every one who had anything to lose. This
circumstance drove many persons to join the parliament, who
had otherwise no inclination to take any part In the war. The
sufferings of the royalists arose from illegal acts of tyranny,
carried on under the semblance of justice. In which the evil
passions of individuals were allowed to embitter penalties in
themselves sufficiently grievous. It must be granted that the
parliament, when they had recourse to arms, could not In pru
dence allow the loyalist clergy to retain their situations as
teachers, but the means which they took to dispossess them were
very unwarrantable. They who sat as judges j were often the
promoters of the charges which they were to investigate, were
" Works of Charles I. f Calamy's Baxter, 48, &c,
X Walker's Sufferings, 80, 90—94,

442

SUFFERINGS OP THE CLERGY,

[a, D. 1649.

frequently incompetent to such offices, and justly suspected of
receiving money from the prisoners who were brought before
them, as well as from those who succeeded to the vacant bene
fices. The accusations* which were made against the clergy
were, besides offences of a moral nature, generally the observance
of ceremonies, and malignancy; and it Is wonderful that In such
a scrutiny no more instances of vicious lives and conversations
are recorded". In the cases adduced by Walker, some of the
clergy are charged with very ridiculous crimes ; ¦ with deserting
their cures, for instance, when the parliament had driven them
away. One Is blamed -f- for singing a most malignant psalm,
another for reading^ a most malignant chapter ; for walking in
his garden on a Sunday; because his dog caught a hare on a
Sunday. But when the ordinance for taking the covenant was
passed, (Feb. 22, 1644,) and the use of the Directory enjoined,
(Jan. 3, 1645,) these two handles of ejection § superseded the
necessity of any other, and the task of sequestration became plain.
The class of witnesses who were admitted, consisting of offended
parishioners or informers encouraged by the committee ; the
fact, that at first these witnesses were not examined on oath,
that they were not confronted with the accused for fear of dis
couraging them, that they were often received without any
scrutiny |1 — all mark a dishonesty of intention on the part of the
parliament, which the necessity of the case may account for, but
can by no means excuse. The parliament pretended to advocate
the cause of the subject, and they were guilty of gross and unne
cessary acts of oppression. What could be more arbitrary than
to compel men who had long used and admired the Common
Prayer Book, to desist from its use? to force men to take the
covenant, who had been bred up in episcopacy, and believed in
the sacred nature of its Institution ? In July, 164611, when there
was some appearance that the parliament and the army would

" White, chairman of the committee,
published " A Century of Scandalous
Ministers," or the account of the hundred

worst cases which he could select.
have never seen it.

* Walker's Sufferings, 97—103. f Ibid. 83, + Ibid. 93;
§ Ibid, 106, II Neal's Puritans, iii. 108, "U Walker, 145,

XIII, § 598,] CAMBRIDGE. 443
quarrel, the ejected clergy presented an Ineffectual petition to the
king and Sir Thomas Fairfax, stating, " that they have been put
out of their freeholds by the arbitrary power of committees,
whose proceedings have usually been by no rule of any known
law, but by their own wills ; of whose orders no record is kept,
nor scarce any notes or memorials whereby it may appear when,
by whom, or for what, your petitioners are removed ;" and then
recapitulating some of the before-mentioned hardships.
The provision which was made for the families of those who
were ejected, was, after some delay, settled at a fifth of their
preferment ; but this was assigned with many restrictions, and
frequently obtained with much difficulty * ; nor does it appear to
have been ever extended to the members of cathedral churches.
The want of any abstract of the proceedings of these committees
has rendered the task of estimating the numbers of those who
were ejected exceedingly difficult ; but the attempt has been
made by Gauden, who states it as his opinion that between si.x
and seven thousand clergymen were ejected. Walker's -f- calcula
tion goes higher, but these computations are probably much
beyond the trutli^.
§ 599. The accounts respecting the universities]: are much
more ample. In 1 642 Lord Holland obtained an order from the
house of lords, which was backed by one from the earl of Essex,
that the property of the university of Cambridge should be
respected : the place, however, had been already ransacked ; and
subsequently, in consequence of the loyalty exhibited by many of
the members, who sent assistance in money and plate to the king,
Oliver Cromwell came down there, and the town was converted
into a garrison for the seven associated counties ; a step which
exposed the academicians to every species of minor oppression,
an annoyance which was not at all discouraged by those in
authority.

^ The ground of this probability is,
that Gauden's calculation is founded on
his assertion, that "one-half the clergy
were sequestered," No very certain
datum ; and the index in Walker con

tains only 1337 names, and some of these
occur twice. The number 8000 is de
rived from White, the author of the
Century.

Walker's Sufferings, 100. f Ibid, 199, + Ibid, 108.

444 CAMBRIDGE. OXFORD. [a. D. 1649.
In January, 1643, the regulation of the university was com
mitted to the earl of Manchester, and ample powers were put
into his hands. He commenced his operations by ejecting all
who were absent, and who did not appear within twelve days, (a
period of time too short even to summon many of them,) and
proceeded to get rid of all whom he disliked, by proposing to
them the covenant for their acceptance. It is supposed that
between five and six hundred were, during the rebellion, ejected
from this university alone. In filling the vacant places, statutes
and oaths were disregarded, and in some cases fellowships were
left altogether void, while all who were admitted to any situation
were examined by the assembly. The favour which was after
wards shown to Cambridge was granted for the purpose of esta
blishing a rebellious university, since the parliament had early
discovered that the university, as It was, would never rebel,
§ 600, (a, d. 1647.) Oxford, during the continuance of the
war, had furnished the court with a safe and comfortable retreat;
it had been fortified In 1644, and surrendered not till the governor
had received an order to that effect from the king, who was then
a prisoner with the Scotch, The members of the university and
citizens had borne arms in the royal cause, and the terms which
were obtained were at least honourable to her defenders ; but the
day of visitation at length arrived.
Ill order to pave the way for the commissioners*, seven
divines, Mdio were friendly to the new order of things, were sent
down, and were most regular in preaching at St, Mary's, while the
sober part of the university retired to St, Mary Magdalen church.
They opened also a place for theological disputation, which was
nick-named " the scruple shop," and there met with much dis
turbance from one Erbury, an independent, ¦who silenced the
presbyterian divines, by asking them, " by what authority they
taught?" for they dared not confess their episcopal ordination,
and had no other to adduce. When the commissioners of visita
tion were appointed, (May 1,) the university put forth reasons
why they could not assent to the covenant and its appendages, a
tract which was chiefly drawn up by Sanderson and Zouch, and
• Walker, 122,

XIII, § 600.] OXFORD. 445
printed in the appendix to the small edition of Walton's Life
of Sanderson^, It Is a bold and unanswerable pamphlet, and
distinctly tells the parliament, in respectful terms, that they
were " usurpers and tyrants," and that " the members of the
university neither could nor would obey them," The reception
with which the commissioners met, corresponded with this begin
ning. They found their authority despised and themselves ridi
culed, and could do nothing till the arrival (Sept. 27) of a new
commission in the king's name. Fell, dean of Christ Church,
who was then vice-chancellor, and the other heads, when they
appeared before the commissioners, demanded their authority;
and when the commission was shown, they questioned its authen
ticity. The most obnoxious opponents, however, were by degrees
sent prisoners to London ; but the commissioners did not find
themselves able to effect their purpose, till they were supported
by a guard of soldiers ; and even then Mrs. Fell would not quit
the deanery at Christ Church, but sat still In her chair till she
was lifted bodily into the quadrangle. The orders which were
inserted by the commissioners in the buttery-book at Christ
Church, were next morning found to have been erased by the
students, and every step which they made was gained merely by
force. They expelled from the university five hundred and forty-
eight inferior members * who rejected their authority, and were
only driven out by the Interference of a file of soldiers. Most of
these suffered great misery, and continued faithful In their loyalty;
and from their numbers, and the influence which educated men
cannot fail to possess, may probably have greatly assisted in
advancing the Restoration.
Many of those who filled up the vacancies thus created were
brought from Cambridge, where they had resided since the regu
lation In 1643 ; but the best places fell to the lot of the visitors.
The university, when new modelled, became bounteous of her
honours, conferring degrees on the chief Instruments of the rebel
lion, and subsequently electing Oliver Cromwell as their chaii-
" There is a full abstract of it in Collier, ii. 849 ; it is printed at length in the
8vo, edition of Walton's Lives, Oxford, 1824, at the end,
• Walker, 138,

446 OXFORD. [a.d. 1649.
cellor. It might have been expected, that the persons* now
introduced into the two universities would have corrupted the
soil so effectually, as to have prevented the growth of any goodly
plants for a long season ; but the Restoration found them as full
of sound learning and piety as of obedience and duty; a fact
which leads us to conclude, that the description of the persons
then introduced, as given by Lord Clarendon, must be much
overcharged. Nor must it In fairness be forgotten, that the
names f of Ward and of Wallis were then added to our university,
that the Royal Society sprung from her misfortunes, and that
oriental literature:}: never flourished more than during the usurpa
tion. It is by examining circumstances such as these, that we
discover the real importance of sound learning, and of establish
ments for religious education; for be it ever remembered, that the
royal cause found nowhere more determined and active friends
than in Christ Church; and that South §, when as monitor he
read the Latin prayers in Westminster school, on the day of the
execution of Charles I., prayed publicly for his murdered sove
reign. * Clarendon, iu, 74, f Neal's Puritans, iii. 396. + See § 616,
§ Life, by Curi, 3.

447

CHAPTER XIV.
THE USURPATION, 1649—1660.
601. Outline of the history ; the whole power was in the hands of the army. 602,
Cromwell's success in Ireland; in Scotland; treatment of Charles II, in
Scotland; advance into England, and battle of Worcester, 603, Cromwell
makes the people dissatisfied with the parliament, in order that they may fall
into his hands, 604, Government of CromweU, 605, Character of Crom
weU. 606, Presbyterians. 607. Independents. 608. Propagation of the
Gospel in Wales, 609, Church government; Triers. 610. Treatment of
the church of England ; Cromwell's declaration ; toleration ; Roman Catholics ;
Jews. 611. State of religion; Baxter at Kidderminster. 612. Discipline;
associations. 613. Observations on these. 614. Independents ; presbyterians.
615. State of religion; episcopalians. 616. Treatment of them, and their
general conduct ; Uterature. 017. Sects. 618. Quakers. 619. Anabaptists;
antinomians ; familists ; fifth-monarchy men. 620. Laws about morality.
621. Heresy. 622. Marriage. 623. Succession of bishops. 624. Causes of
the Restoration,
§ 601, (January 31, 1649,) The history of England during the
usurpation, is more or less the general history of a country which
has thrown down legitimate authority instead of reforming it ;
and corresponds with every reformation which has been carried
on by the people alone. It is a struggle for political power on
the part of those who have been oppressed, who misuse their
authority when they have acquired it, and drive the nation to
wish again for the government which they had previously cast
out. The necessity of reformation will be first visible to those
who suffer most by existing abuses, and the desire of it, therefore,
naust spring from the people ; but it can hardly produce good,
unless it be managed by the upper orders, by men who are so
situated as to perceive the advantage of institutions, which, how
ever useful In themselves, have become from mismanagement
liable to serious objections. The charges raised against such
establishments are often so peculiarly apparent to those who are
most injured by them, and so exaggerated in their eyes, that they
cannot estimate the benefits which might be derived from their

448 OUTLINE OP THE HISTORY. [a. D, 1649,
proper use. The desire of correcting real evils had, in the begin
ning of the struggle, not only combined a large portion of the
most valuable Individuals In the nation, but had concentrated the
good wishes of the majority of those who took no outward share
in the contest. The necessity of any war, and its commencement,
may perhaps be attributed to the unwillingness of the court to
reform abuses, till It was too late ; but when the parliament took
up arms, many honest friends of liberty conscientiously joined the
king. The strength of the nation, however, still sided with their
representatives, and the heroic devotion and gallantry of some of
the royalists was overpowered as much by the errors and selfish
ness of their friends, as by the energies of their adversaries. When
the monarchy was subdued, the presbyterlans and moderate party
wished to re-establish it upon certain conditions ; but the interests
of those who had learnt their own Influence, and who hoped to
raise themselves in the general ruin, prevented the adoption of
any moderation. The army had conquered the king, and the
republic was in the hands of the army, that is, of those who knew
how to govern and direct it. The views of these persons were
naturally turned towards such policy as was .likely to render
themselves powerful, and a state of confusion was that which they
must have desired,
§ 602. Cromwell knew that some successful general must
be the governor of England, and he put himself at the head of the
Irish army, where his success surpassed all that he could have
himself expected. The campaign was that of an experienced
general at the head of a veteran army, opposed by men who were
unskilled in war, and devoid of resources for carrying it on. His
progress was marked with extreme cruelty towards the natives,
and was so rapid, that the whole country was virtually reduced,
when the affairs In Scotland, during the next year, demanded the
presence of the general. When Fairfax refused to take the com
mand against the presbyterians and Scotch, he placed Cromwell
at the head of the military force of the republic, and the victory
at Dunbar made him formidable to friends and foes. Charles II.
had consented to try his fortunes In Scotland, and to trust him
self to the presbyterians, who would not receive him till he had

XIV. § 602.} OUTLLN'E OF THE HISTOHY, 449
taken the covenant, and publicly acknowledged the sin of his
father in marrying Into an idolatrous family, and In shedding the
blood which had already flowed during the war, (a,d, 1650.)
As if the forced profession of what he did not believe, and a
public act which made him dishonour his parents, were likely to
render him a good king, or friendly to a body which had tyranni
cally iinposed these conditions upon him ! but so it was, and so
does selfishness ever defeat its own ends. Had the Scotch, at
Dunbar, avoided an engagement with Cromwell, that general
might probably have been obliged to retire with disgrace ; but,
Incited by their ministers, the Scotch gave up the advantages
which they possessed, and were totally defeated. (Sept. 3.) Upon
this, Charles retired to the north, leaving Cromwell master of
Edinburgh and the south, and was crowned at Scone on Jan. ] ,
1651, finding himself treated more like a king after this reverse
of fortune which oppressed his nominal friends.
In the spring, the royal army took up its position at Stirling,
and when Cromwell had thrown himself into their rear, they
marched as rapidly as they could Into England, where they were
ultimately defeated at Worcester, (Sept, 8.) The king Indeed
himself escaped, but the royal party was entirely broken,
§ 603, Cromwell was now In reality the governor of Eng
land; but before he could put himself forward as invested with
this authority. It was necessary to make the army and the country
dissatisfied with the long parliament. This was far from a diffi
cult task ; for their own selfish conduct had already rendered the
act of their dissolution acceptable to most parties, and the neces
sity of increasing the navy during the war with Holland, (1652,)
alarmed the army with the prospect of being disbanded. Had
Cromwell called a free parliament, It Is impossible to decide what
might have been the result ; but nothing could be further from
his Intentions : he appointed a parliament of his own nomination,
whose foolish proceedings* made every one more contented when

" CromweU probably called the Bare-
bone parliament for this very purpose.
Nothing but the necessity of the case
could satisfy the nation with his ap

pointment ; but when they saw that this
parliament w.is obviously unequal to the
task of governing, and the choice seemed
to lie. between anarchy or a protector,
2 G

450

GOVERN MF,^T OP CROMWELL.

[a.D. 1653.

the mask -was ultimately thrown off, and he was Installed (Dec.
16, 1653,) as Protector of En-lan.l, Scotland, and Ireland. His
successive mock-parliaments, and his finally relinquishing the
hops of being king, which he had long fondly cherished, mark
the spirit of liberty which still prevailed in the country, and prove
the opposition which was raised against his authority, and the
talent with which he conducted the government. His vigilance
and activity rendered him safe from every danger but that of
assassination, and of this he was much afraid^.
§ 604. The secret of his government was that he balanced
parties against each other, without offending any of them more
than he could help ; and that he chose men who were suited to
the situations In which he placed them, and ready to co-operate
in his plans. His object was that his government should be as
strong as possible, and therefore It was his interest that It should
be well conducted ; but while* abilities advanced few under
him, he selected those who would never question his commands,
and zealously promote his welfare ; and his own welfare was
closely connected with the well-being of the country. Under such
a man, this plan was productive of much good to the kingdom in
general. He noticed all persons who were eminent -[• in any
way, and attached them to himself by appropriate encouragement;
but in his aiipointments his object was to select the man for the

reasonable men might prefer the latter.
In the .Barebone parliament it was put
to the vote whether parish ministers
should be put down ; and though the
motion was thrown out, many persons
might be alarmed at the danger in which
the establishment was placed, (Baxter's
Life, i. 70.) This w>as exactly what
CromweU desired, that he might appear
to come forward to save the nation from
this dilemma,
^ The nominal constitution which was
established by the instrument of govern
ment was as foUows: A parliament shall
be called [every three years by the pro
tector ; the first, Sept, 3, 1654, No
parliament to be dissolved till it has been
* Perfect Politician, 280,

sitting five months. Such bills as are
offered to the protector by the parlia
ment, if not confirmed by him in twenty
days, to be laws without him. His
council shall not exceed twenty-one, nor
be less than thirteen. Immediately
after the death of Cromwell the council
shall choose another protector before
they rise. No protector after the pre
sent shall be general of an array. The
protector shall have power to make war
and peace. The protector and his coun-
cil_may make laws which shall be bind
ing on the subject during the intervals
of parliament, (Eapin, ii, 591; White-
lock, 571.)

t Nenl, iv. 184,

XIV, § 6J4.J GDVIRNMENT OF CROMWELL, 451
situation, and he was fortunately unfettered by those parliamentary
interferences which must prevent most ministers from following
his example. Justice between man and man was fairly adminis
tered, which was far from being the case previously, and England
was never more respected by foreign nations, Cromwell gloried
In being the protector of Protestants, and is reported, by Bishop
Burnet*, to have formed a plan of establishing a sort of Protestant
" propaganda" society, at Chelsea, which was never carried Into
execution. When the Vaudoist were driven from their valleys
bythe court of Turin, (a.d, 1666,) the remonstrances of England
to Cardinal Mazarine and the duke of Savoy procured for them
more lenient treatment ; while a subscription was raised which
amounted, in this country, to 37,000/.: so again, when in a
tumult at NIsmes it appeared that the Protestants J had been
ill used, his interference was so prompt and decisive, that Car
dinal Mazarine had just reason to complain, though he dared not
refuse to comply with it.
§ 605, The character of the protector, as drawn by Baxter §,
is perhaps as fair as any which can be found : and it must be
remembered, that Baxter was far from being his friend. He
describes him as beginning his political life from religious motives,
and collecting around him a band of men who were actuated by
the same principles : when, however, they had shown the power
of these qualities in gaining a superiority over others, they were
themselves overcome by their own ambition. There was much
personal danger to those who had opposed the king in arms, in
case he should ever recover his authority ; and they gradually
persuaded themselves, that they were seeking the good of the
kingdom, as well as their own. In his execution ; deeming them
selves, according to their own false notions, called upon to use a
power which God had put into their hands. In order to accom
plish this end, it was necessary to destroy the influence of the
Scotch and the presbyterian party, who favoured a limited
monarchy: and to form a coalition with those who were fit
instruments for carrying these plans into execution. In all these
" Own Time, i, 132, -j- Neal's Puritans, iv, 129,
+ Ibid, iv, 146, § Life, i, 98,
2 G 2

452 CHARACTER OF CROMWELL. [a,D. 1653
steps, Cromwell became entangled with difficulties, and having
recourse to dissimulation and art, his success rendered him selfish,
and swallowed up all the virtues with which he began his
career. There is, however, one feature in the character of this
usurper, which must be a palliation to the worst of his faults, even
to his hypocrisy. If indeed anything can palliate this vice; I mean
his unwillingness to shed blood. Surrounded as he was by.
attempts against his life and government, he kept the royalists In
check, without destroying them ; and though politically a vehe
ment persecutor of the church of England, it is probable that his
antipathy arose rather from the active zeal of churchmen in the
cause of their banished monarch, than from any other reason.
They were always plotting against him, yet he sacrificed but few
of them ;¦ and counterplotting by means of spies for the safety of
himself, he contrived to save them also by the same expedient*.
The instances which would be adduced to controvert these posi
tions, would be the decimation, and the declaration forbidding
any clergyman to teach or officiate ; but surely, after the repeated
instances which the royalists had given that they could not be
trusted, it was not a hard measure to make those who had borne
arms on the side of the king, pay one-tenth of their incomes, to
secure the authority which they wished to destroy. For the
other measure less can be pleaded, and indeed nothing but neces
sity can at all justify It ; but it was never acted upon generally,
or enforced with any degree of rigour.
Cromwell looked upon churchmen* as his mortal enemies,
and treated them accordingly : and he had quite sense enough to
perceive, that if he suffered them to officiate publicly, or to teach
and keep school, they would disseminate their loyal principles.
The circumstances which preceded these acts were the dissolu
tion of the parliament, which had shown such decided dislike to
the protector, the rising of Penruddock in the west, and the dis
covery of other plots against the government. He now, there-
» See a curious account of his good fortune in procuring spies, (Clarendon's
Life, ii. 14, fol., 25, 8vo.)
* Walker's SiifT. 0, i. 194, Clarendon, iii. 624.

XIV, § 605,] CHARACTER OP CROMWELL, '453
fore, wanted to intimidate the royalists as a body, and to show
them that every attempt to disturb the tranquillity of his
government would be visited on their own heads.
This character of Cromwell may to some persons appear to be
too favourable ; but where shall we find a usurper, who so much
promoted the good of his country? where shall we discover one,
whose ambition was stained with so little bloodshed ?
§ 606, The church of England during this period had ceased
to exist as a church; many of its individual members still continued
their ministerial functions, but the mass of benefices were filled
with men, who, holding presbyterian opinions, had been obtruded
on the livings by the election and appointment of the Inhabitants,
or by the Interest of those who co-operated with the existing
government. The assembly of divines at Westminster * had
endeavoured to establish by law the jus divinum of the presby
tery, but In this they were foiled ; nor does this form of church
government"!" appear to have been permanently established, ex
cept in London and Lancashire, and even there to have been
subjected to the civil power, (1648,) As a body, the presby
terians were generally favourable to a limited monarchy, and
before the king was murdered, they presented petitions to
Fairfax j and the army, urging them to prevent this fatal act ;
but having thrown down the law, which had been made for the
defence of the whole people, the republicans found that they
had forged their own chains, and were now unable to throw
them off.
The original idea of the parliament § seems to have been to
establish a presbyterian church with toleration, and to commute
tithes ; but the opposition which the presbyterians made to the
proceedings of the government Inclined the supporters of it to more
Erastian measures ; and rendered them almost as adverse to the
presbytery, as to the episcopacy of the church of England, The
presbyterlans refused to pray for the government, and the govern
ment in their turn Imposed the Engagement, (Oct, 11, 1649,)

• Walker's Sufi'erings, i, 32, f Ibid, i. 39, + CoUier, 859, ii, § 595 a,
8 Ibid, ii, 861,

454 PRESBYTERIANS, [a, D. 1653,
which fell with nearly equal weight, on all who were friends to
monarchy. Persons holding any situation in either church or
state were obliged to subscribe an engagement*, that "they
would be true and faithful to the commonwealth as it Is now
established, without king or house of lords :" and many of those
who in the covenant had promised to defend the king's person,
were now ejected for refusing what Walker"|- calls " the Inde
pendents' covenant," The presbyterlans had joined in throwing
down the church, partly, according to their frequent complaints,
because the clergy were too much connected with civil concerns ;
but wherever they had obtained any Influence, It was evident
that their object was to take away temporal power from the
bishops, which they had no objection to see retained by the
presbytery. Upon this plea they had excited the Scotch to join
In the rebellion. They had accompanied and governed the
armies, had preached and practised treason, while they vilified
the old establishment ; and now the same arts were turned against
themselves ; for when It became the object of those in authority
to frame a new government, as M^ell as to throw down the old
one, they found it necessary to lessen the Influence of the presby
terian preachers,
§ 607. The standard of religious liberty was raised in oppo
sition to the presbytery, a liberty and toleration which extended
to every form of worship except those of the Roman Catholics
and the church of England ; the one, because they called it
idolatrous ; the other, because they dared not expose the minds
of the people to the operation of such an engine In favour of the
royal family as this must have proved, had its use been per
mitted. The arrival of the king in Scotland created much less commo
tion in England than might have been expected ; for when he
proceeded towards this country, it was obviously as a last
resource, and not at the head of a victorious army, and few
people wish to join a desperate cause : but there were some pres
byterians in London who were tried for having communicated
• Baxter's Life, i. 04, NelF.on\s Bnl), 13, + Suff, i, 146,

XIV, § 607.]

INDEPENDENTS.

455

with his friends, and the government, wishing to intimidate tho
party, suffered Mr. Love*, an active minister, to be executed.
(Aug. 22, 1651.) It Is curious to remark the effect of this
event ; men who were not shocked "|" when many of the prisoners
taken at Worcester were sent as slaves to the West India
Islands, deemed the commonwealth destroyed when Mr, Love
was beheaded ; so little able are even sensible men to form a
correct judgment in moments of excitement. The presbyterians
may from this period be said to have had no political existence
as a church ; they were favoured more than any other body, and
were at once numerous and powerful, but they had no final power
of excluding from the sacrament, or of punishing offenders. The
billj: which did away with all penal statutes against dissenters,
virtually destroyed church discipline over the laity, and the pres
byterians would have been contented with nothing less than a
coercive power over their lay brethren^. The same step took
place in Scotland § by the mere authority of the general; for
Monk dissolved the presbytery of Aberdeen by military force,
when they were about to proceed to pass sentence on the laird of
Drum, and he would allow of the imposition of no oaths or cove
nants besides those which were enjoined at Westminster.
§ 608. In Wales || a method of proceeding was adopted very
different from what took place in England. Many of the livings
were sequestered by a bill (Feb, 22, 1649) for the propagation of
the gospel in Wales, and their revenues placed at the disposal of
certain commissioners, by whom itinerant ministers were sent
over the face of the country; men generally inadequate to the
task, and probably often possessed of livings IT as well as the
stipend of 100^, per annum, which was allotted to them for
their missionary labours. There seems to have been a good deal
of dishonesty on all sides, and some of the commissioners are

' The fifth and sixth provincial as
sembly held in Sion College in May and
November, 1649, asserted tlie jus di

vinum of the presbytery, and their inde
pendence of the civil magistrate. (Neal,
iv. 13.)

* Nctil, iv, 39, + Calamy's Abr, 65, 66, Baxter's Own Life, i, 67.
+ Neal, iv, 26, § Collier, 866, ii, || Walker's Suff, i, 149, &c.
¦f Ibid, i, 159,

456

PROPAG.VTION OF THE GOSPEL IN WALES, [a, D, 1654,

asserted to have amassed considerable property*. The delegated
authority thus given to the itinerants invested them with no
ministerial function ; and as some of them appear to have been
laymen, in many cases ignorant mechanics, they must be rather
deemed licensed teachers and preachers than ministers, A pe
tition* was ultimately presented to the parliament against them,
signed by 15,000 hands, but it seems to have produced little
good ; this mismanagement, however, was so notorious, that an
investigation took place after the Restoration, of which the result
is unknown, § 609, It may be asked, how any church establishment
could exist at all, where there were no ecclesiastical governing
authorities, and where the rights of presentation to livings were
so totally violated ; but the parllanient was not Inattentive to
the maintenance of the clergy, for, besides the continuance of
tithes i", the money raised by the sale of the bishops' lands, and
of the tenths and first-fruits, was assigned to commissioners to
provide greater incomes for the smaller livings ; and the proposed
object of this ordinance was, that no living should be allowed to
remain of less annual value than 100^, The assembly of divines
at Westminster formed at first a nucleus of church government ;
and Cromwell subsequently created an authority for this pur
pose In the establishment of the Triers, An ordinance^; was
passed, (March 20, 1654,) appointing a committee of thirty-eight
persons, nine of whom were laymen, whose business It was to
examine all who M'ere nominated to any ecclesiastical prefer-

Neal, iv, 104, denies the mass of
this statement; but I have ventured to
follow Walker, whom I find borne out
iu i^art of this statement by Calamy, in
his preface to the Abridgment, xii. The
fact is, that the plan was framed on the
principle of the independents, who vir
tually did away with all ordination ; and
Neal, whose principles are independent,
is but too apt to defend anything which
coincides with his own opinions. The

contradictions in the portion of history,
on which we are now engaged, strongly
remind the reader of Baxter's (Life, p,
135,) observation, " The prodigious lies
which hiive been published in this age
in matters of fact, with unblushing con
fidence, even where thousands or multi
tudes of eye and ear witnesses knew all
to be false, doth call men to take heed
what history they believe,"

Walker's Suff, i. 167. f Neal, iv, 13,
X Walker, i, 150, 170. Neal, iv, 93.

¦XIV, § 609,] CHURCH GOVERNMENT, TRIERS, 457
ments : but a clause was Inserted expressly providing that their
approbation should not be construed Into any solemn setting apart
of the candidate for the ministry. They were vested with extra
ordinary powers, far beyond what had ever been granted to the
bishops; and as they sat In London, the mere fact of being
forced to appear before them must have proved a vast expense
and trouble to the clergy, had not this evil been partly obviated*
by their frequently granting commissions in order that indi
viduals might be examined In the country. Their proceedings
were often most arbitrary and very absurd. There are some
examinations given by Walker-f", which turn entirely on abstruse
points of divinity, in which the candidate is obliged to bear
testimony to his own qualifications and the grace of God which
Is In him ; a method which can hardly fail to end either In
hypocrisy or the rejection of the candidate. Under such a
system of examination, they might refuse persons nominated to
livings on account of their political opinions, without any danger
of discovery; and this Is the excuse which Neal]: makes for
their proceedings. Their commission originally extended to those
who had been admitted into any benefice during the last year,
as well as to any future presentations ; but when (Aug, 28th)
the ordinance § passed for ejecting scandalous ministers, they
became more than ever a political engine, and attacked under the
same authority, and as if guilty ofthe same offence, the notoriously
profligate, the friends of the Common Prayer Book, and the
enemies of the present government, who, in the eyes of the rest
of the country, were confounded in the same obloquy*. Severe,
however, and unjust as the conduct of the Triers was, it fell far

» See the details of some proceedings
of this sort held at Abmgdon, Berks,
upon Pocock, Hebrew Professor at Ox
ford and rector of Childrey, (Twell's
Life of Pocock, p, 152 and 185.) The
charges are, —
" 1, That he had freijuently made use
of the idolatrous Common Prayer Book
as he performed divine service.

" 2. That he was] disaffected to the
present power," &c. &c. And when he
had disproved all these accusations, he,
who was one of the most learned men in
Europe, would have been turned out foi'
ignorance and insufficiency, if his friends
from Oxford had not come and shamed
the CO mmissioners into justice.

Baxter's Life, 72, f Suff, i, 174, + Hist, Puritans, iv, 97,
§ Walker, i, 178,

458 CHURCH GOVEliNMENT. [a, D. 1655.
short of the ultimate declaration of the protector*, who forbade
all persons to employ any of the delinquent (i. e. royalist) clergy,
even as tutors to their children. The extreme severity of this
measure seems to have prevented its execution for any length of
time ; but Cromwell refused to rescind it, though solicited by
Archbishop Usher "f", who was earnest In his personal requests to
him. The protector seemed at first willing to grant that they
should not be molested, provided they meddled not with politics ;
but his council urged him to concede no liberty to men who were
implacable enemies to himself and his government''.
§ 610, The pretext by which he had chiefly gained his power
was that of universal toleration, and in all probability there was
more of real freedom In religion under his government, than at
any other period previous to the revolution ; but the exclusion of
the church of England, which may be accounted for on political
principles, was not the only exception to the toleration which
was professed. In the instrument of government^ by which the
chief authority was delegated to Cromwell, the free exercise of
their religion was guaranteed to all " who professed faith in God
by Jesus Christ," (Dec. 1653,) an expression which the first
parliament assembled by him determined to contain no less than
" the fundamentals of religion," (Sept. 3,1654.) And a com
mittee of divines was formed to draw up in terminis " the fun
damentals of religion," They were far from agreeing in their
opinions, and some were anxious to insert many propositions
which suited their own ideas, and would exclude the Roman
Catholics and Socinians, Baxter wisely reasoned against this
narrowing the bounds of the original expression : but the labours
of the committee were rendered abortive by the dissolution of the
parliament. (Jan. 22, 1655.) So little indeed did these ad
vocates of freedom understand its real principles, that John
Southworth§, a Roman Catholic priest, was executed for the
* Gauden, afterwards bishop of Exeter, 1 sented to Oliver CromweU, to the same
wrote a petitionary remonstrance, jire- | effect. (Wood's Ath, iii, 614.)
* Walker, i. 194,
t Parr's Life of Usher, 75. Wordsworth's Eccl. Biog, v, 374,
+ Baxter's Life, 197. § Butler's Eom, Cath, ii, 407.

XIV. § 610.] TOLERATION, ROMAN CATHOLICS. JEWS, 459
exercise of his sacerdotal functions, nor were the severe laws
against Roman Catholics abrogated. In tha parliament 1656-7,
a new oath of abjuration* was framed, which not only denied
the authority of the pope, but rejected the doctrine of transub
stantiation, and other tenets of the church of Rome, and a
refusal to take It subjected the individual to severe penalties and
losses. There was at one time a project for extending liberty of
conscience to the Roman Catholics-]-, and consultations were
held among the members of the government for the purpose of
granting them security of person and of the remainder of their
property after composition, as well as for providing a safe living
for a prelate who might exercise his functions ; but the loyalty
of the Roman Catholics was alarmed at the idea of compounding
with the usurper, and they communicated the circumstances to
the exiled court, where a stop was put to the whole. The Jews|,
too, petitioned for toleration, and leave to carry on trade In Eng
land, and the protector seems to have been favourable to their
views ; but a council of divines, lawyers, and merchants, whom
he consulted on the point of conscience, on the legality of their
admission, and on the political wisdom of the measure, were so
adverse to the step, that the Idea of it M'as relinquished : but It
appears§ that many Individuals of this religion did settle In
London upon sufferance, and that they had a burying ground of
their own In 1657.
§ 611, If It be asked how the parochial duties were per
formed during this period, a variety of answers may be expected,
corresponding with the views of those whom we consult, and
changing in the different parts of the kingdom to which we may
turn our eyes. If we may believe Baxter, religion never flou
rished more than during this period ; but his testimony is hardly
admissible as conclusive on this point, and even his own history
affords instances of the contrary. As it is very difficult to form
a general opinion on the subject, it may not be uninteresting to
insert such details as may furnish us with some slight data on
which to ground our conclusions^
* Neal, iv. 144. f Butler's Rom, Cath, ii, 418, Thurloe's^St, Pap, i, 740,
± Neal, iv, 126, § Collier's Church History, ii. 869.

460 . BAXTER AT KIDDERMINSTER. [a. D. 1653.
(a, d, 1641.) The town of Kidderminster* was about to peti
tion against their vicar as a scandalous minister, and he, to escape
this obloquy, consented to give sixty pounds per annum to a
lecturer, who should be appointed by the chief inhabitants, and
they chose Mr. Baxter, During the civil war, the disturbances
of the town obliged the new lecturer to fly from it, and he joined
the army for some time in the cajDacity of a chaplain. When
the successes of the war had thrown the power Into the hands of
the parliament, the living of Kidderminster was sequestered, and
the temporaltles placed at the disposal of the principal inhabi
tants, in order that they might provide themselves with preachers.
After some time, they could only prevail on Baxter to continue
as their lecturer, with a salary augmented to one hundred pounds;
but when there was a danger of their being called to account for
the disposal of the money, they secretly conveyed the instrument
of sequestration into Mr, Baxter's house, and he continued to
hold it, in order to screen them from inquiry.
§ 612, Being thus seated in his living, Baxterf called on
such of the Inhabitants as voluntarily chose to do so, to signify to
him their willingness to be under his ministry and discipline ;
and thus, without rejecting the rest of the parishioners, whom he
admitted, as strangers, ocasionally only to the eucharist, and to
the baptism of their children, he did as It were gather a church
in his own parish, iHis object in this method of proceeding was,
to mark the difference between those who were, and those who
were not church members ; for he found that many of his flock
could only thus be kept from separation, when they perceived an
outward line drawn between themselves and their less godly
neighbours. About 600 out of 1600 adults conformed to his
discipline, and the rest, without being excommunicated, lived in
outward unity with the church members, and might join them
upon the same terms whenever they were disposed to express
such a wish. Over those who -were thus Immediately subjected
to his discipline, Baxter exercised a spiritual authority, which,
according to his own account of it, proved very beneficial to their
, * Baxter's Life, 19, f Ibid, 91, 157, 167,

XIV, § 612.] Baxter's associations, 461
higher interests. He rarely excommunicated any one, but fre
quently admonished and reproved them. In order to carry on
this work with greater solemnity, a meeting of tho neighbouring
clergy* was formed on the first Wednesday In every month, to
manage the. discipline ofthe parish; and the next day the clergy
assembled for their own discipline, and for mutual edification ;
and numerous lectures were established on different week days
for the promotion of religion. These associations were not con
fined to any particular party in the church. Their terms of
agreement were, to join for the exercise of such discipline as it
was agreed on by presbyterians, episcopalians, and Independents,
that pastors ought to exercise; nor do the decisions of these
meetings seem to have bound the Individual minister any further
than as they e.xpressed the opinion of the hoAy. The success
which attended them in the neighbourhood of Kidderminster was
considerable, and many other districts and counties adopted
something of the same sort ; as Cumberland-f", Wilts, Dorset,
Hants, Somerset, Essex ; and a society of the same description
was formed at Dublin, This association of Baxter's:]; was com
posed chiefly of men who, strictly speaking, were connected with
no party ; for there were no rigid presbyterians in the neighbour
hood, the strict independents did not co-operate, though they did
not disapprove of v\-hat was done, and few episcopalians had much
communication with them ; It was formed of men who, without
joining any party exclusively, wished to do their duty as ministers
of Christ, § 613. In passing a judgment on such a proceeding. It is
almost impossible for the writer to divest himself of his own
feelings or prejudices, and as difficult to form any accurate opinion
from the practical result, at this distance of time, Baxter" seems
to have been a very zealous Christian minister, and to have
sought and promoted the service of our great Master ; but, during
his whole life, to have been too fond of governing, and too unwll-
» It should be remembered that Bax- I of England, and was alwiiys friendly to
ter was episcopally ordained in the church | episcopacy as an order in the church,
*¦ Baxter's Life, 84, f Ibid, 162, 167, 169. X H"''- 1-15.

462 Baxter's associations, [a,d, 1653,
ling to be directed. In his parish he did that which I believe
the pastor Is directed In Holy Scripture not to do ; he tried to
draw an outward line between the godly and ungodly, to separate
the tares from the wheat : it Is a subject on which the judgment
of God can alone be sufficient to decide rightly, and whenever It
is attempted by man, It will be apt to render the servant of God
proud of his own spiritual attainments, and to drive away the
careless from religion. That such parish discipline would produce
some good^, there can be no doubt ; but it may well be questioned,
whether the private admonitions of a clergyman, and the occa
sional interference of the civil magistrate, may not on the whole
promote the cause of real religion with greater advantage. God
knoweth. At all events, the judicial character thus conferred on
the clergy must be likely to do them harm in their own minds.
The beneficial effects of the meetings of ministers must depend
solely on the way in which they are carried on. Whenever they
are assembled by authority, they are likely on the whole to be
useful, (though, as our visitations are now conducted, they cannot
be said to produce much good,) But whenever such meetings
are formed of a part only of the clergy of the district where they
are held, they can hardly fail to foster divisions, to keep up
differences rather than diminish them; and if so, it may be
feared that they will do more harm than good. In an age, how
ever, when there was no appearance of ecclesiastical discipline in
the church, any attempt at establishing it must have had its
value ; at that time, from the number of ejected and silenced
ministers. It was necessary to supply the deficiency by instructing
the new workmen who were thus suddenly sent into the vine
yard, and perhaps these steps might then have proved useful,
though the plan, at another period, would have been open to
objections, § 614, If Baxter* was wrong In drawing a line of separation

^ Baxter (Life, 96) says that, as far
as he saw, there was a great deal more
religion, and a proportionate fruit of good
living; but he is a witness in his own

cause, and might not have had any op
portunity of observing the good effects of
admonition carried on without coercion.

* Life, 14,?.

XIV, § 614.] STATE OF RELIGION, INDEPEXDENTS. 463
between the different members of a society of Christians, the
independents were much more to blame in their strictness with
regard to admission Into church membership. They required not
only a profession of belief in Christianity, and of willingness to
submit to discipline, but generally demanded some sort of evi
dence of the influence of the Holy Ghost on the mind of the
candidate who desired to be received into the communion of their
churches. They prevailed in Norfolk and Suffolk, more than in
the rest of England, a circumstance which Neal* attributes to
the proximity of those counties to Holland, which had afforded a
refuge to many of the banished sectaries, and from whence they
returned, when toleration allowed them to revisit their native
land. As the independents gradually increased, they became anxious
to have some connexion among themselves, and wished to possess
a common band of union, without destroying the Independence of
each particular church, which constitutes their peculiar tenet.
This object was accomplished in 1658, when they published their
declaration of faith "f", formed after a conference held among them
selves at the Savoy, and which was drawn up so much on the
plan of the confession of faith of the divines at Westminster, that
the doctrinal works of that assembly have generally been adopted
by the congregational churches. Their chief difference consists
in the government of the church, wherein they are entirely
democratic. The church of England theoretically places the
power of church discipline in the bishop, assisted by his dean and
chapter, or by certain other assessors. The presbyterians place
this authority in the presbyter and elders, or in assemblies of
these, making each presbyter the bishop of a small diocese. The
independent seems to esteem ordination a mere appointment on
the part of the congregation, of one person who shall officiate in
public, and leaves the authority of discipline in the church
itself, regulating even excommunication by the vote of the
majorit)'. During the same period the presbyterlans | carried on as much
* Hist, Puritans, iv, 172. f I'mJ- 174. + Ibid. 74.

464

STATE OP RELIGION. EPISCOPALIANS.

[a.D, 1658.

of their Internal government among themselves as they pleased,
or indeed could, when divested of any coercive power, and held
their meetings for the purpose of discipline and ordination. In
1655 they published* some directions about catechising, in con
sequence of two catechisms published by Biddle, a Socinian,
These directions"]- do not differ much from the canon on the
subject, and seem to have been required on account of the neglect
of that useful method of instruction, a neglect originating in the
prevalence of sermons, and the fancied superiority of preaching,
§ 615. But the whole of this account is that which the
puritans give of themselves. If we consult Isaac Walton, whose
testimony may be presumed to incline to the opposite party, we
shall find a different description^. He speaks with regret]: of the
former honesty and plain dealing of the people, now exchanged
for cruelty and cunning. Of the frequency of perjury among
men, who had so often sworn to obey every succeeding govern
ment as it was established. He will tell us§ that the common
people were made so giddy and restless, through the falsehoods,
and misapplication of Scripture, of those who wished to prove
that God was on their side, that they had perverted all notions
of religion, trusting In election, which produced no fruits of
grace. That In many parishes, where the stipend was small,
there was no one to officiate, while the strictness of some incum
bents cut off a portion of their flock from partaking in the sacra
ment of the eucharist.
It may indeed excite our wonder that any friends of the church
of England should have been able to continue their services under
the multifarious persecutions to which they were exposed ; and
more so, that any fresh members should desire to enter the pale
of her ministry, under such disheartening circumstances. Yet
the lives of Sanderson and Bull furnish us with instances of both

" Lord Clarendon (Own Life, ii. 39,
8vo. ; 21, fol.) gives a p.ithetic account
of the dissolution of domestic ties during
this period. Children disobeyed and ne

glected their parents, and the connexion
between master and servant was at au
end.

" Neal, iv. 121.
± Life of Sanderson.

f Wordsworth's Eccl. Biog. v. 351.
Wordsw, Eccl, Biog. v, 4a3, § Ibid, 512,

XIV, § 615. J STATE OF RELIGION, EPISCOPALIANS.

465

the one and the other, Sanderson was fortunate enough, frcm
having been exchanged as a prisoner for Dr, Clarke, and from his
own judicious conduct, to be allowed to retain quiet possession of
his living of Boothby Pagnel ; and Bull, by taking a small cure
which no one cared to have, was suffered to officiate without in
terruption. In both these instances, the chief difficulty consisted
in the use of the Common Prayer, which was forbidden with a
strictness which marks its value ; and both these worthy sons of
a persecuted church gave way so far, as to comply with the exist
ing authorities, while in their ministration they preserved the
spirit of Its services^- The case of Bull* Is perhaps more worthy
of notice. He was placed with a presbyterian divine to finish
his education, which had been interrupted by his refusing to take
the engagement at Oxford, The perusal of Hooker, Hammond,
Taylor, and Grotlus, which were lent him by the son of his tutor,
directed him to seek for episcopal ordination. This he was fortu
nate enough to obtain by means of Dr. Skinner, the ejected bishop
of Oxford, who resided in his former diocese, and secretly con
ferred the same favour on many others also. Bull thus became
an active minister of the church of England, at a time when few
could have hoped for her temporal restoration.
§ 616, The majority of the true members of the church of
England must have spent their time in seclusion, and generally
under considerable privations ; for their activity in favour of the
throne had been too marked to suffer the usurping power to
tolerate them ; and it is more than probable that their tranquil

" There is an interesting account of
the manner in which Sanderson con
ducted himself about the Common
Prayer, in his " Judgment concerning
submission to Usurpers," printed among
some tracts at the end of the first edition
of Walton's Life, 12mo., which is partly
introduced into the life. (Wordsworth's
Eccl. Biog. V, 496.) He used it tiU the
soldiers came and tore it to pieces ; and
even then, in all the occasional services
when they were not in church. When

complained of, he determined to give up
the Common Prayer, rather than desert
his post : he gives an abstract of the
prayers which he used, preserving the
petitions whUe he varied the words.
Bull did very much the same. On one
occasion (Life, by Nelson, p. 34,) he
baptized the child of a dissenter, saying
the service by heart from the Common
Prayer, and then the good people were
much pleased with everything but the
cross.

* Life, by Nelson,

2 II

466 EPISCOPALIANS, [a, D, 1658.
endurance of these persecutions created a strong bias towards tho
church and king during the whole of the usurpation. Many
persons who were not adverse to republican principles, could not
but feel the cruelty of forbidding men to use by themselves, or
in families, such prayers a,s they preferred. The picture* of Fell,
Allestree, and Dolben, meeting In private to celebrate those
services which a government, glorying in the name of religious
toleration, dared not allow them to perform in public, was not
then confined to the canvass, and known only to those who are
familiar with the portraits of Oxford. The subject of it must
have been one of frequent occurrence, and have spoken volumes in
praise of the offices which they loved, and of the tyranny which
precluded the use of them. No one can see a good man suffering
for the sake of that which he believes to be the truth, without
feeling a respect and admiration for him ; and among the human
means whereby the doctrines of Christianity have been spread
and fostered, none has produced more effect, than the example of
persons patiently submitting to hardships for conscience sake.
The exceptions to these observations, concerning the tyranny
used towards the clergy of the church of England, are perhaps
more numerous during the reign of Cromwell, than might have
been expected from the tenor of the laws, or the proceedings of
the government ; and it Is likely that the protector winked at
the indulgence which many among the governing party must
willingly have granted to their friends, or those whom they re
spected among the royalists, Setli Ward procured the chanter-
ship of Exeter for Brownrigge*, the silenced bishop of that
see, and G, Hall, afterwards bishop of Chester, was employed as
a preacher In London during Cromwell's reign ; and doubtless
many other instances of the same sort might be found. Bates,
who was physician to the protector, says, that the use of the
Common Prayer-]- was even allowed in houses and private con
venticles. Many of the royalist clergy, during this season of distress,
» A weU-known picture^ in Christ Church HaU, See also Wood's Afheme,
FeU, John, iv. 201, edit, by Bliss,
* Wood's Athenie, by Bliss, iv, 248 ; iii, 812, f Neal, iv. 92.

XIV, § 616,] STATE OF RELIGION, SECTS. 467
found retreats In the houses of their friends, and carried on thosO
studies which prepared their minds for future exertions, and
solaced them during their Involuntary inactivity''. Oriental
literature, which had been fostered under the munificent hand of
Laud, produced its fruit when that prelate had ceased to preside
over its cultivation. The superiority of Pocock* in this depart
ment continued him in his two professorships of Hebrew and
Arabic at Oxford, though deprived of his canonry of Christ
Church; and the polyglot Bible of Walton f, together with
CastelFs Lexicon, would, if every other proof were wanting^
satisfy us of the eminence to which our countrymen attained at
this period. Nor should it be forgotten that Cromwell had th^
merit of patronising this latter work.
§ 617. In the account of this period It will be necessary to
say something of the fanatics who were now numerous, and who
had rendered themselves conspicuous during the previous distrac
tions of the country. We may indeed derive some information
as to the founders and the origin of some of these sects ; but the
history of fanaticism is so much the same in all countries and
times, that it is difficult to mark any real peculiarities with regard
to the several forms under which it shows itself. Religious
fanaticism generally arises from some real neglect, or misconduct,
in those who ought to be the guardians and teachers of religion^
The age which preceded the times which wo are considering,
abounded with too great an attention to ceremonies; it is not
necessary to the argument to trace out the origin of the fault ;
according to our individual sentiments, we may conclude that the
puritans neglected the form of religion too much, or that the
high church party insisted on them too strongly ; but certainly
forms were regarded universally In too important a light. The
consequence of which was, that the relaxation of government,
which the rebellion necessarily produced, allowed every fanatic to
exhibit his own peculiarities ; and ill-judging persons, who had
^ See the lives of Hammond, Sander- | of the Eoyal Society, Frewen, Sheldon,
son, Pocock, Walton, Spratt's History | Wood's Athense.
* Twell's Pocock, 136. f Todd's Walton,
2 H 2

468

STATE OF RELIGION, QUAKERS, [a,D, 1658^

before observed that too much attention was paid to forms, hastily
rejected every appearance of order, and disseminated the dictates
of their own feelings as the motions of the Spirit of God",
§ 618, (a, D, 1649.) George Fox* was a sincere Christian
and harmless sort of person, who, having long indulged In mystic
and solitary reveries, commenced the task of Instructing the
world by means of a divine light peculiarly imparted to himself,
which led him to despise the ordinary benefits of education,
an advantage which, from the lowness of his birth, he did not
possess. The licence of the times enabled him to spread his
opinions, and procured him followers, whose absurd irregularities
of conduct would, at another period, have brought inevitable
contempt on any denomination of Christians, and exposed the
Quakers" to just, though often too severe punishments. In the
history of these times, It is peculiarly difficult to distinguish
between the misconduct of individuals belonging to a sect, and
the tenets of the sect itself; and in speaking of quakerism, we
must use more especial caution, for the sect seems to have had
no landmarks, which might point out the limits necessary for
judging fairly about it. Every enthusiast, who pretended to an
internal revelation, held their distinguishing tenet ; and every
man who, in his enthusiasm, rejects revelation and reason, must
appeal to a supernatural communication. The quakers were at
this time of toleration, in one sense, persecuted ; for all men who
throw down the boundaries of civil and religious society must be
restrained by those who wish to maintain them, and such restraints
are, by partial people and the sufferers, denominated persecution ;
but to speak of things by their right names, Fox, and some of his
followers-]", as well as certain anabaptists, attempted to interrupt
the authorized services of the churches, and were often hardly
dealt with, but were necessarily punished. They virtually set at

' See the Story of the Soldier and the
Five Lights at Walton, (CoUier's Hist.
ii, 861,)
" This name was given them by Ger-
vas Bennet, a jr.stice of the peace at

Derby, because their speaking was usu
ally attended with convulsive shakings of
the body. (Neal, iv, 33.) One woman
came into church quite naked, (Ibid, ir,
139.)

• Neal's Puritans, iv. 29, &c.

t Baxter's Life, ii, 180,

XIV, § 618,] STATE OF RELIGION, QUAKERS, 469
nought the civil magistrate, and when those in authority used
severity towards them, they were called sufferers In the cause of
Christ : in many cases the severity was unjustifiable, but tolera-
tion was even then really unknown, and moderation Is the
offspring of quiet times ; and when the times became more quiet,
the quakers became more reasonable. Many of their sufferings
were owing to themselves alone ; they refused to pay tithes and
to take oaths ; and it must be a toleration hardly desirable which
will allow men to defraud any one of his legal rights, or be con
tented with subjects who will not comply with the established
laws of the land. The punlshmepts Avere often cruel, but the
sufferers generally deserved punlshrnent, for they began by Injuring
their brethren.
If the doctrine of an Inward light be so modified as to mean
no more than the necessity of divine aid, it becomes a tenet of
catholic Christianity; but whenever It Is allowed to be paramount
to the Scriptures, and to set aside the express commands of Holy
Writ, as in the instance of the sacraments, it Is difficult to say
how it can be esteemed compatible with Christianity ; yet this is
a matter of opinion, and cannot justify cruelty or persecution.
We must not confound in our ideas the present quiet and peace
able persons, who are called quakers, with the fanatics of this
period; the term, like that of methodist, has comprehended a
vast variety of men who have entertained an equal diversity of
opinions. § 619. This same observation will apply to the anabaptists,
a name which may comprehend any denomination of Christians
who are adverse to Infant baptism, and who will therefore deem
a subsequent admission, by baptism, necessary, In cases 'where
persons have been originally presented at the font as infants. We
must therefore rank under the same appellation the fanatics of
Munster*, the Memnonites of Holland, and the anabaptists of
England, who were, some of them, quiet Christians, while others
held those pernicious doctrines which must tend to render the
name of Christianity contemptible ; pretending to be guided by
* Mosheim's Eccl, Hist, iv. 103, 423,

470

STATE OP RELIGION. ANABAPTISTS. [a,D, 1658

an inward light, they despised the ordinary advantages of know
ledge and learning, and were frequently most abusive in upbraid
ing such ministers as exerted themselves In their professional
callings. The antinomians, too, disturbed the church during the usurpa
tion, inveighing against the necessity of obedience to the written
law of God, and ultimately destroying the distinction between
good and evil.
The fiimily of love^ made all religion to consist in an inward
love to Christ, and were guilty of so many abominations, that
Baxter* calls them Infidels ; but these were not a new sect.
The fifth-monarchy men expected the coming of King Jesus,
during whose reign they should themselves be made kings and
priests ; they were men who were sincere In their hatred of the
tyranny which they had experienced, who looked forward to bring
reformation to perfection, but overlooked the means by which
these ends might be promoted. They made good soldiers under
the command of Cromwell, but threw down the fabric which they
had erected as soon as the guidance of his superior genius was
withdrawn. In speaking of such men, we are perhaps wrong In using the
term sect at all; these opinions were held by many persons at
this time, but constitute of necessity no line of separation : they
ever have been held, and ever will be so, while mankind suffer
themselves to be directed blindly, and influenced by beings as
subject to errors as themselves ; fanatical teachers will always
find fanatical followers ; but the licence which tolerated them,
and which was the dawn of that liberty of conscience which this

" This 'sect owes its origin to Henry
Nicolas, a mercer of Delph, whobroached
his errors about 1,540, They were
brought to England, probably, by one
Vitells, about 1574, They consisted iu
the rejection of infant baptism ; of the
divinity of Christ ; of the depravity of
human nature. The Familists seem to
have entertained little objection to the!

church of Rome, or any denomination
of Christians, provided they held the
doctrine of " love," which was to perfect
human nature, and to establish God's
heavenly kingdom on earth. Their
opinions differed little from those of the
free-willers in Queen Mary's time. See
the index to Strype.

• Life, i, 91,

XIV, § 619.] LAWS ADO0T MORALITY, 471
country now enjoys, was then productive of much confusion.
Men had not learnt to differ in opinion without disputing on their
differences, nor had toleration taught them, that to disturb and
vilify those who disagree with us In doctrine, must always be a
real offence against Christian charity. Undoubtedly at this time
the Interruptions to the public service were not unfrequent ; and
the extension of vital Christianity seems to have been greatly
prevented by the contentions among those who differed in their
religious opinions,
§ 620, While speaking of the morality of this period, we
must not forget that no government ever put forth severer statutes*
against immorality, or tried more strenuously to promote Chris
tianity as far as the words of an ordinance could promote this
object. The same bill which did away the penal statutes for not
attending the parish church, enjoined that every person should
frequent some place of religious worship or preaching ; and not
withstanding all the previous ordinances about the observance of
tlie Sabbath, they forbad the neglect of the Lord's day, and of any
other days set apart for humiliation or thanksgiving, under heavy
penalties, which extended also to magistrates or constables who
failed in exerting themselves to prevent such irregularities.
Adultery and Incest were made punishable with death ; the same
punishment was attached to those who were twice convicted of
keeping a house of ill fame ; and every breach of morality of this
description was exposed to great severity. Swearing was sub
jected to a fine, and the entertaining blasphemous and execrable
opinions was punishable by Imprisonment, banishment, and death.
The laws too against actors-]" were put in force, and persons
attending plays were liable to a fine of five shillings, so that none
appear to have been acted for the space of twenty years,
§ 621, (Dec. 1666.) The ordinance against heterodox
opinions was far from being allowed to remain inactive; for
James Naylorj, a fanatic more worthy perhaps of a madhouse
than of the honour of being converted into a confessor, was
severely punished by a vote of the houte of commons, and sub-
* Neal, iv, 26. . f Ibid, iii. 402 ; iv, 246, + Ibid, iv, 139, &c.

472 MARRIAGE, [a. D, 1 663,
jected to much the same cruelties as the star-chamber might have
Inflicted ; he was whipped, put in the pillory, and imprisoned.
Fry, too, a member*, was expelled from the house for professing
Socinian opinions, and Biddle tried for his life upon the same
plea. This error, like many others, spread prodigiously, and we
have the testimony of the assembly of divines at Westminster
themselves-]-, who, when consulted as to the punishment to be
inflicted upon blasphemy, desired that It might be severe, since It
was growing fast. The externals of religion were undoubtedly
observed with greater strictness, but it seems Impossible to con
ceive, but that the violence of the civil war must have tended to
destroy real religion ; and however some exceptions may Induce
us to alter the balance In our minds — for the opinion of Baxter
must have its weight — It can hardly be supposed that, upon the
whole, the religious and moral principles of the kingdom could
have been advanced,'or could have failed to be grievously corrupted
by the political state of the country,
§ 622, (a. d, 1 653.) One of the laws of the Barebone par-
liamentj made marriage merely a civil contract, much in the
same manner as is now the case In Scotland, excepting that more
notoriety was given to the performance of the ceremony. The
parties were forced to have their banns published three times at
church or In the market-place, and they were to profess their
mutual desire of being married, in the presence of a magistrate,
in order to render the union legal. This act was ratified In 1656,
but the parties were then permitted to adopt the accustomed
rites of religion, If they preferred them.
In a country where an universal toleration of religious opinions
is allowed under the same government, there is more wisdom in
this ordinance than all men will be willing to admit. Marriage*
is an institution not only anterior to the preaching of Christi
anity, but independent of it. Most nations have connected It,
more or less, ^Yith religious ceremonies, and no Christian can

" See Judge' Hale's judgment about
the raarrijige of Quakers : he ivould not
allow it to be set aside, though per

formed without the legal forms, (Life by
Burnet. Wordsworth's Ecclesiastical
Biography, vi. 72.)
Wood's Ath, iii, 703, 599, -j- Lightfoot's Geu, Rem, 49, + Neal, iv, 67,

XIV. § 622,] SUCCESSION op bishops, 473
hope for happiness in this state of life, unless it be entered into
in the fear of God, and with the divine blessing ; but a govern
ment which extends Its protecting hand over all religions, and
contains among its subjects persons of all persuasions, may well
say, " The contract shall be civil, and the religious part of it left
to the choice and opinions of the parties contracting," By follow
ing a contrary system, we have among ourselves the absurdity,
that the ecclesiastical courts have the sole judgment with regard
to marriages, while In cases In which the Scriptures obviously
admit of a divorce, these courts have no power to furnish that
redress for the infidelity of his wife which our Saviour expressly
grants to the husband ; and the injured party must have recourse
to a civil authority of so expensive a nature, that unless he be
rich, It Is useless for him to think of It,
§ 623, Among the difficulties to which the church of
England was exposed at this period, there appeared to be great
danger that the succession of bishops* would be Interrupted, and
the following circumstance directed the attention of the exiled
court to this point. The church of Rome had renewed the story
of the Nag's Head-]- ordination, and appealed to the declaration
of Morton, bishop of Durham, who was said to have asserted it
in parliament, Morton, who was still alive, though very old,
published an authenticated denial of his having done so, which
excited the remaining bishops to prevent any repetition of the
same evll^. Many methods of avoiding it were proposed, but
there remained much difficulty as to the consecration, the mere
act of which would have been dangerous to the bishops engaged
in it ; and the parties were not agreed as to the steps by which
it should take place. The court was unwilling to resign the real
power of nomination, and there were no chapters remaining to
whom a conge d''elire could be sent, and to consecrate without
such an election was displeasing to many of the elder bishops.
Lord Clarendon wished to feign a total lapse to the crown, but this
implied a real power of election in the chapter, which the court
» AUestree was much employed in this j court. (Wood's Ath.) So was Barwick.
negotiation between the bishops and the I BramhUl was consulted on the subject,
* Neal, iv, 208, -]- See § 409,

474 RESTORATION, [a. D. 1660,
did not wish to establish. And the idea of consecrating them as
bishops of sees in Ireland, where the king nominates without the
form of an election, dissatisfied the English prelates. The event
was, that the restoration prevented the execution and necessity of
these contrivances. § 624, The restoration was probably brought about by a
variety of combining causes. Since the death of Oliver Cromwell
there had been no permanent government, and the people, weary
of anarchy, were ready to receive with joy any power which bore
the appearance of a settled authority. They were now undeceived
in their hopes of tasting the sweets of real liberty under a republic,
and had experienced the tyranny of a military usurper. The
presbyterians, generally favourable to monarchy, were now
smarting through the licence which the Independents had brought
in, and disposed to run any hazards rather than continue under
the rule of men who had done violence to all their principles.
They were perhaps at this moment prejudiced more strongly
against the independents than against the church of England ;
and Monk, joining the presbyterlans, and taking advantage of the
tide which he could hardly have resisted, had tho merit of deceiv
ing every body, and performing an act of honesty.

475

CHAPTER XV.
CHARLES II. SAVOY CONFERENCE, 1660.
650. Restoration. 651. Presbyterians. 652, Charles, civil to them, 653,
Convention parhament, 654, Difficulties in the Restoration ; army, 655,
Royalists, old and new, 656, Church, state of, 657, Episcopacy disliked,
658. Parties in the church; objects of the episcopalian. 659, Of the non
conformist party, 660. Declaration from Breda. 661. Petition of the pres
byterians. 662. Answer of the bishops. 663. King's declaration promised.
664. Discussion at Worcester house, 665. King's declaration. 660, Favour
able to the nonconformists, 667, Commission for the Savoy conference,
668. The demands of the bishops ; Baxter's form of prayer, 669. Observa
tions on it, 670, The petition for peace. 671, Objections to the Common
Prayer; ceremonies, discipline. 672, Answer of the bishops, 673, Reply
to it ; disputation appointed ; sinful points in the Common Prayer, 674,
Disputations ; close of the conference. 675, Baxter's conduct. 676. Con
cessions which might have been made. 677. Discipline over the church.
678. Over the laity. 679. The nonconformists' petition to the king.
§ 650, (May 29, 1660.) The restoration of Charles II, took place
with such rapidity, and from such a variety of causes, that as no
one individual can be said to have guided the event, so every
one seemed at the moment surprised at it. The presbyterian
party had undoubtedly a very large share In promoting the return
of the king, and while the republicans neglected to demand any
defences or safeguards for the civil freedom of the state, their
friends in the church were equally wanting In foresight with
regard to ecclesiastical matters. It may be doubted whether such
an attempt would have succeeded, but It may appear extraor
dinary that they did not make it, unless we consider that they
had seen their prospects of reform, both in church and state, prove
delusive ; and that they fancied themselves too strong In the
nation to allow of their being trampled on by the mere introduc
tion of a court ; little aware that the majority of the people were
not friendly to the strictness which they had endeavoured to
introduce into the administration of both, and that a large portion
of every society will, from possessing no principles of their own
generally side with the governing party.

476 RESTORATION, PRESBYTERIANS, [a, D, 1660,
§ 651, But before we enter into any details of the history, It
will be necessary to guard against mistakes with respect to the
persons whom we designate by the name of presbyterians, or
rather to state the reason why this term will be Inconvenient
during the period which we are now examining. By the term
presbyterian we generally understand an anti-episcopalian, one
who is hostile to the order of bishops as an ecclesiastical order;
now the mass of those men, whose subsequent ejection forms the
great feature In the early part of this reign, were not anti-episco
palians. They had no objection* generally to having a bishop,
but they wished so to tie his hands, that his chief authority might
consist in the council of presbyters with whom they surrounded
him, and who were to be elected by the clergy themselves. They
wished for the establishment of such a form of ecclesiastical
government, as would, in the state, satisfy a republican ; one,
who might be contented to have a king, provided he were to be
nothing beyond the chief magistrate of the republic. Of course,
therefore, the republican and presbyterian party were closely
connected by principles ; and having found themselves borne
down by the Independents and army, they gladly had recourse to
a legitimate government, under which they Imagined that they
should be too strong to incur the danger of persecution,
§ 652, Charles, who was fully aware of the strength of this
party, and how much he owed his return to their co-operation,
treated their divines with marked respect ; he admitted them to
friendly intercourse in Holland, and on his arrival in this country
appointed several of them to be his chaplains-]", and some of them
preached before him. On his first landing he spent a Sunday at
Canterbury, and the service at the cathedral was carried on in his
presence with all the decent ornaments which belong to our
church, and which had now been laid aside for nearly twenty
years. Many of the clergy had requested the king to dispense
with these ceremonies, lest they should offend the people : but he
told them very plainly, that while he allowed others to follow
their own opinions, he saw no reason why the same liberty should
» Baxter's Life, ii, 278, § 113, f Collier, ii, 870,

XV, § 652,] RESTOR.\TION, PRESBYTERIAN PARTY, 477
not be extended to himself; and this course of proceeding was
properly observed at White Hall, It was the policy of Charles
to be on good terms with this party, nor Is there any reason why
we should doubt the sincerity of those kind expressions which he
used towards them: but It was almost impossible that any sincere
coalition should continue between elements so discordant as a
puritanic clergy and a dissolute court ; but both probably were
injured by the utter separation from each other, which afterwards
took place. § 653, The parliament or convention, which had recalled
the king, contained a great many individuals belonging to the
party of which we are speaking, who were friendly to a monarchy,
and not hostile to episcopacy ; but who had no wish to see either
the one or the other raised so high as had formerly been the case.
They confirmed* the clergy In their benefices, provided they had
been ordained before Dec, 25, 1659, and had been admitted, since
1642, into their livings upon a legal vacancy ; and tried to create
as little alteration as possible, provided the incumbent had not
favoured the king's death, nor shown himself adverse to infant
baptism. They confirmed the leases made by colleges and hospi
tals, and legalized all marriages which had from time to time
been solemnized according to existing ordinances. In all these
acts they made no distinction between orders which had or had
not been episcopally conferred, and seemed anxious to tranquillize
the nation after the disturbances under which It had been suffer
ing. They passed, too, a bill of indemnity for all but the regi
cides, and appointed the observance of the 30th of January and
the 29th of May.
All acts, however, of the present assembly laboured under one
unavoidable difficulty, that their legality might subsequently be
called in question, unless confirmed by a parliament summoned
by the authority of the king: again, all such men as had In their
own persons served the royal cause, or whose fathers had done so,
were, by the writ of summons, excluded from being elected to sit
In this convention-parliament, a particular which had, In nume
rous cases, been neglected, so that many of those who most
*' Statutes at large.

478 RESTORATION. DIFPICULTTES, [a.D. 1660.
«
favoured the royal prerogative belonged to it, though they formed
not the majority. Upon these several considerations, it was
deemed preferable that the convention should be continued no
longer than was absolutely necessary, and it was dissolved there
fore before the 29th of December.
§ 664, The return of Charles II, had appeared so to coincide
with the general wish of the people, that all opposition seemed
to vanish before the universal desire for the re-establishment of
legitimate authority ; but the real difficulties which attended this
event were considerable, and if not enough to endanger the safety
of the government, were quite sufficient to render the situation of
the king far from enviable.
The army formed a body too powerful tO be consistent with
any secure government, and was composed of many men who,
though wise enough not to oppose outwardly the progress of events,
were little satisfied with them. There must always be a great
unpleasantness in disbanding so large a force ; soldiers who could
be pleased at their own dismissal must be very unlike any other
human beings ; since, having had the destiny of the nation appa
rently in their hands, they are compelled to dissolve the union
which has rendered them powerful, and to descend in private life
to a station necessarily far below what they have previously held.
But In this case probably many of the officers might with justice
suspect, that they had been made the tools of the exaltation of
Monk, and of the consequent degradation of themselves. When
they met the king on Blackheath*, they were perhaps one of the
finest bodies of men who had ever been assembled on British
ground ; they were now necessarily to be disbanded, and there
was little or no money to pay them.
§ 656, The friends of the crown were far from being united.
The older royalists had suffered so much from their repeated dis
comfitures, that they were unwilling to run unnecessary risks,
and the late attempts, on the rising of Sir George Booth f, had
brought forward many men who had before no pretensions to
royal favour ; so that the royalists themselves formed a hetero-
• Skinner's Life of Monk, 342 ; Burnet's Own Time, i. 274.
t Clarendon, Own Life, fol. 20, 8vo. 37.

XV, § 655.] RESTORATION, DIFFICULTIES, 479
geneous mass, the older ones despising those who had but lately
embarked in the cause, and who in their opinion had contributed
nothing to the Restoration ; while those whose late activity had
exposed them to sufferings, to which they had been unaccustomed,
magnified the utility of their own exertions, and disdained the
caution of the older friends of the monarchy. These differences
were the more insufferable to the king, because from the very first
he found himself assailed with solicitations for preferment which
he had no ability to grant, and which his own personal facility
prevented him from refusing with ease. Abundant applications
were made during the first days of his return to England, and
such persons were most importunate in their demands as had
merited advancement the least.
§ 656. But the greatest difficulty consisted in tho state of
the church. The bishops had been driven from their places nearly
twenty years before, and had generally retired into the obscurity
of private life. The generation who had grown up in the church
were at once active and influential, and had found themselves not
only unfettered by superiors, but had many of them been admitted
into much indirect power, and had always been taught to regard
the deposed hierarchy as tyrannical and antichristian. They had
universally possessed a good deal of authority in their own
parishes, and looked forward in the re-establishment of bishops to
being deprived entirely of these advantages. It was impossible,
therefore, that they should regard the restoration of episcopacy,
together with the monarchy, with any friendly eye. Out of the
bench of bishops nine only survived the Restoration; most of
these were translated to better bishoprics, and made room for the
appointment of new ones ; thirteen were consecrated during the
autumn and winter, and four in the January following ; the latter
sees had been left open, in hopes that such leading members of
the non-conformist party as were not adverse to episcopacy would
accept them. All beneficed clergymen who had been deprived
during the usurpation, became again possessed of their benefices
at the Restoration, and all property, ecclesiastical or civil, which
had been illegally sold, reverted to its right owners ; a state of
things, which, though perhaps necessary, was very unlikely to

480 RESTORATION. PARTIES IN THE CHURCH. [a.D. 1660.
excite a favourable feeling towards those who were thus restored.
There was a large and forced transfer of property; a circumstance
which cannot fall to create dissatisfaction. The Incomer always
supposes that he has been injured, and the person ejected feels
that he is deprived of what he had deemed his own. All ejected
heads and fellows of colleges were restored by an order of the
lords* (June 4th); and after twenty years of confusion, many
individuals were Injured at the Restoration, who had shared In
none ofthe guilt ofthe usurpation.
§ 657. But as far as we may be allowed to form an opinion
on such a subject, the restoration of the episcopal authority was
that which most offended the generality of the church. The
point ^at issue was in reality that of parish discipline. In the
church of England the spiritual power is lodged -f- in the hands of
the bishop ; the clergyman of a parish may admonish, and, if he
cannot reform, may suspend from the communion till he can have
recourse to the bishop's court ; but he has no power of his own to
inflict any spiritual punishment. He cannot compel any of his
flock to come before him in a judicial manner. This sort of
jurisdiction had been generally exercised during the usurpation,
and the minister held no communion with those who despised his
authority; he might In fact excommunicate any one who neglected
his summons, though such a sentence bore with it none of those
offensive disabilities which attend on excommunication as inflicted
by a bishop's court ; but then such a power gave a fearful Influ
ence to the parish priest. The nonconformist party were anxious
to continue this species of discipline ; and he must know very
little of human nature who fancies that any man, especially a
young one, would readily relinquish an authority of this sort*.

" See Selden's Table-Talk, Excom
munication, § 4. " They excommuni
cate for three or four things ; matters
concerning adultery, tithes, wills, &c.,
which is the civil punishment the state
allows for such faults. If a bishop ex
communicate a man for what he ought
not, the judge has power to absolve, and
punish the bishop. If they had that
jurisdiction from God, why does not the
* Neal's Puritans, iv. 240. f See § 591, and 595, c.

church excommunicate for murder, for
theft ? If the civil power might take
away all but three things, why may they
not take them away too ? If this ex
communication were taken away, the
presbyters would be quiet ; it is that
they have a mind to, it is that they
would fain be at," &c. See also another
observation of his, § 675, b.

XV. § 657.] RKSTORATIOX. TACTICS OF Tlin; EPISCOPALIANS, 481
The battle was Indeed never fought on exactly this ground, but
an examination of the points at issue in the debates about the
liturgy*, will easily convince us that this was the real object of
attack and defence,
§ 658. The tactics of the two parties were as follows : the
episcopalians feared that bishops would be converted into presi
dents of a college of presbyters, and therefore their object was to
deny all authority to the presbyter, and to lessen his influence, by
convincing the world that there had been much of evil, and no
good, in the late innovations introduced Into the government of
the church; and this object would be promoted by showing that
no alterations of any kind were necessary. The rising generation
would be sure to side gradually with the governing party, and it
might on this ground be deemed unwise to remedy even real
evils, since such a step might induce the mass of the people to
doubt of the soundness of the whole, when the advocates of the
old constitution acknowledged that some things might admit of
improvement. This line of policy was so obvious, that the eyes
of the majority of the episcopal party must have been open to it,
and their proceedings seem to have been founded upon some such
principle. § 669. The object of the other party was to show that change
was necessary; that the power possessed by the bishops had
prevented the exercise of wholesome discipline, and that the
government of the church of England still required further
reformation. If It could be shown that the established church
was not formed on the best model, the conclusion seemed natural,
that some modification of episcopacy ought to be substituted In
the place of the present church government. At the same time
it was of the greatest consequence that the party should appear to
be united — that they should hold together — that If they were to
fall, they might be overwhelmed as a body. They probably
thought themselves stronger than they really were, and they
knew that if divided they must become insignificant. The
dilemma from which Baxter and his friends had to extricate
themselves was this : If they asked too much, many individuals
•• Baxter's Life, ii. 233, 2 I

482 RESTORATION, TACTICS OP THE NONCONFORMISTS. [a,D. 1660,
of their own party would say, that they were not prepared to
separate from the church of England, because she refused to grant
more than what they themselves deemed absolutely necessary.
If they asked too little, their opponents would have to object
against them, that men who professed to be governed by Christian
principles were ready to destroy the peace and unity of the church
for such trifles as these.
§ 660, In order to get a clear view of the Savoy conference,
the arena on which this contest was carried on, it will be neces
sary to take a short view of the events which preceded it ; for It
is not impossible that the issue of the conference was nearly
decided, before the members who composed it had actually
assembled, (April 14, 1660.) The king, in his declaration from Breda, had
used the following expressions with regard to toleration*: " We
do declare a liberty to tender consciences ; and that no man shall
be disquieted, or called in question, for differences of opinion in
matters of religion, which do not disturb the peace of the kiag-
dom ; and that we shall be ready to consent to such an act of
parliament, as, upon mature deliberation, shall be offered to us,
for the full granting that indulgence," The nonconformists, when
they beheld this disposition in the king, and the temper of the
house of commons, were naturally led to expect concessions from
the governing party, and induced to express their wishes as to the
points which they desired to be changed, by presenting a petition
to the king.
§ 661, They state that they agree with the church of
England-]- in doctrinal truths, and the substantial parts of
worship : and that they differ only about the ancient form of
church government, the Liturgy, and ceremonies. They request,
], That encouragement maybe given to private religious exer
cises, 2, That each congregation may have a resident and
efficient pastor, and that scandalous ministers may be ejected,
3, That personal profession of faith may be required of all com
municants, and that no one be confirmed without the approbation
'* Clarendon's History, iii, 747.
t Baxter's Life, ii. 233. History of Nonconformity, 1.

XV, § 661.] PETITION OF THE NONCONFORMISTS, 483
of his pastor, 4, That the Lord's day-may be kept holy, without
unnecessary divertisements. They state that they have no
objection to a balanced episcopacy, but complain, 1, ofthe extent
of dioceses, which rendered a personal superintendence impossible:
2, of bishops deputing their .authority to officials who were some
times laymen ; 3, of their occasionally assuming the sole power of
ordination, and exercising arbitrary power in articles of visita
tion, &c. In order to obviate these evils, they request, that
Archbishop Usher's reduction of episcopacy may be adopted ;
that bishops suffragan, or choreplscopi, may be chosen by the
presbyters ; that the associations* may not be so large as to make
the discipline impossible ; that no subscriptions or oaths of obe
dience be required ; that bishops be not allowed to act, except
according to canons to be agreed upon and sanctioned by act of
parliament. They do not object to a Liturgy, per se, provided the minister
be not so confined to it as to be prevented from exercising the
gift of prayer ; they request that the Common Prayer, being
justly objectionable, may either be revised, and that certain
scriptural forms, to be used according to the discretion of the
minister, may be added to it, or that a new one be composed.
With regard to ceremonies, they request that the observance of
holydays, kneeling at the Lord's Supper, the use of the surplice
and of the cross at Baptism, as well as bowing at the name of
Jesus, may not be imposed on any who scruple them: that such
ceremonies as have no foundation in law, as erecting altars,
bowing to them, &c,, may be discontinued,
§ 662, (July 8, 1660.) To this petition the bishops made a
formal reply, arguing that none of these alterations were necessary,
and not declaring what concessions they were prepared to make :
they state-
That the lawsf have already provided for the four first
requests, as far as Is consistent with the good of the church ;
that the bishops desire that these particulars may be effectually
remedied, but are unwilling that private conventicles and other
* See § 612, t Baxter's Life, 242,
2 I 2

484

ANSWER OP THE BISHOPS.

[a.D. 1660.

abuses should be Introduced under colour of them ; that the laws
with respect to the Sabbath are already more strict than in any
other reformed church.
That the diocesan form of government has always existed in
the church ; that the personal cure of souls is the office of the
presbyter, and not that of the bishop ; and that when the diocese
is large, the law has provided for the appointment of suffragans * ;
that there Is no objection to delegating authority ; and that though
bishops have always exercised ecclesiastical power, yet that they
have done so with the assistance and advice of presbyters, as of
their deans and chapters, who were probably appointed for this
very purpose; and that the law will remedy Illegal acts of
bishops as well as those of others. That with regard to Arch
bishop Usher's reduction, it may be a great question, whether It
were not rather composed with reference to existing animosities,
than as his own final and deliberate choice ; that the election of
suffragans is already vested in the crown; that they understand
not the term associations* ; and that the use of oaths and promises
of obedience is expedient.
That the Liturgy appears suited to Its object, and tolerably
free from objections ; that custom allows of the use of extempore
prayer before sermon; that they are ready to alter anything which
shall be shown to be justly offensive, and object not to a reforma
tion ofthe Liturgy according to his majesty's wish.
That the ceremonies are in themselves not objectionable ; and
that to change any of the laws about them would be as likely to
offend many sober persons, as it would be to gain over those who
contend for such matters.

" 26° Henry VIII. ch, 14, An act for
nominationand consecration of suffragans
within this realm. There are twenty-six
places mentioned, for which bishops suf
fragan may be appointed. The arch
bishop or bishop is to present two persons
to the king, of whom he is to nominate
one to be suffragan. The authority of
such suffragan shall be limited by their
commissions, which they shall notexcced.

on pain of prcemunire. These commis
sions are to be given by the bishop pre
senting. This act was repealed 1, 2 Phi
lip and Mary, ch. 8, and revived 1° EUz.
ch. 1, Bishops suffragans are spoken of
in the tliirty-fifth canon of 1604, It
would be very desirable that in populous
dioceses they should be appointed now ;
there seems no legal reason why they
may not be.

• See § 612.

XV, § 662.] ANSWER OF THE BISHOPS, 485
Baxter* himself drew up an answer to this reply, but no use
seems to have been made of it,
§ 663, Some of the nonconformists now contended, that it
was useless to proceed with any discussions, when it was evident
that no good could possibly result; but Baxter urged them to go on,
while there was even the most distant hope of promoting peace, and
they M'ere confirmed In this view of the subject by a promise from
the king, that he would act the part of moderator between the con
tending factions, and signify his ideas of what concessions could
be made, by putting forth a declaration which should be submitted
to the inspection of both parties, before it was published to
die world. When the draft of this declaration was put into the
hands of the nonconformists, many animadversions were passed
upon It, and a second paper was drawn up for the purpose of
being presented to the king, but contained so much which was
more likely to cause divisions, than to promote peace, that it
never passed beyond the hands of the chancellor. It was the
work of Baxter, and though pruned of some of its most objection
able passages by the interference of Calamy and Reynolds, yet
its suppression was judicious. One of the arguments-]" in favour
of a moderate episcopacy Is, that Its adoption would save those
who had taken the covenant from the sin of perjury, since they
had there sworn to root out prelacy only, and not episcopacy.
The chief demands are, for a power of control over the bishops,
and a jurisdiction over their flocks, to be granted to the presbyters ;
that the Common Prayer should not only be reformed, but even
very moderately Imposed ; and that the ceremonies should be left
Indifferent, Complaints are also made, that no minister can be
instituted without renouncing his presbyterian orders, and being
re-ordained, subscribing the oath of canonical obedience, and
reading the disputed part of the XXth article,
§ 664, The nonconformists! were now desired to state what
alterations in the declaration they deemed absolutely neceesary ; but
since most of them were inserted In the document itself, as it was
• Baxter's Life, 248, f Ibid, 267 ; Hist, of Nonconformity, 10, &c,
X Baxter's Life, 275.

486 king's declaration, [a,d, 1660,
subsequently published, less notice of them seems to be required*,
(Oct, 22,) Three days before the publication of the declaration*
there was a meeting at Worcester House, the residence of Lord
Clarendon, where, while many of the questions were discussed In
a conversational manner. Lord Clarendon drew out a petition for
toleration, which had been presented by the anabaptists and Inde
pendents, and asked the advice of the divines who were present
concerning It, wishing probably to cast on the presbyterians the
odium of a refusal. If they who demanded such concessions in
favour of themselves were unwilling to allow of toleration to
others. Both parties were silent for a time, till Baxter, fearing
lest, through their silence, the petition should be granted, and that
the indulgence thus obtained would be extended to the papists,
spoke against it ; so little were the principles of toleration under
stood : Indeed, a state of things differing entirely from that of the
present day, almost prevents us from estimating fairly the scruples
of the nonconformists themselves. When we regard them as
factious in their opposition to the ceremonies of the church, as In
truth we must do, we forget that they had no liberty of joining a
dissenting congregation,
§ 665, (Oct, 25,) In this declaration the king-]- professes
that he purposes to promote godliness, to encourage public and
private exercises of religion, to prevent the abuse of the Lord's
day, and to cast out scandalous ministers. That he will endea
vour to appoint good bishops, who shall be preachers, and that,
v/here the dioceses are large, they shall be assisted by suffragans.
That no bishop shall ordain or exercise any ecclesiastical jurisdic
tion without the assistance of presbyters. No chancellor or
official shall, as such, perform any spiritual act of authority; nor
an archdeacon do So, without the aid of six presbyters, three
chosen by the presbyters of the archdeaconry, and three nominated
by the bishop.
That cathedral preferments shall be filled by good men ; that a
" They may easily be traced by comparing Collier's Eccl. Hist, p. 874 ; and
Baxter's Own Life, 275, 259.
* Baxter's Life, 277, f Collier's Eccl, Hist, ii, 874,

XV. § 665.] king's declaration. 487
number of presbyters, elected by the presbyters of the diocese, aud
equal In number to those members of the chapter who shall be
present, shall assist the bishop in all ecclesiastical functions,
ordinations, &c. ; nor shall any suffragan bishop ordain without
the presence of a sufficient number of presbyters elected by their
brethren. That confirmation shall be carefully performed with the con
sent of the minister of the parish ; none shall be admitted to the
Lord's table without a profession of faith and obedience, or who
has been guilty of scandalous offences.
That rural deans, to be appointed as heretofore by the bishop,
shall hold monthly meetings, with three or four ministers of their
deanery, for discipline, and present to the bishop such as they
cannot influence by persuasion. The rural dean shall superin
tend the education of the children in the deanery, seeing that
the respective ministers do their duty in preparing them for
confirmation. That no bishop shall exercise any arbitrary power, nor impose
anything but according to law.
That a commislon shall be appointed to review the Liturgy
and to make additional forms, which shall consist of an equal
number from both sides.
In the mean time the king prays all ministers to adopt as much
conformity as they can, promising that none shall be punished
for the want of it ; allowing them to use or neglect the cross in
baptism, while parents who differ in this particular from their
own mmister, may procure another who agrees with them, to
christen their children : that bowing at the name of Jesus shall
be left free, and the use of the surplice be considered optional,
except in cathedrals and colleges. That the oaths of allegiance
and supremacy shall suffice. Instead of that of canonical obedience
and subscription; and that persons instituted or taking degrees
shall subscribe to those only of the Thirty-nine Articles which
are doctrinal. § 666. This declaration contains such ample concessions to
the wishes of the •nonconformists, that one Is led to doubt the
sincerity of those who drew it up; for whatever might have been

488 king's DECLARATION, [a,d, 1660,
the wishes of the king, If Indeed he regarded the matter at all, it
¦was obvious that no parliament was likely to pass into an act
measures -which would probably displease the majority of the
episcopal divines and their adherents, and so materially change
the constitution of the church. The only Immediate effect of
this declaration was partially to delay for a season severities
against the nonconformists; for the Influence of the court pre
vented the execution of the act of uniformity of Queen Elizabeth :
but when endeavours were made*, (Nov, 6th,) on the motion of
Sir Matthew Hale, to pass It Into a bill, it was thrown out, and
the convention was soon after dissolved, (Dec. 29th.) Both
houses, as well as a large body of the London clergy, presented
addresses"]- of thanks to his majesty for his gracious concessions;
and Baxter, who had previously despaired of finding anything
yielded, which might enable him to remain In his ministry, was
so pleased, that he made up his own mind to exert all his influ
ence in promoting uniformity. It was about this time that the
offer of bishoprics j was made to Calamy, Baxter, and Reynolds,
who alone of the three accepted the preferment''. Calamy had
been an antieplscopallan, and it was naturally conceived by his
friends, that his accepting such a situation would be a disgrace to
his former professions, and to the cause of the presbytery; but
Reynolds and Baxter had always been friends to moderate epi
scopacy, and If the declaration of the king could be passed Into a
law, there seemed no reason why they should decline being placed
on the bench; and Baxter, in his letter to Lord Clarendon §,
says, that his chief reason for refusing the promotion, was the
hope that he should more effectually advance the cause of peace,
by retaining a station where his arguments In favour of episco
pacy could be liable to none of those suspicions, to which they
must be exposed, were he himself exalted Into the office for which
he became the advocate.
§ 667. (a.d. 1661.) In compliance with the last clause In
" Other preferments were at the same time offered to several of the same party.
Echard, 781;
* Neal's Puritans, iv. 208, note +, Burnet's Own Time, i. 305. s,
f Baxter's Life, 284, + Ibid, 281, § Ibid, 282,

XV. § 667.]

SAVOY CONFERENCE.

489

the declaration of the king, a commission consisting of twelve
bishops and twelve nonconformist divines was appointed, (March
25th,) to whom nine of each party were joined, In order to
supply the places of those who might be prevented from attend
ing. They" are instructed to "review the Common Prayer*,
and to make such alterations therein as shall be thought most
necessary; and some additional forms in the scripture phrase as
near as might be suited to' the nature of the several parts of
worship," — " comparing the same with the most ancient liturgies
which have been used in the church, In the primitive and purest
times ." " To take into serious consideration the several dlrec-
tious, rules, and forms of prayer, and things In the said book of
Common Prayer contained, and to advise and consult upon and
about the same, and the several objections and exceptions which
shall now be raised against the same ; and if occasion be, to make
such reasonable and necessary alterations, corrections, and amend
ments therein, as shall be agreed upon to be needful and expe-

' The whole history of this conference
is contained in Baxter's own Life, 303
— 369, and the History of Nonconfor
mity. I am not aware of any original
account of it from the party of the
bishops. There are some observations
about it in Burnet's Ovm Time. The
commissioners were —
A, Frewen, abp, of York,
G, Sheldon, bp, of London,
J. Cosins, bp. of Durham,
J. Warner, bp, of Rochester,
H. King, bp, of Chichester.
H, Hinchman, bp, of Sarum,
G. Morley, bp. of Worcester.
K, Sanderson, bp, of Lincoln,
Bi Lany, bp, of Peterborough,
B. Walton, bp. of Chester.
R, Sterne, bp, of Carlisle.
J, Gauden, bp, of Exeter,
Ed. Reynolds, bp, of Norwich,
A, Tuckney, D, D.
J, Conant, D, D,
W. Spurstow, D, D,
J, Wallis, D, D.
Th, Manton, D, D,

Edm, Calamy, B. D,
R, Baxter, Clerk,
A, Jackson.
Th, Case,
Sam. Clarke,
M, Newcomen,
The Supernumeraries were —
J, Earle, dean of Westminster,
P, Heylm, -D. D,
J. Racket, D. D.
J . Barwick, D, D.
P, Gunning, D. D,
J, Pierson, D, D.
Th. Pierce, D. D.
A. Sparrow, D. D.
H, Thorndike, D, D,
Th, Horton, D. D.
Th. Jacomb, D. D.
W, Bates,
J, Rawlinson,
W, Cooper,
J, Lightfoot, D, D,
J. Collins.
B, Woodbridge,
R, Drake,

* Baxter's Life, 304,

490 SAVOY CONPEnENCE. [a, d, 1661,
dient for the giving satisfaction unto tender consciences, and the
restoring and continuance of peace and unity in the churches
under our protection and government. But avoiding as much as
may be, all unnecessary alterations of the forms and Liturgy
wherewith the people are already acquainted, and have so long
received Iu the church of England."
Their place of assembling was appointed to be the lodgings of
the bishop of London in the Savoy, and the commission was to
continue In force for four calendar months, till the 25th of July,
§ 668, Their first meeting did not take place till April 1 5th,
and then Sheldon, bishop of London, informed his opponents,
that as the bishops had no wish for any alteration, the first step
must be a statement In writing, on the part of the nonconformists,
of all which they desired might be altered or inserted. This
proposal was contrary to their wishes and expectations, since they
hoped by mutual communication to discover how far concessions
might be practicable ; but was peremptorily insisted on by the
bishop, who declared that nothing could be done till all the
exceptions, alterations, and additions were brought in at once.
This step was likely to produce differences of opinion among the
nonconformists themselves, and to frighten the bishops Into reject
ing every proposal, when they beheld the extent of what was
required .to be changed: and It may be presumed* to have been
adopted by the bishops for this very purpose, as It is hardly con
sistent with the Instructions of the commission. Nor must It be
forgotten, that three weeks had been lost between the date of
the commission and the first meeting ; a delay which could
hardly have been accidental. The office of drawing up the addi
tional forms was assigned to Baxter, who had been most anxious
on this point, and the statement of the objections to the Common
Prayer was intrusted to a committee ; but Baxter was so much
more rapid In his proceedings, that he not only composed a form
of prayer of very considerable length, but brought In a table of
objections almost as large as that of the committee.
§ 669, It will not be easy to assign any good excuse or reason
* Burnet's Own Time, i. 309.

XV. § 669.]

Baxter's form of prayer.

491

why Baxter should frame a form of prayer entirely new, when
the commission only extended to some additional forms ; he could
hardly be foolish enough to suppose that the bishops would
adopt it, while the mere act of offering it could not fall to Irritate
them. He himself says*, that he wished to leave a standing
witness to posterity that he and his friends were not adverse to a
settled form; and as the composition was his own, he was pro
bably induced to think more highly of the work than it deserved"-.
The method which he pursued in its composition, was to follow
the general plan of the Lord's Prayer and the Ten Command
ments ; nor can it be denied that it Is an extraordinary production,
considering the time he was occupied about it, which did not
exceed a fortnight. It abounds in a copious and flowing style,
full of scripture metaphors ; but to those who love the close and
simple forms of the services of our church, and their correspond
ence with the brief and distinct petitions which we meet with In
scripture, it will appear to be by no means free from the worst of
faults, that of preserving the phraseology of the Bible, and apply
ing it in an indefinite and perplexed manner, which to an
educated man of a poetical turn may prove edifying, but must
be generally unintelligible to the mass of any congregation''.

» He says, (Life, 335,) when speaking
of au objection r.aised against grantuig
the minister leave to pray "in these
words," "or to this sense," which is
always the case in this form, that if this
clause, " or to this sense," had been
dashed out, it had been beyoud excep
tion. And again : " They {i. e. the
nonconformists) offer also such forms
as are more unquestionable (than the
Common Prayer,) as to their congruity
to the word of God, and to the nature of
the several parts of worship," (Hist.
Nonconformity, 201.) It is printed in
the History of Nonconformity, 52, &c,
'' Among many other objectionable
pouits it may be remarked, that the con
fession runs iuto particulars which could

hardly ever apply to the majority of
those present. The following metaphors
are introduced ; " Justice may run down
as water, and righteousness as a mighty
stream," " Oh, habitation of justice
and mountain of holiness !" In the di
rections about the sermons, it is ordered,
that the preacher shall speak "from
faith and holy experience iu himself,"
" with convincing evidence and per
suading importunity ;" objects which,
however desirable, are hardly attainable
by means of a rubric. He calls a god
father, not a sponsor, but a propareut.
Surely a man must be very ignorant of
human nature, or very perverse, who
attempts to reconcile high-churchmen by
these means.

Life, 306,

492 SAVOY CONFERENCE, PETITION FOR PEACE, [a,D, 1661,
§ 670, Upon consideration, it was thought more prudent
to send in the objections to the Common Prayer, before this docu
ment was offered, and they were delivered on the fourth of May:
and this liturgy*, when it had been subjected to the examination
of the committee, and undergone some trifling alterations, was
presented to the bishops, and accompanied with an address which
bore the title of a petition for peace, a denomination which It ill
deserved. It was drawn up by Baxter, and read aloud to the
bishops, who, according to his own observation about it, would
never have yielded to this proposal, had they all known how long
and how ungrateful its contents wore. It Is drawn up in a strong
and nervous style-]- of oratory, which, while it advises modera
tion, seems rather to threaten those who neglect It, than to pray
for it. His argument is, that his brethren dare not conform about
things which they esteem far from indifferent, for fear of God's
wrath. He talks of their tenderness for the honour of Christ,
speaks of the unmerciful impositions of the bishops, even if that
for which they stood were of God, and urges them, instead of
pressing conformity because it was law, to join with the non
conformists In petitioning the king and parliament that It might
be no longer law. He reminds them of the number of ministers
who must suffer, of people who must grieve even for their souls,
because their teachers could not submit to the burden of re -ordina
tion, subscription, and the ceremonies ; and appeals to their
readiness to suffer in their worldly Interests, as a proof of the
sincerity of their professions. These arguments would be irre
sistible, if there were no such feeling as that of prejudice in the
world; but surely the nonconformists might fairly have ques
tioned, whether their own zeal for changing what was established
In the church, were quite free from evil motives. Men's passions
often carry them against their interests. The dilemma to which
they would reduce the bishops, would turn with equal force
against themselves ; for if they would but comply with the orders
of the church, which had been no new Imposition, they might
avoid all these evils; and the bishops might say with equal truth,
• Life, 334, f Hist, of Nonconformity, 27.

XV, § 670.] 0B.IECTr0NS TO THE COMMON PRAYER, 493
that they dared not Innovate. The great evil, hov,'ever, of the
address was, that he who wrote the petition for peace did not try
to conciliate. § 671. The objections raised against the Common Prayer*
are so numerous, and many of them of so little Importance, that
it would but weary the reader to state them at length ; while It
Is difficult to classify or abridge them without omitting something
which may be thought important. They premise, that It is
desirable that no matter of mere opinion be left In a general for
mulary, for fear of causing divisions ; and request that, as the
Prayer Book was originally framed with a view of comprehending
the Roman Catholics, it may now be altered so as to satisfy those
who differ only with regard to ceremonies. On this point they
requested, that the use of the surplice, of the cross in baptism,
of kneeling at the sacrament, of the ring In marriage, as well as
all subscriptions about them, might be left Indifferent ; and that
the rubric concerning the dresses might be omitted ; that the
observance of saints' days might be optional ; aud that such
expressions as implied any propriety of fasting In Lent, might be
erased. Under the second head we must arrange such points as bear
Indirectly on discipline ; and here, with regard to the Lord's
Supper, they wished that the communicants should be required
to give longer previous notice of their Intention of receiving ; and
that none should be admitted to the table, who did not make a
public profession of faith and obedience : and that, in order to
give time for this, the exhortations should be read on the Sunday
before, and not at the time of celebration*. That the rubric,
instead of enjoining every one to receive three times in the year,
should direct that the celebration of the Lord's Supper should
take place at least so often ; that the rubric about transubstan
tiation should be restored ; and that In the visitation of the sick.

" N,B, The admonition which is now
read on the Sunday before, was, till the
last review, read in the service itself:

this point was changed in consequence of
the objections now raised.

* Baxter's Life, 316. Hist, of Nonconformity, 152,

494

OBJECTIONS, ETC. DISCIPLINE.

[a,d, 1661,

the curate should be left at liberty to administer or refuse the
Lord's Supper, according to his discretion.
In baptism they requested not only that a longer previous
notice should be required, but that no minister should be forced
to baptize the children of atheists, infidels, heretics, or unbaptlzed
persons, nor of those who were excommunicated, fornicators, or
otherwise notorious and scandalous sinners. That godfathers
should not be required, but that parents, or proparents, should
make the answers in their own names.
That such expressions in the services as seemed to Imply that
all the congregation are regenerated or converted should be
changed; as well as the rubric which asserts the undoubted
salvation of all baptized children dying before the commission of
sin'^- That in Confirmation the children should not be admitted
without the consent of the minister ; that the expressions in the
Burial of the Dead, and the Churching of Women, which cannot
properly be used of every individual, should be altered to more
general terms.
In remodelling the Prayer Book, as a form of public devotions,
they requested that, in order to give an unity to the whole, the
frequent breaks and interruptions might be omitted. That the
Litany, for instance, instead of being composed of many separate
petitions, might be consolidated into one long prayer, and that
the same plan might be adopted with regard to other collects and
prayers, and in reading the commandments; by doing which
many repetitions, which occur in the services, might be avoided,
particularly the frequent use of the Lord's Prayer and the Gloria
Patri, &c. It was desired that greater liberty of altering the

'' It is curious that this rubric was
originally placed as a part of the service
for Confirmation, to prevent people from
esteeming baptism incomplete without
that rite. " Th.at no man shall think
that any detriment shall come to the
children by deferring their confirmation,"
This object is not now answered, while
the expression, " certain by God's word,"
might as weU not be applied to a propo
sition, which, however true, must be

proved by reasoniug on the analogy of
God's dispensations, and not from any
one or more texts of Scripture, adduced
directly iu its confirmation. Baxter's
(Life, 428,) observation on it is, " It is
strange that when infant baptism itself
is commonly said by these men to be a
tradition, and not commanded or found
in Scripture, that yet they find it certain
by the word of God, that baptized infants
are saved."

XV. § 671.] bishops' answer to the objections.

495

prayers, and of Introducing even his own, might be conceded to
the officiating minister ; and, besides numerous verbal emenda
tions, that the new translation of the Bible might be adopted In
the texts quoted In the Prayer Book, and that none of the Apo
crypha might be read as lessons.
§ 672, After some time, the bishops sent in an answer* to
the nonconformists. In which they observe, that the most effectual
method of showing gratitude to the king would be to comply
with his wishes in conforming to the Liturgy, a step which at
the same time would be most likely to promote the peace of the
church. That humility on the part of the governed would Induce
them to respect their rulers, by obeying what was ordered; while
to pretend to scruples, without proving the points at issue to be
unlawful, was virtually to destroy all law ; and that if scruples
were to be consulted, those of the conformists ought not to be
disregarded, who would justly be offended at unnecessary altera
tions. That the Prayer Book had been drawn up with great
care, and nothing introduced into it which might not be proved
to be taken from the word of God, or the practice of the primitive
church ; that if anything of this sort could be pointed out, the
bishops themselves wished to see it changed : but that it could
not be necessary to make innovations for the sake of satisfying
those, who were themselves the cause that the services were dis
liked. That there must be some general rule with regard to
ceremonies, in which, except under peculiar circumstances, the
majority of any society must be bound to obey the judgment and
decisions of their superiors, since offence unnecessarily taken by
a weak brother could be no reason for abrogating the general law
of God, which established the duty of subordination : that the
ceremonies alluded to were in themselves ancient and unobjec
tionable, and that the observance of Lent, and the saints' days,
had been an universal practice in the church, and ought not now
to be rejected.

» I am not aware that this answer of
the bishops is anywhere printed at
length, I believe the whole of it is
quoted by Baxter, as he answers it:

(Hist, Nonconformity, 187, &c, :) from
whence I have taken it. A copious ab
stract is given by CoUier, ii, 879,

496

bishops' answer to titk objections. [a, d, 1 661.

In the Lord's Supper, the bishops seem to have been ready to
grant so much as would allow the curate more time for admoni
tion, and to have quietly passed over the rest. They abate nothing
of the rubric concerning receiving three times in the year, and
urge the ministers to try to prevent the unfitness of the commu
nicants by their own exertions. They add, that in baptism too
much power ought not to be left In the hands of the curate, lest
he might use it uncharitably towards the children ; whose right
to baptism does not depend merely on their parents ; that the use
of godfathers^ Is ancient, and need not be laid aside.
That the use of the term regeneration'^ Is according to the
holy Scriptures, and since the child can do nothing to hinder the
efficacy of the sacrament, It is charitably to be presumed that the
baptism Is effectual. That in speaking of others who are not
notorious offenders, (for these indeed are already excluded,) charity
denominates them such as they ought to be. That, In confirma
tion, the consent ofthe minister is very proper, but still ought not
to tie down the hands of the bishop in case he sees fit to administer
the rite without It,
That the responses, which are objected to as iijterruptions, are
very useful in keeping up the attention and exciting the devotion
of the congregation, and consistent witli the practice of the early
Christian and Jewish churches. That the connexion of the
prayers seems to be good, and that there is no reason why the
different attributes of God should not be brought In before parti
cular petitions, each ending with an address, through the merits
and mediation of Christ, That the Gloria Patri, as a short con-

¦¦ It may be observed that the non
conformists are probably nearer to the
custom of the primitive church, in their
requests, than the present rubric. See
Bingham's Ant. Index, Sponsors.
•^ It is unfortunate that sufficient at
tention has not been paid to the different
senses of this word. If individuals as
sign to it a secondary meaning, iu which
it was not intended to be used in the
baptismal service, their objections to this
service are due to tliemselves. Prob.ibly

no sincere member of the ehurch of
England ever thought that all baptized
persons were living under the influence
of the Spirit of God, or that the mind
of any one could be effectually turned to
<jod, except through the operation of the
Holy Ghost ; and when this is laid down,
there is no great theoretical difference
between those who disagree on this point.
The collect for Cliristmas day is the best
comment on our baptismal service as to
this particular.

XV. § 672.] bishops' answer to the objections.

497

fesslon of the Trinity, cannot be a burden to any Liturgy, and
that the Lord's Prayer occurs nowhere above twice in the same
service. That the concession of greater liberty to the officiating
minister would destroy the very object of a set form of prayer.
That it is not necessary to exclude the reading the Apocrypha,
since the sufficiency of Scripture does not supersede the necessity
of other instructions, as of sermons, &c.
This answer is terminated by a list of concessions, which, after
all, are not considerable, and will be noticed In the History of the
Common Prayer*; but It may be remarked, that three of these
promised alterations were never introduced; viz,, the Insertion of
the whole of the preface to the Ten Commandments in the com
munion service, " I am the Lord thy God who brought thee out
of the land of Egypt," &c,; in the marriage service, the change
of the word, " with my body I thee worship," Into " I thee
honour ;" and in the burial service, the omission of the epithets
" sure and certain " hope : the two last of which seem to be
desirable, nor am I acquainted with any reason why they were
not effected, § 673, To this answer of the bishops, the other party sent
in a long reply-]-, containing the chief a%uments which may be
adduced on the several topics, but drawii up In so violent a tone,
that it could only tend to widen a breach which was already too
large^. When this paper was presented + to the bishops, Baxter

* The preface was written by Calamy,
and states the points in which the bishops
had not made any concessions. (Baxter's
Life, 335.) The answer itself was com
posed by Baxter, but is too long, and
enters too much into detail to admit of
any abridgment which shall convey an
adequate idea of its contents. It takes
up one hundred and forty-two closely
printed 8vo. pages: he calls it a plain
answer — it is, alas, far too plain to do
any good. He says (Hist, Nonconf. 198)
in it, " Love and tenderness are not used
to express themselves by hurting and

destroying men for nothing :" " we force
not all to use spectacles or crutches,
(Ibid, 233,) because some are purblind
or lame." He calls the Common
Prayer "a dose of opium, (Ibid, 213,)
which is likely to cure the disease of di
visions by extinguishing life, and uniting
all in a dead religion." He says, " Take
all the world for saints, (Ibid. 316,) and
use them accordingly, and blot out the
doctrine of reproof, excommunication,
and damnation from your Bible. " It is
impossible that he could have even hoped
for good from such expressions. He adds.

§ 749, b.

+ Hist, of Nonconf, 183, &c,
Baxter's Life, 335.

498

Savoy cOnferencje,

[a,d, 1661,

observed, that they seemed offended at Its length; and as he
suspected that no one, except those who were commissioned to
answer the papers, ever read them, he strongly urged that the
few remaining days might be employed in friendly disputations^
When this point was conceded, he tried to induce his opponents
to state their objections to his own form of Liturgy, but could
not obtain his request ; for the bishops maintained their vantage
ground, and desired that they might see the necessity of any
alteration clearly established, before they proceeded to discussions
as to the nature of them. This disputation was committed to
Drs. Pierson, Gunning, and Sparrow, against Bates, Jacomb, and
Baxter; but the proceedings were carried on with so much con
fusion, that no good result could be expected from It,
Towards the end of the debate Bishop Cosins brought forward
a proposal as coming from some considerable person, by which an
end might be put to the dispute, if the nonconformists would
state what they considered to be " sinful" in the Common Prayer,
and what they deemed " expedient to be altered," To this pro
posal Baxter presently sent in an answer, wherein he mentioned
eight particulars as sinful*.
1. That no minister might be admitted to baptize without
using the cross.
2. Or to exercise any office, if he dare not wear a surplice.
3. That none be admitted to the communion, that dare not
kneel. 4. That ministers are forced to pronounce all baptized infants
regenerate. 5. To administer the Lord's Supper to unfit persons, and they
forced to receive it.
6, To absolve the unfit in absolute terms,
7, To give thanks for all whom they bury, "as brethren
whom God has delivered and taken to himself,"

" You are all (Ibid. 322) unacquainted
with the subject of which you speak." —
"The worid (Ibid. ,324) wiU see that
indeed we differ in greater things than
ceremonies and forms of prayer," "All

tends to take away the difference (Ibid,
325) between the precious and vile,
between those that fear God, and that
fear him not,"

* Bjixter's Life, 341, &c.

XV, § 673.] SAVOY CONFERENCE, 499
8, That none may preach without subscribing a declaration,
that the Book of Common Prayer and Articles contalneth in it
nothing contrary to the word of God,
There were, indeed, two more, which he omitted at the
request of his colleagues: the imposition of the Liturgy, and the
subscription of canonical obedience,
§ 674, This step naturally offended the bishops, who justly
reasoned, that If the thing imposed were not in itself contrary to
the word of God, the imposition of it could hardly be sinful,
however Inexpedient an individual might esteem it. The dis
putation was subsequently carried on in a syllogistic form, and
the only point clearly demonstrated seems to be, the absurdity of
expecting to settle differences of opinion by such a method.
Baxter appears so have been far too metaphysical in his distinc
tions ; and though the fault, in a great measure, lies In the
attempt itself*, yet his pertinacious denial of what to most
men must appear to be true, will Induce us, perhaps, to believe
that he mistrusted his own conviction of the sinfulness of the
impositions. Through these numerous delays, which were perhaps created
on purpose by the episcopal party, and certainly much augmented
by the temper with which Baxter carried on his part of the
dispute, the time which was assigned for the conference had
expired, and all that was effected was, that the bishops had
consented to some unimportant alterations; the nonconformists
had shown what they wished for, In the modification of the
church; and both parties had become exasperated against each
other. § 675. After the termination ofthe conference, the noncon
formist divines-]- waited on the lord chancellor, who advised them
to draw up an address to his majesty, containing an account of all
that had taken place, and requested that he might himself first
see it. He seems to have been most offended with Baxter, and
to have thought that if he had urged his proposals with temper,
* Walton's Life of Sanderson; Wordsworth's Eccl, Biog, v. 529, &c,
-f- Baxter's Life, 364.
2 K 2

500

BAXTER.

[a.D. 1661.

and a spirit of conciliation, all might have been well". And,
indeed, Baxter appears throughout the whole transaction to" have
given up the hope, and with it, perhaps, almost the wish, of
reconciling the two parties. He earnestly desired peace, but it
was only on his own terms, and he would concede nothing to his
opponents. With this feeling, it soon became his object to render
the dispute, in the eyes of the world, as favourable as possible to
his own party, and to leave a clear testimony to posterity *, that
the bishops had rejected that which, in his opinion, was essential
to Christianity. He readily put himself forward in the contest,
with the view of screening his brethren from the animosity of the
bishops, and esteemed It a cause for which he could comfortably
suffer, being no less disposed to become a willing martyr in the
cause of charity, than he would have been in that of faith, had
he been called to the trial. One cannot but admire the heroic
temper of such a man, but we must be very cautious not to
mistake all these feelings for pure Christianity. In this case,
they were doubtless mixed up with much which was Christian;
but Baxter never once thought of sacrificing in the cause of
Christ, that which a good man values most highly of anything in
this world, the good opinion of his own party, and the admiration
of his friends''; had he yielded all that in his conscience he could
yield, the more violent members of his party would perhaps have
counted him a traitor to their cause, but the peace of the church
of England would probably have been promoted, and the service .
of real religion have been advanced,
§ 676, When we view the whole question, at this distance

" Lord Clarendon observed that if
Baxter had been as fat as Dr. Manton,
all might have gone on well. Baxter's
Life, 364,
>• (Selden's Table Talk, " Changing
Sides." §4.) " When the pope offered
Luther any preferment in the church
which he chose to have, Luther answered,
if he had offered half as much at first he
would have accepted it; but now he bad

gone so far he could not come back. In
truth, he had made himself a greater
thing than they could make him: the
German princes courted him; he was
become the author of a sect, ever after
to be called Lutherans, So have our
preachers done that are against the
bishops; they have made themselves
greater with the people than they can be
made the other way,"

* Baxter's Life, 306,

XV, § 676,]

SAVOY CONFERENCE,

501

of time, It is impossible not to wish* that several concessions had
been made, on points which, while they affect not the doctrine,
or discipline, of the church, have been, and are, offensive to many
who conscientiously adhere to what Is ordered ; and which, had
they been granted at the period of which we are speaking, might
probably have tended to conciliation. But the failure in the
success of this conference must be attributed chiefly to Baxter.
He was anxious to give the priest a negative power over his
bishop ; that there should be a certain number of elected presby
ters, without whom the bishop should not be allowed to perform
certain offices. The declaration had conceded the point, and
Baxter wished to introduce something of this nature into the
rubric ; and he was not contented that the power of the priest
over the people should be confined to persuasive government
alone ; and when he began to argue on the point with the bishops,
he became warm, and used expressions which M'ould have been
more wisely avoided.
§ 677. The question about discipline is one of opinion ; one
in which men may arrive at very different conclusions without
adopting very discordant principles. Discipline is probably best
preserved by vesting the supreme authority In the hands of the
immediate governors, subject only to an appeal to a higher tri
bunal, and to the control of public opinion. Discipline is different
from government. The object of discipline is to make the body
subjected to it, as effective as possible : of government, to render

» If the whole services had been
shortened; the morning service so ar
ranged, by a new rubric perhaps, that
there might have been more unity in the
various parts of which it is composed,
and repetitions had been thus avoided,
particularly with regard to the Lord's
Prayer; — if there had been a distinct
invocation for the aid of the Holy Ghost
to assist our prayers, an extension, per
haps, of the latter part of the Absolution,
in the commencement of the duty of the
day; — had the method of distributing
the elements ,in the Lord's Supper been
altered, in case of a large number of

communicants, a custom which many
clergymen have, from necessity, been
forced to introduce ; — had the godfathers
in baptism answered in their own names,
or had a rubric been inserted, explaining
the nature of the promises which they
make ; had the words, " with my body
I thee worship," " in sure and certain
hope ; " and, " it is certain from God's
word," in the several services, been
changed ; — had the reading the Apo
crypha been discontinued, and the tables
of lessons new framed;— the Prayer
Book would probably have been equally
edifying, and less liable to objections.

502

DISCIPLINE,

[a,d, 1661,

the members governed as free and happy as can be contrived.
But almost every body of men partakes of two characters, and
must be subjected to discipline as well, as government, A pountry
which does not submit to both, will soon find itself overpowered
by some neighbouring state, which has been trained to combine
its forces, and to be directed In its operations by discipline, And
no one in England can help feeling that discipline should never
be separated from the principles of government ; that every
member of even the army, or navy, when subjected to a court
martial, is still an Englisman, to whom the laws of mere disci
pline cannot be applied strictly, without Injustice,
From the connexion between church and state, which exists In
this country, the discipline of the church of England is of a most
comjillcated nature, and can hardly be regarded as either disci
pline or government, but must be viewed as a mixture of both.
The differences between those who advocate, or oppose, reforma
tion, in the constitution of our church, chiefly arise from this
circumstance, that the one regard the matter as a question of
discipline, the other as purely of government. The early state of
the Christian church required discipline rather than government ;
and the difficulties with which they were surrounded, rendered
the preservation of discipline among Christians of a given society
comparatively easy, Baxter's idea of a parish was, that the
members of it should be under the control of some minister, to
whom they voluntarily submitted, and perhaps some of the
opposite party might have looked upon the church establishment
as simply a branch of the body politic ; but surely it is to regard
the church of England very superficially, to confine our notions
to either of these views",
§ 678, It Is highly desirable that the external circumstances

» If 'the right of presentation to a
living belong to an individual, and the
dispipline exercised by a bishop wrong
fully deprive the clerk presented to it
of his freehold, tho patron receives an
injui-y, for which ho ought to have a
remedy from the civil court. And yet,
surely the bishop ought to be guarded in

the exercise of his discipline, or he may
be prevented from doing his duty oon-
spientiously. The adjustment of this, is
the real difficulty with regard to disci
pline over the clergy. The discipline
over the laity is a totally different ques
tion.

XV. § 678,] DISCIPLINE, 503
of a clergyman should, as much as possible, enable him "con
stantly to speak the truth, and boldly to rebuke vice," without
his suffering for the truth's sake ; and it cannot be imagined that
any interference of the bishop's authority at all tends to prevent
this freedom of action on the part of the Inferior members of the
church ; and it may fairly be questioned whether the use of a
judicial power, vested in the parish priest, would advance the
cause of vital Christianity, As far as the hortative Influence of
private admonition, there can be no doubt that it was then, and
is now, open to a conscientious minister of God's word to speak
the most unpleasant truths to any erring members of his flock ;
yet certainly no wise government will invest a spiritual person
with such authority as will be likely to Induce him to tyrannize
over his brethren. The minister of the Gospel possesses an
authority which is not derived from man, and for the use of which
he is not accountable to the civil magistrate ; but whenever he
outsteps the limits of spiritual admonition, he will probably
injure the cause of religion. If any civil disabilities be attached
to ecclesiastical censures, of the wisdom of which there Is much
doubt, surely it is more reasonable to confine the power of inflict
ing these censures on the people, to as few persons as possible,
and, as far as can be, to remove It from the pastor,
§ 679, When the conference* was oyer, the nopconformlsts
drew up a petition to the king, containing a brief statement of
what had been done, and an exposition of their principles. In
this they declared, that If the civil magistrate commanded that
which they believed to be wrong In Its own nature and offensive
to God, it became their duty to examine into the question carefully,
and if unconvinced, to suffer patiently such penalties as were
affixed to disobedience. This document too was drawn up by
Baxter, but two of the most vehement passages had been previ
ously erased by the lord chancellor, and the earl of Manchester,
« Baxter's Life, 366. Hist of Nonconf. 333,

J^%-*^\ff-^.

CHAPTER XVI,
CHARLES II, FROM THE SAVOY CONFERENCE TO THE END
OF THE REIGN, 1661—1685.
701, Convocation; the last subsidy granted by the clergy. 702, Act of unifor
mity, 703. Difficulties connected with church property at a restoration ; (a)
on church property. 704. Observations on the act of uniformity. 705.
Treatment of the nonconformists. 706, 707, Injustice of it, 708. Causes of
passing this act. 709. Charles friendly to toleration. 710, Ejection of the
nonconformists; re-ordination. 711. Ejected clergy; Acts of parliament.
712, Corporation and test; select vestry act, 713, Conventicle act, 714.
Five mile act. 715. Attempts at a comprehension. 716. Effects of the iU-
treatment of the nonconformists. 717. The nonconformists not to be excused.
718. Letters of the foreign divines ; evils on both sides. 719, Latitudinarians,
720, Laws against the Roman Catholics, 721. Plots ; Gates'. 722. Danger-
field's; 723, Danger of the introduction of popery. 724, The commons
and nonconformists adverse to toleration, 725, Exclusion of the Roman
Catholics from power, 726, Policy of the reign. 727. Plague. 728. Fire of
London. 729, Oxford decree, 730. Lord Clarendon ; his policy, character,
and fate. 731, Persecution. 732. Character of Charles. 733. Immorality
arising from this reign,
§ 701 . In reviewing the history of the failure of the Savoy con
ference, we must certainly attribute it more to the nature of the
discussion Itself, than to any fault in the individuals who carried
it on. When men, entertaining opinions at total variance with
each other, meet for the purpose of discussing them, unless they
are possessed of extraordinary forbearance, the distance between
them is likely to be increased, rather than diminished. The only
method, under such circumstances, from which any favourable
result could rationally be expected, would be, if the more moderate
persons belonging to the ruling party were selected, who had by
private communication gained an insight Into the points in which
alteration was chiefly demanded, and were directed by their
commission, ahd themselves disposed, to concede everything
which might be given up with safety to the constitution of the
church. Such concessions might then become acts of grace, while
angry irritation would be avoided : and if unanimity could hardly
be hoped for even from this means, yet the proceeding would

XVI, § 701,] convocation, 505
appear likely to unite the more moderate members of both parties,
(the only persons whose good opinion is really worth cultivating,)
and leave the whole blame of the failure on those, who, after all,
were determined to continue divisions. Such, however, was not
the policy now adopted.
The convocation was assembled on May 8th, 1661*, and its
chief acts consist in a review and alteration of the Common
Prayer Book, of which an account is subsequently given-]-, and
In an attempt to remodel the canons. A commission under the
great seal was read In the upper house on June 19th, in order to
give them authority to proceed on this work, and many con
sultations were held on the subject, but after all, nothing was
ever done. The bishops appear to have framed articles of
visitation for their own use in their dioceses, which were intended
to be adopted in common in both provinces. The same convo
cation continued to sit till Sept, 1666, and as its proceedings
were not very important In any other respect, than in the
alteration of the Common Prayer, it may be as well at once to
state generally what was done in it, A form of prayer for the
consecration of churches | was examined, but laid aside, though
the drawing it up had been committed to Cosins, and afterwards
referred to a committee of four bishops §,
A Greek and Latin grammar || was also ordered to be prepared
by Barwick, prolocutor to the lower house, who was directed to
consult any one except schoolmasters, the persons most fit to
judge of it. A subsidy of four shillings on the pound IT, to be
raised In four years, was granted ; remarkable, as this was the
last occasion on which the clergy were taxed in this manner.
The original object of the English convocation seems to have
been as much civil as ecclesiastical. They granted money to the
crown, which was levied by ecclesiastical authority solely, till the
reign of Henry VIII,; from which period, each several contri
bution was confirmed by an act of parliament ; the sum paid,
depended on a poundage upon the value of each preferment, but
the values could hardly have been those in the king's book, since
* Synodus Anglicana, 60, Appendix. f See § 749, b. + Synod. Ang. 107, 118.
§ See § 750, II Synod. Ang. 114. ^ Ibid. 118,

506 convocation, [a.d. 1661,
this very convocation formed a committee for reviewing the book
of subsidies. The bishops were the collectors*. During the
usurpation the clergy^ had been taxed with the laity, a method
which was probably found so much more convenient, that it was
subsequently adopted. The change was effected by a private
arrangement between Sheldon and Lord Chancellor Clarendon,
without any specific act of parliament. In the act (16° 17"
Car. II. 1.) which granted a royal aid of 2,477,500^, § 30, It Is
enacted, that the spiritual revenues which become chargeable
under it shall be freed from the two last years of the late
subsidy. (1665.) From this time the clergy | have paid the
same taxes with the rest of their fellow-subjects, and voted for
members of parliament ; an alteration, which, whether for evil
or for good, has extinguished the political existence of the convo
cation, § 702, (a,d. 1662,) The event, however, which calls for
the greatest attention during this period, was the passing the act
of uniformity. In order to form a correct idea of the operation of
this act, it will be necessary to observe how the law stood before
and after the passing it, without reference to the changes which
it Introduced Into the Prayer Book Itself, At the Restoration,
the act of uniformity of Elizabeth came again Into force ; but the
original object of this act may be said to have been essentially
different from that which was now framed. The act of Elizabeth
attempted to punish, and finally to exclude from the church, all
ministers who were not ready to conform with the whole of the
rubrics and services. It enacted therefore that a conviction of
refusing to use the Common Prayer, or of speaking or preaching
against it, should, in the case of a beneficed man, for the first
offence be followed by the loss of a year's income .and six months'
imprisonment; for the second, by deprivation and one year's
imprisonment ; for the third, by deprivation and imprisonment for
life. If the offending clergyman were not beneficed, he was at
first Imprisoned for a year, and secondly for life. The act of

' Strype's Aimjils, \. 483. f Collier, EocI, Hist, ii, 893,
:j: Burnet's Own Tune, i, 340,

XVI. § 702.) ACT OP uniformity, 507
Charles II, endeavoured to exclude totally from the church all
who were not friendly to the whole constitution of it. It enacted
therefore, that every beneficed clergyman should be ejected ipso
facto, unless before the 24th of August, 1662, he used the church
service, and declared his assent and consent to everything con
tained therein. The process of ejectment under the law of
Elizabeth would have been perfectly certain, if the parties pro
secuting were determined to carry on the suit ; nor could any
considerable difficulty have attended the conviction ; and Indeed
many bills were found against the nonconforming clergy*, before
the new act came into operation ; but a longer portion of time
would have been occupied in the several steps, and the asperity
of the prosecutor, as well as the obstinacy of the prosecuted party,
might probably have given way during the process ; a circum
stance which would have 111 accorded with the wishes of those
who now ruled the church. The new law further enacted that
every person holding ecclesiastical, or academical preferment, or
teaching publicly, or privately, should, before the same day, sub
scribe a declaration, " That it is unlawful to take arms against
the king, on any pretence whatsoever;" "that he will conform
to the Liturgy;" and " that no obligation from the covenant lies
upon himself, or any other person :" which last clause was not to
continue in force beyond 1682, This subscription was enforced
under pam of deprivation, and of fine and iraprlsonment in the
case of unendowed schoolmasters and tutors. This bill, which
was drawn up by Keeling-]-, afterwards chief justice, was framed
with such strictness, that the tendency of It was to exclude as
many of the former clergy as possible ; and the question there
fore, which really comes under discussion, is, with regard to the
policy of ejecting so many individuals at once, and the justice* of
doing so on this occasion,
§ 703, It may safely be conceded, that no national church

• The justice of the question can only
refer to those who were already in the
church. Every government must have
the right to say that it will be served
under such and such conditions, however

unwise it may be lo impose such condi
tions. The act at present only says, if
you go into the church you must conform
to the rules of the church.

* Neal's Puritans, iv, 310, -|- Burnet's Own Time, i, 316,

508 act of uniformity, transfer of property, [a,d, 1662,
can continue to exist, unless the officiating members of the estab
lishment be friendly to the details of its services. Whoever is
hostile to them cannot be allowed to take part In the ministry.
The proceedings therefore which regarded those who were about'
subsequently to enter Into the church, could not from the nature
of the question be unjust ; though the required subscriptions
may possibly be deemed impolitic, since whatever circumstance
deprives a society of the assistance of any individual member of
the body politic, is, so far as it extends, an evil.
On the occ£.ijIon of a restoration, every sound friend of social
order will endeavour to create as little alteration as possible.
Nothing can restore to their former condition the families which
have suffered in the struggle ; and though the illegal transfer of
property can never be undone, yet a species of composition may
be effected, which may be acquiesced in by both parties, though
neither are perfectly satisfied with it. With these views, the
acts of such ecclesiastical bodies as had continued to exist,
though the members had often been unjustly ejected and dis
placed, were ratified ; and thus leases made by colleges and hos
pitals, &c. were established. The property of tithes had never
been separated from the livings ; and with respect to the lands
held under bishops or chapters, though the reversions had been
sold in Tperpetuity, yet these sales had probably been made at
such rates as to leave the purchasers no great losers, after an
occupation of nearly twenty years, especially as the very prices
might have convinced them that the title was never very sound.
Add to which, that they who were able to make such purchases
during the rebellion, were little likely to be objects of pity at the
Restoration, The leases therefore of these lands having, during
the usurpation, generally fallen in, the churchmen who obtained
the preferments to which they belonged, had an opportunity of
reletting them to their own advantage ; and the distractions of
the times prevented the government from taking such advantage
of these circumstances, as might have substantially benefited the
church, instead of enriching these individual members of it*,
' It is difficult to convey an adequate 1 are not well aware of the tenure of eccle.
idea of what is here meant, to those who j siastical property. During the preva-

XVI, § 704,]

ACT OF uniformity.

509

§ 704. But the question of the incumbency is different ;
before we can decide on this, it must be asked, whether it would
have been safe to retain the mass of nonconformists within the
pale of the church ; whether, If It were necessary to eject a large

lence of monastic establishments, the
revenues of many livings were appro
priated to the support of some monastery,
and the members of this body superin
tended the spiritual care of the parish.
These cures were by degrees generally
converted into vicarages, or pepetual
curacies, held by one of the members of
the convent, and the income assigned to
them by the society was proportionally
slender, consisting of smaU tithes, or of
a money payment. There are even now
some Uvings held on this species of
tenure. When, at the Reformation,
these pieces of preferment either fell into
lay hands, or were transferred to other
ecclesiastical bodies, the sum previously
paid by the society became inadequate
to the decent support of a clergyman,
who possessed no other source of main
tenance ; and the tithes, instead of pro
viding for the payment of the ministry
of the place, enriched a churchman who
had no connexion with it, or were
granted to lay impropriators, A consi
derable portion of the property of some
bishoprics, chapters, and colleges, de
pends on great tithes, which they hold
as impropriators, possessing frequently
at the same time the right of presenta
tion to the living, which is a vicarage, or
perpetual curacy. In other cases, the
patrons of the livings are owners of the
land, tithe free. These lands, or tithes,
when possessed by ecclesiastical bodies
corporate, are usually let out on Uves, or
on leases of twenty-one years, renewable
every seven, and the income of the body
corporate depends on such renewals :
but as these leases had now generally
run out, the legislature might fairly have
obliged the newly-appointed ecclesiastical
impropriator to augment the living be
longing to the property from which he
was about to receive so large a fine.
(Burnet, Own Time, i, 320, calculates

the sum total of these fines at a million
and a-half,) The king, indeed, made
some attempt to effect this ; for in 1660
he wrote a letter to bishops, deans, and
chapters, signifying his pleasure that
small vicarages might be augmented to
80/. per annum, or to the half of the
value of the rectory, wherever the whole
value of it did not exceed the double
of that sum; and it was subsequently
enacted, (29° Car. II. c. 8,) that aug
mentations made by ecclesiastical bodies,
since the date of the king's letter, should
be binding upon their successors, pro
vided they did not exceed the vivlue of
one-half of the impropriation. Nothing,
however, was effected with regard to lay
impropriations ; and indeed little can
herein be expected, till the subject is
taken up with liberality by the church :
and notwithstanding the munificence of
certain individuals at this period, so
little was done, that Sancroft (Life by
D'Oyly, i, 187,) renewed the application
in 1680, by writing to the several bishops
and deans, urging them to comply with
the directions of the king's letter, now
sanctioned and rendered effectual by the
act of pariiament. This step was the
more reasonable, as some of the worst
instances of livings inadequately j)rovided
for, are to be found among those which
are held under ecclesiastical bodies. The
extreme poverty which has been en
tailed on many of our livings, and which
might now have been remedied, is one
of the greatest evUs which afflicts our
church property ; and the subject is well
worthy the serious attention of those who
watch over the concerns of our establish
ment. Since the former part of this note was
originally printed, an Act has been
brought in by Archbishop Howley to
enable ecclesiastical impropriators to aug
ment poor livings.

510 ACT OF UNIFORMITY. EFFECTS OP. [a,D, 1662,
portion. It M'ould not have been wiser to do so as each was con
victed of some act of nonconformity ; and thirdly, whether the
very steps taken by the church did not tend to create the oppo
sition which it seemed to endeavour to correct. It is exceedingly
difficult to answer these questions clearly and distinctly; yet some
observations may tend to throw light on the subject, and enable
the reader to form his own opinion for himself.
Churchmen during the usurpation had possessed so much
power in the domestic concerns of each parish, that many indivi
dual laymen, not only those who entertained enlarged views of
Christianity, but the more numerous classes of the profligate and
the careless, had long borne no friendly feelings towards that
species of ecclesiastical policy which invested the ministry with
this authority. And though the general tone of society had pre*
vented any one from expressing these feelings openly, the prevalent
existence of them could not fail to produce a strong effect at the
Restoration. The presbyterlans had hated the government of
Cromwell, for establishing toleration and the independents, and so
contributed more readily to the recall of the king. The general
body of the nation rejoiced in shaking off the chains with which
their spiritual pastors had bound them ; and when the church party
began to perceive their own comparative strength, and the favour
with which the people gladly recurred to their parental govern^
ment, they took too great an advantage of these circumstances.
§ 705. Had a contrary line of policy been pursued; had
some further alterations been made in the Common Prayer Book ;
had the old law been allowed to stand with regard to conformity ;
and particularly had a wish existed, and been expressed by the
upper orders among the clergy, that union might be cultivated In
the church as much as possible; many of the more moderate
nonconformists would probably have joined the establishment.
But the very declaration* contained In the act was obviously
introduced to prevent the possibility of such an event. To say
nothing of the former clauses, who could assert that no obligation
lay on any one from having taken the covenant ? An Individual
may rightly deem himself not bound to the observance of an
•* See § 702,

XVI, § 705.] ACT OF UNIFORMITY. INJUSTICE OF. 511
oath in itself Illegal ; but who shall pretend that a presbyterian,
who had voluntarily taken the oath, and who believed in the
superiority of his own form of church government, might not be
really bound by it, so far as to use his Influence, or to exert any
other legal power of which he was possessed, to produce an alte
ration in the church? The point was one of much too great deli
cacy to be wisely introduced into a solemn declaration ; but if the
saying attributed to Sheldon be true, we need not trouble our
selves with such minutise, or question as to the object, which they
who managed the afikirs In the church had In view*. " When
Lord Manchester told the king, while the act of uniformity was
under debate, that he was afraid the terms of It were so rigid that
many of the ministers would not comply with it ; Sheldon replied,
' I am afraid they will.' Nay, 'tis credibly reported he should say,
' Now we know their minds, we'll make them knaves if they
conform.' " Doubtless Sheldon might deem this line of policy,
of ejecting all the nonconformists, to be the wisest for the church ;
but the events which have since occurred must convince every
man who can judge of such questions, that Intolerance is but
another name for selfishness, and will generally defeat its own
ends. § 706. Of the justice of these proceedings it is perhaps more
difficult to form an opinion which will be generally approved.
The church was then filled with men who, having been ordained
without the imposition of the hands of a bishop, and admitted
by a usurping government, could, in one sense, have no legal
claim to their benefices; especially where they were intruding
into the places of those who had been illegally dispossessed, and
were still alive. Here, therefore, the just restoration of the one
necessarily ejected the other ; but where the persons in possession
of the preferment had acted with the best intentions, and only
obeyed that which was, de facto, the government, could it be just
to eject them suddenly, without even giving them time to
re-examine and change their opinions? At all events, could
it be just to cast them out of all means of supporting them
selves, and not assign them any portion of their benefices for
* Calamy's Baxter, 170, *,

512

ACT OF UNIFORMITY. INJUSTICE OP. [a. D, 1662,

their support? The usurping government, when triumphant,
had allowed one-fifth* of the revenues to those whom it ejected
for their loyalty ; for in most cases this was the real crime. The
legitimate government turned out many loyal, though noncon
forming clergymen, and made not the slightest provision for
them. It might be necessary, and therefore just, to eject those who
were essentially adverse to an establishment, into which they had
gained admittance from circumstances ; but the manner In which
it was done must be designated as cruel. The difficulties were so
great, that the wisest might doubt as to what line of proceeding it
was best to pursue ; and while we blame what was done. It must
be remembered, that our reasonings are founded upon much sub
sequent experience ; yet had the governing party acted with Chris
tian charity towards their brethren, had they merely done unto
others according to the golden rule of our Saviour, much evil
might have been obviated at the time, and that spirit of dissent
from the church have been prevented, which even yet clings to
trifles too ridiculous to merit the attention of a moment.
§ 707, Had no new act of uniformity been passed, and the
operation of that of the first of Elizabeth been delayed for a time ;
had a portion of their preferments been allowed to such of the
nonconformist clergy as chose, In the mean season, to retire from
their benefices ; the party who scrupled to conform would have
been broken at least, and probably some of the most active and
zealous of them might have contributed to support the establish
ment ; but this was not the wish of the ruling party. And even
if the policy adopted by them was sound. It must be confessed
that it was carried on in such a manner as to render the abstract
justice of it questionable. Policy and justice are so linked by
indissoluble ties, that one is never violated without infringing the
other. In this case there were circumstances scarcely to be

" As the truth of the facts, as well as
the accuracy of the reasoning, has been
here called in question, the reader is
referred to § 598, where the difficulty of
obtaining the fifths, allowed by the go
vernment, is fully admitted. And the

reviewer is requested to turn to Walker,
p. 103, with regard to his own assertion,
" that fifths were never paid." I own,
I wish I could change my opinion, as to
the conduct of those who governed the
church in tlje reign of Charles.

XVI, § 707.J ACT OP UNIFORMITY, INJUSTICE OP, 513
called accidental which added materially to the hardship. Many
clergymen* never saw the new Book of Common Prayer till St.
Bartholomew's day ; and of the rest, few were so familiar with
the work itself, that they could at once estimate the nature of
the alterations. In this respect the strictness of the act became
a burden even to those who did conform ; indeed some persons
were ejected who subsequently conformed, and among the rest,
Kidder-]-, afterwards bishop of Bath and Wells*. St. Bartho
lomew's day Itself, August 24th, was chosen |, that the ejected
clergy might lose the tithes for the year, a severity which can
admit of no excuse.
§ 708. The causes which contributed to Induce the ruling
party to treat their opponents with so much harshness, were
various. They had themselves been exposed to Insult, to depri
vation and banishment, and misfortunes had not taught them to
forgive. They deemed that the security of the church depended
on their being able to trample her opponents under foot. Poli
tical prejudices § were combined with their feelings as churchmen ;
for the nonconformists were many of them favourable to a repub
lican form of government. And the uncertainty, as to Its conti
nuance, which hung over the power possessed by them||, excited
a wish to take the utmost advantage of the superiority now
afforded them. The principles and benefits of toleration were
little understood, and men saw not that the real interests of
themselves, and their opponents, were the same. The friends of
the papacy desired to increase the feuds among Protestants, that
the oppressed party might join with themselves in obtaining an
outward toleration of all denominations of Christians ; and if the
project of bringing back popery into England were ever to succeed,
it must be effected through the disagreement of those who ought
to be unanimous in opposing its extension. .
§ 709. The inclinations of the king, after his declaration
'^ An Act passed 1663, for the relief of I plying with the directions of the act.
such persons as by sickness or other (Neal's Puritans, iv. 356.)
impediments were disabled from com- I
* Burnet's Own Time, i, 318. f Birch's TiUotson, 77.
X Burnet's Own Time, i, 317, § Rapin, ii, 632, || Burnet's Own Time, i. 306.
2 L

614 king's declarations, [a, d. 1662,
from Breda, certainly disposed him to show kindness to the non
conformists ; but he was hardly perhaps bound by the letter of it
to perform more than he did*. The declaration* stated, that he
should be ready to consent to any act of parliament which might
be offered him for that indulgence ; he could not have foreseen
the probability of a house of commons disposed to tyrannize over
the nonconformists ; and it should be remembered, that, unless
the court had restrained-]- them, they would have carried things
much higher than they did. His second declaration, Oct, 25,
1660, had breathed the same spirit; and when the act of
uniformity had deprived so many of the nonconforming clergy,
Charles II, published another declaration, wherein, though he
States his Intention of observing the act of uniformity, he professes
a willingness to grant some Indulgence to the weak. This
declaration, though in itself perfectly illegal, bore with it such
marks and appearance of clemency, as to render it less generally
unacceptable, after the severity which had taken place on the
24th of August,
§ 710, It is said, that on this day two thousand ministers
resigned their preferments. The act was drawn up with such
strictness, that it left the duty of the nonconformist quite plain.
A man who entertained any rooted objection to episcopacy, to
the Liturgy, or to the doctrine of non-resistance, could honestly
do nothing else than quit his preferments ; and this large number
evinced their sincerity by resigning all their benefices. Passion
might perhaps have been mixed up with their motives, for In a
time of general excitement, It requires much greatness of mind to
be free from prejudice, yet no other test could more fully evince
their sincerity. The particular which probably created the
greatest difficulty was that of re-ordlnation. A very considerable
portion of these ministers had never received episcopal ordination;
and though diversity of opinion had been entertained as to the
validity of the ordinations of foreign reformed churches, the ques-
" See an Address of the Commons, 1663, Complete History of England,
iii, 239, * Clarendon, Hist, Reb, iii, 747. f Burnet's Own Time, i, 306,

XVI, § 71 O.J

RF.-ORDTNATION.

)15

tion was now decided with regard to the church of England ; for
the act of uniformity allowed none, who had not been ordained
priest by a bishop, to hold preferment or administer the sacrament
of the Lord's Supper, It is not wonderful that men, who had
long exercised their ministry *, many of them with great apparent
success, and whose opinions had always been adverse to episco
pacy, or as they termed it, to prelacy, should at once reject a
proposal which Implied a surrender of their former spiritual
authority, in order that it might be afresh conferred, Bramhall
in Ireland, to obviate this difficulty, proposed to use a form of
re-ordlnatlon -]- which should "supply what was wanting ac
cording to the canons of the church of England ;" thus waving
the real question, by making a compromise to the opinions of
both parties : a plan which Overall |, when bishop of Norwich,
(1618,) wished to have adopted In the case of Delaune, a French
Protestant ; but then he Would have used the words, " If thou
art not ordained before," If something of this sort had been
adopted, It would probably have tended to reconcile many indi
viduals ; but the cases of persons who have held preferment in
England without episcopal ordination are sufficient* to leave the
question in some degree uncertain, and would have authorized
perhaps a greater lenity on the present occasion. The question
for the future was now settled by the act of uniformity (§ x,) ; and
rightly so settled, if the principles previously laid down with
regard to episcopacy be correct,
§ 711, It is of course impossible, from the limited extent

' See § 454, b, where the question is
discussed. See also a beautiful letter of
Bishop Heber to Schmidt on the subject.
(Life, 8vo. iii, 411.) In a plan of com
prehension formed by Manton, Baxter,
Wilkins, and Burton, the words of ordi
nation ran : " Take thou legal authority
to preach the word of God and admi
nister the sacraments in any congrega
tion in England, where thou shalt
be lawfully appointed thereunto," (Bax»

ter's Life, iii, 34.) Usher and Dave
nant alone, among the bishops, allowed
of the validity of the ordination of
foreign Protestant churches. (Neal's
Puritans, iv, 131,) The question is one
of extreme delicacy, on which good and
well-informed men may well think differ
ently ; but the decision of Bishop Heber
is perhaps as near as possible to the
truth. He re-ordained with the assent
of the party re-ordained.

* Baxter's Life, iii. 37. t Ne.al's Puritans, iv. 314,
X Bireli's Tillotson, 185, 2 L 2

616 EJECTED CLERGY. [a,D, 1662,
of this work, to give any detailed account of the sufferings of
the ejected clergy; and we may hope that the evil was much
lessened by the general feeling in their favour which these very
severities created*. The offer of bishoprics had been made to
both Calamy and Baxter, yet both these men were, on very
slight grounds, subjected to the indignity of a common gaol ;
and the same sort of persecuting spirit, of which the act of
uniformity may be deemed the commencement, but which was
extended by the passing of several other laws, broke forth
throughout the country; so that every violent informer who
could meet with magistrates equally violent, was let loose to
exercise the worst of passions upon the nonconforming ministers,
whose personal strictness and severity, perhaps unduly exercised
when they were possessed of spiritual power, had rendered them
the objects of the hatred of their neighbours.
The remainder of the ecclesiastical history of this reign, if
indeed it may be so called, consists in the detail of the bulwarks
with which the church of England, in her hour of triumph, endea
voured to fortify herself against all her opponents. She was
endangered from the attacks of the nonconformists and the Roman
Catholics, and her friends, not trusting to the force of her own
excellence, sought to exclude every doubtful member of the
Christian community from possessing any power over her con
cerns ; and Imagined that they should free her from the risk of
being persecuted, by giving her the power to treat others with
inhumanity. But it should be remembered that these laws have,
in the season of difficulty, proved inadequate to her defence, which,
under the blessing of God, has depended on the unanimity and
zeal which any real attack on the constitution, either in church
or state, has never failed to call forth ; and that these acts, with
the exception of one of them, had long been virtually repealed In
practice, before they were erased from the statute book.
§ 712. (a.d. 1661.) The corporation act* compelled every

» See chap, ix, in Calamy's Life of Baxter, which gives a very fuU account of
the matter, " 13° Charles II, chap, i, of the second session.

•XVI, § 712,] ACTS OP PARLIAMENT, NONCONFOIiAllSTS, 517
officer of a corporation to take the oaths of supremacy and alle
giance, as well as that concerning the unlaM'fulness of taking up
arms against the king, on any pretence whatsoever ; and to make
a declaration against the covenant : nor was any one to be elected
to any office, unless he had received the sacrament of the Lord's
Supper, according to the rites of the church of England, within
the year ; thus virtually excluding all who dissented, from
obtaining the Influential situations In boroughs, (1663.) And
the select vestry act* prevented any one from holding the office
of vestry-man In a corporate town, unless he would make the
declaration against taking up arms and the covenant, and promise
to conform to the Liturgy.
713, The first conventicle act"]- (1664) subjected every
person above the age of sixteen, who was convicted before two
magistrates of being present at a conventicle, (a house where five
persons or more, beyond the Inhabitants, were assembled for the
purpose of religious worship,) for the first offence to a penalty not
exceeding five pounds, or Imprisonment for three months ; for the
second of ten pounds, or six months ; for the third or any subse
quent one, upon conviction before a court of assize, to the pay
ment of one hundred pounds, or transportation. Conventicles
might be prevented by force or broken into, but the house of a
peer might not be searched without the presence of two magis
trates. Quakers refusing to take an oath, when lawfully called
on, unless they admitted the legality of taking one, might be
transported. The second conventicle actj, (1670,) which was passed when
this had expired, reduced the penalty to five shillings for the first
offence of being present at a conventicle, and to ten shillings for
all subsequent ones ; but imposed a fine on the preacher of twenty
pounds for the first, and forty pounds for all future offences ; and
In case the preacher fled, it made any one present liable to pay a
portion of his fine, not exceeding ten pounds, and subjected the
owner of the premises to a fine of twenty pounds. One particular
was peculiarly severe, for as the object of the law was to prevent
* 15" Charles II. 5, f 10° Charles II, 4, X 22° Charies II, 1,

518

ACTS OF P.\RLIAMENT.

[a.D, 1664.

conventicles, It was enacted that every clause should be construed
most largely for preventing them, i. e., against the prisoner.
Proceedings were not rendered void by any want of due form.
§714, (a, D, 1665.) The five mile act* subjected every
nonconformist minister or clergyman, not having duly qualified,
who should come, except in travelling, within five miles of any
corporate town, or other place where he had been minister, or
had preached In a conventicle since the act of oblivion, to a
penalty of forty pounds, or six months imprisonment, unless he
would take the oath against " taking up arms against the king
on any pretence," a proposition on which few men, whatever
might be their opinions, would wish to decide thus jDeremptorlly,
and to embody their decision In an oath*. Nor were these
ministers, or any persons not frequenting the church of England,
to teach a public or private school, without incurring the same
penalty. It unfortunately happened that the parliament-]- in Oxford,
whither they had retired on account of the plague in London, were
engaged in passing this act at the very moment when the noncon
formist ministers were exerting themselves most strenuously in
preaching and performing their other ministerial functions in the
metropolis. Some of these. Indeed, took the oath, but the
majority continued their labours notwithstanding the penalties t;
while the force of truth, and the feelings of the people, prevented
the law from being fully carried into effect,
§ 715. It must not however be supposed that all these laws,
tending to the suppression of the nonconformists, were enacted
without any exertions on the other side to obtain a greater Indul
gence for them. Many reasons, which have been before detailed,
made their suppression to be well received both by the court and
the country, so that for a long time, such persons as pleaded for

" Nothing can more strongly mark the
inutUity of such an oath than the conduct
of the country towards James II, Very
few real Christians will hesitate to say,
that hardly .any provocation can justify

siioh a proceeding : but he must be au
incautious reasoner who would affirm
that none can. Extreme cases are not
provided for in the Bible.

17° Charies II. 2, f Baxter's Own Life, part iii, 2, + See also § 727,

XVI, § 715.] ATTEMPTS AT A COMPREHENSION. 510
toleration, were but little attended to; yet Its friends were not
remiss In endeavouring to relieve those whose sufferings they
could not but commiserate.
(a, d, 1669,) Lord Keeper Bridgman, and Wilkins, bishop of
Chester*, attempted to frame a bill, by which the more moderate
of the dissenters might be taken into the church, and for this
purpose Manton and Baxter were consulted. They gave it as
their opinion, that Archbishop Usher's scheme would comprehend
all the nonconformists. That the king's declaration-]- would
embrace most of them, and that it would satisfy many, if they
were allowed to exercise their ministry, by the removal of the
most objectionable points which had been imposed upon them.
The object of Bishop Wilkins seems to have been, to have made
a comprehension for the more moderate nonconformists, and a
toleration for the rest, not excluding the Roman Catholics, and
proposals were made to this effect; but the house of commons
were very adverse to any such measures.
(March 15, 1672.) When Charles published his Declaration
of Toleration j, suspending all penal laws on account of religion,
promising licence and places of worship to Protestants, provided
they met with open doors, and liberty of private worship to
papists ; the commons presently declared the proceeding to be
illegal, (Feb. 19, 1673,) but not before they had unanimously
resolved (Feb, 14,) that a bill should be brought in to relieve
dissenters, which received some alteration in the lords §, but
came to nothing, as the parliament was prorogued. It should be
observed, that the friends of toleration wished not for any com
prehension. The papists desired that the tyranny exercised
against the nonconformists might introduce a general toleration.
The court were anxious that the severity enforced by the commons
might induce men to fly to the king for protection, and the
interests of the sectarians corresponded with those of the papists.
Baxter || drew up some terms for satisfying the nonconformists,
which he sent to Lord Orrery, at the request of Bishop Morley,
* Burnet's Own Time, i. 439; Baxter's Life, part iii. 23. f See § 665,
+ Collier, ii, 895; Baxter's Life, iii, 99, 101, § Rapin, ii, 608,
II Life, iii, 109,

520 ATTEMPTS AT A COMPREHENSION. [a. D. 1681.
who returned them with his own observations ; but the proceeding
led to the same result as the Savoy conference.
(a.d, 1674-5.) A second attempt of the same sort* was
afterwards made, at -which Drs. TiUotson-]- and Stillingfleet met
Baxter and other nonconformists, but the object was frustrated
by the disinclination of the bishops,
(a,d, 1681,) A severe law of Elizabeth (23° 2,) against
puritans J was repealed by the houses, after some difficulty In the
lords ; but the clerk of the crown omitted to present the bill at
the end of the session, as the king had no wish to free the non
conformist from the liability of being 111 treated, and could hardly
venture to reject the bill. There was also a bill of comprehension
offered by the episcopal party, but not supported by the noncon
formist interest ; and before the end of the session, when the
parliament was about to be prorogued, an extraordinary and
most unconstitutional vote passed the commons §, "That the
prosecution of Protestant dissenters, upon the penal laws, Is at
this time grievous to the subject, a weakening the Protestant
interest, an encouragement to popery, and dangerous to the peace
of the kingdom :" a vote which was justly liable to all the objec
tions which were raised against the declaration of the king,
(a, D. 1688,) The same object was again attempted by
Archbishop Sancroft just before the Revolution, and prevented by
the toleration act |1 ,
§ 716, These attempts, however, M'ere altogether useless, as
far as the immediate interests of the nonconformists were con
cerned. The act of uniformity had thrown them out of their
profession, and reduced many of them to beggary; and though
they were enabled to preach for a short period, during the tolera
tion afforded by Charles, and the interval between the two
conventicle acts, yet these were but brief respites In a long season
of oppression, till their continued sufferings, and the circumstances
of the nation, had prepared the minds of most men for the general
toleration which was ultimately introduced. The people of
England, though favourable to the cause of the church, became
* Baxter, 151, f Birch's TiUotson, 42, + Burnet's Own Time, ii. 208.
§ Calamy's Abridgment, 609, || D'Oyly's Life, 326.

XVI. § 716.]

NONCONFORMISTS,

521

adverse to the persecution of dissenters*; some magistrates
avoided Issuing -warrants against them ; and Sir Nathaniel Hern
expressed a common feeling, when he told certain bishops who
were dining with him, " That they could not trade witli their
neighbours one day, and send them to gaol the next,"
§ 717, The hardships which the nonconformists endured
naturally dispose us to sympathize with them ; but we must be
careful not to regard all their sufferings as If endured for the sake
of religion. The very severities of the laws produced, perhaps,
much of the vehemence of those who were subjected to the effects
of them ; but the readiness with which they rent asunder the
bonds of Christian unity, because determined not to give up their
own opinions, is worthy of our strongest animadversions.
Granting, for the sake of argument, that every objection which
they raised against the church, was valid; granting that our
ceremonies were unscriptural, our discipline imperfect, our impo
sitions needless, they could not have deemed these reasons suffi
cient for seceding from the church, or establishing fresh congre
gations, if they had been guided by the true spirit of Christian
unity and love*. Unfortunately, no attempt was made to discri
minate between the different classes of nonconformists, who were
all, by the newly established laws, ranked under one common
denomination, Baxter, who held communion with the church,
who preached occasionally within her walls, and gave over to the
use of the establishment a chapel ¦f which he hadj erected, was
treated with as much, If not more severity than men who declaimed
against her institutions as Idolatrous, and urged the duty of

" There are some excellent observa
tions which bear indu-ectly on this point
in Selden's Table Talk. "Conscience."
" If we once come to leave that out-
loose, as to pretend conscience against
law, who knows what inconvenience may
follow ? For thus, suppose an anabap
tist comes and takes my horse. I see
him. He tells me he did accorduig to
his conscience ; his conscience tells him
all things are common among the saints;

what is mine, is his ; therefore you do ill
to make such a law. If any man takes
another's horse, he shall be hanged.
What can I say to this man ? he does
according to conscience. Why is not
he as honest n. man as he that pre
tends a ceremony established by law is
against his conscience ? Generally, to
pretend conscience against law is dan
gerous; in some cases haply we may."

Calamy's Abridgment, 605, 007,'

t Life, iii, 179, § 7.

522 NONCONFORMISTS. [a. D. 1688.
separation as strenuously as If they had been attacking the errors
of the church of Rome. The warmth, indeed, with which
Baxter had stood forward In the controversy, had marked him
out as an object of rigour ; and his sufferings from disease, as well
as the laws, had rendered him very acrimonious in his ex
pressions on the point at issue, and made his language that of a
controversialist, and not of a humble Christian, who sought for
peace. § 71 8. The most unequivocal testimonies against the non
conformists are to be found in the letters of several members of
the reformed churches in Holland and France, who hesitate not
to condemn most distinctly the separating spirit which they ex
hibited*. The nonconformists esteemed these laws tyrannical, In
which every friend of religious liberty will probably agree ; but
they deemed the tyranny of a Christian church, which suspended
them from the performance of clerical duties, a sufficient reason
for breaking the unity of the church, and setting up separate
congregations; a step in which few moderate Christians will
approve of their conduct. Separation appears to be allowable
only when a church is deserted because it holds doctrines which
may endanger our salvation. When the question was not about
the " esse^'' or the " bene esse,"' but only about the " melius esse,"
they Inflicted a wound upon our church, which time has not
been able to cure ; and created such a spirit of division among us,
that schism Is now hardly deemed a sin. The blame must be
shared by those who Imposed the laws, but the evil was most
immediately produced by the 'secession of the nonconformists.
The antipathy with which the two parties viewed each other,
was gradually increased, as the struggle was carried on ; till the
one side esteemed their opponents schismatics, and they them.-
selves were regarded as persecutors; while both gradually ap
proached towards the character which their adversaries gave
them. The one supposed that they could engender unanimity by
fines and imprisonments, and the others exerted themselves in
drawing away as many of their followers as they could from the
» These letters are printed at the end of StlUingfleet's Unreasonableness of
Separation,

XVI, § 718.] LATITUDINARIANS. 523
communion of the church. The moderate on both sides deplored
the existence and extension of such evils, and the excesses of
which both parties were guilty, daily augmented the ranks ofthe
moderate, § 719, Many of the same feelings existed with regard to
political questions, and these mutual errors gave rise to a set of
men, who In our own days would have been denominated
liberals, but who were then stigmatized under the appellation of
latitudinarians. The term seems to have been first applied at
Cambridge, during the usurpation, to men, who having been
elected Into fellowships, since the beginning of the troubles, M'ere
not so strict In their prejudices as their neighbours ; who were
accused of Arminianism, and a prelatlcal spirit, and were denied
preferments for this reason. These same persons, on joining the
church, were not particularly forward in showing their zeal for it,
by abusing those who had scruples about It, They were friends
to the Liturgy, and unwilling that any essential alterations
should be introduced into it ; and were adverse to the crude
effusions, and blasphemous familiarities, sanctioned under the
name of extempore prayer. They admired the moderation of
the church of England, and were friends to liberty of conscience ;
being ready to conform themselves, they wished that as little as
possible should be imposed as of necessity. Although it Is
objected to them that they were not sound friends to the estab
lishment, they could not help imagining that the essentials of
Christianity are of as much consequence as any external cere
monies. They were accused of admitting innovations in philo
sophy, but they could not be led to imagine that the church of
England need fear any investigation of truth ; they thought
that her greatest danger consisted in the chance that her de
fenders, armed with the ancient weapons only, might be called
upon to encounter those who had adopted the new *. The
appellation was of that nature, that many persons would be so
denominated, who held no very distinctive opinions on these
topics ; and as this spirit extended itself to other departments as
» This account is taken from a tract published in the Phoenix, ii, 501, See
also an article in Butler's Roman CathoUcs, in. 141,

524 ACTS ASAINST ROMAN CATHOLICS, [a, D, 1672.
well as the church, it paved the way in politics, for our present
constitution ; in philosophy, for the discoveries of Sir Isaac
Newton ; and in the church, for that liberty of conscience,
which, through God's blessing, has been subsequently established.
§ 720. Many of the laws which have been already men
tioned, bore with equal severity on the Roman Catholics ; but
the hopes of the members of this communion were supported by
the divisions among Protestants, and the prospect of Introducing
their own tenets, through the violence of which the two parties
were mutually guilty.
The Corporation Act disabled them from holding any situations
in boroughs, (1672,) and the Test* threw them out of all offices,
or places of trust or profit ; for It enacted that persons filling such
employments, should not only take the oaths of allegiance and
supremacy, and receive the eucharist according to the rites of the
church of England, but make also a declaration against transub
stantiation. Any act performed in executing the office, after
refusing to take the oaths or the sacrament, Incapacitated the
offender from prosecuting in any suit of law, and subjected him
to a fine of 500^, The law, however, which affected them most
severely, was that which excluded them from both houses of par
liament, by enacting-]-, (1678,) that no one should sit or vote in
either house till they had taken the oaths of allegiance and supre
macy, and signed a declaration against transubstantiation, the
invocation of saints, and the sacrifice of the mass, and added
that this declaration was made without any mental reservation,
or idea that it could be dispensed with by the pope. The
penalty was a fine of 5001., and the seat of a commoner was
rendered vacant, and the peer disabled from sitting during the
parliament. The same penalty was Incurred by a popish recusant
convict coming Into the presence of the king or queen. The
duke of York was excepted from the operation of this act.
These enactments -were nugatory with regard to a king who was
determined to govern without laws, and without a parliament ;
but had one Injurious effect, that they tended to unite every
friend of the Roman Catholic religion In firm adherence to the
* 25° Charies II. 2. -|- 30° Charles II. stat, 2, c, 1,

XVI, § 720.] PLOTS, 525
crown, when the crown was opposed to the liberties of the
subject, § 721, The warmth with which all parties regarded each
other was kept up, and the mind of the nation retained in this
unnatural state of excitation, by many plots, real and pretended,
with which the country was agitated. To say nothing of other
disturbances, Venner, and some fifth-monarchy men, threw London
Into a state of great alarm, but were iinmedlately suppressed,
(1661.) Phillips, Stubbs, and two others, were executed (1662)
for another conspiracy; and the year afterwards (1663) twenty-
one conspirators were put to death in the north. But the plot*
(1678) which caused the greatest agitation was that, with the
discovery of which the name of Titus Oates has been so constantly
connected, that It Is generally known by the appellation of Oates's
plot. He stated himself to have been engaged with the Roman
Catholics, at home, and abroad, and now brought forward the
evidence of a plot framed in order to introduce the Roman
Catholic religion into England, and to murder the king. For
this plot ten laymen-]- and seven priests of that persuasion
suffered, and seventeen more were condemned to death, some of
whom died In prison ; yet it is still a question whether the whole
of the evidence under which they were convicted, were not ficti
tious. There can probably be no doubt, In the mind of any one,
that there was a plot generally to introduce the Roman Catholic
religion; and the conspirators, among whom were some of the
most exalted persons in the country, might have been little
scrupulous as to the means of effecting their object: but whether
the intention of murdering the king were ever seriously enter
tained, Is very problematical ; and Sir Walter Scott has, with his
usual skill, taken advantage of the violence raised by this question,
when he makes Charles say, " I can scarce escape suspicion of
the plot myself, though the principal object of it is to take away
my own life," Men believed the evidence which was sworn to
by the witnesses, and a jury which did so, could not but convict
the prisoners; but, unfortunately, perjury was by no means
* Rapin, ii. 688; Welwood's Memoirs, 128,
-(• Butler's Roman Catholics, iii, 74,

526 oates's plot. [a.d. 1678.
uncommon at this period. The conviction of Oates himself, and
the severity with which he was treated in the next reign, does
not invalidate the evidence, because it proves too much, and only
really shows the temper with which both parties could act, when
they were possessed of power. The excitement occasioned by
this plot enabled Lord Shaftesbury to carry the bill which
excluded Roman Catholics from the two houses, and WO owe to
it the passing of the Habeas Corpus.
§ 722, In order to counteract the fatal effects which this
plot was inflicting on the Roman Catholics, a sham plot was
contrived for the purpose of throwing the odium on the presby
terians, and the heads of the country party, but Dangerfield,
who was chiefly concerned In it, discovered the truth; and the
attempt only tended to confirm the kingdom In its opinion of the
danger from the Roman Catholics, and to create a greater dislike
to them : while It contributed to convince all sober minded per=-
sons, that no one could be safe under such a government, or
guard against the effects of perjury and a prejudiced or packed
jury; a truth which was more sadly confirmed by the fate of
Lord Russell, and Algernon Sidney*, who, whatever might have
been their guilt, were in all probability unjustly condemned*;
and indeed, throughout the latter part of this reign, the law
seems to have been made an engine rather for the oppression of
the subject than for his defence,
§ 723, The circumstance, that the heir presumptive to the
crown was a Roman Catholic, and anxious to introduce his own
religion into the country, together with a well-founded belief that
the king himself secretly belonged to that communion, could not
fail to raise a very general idea that the stability of the church
was in danger : but the whole of this question properly belongs
° The question of Lord Russell's guilt ment by force, and is present when some
seems to turn on the truth of the evi
dence. A juryman who believed the
evidence, could hardly help convietin"
him. If a man meet a party frequently,
which is plotting to overthrow a govern-

of them are despatched to see whether
the guards may be surprised, surely he
must, iu foro conscientice as well as legali,
be guilty of treason, I own I do not
believe the evidence.

Rapin, ii, 729, 730,

XVI, § 723,] DANOER OP popery, •'>27
to the civil historian. There was no probability that the Roman
Catholics would be. able to convert the Protestants, or establish
their religion, by any other methods than those which must first
have destroyed the liberty of the subject ; except. Indeed, inas
much as the violence with which the Protestants attacked each
other, might induce the timid members of their communion to
throw themselves into the arms of the church of Rome, and to
seek to quiet their doubts under the treacherous security of her
infallibility. The real state of the question seems to be this. The Roman
Catholics were more friendly to arbitrary power than the presby
terlans ; they possessed a more gentlemanly religion, to adopt the
Idea of Charles II. ; and the church of England lying between
the two, approaching to the church of Rome In the imitation of
ancient rites and ceremonies, and In her respect for antiquity, and
coinciding with the rest of the reformed churches in her strict
agreement with the Scriptures in point of doctrine, drew nearest
to the former when the country seemed in danger from republi
canism ; but when the change in the face of politics marked Out
the evils which were to be apprehended from arbitrary power and
the introduction of the Roman Catholic religion, the high and
the low church parties joined to repel the threatened invasion,
and raised the cry of " No popery." It is difficult however to
suppose, that either Charles or James, at this time, cared more
for religion than as It affected politics, or that Shaftesbury sought
for anything beyond the establishment of his own influencej and
the predominance of those prmciples which he had himself
espoused. But these observations must not be extended to the
country. When the feeling was excited, men entertained It
according to their tempers. In the estimation of the sincere, it
was a point in which religion was closely concerned ; and as
those who cared not for religion gave It the same denomination,
it became one of those mixed questions which agitate the country
with the greatest vehemence: one In which the religious Bcruj)les
ofthe people are apparently joined with their temporal Interests,
§ 724, It was for these reasons that the commons viewed
with alarm two attempts which were made by the king to grant

528 DANGER OF POPERY, [a,D, 1672,
indulgence to those who differed from the church. (Dec. 26,
1662.) Charles had published a declaration for liberty of con
science*, wherein, among other things, he says, "That all his
subjects might, with minds happily composed by his indulgence,
apply themselves to their several vocations :" and in his speech
at the opening of parliament, he says, "And yet if the dissenters
will demean themselves peaceably and modestly under the govern
ment, I could heartily wish I had such a power of indulgence to
use upon occasions, as might not needlessly force them out of the
kingdom, or, staying here, give them cause to conspire against
the peace of It," This step created so great a terror, that the
commons voted an address against any indulgence to those who
presumed to dissent from the act of uniformity, and the religion
establislled by law; and many reasons were assigned why such
an Indulgence was unadvisable, particularly since continual con
cession must at length lead to a general toleration, A similar
attempt was made (March 15, 1672) when the king-]- published
a declaration of toleration which suspended all the penal laws on
account of religion, and the result was the same.
The presbyterlans were as adverse as the church to toleration.
The mass of the people, and their representatives, were unwilling
to make concessions, or to grant indulgence, to the nonconformists,
and even less favourable to the Roman Catholics ; while every
true lover of his country must have been alarmed at seeing the
king assume to himself a power, which the disorganized state of
the kingdom appeared to render In some degree necessary; but
which was inconsistent with the due observance of the laws, since
all enactments must be nugatory, if the crown can dispense with
them. The Roman Catholics, and the court, desired that the
severities exercised on the nonconformists should so dissatisfy the
minds of sober men, that they might all readily embrace a tolera
tion flowing entirely from the crown; the country party dreaded
the assumption of such a power; but, till the difficulties which
preceded the Revolution had convinced the nation of the necessity
of toleration, no one seemed willing to concede such liberty to
others, as he justly claimed for himself,
'' Echard, 806, f See § 715.

XVI, § 725,] DANGER OF POPERY, 529
§ 725, The nonconformists are often praised for the disin
terested readiness with which they declined accepting a toleration
granted to themselves, upon condition that the Roman Catholics
should share in It ; but though we can account for such feelings, we
can hardly applaud the liberality of men, who would rather give up
their own liberty in religious matters, than suffer their neighbours
to worship God as they pleased. The exclusion of the Roman
Catholics from places of trust, and from the two houses, and the
attempt to deprive the duke of York of his right of succession to
the crown, stand on totally different grounds from the question of
toleration. It must be the inherent right of every body politic to
defend itself; if, therefore, the constitution will be endangered by
committing power into the hands of those who entertain opinions
inconsistent with the safety of the state, the supreme authority of
a kingdom must have a power of making such an exclusion ; it
can only be defended on the plea of necessity, and if necessary, It
must be just. The common safety of the whole must give the
captain of a ship the right of throwing the property of his passen
gers into the sea ; but unless he can show that the safety of the
whole depends on his doing so, he will have much difficulty in
persuading his passengers to consent to the measure ¦¦'et it may
become his duty to take the responsibility of such an cjt upon
himself. The policy, and the justice, of each of these proceedings
are Inseparable, and depend entirely on the necessity. All exclu
sion is, per se, an evil ; circumstances may render it the less of
two evils ; but no Christian country can have a right to hinder
men from worshipping God according to their own fashion, pro
vided it be done peaceably, and without disturbance to society.
§ 726. It would be totally Inconsistent with the plan of
this work, to enter Into any description of the policy of this reign.
It consisted In a variety of contrivances, by which the crown
endeavoured to obtain money from a yielding parliament, and
the bargains which the house of commons made for each of its
concessions ; bargains. In which the welfare of one part of the
community, and the well-being of the whole, were sacrificed to
the supposed interests of the rest. The money was no sooner
obtained than it was squandered on the most unworthy purposes,
2m

530 THE PLAGUE. [a, d, 1665,
and the liberty of the subject preserved, not by any constitutional
stand, or carefulness In the parliament, but because the prodi
gality of the court always kept the king at the mercy of his
people. § 727. Among the various calamities which attended this
eventful reign, there are two of so marked a character, that we
can hardly omit the mention of them ; particularly as they each
tended to call forth the energies of the church, and the noncon
formists ; and furnished a short space of time, during which the
labours of both were directed to the same important object.
The plague broke out in London in May, 1665, and raged with
greater or less violence till the fire put an end to its contagion.
The upper orders, generally speaking, fled, to avoid its ravages,
and unfortunately some of the London clergy imitated their
example * ; but their places were quickly filled by the noncon
formists*, and the near prospect of death caused a strong effect on
the minds of many persons-]-, to whom the ministers of God's
word addressed themselves. Writers who have described the
events which attended this pestilence, speak of the religious
impressions which were generally produced on the people ; and
though there was a dreadful continuance of vicious indulgence,
which showed itself in many cases, yet the effect was ordinarily
much stronger on the other side, and promoted the reformation
of morals. It might prove a useful speculation to compare the
effects of such visitations on heathen and on Christian countries''.
In Athens It produced an extraordinary excess of immorality of
every description. In London, though gross vice still in some
measure prevailed, yet men were ordinarily turned towards reli
gion ; the churches were crowded by persons exhibiting every

• There died of the plague 68,596
persons withm the bills of mortality.
Among those who exerted themselves in
this season of distress, the names of the
duke of Albemarle, Sheldon, archbishop
of Canterbury, and Lord Craven, must
not be forgotten. Thomas Vincent, a
Westminster student of Christ Church,

wrote an account of it : he stayed in
London, and preached during the whole
time. *" See some valuable remarks on this
subject in Burton's History of the Second
and Third Centuries, p. 345, A. n. 253,
and the account of the conduct of Cyprian
and the other bishops.

* Echard, 823. f Baxter's Life, iii, 2,

XVI, § 727.] THE FIRE OF LONDON. 5S1
outward appearance of piety, and the very exclamations heard in
the streets partook of a devotional character. Nothing but the
pure and revealed word of God can impress upon the mind of
man a real belief in a future state; and few who possessed a
practical faith in this doctrine, could fail to be influenced by it,
at least for the time, and frightened by such a tremendous warning
into some species of reformation.
§728, (Sept, 1666,) The fire of London was one ofthe most
terrible afflictions which ever befell a devoted city ; and though
the lives of the inhabitants were spared, yet their property was so
generally destroyed, that the most active exertions on the part of
the benevolent could not prevent a very considerable quantity of
actual suffering. Many of the nonconformist ministers were
especially injured, since London formed a great bank of charity
from whence their necessities had been supplied, and the present
distress not only disabled some of those who contributed to their
support, but diverted much of the beneficence of the kingdom
into a new channel. This visitation, however, did not produce
the good which might have been expected from It. The violence
which had long exasperated the two parties In the church was far
from being appeased ; in reflecting on these calamitous events,
each threw the blame on their opponents ; the one reprobated the
schismatic temper of the nonconformists, the other declaimed
against the perjury and tyranny of the hierarchy*, but neither
confessed their own offences.
As eighty-nine churches were destroyed, and the great mass of
the population remained, the nonconformists gladly exerted
themselves In opening such meetings for public worship as could
most easily be provided, and the obvious necessity of the case
prevented any opposition which might otherwise have been raised
to such an attempt ; but unfortunately the doctrines which were
then prevalent in the kingdom breathed not that spirit of recon
ciliation which might have promoted the cause of Christianity.
It happened indeed most providentially, that several of the parish
churches which were preserved, were in the hands of the most
moderate and ablest of the clergy of the day, as Stillingfleet,
* Baxter, ui. 18. 2 M 2

532 OXFORD DECREE. DR. JANE, [a. D. 1683.
Tillotson, Outram, and Patric ; but their exertions were produc
tive of less good, since many of the nonconformists exhibited so
great a dislike to the Common Prayer, that they either refused to
join with conformable ministers, or at least to be present at the
Liturgy and sacraments.
§ 729. The evil tendency of such schismatic notions, joined
with much of disaffection towards the crown, which continued
to Increase during the whole of this reign, naturally produced a
contrary feeling on the part of the church ; and many churchmen,
in their zeal to controvert what was wrong In these opinions, ran
into the extremes of passive obedience and non-resistance, a
doctrine which, during the latter years of the life of Charles IL,
seemed equally espoused by the court and the pulpit, the bench
and the bar*, (1683,) Under the impulse of this increasing zeal,
the university of Oxford made a solemn decree, which passed in
the convocation there on the same day as the execution of Lord
Russell took place, and presented It to the king, under this title-}-,
" The judgment and decree of the university of Oxford, passed in
their convocation on July 21, 1683, against certain pernicious
books, and damnable doctrines, destructive of the sacred persons
of princes, their state and government, and of all human society;"
in which decree they formally condemned twenty-seven proposi
tions collected out of several modern authors. This decree is
attributed to Dr, Jane, regius professor of divinity, who was In
consequence made dean of Gloucester, and who, upon the Revolu
tion, again sought for preferment by changing his sentiments.
The declaration was placed in the college halls, and remained
there till, in 1 688, it was displaced by those who had framed it,
on the arrival ofthe new government*.
§ 730, In reviewing the history of the reign, if it were
" These proceedings were so justly offensive to some of the younger students,
who in those days published their satire in Latin verses, that many epigrams were
written on him. Among the rest ;
Cum fronti sit nulla fides, ut carmina dicunt.
Cur tibi bifronti, Jane, sit ulla fides ?
And again — Decretum figis solenne, Decanus ut esses :
Ut fieres Prsesul, Jane, refigis idem,
• Echard, 1036, f Rapin, ii, 730. Keiinet, iii. 419,

XVI, § 730,] LORD CL.^RENDON, 533
attempted to describe the characters of all those who took a pro
minent part in the affairs of It, the task would require a volume
for itself; but there is one man who must not be overlooked.
Lord Clarendon showed so much wisdom in the treatment of
the republicans, whose services he accepted, that it is difficult to
understand why the same minister should have adopted a contrary
policy with regard to the affairs of the church. Burnet's* account
of this matter, therefore, may possibly contain some truth, where
he states that the chancellor would have fallen into more moderate
counsels towards the nonconformists, had he not been unwilling
to disoblige the bishops, who had been very kind to him. In the
affair wherein his daughter's honour was concerned ; and that his
friend Lord Southampton was disposed to have been very mode
rate. In the transactions connected with the Savoy conference,
Lord Clarendon does not appear to have been adverse to the non
conformists ; but the real state of the question, as it was gradually
developed to those who were engaged in the government, may
fuUy account for this difference in his conduct. At first he seems
to have been equally ready to conciliate the enemies of the mo
narchy both in church and state ; but when he came to act, he
found the characters of the parties so dissimilar, that he was led
to pursue a very different line of treatment towards them. The
republican statesmen were possessed of enlarged views, and were
in many cases willing to fall in with the measures which the
altered state of the kingdom required. The presbyterian church
men were men of contracted notions, who would make no allow
ances for the opinions of others, or concessions from their own
decisions. No one can examine the Savoy conference, without
being convinced that men of such tempers were unable to govern,
or to legislate for any church.
A wiser policy might probably have broken the party, and
greater concessions would 2ierhaps have conciliated many; but
mankind had not then learnt, nor could they foresee, and know
the benefits which toleration was likely to produce. Lord Cla
rendon therefore thought, with others, that nothing but severity
could give security to the church; and this idea predominated
* Own Time, i, 305,

634 LORD CLARENDON. [a, D, 1 685.
till the course of events convinced every one that divisions among
Protestants could neither give safety to the church, or advance
the cause of religion.
§ 731. The fate of the lord chancellor was such as might
have been naturally anticipated ; his misfortune seems to have
been, that he did not retire from his pre-eminent station sufii-
ciently early. He had been raised too high for a subject, and he
could not hope to govern, or to guide, a man so vicious as the
king. When he found that his power of acting rightly had ceased,
he should have withdrawn from the scene ; but he esteemed him
self bound to support the measures of the court, though he did not
approve of them, and his high station compelled him to take a
share in whatever was done ; so that though he concurred In the
treatment of the nonconformists, we can hardly be sure that he
might not have adopted a more enlightened policy, had he been
able to direct the government in all its details. The general
feeling of the country was probably the real cause of whatever
was now done in this respect. Baxter, in his own life, is often
violent in the blame which he throws on the bishops, for perse
cuting, with all the severity of the law, their nonconforming
brethren; and particularizes Sheldon and Ward*, These men
were both of them very influential persons in the concerns of the
church, and therefore the policy which was adopted must in some
measure be referred to them ; but Baxter himself seems never to
have possessed those extended views which could comprehend that
men, who differed entirely from himself in their opinions, might
still be sincere and conscientious in their proceedings. These
bishops were probably never guilty of any acts of severity, to
which those who approved of their line of policy would honestly
object. They tried to reduce the nonconformists by force of law,
and not by conciliation ; and many persons may even now think
that they were right, and that their principles were sound. Per
secution of every sort Is unchristian, but he must be very ignorant
of human nature who presumes to assert that every one who
wishes to persecute, must be entirely unchristian. What would
have been the fate of churchmen if the nonconformists had predo-
* iii. 3,

XVI, § 731,] PERSECUTION, 536
minated? And yet there were many very good men among them.
A spirit of toleration is one which his own heart will never teach
to any one : and it is only by degrees that nations learn the virtue
of moderation. In looking at this point during the usurpation,
and at the Restoration, it would be useless and invidious to draw
comparisons. Severity and injustice might have been expected
from rebels, even though driven into rebellion by oppression; but
where a legitimate government throws off the fostering care which
it should exhibit towards all its children collectively, and tries to
uphold its own selfish power by balancing against each other
those whom it should endeavour to unite ; when the church,
which we admire and love, takes part in this disgraceful struggle;
it cannot but point out to us the Insufficiency of the best of human
• policy and human institutions, and make us look up to that power
which has preserved us, and which can alone vouchsafe to continue
our existence. § 732. Charles himself sought rather to escape from the
trouble of governing, than was anxious to tyrannize over others ;
his wish for arbitrary power arose from the delusive hope, that it
would free him from those disturbances to which he found him
self continually exposed : he did not desire * to be like a grand
signlor, but he did not think himself a king while a company of
fellows were looking Into all his actions, and examining his
ministers, as well as his accounts ; and he expected that, by
balancing the church party against the dissenters, he might be
able to hold the reins in his own liands : he was rapacious in
seeking money, for the sake of squandering It on his favourites ;
and If the opinion of Coleman, secretary to his brother, may be
trusted, there was nothing which he would not do for the sake of
obtaining it. He conformed, in religious matters, outwardly
with the church of England f; and it may be a question whether
he did not join the church of Rome rather for the sake of that
fallacious ease, which that sect could impart to his troubled and
wavering conscience, than for any better reason. He treated his
vnfe as kindly as any man of his vicious habits could do, and he
was the slave of his mistresses. His natural talents are described
* Burnet's Own Time, ii, 1, + Welwood, 148,

536 CHARLES, [a.D. 1685.
as being considerable; and- he was possibly a better politician
than any of his ministers ; but he was disgusted with business
by Lord Clarendon, and latterly gave himself up to the guidance
of his brother, who being perhaps, at that time, as bad a man,
was certainly a much worse monarch. The circumstance which
must load Charles and his brother with a political Infamy, which
nothing can wipe away, was the manner In which they separated
their own supposed interest from that of their country. Because
they could not govern England according to their own wishes,
they were ready to become themselves the pensionaries of France,
and to sell the interests of Britain, that they might obtain the
means of enslaving it. This project seems to have flowed from
James, rather than from Charles ; but it is shameless enough even
to have entertained the Idea.
§ 733. The natural tendency of such a reigu was to create
a most stupendous degree of profligacy, moral and political ; and
this fruit was produced in abundance. Perhaps there never was
a more disgraceful public act than the stoppage of the treasury,
and certainly all authors agree that this country was never more
degraded in its morality, than while Charles II. was king.
Religion, instead of reforming these evils, was Itself the most
fertile cause of contention, and fostered every evil passion with
which human nature Is corrupted: gross profligacy will easily
taint the breasts of the thoughtless and the worldly ; but reli
gious discord takes away the savour from that salt which should
season the whole ; at once infects whatever is most valuable in
the community ; and renders even the expectation of amendment
distant and uncertain. Fanaticism and a false discipline had
promoted the cause of hypocrisy and irreligion, and debauchery
and vice followed in their train ; but party feeling seemed likely
to have destroyed whatever portion of Christianity remained, had
not God in mercy raised up a body of men, whom the very
dangers and difficulties of the times tended to educate ; and whose
virtues and experience were matured by the opposition which they
were obliged to encounter.

537

APPENDIX E. TO ISaAPTER^^^^l
HISTORY OF THE COMMON PRAYER BOOK".

741. 1545. The King's Primer, printed by authority,
742. 1548, Communion Service,
743. 1549. First Liturgy of Edward VI. published.
744. 1550. First Ordination Service published,
745. 1552. Second Liturgy of Edward VI.;
Second Ordination Service.
Liturgy of Elizabeth.
Alterations introduced by James I.
 and Charles I.

746. 747.
748, 749,

1560.1604.
1633.1661.

Last revision. Authorized Liturgy,
750, Service for the Consecration of Churches ; political services,
§ 741. In giving an account ofthe Common Prayer Book, it will
be more correct to describe it as a work compiled from the services
of the church of Rome, or rather as a translation of such portions
of them as were free from all objection, than as an original com
position. The use of prayers in a language unintelligible to the
mass of the congregation is an evil so obvious, that whenever men
begin to judge for themselves, they must necessarily reject it; and
the first step which was taken by the church of .England, is, I
believe, now generally adopted in that of Rome; I mean a trans
lation of those portions of the service which are most frequently
used. The book denominated the King's Primer was, I believe,
first published by authority early in the spring of 1545''. The
object of its publication was to furnish the unlearned with such

* Few references are here given, for
most of the observations are made from
collating the original editions. There is
a nice tract on the subject in Sparrow's
Rationale of the Common Prayer,
drawn up by Downes. Wheatley and
NichoUs may be consulted. A com
plete documentary history of the Com
mon Prayer has just been published
by my friend Dr. Cardwell at Oxford.
History of the Conferences, &c„ con
nected with the Common Prayer, by E,
CardweU, D. D., Oxford, 1840,
' ' Before this, about 1535, a book

caUed by the same name, and written, or
rather compUed, by Cuthbert Marshall,.
archdeacon of Nottingham, was pub
lished, probably with Cranmer's appro
bation, but without authority, (Strype's
Ecclesiastical Memorials, i, 335, ch,
xxxi, and Cranmer, i, 138.) It con
tains many independent tracts, of which
Strype gives a list ; possibly the Primer
might have been aUowed, |_to which Mar
shall affixed these additions, I have
never seen the book, Strype calls it a
second edition with divers additions, 4to,
A Primer, 1545, to which I allude above,

538

COMMON PRAYER, KING's PRIMER, &C, [aPPEND, E,

parts of the church service as were most required, as well as to
supply them with the Creed, the Lord's Prayer, and the Ten
Commandments, in the vulgar tongue. This book was republished
in the reigns of Edward and Elizabeth,
It contains the Litany, varying but little from our present
form, excepting that there are certain petitions requesting " the
prayers of angels, saints, and martyrs," and " to be delivered
from the tyranny of the church of Rome." The former of which
was omitted in the Prayer Book of Edward VI. , and both In
that of Elizabeth. In the DIrlge, or service for the dead, all the
Primers contain prayers for departed souls, which is the more
extraordinary with regard to that published during the reign of
Elizabeth, since this point had been altered in the second Common
Prayer of Edward VI. , 1552, and was never again Introduced Into
the service of our church.
§ 742. (March 8, 1548,) The second step In framing a new
Service Book referred to that particular In which the church of
Rome had Introduced the greatest corruptions. When It was
ordained by act of parliament that the use of the Sacrament of
the Lord's Supper In both kinds should be restored to the people,
a short formulary"* was drawn up for this purpose, to be used at the
end of the Latin mass, in which the priest, having himself par
taken during the previous ceremony, was directed subsequently to
administer to the rest of the congregation both the bread and wine.
The service is from this circumstance much shorter than that
which formed a part of the Common Prayer in 1549, but most
of the prayers and exhortations are the same; both these contain
one direction with regard to confession, which marks the temper

is in the Bodleian, Waterland on the
Athanasian Creed, Works, iv, 282, a,
speaks of a Primer set forth in 1539, by
John, bishop of Rochester, (HUsey,) p.
285. In 1834 my late friend Dr. Burton
published three primers ; that of —
WiUiam MarshaU . . 1535
John Hilsey . . . , 1539
Henry VIII , , , . 1545.
In the preface which he has given.

there is all the information on the sub
ject which he could collect. He proves
the error of the account above given
from Strype, and affords much new in
formation on the use made of MarshaU's
Primer in composing the " Institution
of a Christian Man," (or the Bishops'
Book;) Roman CathoUc Primers were
previously in use ; he mentions one as
early as 1527.
« Printed in Sparrow's ColIection,p. 13.

XVI. § 742.] COMMON PRAYER. FIRST OP EDWARD VI.

539

in which they were drawn up. The people, when exhorted as at
present to come to some minister of God's word, and open their
grief to him, in case they find their consciences troubled, are
urged to use mutual charity towards those whose opinions differ
from their own as to private confession; that neither they who
open their sins to the priest, should be offended at others who are
satisfied with their own humble confession to God ; nor these
latter exhibit less forbearance towards such as seek for further
satisfaction from auricular confession.
§ 743. (May 4, 1549.) But when the principles of general
reformation were more fully acted upon, the whole service was
put forth in English^ and all men were thus enabled to join in
the very words used by the minister of the church.
The execution, however, of this work was far from being so
complete as its first appearance might induce us to suppose.
The original Common Prayer Book is, in all outward appear
ance, nearly the same as that which we now use, though its pages
retain many of the particulars in which we differ from the church
of Rome. In the funeral service there are prayers for the dead.
The custom of anointing with oil is retained in the office for
baptism; and In that for the visitation of the sick, in case the
patient requested it. The outward sign of the cross is still re
tained in several of the services where It is now omitted: so that
on the whole this book forms a connecting link between the
Missal and the Prayer Book''.

" The persons employed in drawing it
up were —
Cranmer, abp, of Canterbury.
Goodrich, bp. of Ely.
Holbech, bp. of Lincoln.
Day, bp. of Chichester.
Skip, bp, of Hereford,
Thirlby, bp, of Westmmster,
Ridley, bp, of Rochester,
Cox, dean of Christ Church.
May, dean of St. Paul's.
Taylor, dean of Lincoln.
Hayns, dean of Exeter.
Robmson, archd. of Leicester and dean
of Durham.

Redmain, dean of Westminster and
master of Trinity, Cambridge.
As to the sources from whence our
Prayer Book is drawn, the reader is re
ferred to a most complete treatise on this
subject by Palmer, published at the
University Press in Oxford. Since
the pubhcation of the 2nd edition,
these two Prayer Books, § 743, § 745,
have been reprinted ' at ^the University
Press, by my friend Dr, Cardwell.
^ The most material differences be
tween the first Liturgy and that now in
use were —
1 . The morning and evening service

540

COMMON PRAYER, FIRST OP EDWARD VI, [APPEND, E,

§ 744, It Is impossible not to remark the prudence with
which this book was drawn up. Almost the whole of it was
taken from different Roman Catholic services, particularly those
after the use of Salisbury, which were then generally adopted In
the south of England : and the principle on which the compilers
proceeded in the work, was to alter as little as possible what had

began with the Lord's Prayer ; and the
prayers for the king, royal family, and
clergy, &c., were wanting at the end of
it. The Litany was not ordered to be
used on Sundays, and contained a peti
tion to be delivered from the tyranny of
the bishop of Rome.
2, Each communion service began
with an Introit, or psalm, sung as the
officiating ministers were proceeding to
the altar, (a custom which is stiU retained
in cathedral churches.) In the praise
given for the saints the name of the
Virgin was especiaUy mentioned. The
sign of the cross was used in the conse
cration of the elements ; and there was a
prayer that they might be sanctified with
the Spirit and Word of God, The words
at the presentation of the elements were
only the first clause of those now used ;
and water was to be mixed with the
wme. This service varies much from
the one at present in use, aud the Deca
logue forms no part of it,
3. In the baptismal service a form of
¦exorcism, in order to expel the evil
spirit from the child, was still used ; the
child was anointed, and invested with
a white garment, or chrisom, to denote
the innocency of the profession into
which it was now admitted. The bap
tismal water was consecrated once a
month, and the minister was directed to
dip the chUd, thrice.
4. The catechism formed a part of the
office for confirmation, and wanted the
explanation of the sacraments at the end.
5, The office for confirmation con
sisted merely in the laying on of hands
with prayer, without any promise on the
part of the person confirmed, with which
it now begins. The sign of the cross
was still used in it.

6, In matrimony the sign of the cross
was stUl retained, and money was given
with the ring to the bride.
7, In the visitation of the sick, allu
sion was made to Tobias and Sarah, from
the Apocrypha, A prayer was added in
case the sick person desired to be
anointed, and he was to be signed with
the cross. And it was further directed,
that the same form of absolution should
be used in aU private confessions,
8, In the burial of the dead there were
prayers for the person buried, and for
the dead generally. A particular ser
vice was added for the celebration of the
eucharist at funerals.
9, With regard to dresses, priests
were ordered to wear the surplice in
parish churches, and to add the hood
when they officiate in cathedrals or
preach, Ajid in the communion, the
bishop was directed to wear besides his
rochet, a surpUce or albe, with a cope or
vestment, and to have a, pastoral staff
borne by himself, or his chaplain. The
officiating priest to wear a white albe,
plain, with a vestment or cope. And
the assisting ministers to appear in albes
and tunicles. Rubric, Com, Service,
10, With regard to ceremonies used
by the people the following rubric oc
curred, which has been subsequently
omitted, " As touching kneeling, cross
ing, holding up of hands, knocking upou
the breast, and other gestures, they may
be used or left, as every man's devotion
serveth, without blame;" and it may be
observed, that the reasons then drawn
up " why some ceremonies were abro
gated, and others retained," and which
were then placed at the end of the Prayer
Book, now stand as a preface.

XVI, § 744,] COMMON PRAYER, ORDINATION SERVICE,

541

been familiar to the people^. Thus the Litany is nearly the
same as that in the Salisbury Hours, excepting that one hundred
and sixteen addresses to the apostles, the Virgin, ahd different
saints are left out ; it only differs from that published by Henry
VIII, In the Primer, by three addresses of the same nature,
which were there retained ; and varies from our own in one
petition only, " That we may be delivered from the tyranny of
the pope," The collects, epistles, and gospels were almost entirely
the same as those In the Salisbury Hours, and several ceremonies
were retained, which have been since discarded,
(Nov, 1549.) In the latter part of this year, a meeting of
divines* (probably the same as had been engaged in compiling
the Common Prayer) took place, for the purpose of framing an
ordination service, which was published in March of the next
year, and, after some trifling alterations'', adopted Into the Prayer
Book, upon the review of It which took place in 1552. It cor
responds very nearly with that now in use, excepting that some
of the portions of Scripture which are read are different, and the
oath of supremacy has been changed''. Its several parts are taken
from that in use in the church of Rome, with the omission of
certain ceremonious observances, and the insertion of most of the
questions proposed to the candidates.
§ 745, (a,d, 1552.) When a few years had enabled the
Christian community to examine the new Common Prayer Book,

" Many parts of the service, which are
not derived from the Roman Catholic
service books, are taken from Herman's
Consultation about Reformation. He
was archbishop of Cologne, and the work
was drawn up by Melancthon, and Bucer,
and translated into English in 1547,
Laurence, Bampton Lectures, 440.
' Differences between the ordination
service, 1549—1552,
The service began with an Introit.
The deacons were to be dressed in albes,
and the one who read the gospel was to
put on a tunicle. The bread and chalice
were given into the priest's hands, toge

ther with the Bible, In the consecration
of bishops the pastoral staff was used,
and committed into his hand before the
words, "Be to the flock of Christ a shop-
herd." The archbishop laid the Bible
on the bishop's neck ; the other altera-
ations are merely verbal. The original
edition was published by Grafton. The
copy in the Bodleian Ubrary is a reprint.
• The smaller differences consist in
the alteration of some few words, aud in
the rubric concerning the ages at which
deacons and priests may be ordained,
corresponding with the law of Ehzabeth.
See § 435,

* Burnet, ii, 109, fol,, 265, 8vo,

542

COMMON PRAYER, SECOND OP EDWARD VI, [APPEND, E,

and some persons were hardly satisfied with many of the cere
monies which were still retained in the offices, it was determined
to make a general review of the whole, under the direction of
Cranmer, with the assistance of other divines, the same probably
as had originally compiled it- While this was In progress, tw^o
learned foreigners, who were then In England, were consulted on
the subject, and their opinions seem to have coincided with, or to
have influenced^ the decisions of the English bishops ; for most
of the points objected to by Bucer* were subsequently amended,
and the sentiments of Peter Martyr appear to have been very
similar to those of Bucer ''-
This Prayer Book, in fact, differs very little from the one now

¦ Dr. Laurence (Bampton Lect. 247)
seems to doubt whether these foreigners
had .much influence with regard to the
matter. ' The alterations from the last, 1549,
now made, were as follows : —
1, The sentences, exhortation, confes
sion, and absolution, with which the ser
vice begins, were now introduced. The
idea of them is probably taken from a
form of prayer used by the church of
Strasburgh, and published in 1551 by
Valerandus Pollanus, when this church
was established at Glastonbury, The use
of the Decalogue, as part of the public
service, is probably due to the same
source. See Laurence's Bamp, Lect. 198 ;
and Strype's Eccl. Mem. II, i. 378, The
Litany was to be used on Sundays.
2, In the communion service the Deca
logue was now introduced. The Introit,
the name of the Virgin Mary, together
with the thanksgiving for the saints, the
sign of the cross in consecration, the in
vocation of the Word and the Holy Ghost
which accompanied it, and the admixture
of water with wine were omitted. And
the words at the presentation of the
elements were only the second clause of
those now used. At the same time a
declaration concerning the posture of
kneeling in receiving the sacrament was
subjoined, which differs not materiaUy

from that which now stands at the end
of the communion service. It is difficult
to understand why the invocation of the
second and third Persons in the Trinity
was left out ; it has been wisely restored
in the American Prayer Book.
3, In baptism, the form of exorcism,
the anointing of the child, the use of the
chrisom, and the trine immersion, were
omitted ; the water was consecrated for
the occasion as at present.
5. In confirmation, the sign of the
cross was omitted,
6. In matrimony, the sign of the cross,
and the giving of gold and sUver, were
omitted. 7. In the visitation of the sick, the
allusion to Tobias and Sarah, the anoint
ing, and the direction about aU private
confessions, were omitted.
8. In the burial service, the prayers for
the dead, and the office for the eucharist
at funerals, were omitted.
9. The rubric about the dresses was,
" And here it is to be noted, that the
minister at the time of the communion,
and at all other times in his ministration,
shall use neither albe, vestment, nor
cope ; but being archbishop or bishop, he
shall have and wear a rochet ; but being
a priest or deacon, he shall have and
wear a surpUce only,"

Burnet, ii, 287, 8vo. Strype's Cranmer, i. 299.

XVI, § 745,] COMMON PRAYER. ELIZABETH.

643

in use, excepting that at the end of the morning and evening
service the prayers for the king and royal family were wanting,
and that the other prayers were then 'placed at the end of the
Litany, and probably not read unless that was used. The occa
sional prayers, too, as well as the thanksgivings, were wanting ;
those for rain and fair weather occurred at the end of the commu
nion service. § 746, (a,d, 1560.) On the re-establishment of Protest
antism by Queen Elizabeth, one of her first cares was to review
the Common Prayer Book, The question which was agitated
between those whom she nominated to this task'', was whether
the first, or second, book of Edward VI, should be adopted. Her
own inclination would probably have guided her to prefer the
former, since It retained many ceremonies of which she was par
ticularly fond ; but upon examination, the second of Edward VI,
was selected, and a few alterations were made in It''.

* The persons employed were, (Strype's
Life of Sir Thomas Smith, p. 56.)
BUl, master of Trinity, Cambridge, and
afterwards dean of Westminster.
Parker, dean of Lincoln, and afterwards
archbishop of Canterbury.
May, dean of St, Paul's, and afterwards
archbishop of York,
Cox, dean of Ch. Ch. Oxford, and
Westminster, and afterwards bishop of
Ely.
Pilkington, master of St, John's, Cam
bridge, and afterwards bishop of
Durham.
Grindal, bishop of London, and after
wards archbishop of Canterbury,
Whitehead, who had been chaplain to
Cranmer,
Sir Thomas Smith.
Of these, May and Cox had been em
ployed at the compilation of the work.
In the Annals, Strype (Ann. i. 119,)
adds Sandys and Guest,
'' The changes specified in the act of
uniformity 1° Elizabethse are, "With
one alteration or addition of certain les
sons, to be used every Sunday in the

year, and the form of the Litany altered
and corrected, and two sentences only
added in the delivery of the sacrament
to the communicants, and none other or
otherwise." Of these, the changes in
the lessons are not considerable. In the
Litany the petition to be delivered from
the tyranny of the bishop of Rome was
omitted, and that for the queen altered.
And in the communion, both the clauses
at the presentation of the elements,
which had stood in the first and second
of Edward, were put together, forming
the words now used. The clause in the
act of uniformity, 1" Elizabeths, about
dresses is, "Such ornaments of the
church, and of the ministers thereof,
shall be retained and be used, as was in
this church of England by authority of
parliament in the second year of the
reign of Edward VI,, untU order shaU
be therem taken by the authority of the
queen's majesty," by the advice of the
ecclesiastical commission, or of the me-
tropolitan of this realm, I am not aware
that any such order was ever taken by
EUzabeth, And by the act of uniformity,
Charles II, 14°, and the rubric, this is

544

COMMON PRAYER, JAMES,

[append, E,

§ 747. (a.D. 1604.) During the reign of James I,, in conse
quence of some discussion at the conference at Hampton Court,
another review of the Common Prayer was instituted, and a few
changes^ introduced with much judgment ; but it must not be
forgotten that they possessed no legal authority, inasmuch as they
were only sanctioned by the royal proclamation under which they
were published, § 748, Laud* Is generally accused of having made consider
able alterations In the Common Prayer, for which he had no
sufiicient authority; and doubtless there are many words changed
in the edition of 1638, as compared with that of 1622, If this
had not been brought forward among ten thousand charges
equally frivolous, as a proof of treason, we might be Induced to
reprobate such unwarrantable proceedings as they deserve ; but
there is little evidence that Laud was the author of the altera
tions, and he expressly denies It-f- in his own version of his
defence''''.

now the law of the land. See § 743, b, 9,
The prayers for the king aud clergy,
which now stand at the end of the
morning and evening service, were then
first inserted, but placed at the end of
the Litany, and the declaration about
kneeling, at the end of the communion,
was left out,
¦ The rubric in the service for private
baptism was so framed, by inserting the
term "lawful minister," as to leave no
doubt concerning the point that the
church did not authorize lay baptism.
See § 424, a. In the church catechism
that part was added in which the sacra
ments are explained, (drawn up by Dr.
John Overall,) and certain forms of
thanksgiving were now added, to corre
spond with the prayers for fair weather,
&e. " Besides verbal changes which are of
no material importance, the word priest
is in several of the services substituted
for minister, (not before the absolution,)
and this, as at present, without any appa
rent rule ; the word had better be confined

to such offices as are peculiar to the priest
hood, whUe that of minister extends to aU
others, excepting when the cure of souls
is implied, where curate might be used,
if such a distinction be necessary.
In the prayer for the royal famUy the
words " Almighty God, which hast pro
mised to be a father of thine elect, and
of their seed," are changed to "Almighty
God, the fountain of all goodness."
In the service for the fifth of Novem
ber. " Cut off those workers of iniquity,
whose religion is rebellion," &c. is
changed into, " who turn reUgion into
rebellion," &c. ; an expression which
makes the sentence apply to the puritans,
as well as to the papists. But it may
be observed that the first of these two,
the prayer for the royal famUy, was
introduced merely by a proclamation of
King James, and might therefore be
altered by King Charles ; and the ser
vice for the fifth of November is not ap
pointed by act of parhament. The day
is ordered to be kept holy, but no form
is authorized.

Neal's Puritans, ii. 220,

t Troubles and Trial, 357,

XVI, § 749,] COMMON PRAYER. LAST REVIEW.

545

§ 749. (a, D, 1661,) Upon the fruitless termination of tho
Savoy conference, it was determined that the alteration of tho
Common Prayer should be submitted to the convocation which
was then sitting, and a king's letter, giving them authority to
proceed to this work, was read in the upper house of convocation
on November 21. This convocation* had been previously em
ployed in framing new services for the twenty-ninth of May, and
the thirtieth of January; and had prepared a form of baptism for
those of riper years, the necessity of which had been created by
the neglect Into which that sacrament had frequently fallen,
during the usurpation ; but when the inutility of the conference

In the epistle for Palm Sunday the
word " in" the name of Jesus was altered
to " at ;" a change which, whether right
or wrong, is sanctioned by the authorized
.ind Geneva translations.
' The Prayer Book so altered, differs
but little from that which was prepared
for Scotland ; but the alterations, trifling
as they are, mark the spirit of those who
then directed the pubUc affairs of the
kingdom, and are therefore well worthy
of our notice. In the table of lessons,
most of those taken from the Apocrypha
are omitted in the Scotch Prayer Book,
the names of fifteen Scotch saints are
introduced into the Calendar, and the
word presbyter is every where substituted
for that of priest. The reading psalms
too are taken from the received version
of 1611. These changes were probably
all of them in accordance with the wishes
of the nation, and conciliatory in their
intention. In the administration of the
Lord's Supper, which is the only service
in which any considerable change took
place, there are many small particulars
calculated to be very offensive to persons
superstitiously hostile to Rome, which
was the state of the people of Scotland
at that time.
A quiet Christian would perhaps ob
ject to but few of these alterations ; but
it was surely injudicious to bring back a
Prayer Book destined for the use of that

country, to a greater conformity to the
first Liturgy of Edward VI. and the Ro
man rituals, Tho bread and wine are to
be " offered up," and placed upon the
Lord's table. The prayers for the
ehurch militant, and of consecration, are
nearer to those of 1549 ; and the words
pronounced at the delivery of the ele
ments, are the very same as those m the
Prayer Book of that date. These had
been altered in the reigu of Elizabeth,
for fear of any mistake about transub
stantiation. In one rubric the word
corporal for the napkin is retained ; in
another, the use of wafer bread is per
mitted; and in the prayer which now
immediately foUows the Lord's Prayer
after receiving, but which in the Scotch
Prayer Book is used before, the expres
sion, " we may worthily receive the most
precious body and blood of thy Son," is
re-introduced from that of 1549 : all
which changes, whether objectionable in
themselves, or no, mark a decided want
of attention to the feelings of that coun
try at the time. It may be here worthy
of remark, that a custom, prevalent in
many parishes in England, of saying,
" Glory be to thee, O God," immediately
before the reading the Gospel for the
day, is directed in the Scotch Pr.ayer
Book, aud was perhaps then introduced,
from being in common use in this coun
try.

Synodus Ang. App. 83.

2 N

546 COMMON PRAYER, LAST REVIEW, [aPPEND, E,
had become apparent, several of the bishops had probably so
prepared things, during the vacation, that the work went rapidly
on, when it was brought forward in the autumn. Within two
days after the king's letter was read, a portion of the revised
Prayer Book was transmitted to the lower house, and the whole
put into their hands on November 27, The several ofiices were
subsequently examined ; and a form of prayer to be used at sea
introduced ; but the whole was finished and subscribed on
December 20^-
There were, it appears, some small alterations made In the
Prayer Book in parliament, (1662,) while the act of uniformity
was passing, which were referred by both houses, March 5, to a
committee of three bishops, (August 24,) and when this act came
in force, the Common Prayer Book, as it now stands, became
part of the law of the land, and has been uniformly used in the
church of England ever since.
In speaking of a work of this sort, the excellency of which is
acknowledged by all parties, it must be superfluous to enter into
any commendations, however well deserved. If there be persons
who doubt of the propriety of the expression with which it was
originally ushered into the world, as being " set forth by the aid
ofthe Holy Ghost*;" yet all members of our church must thank
God, that among the many other national blessings bestowed upon
us, we possess a Liturgy probably the most pure and apostolical
which exists. The only question which admits of any doubt Is,
whether some reasonable objections to it may not still be obviated ;
whether some verbal alterations may not be made with advan
tage ; and a further amalgamation take place in the three services
which are now generally used together in the morning, by which
an unnecessary repetition of the same or similar petitions may be
avoided''. See, too, § 806,

¦ The convocation of York took little
interest in these proceedings. At the
request of Archbishop Frewen they gave
a hasty assent to what was done by means
of their proxies, (Wake's State of the
Church, App, No, 158,)

¦¦ The most important alterations which
now took place are : —
1. The new or authorized version of
the Bible was adopted in it, except in the
Psalms, the Ten Commandments, and
the sentences in the Communion service.

Act of Uniformity, Edward VI. 2° 3° ch.

XVI. § 750.] SERVICE FOR THE CONSECRATION OP CHURCHES. 547

§ 750. Although the service generally used at the consecra
tion of churches Is possessed of no actual authority, yet as there
exists a form sanctioned by custom. It can hardly be passed over
without some brief notice. Churches have been dedicated to the
service of God from the earliest periods, and since the time of
Constantine, (who died in 337,) some form of consecration has
been used for this purpose. The custom prevailed among our
Saxon forefathers, and was continued by the church of Rome to

2, The morning prayer was printed
separate from the evening, such prayers
as are common to both being reprinted,
and the five last prayers in each were
introduced from the end of the Litany,
3. The occasional prayers, which
stood connected with the Litany, were
now divided from it. The prayers in
the Ember weeks were inserted, (the
latter of them from the Scotch Liturgy,)
as well as that for the parliament and
for all conditions of men: at the same
time the general Thanksgiving and that
for restoring public peace at home, were
added, 4. Some few new collects were in
serted, some changed, and verbal altera
tions introduced into many. Church was
generally substituted for congregation.
5. In the Communion Service the ex
hortations were a good deal changed, and
directed to be read on some previous
Sunday or holiday, and communicants
were directed to give notice of their in
tention the day before. The admonition
about transubstantiation was again intro
duced, with some alterations from that
of 1552,
6. The service for the baptism of
those of riper years, and the form of
prayer to be used at sea, were also intro
duced; and,
7, The five last prayers in the Visita
tion of the Sick,
If it be asked which of these changes
were in compliance with the wishes of
the nonconformists, it may be observed
that the whole of the first and fifth were
in conformity with their desires, and the
introduction of the general Thanksgiving

and many verbal alterations were sug
gested by them,
8, The consent of the curate is now
required for confirmation, though the
bishop may, if he see fit, confirm without
it ; and this rite is not made a sine qua
non for receiving the Lord's Supper,
9, The Absolution in the Visitation of
the Sick is left to the judgment of the
curate by the insertion of the clause, (if
he humbly and heartily desire it),
10. In the Churching of Women, the
service may now be performed from the
desk, and the psalms are changed. The
newly-married couple are not now re
quired to receive the Lord's Supper.
The font is now to be placed conveni
ently, by the direction of the ordinary,
and the words, in the latter part of the
Catechism, " Yes, they do perform them
by their sureties who promise and vow
them both in their names," &c., are
changed to, "Because they promise them
both by their sureties," &c.
Of these 5, 8, 9, increased the discre
tionary power of the curate with regard
to admonition, but afforded him not any
judicial authority ; and herein probably
the real interests of Christianity were
consulted. It may be worthy of remark that there
have been four Acts of Uniformity.
1548. 2" and 3° T
Edw, VI, c, i, I '^''^^ **"
1552. 5° and 7° J '*'^™
repealed in 1559, 1° Elizabethse,
which was not
repealed in 1662, 14° Caroli II,
These two last are often prmted in the
beginnmg of the Prayer Book.
2 N 2

548

SERVICE FOR THE CONSECRATION OF CHURCHES, [APPEND, E,

the Reformation, At that period of our history, unfortunately
more churches were destroyed than built. Bishop Andrews*,
who died In 1626, had drawn up a form In English, taken chiefly,
I believe, from the ofiice of the church of Rome, and this form
was approved and followed, (though possibly not without some
alterations,) by Laud, and most other bishops, (1 630.) It had
been the intention of the archbishop -f to have prepared a service
for this purpose, in the convocation of 1 640, but the circumstances
which attended that assembly, prevented the accomplishment of
this object. The subject| was again taken under consideration
in the convocation of 1661, and the preparation of a form com
mitted to the care of Bishop Cosins ; and when presented to the
house, it was referred to a committee of four bishops for revision ;
but nothing seems ultimately to have been done about it. In
1684, Bishop Sparrow published that of Bishop Andrews, In
the year 1712, a form§, of consecrating churches, chapels, and
churchyards, or places of burial, was sent down from the bishops
to the lower house of convocation, on the 2nd day of April, and
was altered by the committee of the whole house ; which form,
as It did not receive the royal assent, was not enjoined to be
observed, but is now generally used. It is printed in Burn ; but
every bishop Is at liberty to adopt a form according to his own
judgment, and bishops do frequently make slight alterations, but
the service Is virtually that of Bishop Andrews,
There are at the end of the Prayer Book four services, which,
properly speaking, form no part of the book Itself, They consist
of forms of prayer for,
1, The 5tli of November, the Gunpowder Treason''.
2, The 30th of January, the Martyrdom of Charles I,''

" Some expressions in this service
were altered by Laud, and gave great
and unreasonable offence. At the acces
sion of William and Mary it was altered
so as to apply to the Revolution, as ;i,
second escape from popery. (Heylin's
Laud, 418, § 748, a.)

' This was drawn up by Sancroft, and
approved by the convocation, 1661,
through a committee of four bishops, and
eight members of the lower house : it has
received hardly any alterations since that
time. (D'Oyly's Life, i. 44, Syn, Ang,
67.)

Heylin's Laud, 213. f Ibid. 441. + Synodus Anglicana, 107.
§ Burn's Ecclesiastical Law, i. 300,

XVI, § 750,]

POLITICAL SERVICES.

549

8. The 29th of May, the Restoration =.
4. The Queen's Accession "i.
The three first of these days are by acts of parliament * ordered
to be kept holy, but no service Is specified as being appointed for
them. The authority by which they are here introduced, is
merely an order from the king in council, repeated at the begin
ning of every reign.

¦= This was approved by the commit
tee of convocation, 1661, and was origi
nally adapted to commemorate the birth
of Charles II., as well as the Restora
tion : at his death it was altered, and
some further substitutions took place at
the same time, in which mention is made
of the rebellion, and those concerned
in it, in stronger terms than before.
(D'Oyly's Sancroft, i. 116.)

'' The day of their inauguration has
been generally observed by our sovereigns
since the Reformation, upon the same
authority as any other day of thanksgiv
ing, or fasting. The present service dif
fers but little from that of Queen Anne,
which was framed from that of James II.

• 3° Jac. I. 12° Car. II. 14, 30,

550

CHAPTER XVII,
DURING THE REIGN OF JAMES II, 1685—1688.
751, 752, Opinions of James II, 753, Accession of James ; addresses, 754,
Revenue, policy, 755. Cruelty of James. 756. He alarms his subjects; letter
about preaching. 757. Court of ecclesiastical commission, 758. Declaration
for liberty of conscience, 759, Dispensing power. 760. Sufferings of the
dissenters. 761. Attacks on the universities ; Magdalen college. 762. Cam
bridge ; Charter-house. 763. Folly of James. 764, Remonstrances of the
court of Rome. 765, He tries to frame a parliament favourable to his plans,
766. Army; Johnson. 767. Declaration for liberty of conscience. 768.
Difficulties of the clergy ; the seven bishops. 769. Sent to the Tower, 770-
Tried and acquitted, 771. Temper of the king and of the dissenters ; San-
croft's attempts at a comprehension, 772. Progress of the Revolution ; James
alone ignorant of the preparations of the prince of Orange. 773. He retraces
his steps by the advice of the bishops. 774. The bishops refuse to sign a
protest against the prince of Orange. 775. James finds that his army will
not support him, and flies into France, 776. Character of James ; his talents
and false notions of government. 777- His desire to introduce popery, chiefly
politicah 778, He never submitted his own opinion to that of Rome ; dis
honest, imprudent. 779. Birth of the prince. 780. Nature of the Revolu
tion, 781. Conduct of the clergy.
§ 751 . (a. d, 1685,) The difiiculty of drawing a strict line between
civil and ecclesiastical history, which has been so frequently
stated, will appear perhaps more strongly in this reign than In any
other. The contest which was decided in 1688, Is often regarded
as one of merely a religious character; but if it were viewed
without those strong prejudices which are occasionally mixed up
with it, it would probably be denominated a political struggle,
with which the interests of religion were closely connected, as
they are indeed with most political questions, James had been
early led to regard rebellion as the worst of crimes, and his
education, carried on in a French camp, had disposed him to
conceive that obedience was the only virtue; a circumstance
which never allowed him to gain any just ideas of the civil rights
of his subjects. Obedient in the extreme to the commands of the
king his brother, he expected the same deference to his own
wishes, when the death of Charles had placed him on the throne.

XVII, § 751,] OPINIONS OF JAMES II. 551
He had been brought up with a high, perhaps a blind veneration
for the church of England ; and when he came to examine the
question for himself, he could see no reason why the same sort
of veneration should not lead him to the church of Rome. His
conversion to that communion does not appear to have depended
on any examination of the tenets of the two churches, but on his
discovering*, "that neither the church of England, nor Calvin,
nor any of the reformers, had power to do what they did :" it
was not whether the church of Rome were wrong In her opinions
or doctrines, but whether those who seceded from it had any
authority to do so.
§ 752. The political tendencies of Popery and Protestantism
very probably influenced him in his choice: "he loved -f and
aimed at absolute power, and believed that nothing could intro
duce and support it but the Catholic religion, as the Romanists
call theirs ; and this increased his zeal for It, and that zeal in
creased his disposition to arbitrary power : so that in truth his
religion and his politics were partly the cause of each other, and
indeed they cannot easily be separated. The Protestant faith Is
founded upon inquiry and knowledge, the Popish, upon submission
and ignorance. And nothing leads more to slavery In the state,
than blind obedience in matters of religion; as nothing tends
more to civil liberty, than that spirit of free Inquiry which is the
life of Protestantism." Sentiments which fully bear out these
general observations, are frequently expressed by James. In
speaking of the bill of exclusion I , in 1680, he says, "He was
astonished that men of sense did not see that religion was only
the pretence, and that the real contest was about power and
dominion ; that it was the monarchy they designed to banish ;
without which, the other banishments would give them little
satisfaction." § 753. This attempt which had been made to exclude him
from the throne, had not only confirmed him In all these
opinions, but had made him the enemy of the Protestant cause ;
• Life of James II, i, 630,
t Note of Speaker Onslow's, in Burnet's Own Time, iii, 2, a.
X Life of James II, i, 594,

552 ACCESSION OF JAMES II. [a. D, 1685.
while the pertinacity with which the Roman Catholics supported
his arbitrary measures, was as much due to the severity of the
penal laws, and the Intolerance of Protestants, as to the principles
entertained by the members of that communion. Protestants
first drove out the Roman Catholics from the pale of civil liberty,
and then wondered that they were ready to support arbitrary
power, which could alone relieve them. While the bill of ex
clusion was in agitation, a very powerful party appeared adverse
to the succession of James ; but the latter years of Charles II. ,
wherein the duke had entirely governed the country, had so
altered the outward expression of opinion, that the alarms of the
kingdom were displayed In the looks of the people, while their
acclamations welcomed the new monarch. In his first speech,
" he expressed* his good opinion of the church of England, as a
friend to monarchy. Therefore he said he would defend and
maintain the church, and would preserve the government in
church and state, as it was established by law," These words
were much repeated, and the common phrase was, " We have
now the word of a king, and a word never yet broken," Some
of the addresses, however, which were presented at this period,
contained expressions ^ which ought not to have been misunder
stood ; while others renewed their assurances of fidelity and obe
dience in such terms as, gratifying the wishes of the king, tended
to delude him, and to Influence the formation of his plans ; for
he expected that the high church party would comply with his
desires, and allow him to proceed on his arbitrary principles,
§ 754. James began his reign by levying those duties on
tonnage and poundage, which had ceased to be due upon the
death of his predecessor ; so great an inconvenience would have
arisen from the interruption of this payment, that the measure
was in itself unobjectionable ; but the manner in which it was
done, by proclamation, without any appearance of deference to
law, afforded no very favourable prognostic of his future conduct.
The parliament, however, as soon as it met, settled this upon
» The London clergy for instance j law, which was dearer to them than
talked " of their religion established by I their lives. " Burnet, iii. 7-
* Burnet's Own Time, iii. 6.

XVII, § 754.] POLICY OF JAMES. MONMOUTH. 553
him, and with it a larger revenue for life, than had ever been
possessed by any previous monarch, amounting to two millions
per annum : at the same time an attempt was made, that the
grant might be accompanied by a petition for putting the laws In
force against dissenters, as had been the case during the late
reign ; but this was resisted In the commons. The early policy of
the king was founded upon the hope that he might balance the high
church party against the dissenters, and ultimately bring them to
his own persuasion. This, however, was a method of proceeding,
from which nothing but the blindness of James could have ex
pected success ; and perhaps the victory which he obtained over
the duke of Monmouth In the west, and the earl of Argyle In
Scotland, contributed to blind him, while it opened the eyes of
his subjects ; for the cruelties then exercised exceed belief. To
say nothing of those who suffered^ for their rebellion, and who
had no right to expect mercy, there are among others two
instances of old ladles who were executed for concealing fugitives.
They both denied any knowledge of the guilt of those whom
they protected ; but whether this were true, or no. Lady Lisle
was beheaded, and Mrs, Gaunt burnt, for doing that which many
a friend of the best government might readily commit ; and
which the feelings of the majority of the kingdom would cer
tainly pardon. It may be sometimes necessary to punish such an
act, but no power on earth can prevent mankind from secretly
applauding the action ; and every government is unwise which
uses severity contrary to the better feelings of mankind.
§ 765, James is occasionally exculpated by throwing the
blame on Jeffreys, yet James rewarded Jeffreys by immediately
making him chancellor; and he who could see his own nephew,
when he had determined to execute him ; who could allow the
duke of Monmouth to come into his presence, and yet behead
him ; can little expect that he shall be freed from the charge of
cruelty by transferring It on his ministers. The vindictive spirit
with which severity was carried on, and the insecurity which
every one must have felt, from the manifest injustice of several
" Three hundred and thirty were executed, and eight hundred and fifty-five
transported. HaUam, ii. 412.

554

CRUELTY OP JAMES,

[a, D, 1685,

legal proceedings, particularly that against Cornish*, could not
fail to alienate the minds ofthe generality of his subjects, till the
rapid strides made towards the Introduction of popery roused the
friends of freedom and religion. Indeed James never concealed
his preference for his own church, or left any room to hope that
he would govern constitutionally, whenever he had obtained the
means of doing otherwise. He went to mass publicly on the first
Sunday after his accession ; in his address to his parliament in
Scotland, he declared his determination to uphold the royal power
in its greatest lustre ; and in his speech to the two houses after
the defeat of Monmouth, professed his Intention of keeping up a
standing army, and retaining certain of his ofiicers *, though dis
qualified on account of their not having taken the test. Now
though an honest man will not disguise his religious opinions, though
an honest king will try to uphold the just rights of the crown,
yet it is difficult not to be somewhat sceptical about the religious
zeal of an Individual, who at the age of fifty could not be pre
vailed on by the entreaties of his wife, or his confessors, to resign
his mistress''; and who, after a most solemn promise frequently
repeated, of maintaining the government as established by law,
seemed so far from having a wish to keep It, that he turned out
four of his judges -f because they would not profess their readiness
to comply with the desires of the court.
§ 756. James had been at first disposed to conduct himself
on friendly terms with the church of England; but he soon dis
covered that the steps which he adopted alarmed the members of
that communion ; whose ministers became forward in asserting
the doctrines of the Reformation, and warning their hearers

* Oates was probably justly convicted
of perjury, but the sentence that he
should be whipped publicly twice, that
he should be imprisoned during the rest
of his life, and stand in the pillory four
times during each year, was excessively
cruel, Dangerfield's sentence was most
unjust. His narrative of the Meal-tub
plot, whether true or false, was ordered
to be printed by the house of commons ;
* Kennet, in, 439,

and to fine WiUiams the speaker for
licensing the book, was unjustifiable,
Mr. Cornish suffered for the Rye-house
plot on very inadequate evidence. See
Kennet, iii. 442,
i> " When I urged him how such a
course of life did agree with the zeal he
showed in his religion; he answered,
' Must a man be of no religion, unless he
is a saint ?' " Burnet's Own Time, ii. 28,
t Ibid, 451,

XVII, § 756.] LETTER ABOUT PREACHING.

555

against the dangers of popery. In order then to check these
proceedings, and to intimidate those who were carrying them on,
the king sent a letter to the bishops, prohibiting the clergy from
preaching on controversial subjects*, and threatening, in case of
any opposition to his wishes, that he would exact the tenths and
first-fruits to their full value*. This letter, while it reminded
every one of a similar step taken in the beginning of the reign of
Mary, called forth the energies of those who were most able to
advocate the cause, and roused them to stand forward in defence
of the doctrines of the church''. It became, therefore, obvious
that, unless the king could depress the church, there was no hope
of his being able to succeed In the establishment of his own reli
gious tenets, or of arbitrary power, and he commenced his opera
tions by setting up a court well calculated to execute his plans.
In April, 1686, he issued a commission for ecclesiastical affairs,
a step totally illegal. The act passed in 1641, for the purpose of
destroying the court of high-commission, did In fact take away
the whole coercive power exercised by the ecclesiastical courts;
when therefore, after the Restoration, some papists and dissenters
denied the authority of the bishops over them, a new act^f was
passed, repealing such part of the act of Charles I. as pertained to

" There may be a question as to the
right possessed by the crown to do this;
the words of the Act are, " And be it
ordained and enacted by the authority
aforesaid, that the said yearly rent and
pension shall be taxed, rated, levied, pro-
ceyved, and paid to the king's use, his
heirs and successors, in manner and form
hereafter to be declared by this act ; that
is to say. That the chancellor of England
for the time being, shall have power and
authority to direct unto every diocese in
this realm and in Wales, several com
missions in the king's name under his
great seal, as well to the archbishop or
bishop of every such diocese, as to every
such other parson or parsons, as the
king's highness shall name and appoint,
commanding and authorizing the said

commissioners, so to be named in every
such commission, or iii. of them at the
least, to examine, search, or inquire, by
all the ways and means that they can by
their discretions," &c. &c. Where the
words seem to carry the right, though it
might be doubted whether this were the
intention of the biU. This law was abro
gated by Philip ,ind Mary, but re-esta
blished by Elizabeth.
^ Among the persons who managed
and directed this controversial warfare
were TUlotson, Stillingfleet, Tennison,
Patric, Sherlock, Aldrich, Atterbury,
Wake, Henry Wharton, Prideaux, Bull,
and Sharp. See Burnet's Own Time,
iii. 99. D'Oyly's Sancroft, i, 220, Gibson
pubUshed 3 vols, fol., of these pieces.

Echard, ii, 1077.

t 13° Car, II,, ch, 12,

556 COURT OF ECCLESIASTICAL COMMISSION. [a. D. 1685.
bishops' courts, but still disannulling the right of appointing
an ecclesiastical commission, and abrogating the canons of
1640, § 757, The commission now issued is printed In Kennet*;
it confers very ample powers for visiting and reforming all eccle
siastical abuses, for which purpose the presence of the lord chan
cellor (Jefifreys) and of two other commissioners was required.
It directs them also to inspect and correct the statutes of any
schools, or colleges, in either of the universities, and, if necessary,
to make new rules for their government; but this could not be
done, unless four commissioners were joined to the chancellor.
Such a court, against which no exemptions might be pleaded,
laid every species of academical or ecclesiastical property at the
mercy of the crown. The commissioners were, Sancroft, arch
bishop of Canterbury, Crew, bishop of Durham, Sprat, of
Rochester, Lord Rochester, Lord Sunderland, and Sir Edward
Herbert, Of these, Sancroft refused to take any part In their
proceedings, and Cartwrlgbt-f-, a creature of the court, was sub
stituted in his place. The first act of this illegal tribunal was
directed against Compton, bishop of London, a man well suited
for the struggle, of a noble family, and undoubted loyalty, who
proved himself ready to defend the rights of his sovereign, or of
his fellow subjects, by the sword, carnal*, as well as spiritual.
Sharp, afterwards archbishop of York, then rector of St, Giles,
had attacked some of the errors of popery, and James, who
esteemed this conduct as a personal Insult towards himself,
directed Compton to suspend him. The bishop expressed his
readiness to comply with any lawful command, but declared that
he had no authority to do so, except by a legal process In an
ecclesiastical court ; and in the mean season persuaded Sharp to
make all due submission to the king, and to avoid preaching, till
the affair were settled. But as this would not satisfy his
majesty, Compton was brought (Sept, 6) before the court of

" When he had conveyed the Princess
Anne from London to Northampton, he
put himself at the head of a small army

which was there assembled, (Sec
Burnet'sOwn Time, iii, 318, and Wood's
Ath.)

iii. 454. f Burnet, iii. 136.

XVII, § 757.] DECLARATION OF LIBERTY OF CONSCIENCE, 557
ecclesiastical commission, and suspended from executing his office
as a bishop. § 758. These measures were grounded upon the idea that the
king, as supreme head of the church, might make ecclesiastical
law, as well as execute it ; and the next step In which James was
engaged, assumed almost the same power with regard to the law
of the land ; for when he found that his expectations from the
high church party were disappointed, he betook himself to the
dissenters, and tried, by favouring them, to establish a force which
should be sufficient to curb those whom he now deemed his
enemies. On April 4, 1687, he Issued a declaration* for liberty
of conscience, whereby he suspended all the penal laws against
those who differed from the church of England, and virtually
repealed them. At the same time, he allowed all those who
were unwilling to conform to the rites of the church, to assemble
for purposes of public worship, dispensed with the necessity of
taking any oaths, before entering on office, and stated his deter
mination to employ such persons as had been faithful in their
duty, and of whose service he did not choose to be deprived.
The law of the land, as It stands at the present moment, differs
so little from what James wished to establish, that on the part of
those who rejoice In our present liberty of conscience, no objection
can be justly raised against this measure, except that which arises
from the nature of the authority assumed In the publication of
such a document. Laws are annihilated, if the king by one
sweeping clause may dispense with them. The power of par
doning, mercifully lodged in the crown, Is totally different from
that which was now claimed. There the king forgives, because
some circumstances render pardon the truest justice, and happy
is the government which Is strong enough frequently to exercise
this power ; but to forgive an act when committed, and to license
the commission of It, are steps of a totally different nature.
James never pretended to exercise this power so as to affect the
property of his subjects, but when the power is admitted, who
can set limits to the use of It ? Who can guarantee that no
private property shall be Injured by it ? In the case of Magdalen
" Kennet, iii. 463.

558 DISPENSING POWER, [a, D. 1686.
college, of which mention will hereafter be made, James* argues
justly, that " it was ridiculous to dispute the king's power In
dispensing with the local statutes of a college, which had been so
frequently practised in former reigns ; after It had been decided
in his majesty's favour that he might dispense with certain
standing laws of the land." The admission of this right in the
crown would, in this case, have deprived an honest man of his
prospects in life, and might have rendered the situation of all the
members of a large college very uncomfortable, by robbing them
of their right to appoint their own head, a privilege as dear as
any other species of property : nor should It be forgotten, that
when an Individual Is wrongly appointed to any place of honour
or emolument, some proper person is prevented from obtaining
the preferment. § 759. Kennet-f- says, that the assumption of this power
might have been overlooked, if the king had not endeavoured to
form a parliament for the purpose of repealing the penal laws*.
The attempt was made in a very unconstitutional manner through
private communications, generally denominated closetings ; and
many undue steps were taken to infiuence men in their decisions.
Though the legal repeal of all penal laws would probably have
been a measure productive of the greatest good to England, had
it been effected from the very first, yet unfortunately we can
hardly attribute any such enlarged views to James, whose sole
object seems to have been, to establish his own authority, and to
introduce his own religious opinions, two ideas almost inseparably
connected in his mind. In this attempt to bias the judgments of
his people, there was nothing which a weak man might not have
esteemed justifiable ; but when we look at his conduct with
respect to the judges, it is impossible to acquit him of absolute
dishonesty. The question of the legality of the dispensing power
was brought to trial In the case of Sir Edward Hales ; but, as a
previous step, the judges were sounded concerning their several
opinions, " and such as were not clear to judge as the court did
• That is, such laws as impose any pains or penalties on account of religion.
* Own Life, ii. 123 + iu, 466,

XVII. § 759,] SUFFERINGS OF THE DISSENTERS, 559
direct, were turned out*," Sir Edward accepted a place which
required him to take the test, and his own coachman sued him in
the penalty of five hundred pounds for not doing so ; in bar of
which, the dispensing power of the king was pleaded, and
allowed. The twelve judges on this occasion decided the matter,
as far as a court which had not the confidence of the country,
could decide it, and there were so many persons indirectly
interested In the admission of the power, that it is almost won
derful that the decision was not received with greater satisfaction,
§ 760. The sufferings of the dissenters had been so great,
that no government, worthy of the name, could have long allowed
them to be Inflicted. The quakers-f-, In their petition to the
king and parliament, declared that above fifteen hundred of their
brethren had been of late in prison, of whom 1383 now remained
there ; and that of these more than two hundred were women.
That since 1660, above three hundred and fifty had died in gaol ;
that many others had lost their lives from ill treatment which
they had experienced while under confinement ; and that number
less injuries had been done to their property. The writer of the
preface to Delaune's Plea for the Nonconformists says, that he
was one of eight thousand Protestant dissenters who had been
punished in gaol during the reign of Charles II. Oldmlxonj
says that Jeremy White had collected a list of sixty thousand
persons who had suffered for religion, between the Restoration
and Revolution. These accounts may be, and probably are, much
exaggerated ; but after treatment which at all approached to this
description, or extent. It Is only wonderful that the dissenters
were as friendly to the church as they were. The court § had
tried to render the breach between the two parties as wide as
possible, by issuing a commission to examine into the proceedings
which had been unjustly carried on against them ; (for in many
cases they had bought off further prosecutions against themselves
by making presents to those who were connected with the eccle
siastical courts ;) but the general moderation of the dissenters at
this moment prevented any such effect from being produced, since
* Burnet, iii, 91, f Neal, v, 17, + History of the Stuarts, 715.
§ Burnet, iii, 175,

560 THE UNIVERSITIES, [a,D, 1687.
they were convinced that the sole object of the apparent kindness
of the king was to employ them In throwing down the constitu
tion. His arbitrary conduct, indeed, which was always exercised
more or less in favour of the Roman Catholics, prevented any one
from mistaking the plans which he had in view,
§ 761, James directed his first open attack against the
universities ; for he foresaw, that If he could have succeeded In
contaminating the sources from whence many of the higher feel
ings which pervade a country, derive their origin, the task of
perverting the minds of the rest of the community would have
become comparatively easy. Oxford was but ill prepared to resist
the attempt. Anthony Wood*, in his own life, describes the
place as given up to idleness, and containing few scholars, who
generally spent their time in coffee and ale-houses. He adds,
that colleges"!" were deserted, for fear the gownsmen ;]: should be
turned out of their rooms to provide lodgings for the members, in
case a parliament should be assembled there. That whigs were
afraid to send their sons to a seminary, when there was danger
lest they should be perverted to tory principles, or converted to
popery. For after the accession of James, Obadiah Walker,
head of University college, and five or six more, declared them
selves of the Roman Catholic persuasion. Upon the death of
Fell, In 1686, the crown had appointed Massey*, a Roman
Catholic, to the deanery of Christ Church ; and In 1687, when a
vacancy occurred In the headship of Magdalen college, the king
sent a mandatory letter, enjoining the fellows to elect Farmer, a
man of bad character, and a Roman Catholic, The fellows
petitioned that the crown would either grant them a free election,
or that the king would recommend such a person as might be
serviceable to his majesty, and to his college : but in the mean
time, before any answer was received, they, complying with the
directions of their statutes as to the time of election, proceeded to
choose Hough, and afterwards refused to admit Samuel Parker,

" There was a particular dispensation
for O. Walker, Massey, and several other
members of the University ; and one for

Sclater, curate of Putney and rector of
Esher, for not using the Common Prayer,
(Hallam's Cons, Hist. u. 410.)

"' Ath. i,xxix. f Ibid. Lxxx. X IWd. xciv. xcvii.

XVII. §, 761.] OXFORD. MAGDALEN COLLEGE. 561
bishop of Oxford, who was recommended to them by the court.
In consequence of this disobedience, his majesty cited the fellows
before him, during his visit to Oxford ; and upon their continued
refusal to obey his commands, they were brought before a com
mittee of the ecclesiastical commission, sent to the university for
the purpose of punishing them, and ultimately Hough and
twenty-five fellows, quitted their academical preferments, pro
testing against the illegality of the whole proceeding. Parker
enjoyed his preferment only two years, and at his death, Bona-
venturo Giffard, vicar apostolic from the see of Rome, was
installed as president.
§ 762. We have before seen * in what light James regarded
the transaction : he conceived that the king who had a right to
dispense with the laws of the land, must have an equal power to
change the statutes of a college; and there are many instances
where, in the appointments to colleges, the nomination had been
virtually transferred to the crown*. James, therefore, who
entertained the most extravagant notions of prerogative, and who
was urged on by the blind zeal of his ecclesiastical advisers, (for
the Roman Catholic laity were too wise to approve of his con
duct,) saw not that the freehold of every one of his subjects was
rendered insecure by so arbitrary an act, and that every member
of the college thus ejected, would be regarded as a confessor for
the cause of Protestantism; while every friend to the universities,
or the church, would be in arms against a measure, which might
in the next place eject any clergyman from his living.
This shameless treatment however was not confined to Oxford.
In Cambridge -f, James had before directed the university to
confer the degree of M.A. without taking the oaths, on Allan

» When Sancroft vacated his headship
at Emanuel coUege, Cambridge, the king
nominated Dr, Breton, who was accord
ingly elected; and one of the fellows
approved of it as the only method of
preserving unanimity among them,
(D'Oyly's Sancroft, i. 135 f.) Fmch
was appointed warden of All Souls by a
mandamus from James, 1687, and upon

the death of the duke of Ormond, in
July, 1688, the university proceeded to
a hasty election, lest a mandamus should
come in favour of Jeffreys, (Birch's
Tillotson, 222, 234,) William III. at
tempted to do the same in King's college,
Cambridge, but gave it up, on the resist
ance of the fellows, (Ibid, 261,)

See § 758, | Burnet, iii, 141, 2 O

562

FOLLY OF JAMBS.

[a.D, 1687.

Francis, a Benedictine monk, then resident there. The senate
rejected the mandamus as quietly as they could, but Dr, Peachell'',
master of Magdalen college, and vice-chancellor, was ultimately
deprived of this ofiice by the ecclesiastical commission. The
court however went no further, and the degree was never con
ferred. An almost similar case took place at the Charter-house*,
when the king ordered the governors to admit Andrew Popham
without administering any oaths to him. The governors very
properly resisted, and the affair was never brought to an Issue,
Two out of these three acts were direct attacks upon property;
for where a candidate disqualified by law Is appointed. It cannot
but happen that some qualified person is deprived of his right.
The third was an act of pure tyranny upon the magistrate of a
body corporate, who did nothing beyond his duty,
§ 763, Some other parts of the conduct of James are marked
with a folly as conspicuous as the Injustice which Is exhibited
in the previous instances, particularly the appointment of Father
Petre as a privy counsellor, and the sending Lord Castlemain to
Rome. The writer of the Life of James II, throws the blame, in
both these cases, on Lord Sunderland, who brought forward the
king's confessor, that he might use him as a tool, and a screen,
Petre was a weak, though plausible man, but had a great Influence
over the king, and the credit of more than he really possessed;
Lord Sunderland therefore wished that Petre might be supposed
to direct the king's counsels, while the measures really proceeded
from the minister; and the prospect of obtaining a cardinal's hat
was too strong a temptation to be resisted by Petre, Lord
Castlemain was in consequence sent ambassador to Rome -I*, In

'' He is called Rachell by Lord Dart
mouth in his note on Burnet, There is
an excellent letter of his to Pepys, in the
Diary, ii, 81. — "I am sorry, as well
as unhappy, to be brought to a straight
'twixt God and man: the laws of the
land and the oaths we lie under, are the
fences of God's church and religion pro
fessed and established amongst us ; and
I cannot suffer myself to be made an
? D'Oyly's Siincroft, i. 239.

instrument to puU down those fences : if
H. M. in his wisdom, and according to
his supreme power, contrive other me
thods to satisfy himself, I shall be no
murmurer or complainer, but can be no
abettor. For the doctrine, discipUne,
and worship of our church I heartUy be
lieve was neither fetched from Rome, nor
from Geneva, but from Jerusalem, from
Christ and his apostles."
¦f Life of James II., ii, 79.

XVII. § 763.]

FOLLY OF JAMES,

563

order to obtain this object, and to request that three vicars-
general more might be appointed for the kingdom ; but his
reception there was most unfavourable ; and after delays and
neglect, the only point in which he succeeded was the nomination
of Drs. Giffard and Smith and Father Elllce, who were conse
crated bishops in partibus, and vicars-general In England*,
§ 764. The court of Rome was far too wise to approve of
the hasty steps which were taking place in this country, and
foresaw the destruction which such Imprudence must bring upon
the Interests of the papal cause. Innocent XL* indeed Is said
to have advised James to use all moderation, and to have written
to him for that purpose Immediately on his accession; (probably
through Carryl, who was sent into Italy upon his ascending the
throne). The Spanish ambassador, and the English Roman
Catholic laity joined in urging the same point, but to no purpose;
and it Is difficult to decide whether the madness of the priests, or
the impolicy and dishonesty of Lord Sunderland, were the most
Influential cause which led to the ultimate catastrophe : probably
each contributed to assist the other. It was not perhaps in itself
likely that James should have been influenced by the suggestions
of the pope, for, like Lewis XIV,, he was rather an enemy to the
principles of Protestantism, than a friend to the court of Rome,
of which he had no wish to Increase the power; but no outward
rupture took place in consequence of these events; and though

" Watson, bishop of Lincoln, the last
of the Roman Catholic bishops who had
not become Protestant at the Reforma
tion, died in 1584. In 1598 the English
Roman CathoUc church was placed under
the jurisdiction of an archpriest, vested
with full authority over the secular
clergy, but unable to perform any episco
pal functions, as he was not a bishop.
The Roman Catholics of England justly
remonstrated against this, as being vir
tually deprived of the benefits of episco
pacy. In 1623 a vicar apostolic was
first appointed. This is an officer vested
with episcopal authority by the pope over
any church which is in want of a bishop,

but which, for some reason, cannot have
one of its own : the bishop is consecrated
to some see, in partibus infidelium, which
had formerly a bishop, but has now no
church. The real difference between a
bishop of a see, and a vicar apostolic is,
that the commission of the latter is only
during the pope's pleasure. Ireland has
Roman Catholic bishops of her own, who
are independent of Rome, as far as
Roman Catholics can be; and the mem
bers of that communion in Enn-Ianl
have much reason to complain that they
have never been allowed this privUege.
(Butler's Roman CathoUcs, ii, 249, &c.)

Welwood's Mem. 157,

2 0 2

564 FOLLY OP JAMES, [a,d, 1687.
Lord Castlemain* afterwards declared that the object of his
embassy was one of mere compliment between two temporal
princes, yet the accounts given by historians, and appearances in
England, seem to support a contrary supposition. The next year
(July 3, 1687,) the pope's nuncio was publicly received at
Windsor, and the duke of Somerset f disgraced, because he
refused to incur the danger of rendering himself guilty of high
treason, in the eye of the law, by presenting the accredited agent
of the see of Rome. The king had not only allowed the monks
in St, James's to wear the dresses of their orders, but the nuncio J
himself. Sen, F, D'Adda, had been consecrated archbishop of
Amasia, In the chapel belonging to that palace.
§ 765. All this served but to Irritate the minds of the
people. It convinced every thinking person that they could
expect no half measures, and enabled those who approved not of
these proceedings, to enlist the prejudices of every Protestant in
opposition to his majesty. It showed the world that James
cared nothing for laws, and proved to them that their only safety
depended on their establishing a power in the force of general
opinion, which should be able to overwhelm any strength with
which the injustice of the king might be backed,
James himself could not fail to perceive the danger of acting
entirely against law, and therefore attempted to obtain a sanction
for his own conduct by procuring a change in the laws themselves.
With this view, when he had dismissed his former parliament §,
(July, 1687,) he endeavoured to assemble a new one, which
might coincide with his own wishes in the abolition of the Test.
The method by which he tried to effect this object was, first, by
going on a progress through many parts of the country, during
which he sounded the opinions of the most influential persons,
hoping to bias their judgments, but found that the feelings
of most men wore unequivocally adverse to his desires. He
discoursed of liberty \\ of conscience, but forgot that all his acts
tended to destroy even liberty of person and property. In order
that such members as were friendly to the court might obtain seats
* Welwood, 184, f Ibid. 182, X Life of James IL, ii, 116,
§ Rapin, 760. || Burnet, iii. 180,

XVII, § 765,] ARMY. MR, JOHNSON, 565
in the commons, he used the most arbitrary measures towards
corporations, particularly that of London ; and while, in his
alteration of plans, he discarded his old friends, he gained no new
supporters among those who were advanced by him ; for no one
could feel sure that a fresh line of policy might not presently be
pursued, which would again make a sacrifice of their Interests,
With regard to members of parliament, he attempted to produce
the same effect by means of the lords lieutenant, whom he directed
to put questions with respect to elections, both to candidates and
to electors ; but the task was carried on with no zeal, and some of
the lords lieutenant even opposed the wishes of the court, without
concealing it,
§ 766. Such decided marks of dislike on the part of his
subjects would not allow James to shut his eyes to the uncertainty
of his prospects of success, dependent on any, or all these means,
and he seems therefore to have placed his reliance upon the
army, which he had formed with much care, and modelled as far
as possible, so as to give him every reason for expecting support
from it : but after all, the feelings of the army were strongly
against the religion of the king, and his plans tended only to
make the real objects of his intentions more apparent. In 1686
Mr, Johnson*, a clergyman, who was already in prison, for
having written a work called " Julian the Apostate," published
" An Address to aU the English Protestants In the army," to
dissuade them from becoming the tools of the Court, and contri
buting to subvert the Constitution." For this he was most
severely, nay barbarously punished ; he was degraded from his
orders, in St. Paul's, by some of the courtly bishops, placed three
times in the pillory, and whipped from Newgate to Tyburn.
This rigour betrayed the weakness of the court, and their alarms :
and though numbers of Roman Catholics were subsequently
introduced into the army, yet that body still continued true to the
real interests of the country.
§ 767, (a,d, 1688.) When James then had offended the
mass of his subjects ; when he had outrun the zeal of those
whose religious opinions seemed to connect them more closely
* Birch's TiUotson, 217. Kennet, 452.

666 DECLARATION FOR LIBERTY OP CONSCIENCE. [a.D, 1688.
with his interests ; when he dared not call a parliament, and
could not trust his army : he republished his declaration for
liberty of conscience. It Is a painful consideration, that this act,
which. If it had been done at a proper season, and from good
motives, might have formed the glory of any Christian king, can
now only be regarded as the last arbitrary proceeding of one who
would willingly have made himself a tyrant ; and that the poli
tical liberty of our country must date Its origin from the opposition
which was now raised to a proclamation, In itself advocating the
cause of religious freedom ; so complicated are the connexions
between real and pretended liberty. This declaration, which had
been originally published April 4th, 1687, was now put forth
with a new preface and conclusion, (April 27th,) stating the
determination of the king to support it, the efficient state of the
army and navy, and the prosperous condition ofthe country; and
as If this were not sufficiently exasperating, it was directed by an
order of council that It should be read in every parish church *.
§ 768. The clergy were now placed in the very difficult
situation* of either disobeying the commands of the king, or of
contributing to their own degradation ; and the more dignified
members of that body nobly came forward to sustain the violence
of the storm. Archbishop Sancroft, from the very first, seems to
have been employed in consulting with his episcopal brethren,
who happened to be in the neighbourhood of London, with regard
to the line of conduct which they ought to pursue ; and when
after a few days, he had assembled a certain number of bishops,
it was agreed that they should present a petition to the king,
signifying their reluctance to distribute and publish the declara
tion ; and professing their readiness to come to some temper with
the dissenters. This petition was signed by Sancroft -f, W.
Lloyd, bishop of St. Asaph, F. Turner of Ely, J. Lake of Chi
chester, Th. Kenn of Bath and Wells, Thomas White of Peter
borough, and Jonathan Trelawney of Bristol ; and on the
evening of the same day the six last presented It to his majesty
« That the clergy might, as Father Petre said, eat their own dung, (Kennet, iii.
481. Burnet, iii, 217.)
* D'Oyly's Sancroft, 254. -|- Sancroft, 262.

XA^'lI. § 768.] DECLARATION FOR LIBERTY OP CONSCIENCE.

567

at White Hall, for Sancroft had been previously forbidden to
appear at court. The king received It with great appearance of
anger ; the bishops, who conducted themselves with great calm
ness, and respectfulness of demeanour, were dismissed from the
royal presence ; and through some unfaithfulness of those about
the king, a copy was printed and dispersed throughout the town
on the same evening. The petition was afterwards subscribed by
six more bishops*, as approving its contents*, and the clergy
generally followed the steps of the bishops, so that not above two
hundred of them, through the whole kingdom, read the declara
tion in their churches. There were four bishops'' only who
complied with the orders of the court f, and of these Crew
suspended about thirty in his diocese for their refusal ; and the
diocese of Chester, of which Cartwright was bishop, united In an
address of thanks for the declaration Itself,
§ 769, James remained some time in suspense as to what
measures he should pursue, but at length came to the Imprudent
resolution of prosecuting the bishops for a misdemeanor ; and
on Friday, June 8th, they were all committed to the Tower,
because they would not enter into recognizances for their further
appearance, a step which their legal advisers recommended them
not to take, " The people," says Hume|, " were already aware
of the danger to which the prelates were exposed; and were
raised to the highest pitch of anxiety and attention with regard
to the issue of this extraordinary affair. But when they beheld
these fathers of the church brought from court under the custody
of a guard, when they saw them embarked In vessels on the

° Compton of London, W. Lloyd of
Norwich, R, Prampton of Gloucester,
Seth Ward of Sarum, Peter Mew of
Winchester, Thomas Lamplugh of Exe
ter, (Sancroft, 269,)
'' Nathaniel Crew, bishop of Durham ;
Herb. Crofts of Hereford, Thomas Bar
low of Lincoln, and Thomas Sprat of
Rochester ; Sprat was also dean of
Westminster. (Rapin, 763.) "I was
then at Westminster school, aud heard it
read in the Abbey, As soon as Bishop

Sprat, who was dean, gave order for
reading it, there was so great a murmur
and noise in the church, that nobody could
hear him: but before he had finished,
there was none left but a few prebends in
their stalls, the choristers, and Westmin
ster scholars. The bishop could hardly
hold the proclamation in his hands for
trembling, and every body looked under
a strange consternation." Note of Lord
Dartmouth's in Burnet's Own Time, iii.
218, g.

Sancroft, 269.

f Life of James II., ii, 167.

X viii. 261.

568 THE SEVEN BISHOPS SENT TO THE TOWER. [a, D, 1688.
river, and conveyed towards the Tower, all their affection for
liberty, all their zeal for religion, blazed up at once, and they
flew to behold this affecting and animating spectacle. The whole
shore was covered with crowds of prostrate spectators, who at
once Implored the blessing of those holy pastors, and addressed
their petitions towards heaven for protection during this extreme
danger, to which their country and their religion stood exposed.
Even the soldiers, seized with the contagion of the same spirit,
flung themselves on their knees before the distressed prelates, and
craved the benediction of those criminals whom they were
appointed to guard. Some persons ran Into the water, that they
might participate more nearly of those blessings which the prelates
were distributing on all around them. The bishops themselves,
during this triumphant suffering, augmented the general favour
by the most lowly, submissive deportment ; and they still exhorted
the people to fear God, honour the king, and maintain their
loyalty, expressions more animating than the most inflammatory
speeches. And no sooner had they entered the precincts of the
Tower, than they hurried to chapel in order to return thanks for
those afflictions, which Heaven, in defence of Its holy cause, had
thought them worthy to endure."
§ 770, On Friday, June 15th, these venerable ^sufferers*
were brought before the court of king's bench, on a writ of
habeas corpus, but allowed to return to their own houses upon
bail, till the day of trial, which was fixed for the 29th, The
anxiety expressed by the country generally was excessive, and
the crowds assembled in Westminster-hall and its neighbourhood,
when their fate was to be decided, proportioned to the interest
which all orders took in the event. The evidence for the prose
cution consisted In the proof of the signature of the bishops, and
of the publication of the petition, which was established on the
testimony of the clerk, and president of the privy council. Their
defence rested on the right of petitioning possessed by every
Englishman, on the modest terms in which this petition was
expressed, and the private manner in which it was presented ;
but the chief argument lay in the illegality of the dispensing
* Sancroft, 288.

XVII, § 770.] TEMPER OP THE KING, 569
power now claimed by the crown. Of the four judges on the
bench, Wright and Allybone gave it as their opinion that the
petition was a libel, and Holloway and Powel pronounced It not
to be so. The jury remained In consultation all the night, and at
six o'clock the next morning brought in their verdict of " Not
guilty." The tumultuous joy excited by the news of their deci
sion, spread rapidly through the country, and the acclamations
extended to the camp at Hounslow, where the eagerness with
which the soldiers joined in expressing their satisfaction, justly
excited the alarms of the king.
§ 771. The temper, however, of James was such, that he
would not see the real condition to which he had reduced himself,
and having always blamed the vacillation of his father, and bro
ther, he hoped to remedy by firmness an evil into which impru
dence had led him. His immediate advisers, too, wished to
widen the breach between the king and his subjects, and the
manner in which he proceeded to act, sufficiently accomplished
this object. The week after the trial, he dismissed the two
judges who had been favourable to the bishops, and issued,
through the ecclesiastical commission, an order, that all chan
cellors and archdeacons should send in the names of those clergy
men who had refused to read the declaration. Sancroft, who,
through the whole of this part of the transaction, showed great
Christian firmness, published some admonitions* designed to be
addressed by the bishops to their respective clergy, in which he
called upon them to exert themselves as became their station, and
to endeavour to promote the peace of the nation, and unanimity
between Protestants. Indeed the friendly temper of the dis
senters at this period called forth the praises of the church, and in
consequence of the prevalence of such feelings, while the hour of
danger was at hand, the archbishop made some attempts towards
a comprehension. " The scheme was laid out-f", and the several
parts of it committed to such of our divines as were thought most
worthy to be Intrusted with it. His grace took one part himself,
another was committed to Dr, Patric, The revising of the
* D'Oyly's Sancroft, i. 320. V'vi'C^.^ '
t Ibid, i, 327. Wake's Speech at Sacheverel's Tr1al,'212, 8vo. :

570 SANCROFt's ADMONITIONS, COMPREHENSION, [a, D, 1688.
Liturgy was referred to a select number of persons. The design
was this : to Improve, and if possible, amend our discipline ; to
review and enlarge our Liturgy, by correcting some things, by
adding others, and if it should be thought advisable by authority,
when the matter should be legally considered, first in convocation,
then In parliament, by omitting some few ceremonies which are
allowed to be Indifferent in their natures, as Indifferent in their
usage, so as not to make them of necessity binding on those who
had conscientious scruples respecting them, till they should be
able to overcome their weaknesses or their prejudices respecting
them, and be willing to comply," Sancroft considered how good
an opportunity had been lost at the Restoration, because no
previous steps had been taken by the friends of the church, and
because the warmth of the other party had tended to inflame the
minds of those who were sufficiently adverse to any alterations.
§ 772, " In the mean time by the continued* and less dis
guised attempts of King James, against the liberties of his sub
jects, and the safety of the Protestant church, matters were fast
drawing to a crisis. The Protestants became every day more and
more convinced that nothing less than open resistance could pre
serve to them the enjoyment of their religious profession ; and all
eyes were turned towards Holland, as the quarter whence deli
verance was to spring. The prince of Orange, in consequence of
the numerous and strong solicitations he had received from per
sons of various ranks and interests in England, had come to the
resolution of undertaking an expedition for the express purpose of
saving that kingdom from the dangers which threatened to over
whelm it. In consequence, he had employed the earlier part of
the year in making such preparations as had more the appearance
of providing for the security of his own states, than of meditating
anything hostile against another. But as the autumn drew on,
he was obliged to take other measures in collecting troops, artil
lery, and arms, which unequivocally marked the design of under
taking a foreign expedition. While this storm was gathering,
James alone remained unconscious of his danger. Blinded by
his passions, and given over to Infatuated counsels, he vainly
• D'Oyly's Sancroft, i. 330, &c.

XVII, § 772,] PROGRIiSS OP THE REVOLUTION. 571
hoped for success in measures from which every other eye saw
that his ruin must ensue ; and when preparations were making,
the object of which was to all the world too plain to be mistaken,
he alone remained In ignorance of their real destination. At last,
about the middle of September, he first became convinced of the
purpose of the Intended expedition from Holland, by a letter, as
it Is said, from Lewis XIV, On receiving it, he turned pale,
and stood motionless, and the letter dropped from his hand ;
striving to conceal his perturbation from his courtiers, he more
plainly betrayed It ; and they In affecting not to observe his
emotion, showed no less plainly that they did. The Immediate
effect of this discovery, and of the alarm which overwhelmed
him, was to make him recur, with hurried precipitation, to milder
measures of government, for the purpose of regaining his lost
popularity. Accordingly, on Sept. 21, he published a declaration
expressing that it was his resolution to preserve inviolable the
church of England ; that he was willing the Roman Catholics
should remain excluded from the house of commons ; and assuring
his loving subjects, that he should be ready to do everything else,
for their safety and advantage, that becomes a king who will
always take care of his people. Five days afterwards, he declared
his Intention of restoring to the commission of the peace those
gentlemen who had been displaced. But matters had advanced
too far for these concessions to have any effect. Although osten
sibly proceeding from his own free will, they were manifestly
extorted from him by fear. All confidence In him, on the part of
the people, was forfeited ; and his devotion to the Roman Catholic
cause was known to be such, that he would certainly recur to his
violent measures for establishing it, as soon as the fear of conse
quences was again removed."
§ 773, " But what was the most striking effect of the alarm
into which he was now thrown, he condescended to ask advice of
those very persons whom he had so lately treated with hasty and
inconsiderate violence, the archbishop of Canterbury, and the rest
of the bishops ;" and was pleased In being able to assure his people
of the returning cordiality between himself and their lordships.
He took off the suspension from Bishop Compton, and restored to

572

PROGRESS OF THE REVOLUTION.

[A, D, 1688.

the city of London their charter which had been so unwarrantably
taken from them, and on Oct. 2, he received from Sancroft, and
the other bishops who were in town, a paper* containing their
opinion as to the measures which he ought to pursue, couched In
language of meekness, and delivered with great gravity and
courage. The king thanked the bishops for their advice ; and
each of the points either had been, or were successively conceded ;
but the concession came too late ; the country had lost all confi
dence in their sovereign, and his acts of grace were esteemed acts
of weakness. Nay, the very prayers for the peace and safety of
the nation, which Sancroft composed with great moderation and
discretion, are said to have tended to confirm the minds of the
people in the quiet opposition which they raised against the pro
ceedings of the court, by directing their thoughts to religion, the
point concerning which the only danger seemed to threaten them.
§ 774. The change In the king's counsels, with regard to the
bishops, caused them to be viewed at first as objects of suspicion,
but their subsequent conduct, with respect to not expressing their
abhorrence of the measures of the prince of Orange, placed their
conduct in its true light. James, alarmed at the appearance of an
universal defection, when the intended invasion became evident,
requested from such bishops as could be assembled at the moment,
a public expression of their dislike to the measures of his son-in-
law, and in a long personal interview urged them to comply with
his request. But after having vindicated themselves from the
charge of having invited the prince, the bishops declined expres
sing any opinions distinct from the rest of the peers, whose interest
in the prosperity of the nation was as strong as their own. This
refusal, while It Injured the cause of James, probably contributed

» It consists of ten heads : 1st, that
he should commit the govemment in the
several counties to those who were
legally qualified ; 2nd, annul the eccle
siastical commission; 3rd, restore the
president and fellows of Magdalen col
lege ; 4th, reverse all dispensations ; 5th,
and not grant any for the future ; 6th,
that he should inhibit the vicar apostolic ;
7th, fill all vacant bishoprics ; 8th, super

sede all quowarrantos and restore ancient
charters ; 9th, issue writs for a free
parliament to provide for the security of
the church of England and liberty of
conscience ; lOth aud lastly, hsten to
the arguments which should be advanced
by the bishops to induce him to return
to the communion of the church of Eng
land, (D'Oyly's Sancroft, i, 340.)

XVII, § 774,] PROGRESS OP THE REVOLUTION, 673
to save episcopacy in England; for, had the bishops of this
country committed themselves on the side of arbitrary power, as
the Scotch bishops did ; had they so fettered themselves by any
declaration of opinions hostile to the principles of the Revolution;
it is not improbable that they would have been hindered from
taking part in the events which subsequently occurred, and by
leaving the field open to their enemies, as was the case in the
north, have tended to destroy the very order among us,
§ 775, James was much irritated at this refusal ; but the
landing of the Dutch, with its immediate consequences, prevented
him from showing his anger publicly. When it was known that
the disembarkation had been effected, the bishops joined with
several temporal peers in London to persuade the king to call a
free parliament, a step which might even then, perhaps, have
preserved the crown; but he refused to listen to the suggestion,
till he had found the insecurity of any reliance on the army, and
had seen that as no one trusted him, he could confide safely in
no one. Events now followed each other in rapid succession. The
king joined his army at Salisbury on the 19th of Nov., but found
that resistance was in vain, since his own officers declined fighting
against the prince. Deserted by his troops, his friends, and his
children, he determined to call a parliament when it was too late,
and at length attempted to fly into France. The peers who were
in London, assembled, and took upon themselves, for the time,
the government of the country, in order to preserve peace; but
the detention of James, and his return to White Hall, where he
was received with the acclamations of the people, and the attend
ance of a considerable court, again seemed to give him a momen
tary hope that all was not lost. When, however, the prince of
Orange came to London, and the difficulties which must have
presented themselves as to any future settlement became appa
rent, James was compelled hastily to quit his palace, and his
escape into France was connived at.
§ 776, The personal character of James must explain to us
many of the secret springs of those proceedings for which it might
otherwise be difficult to assign any sufficient reason. He seems

674 CHARACTER OP JAMES. [a. D. 1688,
to have possessed that species of talent which would have ren
dered him a distinguished second in any department, but to have
wanted that honest sound sense, which can alone qualify talent
for the highest stations. His conduct as a young soldier under
Turenne, his extreme attention to business, his readiness to obey,
and, above all, his regulations with regard to the admiralty, mark
him out as an object of admiration. He viewed trade with the
eye of a superior statesman, and perceived Its connexion with
i'eligious liberty. He saw that the establishment of liberty of
conscience would make England great; but here his faults dis
played themselves in connexion with his good sense ; for he was
utterly deficient of that uprightness of mind which might have
delivered him out of the Intricacies in which his prejudices and
religion Involved him.
The misfortunes which attended his early youth, led him to
false views of governing. The education which he had received
in a camp, but, above all, the notions which he derived from
Colonel Berkeley*, who was intrusted with the care of him, and
was a bold insolent man, disposed towards popery, and exceed
ingly arbitrary In his temper and Ideas, probably infused Into the
mind of James those high opinions concerning absolute power,
which were the Incessant bane of his whole life,
§ 777, When he came to the throne. It was his first object
to establish a strong government, for he had seen the miseries of
a weak one, during the lives of his two nearest relations ; but his
only Idea of a strong government was of one which did not depend
on resources furnished at the will of the people, and which,
therefore, might be denied him. While his brother was king,
he had always been ready to allow England to be under the con
trol of France, provided he could maintain his own authority in
England ; and when advanced to the throne, he was eager to
adopt a line of policy, which, without rejecting the assistance of
France, should enable him to emancipate himself from her power.
The friendly feeling towards him, on the part of the people, with
which his reign commenced, and which must appear wonderful
after the specimens which he had given of his own previous
* Burnet, iii, 4.

XVII. § 777.] CHARACTER OF JAMES, 575
conduct, made him master of a revenue which, with his habits of
business and economy, seemed to render him Independent of his
parliament ; and the first point to which he applied himself, in
his general plan of establishing a strong and arbitrary govern
ment, was the introduction of the Roman Catholic religion into
Britain, He had ever connected the idea of rebellion with puri
tanic strictness, and he fancied that by bringing in his own out
ward form of worship, he should introduce with it his own opinions
as to passive obedience. It is often assumed, that James In his
proceedings was influenced by religious motives. He alone who
knoweth the hearts of men can estimate the motives of either
kings or subjects, but all his conduct corresponds with the suppo
sition that he wished to introduce arbitrary power. He had taken
up the object of introducing Romanism into England, and In his
attempts to effect any purpose, he was apt to disregard right and
wrong, law and justice*: they alone were friends, who aided his
object, and whoever opposed it, was a rebel. This temper of con
struing opposition t to his measures into treason pervaded the
whole of his life, and tended more than anything else to prevent
even those most closely connected with him, from loving or
trusting him. In a free constitution, it is impossible to establish
unanimity of measures, and unanimity of object can only be
obtained by mutual confidence, a feeling which the faults of James
entirely destroyed in all around him, and threw him into the
hands of advisers, who were either very dishonest, or very foolish,
or perhaps both. Lord Sunderland was probably careless of every
result, save of his own interest, and the Jesuits had not prudence
enough to manage so vast a business,
§ 778. James, who while he was king probably cared little
about religion, at least cared not for the essentials of religion In
himself*, was most auxious to make others adopt his tenets,
though he himself displayed no wish to submit his own judgment
to the see of Rome. Lewis, in his severity and Injustice against
" In the latter part of his life he exhibited strong proofs of a sincere sense of
religion. See his own Life, published by Clarke,
» Life, 733, 738. t L'fe, 734. Bumet, i. 288.

576 CHARACTER OP JAMES, [a. D. 1688.
Protestants, was as careful to preserve his own temporal authority
over the church, as Queen Elizabeth ; he revoked the edict of
Nantes, and was by no means Indisposed to quarrel with the pope ;
and James, in his zeal for Romanism, would attend no further to
the advice of Rome than as it coincided with his own views. He
received the refugees who were driven from France, because by
this measure he hoped to establish a spirit of toleration ; for he
was then desirous that the Roman Catholics should be tolerated
in England, and he foresaw the benefit which such an accession
of active and industrious strangers must bring to his country. He
prided himself much on the sacredness of his word ; yet though
he had promised, as solemnly and frequently as was possible, to
uphold the church of England, he obviously sought every means
of introducing Roman Catholics into the higher preferments. And
if his own mind could receive any comfort from the distinction
between the church of England de facto, the Protestant church,
and the church de jure, or the Roman Catholic, whereby, while
his promise seemed to speak of one, he intended the other, such
dishonesty would only tend to augment his guilt ; he either
meant to break his promise, or he admitted in his own mind such
an equivocation as must prove him doubly dishonest ; but as to
his honesty of purpose, we have a confession of his own, which
proves that he was not very scrupulous. In a dirty pecuniary
transaction between Charles II, and the duchess of Portsmouth,
wherein it was intended to raise a sum of money for her, by per
suading James to surrender a rent-charge on the post-ofiice, he
professes extreme readiness to do all that was desired*, yet, " all
this while, the duke knew very well his revenue was so settled,
that nothing but an act of parliament could alienate any part of
it ; which he took care not to mention to any living soul, lest
that might have made the king lay the thoughts of it aside ; and,
by great fortune, none of the lawyers about town, who were
studying which way to bring it about, hit upon that difficulty."
The acts of imprudence of which he was guilty, and which have
been before partially detailed, arose from the same temper : he
thought it beneath his dignity to conceal his wishes, or his plans,
* Life, 1. 721.

XVII. § 778.] BIRTH OF THE PRINCE, 577
and though he displayed and carried them on contrary to the
desires of all his subjects, yet he wondered that he was hated,
and perceived not that a king of England cannot be powerful,
unless he possess the love of his people,
§ 779, After all, it may be questionable whether the ill
conduct of James would have roused the nation to throw off
their allegiance, had not the birth of a son and heir, who might
continue the struggle, excited every one to exert himself In the
defence of those points, which good men hold most dear, their
religion, and their liberty. The queen was delivered on June 10,
and the dislike which was borne to the parents, has caused the
son to be sometimes called supposititious. At the time of his
birth, all the precautions do not appear to have been taken, which
would have been desirable in consequence of subsequent suspi
cions: but as William never ventured to enter into a formal
examination of the birth of the child, though he had mentioned
this subject in his first declaration ; and as he would probably
have done so, had he found any evidence to substantiate a charge
which would have been so useful to himself, we may fairly pre
sume that it has no foundation in truth. But the fact that an
heir was born, produced a strong effect in the country. The
event on which the king and his Roman Catholic advisers, had
always built their hopes, was accomplished, but its accomplish
ment proved the ruin of their cause. Many an Englishman had
looked forward to the time when a Protestant successor should
free them from their alarms, real and imaginary ; but this hope
was now destroyed, and every one saw that his safety depended
on himself. Free men will not live in an uncertainty whether
or no their rights are to be respected, and the conduct of James
prevented any one from supposing that he meant to respect their
rights, any further than his own want of power to subvert them
should render it necessary.
§ 780. It may be asked, whether the present struggle were
political or religious, whether the attacks of the king were directed
against the church or against the state ; but this question can never
be answered, till the line shall have been distinctly drawn between
the church as a spiritual body, and the church establishment as a
2 P

578 CONDUCT OP THE CLERGY. [a, D, I688,,
member of the body politic. The attack was made on the pro
perty of the church, and on the property of the state, when men
who were by law unqualified, were put into civil and ecclesias
tical stations; and the passions and prejudices, together with
every honourable feeling of the people, were excited, when they
beheld, on the part of the crown, a total disregard of the very
appearance of law. When the bishops were imprisoned for peti
tioning the king, a right which belongs to every man in the
kingdom was Invaded ; and the boldness of these sufferers, and
the Interest which was exhibited In their favour, were as much
connected with patriotism, as with religion. Yet since religion
is a higher feeling than patriotism, since obedience to God is a
plainer duty, and one in the performance of which the reason of
all men will agree, whatever be their conduct, it naturally came
to pass that the opinion of the country referred the quarrel to
religious grounds. The question, however, still is of a mixed
nature : had not religion been indirectly attacked, the country
might never have been excited; and though the measures of
James might have been opposed, the prince of Orange would
probably not have been so strongly invited to rescue the kingdom
from the misrule of his father-in-law.
§ 781. It Is not easy to state exactly what part the church
of England, as a body, took in this struggle ; for, by consulting
different authorities, we may draw conclusions diametrically
opposite. They had, to use the language of the biographer of
James, notwithstanding the doctrines* of non-resistance and
passive obedience which they preached, " begun early to spread
jealousies among the people ; and, instead of suffering with pa
tience, they complained before they felt any smart ; and thought
imaginary dangers a good pretence to encourage a real sedition.
They had preached prerogative and the sovereign power to the
highest pitch, while it was favourable to them ; but when they
apprehended the least danger from it, they cried out as soon as
the shoe pinched, though It was of their own putting on," And
the same Invectives are thrown out against them by the historian
of the puritans. Though there may be some grounds for such an
* Life, ii. 70,

XVII, § 781,] CONDUCT OP THE CLERGY, 579
accusation, yet the language of some of the addresses presented
by the clergy had contained declarations sufficiently clear. The
London clergy had used the expression, " our religion established
by law, dearer to us than our lives*;" the very terms adopted by
the house of commons, when Monmouth had been defeated.
The wishes of James made him assume that the clergy generally
spoke the same language as those individuals who wished to
gratify him by their compliances ; yet the readiness with which
they all came forward in defence of the Protestant faith, when It
was endangered, ought to have shown him the value which they
attached to their rehgion ; and to have led him to presume that
their submission would go no further than was consistent with
their sense of duty towards God. With regard to many of the
distinguished ornaments of our church, nothing can be more
glorious than their conduct. They resisted the arbitrary proceed
ings of James, while he was king, and afterwards sacrificed their
worldly situations, when, after his flight, they conceived that their
duty towards him demanded such a surrender. Their circum
stances put them forward in the fight, and they nobly defended
their country : happy would it have been. If all their later acts
had been guided by the same spirit. But this part of the question
belongs to another chapter. * Burnet, iii, 7. Welwood, 175.

2 P 2

580

CHAPTER XVIII.
DURING THE BEGINNING OF THE REIGN OF WILLIAM
AND MARY, 1688, 1689.
801, Non-jurors; many of the clergy unwilling to recognise the new government.
802, Inutility of oaths generally, 803. The authors of the Revolution most
injured by the oath ; their subsequent Ul conduct, 804. Their principles.
805, Principles of the Revolution. 806. Toleration Act ; attempt at a com
prehension ; ecclesiastical commission for reforming evils, 807, Alteration of
the Liturgy. 808. Further additions ; famUy prayer ; (b) American Prayer
Book, 809, The convocation throw out everything, 810, Advantages and
disadvantages of this failure. 811. Summary of the History of the Church;
Henry VIII. ; Edward VI. 812. Mary. 813. Elizabeth. 814. James L
815, Charles and Laud. 816. Restoration, 817. Present constitution of the
church, 818, Evils arising from the connexion of church aud state. 819.
Advantages and blessings.

§ 801. When William and Mary were seated on the throne by
the decision of the convention parliament, and it became necessary
that those who held offices under the new government, should
express their adherence to it, the oaths of supremacy and allegi
ance were so modelled, as to be less particular with regard to the
royal authority, and more decidedly adverse to the pretensions of
the church of Rome. But many of the bishops, and some of the
clergy, were unwilling In any way to acknowledge that which
was in their eyes merely a government de facto, when they had
before promised fidelity to the other, on the ruins of which it had
been established. Eight bishops* and about four hundred of the
other clergy, most of whom held considerable situations in the
church, refused to transfer their allegiance ; and though great
moderation was used towards them, before they were deprived,
yet the necessity of depriving them, and the policy of the law
which obliged every one holding such preferments to take the

" The non-juring bishops were San
croft ; Lloyd, Norwich ; Turner, Ely ;
Frampton, Gloucester; White, Peter
borough ; Kenn, Bath and Wells, These

were ejected. Lake of Chichester and
Thomas of Worcester had died in the
meautune. (D'Oyly's Sancroft, i. 447.)

XVIII. §801.] NON-^URORS. 581
oaths, are very questionable. The question was indeed discussed,
and one plan proposed -was, to enable William to Impose the oath
at his pleasure ; but this would have thrown the whole odium of
ejecting the bishops on the king, and there was no absolute
necessity of imposing the oath at all : it might probably have
answered all the purposes of the government as effectually. If such
persons had been severally required to make a promise not to
disturb the new order of things. For as the large majority of
the clergy took the oath, and many of them were certainly far
from favourable to the objects of it, they who complied, were often
exposed to much censure, as having sworn contrary to their con
sciences ; and neither those who then bound themselves In oppo
sition* to their Inclinations, nor those who, by refusing to take
the oath, were deprived of their preferments, were likely to prove
very faithful adherents to their new sovereigns ; whereas they
might have been perfectly contented to continue quiet subjects,
under a government which they had neither power, nor inclina
tion, to disturb.
§ 802. No oaths, of whatever description, will bind bad
men, when the sentiments of the mass of the people are contrary
to the tenor of the oath ; and there is no more frightful particular
presented to us by history than the frequency with which oaths
are imposed and broken*. The prudence and success of William
prevented his opponents from having any opportunity of trying
the force of the promises made to him ; but had the fate of war
in Ireland enabled James to assert his rights in this country, It Is
absurd to suppose that they who had sworn fidelity to both,.
could be bound to obey both, or would have hesitated In following
their interests, or the inclinations of their own minds. He who
holds an office or dignity under a government, may fairly be
called on to declare his fidelity to that government, In any way
which the government shall choose to select ; but It is very

" When William was about to go into
Ireland, it was proposed to frame an
oath of abjuration with regard to James
II. In the debate in the house of lords,
the earl of Macclesfield declared, " that

he never knew them of any use, but to
make people declare against the govern
ment, that would have submitted quietly
to it, if they had been let alone." (Bur
net, iv, 77. Note of Lord Dartmouth, u.)

* Burnet, iv, 49,

582 NON - JURORS. • [a, D, 1688,'
doubtful whether or no the authority imposing such an oath
strengthens its hold on the mind of the man. He who takes an
office, is in foro conscientice bound to perform the duties of it,
whether he swear to do so, or no ; and probably general promises
and oaths, made at the time of entering into office, have a good
tendency In fortifying the resolutions of the individual ; they form
a sort of bond upon the man himself, when called on to exert his
authority. It may happen, that, when he is wavering, as to
whether or no he ought to act on some point, the thought of his
oath may be useful to his own mind ; but if it be not decidedly
useful, the habit of taking frequent oaths cannot fail to injure
him. And it is a disgrace to the age in which we live, that
oaths, with regard to trifling matters, should be required on so
many occasions as they are ; for they must tend most injuriously
to demoralize the people who take them''.
§ 803. In this case, many upright men, whose bold and
temperate opposition to James had been chiefly instrumental in
fixing the opinions of the nation, who, under God, had contri
buted more than any others to effect the change which had taken
place, were the first to suffer for their uprightness. No one can
fail to admire their conduct, and to pity them ; (If indeed any
one who suffers In the performance of his duty, can be an object
of pity;) but surely the government which Imposes the oath by
which such persons are ejected, has no reason to expect that it
will be served by honest men. Most of these bishops would
probably have continued to hold their preferments, had there
been no necessity of taking the oath ; and would perhaps have
readily promised not to disturb the new government ; but they
felt their duty to James, and were ready to suffer, rather than
betray it. The law* which imposed the new oaths, enabled the
king to allow twelve non-juring clergymen incomes out of their
benefices, but it does not appear that he made any use of this
licence. The act was a most Impolitic one ; for it gave to every

b

Every friend of religion must rejoice

in the alterations which have taken place,
iu this respect, since this was originally

prmted ; and pray that all unnecessary

oaths may gradually be dispensed with.
1" William aud Mary, 8.

XVIII. § 808.] NON-JURORS. 583
friend of James a most convincing argument in favour of his
claims, and could not but indispose the minds of honest men
towards a government which could be guilty of such gross
injustice. But the ejected bishops, and some of the non-jurors, have
made themselves, by their subsequent conduct, the objects of just
disapprobation in the eyes of the friends of the establishment.
For Sancroft, who, from his age and timidity, was unwilling to
act himself, made over his archieplscopal authority to Lloyd,
bishop of Norwich, and the deprived prelates proceeded to con
tinue the succession of bishops in the church, in opposition to
those who were authorized by the government. This schism
continued till 1779, but this subject does not properly fall within
our portion of history. The principle on which these bishops
acted, was partly true, and partly false ; but the extent to which
they carried it, rendered it very prejudicial to the peace of the
church. § 804. The authority by which every bishop, or priest, acts
is one which is derived by succession from the apostles, each
succeeding generation communicating to the next the authority
under which they themselves have been acting. The division of
the country into dioceses and parishes is a civil arrangement,
which regulates the place where the Individual shall exercise his
ministry; but the civil power neither confers the ministerial
authority, nor can alter it. When, therefore, the civil authority
deprived these non-juring bishops of their temporal jurisdictions,
it could not divest them of the sacred office to which they had
been called ; and they conceived, that, as this was still continued
to them, they were bound still to exercise it. The same thing is
actually taking place at this moment in Scotland, The legal
church government there is presbyterian ; yet is there a^ regular
succession of Protestant bishops, who fill certain sees, without
any authoritative power derived from the state, and constitute
perhaps one of the purest forms of episcopacy In the world. As
far as Scotland is concerned, her bishops are, In the opinion of an
episcopalian, fully borne out in this apparent schism ; because
the rest of the church there, though legally established, has

584 PRINCIPLES OF THE NON-JURORS, [a, D, 1688,
discarded the apostolical order of bishops, and the division must
bo charged by us on those who have introduced the anomaly
of a Christian church without bishops. Let us hope, that, at this
moment, both parties are free from any schismatic feelings, and
pray that God may guide whichever of them is wrong, Into the
right path : but the bishops in England cannot be absolved from
the crime of contributing to a schism ; whatever their own ideas
might be, they could hardly deem it necessary to make two
churches within the kingdom, because an usurper was prayed for
In that connected with the establishment ; and yet It Is extraor
dinary, that both Sancroft* and Tillotson, men whose opinions
about the Revolution were diametrically opposite, both concurred
in esteeming it sinful for those who were opposed to the principles
of the Revolution, to join In a service in which a prayer was
offered up for William and Mary, The schismatic feeling, the
spirit of opposition which thus prevailed, with but few bright
exceptions, was excessive, and no man was exposed to greater
obloquy on this account than Tillotson -f-.
§ 805, If it be asked, whether the bishops were justified in
the opposition raised by them against James, though they refused
to submit to the government which this opposition had virtually
established, the answer must depend on our opinion of the merits
of the Revolution itself. The blessings which have been derived
to us from this great event, make every Englishman anxious to
justify the principles on which it was carried on ; but after all, it
seems much more clear that the Revolution was necessary, than
easy to justify it on any permanent principles. It is one of those
extraordinary cases which are not referable to any general law;
It was a recurrence to first principles, an exception to the law.
About such questions Christianity probably gives no other rules
than that great one, of " doing unto others as we would have
others do unto us ;" and when those in authority pervert that
power which has been intrusted to them for the good of their
fellow creatures, in order to trample on their rights, it becomes
the duty of those next In comniand and In authority, those into
* D'Oyly, 458 ; Birch's TUlotson, 282. f Birch's TiU, 316.

XVIII. § 805.] PRINCIPLES OF THE REVOLUTION, 585
whose hands God has put a subordinate power, to exert this power
for the good of the body politic. England would have been
ruined, had the policy of James been continued ; and William
and the peers of the realm, aided by the representatives of the
people, did the best they could under such circumstances : and
we should be thankful to God that so great a benefit was effected.
With these views, the bishops were right in opposing James, and
would have been wise, perhaps, had they taken the oaths ; but
who shall venture to blame conscientious prelates who did not
view the matter in this light ? The hardship with which these
good men were treated, rendered some of them morose, and made
Turner, (bishop of Ely,) perhaps, afterwards join in Lord Pres
ton's plot; in which, as he answered for the other bishops, though
probably without any authority, the blame was in some degree
thrown on the whole body. But in their subsequent conduct about
ecclesiastical matters they were at all events guilty of creating a
schism in the church, and added one more to the ten thousand
causes of division which have distracted the church of England,
and which all the measures of conciliation used at this time proved
inadequate to heal.
§ 806. Among the steps taken to tranquillize the nation,
and to promote peace, the passing of the toleration act * stands
pre-eminent. It granted the dissenters a full liberty as to reli
gious worship ; but was not extended either to Roman Catholics,
or those who denied the doctrine of the Trinity; and left all
who did not conform to the church of England under many
disqualifications. But a much greater attempt was made for healing our divi
sions by means of some alterations in the church itself. On
Sept. 13, 1689, a commission was Issued, "to prepare alterations
in the Liturgy and Canons, to make proposals for reforming the
ecclesiastical courts, and to provide for a strict method of exa
mining candidates for holy orders." It consisted of ten bishops
and twenty divines*, many of whose names form the brightest
" Lamplugh, archbishop of York. StilUngfleet. Montagu.
Compton, bishop of London. Patric. Goodman.
* 1" WUliam and Mary, 18.

586 PROPOSED ALTERATIONS IN THE LITURGY. [a.D. 1689.
ornaments Of our church, from the writings which they have left
behind them. They met in the Jerusalem chamber, and a dis
cussion was soon raised as to the legality of the commission itself,
but was overruled, since none of the acts of such an assembly
could be at all binding, till they had received legal confirmation,
and were only destined to prepare matters for the convocation.
Two bishops, however. Mew and Spratt, and Drs. Jane and
Aldrich, withdrew in dissatisfaction, and the subsequent conduct
of these latter plainly showed the motives which influenced them.
As the labours of this commission in the end proved ineffectual,
it is only by accident that we are acquainted with any of their
proceedings, and this fortunately on the point which is perhaps in
itself of the greatest interest; I mean with regard to the proposed
alterations In the Liturgy.
§ 807. The points which were settled were*, that the
chanting of divine service in cathedral churches shall be laid,
aside, that the whole may be rendered Intelligible to the common
people. That, besides the psalms being read in their course, as
before, some proper and devout ones be selected for Sundays.
That the Apocryphal lessons, and those in the Old Testament
which are too natural, be thrown out, and others appointed in
their stead by a new calendar; which Is already fuUy settled,,
and out of which are omitted all the legendary saints' days, and
others not directly referred to In the service book.
That, not to send the vulgar to search the canons, which few
of them ever saw, a rubric be made, setting forth the usefulness
of the cross In baptism*, not as an essential part of that sacra-
Mew, bishop of Winchester, Tillotson. Beveridge,
W, Lloyd, bishop of St. Asaph, Meggot, Battely.
Spratt, bishop of Rochester. Sharp, Alston,
Smith, bishop of Carlisle, Kidder, Tenison,
Trelawney, bishop of Exeter, Aldrich. Scott,
Burnet, bishop of Salisbury. Jane; Fowler.
Humphreys, bishop of Bangor. HaU. Grove.
Stratford, bishop of Chester, Beaumont, WiUiams,
(Birch's Tillotson, 181,)
» In NichoUs' Apparatus ad Defeusi- vocation, whether the use of the cross
onem Ecc, Ang. 95, &c., it is said, that should be left optional to the parents,
it should be left to the decision of con-
* Birch's Tillotson, 193.

XVIII. § 807.] PROPOSED ALTERATIONS IN THE LITURGY. 587
ment, but only a fit and decent ceremony. However, if any
do, after all, in conscience scruple it, it may be omitted by tho
priest. That likewise, if any refuse to receive the sacrament of
the Lord's Supper kneeling, it may be /idmlnistered to them in
their pews.
That a rubric be made, declaring the intention of the Lent
fasts to consist only in extraordinary acts of devotion, not in dis
tinction of meats; and another to state the meaning of " rogation
Sundays," and "ember weeks;" and appoint that those ordained
within the quatuor temper a do exercise strict devotion. That
the rubric which obliges ministers to read, or hear, " Common
Prayer," publicly, or privately, every day, be changed to an
exhortation to the people to frequent those prayers.
That the absolution, in morning and evening prayer, may be
read by a deacon, the word priest in the rubric being changed
into minister, and those words, " and remission," be put out, as
not very intelligible.
That the Gloria Patri shall not be repeated at the end of
every psalm, but of all appointed for morning and evening prayer.
That those words in the Te Deum, " thine honourable, true, and
only Son," be thus turned, " thine only begotten Son," " honour
able" being only a civil term, and no where used in sacris.
The Benedicite shall be changed into the 128th psalm, and
other psalms likewise appointed for the Benedictus, and Nunc
dimittis. The versicles after the Lord's Prayer, &c., shall be
read kneeling, to avoid the trouble and inconveniences of so often
varying postures in the worship. And after those words, " Give
peace In our time, O Lord," shall follow an answer promissory of
somewhat on the people's part, of keeping God's law, or the like;
the old response being grounded on the predestinating doctrine
taken in too strict an acceptation.
All high titles or appellations of the king, queen, &c., shall be
left out of the prayers, such as most illustrious, religious, mighty,
&c., and only the word sovereign retained for the king and queen.
Those words in the prayer for the king, " Grant that he may
vanquish and overcome all his enemies," as of too large an extent.

688

PROPOSED ALTERATIONS IN THE LITURGY. [a.D. 1689,

if the king engage in an unjust war, shall be turned thus,
" Prosper all his righteous undertakings against thy enemies," or
after some such manner.
Those words in the prayer for the clergy, " who alone workest
great marvels," as subject to be ill interpreted by persons vainly
disposed, shall be thus, " who alone art the Author of all good
gifts:" and these words, "the healthful Spirit of thy grace,"
shall be, " the holy Spirit of thy grace," " healthful" being an
obsolete word. The prayer which begins " O God, whose nature
and property," shall be thrown out, as full of strange and imper
tinent expressions, and besides not in the original, but foisted in
since by another hand''. The collects, for the most part, are to
be changed for those which the bishop of Chichester" has pre
pared, being a review of the old ones with enlargements, to
render them more sensible and affecting, and what expressions
are needless, to be retrenched.
If any minister refuse the surplice, the bishop, if the people
desire it, and the living will bear it, may substitute one in his
place, that will officiate in it, but the whole thing Is left to the
discretion of the bishops.
If any desire to have godfathers and godmothers omitted, and
their children presented in their own names to baptism, it may
be granted. About the Athanasian* Creed, they came at last to this con-

' It is difficult to understand what is
here meant. The prayer was introduced,
1560, from the Litany of the Salisbury
Hours, and is certainly one of the most
beautiful and Christian prayers in the
Liturgy. He who has never felt the
propriety and force of it, must be either
a very good, or a very bad man.
¦^ Simon Patric, In NichoUs' Appa
ratus ad Def, Ecc, Ang. it is added, that
the epistles for the day were selected so
as better to agree with the several gos
pels. Simon Patric framed the collects;
G. Burnet added fresh spirit to them;
StUUngfleet reviewed them; and TiUot
son gave tho last polish to them. Teni
son altered all the expressions in the

Liturgy to which objections were raised.
It was left to convocation to determine
whether, in the reordination of ministers
ordained by presbyters only, a condi
tional form should not be used, as in the
baptism of those about whose previous
admission into the Christian covenant
there is a doubt.
^ NichoUs says, that it was left to the
judgment of the minister to exchange-
this for the Apostles' Creed. NichoUs
however is wrong. See Waterland's
Tract, Works, iv, 305, Whoever wishes
for information about this Creed may
find it in Waterland, The history of
the creed is as foUows. It was pro
bably composed in France (between a. n.

XVIII, § 807.] PROPOSED ALTERATIONS IN THE LITURGY. 589
elusion, that, lest the wholly rejecting it should by unreasonable
persons be imputed to them as Socinianism, a rubric shall be
made, setting forth or declaring the curses denounced therein not
to be restrained to every particular article, but intended against
those that deny the substance of the Christian religion in general.
Whether the amendment of the translation of the reading
psalms (as they are called) made by the bishop of St. Asaph,
(William Lloyd,) and Dr. Kidder, or that in the Bible, shall be
inserted in the Prayer Book, is wholly left to the convocation to
consider of and determine. Several alterations were made in the
Litany, Communion Service, &c.
§ 808. H. Prideaux, dean of Norwich, had formed great
hopes and expectations from this convocation, and in his life*
mention is made of several desiderata In the Liturgy ; but it Is
not stated whether the opinions there expressed were precisely
his own. The points mentioned are, forms for receiving peni
tents^, for preparing condemned prisoners, for the consecration of
churches, and a book of family prayer, which was actually drawn
up, but never published, and at last mislaid and lost, at the death
of Williams, bishop of Chichester, in whose hands it had been
placed. Something of this sort was the more wanted at this
period, since the custom of family prayer had been generally dis
continued. The puritans disgusted many sober persons with
their crude and extempore effusions, and the opposite party had
extravagantly cried up the Liturgy, as if no other form of prayer
was to be used in families, any more than in the churches ; and
the natural consequence was, that in houses where there were no

426—430) by HUary, bishop of Aries,
in Latin. The translation in our Prayer
Book is taken, by mistake, from the
Greek. " In 1637, while HaU was bishop of
Exeter, certain slaves returned to that
diocese from Morocco, who, having re
nounced Christianity during their capti
vity, were on their return re-admitted
into the church. Laud and Hall com
posed a form of prayer for this purpose.

which was approved by the bishops of
Ely (White) and Norwich (Wren), and
settled by the king's appointment, (See
Laud's Own Life, p. 550.) In the con
vocation of 1640, one of the services then
intended to have been drawn up was a
form of reconciling penitents and apo
states. This probably would have only
been an authoritative publication of the
former, (Neal's Puritans, ii, 297.)

* P, 59,

590

PROPOSED ALTERATIONS IN THE LITURGY, J]a, D, 1689.

chaplains, the Prayer Book was disused, and nothing substituted
in its place.
In looking at the alterations now proposed, there are several
particulars which seem to be unimportant, while others are
omitted in which a change might be desirable ; nor does it appear
that the time occupied by the prayers would have been rendered
shorter, the object perhaps most required, when our own service
is compared with that of other reformed churches^.

' The American Prayer Book, altered
in 1790, is formed in great measure on
this model. With the exception of one
or two particulars, the changes appear
to be judiciously made ; and as it is not
a book which falls in the way of every
English reader, a brief statement of
some of its chief variations from our own
may not prove unacceptable. Throughout
the whole, there are many small verbal
alterations, where obsolete terms, or
forms of expression, are exchanged for
such as are now in common use ; and
most of those sentences aud words are
altered,'whieh are liable to foolish cavils,
or real objections. It begins with a
preface, which modestly justifies the
alterations. 1. In the calendar, the lessons are a
good deal changed. About one-half the
first lessons for Sundays are the same,
and there are also proper second lessons
from the New Testament, appointed for
each Sunday, Those for saints' days
are nearly the same as in ours. In the
general calendar of lessons, the chapters
composing the first lessons are so divided,
that all those taken from the Apocrypha,
and which are read m our church from
September to November, are omitted.
The second lessons in morning service,
taken from the Gospels, are so divided,
that the Gospels are read over only twice
during the year, and the Epistles, as iu
our church, three times.
2. In the general arrangement of the
three services which are used together
in morning prayers in our church, such
portions of each as are virtually repeti
tions, may be omitted <at the discretion

of the minister. Thus one creed only
need be read ; the Lord's Prayer and
the coUect for the day need only be used
once ; and the Gloria Patri repeated
only at the end of the psalms for the
day, or the Gloria in exeelsis substituted
for it. Thus also a large portion of the
Litany (from " O Christ, hear us," to
" as we do put our trust in thee,") may
be omitted ; and thus the morning
prayer, litany, and communion service,
are converted, as far as possible, into one
uniform ofiice.
3. Of the three forms of absolution iu
our Prayer Book, that used in the visita
tion of the sick is wholly omitted ; and
either the form contained in the morning
prayer, or that taken from the commu
nion service, may be used at the discre
tion of the minister,
4. With regard to the psalms, there
are ten portions of them selected, and
ordered to be used instead of those of the
day, at the discretion of the minister ;
and in cases of fasts and thanksgivings,
where none are appointed by authority,
the minister is aUowed to choose them
for himself. The version is the same
as that in our Liturgy.
5. The Athanasian creed is wholly
omitted, and the minister may use, at his
discretion, the Nicene, or Apostles'.
6, In the evenmg prayers, the Magni-
ficat and Song of Symeon are omitted,
and the 92nd psalm introduced.
7. The occasional prayers are newly
arranged, and several new ones, as well
as corresponding thanksgivings, intro
duced, 8, In the communion, no previous

xv 111. §809,]

CONVOCATION.

.591

§ 809. All these attempts, however, were rendered abortive,
by the temper which soon displayed itself in the lower house of
convocation. The first circumstance which evinced this disincli
nation to any changes, was the election of a prolocutor ; for it
had been the desire of the bishops, who were most friendly to
alterations, that Tillotson should have been chosen to that office ;
whereas Dr. Jane, author of the Oxford Decree, 1683*, and
-Regius Professor of Divinity, obtained a majority of two to one In
his favour. This success was said to be greatly promoted by the
interference of the earls of Clarendon and Rochester, uncles to
Queen Mary, who endeavoured to perplex the measures of the
court, from the administration of which they found themselves
excluded. And Birch, in his life of Tillotson, accuses Compton
of having joined in this cabal, out of 111 will to the destined prolo
cutor, who was already marked out as the successor of Sancroft.

notice is to be required of the communi
cants, who are aU to receive kneeling.
There is a new additional preface for
Trinity Sunday; and a prayer of obla
tion, partly new, in which the invocation
of the three persons of the Trinity is re
introduced from the Liturgy of 1549.
9. In baptism, the parents are allowed
to stand as sponsors, and the use of the
cross may be omitted at their desire.
The rubric about baptized children being
undoubtedly saved is omitted; and in
the baptism of persons of riper years, all
mention of informing the bishop is left
out. 10. The catechism is nearly the same.
Ministers are not ordered to catechise
after the second lesson. The confirma
tion is nearly the same.
11. In matrimony, the ceremony may
take place in a house, and the prayers
are a Uttle altered, and some are omitted.
12. In the visitation of the sick, aU
notice of private confession and absolu
tion is omitted ; the psalm is changed to
the 130th, and there are some new
occasional prayers at the end.
13. In the burial of the dead, the
psalms are shortened, andaU expressions

changed which seem to apply to the state
of the person buried.
14. The churching of women is much
shortened, and may be confined to a sin
gle prayer. The offering to be applied
to the relief of distressed women in
childbirth. 15. The form of prayer to be used at
sea is nearly the same.
10, Thecommination is wholly omitted.
17. The form of ordaining priests and
deacons, and consecrating bishops, is
nearly the same.
1 8, There are added, a form of prayer
for the visitation of prisoners, a prayer
of thanlcsgiving for the fruits of the
earth, a form of family prayer, a form
for consecrating churches, (which is
nearly the same as that published by
Bishop Andrews,) and an office of insti
tution. ' 19. The Thirty-nine Articles are
hardly changed. In the eighth, all
mention of the Athanasian Creed is left
out ; the twenty-first, about assembling
councUs, is left out. In the thirty-fifth,
the homihes are allowed of as containing
sound doctrine, but are not to be read
tUl they have been revised.

§729,

592 CONVOCATION, [a, D, 1689,
This election* sufficiently proved what was to be expected from
the convocation; and Dr, Jane, in his speech which he made as
prolocutor to the upper house, after having greatly extolled the
church of England, concluded with the emphatic words, " Nolu-
mus leges Angllse mutarl," The commission from the crown,
under which the convocation would have acted, was delayed on
account of the loss of the great seal, which James had thrown
into the Thames, in his flight. It was couched in very concilia
ting terms, and requested that the matters proposed for the con
sideration of convocation might be discussed with impartiality and
moderation. When this had been read, and It was necessary
that an address should be prepared in answer to It, a dispute arose
between the two houses, as to the terms in which they should
return their thanks, since the lower house refused by any expres
sion to acknowledge any connexion between the Protestant
churches generally and the church of England, and were but 111
disposed to feel or evince any gratitude to the king for issuing
the commission. The whole appearance indeed of the lower
house was such, that the session was soon discontinued ; and a
considerable clamour justly raised against the clergy, who now
expressed so little kindness towards their dissenting brethren,
after all the promises which had been made, while the dangers
arising from a Roman Catholic king united all Protestants during
the reign of James II,
§ 810, In one point of view, the failure of such a plan at
this moment may be considered providential; for had any altera
tions In the Liturgy, or constitution, been effected, it would
have afforded the non-jurors a strong handle for attacking the
church. They would then, with a greater show of plausibility,
have spoken of themselves as the ancient church of England, and
thrown the blame of the schism, which they themselves had
created, on those who had introduced the Innovations,
Whether or no any great success might have arisen from an
attempt at a comprehension, is very doubtful. Those who have
once left the communion of the establishment are not likely to be
reclaimed by any changes which can be made in the services ;
* Tillotson, 202,

XVIII, § 810,] SUMMARY OP THE HISTORY OP THE CHURCH, 593
but It would surely be desirable, if every objection which a sober
and reasonable member of the church might make to these for
mularies, were as far as possible obviated. There were many
things which did then, there are some things which do now,
offend the true friends of the church of England, who willingly
comply with the Liturgy and services, as established by law,
because they esteem the Common Prayer Book, as a whole, to be
a most excellent composition, one wonderfully well suited to the
purposes for which It was intended ; but who, nevertheless, regard
it as a human production, and therefore capable of Improvement,
as well as requiring, from time to time, verbal alterations, as the
language ofthe country gradually varies. And the quiet friend of
reform cannot but feel sorry that this attempt was then dropped,
and has never since been carried Into effect.
§ 811. The church of England was now established by law
upon Its present basis, and has retained the form which it then ac
quired, without any variation. Though the several steps by which
this object was accomplished, have been gradually detailed, yet it
may not be uninteresting to take a brief and summary view of
the progressive alterations, and of the constitution of the church,
as it exists at this moment.
The church of England first ceased to be a member of the
church of Rome during the reign of Henry VIIL, but it could
hardly be called Protestant till that of Edward VI, Its doc
trines were In an Intermediate state, and differed little from the
declaration of faith set forth by the Roman Catholic bishops of
England in 1826, During the short reign of Edward VI. , It
became entirely Protestant, and, in point of doctrine, assumed Its
present form. This step however was made rather by the decree
of the government than by the conviction of the nation. The
people, indeed, were generally too ignorant to form any opinions
of their own ; and the probability of opposition, which might
naturally have been expected from the clergy, had any attempt
been made to introduce these innovations through their interven
tion, induced Cranmer, and the Protector, to establish what has
been called a parliamentary religion. Viewing then the religion
2 Q

594 SUMMARY OF THE HISTORY OP THE CHURCH. LA.D.
thus authorized as a part of the law of the land, to disagree with it
became, in the eye of the government, an offence against the state,
and as such, punishable by civil penalties.
§ 812. Under Mary, the kingdom was reconciled to the
church of Rome, but the entire sway of that court was far from
being re-established. Mary persecuted from principle ; and the
persecutions which were then inflicted, served to open the eyes
of the people to the evils of a^form of religion, under the mask of
which such barbarities could be perpetrated, and made them
gladly recur to the tenets which had ^been previously established,
as soon as her death gave them an opportunity of doing so.
§ 813. Elizabeth was herself not indisposed to have ap
proached, as near as possible, to the Romish communion ; an
inclination which was Increased in her through the opposition
exhibited by the puritans of her day, with whom the love of
liberty political and religious was most closely blended, and who
were ready to withstand her arbitrary proceedings in the govern
ment of the country, as well as to disregard the ceremonies and
rites of the church. The power of the ecclesiastical courts was
exerted to depress this spirit of independence, and any act which
marked a dissent from the church was severely restrained by
cruel penalties. The court of ecclesiastical commission became
the tool of the state, and the idea of resisting the government
became familiar to the minds of those, who either tried to
establish civil freedom, or who disliked the institutions of the
church. § 81 4. Under the weak reign of James I., all these evils were
very much increased. He had personally suffered much from the
presbyterlans ; he carried his notions of prerogative much higher
than his predecessors, and administered the government in such
a manner, that they who were discontented with the state of
affairs, learnt that no safety could be expected, except from the
dissemination of their own principles, and the combination which
would be thus formed against the proceedings of the court. And
the Impolicy of the court Itself, by a misuse of the term puritan,
combined together all who were adverse to the government, civil,

XVIII, § 814.] SUMMARY OP THE HISTORY OP THE CHURCH, 595
or ecclesiastical, and augmented the ranks of its opponents, who
were perhaps from these circumstances involuntarily forced to
become the enemies of both church and state,
§ 815, All these evils assumed a more formidable appearance
during the administration of Laud, in the time of Charles I,
The courts of high commission, and of the star chamber, were so
connected in practice, that the kingdom viewed them as branches
of the same system of tyranny ; and, regarding rather the admi
nistrators, than the courts in which they acted, the people learnt
to hate the bishops and the higher clergy. The canons of 1 640
added to this odium ; for, had they been carried into effect, they
would have rendered the clergy the instruments of disseminating
doctrines* which no free nation can consistently maintain. But
the chief mistake in the administration of Laud was, that he
ranked so many individuals among such as were unfriendly to
the church, and in his conduct showed himself so adverse to all
who were branded with his displeasure, that he made them
assume a character foreign to their wishes ; and thus, men who
ought to have been the support of the establishment, and who
would probably have proved so, had they not been cut off from
all hopes of rising in their profession, Avere numbered among the
enemies of the church, and, as it were, compelled to become so.
These circumstances threw down the constitution of the church,
when the civil government was overturned ; but even before this
event, the king had made a material alteration in the ecclesiastical
constitution, by passing an act of parliament which took away
most of the coercive power from the bishops' courts.
§ 816. At the Restoration, the authority of the bishops'
courts was restored, yet deprived of Its excessive power, by the
destruction of the court of high commission. This, however, did
not deliver the mass of dissenters from the persecutions to which
they had been formerly subjected. The royalist house of commons
became as persecuting as the high commission had ever been, and
the laws which were enacted against nonconformists, and Roman
Catholics, show that a spirit of persecution is not confined to
churchmen alone. It is a dreadful, but natural temper of the
=*= See § 570,
2 Q 2

596 PRESENT CONSTITUTION OP THE CHURCH, [a, D, 1689,
human mind. These circumstances, however, produced one
blessing; by degrees they opened the eyes of all orders to the
real nature of toleration ; and as the persecutions in the days of
Mary tended, under God's providence, to establish Protestantism
in England, so the miseries now borne by the dissenters, contri
buted to afford us the blessings which liberty of conscience is
calculated to confer on those nations which enjoy it, either In
part, or In whole,
§ 81 7. The constitution of the church of England, as settled
at the Revolution, was that of an authorized and paid establish
ment ; which was not allowed to persecute those who dissented
from It. It was a church supported by the government, but not
so exclusively, as to render any opposition to it, or dissent from
it, an offence against the state. To these observations there were
two exceptions, with regard to the Roman Catholic, and the
Socinian, But when we consider the numbers of the several
denominations of Christians In England, we may say that tole
ration was generally established, and that these exceptions did
not invalidate the great charter of liberty of conscience, which
this event had granted us ; they obscured Its glory, rather than
impaired its substantial existence. The church of England then
became, as It has continued ever since, a paid and authorized
church establishment ; which was to watch over the spiritual
concerns of the nation, and to try to benefit the country, by
making every member of the body politic a better man, and a
better Christian; it became the appointed duty of her ministers
to endeavour to lead their brethren, through peace on earth, to
bliss in heaven. The institution of such a body depended on the
enactments of the first teachers of our holy faith. The payment
of it, and its connexion with the state, has arisen from the gra
titude which our forefathers felt towards a society so constituted.
But this connexion has fettered the church with many evils.
§ 818. It has justly authorized the state In Interfering with
clerical appointments, and, from the value of the revenues which
are attached to them, has unfortuuately induced those at whose
disposal they are placed to select their friends, who are not always
the proper persons to fill the situations ; while It has Induced the

XVIII, § 818.] PRESENT CONSTITUTIO.V OF TIIE CHURCH, 597
clergy to seek for the preferments. The poverty of many of
our spiritual cures prevents them, humanly speaking, from being
properly taken care of ; and God knows whether the wealth of
others does not tend to diffuse a want of spirituality through the
church. It has Induced the state, from mistaken kindness, to connect
civil penalties witli ecclesiastical censures, and by altering the
nature of such control, by diverting It from the consciences to
the present fears of the sinner, has done away with the utility of
them altogether.
It has put a stop in a great measure to the exercise of discipline
over the members of the church Itself : and while we trust that
the establishment contains perhaps as large a number of the real
servants of God as any other body of men of the same size, we
cannot but deplore that there are many offending members In it,
for the correction and cutting off of whom, no steps are, or perhaps
can be, taken,
§ 819. These are some of the most obvious evils with which
the connexion between church and state has encumbered the
establishment : but let us not shut our eyes to the benefits of this
connexion. Let any one regard the church establishment as a
moral police disseminated through the country; and he must be
blind to the interests of civilization, if he thank not God for the
advantages which are produced by the distribution of educated
men in every part of England, Let him regard it as the Instru
ment, under God, of spreading the knowledge of pure and simple
Christianity, and he must be ignorant of the blessings of our holy
faith, If he thank not God that a minister of the gospel is pro
vided for every parish. And if there be faults but too visible In
the administration of this establishment, let us pray God that
they may be reformed by the steady hand of those invested with
legal authority; and that neither the dilatoriness, nor the half-
measures, of her real friends, may transfer the task of reformation
to those who are hostile to the Interests of our church.

698

APPENDIX F.
See § 170, a, James Bainham was a lawyer of a good family and
had married the daughter of Simon Fish; in 1531 he was brought
before Sir Thomas More and Bishop Stokesley, but submitted.
The next year he was again in trouble as a relapsed heretic, and
ultimately handed over to the civil power to be burnt. Fox, ii,
245, &c,
" After this, Mr. Latymer was retained in the court, and
resorted much to London, and preached the gospel in divers
churches there, to the great benefit of many, and the propagation
of religion. Here, In 1532, he gave a charitable visit to James
Bayneham, a little before his burning, upon this occasion. ' After
Mr. Bayneham had been condemned between More, the lord
chancellor, and the bishops, and committed unto the secular
power to be brent; and so, immediately after his condempnation,
lodged up in the deep dungeon in Newgate, ready to be sent to
the fire, Edward Isaac, of the parish of Wel, in the county of
Kent, and William Morice of Chipping Ongar, the county of
Essex, Esq,, and Raphe Morice, brother unto the said William,
being togethers in one company, met with Mr, Latymer in
London, And for that they were desirous to understand the
cause of the said Bayneham's condempnation, being to many men
obscure and unknown, they entreated Mr, Latymer to go with
them to Newgate, to th'intent to understand by him the very
occasion of his said condempnation; and otherwise to comfort
him to take his death quietly and patiently. When Mr.
Latymer and thother before named, the next day before he was
brent, were come down into the dungeon, where al things seemed
utterly dark, there they found Bayneham sitting upon a couch of
straw, with a book and a wax candle In his hand, praying and
reading thereupon.
" ' And after salutation made, Mr. Latymer began to com
mune with him in this sort : Mr, Bayneham, we hear say that
you are condempned for heresy to be brent; and many men are
in doubt, wherfore you should suffer ; and I, for my part, am

append. p,J conference of bainham and latimee. 599
desirous to understand the cause of your death; assuring you that
I do not allow that any man should consent to his own death,
unles he had a right cause to dy in. Let not vainglory over
come you in a matter that men deserve not to dy for : for thcrin
you shall neither please God, do good to yourself, nor your
neighbour. And better it were for you to submit your self to the
ordinances of men, then so rashly to finish your life without good
ground. And therefore we pray you to let us understand the
articles that you are condempned for. I am content, quoth
Bayneham, to tel you altogether. The first article that they
condemne me for Is this, that I reported that Thomas Becket,
sometime archbishop of Canterbury, was a traitor, and was
dampned In hel, If he repented not : for that he was In armes
against his prince, as a rebel; provoking other foreign princes to
invade the realm, to the utter subversion of the same. Then
said Mr. Latymer, Where read you this? Quoth Mr. Bayne
ham, I read It in an old history. Wel, said Mr. Latymer, this
is no cause at all worthy for a man to take his death upon ; for it
may be a ly, as well as a true tale ; and in such a doubtful matter
it were mere madness for a man to jeopard his life. But what
else Is layd to your charge ? The truth is, said Bayneham, I
spake against purgatory, that there was no such thing, but that
it picked men's purses ; and against satisfactory masses : 'which
[assertions of mine] I defended by the authority of the Scrip
tures, Mary, said Mr, Latymer, in these articles your con
science may be so stayed, that you may seem rather to dy In the
defence thereof, than to recant both against your conscience and
the Scriptures also. But yet beware of vainglory: for the Devil
will be ready now to infect you therwith, when you shall come
into the multitude of the people. And then Mr. Latymer did
animate him to take his death quietly and patiently, Bayneham
thanked him heartily therfore. And I likewise, said Bayneham,
do exhort you to stand to the defence of the truth; for you, that
shall be left behind, had need of comfort also, the world being so
dangerous as it is. And so spake many comfortable words to
Mr. Latymer.
" ' At the length Mr. Latymer demanded of him, whether he
had a wife or no ? With that question Bayneham fel a weeping.
What, quoth Latymer, is this your constancy to Godwards I
What mean you thus to weep ? O ! sir, said Bayneham to Mr

600 conference of bainham and latimek, [append, f,
Latymer, you have now touched me very nigh, I have a wife,
as good a woman as ever man was joyned unto. And I shal
leave her now, not only without substance, or anything to live
by; but also, for my sake, she shal be an opprobrle unto the
world, and be pointed at of every man in this sort, Yonder goeth
a heretique's wife ! And therefore she shall be disdained for my
sake; which is no small grief unto me, Mary, sir, quoth
Latymer, I perceive that you are a very weak champion, that wil
be overthrown with such a vanity. Where are become all those
comfortable words that so late you alledged unto us, that should
tary here behind you? I mervail what you mean. Is not
Almighty God hable to be husband to your wife, and a father
unto your children. If you commit them to him In a strong faith?
I am sory to se you in this taking, as though God had no care of
his, when he numbreth the hairs of a manys head. If he do not
provide for them, the fault Is In us that mistrusteth him. It Is
our infidelity that causeth him to do nothing for ours. There
fore, repent, Mr, Bayneham, for this mistrusting of Almighty
God's goodnes. And be you sure, and I do most firmely believe
it, that if you do commit your wife with a strong faith unto the
governance of Almighty God, and so dy therin, that within this
two years, peradventure In one year, she shal be better provided
for, as touching the felicity of this world, than you, with al your
policy, could do for her your self, If you were presently here.
And so, with such like words, expostulating with him for his
feeble faith, he made an end. Mr. Bayneham, calling his spirits
to himself, most heartily thanked Mr, Latymer for his good comfort
and counsel ; saying plainly, that he would not for much good,
but he had come thither to him : for nothing in the world so
much troubled him, as the care of his wife and family. And so
they departed. And the next day Bayneham was burnt.' Of
whose death this wondrous thing Is recorded, that in the midst
ofthe flames he professed openly, that he felt no pain; and that
the fire seemed unto him as easy as lying down in a bed of down.
But return we to Latymer, who glorified God twenty-three years
after In the same manner of death, and under the same Imputa
tion of heresy*,"
The deaths of Ridley and Latimer may be found not only In
* Strype's Eccl, Mem, III. i, 372,

append, p.] death op cranmer. 601
Fox, but reprinted In Wordsworth's Eccl. Biog. ill, 418, &c.
That of Cranmer Is thus described In Strype :
" Yet, because it Is not convenient so briefly to pass over such
a remarkable scene of his life, being his last appearance upon the
stage of this world, I shall represent It in the words of a certain
grave person unknown, but a papist, who was an eye and ear
witness, and related these matters, as it seems, very justly, in a
letter from Oxon to his friend. Which is as followeth :
" ' But that I know for our great friendship, and long continued
love, you look even of duty that I should signify to you of the
truth of such things as here chanceth among us ; I would not at
this time have written to you the unfortunate end, and doubtful
tragedy of T, C, late bishop of Canterbury ; because I little
pleasure take in beholding of such heavy sights. And, when
they are once overpassed, I like not to rehearse them again ;
being but a renewing of my wo, and doubling my grief. For
although his former life, and wretched end, deserves a greater
misery, (if any greater might have chanced than chanced unto
him,) yet, setting aside his offences to God and his country, and
beholding the man without his faults, I think there was none
that pitied not his case, and bewailed his fortune, and feared not
his own chance, to see so noble a prelate, so grave a counsellor, of
so long continued honour, after so many dignities, in his old
years to be deprived of his estate, adjudged to die, and In so
painful a death to end his life. I have no delight to increase It.
Alas, It is too much of itself, that ever so heavy a case should
betide to man, and man to deserve it,
" ' But to come to the matter : on Saturday last, being the 21st
of March, was his day appointed to die. And, because the
morning was much rainy, the sermon appointed by Mr. Dr, Cole
to be made at the stake, was made In St, Mary's church : whither
Dr, Cranmer was brought by the mayor and aldermen, and my
Lord Williams. With whom came divers gentlemen of the
shire. Sir T. A. Bridges, Sir John Browne, and others. Where
was prepared, over-agalnst the pulpit, an high place for him, that
all the people might see him. And, when he had ascended It, he
kneeled down and prayed, weeping tenderly: which moved a
great number to tears, that had conceived an assured hope of his
conversion and repentance,
" ' Then Mr, Cole began his sermon. The sum whereof was

602 DEATH OF CRANMER. [aPPEND. F.
this. First, he declared causes why it was expedient that he
should suffer, notwithstanding his reconciliation. The chief are
these. One was, that he had been a great cause of all this alter
ation In this realm of England. And, when the matter of the
divorce between King Henry VIII. and Queen Katharine was
commenced In the court of Rome, he, having nothing to do with
it, set upon It as judge, which was the entry to all the inconve
niences [that followed. Yet in that he excused him, that he
thought he did it not of malice, but by the persuasions and advice
of certain learned men. Another was, that he had been the great
setter forth of all this heresy received into the church in this last
time ; had written in it, had disputed, had continued it, even to
the last hour ; and that It had never been seen in this realm (but
in the time of schism) that any man continuing so long hath
been pardoned : and that it was not to be remitted for ensample's
sake. Other causes he alleged, but these were the chief, why It
was not thought good to pardon him. Other causes beside, he
said, moved the queen and the council thereto, which were not
meet and convenient for every one to understand them.
" ' The second part touched the audience, how they should con
sider this thing : that they should hereby take example to fear God:
and that there was no power against the Lord: having before their
eyes a man of so high degree, sometime one of the chiefest prelates
of the church, an archbishop, the chief of the council, the second
peer in the realm of long time : a man, as might be thought, In
greatest assurance, a king of his side ; notwithstanding all his
authority and defence to be debased from an high estate to a low
degree ; of a counsellor to be a caitiff; and to be set In so wretched
estate, that the poorest wretch would not change conditions
with him,
" ' The last and end appertained unto him : whom he comforted
and encouraged to take his death well, by many places of Scrip
ture, And with these, and such, bidding him nothing mistrust
but he should Incontinently receive that the thief did : to whom
Christ said, Hodie mecum eris in paradise. And out of St, Paul
armed him against the terrors of the fire, by this : Dominus fidelis
est: Non sinet nos tentari vltra quam ferre potestis: by the
example of the three children ; to whom God made the flame
seem like a pleasant dew. He added hereunto the rejoicing of
St, Andrew in his cross ; the patience of St, Laurence on the

append, f,] death of cranmer, 603
fire : ascertaining him, that God, If he called on him, and to such
as die in his faith, either will abate the fury of the flame, or give
him strength to abide it. He glorified God much in his] conver
sion ; because it appeared to be only his work : declaring what
travel and conference had been used with him to convert him,
and all prevailed not, till it pleased God of his mercy to reclaim
him, and call him home. In discoursing of which place, he much
commended Cranmer, and qualified his former doing.
" ' And I had almost forgotten to tell you, that Mr. Cole
promised him, that he should be prayed for in every church In
Oxford, aud should have mass and Dirige sung for him ; and
spake to all the priests present to say mass for his soul.
" ' When he had ended his sermon, he desired all the people
to pray for him ; Mr. Cranmer kneeling down with them, and
praying for himself. I think there was never such a number so
earnestly praying together. For they, that hated him before,
now loved him for his conversion, and hope of continuance. They
that loved him before could not sodenly hate him, having hope of
his confession again of his fall. So love and hope Increased
devotion on every side.
" ' I shall not need, for the time of sermon, to describe his
behaviour, his sorrowful countenance, his heavy cheer, his face
bedewed with tears ; sometime lifting his eyes to heaven in hope,
sometime casting them down to the earth for shame ; to be brief,
an image of sorrow : the dolor of his heart bursting out at his
eyes in plenty of tears : retaining evei; a quiet and grave beha
viour. Which increased the pity In men's hearts, that they
unfelgnedly loved him, hoping it had been his repentance for his
transgression and error. I shall not need, I say, to point It out
unto you ; you can much better imagine it yourself.
" ' When praying was done, he stood up, and, having leave to
speak, said. Good people, I had intended indeed to desire you to
pray for me ; which because Mr. Doctor hath desired, and you
have done already, I thank you most heartily for it. And now
will I pray for myself, as I could best devise for mine own
comfort, and say the prayer, word for word, as I have here written
It. And he read it standing, and after kneeled down, and said
the Lord's Prayer ; and all the people on their knees devoutly
praying with him. His prayer was thus :

604 DEATH OP cranmer. [append. f.
" ' O FATHER of heaven ; O Son of God, Redeemer of the
world ; O Holy Ghost, proceeding from them both, three persons
and one God, have mercy upon me most wretched caitiff, and
miserable sinner. I who have offended both heaven and earth,
and more grievously than any tongue can express, whither then
may I go, or whither should I fly for succour ? To heaven I may
be ashamed to lift up mine eyes ; and in earth I find no refuge.
What shall I then do ? shall I despair ? God forbid. O good
God, thou art merciful, and refusest none that come unto thee
for succour. To thee therefore do I run. To thee do I humble
myself : saying, O Lord God, my sins be great, but yet have
mercy upon me for thy great mercy. O God the Son, thou wast
not made man, this great mystery was not wrought, for few or
small offences. Nor thou didst not give thy Son unto death, O
God the Father, for our little and small sins only, but for all the
greatest sins of the world : so that the sinner return unto thee
with a penitent heart : as I do here at this present. Wherefore
have mercy upon me, 0 Lord, whose property is always to have
mercy. For although my sins be great, yet thy mercy is greater.
I crave nothing, 0 Lord, for mine own merits, but for thy name's
sake, that It may be glorified thereby : and for thy dear Son Jesus
Christ's sake. And now therefore, Our Father, M'hich art in
heaven, Sec.
" ' Then rising, he said. Every man desireth, good people, at
the time of their deaths, to give some good exhortation, that other
may remember after their deaths, and be the better thereby. So
I beseech God grant me grace, that I may speak something, at
this my departing, whereby God may be glorified, and you edified.
" ' First, It is an heavy case to see, that many folks be so much
doted upon the love of this false world, and so careful for It, that
or the love of God, or the love of the world to come, they seem to
care very little or nothing therefore. This shall be my first
exhortation. That you set not overmuch by this false glosing
world, but upon God and the world to come : and learn to know
what this lesson meaneth, which St. John teacheth, that the love
of this world is hatred against God.
" ' The second exhortation Is, That, next unto God, you obey
your king and queen willingly and gladly, without murmur or
grudging ; and not for fear of them only, but much more for the

append. P,J DE.VrH OF CRANMER. 605
fear of God : knowing that they be God's ministers, appointed by
God to rule and govern you. And therefore whoso resisteth
them, resisteth God's ordinance,
" ' The third exhortation is, That you love altogether like
brethren and sistern. For, alas ! pity it is to see what conten
tion and hatred one Christian man hath to another ; not taking
each other as sisters and brothers ; but rather as strangers and
mortal enemies. But I pray you learn and bear well away this
one lesson. To do good to all men as much as in you lieth, and to
hurt no man, no more than you would hurt your own natural and
loving brother or sister. For this you may be sure of, that
whosoever hateth any person, and goeth about maliciously to
hinder or hurt him, surely, and without all doubt, God is not
with that man, although he think himself never so much in
God's favour.
" ' The fourth exhortation shall be to them that have great
substance and riches of this world. That they will well consider
and weigh those sayings of the Scripture. One Is of our Saviour
Christ himself, who saith, It is hard for a rich man to enter into
heaven : a sore saying, aud yet spoke by him that knew the
truth. The second is of St. John, whose saying Is this. He that
hath the substance of this world, and seeth his brother in necessity,
and shutteth up his mercy from him, how can he say, he loveth God ?
Much more might I speak of every part ; but time suflSceth not.
I do but put you in remembrance of things. Let all them that
be rich, ponder well those sentences : for if ever they had any
occasion to show their charity, they have now at this present,
the poor people being so many, and victuals so dear. For though
I have been long in prison, yet I have heard of the great penury
of the poor. Consider, that that which Is given to the poor, is
given to God : whom we have not otherwise present corporally
with us, but in the poor,
" ' And now, for so much as I am come to the last end of my
life, whereupon hangeth all my life passed, and my life to come,
either to live with my Saviour Christ in heaven, in joy, or else to
be In pain ever with wicked devils in hell; and I see before mine
eyes presently either heaven ready to receive me, or hell ready to
swallow me up; I shall therefore declare unto you my very faith,
how I believe, without colour or dissimulation : for now Is no
time to dissemble, whatsoever I have written in times past.

606 DEATH OP CRANMER, [APPEND. P.
" ' First, I believe In God the Father Almighty, maker of
heaven and earth, &c. and every article of the Catholic faith, every
word and sentence taught by our Saviour Christ, his apostles, and
prophets. In the Old and New Testament.
" ' And now I come to the great thing that troubleth my
conscience more than any other thing that ever I said or did In
my life : and that is, the setting abroad of writings contrary to
the truth. Which here now I renounce and refuse, as things
written with my hand, contrary to the truth which I thought in
my heart, and writ for fear of death, and to save my life, If it
might be : and that is, all such bills, which I have written or
signed with mine own hand since my degradation : wherein I
have written many things untrue. And forasmuch as my hand
offended In writing contrary to my heart, therefore my hand shall
first be punished: for if I may come to the fire, it shall be first
burned. And as for the pope, I refuse him, as Christ's enemy
and antichrist, with all his false doctrine.
" ' And here, being admonished of his recantation and dis
sembling, he said, Alas, my Lord, I have been a man that all my
life loved plainness, and never dissembled till now against the
truth; which I am most sorry for. He added hereunto, that, for
the sacrament, he believed as he had taught in his book against
the bishop of Winchester. And here he was suffered to speak
no more. " ' So that his speech contained chiefly three points, love to
God, love to the king, and love to the neighbour. In the which
talk he held men very suspense, which all depended upon the
conclusion : where he so far deceived all men's expectations, that,
at the hearing thereat they were much amazed; and let him
go on a while, till my Lord Williams bad him play the Christen
man, and remember himself. To whom he answered. That he
so did: for now he spake truth.
" ' Then he was carried away; and a great number, that did
run to see him go so wickedly to his death, ran after him,
exhorting him, while time was, to remember himself. And one
Friar John, a godly and well-learned man, all the way travelled
with him to reduce him. But it would not be. What they said
in particular I cannot tell, but the effect appeared in the end: for
at the stake he professed, that he died in all such opinions as he
had taught, and oft repented him of his recantation.

APPEND, P,J DEATH OF CRANMER, 607
" ' Coming to the stake with a cheerful countenance and
willing mind, he put off his garments with haste, and stood
upright in his shirt: and a bachelor of divinity, named Elye, of
Brazen-nose college, laboured to convert him to his former recan
tation, with the two Spanish friars. But when the friars saw
his constancy, they said in Latin one to another, Let us go from
him; we ought not to be nigh him: for the devil is with him. But
the bachelor in divinity was more earnest with him : unto whom
he answered, that, as concerning his recantation, he repented it
right sore, because he knew it was against the truth ; with other
words more. Whereupon the Lord Williams cried. Make short,
make short. Then the bishop took certain of his friends by the
hand. But the bachelor of divinity refused to take him by the
hand, and blamed all others that so did, and said, he was sorry
that ever he came in his company. And yet again he required
him to agree to his former recantation. And the bishop answered,
(showing his hand,) This is the hand that wrote it, and therefore
shall it suffer first punishment.
" ' Fire being now put to him, he stretched out his right hand,
and thrust it into the flame, and held it there a good space, before
the fire came to any other part of his body ; where his hand was
seen of every man sensibly burning, crying with a loud voice.
This hand hath offended. As soon as the fire got up, he was very
soon dead, never stirring or crying all the while.
" ' His patience in the torment, his courage In dying, if it had
been taken either for the glory of God, the wealth of his country,
or the testimony of truth, as it was for a pernicious error, and
subversion of true religion, I could worthily have commended the
example, and matched it with the fame of any father of ancient
time ; but, seeing that not the death, but the cause and quarrel
thereof, commendeth the sufferer, I cannot but much dispraise his
obstinate stubbornness and sturdiness in dying, and specially in
so evil a cause. Surely his death much grieved every man ; but
not after one sort. Some pitied to see his body so tormented
with the fire raging upon the silly carcass, that counted not of the
folly. Other, that passed not much of the body, lamented to see
him spill his soul, wretchedly, without redemption, to be plagued
for ever. His- friends sorrowed for love ; his enemies for pity :
strangers for a common kind of humanity, whereby we are bound
one to another. Thus I have enforced myself, for your sake, to

608 DEATH OF CRANMER. [aPPEND. P.
discourse this heavy narration, contrary to my mind : and, being
more than half weary, I make a short end, wishing you a quieter
life, with less honour ; and easier death, with more praise. The
23rd of March, Yours, J. A.'
" All this is the testimony of an adversary, and, therefore, we
must allow for some of his words ; but may be the more certain
of the archbishop's brave courage, constancy, patience, Christian
and holy behaviour, being related by one so affected*."
The feelings about his wife which agitated Bainham, and
which were so happily removed by his conference with Latimer,
might have been expected more or less to affect every one of the
martyrs who were bound to earth by this most sacred tie ; but
this does not appear to have been the case ; and not only did
many women suffer gloriously and patiently themselves, not only
did men who were married, willingly resign their wives and fami
lies to the care of God, but several women were found, who seem
to have animated their partners to the struggle, as well by their
prayers, as by their assistance and advice.
Laurence Saunders was born of worshipful parentage, was
educated at Eton, and King's College, Cambridge, and having
taken orders he boldly preached In his parish church of AUhallows,
Bread-street, and was consequently confined and detained there
for a very considerable time before his martyrdom, (Fox, HI, 113.)
" As the said Master Saunders was In prison, straight charge was
given to the keeper that no person should speak witli him. His
wife yet came to the prison-gate with her young child In her
arms, to visit her husband. The keeper though for his charge he
durst not suffer her to come into the prison, yet did he take the
little babe out of her arms, and brought him unto his father ;
Laurence Saunders seeing him rejoiced greatly, saying that he
rejoiced more to have such a boy, than he should if two thousand
pounds were given him. And unto the standers by, which
praised the goodliness of the child, he said, "What man, fearing
God, would not lose his life present, rather than by prolonging It
here, he should adjudge this boy to be a bastard, his wife a whore,
and himself a whoremonger ? Yea if there were no other cause
for which a man of my estate should lose his life, yet who would
not give it to avouch this child to be legitimate, and his marriage
to be lawful and holy ?
* Strype's Cranmer, 551—559, 8vo., 384—390, fol.

APPEND, P,] LAURENCE SAUNDERS, 609
" I do, good reader, recite this saying, not only to let thee see
what he thought of priests' marriage, but chiefly to let all married
couples and parents learn to bear in their bosoms true affections :
natural, yet seasoned with the true salt of the Spirit, unfeignedly
and thoroughly mortified to do the natural works and oflSces of
married couples and parents, so long as with their doing they
may keep Christ with a free confessing faith in a conscience
unfoll : otherwise both they and their own lives are so to be
forsaken, as Christ required them to be denied, and given In his
cause." This good man was afterwards condemned to death, and sent
to Coventry to be burnt. From the length of time during which
he was In prison, he had the opportunity of addressing many
letters to his friends, particularly to his wife, which are printed
in the Acts and Mon., and In the Letters of the Martyrs. Among
a vast number of others, the following occurs addressed to his
wife, wherein allusion is made to a shirt, which seems to have
been prepared for his execution. There Is no date to It. It Is
addressed " To his wife and other of his friends."
" Grace and comfort in Christ. Amen. Dear wife, be merry
In the mercies of our Christ, and ye also, my dear friends : pray
for us, every body. We be shortly to be dispatched hence to our
good Christ, Amen, Amen, Wife, I would you sent me my
slilrt^, which you know whereunto It is consecrated. Let It be
sewed down on both the sides, and not open. O my heavenly
Father, looked upon me in the face of thy Christ, or else I shall
not be able to abide thy countenance, such is my filthiness. He
will do so, and therefore I will not be afraid what sin, death,
hell, and damnation can do against me. Oh wife, always
remember the Lord, God bless you ! Yea, he will bless thee,
good wife, and thy poor boy also ; only cleave thou unto him,
and he will give thee all things. Pray, pray, pray," (Fox's
Martyrs, iii, 118; Letters ofthe Martyrs, 206.) Tyndale,
writing to Frith, then In the Tower, says, (Works, 453 ; Fox,
ii. 307.) " Fear not threatening, therefore, neither be overcome
with sweet words ; with which twain the hypocrites shall assail
you ; neither let the persuasions of worldly, wisdom bear rule In
your heart ; no, though they be your friends that counsel you.
' Kawluis White, fisherman, desired I ment or shirt, in which he was after-
his wife to send him his wedding gar- I wards burnt. Fox, iii. 181. 2 R

610 FRITH. [append, p.
Let Bilney be a warning to you. Let not their visure beguile
your eyes. Let not your body faint. He that endureth to the
end shall be saved. If the pain be above your strength, remem
ber. Whatsoever ye shall ask in my name I will give it you. And
pray to your Father In that name, and he will ease your pain or
shorten it. The Lord of peace, of hope, and of faith, be with
you. Amen," And again : " Two have suffered at Antwerp, &c.
See, you are not alone : be cheerful, and remember that, among
the hardhearted in England, there is a number reserved for grace ;
for whose sake, if need be, you must be ready to suffer," He
then gives some account of the printing of Joye's Bible, and
ends, " Sir, your wife Is well content with the will of God, and
would not for her sake have the glory of God hindered, William
Tyndale,"

611

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES.

B. C,
55. Julius Csesar invades Britain.
44, Claudius invades Britain,
50, Caractacus captive at Rome,
61 . Anglesey taken by Suetonius.
67- St, Peter and St, Paul put to death at Rome.
80. Conquests of Agricola in Britain.
120. Adrian's wall built.
167-76. King Lucius embraces Christianity.
208, Severus in Britain. The wall between the Forth and Clyde
built in the next year.
286, Carausius usurps the government in Britain.
301. Martyrdom of St. Alban.
307. Constantine emperor of Rome.
314, The Council of Aries,
325, The Council of Nice.
347. The Council of Sardica.
359, The Council of Ariminum.
383. Maximus takes the flower of the British forces from England.
416. The Pelagian heresy condemned in Africa.
427, The Romans finally leave Britain.
449, Hengist and Horsa land in England,
457. The kingdom of Kent, the first of the Heptarchy, established.
476. Rome taken by the Heruli,
493, St, Patrick, who converted Ireland, dies.
515, The supposed date of King Arthur,
560. Gildas, the first English historian, flourished.
582. The kingdom of Mercia, the last of the Heptarchy, established.
586. The British church had retired into "Wales,
596, Augustin comes to Thanet.
601. The meeting of the Saxon and British churches in "Worcestershire.2 R 2

612

chronological TABLES.

A.S.
622. ^ra of the Hegyra, or flight of Mahomet.
664. The Council of "Whitby.
678. Sussex, the last of the Heptarchy, converted to Christianity.
730. The edict of Leo Isaurus against image worship.
Origin of the civil dominion of the popes,
735, The Venerable Bede dies.
754, The pope re-established in his temporal power by Pepin,
787. The Danes invade England. Lichfield made an archbishopric.
The second Council of Nice.
872. Alfred begins his reign.
880. Schism between the Latin and Greek churches.
934. The battle of Burnanberg placed all England under Athelstan,
940, Howe! Dha, king of "Wales,
996. The publication of Elfric's Homily against Transubstantiation,
1013. Sweno, king of England and Denmark,
1041, Edward the Confessor,
1059. The "Waldenses separated from Rome,
1066. Harold II, conquered at Battle.

ARCHBISHOPS OP CANTERBURY BEFORE THE CONQUEST.

597. Augustin.
604. Laurence.
619. Mellitus.
624, Justus,
634. Honorius,
654, Adeodatus.
668. Theodore,
693, Birthwald.
731. Tat wine,
735. Nothelm.
742, Cuthbert,
759, Bregwin.
763, Lambrith, or Lambert.
793. Athelard,
804, "Wulfred,
830, Theolgild,

830. Ceolnoth,
871, Atheldred.
891. Phlegmund.
923. Athelm,
928. Wulfelm,
941, Odo Severus,
954, Dunstan,
988, Ethelgar.
989. Siric.
996. Aluricius.
1005. Elphege,
1013, Living, or Leovingus.
1020. Agelnoth, or ^thelnot,
1038. Edsine, or Eadsius.
1050. Robert Gemeticensis.
1052. Stigand.

chronological tables.

613

Kings of
England.

Popes.

Archbishops of
Canterbury.

Remarkable Events.

1066,1070.

1080,

1087,

1090,

William I,

WUham II,

1100. Henry I,
1110. 1120

1130. 1135. 1140.

Stephen.

Gregory VII,
1073,

Victor III,
1086,
Urhan II,
1088.

Pascal II,
1099,

Gelasius II,
1118.
Callixtus II,
1119,

Honorius II,
1124.
Innocent II.
1130.

1150,

1154, Henry II.

Lanfranc, 1070.

Anselm, 1093,

Rodulph,1114.

W, Corboyl,
1122,

Theobald, 1138,

Celestin II.
1143,
Lucius II,
1144,
Eugenius III.
1145,

Anastasius IV.
1153.
Adrian IV.
1154.
Alexander III,
1159,

79, Doomsday book begun.
81, Osmond, bishop of Sarum,
frames the Service Book in
Usum Sarum,

95, The first crusade; Peter the
Hermit,
99. The Knights of St, John insti
tuted,
1105, Anselm goes to Rome about
investitures.

19. The order of Knights Templars
instituted.

37, The Pandects of the Roman
law discovered at Amalphi,
40, Canon law introduced into
England.
William of Malmsbury flou
rished.

47. Second crusade ; St. Bernard,
Geoffrey of Monmouth flou
rished.
51, The canon law collected by
Gratian.

614

chronological tables.

Kings of
England.

Popes.

Archbishops of
Canterbury.

Remarkable Events.

1160.

1170.

1180.

1189,
119.9,
1210,
1216.1220,

Richard I,

John.

Henry III.

1230.
1240.

1250,

1260.

Lucius III.
1181,
Urban III.
1185,
Gregory VIII,
1187,
Clement III.
1187,
Celestiu III,
1191,

Innocent III,
1198.

Honorius III.
1216.

Gregory IX.
1227.

Celestiu IV.
1241.
Innocent IV,
1243,

Alexander IV,
1254,

T, Becket,
1162.

Richard, 1171.

Baldwm, 1184,

60, Some Germans punished for
heresy at Oxford.
64. Constitutions of Clarendon.
71, T. Becket murdered,
72, Conquest of Ireland,
75, Greathead bom.

Reginald Fitz
Jocelin, 1191,
Hubert Walter,
1193.

Stephen Lang
ton, 1207,

89, The third crusade.

R. Wethershed, 1229,
Edmund, 1234,

Boniface, 1245.

1200. Mariner's compass used.
2, Fourth crusade.
4. The inquisition established.

8. London incorporated by charter.
10. One of the Albigenses bumt in
London.
Crusade against them iu France.

15. Magna Charta.

21. The first mendicants esta
blished in Oxford,
22. A deacon burnt for apostasy.

35, Greathead, bishop of Lincoln,

49, University coUege, Oxford,
founded.

59, Matthew Paris ob.

chronological TABLES,

615

Kings of
England.

Popes.

Archbishops of
Canterbury.

Remarkable Events.

1261,

Urban IV,
1261,
Clement IV,

65, Knights aud burgesses sum

1270.

1265,
moned to parliament.
Gregory X.
1271,
1272,
Edwai-d I.
Innocent V,
1276,
Adrian V, 76.
John XXI. 76.
Nicholas III,
1277.
Rob, Kilwarby,
1272.
J, Peekham, 1278.
79, Statute of Mortmain,
1280,
Martin IV,
1281.
Honorius IV,
1285.
Nicholas IV,
83, Final reduction of Wales,
84, Roger Bacon ob.
1290,
1288.
About ,this time Stamford be
Celestin V,
Rob. Winchel
came au university for a short
1294.
sey, 1294,
period.
Boniface VIII.
1294,
1300.
Benedict XI,
1303.
Clement V.
1305,
1. The barons assert the inde
pendence of England in a
letter to the pope.
1307.
Edward II.
8, The seat of the popes trans
ferred to Avignon,
1310.
John XXII.
1316,
Walter Ray-
nold, 1313,
12. The order of Knights Templars
dissolved.
1320.
1327.
Edward.III.
Simon Mep-
ham, 1328,
1330.
Benedict XII,
1334,
Joseph Strat
ford, 1333,
1340.
Clement VI.
1342.
Th. Bradwar-
diue, 1349.
Simon Islip,
43. The houses of lords and com
mons distinct.
46. Battle of Cressy.
48. Some FlageUants landed m
England, but made no pro
selytes.
1349.
616

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES.

Kitiga of
England.

Popes.

Archbishops of
Canterbury.

Remarkable Events.

1350.

1360.

Innocent VI. 1352,

Urban V. 1362.

1370.1377.1380.

Gregory XI. 1370,

Simon Lang-
ham, 1366.
Will, Wittle-
sey, 1368,

Simon Sudbury,
1375,

Richard II,

1378,
Rome. Avignon.

Urban VI.

Clement VII.

1390.

1399.

Henry IV.

1413.

Henry V.

1389.
Boniface IX.

1404.
Innocent VII.
1406.
Gresorv XII. ^

1394.
Benedict XIIL

Pisa.
1409.
Alexan der V.
1410.
John
XXIII,

1422.

Henry VI,

Martin V, 1417,

Will. Courtney,
1381.

Thomas Arun
del, 1396,

Hen. Chichelv,
1414. "'

52,

56.

Statute of Prsemunire.
The Plowman's Complaint
was published about this
period.
Battle of Poictiers.

69. Tamerlane the Mogul con
queror.
71. The parliament petition
that secular employments
may not be held by
churchmen.
76. Edward the Black Prince
dies.
77. Wiclif answers before
Courtney in St. Paul's.
78. Grand schism of the west.
81. Wat the Tiler's insurrec
tion ; S, Sudbury mur
dered.
83. Cannon first used by the
English in defence of
Calais,
84. Wiclif ob,
87, Winchester school founded
88, Commission against the
Lollards,

95, The petition of the Lollards
is presented to parliament.
1400. Statute against the Lol
lards,
1, William Sawtrey, priest,
burnt for heresy,
7, Bank established at Genoa,
9, Council of Pisa, which de
poses Gregory,
10, Badby burnt.

14. Council of Constance.
15. John Huss burnt,
^Battle of Agincourt.
16. Jerome of Prague bumt.
1 7. Paper made from rags.
18. Lord Cobham hanged and
burnt.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES,

617

Kings of
England.

Popes.

Archbishops of
Canterbury.

Remarkable Events.

1428.

1440.

1450.

1460. 1461.1470. 1471, 1472,

14801483,

1485, 1490.

150O

150S,

Edward IV,

Henry VI,
restored.
Edward IV.
restored.

Edward V.
Richard III,
Henry VII,

Eugenius IV,
1431,
Felix IV. or V,
1439,

Nicholas V,
1447,

Calhxtus III,
1455,
Pius II, 1458.

Paul II. 1464.
Sixtus IV.
1471.

Henry VIII,

Innocent VIII,
1484.

Alexander VI.
1492.

John Stafford,
1443,

Joseph Kemp,
1452,
Thomas Bou-
chier, 1454,

John Morton,
1486.

Pius IIL 1503,
Julius II, 1503,

Leo X, 1513,

Henry Dean,
1501.
William War
ham, 1503.

28. Joan of Arc raises the siege of
Orleans.
31. Council of Basil.
36. Chevy chase.

40. Printing established by Gut-
tenberg, at Strasburg,
41. Eton school founded.

44. Pecock, bishop of St, Asaph,

50, Pecock, bishop of Chichester,
52, The wars of Lancaster and
York.
53. Constantinople taken by the
Turks.
End of the EngUsh govern
ment in France.
58. Pecock deposed.
59, Engraving on copper invented.

73, A press estabhshed in Eng
land, probably in Westmin
ster Abbey.
83. Luther born.

85. Battle of Bosworth.
86. Cape of Good Hope discovered.
91, End of the empire of the Moors
in Spain.
92. Discovery of Hispaniola by C.
Columbus.
94. Algebra introduced into Europe,
98. Main land of America disco
vered, and a new passage to
India.

5. Colet, dean of St. Paul's.
12. CouncU of St. John Lateran.
13. Battle of Flodden Field.
14, Hunne murdered in prison,
17. Luther preaches against indul
gences.

618

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES,

Kings of
England.

Popes.

Archbishops of
Canterbury.

Remarkable Events.

1519, 1,520.

Adrian VI,
1522.
Clement VII,
1523,

19, First voyage round the world
by Magellan,
21. Henry VIII. declared De
fender of the Faith,

24. Sweden and Denmark embrace
the reformed faith.

1525.

1530.

28.

An-

Paul III, 1534,

1535.

1540.

1545.

Thomas Cran
mer, 1533.

29.

30,

31

32.

P. HamUton burnt at St,
drew's.
Trial of the divorce ; Wolsey's
fall.
Diet of Spires; the name of
Protestants first given.
The title of Supreme Head of
the Church acknowledged by
the clergy ; diet of Augsburg,
and league of Smalcalde,
The bishops directed to pre
pare a new translation of the
Bible.
Marriage with Anne Boleyn,
33, The divorce pronounced,
Elizabeth born.
34. The marriage of Henry and
Catharine confirmed at Rome,
35, Sir T, More and Bishop Fisher
executed.
Visitation of the monasteries.
Order of Jesuits founded.
36, Queen Catharine dies.
Queen Anne Boleyn executed.
Henry marries Jane Seymour,
Articles published by the king.
Pilgrimage of grace.
37. The Institution published.
Edward born ; Jane dies,
38, Lambert burnt,
Henry excommunicated.
39. New bishoprics erected by act
of parliament.
Act of the Six Articles passes.
Cardinal Beaton, archbishop of
St. Andrew's.
40. Henry marries Anne of Cleves.
Divorced.
Cromwell beheaded,
Barnes, &e,, burnt,
Henry marries Cath. Howard.
41. Cath. Howard beheaded,
42, Birth of Mary, and death of
James V, of Scotland, '
43. Erudition published.
Henry marries Catherine Parr,
War with France.
45. Colleges and chantries given to
the king.
The Council of Trent sits.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES.

619

Kings of
England.

Popes.

Archbishops of
Canterbury.

Remarkable Events.

1546. 1547.

1550.

1553,

1555,

1558,

1560

Edward VI.
Jan, 29,

Mary, July 6,

Elizabeth, Nov, 17,

Julius III.
1550.

Marcellns II.
Paul IV. 1555.

Pius IV. 1559.

Cardinal Pole,
1556.

M. Parker,
1559.

1565,

1570.

Pius V. 1566.

46. Peace with France ; Cardinal
Beaton assassinated.
47. The earl of Surrey executed.
Homilies printed.
48, New communion.
Cranmer's Catechism. The
Interim published.
49. Joan Bocher burnt.
50. Foreign churches established
under A Lasco.
51. Commission for reforming the
ecclesiastical laws.
52, "The Protector executed.
Treaty of Passau.
53. Catechism published; (Ponet's.)
The acts of Edw. VI, repealed,
54, Wyat executed.
Disputations at Oxford.
Marriage of the queen.
55, Feast of ReconcUiation of the
nation.
Peace of Augsburg,
Latimer and Ridley burnt.
56. Cranmer suffers at Oxford,
Bonner's HomUies published,
57. War with France,
58, Calais taken,
Mary queen of Scots married
to the dauphin.
Revision of the Liturgy.
59, Disputation at Westminster.
60, Peace with France and Scot
land.
Reformation established in
Scotland.
61. St. Paul's, London, burnt.
62. Assistance sent to the French
Protestants.
63. End of the CouncU of Trent.
Convocation, the Thirty-nine
Articles passed.
Plague in England.
64. Second Book of Homilies dis
tributed.
Calvin dies,
65. Sampson deprived of the
deanery of Christ Church.
66. Thirty-seven London ministers
suspended for the dresses.
The church of Scotland writes
to the church of England in
favour of toleration.
67. Schism of the London divines.
Persecutions under the duke of
Alva in the Netherlands.
68. Mary queen of Scots enters
England.
69. The northern rebellion.
70. Regent Murray murdered.
Felton affixes the buU to the
door of the bishop of London.

620

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES,

Kings of
England.

Popes.

Archbishops of
Canterbury.

Remarkable Events.

1571.

1576.

Gregory XIII.
1572.

Edm. Grindal,
1575.

1580.

John Whitgift,
1583.

1,585.

Sixtus V. 1585.

1590.

Urban VII.
Gregory XIV,
1590,
Innocent IX,
1591.
Clement VIII,
1592,

1595.1600.

71. The ecclesiastical commission
very active,
72. Presbytery established at
Wandsworth.
Massacre of St. Bartholomew,
74. Prophesyings suppressed in the
diocese of Norwich,
75. Two Dutch anabaptists burnt,
76, Antwerp taken by the Spa
niards,
Grindal writes to the queen.
77. Prophesyings put down,
Grindal sequestered.
Drake sets off from Plymouth.
Socinus, F. publishes his opini
ons in Poland about this time.
79, Hamont burnt in Norwich for
impiety. Rebellion in Ire
land.
80. Campian and Persons come to
England. Drake returns,
81, The parliament petitions the
queen for reformation in the
church.
Declaration of the indepen
dence of HoUand,
82. Reformation in the calendar by
the pope, Grindal restored.
83, Chopping and Thacker exe
cuted.
84. First English settlements in
North America.
The prince of Orange shot.
Association formed to preserve
the life of Elizabeth.
85. Elizabeth protectress of the
Netherlands,
86. Leicester commands in Hol
land.
Trial of Mary queen of Scots.
87. Mary queen of Scots executed,
88. Elizabeth excommunicated.
The Armada sails from the
Tagus.
F. Ket burnt for a heretic.
89. Marriage of James with Anne
of Denmark,

91, Trinity coll., Dublin, founded
Cartwright before the ecclesi
astical commission,
93. Barrow, &c. executed.
Plague in London.
94. Cardinal Allen dies in Rome,
95. Lambeth Articles,
98, Edict of Nantes,
Tyrone's rebellion.
1600, The pope grants a pardon
to the rebels in Ireland as in
the case of a crusade.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES,

621

Kings of
England.

Popes.

Archbishops of
Canterbury.

Remarkable Events.

1600.

1603.

1605,

James I.
March 24.

Leo XI. 1605.
Paul V. 1605.

Richard Ban
croft, 1604.

1610.

1615,

George Abbot,
AprU 9, 1610.

1620.

1625,

1630.

Charles I.
March 27,

Gregory XV.
1621.

Urban VIII.
1623.

WiUiam Laud,
1633.

1600. East India Company esta
blished.
1. Essex executed,
Spaniards land in Ireland,
3, Submission of Tyrone.
Coronation of .lames and Anne.
4, Conference at Hampton Court,
5. Convocation assemble.
Powder Plot.
6, Garnet executed.
Brief against the oath of alle
giance.
7, Biief, confirmatory of the last.
9. College at Chelsea founded,
Arminius dies.
10. Moors expelled from Spain.
Henry IV. stabbed by Ra-
vaillae.
11. Translation of the Bible pub
lished.
Legate burnt in Smithfield,
and Wightman at Lichfield.
12. Charter House founded.
Prince Henry dies.
13. Wadham college founded.
Elizabeth married to the elector
palatine,
14, Logarithms invented,
18. Beginning of the thirty years'
war.
King's declaration for liberty
on the Lord's day.
Synod of Dort begins,
19, Queen Anne dies.
Synod of Dort ends.
Discovery of the circulation of
the blood.
20. Battle of Prague.

22. Proclamation for releasing
popish recusants.
King's letter about preaching.
23, Charles and Buckingham go
to Spain.

26. Letter to the elergy in favour
of loans.
27. Abbot suspended.
28. Petition of rights presented.
Murder of the duke of Buck
ingham.
29. Charles's instructions to the
bishops.
30. Laud, chancehor of Oxford.
33. Charles crowned at Edin
burgh,
Book of Sports pubUshed.

622

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES.

Kings of
England.

Popes.

Archbishops of
Canterbury.

Remarkable Events.

1635.

1640.

1645,

1649.

1650.

1653.

1655.

1658.

1660.

Charles I.
executed.

Cromwell, Protector, Dec. 16.

Richard
Cromwell, Sept. 3.
Charles II.
restored.

Innocent X.
1644.

Alexander VII.
1655.

WUl. Juxton,
1660.

GUbert Shel
don, 1663.

1665.

35. The Thirty-nine Articles re
ceived by the church of
Ireland.
Juxton, lord treasurer.
36. Writs for ship money issued.
37. Tumult in Edinburgh about
the Liturgy.
38. General assembly at Glasgow.
39, Peace with Scotland.
40. The parliament meet April 3,
dissolved May 5.
The long Parliament meet
Nov, 3.
41. Lord Strafford executed.
Protestation of the bishops.
42, Bishops deprived of their votes.
Aug. 25. The king's standard
raised.
43. Assembly of divines meet.
The covenant taken by the
houses.
44. Surrender of York.
45. Laud beheaded.
Directory introduced.
46. The king surrenders.
47. The king seized by Joyce.
48. Cromwell defeats the Scotch at
Preston.
Conference in the Isle of
Wight.

49. Cromwell goes to Ireland.
50. Charles II. lands in Scotland.
51. Charles II. crowned at Scone.
Battle of Worcester, Sep
tember 3.
53. Cromwell dissolves the parlia
ment.
54. Triers appointed.
55. Archbishop Usher dies.
57. Inauguration of CromweU.

60. Trial and execution of the re
gicides.
61. Savoy conference.
62. Episcopacy restored in Scot
land.
Nonconformist ministers
ejected.
63. Lord Bristol exhibits articles
against Lord Clarendon.
64. The duke of York takes a fleet
of Dutch merchantmen.
65. Plague in London.
Parliament meets at Oxford.

UtlKUlNUi-iUlxlUAL, TAHLES.

623

Kings of
England,

1666.

Popes.

Archbishops of
Canterbm-y.

1670,

Clement IX.
1667,

Clement X,
1670,

Remarkable Events.

1675,

Innocent XI,
1676.

66, The fire of London.
The covenanters beaten by
Dalziel,
67, The Dutch enter the Medway.
Banishment of Lord Cla
rendon,
68, Bridgman's attempt at a com
prehension.
70. The duchess of Portsmouth
came over with the duchess
of Orleans.
71, Duchess of York dies,
72, The exchequer shut. The
De Witts put to death in
Holland,
73, Test act passes.
James marries the princess of
Modena,

1680,

1685

1689,

1690,

Will, Sancroft,
1677.

James II.
Feb. 6.

WiUiam and
Mary.

Alexander
VIIL 1689,

Innocent XII. John TiUotson^
1691. 1691.

78. Oates's plot,
79. Archbishop Sharp murdered.
Dangerfield's plot. Habeas
Corpus passed.
80. Lord Stafford executed.

83. Rye-house plot. Lord Russell
beheaded.
The charter of the city of
London made void.

85, Revocation of the edict of
Nantes,

Episcopacy aboUshed in Scot
land.

Table I, ANGLO-SAXON AND DANISH KINGS OF ENGLAND.

1. Egbert, surnamed the GJrbat, first King of all England,
2. Ethelwolf, King, 836; +857.
I  :  X  '  ¦ 

3. ETUELBAI.D, King, 867; t 860. 4. Ethei.bbet, King, 860; t 866. 5. Etheleed I. King, 866; t 871. 6. Alfred, called the Great, King, 871; t 901.
7. Edward, called the Ancient, King, 901 ; t 925.
I  1  '  1
8. Athelstan, King, 925 ; t 941. P. Edmund I. King, 941 ; t 94fi. 10. Edeed, King, 946; t 955,

11. Bdwv, King, 955 ; t 957. 12. Edoae, called the Pacific, King, 967 ; f 975.

13. Edwaed, snrnajned the MARTTfE, King, 975; assassinated, 978. 14 and 16. Ethelked II. King, 978; deposed, 1013; re.established, 1014 ; f 1016.

I  1
17. Edmund n. surnamed Ieonsidb, King, 1016; 1 1017. 21. Edward III. surnamed the Confessor, King, 1042; f 1066.
I * * ¦» *
Edward, f 1057. Harold Blaatand, King of Denmark.
Edgar AtMinff. 15. Sweno, King of England and of Denmark, 1013; 1 1014.
* * *¦ I
Godwin, CountofKent, 1 1053. 18. Canute, called the Great, King of England and of Denmark, 1017; +1036.
,  1 ,  1 

I  '  1
22. HaeoldII. King of England, 1066; defeated 19. Haeold I. King of England, 1036; 1 103B. 20. Haediknute, King of England and of
and kiRed by WiUiam the Conqueror, 1066. Denmark, 1039 ; t 1041.

Table II. KINGS OF ENGLAND OF THE NORMAN RACE.

1 . William I. surnamed the Conqueeoe, Duke of Normandy, King of England, 1066 ; 1 1087.
,  1  ,  ,
2. ¦WiiLiAMlI.sumamed Rufus, King, 1087; t HOO. 3. HbnbyI. surnamed BEAUcLEJir:, Kmg, 1100; +1135. Adelaide, +1137; maxned Stephen,
I Comit of Blois.
jJfaiiMa, declared Heiress ofthe Throne, 1127; 1 1167; married, |
(1) Henry V. Emperor of Germany, +1125; (2) ffcojrey 4. Stephen, King, 1135; +1154.
Plantagenety Count of Anjou, 1127; founder
of the House of Pi-antagbnbt. See Table III.

Table III.

KINGS OF ENGLAND OF THE HOUSE OF PLANTAGENET.

i^at«<l«, daughter of King Henry L (see Table ID decla«d Heiress of the Throne of England. 1127; 1 1167; married C.<#-e,,
BamnmeiPlantagenet, Count of Anjou; t Ii"'-
5. Henev n. King, 1164; 1 1189 ; married Eleanor of Poitou (diloreed by Louis VIL), and heiress of Poitou and Gascony, 1162.

6. Eichabd L called CmuB de Lion, King, 1189 ; f 1199.

8. Heney m. King, 1216; + 1272.

9. Edwaed I. surnamed Lonoshanks, King, 1272 ; t IW-
1 0. Edwaed IL, King, 1307 ; 1 1327 ; married Isabella, daughter
of PhiUp the Fair, King of France.
11. Edwaed UL King, 1327 ; 1 1377.

7. John, caUed Lack-Land, King, 1199; 1 1216.

Bichard, elected Emperor of Germany, 1257 ; 1 1272.

Edmund, called the Humpbacked, Earl of Lancaster,
pret eldest son, 1 1296.
1
Henry, Earl ot Lancaster, + 1345.
Henry, surnamed Grismond, Earl of Lancaster, t ISSl.

I 
Edward the Black,
Prince ot Wales,
tl376. I
12. Eichard II. King,
1377; deposed 1399;
f 1400.

WUliam Lionel, Duko
of Clarence,
t 1368. I
Philippa o.f Clarence,
married Edmund
Mortimer, 1368.
Roger Mortimer, declared
Heir to the Crown,
1385; t 1399.
 I

T"

Anne Mortimer, first Heiress of the
rights of Lionel ; married Richard,
Earl of Cambridge, son of Edmund,
Duke of York, and grandson of
King Edward III. foundee
of the White Eose.

John 0/ Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, 1 1399 ;
married Blanche, first Heiress of
the rights of Lancaster.

13. Heney IV.
King, 1399;
1 1413.

'  1
John Beaufort, natm-al
son, adopted;
1 1410.

1 4. Henry V. King, 1413, John Beaufort, Duke
1 1422 ; married Catharine of of Somerset, 1 1444.
France, dr. of Charles VI. |
I

Edmund, Duke of Blanche, first Heiress of the
of York, 1 1402. rights of Lancaster, 1 1369;
I married John of Gaunt,
third son of Edward
Richard, Earl of Cambridge, t U15 ; mar- UJ- ™™"^"/
ried Anne Mortimer, first Heu-ess of the theKEDKOSE.
rights of Lionel, Duke of Clarence.
Richard, Duke of York, Pro-

15. Heney VI. King
of England & France,
1422; killed 1472.

Margaret Beaufort, 1 1509,
second Heiress of the rights
of Lancaster ; married Ed-
.inund Tudor, Earl of Rich
mond, FOUNDEE of the
House of Tudor.
See Table IV.

tl460.

tector 1455;
16- Edward IV. King,
1461, and 1472;
+ 1483.

1 8. Eichard IU. King, 1483 ;
killed at the battle of
Bosworth, 1485.

17. Edward V. King,
1483; killed 1483.

Elizabeth , second Heiress of the
rights of Lionel, Duke of
Clai-ence; married Henry VH.
King of England.
See Table IV.

by
St

Table IV.

KINGS OF ENGLAND OF THE HOUSE OF TUDOR.

Margaret Beaufort, second Heires of the rights ot Lancaster, or of the Hod Hose, (see Table IH.) + 1509 ; married Edmund Tudor, Earl of Richmond, son of Owen Tudor
and of Queen Catharine of Valois, widow of King Henry V.
19. Henby V 11. surnamed Thdob, King, after the victory of Bosworth, 1485; +1509; married i;!fea6effi, daughter of King Edward IV. second Heiress of the rights ot York,
or of the White Eose, 1486. See Table IIL
 .  \ 

Arthur, Prince of Wales,
t 151)3 ; married Catha-
7-ine of Arragon.

Margaret, bom 1489; married ./aTree* IV.
(Stuart) King of Scotland, founder
of the House of Stuaet.
See Table V.

(1) 22. Maey, bom 1616 ; Queen,
1553; +1558; married PMip/J.
King of Spain, 1654.

20. Heney VIII. bom 1495; King, 1609; + 1547; married, (1)
Catharine of Arragon, dr. of Ferdinand the Catholic^ and widow
of his brother, 1509; divorced, 1633; (2) AnncBoleyn, 1533; be
headed, 1636; [3) Jane Seymour, 1538; + in child-birth, 1637.

(2) 23. Elizabeth, bom 1633;
Queen, 1658; +1603,

(3) 21. Edward VI. bom 1537;
King, 1547; +1563.

Mary, bom 1498 ; + 1533 ; married^
(1) Louis XII. King of Prance, 1514 ;
+ 1616 ; (2) Charles Brandon, Duke
of Suffolk, 1617.
1  —^

Frances Brandon, \ 1563; married ffeni-y Gray, Marquis
of Dorset, Duke of Suffolk, beheaded 1554.
.  I

Jane Gray, bom 1537; proclaimed Queen, 1553; beheaded, 1554; married, 1553,
QuUford Dudley, son of John, Duke of Northxmiberland ; beheaded, 1554.

Table V.

KINGS OF GREAT BRITAIN OF THE HOUSE OF STUART.

Margaret Tudor, eldest daughter of King Henry VII. (see Table lY.) + 1539 ; married James IV. King of Scotland, of the House of Stuart, 1503; + 1513.
James V, King of Scotland, +1542; married, n) Magdalen, daughter of Francis I. King of France, 1536 ; + 1637; (2) Jlfarj/ o/iorraine, daughter otClaud,Duke of Guise, 1538; +1560,
I
(2) JfarySiaart, born 1642; Queen of Scotland ; 1642; of France, 1559 ; beheaded, 1687; married, (1) i^mnrij//. King of France, 1559; +1560;
(2) Henry Stuart, Lord Damley, 1664 ; assassinated, 1567.
(2) 24. Jambs I. (VI.) bom 1666; King of Scotland, 1667; of England, 1603 ; takes the title of King of Great Britain, 1604 ; +1625; married ^nn« <i/'J)eremar*, +1619.

Elizabeth, bom 1696 ; + 1661 ; married
Frederic V. Elector Palatine.

 .  .  1
25. Chaeles I. bom 1600 ; King of Great Britain, 1625 ; beheaded, 30th January, 1649, old style ; married Henrietta-Maria,
daughter of Henry IV. King of France, 1625; + 1669.

Sophia, bom 1630; declared
Heiress to the throne of Eng
land, 1701 ; + l«th June, 1714 ;
married Ernest-Augustus, 1st
Elector of Hanover, 1668 ;
founder of the House of
Hanover, See Table VL

26. Chaeles II. born 1630 ;
King of Great Britain, pro
claimed 18th May, 1660; +
1685; married Catharine,
daughter of John IV. King
of Portugal.

Mary, bom 1631 ; + 1661 ;
married William II.
Prince of Orange, 1641,
1_ ¦

27. James H. born 1633; King, 1686; dethroned,
1689; + 1701; married, (I) AnneHyde, 1660;
+ 1671 ; (2) Mary of Modena, 1673.

 1
Hcrvrictta-Maria, bom 1644 ;
1 1070 ; married Philip I.
Duke of Orleans, 1661.

"1

T"

~

28. William III. Prmce of Orange, bom (1) 28. Mary, bom 1662, proo. (1) 29. ANNE,boml065; [2) James-
1660; proo. King of Great Britain, with_Queen with her husband, 1689; Queen, 1702; + I2th Aug. Edward-
hisoonsort, 1689; +1702; married Mary, + 1695; married William IU. 1714 ; married ffcorpe, Pr. Frances,
daughterof King James U. 1677; +1696. Pruiceof Orange, 1677; +1702, of Denmark, 1683; +1708. Pretender,

Table VI.

KINGS OF GREAT BRITAIN OF THE HOUSE OF HANOVER.

Sophia, daughter ot Frederic V. Elector Palatine, and of Elizabeth of England, (see Table T.) born 1630 ; declared Heiress to «.e throne of England, 1701 ; 1 18th June,
¦^ 1714; man-ied»-nai-.^Mtf«s(MS, first Elector of Hanover, 1058; t 109»,
30. GEORGE L bom 1660; Elector, 1696; King of Great Britain, 1714; +1727; m^oi Sophia-Borothea, Princess ot Bnmswiek-Zell, 1668; + 1726,
31. GboegeH. bom 1683; King, 1727; +1760; married CaroH|.a-ir.-ae;m.-«a, Princess of Brandenburg-Anspach, 1706; +1737.

Jraimcft-ICMn's, bom 1707 i Prince of Wales, 1727; 1 1761 ; married
Augusta, Princess of Saxe-Gotha, 1736 ; + 1772.

r

William-Augustus, Duke ot Cumberland,
bom 1721 ; + 1766. -1

Augusta-Fredei-ica, bom 173? ; + 1808 ;
mSimei Charles-William-Ferdinand,
hereditary Prince of Brunswick,
1764; reigning Duke, 1780}
t 1806,

32. Geoeoe HI., bom 1738 ; King,
1760; +1820; married Sophia-
CharloUe, Princess of Meck-
lenburg-Strelitz, 1761;
1 1818.

WiUiam Henry, Duke of Gloucester,
born 1743 ; + 1805 ; married Mary,
daughter of Edward Walpole,
1766; + 1807.
h

Henry-Frederick, Duke of Cumberland, hom
1746 ; t 1790 ; married Anne, daughter of
Simon Luttrell, Earl of Carhampton,
1771; +1787.

n

Sophia Matilda, born 1773.

William-Frederick, Duke of Gloucester, bom 1776 ;
married Jfai-y, daughter of George IU. 1816; + 1834.

Charloite-Augusta-Caroline.+ Nov. 6, 1817 ; mar. 1816,
George, b. 1790, Pr. of Saxe
King of the Belgians

 1 
34 William
IV. (WiUiam
Henry Duke
of Clarence)
b. 1765; mar.
Adelaide,
daughter of
the Duke of
Saxc-Mein-
ingen, 1818;
King, 1830 ;
+ 1837.
b. 1796;
Leopold-
-Cobom^,i, 1832.

I 
Charlotte- Augusta-
Matilda, b.
17C6; +1828;
mar. Fredo-
ric, Duke ot
Wirtemberg, 1797, King of
Wirtem
berg, 1806.

Edward-
Augustus, H.
of Kent, b.
1767;+ 1820;
married Vic
toria, Prin
cess of Saxe-
Cobourg,
1818, widow
of the Prince
ofLeiningen.

\
Elizabeth, b.
1770 ; + 1839 ;
mar. Augus
tus Frede
rick, Prince
of Hesse-
Homburg, 1018.

35 Alexandrima Victoria,
bom 24th May, 1819;
QuEEK, 1837 ; mar. 1840,
Albert, b. 26th August, 1819,
Prince of Saxo-Cobouig.

Ernest-Augus
tus, D. of Cum
berland, b. 1771 ;
K. of Hanover,
1837; mar.
Frederica-Caro- line-Sophia,
daughter of tho
Dulce of Meck-
lenburg-Strelitz,and widow ofthe
Prince of S'Ims, | —
1815. George

-r

Augustus- Frederick,
Dnkeof Sus
sex, b. 1773;
mar. Lady
Augusta
Murray,
1793. (The
marriage
annulled.)

Adolphus- Frederick,
D. of Cam
bridge, b.
1774; mar.
Caroline,
Princess of
Hesse-Cas- sel, 1818.

Mary, bom
1776; mar.
the Duke of
Gloucester, 1816,

Amelia,
bora bom
1777. 1783,
+ 1811.

¦a>¦
o

George-Frrderlck, born 1019.

Augustus, b. 1734.

 1
McttUda-
CharloUe, b. 1801.

I
George-
William, b. 1819.

 1
Augusta- Caroline, b I8S2

OS
ts

629

INDEX.

The numbers refer to the Sections ; the letters a, b, &c. to Notes.

Abbot, G., writes to James against
tolerating Roman Catholics, 521.
suspended, why, 555.
Abbots, six hanged, 210, many sur
render their monasteries, 212.
Absolution, "Wiclif's opinion of, 118.
doctrines of the church of England
and Rome on this point ; danger
thereof ; Erudition nearest to Rome,
279. of the sick, 407, a, question of,
at Hampton Court, 504.
Abuses galling, before men wish to
reform tliem, 101. political, in the
church of Rome, 102. moral, ditto,
105. in the chm-ch, complained of,
465.
Acts of parliament. Mortmain, provi
sors, prsemunire, 104. statute against
heretics, 113, b. statute de hceretico
comburendo, 121, statute subjecting
all robbers to the civil power, in
veighed against by a preacher, 151.
against the pope ; of succession, 166.
of succession, Henry VIII. against
the pope's authority, 204. of the six
articles, 217. repealed, 307. sup
pression of monasteries and the
erection of new bishoprics, 218. to
sanction the king's proclamations for
and against the reformers, gave
great power tolienry VIII., 223. dis
solution of monasteries, several, 241.
marriage of the clergy, 312, 329.
many severe laws repealed, 307. se
cond of uniformity ; about holydays
and fasting, 329. for dividing the see
of Durham, 331. marriage of Henry
and Catharine confirmed ; the acts
relating to religion of Edward VI.
repealed ; act of attainder against
Lady J. Gray, 355. acts against the
prelacy repealed ; against heresy re
newed, 364. supremacy gives au
thority for the high commission
court, (see Supremacy,) 403. tenths
and fii-st-fruifcs restored to the crown ;

the power of exchanging property
between the crown and vacant bi
shoprics, 404, act of uniformity, 405,
416. passed, 702, severe act about
refusing the oath of supremacy,
412. requii-ing subscription to the
XXXIX Articles ; age of priests
and deacons for ordination ; church
leases ; letting tithes, 435. incorpo
rating the universities ; enacting the
poor laws, 436. against Roman Ca
tholics; about buUs and fugitives
beyond sea, 437. for the security of
the queen's person, directed against
Mary queen of Scots ; against semi-
nai-ists and Jesuits, 453. penalty for
not frequenting the parish church ;
popish recusants confined to their
own place of abode, 462, transfers
of church property to the crown
made illegal ; severities against Ro
man Catholics renewed, 513. against
Roman Catholics required to attend
the sacrament, and take the oath of
allegiance ; disabilities, 515. suffra
gan bishops, 662, a. leases of colleges
and hospitals during the usurpation,
confiimed, 703. corporation, 712.
test act, 720. select vestry act, 712.
first conventicle act, 713. second, ib.
five mile act, 714. exclusion of Ro
man Catholics from both houses, 720.
exclusion of Roman Catholics carried
by Lord Shaftsbury, 72 1 . habeas cor
pus, 721. toleration act, 806.
Adda, F. d', the pope's nuncio, conse
crated in St. James's, 764.
Addresses made to James delude him,
753.
Admonition to parliament, 433, a. 446.
Adrian comes to England ; fiamous for
his learning, 8.
Advertisements set forth, 432.
Adulteiy made capital, 620.
Age of priests and deacons, 435.
Alban, St., death of, 3.

630

INDEX,

Albes, 7 43, a, 9.
Alcuin's idea of purgatory, 15.
Aldiicli withdraws from the commis
sion, 1689, 806.
Alesse argues against the five sacra
ments, 205.
Alexander, Peter, in England, 314.
Alfred educates England ; he translates
many books into Saxon ; his general
learning ; establishes a school for his
son ; sends an embassy to the Syrian
churches, 1 1. publishes the ten com
mandments, 18, a. went to Rome
with his father, 20. translated the
psalms, 533.
Alien priories dissolved, 1414, 248, a.
Alienation of church property by ex
changes during a vacancy of the
bishopric, 404.
Allegiance, oath of, Roman Catholics
forbidden to take it ; many took it
at first ; BlackweU took it, and was
punished for so doing, 516.
Allen, Cardinal, provides for the suc
cession of priests, 438. much to
blame about the Armada, 457.
AUestrie, picture of, 616. employed
about the continuation of episcopacy,
623, a.
Alphonsus preaches against persecu
tion, 366.
Altars changed into communion tables,
323.
Alvie, master of the Temple, dies, 454.
American Prayer Book, 808, b.
Anabaptists bumt, 316, 619. demand
toleration, 664.
Andrews, Bishop, composes the ser
vice for the consecration of churches,
569, 750.
St. Andrew's, castle of, taken, 494.
Anglo-Saxon church, the, not Protes
tant, 9. progress of error in, 26. in
adequate views of the atonement,
and prepared for errors, 24.
Annates, 103. See First-fruits.
Anselm, 53. appeals to Rome illegally,
and confirmed by the legate, 54. re
called by Henry I., 55.
Antinomians, 619.
Apocrypha, lessons from the, objected
to, 507, 671, 672, 807.
Apostates, a form of prayer for recon
ciling them, 808.
Appeal to the pope by Wilfrid, 8.
Appello ad Ccesarem, by Alontague,
552, a.
Appointments, ecclesiastical, import
ance of, 132, disputed between the

crown, the pope, and the lower
clergy, 133. origin of this dispute ;
nature of it, 132—135.
Architecture, promoted by monas
teries, 215.
Argyle, victory over, 754. offended at
the advancement of the archbishop
of St. Andrew's, 563,
Arians, i, b, c.
Ariminum, council of, 4.
Aries, council of, ibid.
Armachanus, or Fitzralph, 108, a.
Armada, 457.
Armies, the royalist and republican,
579. persons who composed them,
580.
Aiininianisra prevails among the higher
clergy, 557.
Army, payment of ofiicers in the, 430,
a. friendly to independency, 593.
danger from, at the Restoration ;
their fine condition, C54. James II.
relies on the, 766.
Arthington, prophet of judgment, 461.
Articles, Thirty-nine, 481, &c. See the
Table of Contents. Forty-two pre
pared ; not a compromise of opinions,
325. published 1553 ; history of their
composition, uncertain, 481. not
sanctioned by convocation, and sub
scribed by few of the clergy, 484.
Thirty-eight, published 1663, 412.
prepared by Parker ; altered, printed,
a bill concerning subscribing them
stopped in the lords by Elizabeth,
156(J, but aUowed to pass in 1571,
485 Thirty-nine reviewed in 1571,
485. published by Jewel, 487. con
troverted clause in the tsventieth
article ; testimonies concerning it,
486. theory of the author, 487.
Parker did not mean to authorize it;
Laud not to blame concerning it,
488. objections I'aised to the reading
it, 663. sources fiom whence they
are taken, 483. subscription to, re
quired by law, 435. to such as per
tain to faith, 454. at present, dates
from the canons of 1604, 488. ob
jected to at Hampton Court, 505,
506. declaration prefixed to, 657.
altered by the assembly of divines,
589.
Articles of 1536 ; abstract of, 205, 206,
271. act of the six, 217. repealed,
307. three, in the thirty sixth canon ;
imposed by Whitgift, 450. ex officio
mero, 451. the five, of the synod of
Dort, 520. See Pertli, 565, a.

INDEX,

631

Articuli pro clero, in synodo Lond. 1584,
451.
Aseham, his life saved by Gardiner,
368.
Ashley rejects the authority of the
ministers at Frankfort, 367, b.
Aske, a leader of the northern rebel
lion, 210.
Askew, A., burnt ; her supposed con
nexion with the court ; Wriothesly
tortures her himself, 225.
Assembly of divines at Westminster,
585. members who composed it, 586.
power of ordaining vested in them,
589. works of, 590. incur a prtemu-
nire, 592. they formed a sort of
church govemment, 609.
Association formed to revenge the
death of Elizabeth, 439. formed
among the clergy, 612.
Asylum, use of, 243.
Athanasian creed, 807, a.
Athens not reformed by the plague,
727.
Atonement, inadequate views of, in the
Anglo-Saxon church, 26, held by
Wiclif, 119.
Attainder, acts of, 219. Cromwell, 227.
Augmentations, court of, 202, b.
Augmentation of livings, 703, a.
Augsburg Confession, 232. some of
the Thirty-nine Articles taken from,
483, and a.
Augustin, St., comes to England, 6.
archbishop of England ; his proceed
ings, 7.
Auricular confession among the Sax
ons, 21.
Babington's conspiracy, 455.
Bacon's plan for a seminary for diplo
macy, 249. intolerant, 445.
Bainham bumt, 170. his conference
with Latimer, Appendix F,
Bale, J., trial of Lord Cobham, 124.
Balmiranoch, Lord, condemned to
death, 566.
Banchor, monastery of, 5.
Bancroft at the Hampton Court con
ference, 504. iU conduct of, 505, 507,
511. his account of the conference
at Hampton Court, 511, b.
Baptism by laymen discussed, 424, a.
504. (See Infant^ cross in, ques
tions, 508. See Cross.
Baptismal service objected to, 424,
671, 672.
Barebone parliament, 603, a.
Barlow, bishop of Chichester, conse
crates Parker, 409.

Barlow, dean of Chester, his account
of the conference at Hampton Court,
510.
Barnes, martyrdom of, 221,
Baro preaches against the Lambeth
Articles, 464.
Ban-et denies absolute predestination,
463.
Barrow executed, 461.
Bartholomew, St., hospital of, founded,
332. massacre of, 437. day of, hard
ships of choosing that day, 1662, 707.
Barton, EUzabeth, the maid of Kent,
167.
Barwick, prolocutor, prepares a gram
mar, 701.
Bastwick punished, 562.
Bates, one of the disputants, 1661,673.
Baxter, in favour of toleration, 6 10. his
ministry at Kidderminster, 611. his
discipline associations, 612. author's
opinion concerning it, 613. he draws
up an answer to the bishops, 662.
urges his friends to go on, 663. draws
up a violent paper to the king, ib.
objects to toleration to others, 664,
determines to support the church,
but refuses a bishopric, 666. draws
up a new form of prayer, 668. peti
tion for peace, violence of, 670. an
swer to the reply of the bishops, vio
lence of, 673. disputation, his obsti
nacy iu the, 674. Lord Clarendon
offended with him, and with reason ;
his good qualities and faults, 675.
the cause of the failure of the Savoy
conference, 676. his idea of a parish,
677. sent togaol,711, 731. consulted
about a comprehension, 715. sends
some terms for reconciling noncon
formists to Lord Orrery; partially
fond of the church ; gives up a cha
pel, 717.
Beal unfriendly to the bishops, 451.
Beaton, Cardinal, his want of prudence,
493. and death, 494.
Becket, Thomas, is persecuted, and
flies, 57. received by the courts of
France and Rome ; very violent ;
reconciled, 58. murdered; miracles
at his tomb ; character, 59.
Bede, not a believer in transubstantia
tion, 16. his division of the Com
mandments, 18, a. his translation of
the Bible, 533.
Berkeley, Colonel, intrusted with the
care of James IL, 776.
Bertram, 16, b. 314, b.
Bible translated byWicUf, 112. pro-

632

INDEX.

clamation for printing the, 218. ano
ther iu favour of the, and an attempt
to suppress it ; the examination of
the, refen-ed to the universities,
222. in the hands of the people, 229.
necessary to be repressed in order
that the clergy might refute heretics,
317. presented to Elizabeth in a
pageant, 402. translations of, 531. see
Table, dates of orders about setting
it up in cliurches, Table, before, 531.
there has been but one translation
coirected,532. Anglo-Saxon, several
translations ; English, Rolle's or
Hampole's ; Wiclif's ; no previous
one, 533, c. Tyndale's translation of
tlie New Testament, 534. price of a
Bible, 534, a. Coverdale's, Mat
thew's, 535. Cranmer's, or the Great
Bible, Taverner's, 536. Geneva
translation, divided into verses, 537.
Parkers', or the Bishop's, 538.
Rhemes and Douay, 539. authorized
version, 540.
Bid ales, 558.
Bidding prayer, 305, a.
Biddle tried for being a Socinian, 621.
Bilney burnt, 170.
Bilson, bishop of Winchester, at the
conference at Hampton Court, 504.
Birchet murders Hawkins, 446.
Bishoprics divided, 8. first elective ;
their wealth made them faU into
other hands, 133. appointed by the
crown, 135. new, erected, 218. void
in 1554, 360. power of exchanging
property with the crown during a
vacancy, 404. used, 427. filled up,
1559, 409. offered the nonconformist
divines, 666.
Bishops, British, 3. at the early coun
cils, 4. power of theii- courts cur
tailed, 166. inhibited from visit
ing ; their authority restored by a
commission from the king, 201.
source of their authority, 201, c.
king's letter to, 209. Book, 213. re
main at their posts, and prepare for
persecution, 354. offer a sum of mo
ney to Elizabeth in exchange for the
power of the crown to transfer their
property during vacancies, 404, a..
ejected by the oath of supremacy;
treated kindly, 407. consecrated ;
diflSculty about it, 1559, 409. deter
mined not to leave the church on ac
count of the dresses, 418. their
wealtji and power disliked, 425. dis
liked by some of the court, 451.

plan for curtailing their pomp, 452.
hated by the people, 459. distinctive
offices of, 460, a. difiiculties against
which they had to strive ; many of
them unfit men, 471. the Bible so
called, 538. attacks on their votes in
the lords ; protestation ; sent to the
Tower ; deprived of their votes,
573. their succession endangered
during the usurpation, 623. nine re
maining at the Restoration, 656. an
swer to the non-conformists, 662,
their lands restored at the Restora
tion, 703. in partibus, 76.'t, -a., the
seven come forward nobly, 7l-'8.
sent to the Tower, 769. tried, 770.
James asks their advice ; tliey give
it, 773, a, they refuse to sign any
expression of dislike to the prince
of Orange, 774.
BlackweU took the oath of allegiance,
516.
Blasphemy, laws agaiust, 620, 621.
Bocher, Joan, burnt, 1549, 315.
Boethius translated by Alfred, 1 1 .
Boleyn, Anne, executed; divorced,
203.
Bonner, bishop, injunctions of, 223.
sent to prison, 306. deprived, 318.
takes possession of his see, 353.
Homilies ; and Profitable and Ne
cessary Doctrine, 369, a. degrades
Cranmer, 370. commission granted
to him for discovering heretics, 373.
glutted with murder, 374. dies in
prison, 407.
Books, sent to Augustin, 7, a. which
promoted the Reformation, I7I,
Bishops' and King's, 213. to be kept
by the bishops, ofthe names of those
who had been reconcUed to Rome,
365. of Sports, disliked by the clergy,
519. second, 559.
Booth, Sir George, his rising had
brought forward a new set of royal
ists, ('65.
Bourn, chaplain to Bonner, preaches
at Paul's Cross, and is nearly killed,
353.
Bowing " at" the name of Jesus, 661,
748, a.
Bradford, tract on predestination,
367, a.
Bramhall, his plan for re-ordaining,
710.
Breeches Bible, 537, a.
Bribes paid to Rome for aiding suitors ;
annates deemed so, 103. given to the
ecclesiastical commissioners, and to

INDEX.

633

CromweU, 211, a. given by PhiUp
to secure his marriage with Mary,
356.
Bridewell estabUshed, 1553, 332.
Bridgman, Lord Keeper, attempts to
frame a bill for the relief of the non
conformists, 715.
Britha assists the introduction of
Christianity into England, 6.
Browne returns to the church, 466.
Brownrigge, bishop of Exeter, made
chanter, 616,
Brunswick, Henry VIII. sends am
bassadors there, 232.
Bucer, professor at Cambridge, 314.
advises Hooper to comply, 321. con
sulted on the Common Prayer, &c.,
322, 745. his bones burnt at Cam
bridge, 373.
BuU of Pius v., 437.
Bull, George, enters in orders, and
performs his ministry during the
usurpation, 615.
Bullinger's Decads quoted, 430.
Burgrat, agent from the Protestants to
Henry VIIL, 232.
Burleigh, Lord, his account of the state
of the church, 1563, 431. dislikes
articles ex officio mero, 451. his testi
mony in favour of the Roman Ca
thoUcs, 457. blames churchmen ; his
opinion of cathedrals, 471.
Burnet reviewed the Collects, 807, c.
Burning of heretics; thegentry thanked
for attending; the people adverse
to, 367.
Burnt, the number of those who were,
374.
Burton punished, 562.
Byfield burnt, 170.
Calais lost, 374,
Calamy refuses a bishopric, 666. sent
to gaol, 711.
Calderwood's account of the conference
at Hampton Court, 51 1.
Calvin consulted on a plan of Pro
testant union, by Cranmer, 324. the
doctrines of the church of England
not derived from him, 340.
Cambridge, disputations on transub
stantiation, 315. Bucer's and Fagius'
bones bumt there, 373. disputes
about conformity, 433. dispute there
on predestination, 463. sufferings of,
699. the vice-chanceUor ejected by
James IL, 762.
CampbeU betrays Hamilton, and dies,
493,
Campegio sent to England^ burns the

bull, and postpones the decision,
159.
Campian comes to England and is
executed, 438.
Canon and civil law, 166, b.
Canons of the church of Rome useless
for reforming it; dispensed with,
107. of 1571 never passed legally,
434. of 1604, 512. sent down to
Scotland,567. of 1640, 570. character
of, 571,815. abrogated, 756. reviewed,
1661,701.
Canons, or Canonici, origin of, 23.
Canterbury HaU, Wiclif expelled from,
109.
Canterbury, service performed there
before Charles II., 652.
Cardinal's college, plan of, 157, a.
many sent there became reformers,
157, b.
Carew, Sir Peter, engaged in Wyat's
plot, 359.
Carryl, James, agent at Rome, 764.
Cai-twright's dispute with Whitgift;
expelled from his readership and
fellowship; his ideas about ordina-
natlon, 433. confined for refusing the
oath ex officio mero, 458. becomes
more moderate ; his character, 466.
Cartwright, bishop of Chester, gets up
an address in favour of the declara
tion, 768.
Castlemain, Lord, sent to Rome, 763,
764,
Catechising, the presbyterians publish
directions about, 614.
Catechism, Cranmer's, 310. Ponet's
authorized, 331. stigmatized by con
vocation, 357. Noel's, 412. church,
probable history of, 331, a. objected
to, 507. part on the sacraments
added, 747, a.
Catesby and Percy powder plot, 514.
Cathedral churches, Burleigh's opinion
of, 471.
Cavelarius teaches Hebrew at Cam
bridge, 314.
Cecil, Sir WUliam, the Thirty-nine
Articles submitted to him, 482.
Celibacy of the clergy ; the Council of
Nice endeavours to impose it ; cus
tom of the Greek church; early
established in England; generally
evaded, 22. evils arising from it;
arising from dependence on Rome,
23. insisted on in vain, 55. Wiclif's
opinions of, 116. evils of, 105, 312.
proclamation about the, 216. effects
of; Lawuey's answer to the duke of

634

INDEX.

Norfolk, 230, a. it directed the exer
tions of churchmen to their own
society, 247. in the Erudition, 280.
See Marriage.
Ceremonies and traditions, 281. pressed
by Laud, 569. objected to, 661, 662,
671, 672.
Censures, ecclesiastical, attended with
temporal penalties, 426, and a.
Chaderton at Hampton Court, 504,
509.
Chanting proposed to be left off, 1689,
807.
Chantries and chapels granted to
Henry VIIL, 225. to Edward VI.,
1547, 307.
Chapels and chantries granted to the
king, 225.
Chapters founded by Henry, 248, a.
lands of, restored in 1660, 703.
Charles I., 551. imprudence about the
Scotch Liturgy, &c., 566. want of
energy to command, 581. fault in be
traying Lord Strafford, 582. causes
of his death ; escape from the army,
594. his firmness about episcopacy,
he understood the argument well;
disputes with Henderson and at
Newport ; his query, which was
never answered, 595. his character,
596. summary of his reign, 815.
Charles IL, 602. goes to Scotland, and
takes the covenant ; his invasion of
England, 607. restoration of, 650.
civil to the presbyterians; wiU not
allow the ceremonies to be dispensed
with, 652. difficulties attending the
Restoration, 654. declaration at
Breda, 660. promises to moderate
between the parties, 663. and to
publish a declaration; abstract of,
665. observations on, 666. letter for
augmenting small livings, 703, a.
disposed to favour the nonconform
ists, but not bound to more than he
did; his declarations, 709. declara
tion for toleration, 715. liberty of
conscience, 724. cared nothing about
religion, 725. poUcy of his reign, 726.
always sought ease ; fond of money ;
character; the pensioner of France,
732. immorality of the reign, 733.
Charta, Magna, the pope adverse to it,
63.
Charter-house, dispute about, James
II., 762,
Cheke, his comfort in Edward, 334.
the XXXIX Articles submitted to
him, 482,

Chelsea, coUege at, 517.
Cheyney comes forward alone to dis
pute in convocation, 357.
ChUdren dying before the commission
of sin, 671, a.
Choirs in danger of being destroyed to
pay the clergy, 452.
Choreplscopi, or bishops rural, 585.
Christianity, how far destroyed by
errors in the church, 25.
Christ Church, Wolsey's plan of, 157,
a. the treatment ofthe parUamentary
commis,sioners, 600.
Christ's Hospital founded by Edward
VI., 332.
Church, British, 1. union with the,
attempted by Augustin, 7. wealth of,
in the Saxon times, 12. of England
dates from the divorce, 201. esta
blishment, value of, 259. poverty of,
330. the causes, 430. Erastianism
of, 336. origin of her documents, 342.
alterations in, made by churchmen,
338. property, principles of, 430, a.
state of, 1603, 471. ales, 558. was not
the point attacked by the houses,
571. the attacks on, aimed at de
stroying its civil power, 573, 576.
government, how carried on during
the usurpation, 609. government, a
mixture of discipline and govern
ment, 677- blamed for its conduct
about James, 781. established at the
Revolution, summary of its history,
811.
Churching, the, of women objected to,
424.
Cliurchmen, their high stations in the
state influenced the church, 551, 566.
in the privy council, 554.
Civil and canon law, 166, b.
Clarendon, Constitutions of, 57, a.
Clarendon, Lord, account of the morals
in England, 615, a. meeting at his
house on the king's declaration, 664.
offended with Baxter, 675. his ar
rangement about taxing the clergy,
701. his conduct about the presby
terians and revolutionists, 730. his
fate, 731.
Classes at Warwick and Northampton,
456.
Clemens Romanus, quotation from,
2, a.
Clement VIL, his conduct about the
divorce of Henry and Catharine,
159, 163.
Clergy, most of them married in the
time of the Danes, 23. how to be

INDEX,

635

fairly regarded in the early history,
51, English, ejected by WUliam I.,
52. a, balance between the crown
and aristocracy, and beneficial to
the lower orders, 63. claim exemp
tion from civil jurisdiction, 57. the
claim unjust, 102. taxed by the pope,
103, 61. fui-ther papal exactions from
them refused, 64. increased power
of, to be tried by a jury ; taxes im
posed on; bull to prevent this in
effectual, 66. tax themselves; the
oppression of the crown induces
them to fly to Rome and to defend
themselves, 69. degraded state of,
pride and ignorance of, 105. why
power is to be given them, 131.
wealth of, inveighed against by the
reformers, 134. hold offices of state,
136. imprudence of, 153. vices of,
154, ignorance of, 157. comply with
the wishes of Henry VIII. ; why,
163. the parliament object to the
power of, 164. hated, causes, 170.
irritate Henry, 201. revenues of, les
sened at the Refoi-mation by the loss
of fees and personal tithes, 250.
marriage of, 31 2. secular, bound by
no oath about celibacy, 329. degrad
ing employments of,330. many fly be
yond sea, 354. married, ejected from
benefices very unjustly, 360. ready
to take advantage of the changes, to
avoid their oaths, 361, Roman Ca
tholics ejected, 1559; they generaUy
comply, 407. defective state of, 1559,
410. profits of, in towns, 430. state
of, in Elizabeth's reign, 431. injured
by promoting forced loans, 553. en
joined to read the Book of Sports,
559. crimes usually objected to
them, 572. left out of the commission
of the peace, 573. faithful to the
crown, 574. sufferings of; charges
brought against them; ejected for
not taking the covenant; provision
made for them of a fifth of their
prefei-ment, 598. CromweU's seve
rity towards, 609. how they lived
during the usurpation ; instrumental
in the Restoration, 616. when first
taxed with the laity, 701. difficulty
of their situation in 1688, 768. men
of contracted notions, 730, see Dis
senters, blamed for flattering James
about passive obedience, 781. blamed
for taking the oath imder WUl. and
Maiy, 801. spiritual authority of the,
804, their institution divine, modi

fied by law, 8I7. See London Clergy,
Celibacy, Marriage.
Clerk ales, 558.
Clerk, the, of the crown, withdraws a
biU, 715.
Cleves, Anne of, married to Henry,
219. divorced from him, and resides
in England, 221.
Cloveshoo, council of, 9.
Cobham, Lord, had joined Henry IV.;
in the reign of Henry V, ; he dif
fuses Wiclif's doctrines ; Henry V.
tries to convince him of his error, 1 23.
brought to trial; his examination
resembles that of Thorpe ; his an
swers agree with those of Wiclif;
sent to the Tower; escapes; denies
a false recantation; hung in St.
Giles' fields, 124. supposed connexion
with a disburbance there, 125.
Coin debased by Henry VIIL, 249, a.
Colet, reads lectures in St. Paul's ;
accused of heresy, 157.
Collects, intended to be changed,
8O7, e.
College at Chelsea, 517-
CoUeges, alarm about, in consequence
of the chantries being given to the
king, 307. headships of, appointed by
the crown, 762, a.
Commandment, fourth ; observation in
the Erudition, 274.
Commandments, ten, Saxon, 18. di
vision of, 18, a. 331, a. by Bonner,
369, a.
Commission granted to the bishops,
1535, 201. granted to Bonner, 373.
high court of, origin of, 403. esta
blished, 406. ejects the Roman Ca
tholic clergy, 407. described, 428. iu
the time of Charles I., 555, 573, 575.
established in Scotland, 1610, 565.
ad melius inquirendum to ascertain
the value of church property stopped
by the church party, 451. for a
refonnation in the church, 1689,
legality of it questioned, 806.
Commissioners appointed to frame
ecclesiastical laws, 482.
Commissions granted to bishops con
trary to aU sound opinions of church
authority, 339. of concealment, 428.
Committee of religion, 572.
Common Prayer examined, 1550, 322.
altered, 1551, 326. disputes about at
Frankfort, 367. the services exa
mined, 1558, 402. objected to by the
Puritans, 423. reviewed, 1661, 701.
history of, (see the Contents of the

636

INDEX.

following chapter,) 741. Scotch,
748, b.
Commons, house of, restrained by
Elizabeth, 435. interfere about the
XXXIX Articles being subscribed,
485. unconstitutional vote of, against
the prosecution of nonconformists,
715. see Parliament.
Communion in both kinds, 307.
Communion service, 1548, 308, 309.
examined, 742. at funerals, 407, a.
table raUed in, 569, 571.
Comprehension, attempts at, 715. at
tempted by Sancroft, 77 1 .
Compton, bishop of London, called
before the ecclesiastical commission,
757. adverse to Tillotson, 809.
Concealment, (see Commissions of)
428.
Concessions promised by the bishops,
but never made, 672. which might
safely have been made, 676, a.
Conciliation of the church of England
towards Roman CathoUcs, 407, a.
Conference, see Hampton Court, Savoy.
Confession; difference between the
church of Rome and England with
regard to it, 21. Wiclif's opinion of,
118. auricular, evils of, 230. auricu
lar, evils of, among Roman Catholics ;
neglected by Protestants, 309, 414.
and absolution of the sick, 407, a. to
a priest, duty of, discussed, 514. di
rection about, 1548, 742, 743, a. of
faith of the church of Scotland, 495.
Confirmation not confined to bishops,
118. Erudition, 280. discussed, 504,
506. Savoy conference, 671, 672.
Conformity, duty of, 321.
Congd d'elire, what, 307, a.
Congregation, the, formed, 494.
Congregational churches ; indepen
dents, 614.
Connexion of church and state, evils
of, 818. advantages of, 819.
Consecration of churches, 569, 701,
750. form of, 808.
Consecration of bishops, legality of,
questioned, 409, a. difficulty about,
623.
Constantine, 3, 4, b.
Constantius Chlorus, 3.
Constitution of the church of England,
817-
Consubstantiatlon, stated, 314. ai-ticle
on, 341. an article against, left out
of the Thirty-nine, 1562, 485, a.
Conventicle acts, 713.
Convention parliament which recaUed

Charles, prudence of their measures,
653.
Conversion of Sussex and the Heptar
chy, 8.
Convocation, 205. reject the summons
of Henry VIII. to Mantua, 208. de
nominates the Common Prayer an
abominable book; disputes there,
357. petition that church property
may not be restored, 364. 1559, anti-
reformers, 406. 1571, 434. petition
in favour of Grindal, 447. 1584, 451.
regulation about ministers, 456. re
cords of, burnt in St. Paul's, 1666,
486. 1661, acts of; constitution of,
how extinguished, 701. 1689, 809.
Cope, 743, a, 9.
Coppinger, the prophet of mercy, 461.
Cornish executed, 755, a.
Coronation (Richard II.) service, 17, c.
Corporal presence in the sacrament,
214. See Act of Six Articles, 217-
Corporate bodies, their lands unpro
ductive, 252.
Corporation act, 712.
Corrodies lost at the dissolution of
monasteries, 253, a.
Cosins, plan for deciding the contro
versy, 1661, 673. engaged on a form
of consecration for churches, 750.
Covenant, solemn league, 568, a.
brought into England, 580. ministers
ejected for not taking it, 698. Cam
bridge, 599. Oxford, reasons against,
600. oath about the, 702, 706.
Coverdale comes before the councU,
354. consecrates Parker, 409. his
Bible ; he was not weU suited to the
task, 535.
CouncU of Cloveshoo, 9. of Aries,
Nice, Sardica,' Ariminum, 4. of Nice,
second, rejected in England, 18. of
Mantua, 208.
Courts, ecclesiastical and civil, sepa
rated by William I., 53, a.
Cox, bishop of Ely, friendly to severe
measures, 422.
Cranmer, Archbishop, his suggestion of
consulting the universities, 162, a.
made archbishop of Canterbury; his
objection to the oaths to the pope,
164. declares the divorce, 165. his
object in the dissolution of monaste
ries, 202. divorces Anne Boleyn,
203. argues against Lambert, 215.
never a Lutheran with regard to the
real presence, 215, b. screened with
rogai'd to the celibacy of the clergy,
216. sends his wife into Germany,

INDEX.

637

218. argues against the act of Six
Articles, 217. Uttle affected by it,
218. speaks in favour of Thomas
Cromwell, 219. plot against him ;
his forgiving temper, 224. in danger,
delivered by Henry's kindness ; iU
conduct of the council towards him,
226. retiring, while one of Edward
VI.'s council, 301. anxious to destroy
images, 302. uses civU authority to
promote the Reformation, 304, urges
Edward VI. to sign the wai-rant for
burning Joan Bocher, 315. answers
the demands of the rebels in Devon
shire, 317. tries to persuade Hooper
to comply, 321, befriends learned
foreigners ; plan of a Protestant
union, 324. unwUUng to sign the
deed in favour of Lady Jane Gray,
333. his Catechism, 310. very Eras
tian in his ideas, 337. wise in the
way of reforming, 340. draws up a
protest which is published, 354.
comprehended in the attainder of
Lady Jane Gray, 355. disputes at
Oxford, 361. thinks iU of Gardiner,
368. degraded and burnt; his cha
racter ; his several recantations, 370.
see Appendix P. directed to frame
the Thirty-nine Articles ; he proba
bly did so, 482. the sources from
which he drew them, 483. his Bible,
or the Great Bible, 536.
Creed, Lord's Prayer, and Gospel,
explained to the people, 23,
Crew suspends his clergy about the
declaration, 768.
Crisom left out, 745, a, 3, used, 743,
a, 3.
CromweU, Thomas, Lord Vicegerent,
201. proclamation in favour of re
form, 207. faU of; condemned by an
act of attainder, 219. his character,
22(1. received bribes, 211, a,
CromweU, OUver, continued in his
command, together with his seat ;
his talents, 580. oppresses Cam
bridge, 599. chancellor of Oxford,
600, Ids progress to command, 602.
governor of England after the battle
of Worcester ; his proceedings in
taking possession of this power, 603,
his manner of governing ; the pro
tector of Protestants, 604. character
of, by Baxter, 605. severity against
the church of England, 609. tolera
tion of Roman Catholics and Jews,
610. he winked at the royalist clergy,
616.

Cross in baptism objected to, 424.
Hampton Court, 508. objected | to,
661. alterations in the Liturgy, 1689,
807,
Crown, power of, in Scotland and Eng
land at the Reformation, 493.
Crucifix retained in the chapel of
Elizabeth, 408, a. used at the coro
nation of Charles I., 569.
Cup, denied to the laity in the twelfth
century, 17, c. given to them, 307.
See Communion.
Danes attack monasteries, 10, 23. in
corporated with the English, 12. re
store monasteries, 243.
Dangerfield, his plot, 722. condemned,
75,5, a.
Davenant, reprimanded for preaching
on predestination, 557. aUowed the
ordination of foreign Protestant
churches, 710, a.
Deacons, age of, when ordained, 435.
in the presbyterian church, 591.
Dead, see Prayer for the, 305.
Decalogue, Saxon, 18, a. introduced
into the communion service, 745,
a, 2.
Decimation of the royalists, 605.
Declaration prefixed to the Thirty-nine
Articles, 557. of CromweU against
the clergy of the church of England,
605, 609. of Charles IL, at Breda,
660. promised by Charles IL, 663.
abstract of, 665. of Charles II., for
toleration, 715. of liberty of con
science, 758. republished; to be read
in churches, 767-
Defender of the Faith, Heni-y declared,
157.
Delaune, re-ordination of, 710.
Depravity of the religious orders, 130,
202.
Dering, Sir E., bUl for destroying bi
shops, 573.
Desiderata in the Liturgy, 808.
Deuce, derivation of the word, 7, b.
Devonshire, risings in, 1549, 317.
Dioceses, division of, a civil enactment,
804.
Diplomacy, plan for a school for, 249.
Directory, 590.
Dirige of the King's Primer, contains
prayers for the dead, 741.
Discipline estabUshed at Frankfort,
367, b. objected to by the puritans,
423, 425. over the laity, desired by
many reformers ; principles of it ;
not to be desired, 426. established
by Baxter, 612. over the laity, 657.

638

INDEX.

real subject of dispute at the Re
storation, 671. question of, 677. and
govemment, their difference, 677-
clmrch over the laity, 678. pre
vented by the connexion between
church and state, 818.
Discussions, ecclesiastical ; the method
of carrying them on, 700.
Dispensations, promote perjury, 56.
profitable to Rome, 107. gi'anted by
Clement V. to Archbishop Reynolds,
107, b.
Dispensing power, 758.
Disputation in convocation, on tran
substantiation, 357. inutility of, 358.
held at Oxford, Cranmer, &c., 361.
in Westminster Abbey, 405. at the
Savoy conference, 673. inutUity of,
674. carried on before some of the
court, 451.
Dispute between the crown and church,
68, 69.
Dissenters, petition about them ; James
II. tries to balance them against the
high church, 764. sufferings of, 760.
the good conduct of, at the Revolu
tion, 771. little friendly feeUng to
wards them, 1689, 809.
Dissolution of monasteries, see Monas
teries.
Divorce of Catharine, 158. decisions
concerning, 162, 163. texts of Scrip
ture which bear on the, 165, a. of
Anne Boleyn, ground of, 203, a.
Doctrine, a Profitable and Necessary,
Bonner's, 369, a. See Erudition.
Dort, synod of, 520.
Douay Bible, 539.
Dress of the clergy, 422, a. 743, a. 9,
745, a, 9.
Dresses, ecclesiastical, disputed, 321,
414. Bucer wishes them changed,
322. of 1549, enjoined by the act of
uniformity, 416. opinions about, 418.
Dubritius & Illutus establish schools, 5.
Dudley, Guilford, married to Lady
Jane Gray, 333.
Dunbar, battle of, 602.
Dunstan, 12. Imposes a penance on
Edgar, 21. ejects the married clergy,
23.
Durham, see of, divided, 331. univer
sity there, 251, a.
Easter, Roman method of keeping,
adopted by Oswi, 7. derivation of
the word, 7, b.
Ecclesiastical courts separated from the
civil by William I., 52. error in
their composition, 307.

Ecclesiastical discipline of episcopacy
and presbytery, 593. See Presbyte
rian Government.
Ecclesiastical commission, court of;
established by James XL, 756. See
Commission.
Edinburgh, tumult about the Liturgy,
568.
Education, how best promoted, 251,252.
Edwai'd III. inquires what prefer
ments are in the hands of foreigners,
110.
Edward VI. comes to the throne 1547,
301. unwilling to sign the warrant
for burning Joan Bocher, 315. al
ways adverse to allowing the use of
the mass to Mary, 327, 334. his cha
ritable foundations, 332. leaves the
crown to Lady Jane Gray, 333. his
power of doing so, 351. under him
England became Protestant, 811.
Ejection of the Roman Catholic clergy,
407. of the nonconformist clergy,
704.
Election of ministers, 426.
Eleutherius, bishop of Rome, King
Lucius sends messengers to him, 3.
Elfric's homily against transubstanti
ation, 16. translated the Scriptures,
533.
Elizabeth confined for Wyat's rebel
lion, 359. saved by PhUip, 363. as
cends the throne, 401. prudence of
her conduct ; sends to Philip and
Rome ; Paul rejects her claim to the
throne ; her personal conduct con
ciliating, 402. crowned; entertains
scruples with regard to the name of
Supreme Head of the church, 403.
looks to her own interests, 404. her
injunctions, 406 temporizing spirit of,
408. retains a crucifix in her chapel,
408, a. presses conformity by writ^
ing to Parker, 416. very peremptory
about conformity, 420. pillaged the
church, 427, 429. unjust and unwise
in her proceedings as to church pro
perty ; her conduct compared to
that of Henry VIII. and Edward
VI. ; very selfish ; her reasons for
taking church property, 429. wishes
the bishops to act on her supremacy,
434. her skiU in repressing the grow
ing power of the commons, 435. ex
communicated by Pius v., 437. to
blame for not marrying, 439. per
secutions under, compared with
those during the reign of Mary,
444. injustice during her reign, 445.

INDEX.

639

the real author of severe measures,
446. silences Grindal, 447. her con
duct towards him impolitic and se
vere, 448. tried to suppress sermons,
449. prevents innovations in religion,
456. firmness of, 465, dislikes the
Lambeth Articles, 464, a. moderated
in her severity to the puritans by
age, 466. character of, 467. her
treatment of Roman Catholics and
puritans ; disliked sermons ; dis
liked married clergymen, 468, a. re
ligious; a great monarch, 469. her
death, 470. stops a biU concerning
subscription to the Articles, 1566 ;
allows it to pass, 1571 ; her wisdom
in so doing, 485. her prepossessions
about the doctrines of the church,487,
a. how she restrained the growing de
sire of freedom, 526. fostered ani
mosities in Scotland, 564 summary
of her reign, 813.
Eluanus and Medwinus sent by King
Lucius to Rome, 3.
Engagement imposed ; called the co
venant of the independents, 6i;6.
England, early converted to Christi
anity, 2.
Episcopacy, eai-ly established in Eng
land, 1. Wiclif's opinion of, not a
distinct order, 117. objected to, 425.
preserved by Cranmer, 340. argu
ment in favour of, 460. in Scotland,
564 disUked as an engine of state,
57 1 . disputes on, at Newcastle and
Newport, 596. on episcopal govern
ment, 695, a. Archbishop Usher's
plan of, 585, 662. how far objected
to, 661. saved at the Revolution by
the conduct of the bishops, 774. now
existing in Scotland, 804.
Episcopalians, object of the, at the Re
storation, 658.
Epistle and gospel allowed in English,
402.
Erasmus's Paraphrase to be set up in
churches, 305, and a.
Erastianism of the church of England,
336. introduced by the Reformation,
414.
Erastians ; Thomas Erastus, 588.
Errors, progress of, in the church of
England ; and introduced by degrees
from Rome, 24. in the church, how
far they destroy Christianity, and
the hopes of salvation; il ten
dency of, 25.
Erudition ; King's Book, 223. "doctrines
of it examined, 271, &c. points

wherein it is nearer to the clmrch of
England, than the Institution, 272, a.
wherein the Institution is thenearest,
283. Little progress had really been
made in the doctrines, 282. compared
with the Thirty-nine Articles, App.
B. 271, &c.
Essex, the earl of, his objects in the
war, 580.
Establishment, plan of an ecclesiastical,
sent to England, 7. monastic, useful
at first, 23. use of, as a political en
gine, 132. value of, 259.
Etbelbert, receives Augustin, 6.
Etlielwulph's gi'ant to the church, 1 0.
goes on a pilgrimage to Rome, 20.
Eusebius, quotation from, 2, a.
Ex officio, see Officio.
Exclusion of the Roman Catholics, no
want of toleration, 725.
Excommunication, an evil means of
coercion for discipline, 504. rarely
exercised by Baxter, 612.
Executions during the reign of Henry
VIII. veiy numerous, 227.
Exequies and masses, 277.
Exeter, the Jesuits' daystiU kept there,
317, a.
Exiles for religion, on their return dis
Uked the power exercised by the
bishops, 425.
Exorcisms; examined, 322. of the de
vil from the chUd, 743, a, 3.
Extempore prayer, the use of, de-
mended, 671. 672.
Extrame unction, see Unction.
Fagius placed at Cambridge, 314. his
bones burnt there, 373.
Fairfax, general, 580.
Family of love, 619.
Family prayer drawn up by authority,
808.
Fanaticism, cause of, 617.
Farmer, James II. orders the fellows
of Magdalen to elect him president,
761.
Fasting in Lent, 329. neglected among
Protestants, 414.
FeU, Samuel, dean of Christ Church,
opposes the parliamentary commis
sioners; Mrs., refuses to leave the
deanery, 600,
Fell, Dolben, and AUestrie, picture of,
616.
Fellows of colleges restored, 656.
Felton affixes the bull to the gates of
the bishop of London, 437.
Festivals, Christian, accommodated to
heathen feasts, 7.

640

INDEX.

Fifth-monarchy men, 619.
Fifths granted to the ejected clergy,598.
Fines, estates let on, 202, a.
Fire of London, 728.
First-fruits, or annates, 103. considered
as bribes, 103, b. 126, a. taken from
the pope, 164. history of, 201, a.
Fish, Simon, writes the Supplication of
the Beggars, 171.
Fish to be eaten on fast days, 1549, 312.
Fisher sent to the Tower, 167. death
and character, 169.
Fitzralph opposes the errors of Rome ;
caUed Armachanus, 108, b.
Five points of Perth, 565, a. See Dort
too.
Five mUe act, passed at Oxford, 714.
Fletcher, bishop of London, draws up
the Lambeth Articles, 463, a. mar
ries, 468, a.
Foreign churches established under
John a Lasco, 324. quit England, 354.
Foreign divines, opinion of, concerning
the dresses, 419.
Foreign reformed churches, the convo
cation wUl acknowledge no con
nexion with, 809.
Foreigners, holding prefeiinents in
England, 103. learned, aided the
Reformation, 314. received by Cran
mer, 324.
Forest bumt, 493.
Formularies of Faith, Henry VIII.,
271, a.
Fornication severely punished, 620.
Fox, Bishop, introduces Wolsey to
Hemy VIIL, 155.
Fox, G., founder of the Quakers, 618.
Francis, A., James II. orders a degree
of A. M. at Cambridge to be granted
him, 762.
Franciscans executed, 201.
Franlrfort, troubles at, 367.
Freewill, 275.
Friars, Wiclif an enemy to, 109. visit
Wiclif in his Ulness, 1 1 2.
Frith, John, burnt, 170. (See also Ap
pendix F.) assisted Tyndale in liis
translation, 534.
Fiy expelled from the house for being
a Socinian, 621.
Fugitives, many English, 354.
Fundamentals in reUgion, question
about, 610.
Gag, a, for the new Gospel, 552, a.
GaUican Liturgy, 5.
Galloway, his account of the Hampton
Court conference, 511,
Gardiner, Stephen, objects to the com

missions granted to the bishops, 201.
new line of poUcy adopted by, 214,
writes in favour of images, 302. im
prisoned, 306, 310. deprived of his
bishopric, 320. minister to Slary ;
his plans, 353. prevents Pole from
coming to England, 356. no friend
to mild measures, and pei-sonally
hostUe to the victims of persecution ;
his book republished, 365. disap
pointed at the effects of persecution,
366. death ; character ; he saves the
lives of Smith and Aseham, 368.
Garnett, powder plot, 514.
Gauden's petitions to CromweU in
favour of the clergy, 609, a.
Gaul, early connexion with the church
of England, 1. Christianity esta
blished in, 3.
Gaunt, Jlrs., burnt, 754.
Geneva, the service of, adopted by the
dissenting clergy, 1566, 432. trans
latiou of the Bible, 537.
Gentry, thanked for attending the
execution of heretics, 367.
Gerhard and his foUowers punished;
their opinions uncertain, 60.
Germanus comes to assist the British
church, 6.
Germany, reformation in, its effects on
England, 231.
Giffard, B , president of Magdalen col
lege, 761.
Giles' St. field. Lord Cobham executed
in, 124. disturbance there, 125.
Glasgow, general assembly at, 568.
Glastonbury Abbey founded by Joseph
of Arimathea, 2. church of fo
reigners placed there, 324.
Gloucester, see of, suppressed, 330.
Good works, idea of, among the Anglo-
Saxons, 26. in the Erudition, 275.
Grammar, prepared by convocation,
1661,701.
Gray, Lady Jane, declared heir to the
crown by Edward VL, 333, 351. ex
ecuted ; her character, 359.
Greathead opposes the power of Rome ;
esteems the pope antichrist, 65,
and a.
Greek church, custom of, with regard
to the marriage of the clergy, 22.
Greek literature patronized by Henry
VIIL, Wolsey, and Colet, 157.
Greenwood executed, 461.
Gregoiy I. sends Augustin into Eng
land, 6. sends reUcs to Augustin, 19.
Grindal, his opinion on the dresses,
418, liis treatment of Sampson, 422,

INDEX.

641

cautious in not adopting tho canons
of 1571, 434. offends Elizabeth by
giving directions about prophesy
ings ; his letter to EUzabeth ; con
fined to his palace, and silenced, 447.
his character, 448. remonstrates with
Elizabeth on her arbitrary conduct
as to ecclesiastical matters, 468.
GrostSte, 65, a.
Guiaies lost, 374.
Gunning one of the disputants, 1601,
673.
Gunpowder used by Wishart, 493, a.
Hacket represents our Saviour, 461.
Hackington, convent at, 61.
Hale, Sir BI., endeavours to convert
the declaration into an act of par-
Uament, 666.
Hales, Judge, refuses to sign the deed
in favour of Lady Jane Gray, 333.
imprisoned by Mary, 354.
HaU's, Bishop, Hard Jleasm-e, 574. he
and Laud drew up a form of prayer
for reconciUng apostates, 808.
Hall, G., preacher in London, 616.
HamUton, Patric, burnt, 493.
HamUton rescinds aU the acts about
the Liturgy, 568
Hampole's, or RoUe's translation, 533.
Hampton Court conference, never in
tended for a free discussion; held
for the sake of informing the king as
to the state of the question, 503. the
parties who composed it; confirma
tion ; absolution ; private baptism by
laics ; excommunication as a means
of coercion objected to, 504. objec
tions of Reynolds ; final persever
ance, 605. confirmation, never per
formed by a priest without a bishop ;
objection to the Thirty-nine Articles,
506. catechism ; Sabbath ; transla
tion of the Bible ; seditious and po
pish books ; lessons from the Apo
crypha, 507. cross in baptism ; ques
tions proposed ; surplice ; marriage
service ; churching of women ; pro
phesyings, 508. James pleases the
episcopalians ; their flattery ; his
opinion of the puritans ; his real su
periority, 609. Barlow's account of
the conference, 510. GaUoway's ac
count; the cause of the apparent
difference, 511.
Harding, I70.
Hartford, L., see Somerset.
Headships of colleges appointed by the
crown, 762.

Heath sent to prison, 319. treated
kindly by Elizabeth, 407.
Heber, Bishop, idea with regard to re
ordination, 710, a.
Helvetic confession not the source of
the Thirty-nine Articles, 483.
Henderson, his dispute with Charles
I. on episcopacy, 595.
Henry I. recalls Anselm ; the dispute
between them compromised, 55. sells
his preferment, 67.
Henry II. accepts the grant of Ireland
ft'om the pope, 57. violent about
Becket, 58. submits, 59.
Henry IV. grants power to the churcli,
121. joined by Lord CobLam, 123.
Henry V. tries to convince Lord Cob
ham, 123.
Henry VIII. supports the civil power,
152. Wolsey's influence over, 154.
spoilt by Wolsey ; his book against
Luther, 156. patronizes literature,
157. protests against his marriage
with Catharine ; fears the curse of
dying childless ; scruples not infused
by Longland ; entertained before his
love for Anne Boleyn, 158. supre
macy of, 163. hardly less arbitrary
than that of Rome, 172. refuses to
appear at Rome by proxy, 166. irri
tated by the clergy, 201. his object
in the dissolution of monasteries ;
gains little by it, 202. reconciled to
Mary, 203. marries Jane Seymour,
204. summoned to appear at Man
tua; rejects the summons ; Cardinal
Pole writes against him, 208, letter
to the bishops, 209. sits as judge on
Lambert, 215. angry with the Pro
testants for refusing him church pro
perty ; argues in favmrr of the Six
Articles, 217. his proclamations made
law, 218. maiTies Anne of Cleves,
219. maiTies Catharine Howard, 221.
his judicious speech about religion,
and persecuting conduct, 225. mar
ries Catharine Parr, 224. delivers
Cranmer, 226. character; ungrate
ful, well served, but'selfish ; naturally
a fine character, but spoilt ; an instru
ment in the hands of Providence,227,
228. the opinion of the German di
vines about his maiTiage alienated
him from them, 231. rapacity; always
poor ; chapters founded by ; he did
not begin the transfer of property
from one religious use to another,
248, a. plan of constracting harbouis,
2 T

642

INDEX.

249. leaves money for masses and
obits, 303. in his reign England
ceased to be popish, 81 1 .
Herbert's, Lord, observation on perse
cution, 221 .
Heresy,first punished, 60. laws against,
during the usurpation, 621.
Heretics, statute against, 113, b. de
hceretico comburendo, statute, 121.
Hern, Sir N,, his saying about dissen
ters, 716.
Heptarchy, when converted, 8, a. union
of, 10.
Hewett, 170.
Hichins, alias Tyndale, 534, b.
High Commission, see Commission.
Hocus-pocus, derivation of, 7, b.
Hodgkin, suffragan of Bedford, conse
crates Pai-ker, 409.
Holydays, law about, 329. objected to,
661,671, 672.
Holy water, 23.
Homilies, published 1540, 223. first
book of, published 1547, 305. Bon
ner's, 369, a. second book of, pub
lished ; history of their composition,
412, a.
Hooker, dispute with Travers, 454.
Hooper, scruples about the dresses,
321. comes before the council, 354.
burnt at Gloucester, 366.
Horne, pastor at Frankfort, 367, b.
Horsey, ChanceUor, compromise about,
152. coroner's verdict against, 153.
Hotchyn, alias Tyndale, 534, b.
Hough, elected president of Magdalen,
ejected by James II. , 761.
Howard, Catharine, married to Henry
VIIL, 221. executed, 222.
Humphrey, winked at, complies, 416.
Hunne dies in prison ; the coroner's
verdict of murder against the chan
cellor ; his body burnt, 152.
Jacomb, one of the disputants, 1661,
673.
James, St., tradition about, 2.
James I. succeeds quietly to the throne;
his answer about the church of
England, 501. anxious to learn the
real state of the church, 502. ob
servations about predestination ; re
proves Bancroft, 605. vehemence
against presbyteries, 508. pleases
the episcopalians ; their flattery ;
his opinion of the nonconformists ;
his superiority in the conference,
509. puts a stop to transfers of church
property to the crown ; disappoints
the papists and puritans, 513. founds

a coUege at Chelsea for controversial
divinity, 617. puts forth the Book of
Sports, 519. letter about preaching';
advice about the study of theology,
621, a. character of; a weak man;
the state tutor of Europe ; did not
keep his word, 523. his opinions of
government, 524. with high notions,
he preserved no power, and was
laughed at ; the victim of favourites ;
could not bear parliaments ; disliked
the presbytery for the same reason ;
his change of language about the
church of England ; his treatment
of Roman Catholics, 526. possessed
of little real reUgion ; all offices un
der him sold, 527. cruelty to here
tics, 518. his observations on the
Geneva Bible, 637. his management
about the bishops in Scotland, 564.
bribes the presbyterians, 666. sum
mary of his reign, 814.
James IL, as duke of York, excepted
from the biU against Roman Catho
lics, 720. cared not for religion, 723.
the pensioner of France, 732. acces
sion, 751. his education; his con-,
version political, .752. promises to
support the clmrch of England, 753.
levies duties without parhament ;
revenue settled on him ; cruelty of,
754. he was open in his attacks on
the constitution ; his real want of
religion, 755. prohibits preaching on
controverted points, 766. assumes
the power of dispensing with the
laws, 758. his conduct with regard
to the judges, 759. tries to balance
the dissenters and church, 754, 760.
his folly about Petre and Lord
Castlemain, 763. advised by the pope
and others to use, moderation, 764.
endeavours to change the laws, by
procuring a parhament favourable
to his own %aews, 765. he reUes on
the army, 766. obstinate, 771. at last
convinced of his error, aud endea
vours to retrace his steps, 772. asks
advice of the bishops, 773. finding
everything lost, he attempts to fly
into France, 775. his character, 776.
birth of his son instrumental in the
Revolution, 779.
Jane, Dr., author of the Oxford de
cree, 729. withdraws from the com
mission, 1689, 806. elected prolo
cutor, 809.
January 30th, observance of, 653. ser
vice, 750.

INDEX.

643

Idolatry ofthe church of Rome, 106.
Jeffreys rewarded by James II., 755.
at the head of the ecclesiastical com
mission, 757.
Jerusalem, pilgrimages of the English
to, 20.
Jesuits' day at Exeter, 317, a. their
dispute with the seculars, 462.
Jewel's Apology printed, 1562, 411.
opinion on the dresses, 418. pub
lishes the Thirty-nine Articles, 485,
487.
Jews,tol oration of, under Cromwell,6 1 0.
Ignorance ofthe clergy, 105, 157.
lUutus & Dubritius establish schools, 5.
Image worship, when introduced into
England ; before Alfred's time ; ob
servations on, 18, and b.
Images, Wiclif 's opinion of, 118. Pe-
cock's opinion of, 127. erudition,
277. destroyed, 302. abused by false
devotion ; to be taken down, 304.
removed, 308. abuse of, inquired
into, 408.
Immorality prevalent during the usur
pation, 616. in Charles II.'s reign,
733.
Impropriations a great evU, 250. plan
for transferring them to the cure,
452. feoffees of, dissolved, 556.
Independents, promote religious li
berty; tolerate aU except the church
of England and Roman Catholics,
607. propagation of the gospel in
Wales then- work, 608. they de
stroyed the existence of a ministry,
609, 614. the Triers, 609. strict in
admitting church members ; many
of them in Norfolk and Suffolk;
they publish a declaration of faith ;
caUed congregational churches ; their
govemment democratic, 6 1 4. church
government of, 588. tendency and
growth of, 689, 593. established in
Wales, 593. liberty of conscience
their object, 594. they demand to
leration, 664.
Indulgence, greater, might have been
shown to the nonconformists, 417.
Infallibility, papal, 282, a bar to all
discussion, 358, 405. leads to perse
cution, 443.
Infant baptism, a source of differences,
317. argument for, 460, f.
Inhibition sent to the bishops, 201.
Injunctions, put forth by Bonner, 223.
Edward VL, 304. of Elizabeth,
about the marriage of the clergy and
the supremacy, 406.

Injustice, common during the reign of
Elizabeth, in judicial trials, 445.
Innocent XI. advised moderation to
James II., 764.
Innovations iu religion stopped by Eli
zabeth, 456.
Innovators, danger of, at the Refonna
tion, 340.
Inquisition, steps tending towards es
tablishing, 365, 367.
Insecurity under Charles II., 722.
Institution, Bishops' Book, 213. See
Erudition, 271, &c.
Instrument of government, 603, b.
Interdict, England laid under an, 63.
Intolerance generally prevalent, 445.
a name for selfishness, 705.
Introit, what, 743, a.
Investitures, 54, a.
John excommunicated ; about to be
deposed by Philip of France, 62. he
submits, 63.
Johnson, Dr., prayed for his mother
when dead, 15.
Johnson, publishes an address to the
army, aud is punished, 766.
Joseph of Arimathea, founder of Glas
tonbury, 2.
Joye, G., alters Tyndale's translation,
534.
Ireland granted to Hen. II. by the pope,
57. war in ; Oliver Cromwell, 602.
Judges, James II.'s conduct about
them with regard to the dispensing
power, 759.
Jurisdiction, exclusive, of the clergy,
injurious, 102, 136.
.Jus divinum of presbytery, 589, 592.
episcopacy, 595.
Justification by faith, 275.
Juxon, made lord treasurer, 583.
Kent, the maid of, 167. Joan of, 316.
Kidder,Bishop,ejected,and conformed,
707.
Kidderminster, Baxter's ministry there,
611.
King, the power of, whUe a minor,
questioned, 318.
Kings, foreign, educated in England,
11. Saxon, visit Rome, 20. Book, 213.
Kneeling at the eucharist objected to,
6f;i, 671.
Knewstubbs at Hampton Court, 504,
509.
Knocking on the breast, 743, b, 10.
KuoUes hostUe to the bishops, 451.
Knox, conspicuous at Frankfort, 367.
comes to Scotland ; character, 495.
proceedings, harshness, 496.
2 T 2

644

INDEX.

Labourers, agricultural, too numerous
in Henry VIII.'s time, 257. out of
employment, 317.
Laity, Wiclif asserts their duty to take
away misused property from the
church, 116. chiefly instrumental
in bad appointments in the church,
259.
Lambert appeals to the king, is tried
and burnt, 215.
Lambeth, convent at, 61. Articles,
never the doctrine of the church of
England, 464, a. desired to be in
serted into the Thirty-nine, 505.
Langton, Stephen, appointed arch
bishop of Canterbury by the pope,
62. adverse to Magna Charta, 63.
A Lasco, superintendent of foreign
cliurches, 324.
Latimer resigns his see, 218. disputes
at Oxford, 361, App. F,
Latin service, 23.
Latitudinarians, 719.
Laud, question of the controverted
clause in the Thirty-nine Articles,
486, 488. urges the clergy to pro
mote forced loans ; his ideas of go
vernment, 553. his faiilts injured the
church, 555. offended at Richardson
for ordering a notice to be read in
church, 559. tries to benefit the
church hy advancing churchmen to
places in the state, 560, 585. m'ges
tlie Scotch bishops to be cautious that
their proceedings about the Liturgy
might be legal, 567. fond of cere
monies ; introduces them ; crucifix ;
consecration of churches, 569. frames
canons, 1640, 570. impolicy of, in
alienating moderate men, 571. dif
ficulty of drawing his character,
582. his character, 583. absurdity
of the charges of treason, 584. ac
cused of altering the Liturgy, 748.
he and HaU drew up a form of
prayer for reconciling apostates,
808, a. mistake of his administra
tion, 815.
Lawuey's joke about the marriage of
priests, 230, a.
Laws, ecclesiastical, reformation of,
330. discussed, 434. respecting mo
rality, 620. and justice perverted ;
Charles II., 722.
Lay fiefs a premium on war, 2 14.
Lay baptism, aUowed in the church of
England, 424, a. service altered to
exclude, 746, a.
Laymen held in-eferments, 303, a.

Lay patrons, simony of, 430.
Leases of colleges and hospitals con
firmed, 1660, 703.
Legates, papal, admitted by WUliam I.,
52. refused admittance into England
by Mary, 374,
Legate, B., burnt in Smithfield, 618.
Leicester, Lord, at the head of the
anti-episcopalians, 451. sent into the
Netherlands, 453.
Lent, derivation of the word, 7, b. fast
ing objected to, 671, 672, 807.
Letters of foreign divines about the
nonconformists, 718.
Lewis admitted not the power of Rome,
778.
Libels against the bishops, 458.
Liberty, civil, much mixed up with the
Reformation, 425. of conscience, de
claration of, 758. republished, to be
read in churches, 767-
Libraries destroyed at the dissolution
of monasteries, 256.
Licences of preaching not to be given,
521.
Lies published for history, 608, a.
Lights in churches, 23.
Lisle, Mrs., executed, 754.
Litany put forth in English, 224. not
used on Sundays, 741, 743, a. 744,
745, a.
Literature, progress of, promoted the
Reformation ; English Uterature, 157,
a. promoted by monasteries, 245.
Littleton, lord keeper, reads the pro
testation of the bishops, 573.
Liturgy, GaUican, brought into Eng
land, 5. new, 1548, moderation of,
309, 316. law about, 329. origin of,
341. Scotch, 564, 748, b. objected to
by the nonconformists, 661. answer
to objections, 662. answered, 673.
interruptions in the, objected to, 671,
672. points in, deemed sinful, 673.
review oi, 701. pubUshed just before
August 24th, 707. attempted altera
tion in, 806. points settled, 807. the
faUiu-e of the plan, 809. ajterations
in, why desirable, 810. See Common
Prayer.
Livings, augmentation of, 609. how
held under ecclesiastical bodies,
703, a.
Loans, forced, promoted by the clergy,
563.
Lollards, numerous, 120. name, 120, a.
proclamation against them; their
petition, 121. inveigh against the
wealth of the clergy, 134,

INDEX.

645

London clergy, generally comply, many
dissent, 416. importance attached to
their compliance, 422. ejected; form
separate congregations, 432. their
¦ addi-ess to James II, 753, a. 781.
Long parliament, 572.
Longland, Henrj^s confessor, accused
of infusing scruples into his mind
about the marriage with Catharine,
158.
Lord's Prayer, Creed, and Gospel, ex
plained to the people, 23.
Lord's Supper, kneeling at, 807.
Love, Mr., executed, 607.
Love, family of, 619.
Lucius, king, 3.
Luck, derivation of the word, 7, b.
Lupus, a French bishop, assists the
British church, 5.
Xuther, Henry's book against, 157.
Lutheran states, difficulty with regard
to, 214.
Lutheran doctrines of our church ; of
the Forty-two Articles ; and services,
341.
Magdalen coUege, dispute about the
-headship, 761.
Maid of Kent, the, 167.
Maine executed, 438.
Mainwaring fined, and then made a
bishop, 552.
Manchester, earl of, oppresses Cam
bridge, 599.
Mantua, council assembled at ; Henry
summoned to appear ; the convoca
tion and king reject the summons,
208.
.Margaret professorships, 1 69.
Marriage of Henry and Catharine dis
solved, 166. confirmed, 355.
Marriage of the clergy, 311, 329, 468,
a. attacked, and the married clergy
ejected, 360. rules concerning, 1550,
406, a.
Marriage made a civil contract, 622.
service, 508. confirmed at the Resto
ration, 653.
Martin Marprelate, a name given to
several books, 458.
Martyr, Peter, disputes at Oxford, 314.
his wife's bones buried in a dunghill,
373. consulted on the Liturgy, 745.
Martyrs, succession of, their examina
tions chiefly on transubstantiation
and submission to the church, 122,
130.
Mary, see Virgin Mary,
Mary objects to alterations during her
¦ brother's minority, 306. her mass is

stopped, 327, 334. succeeds to the
throne ; her religions opinions unfa
vourable to her!cause,351. proclaimed
queen"; she promises too much, 352.
supposed attachment to Cardinal
Pole, 356. punishes those whospread
reports about herself, 363. disap
pointment about her deUveiy, in
creases the persecution ; her notion
about it; neglected by her husband,
366. rebuilds the convent of Fran
ciscans, and gives up church lands
and tenths, 369. vindictive about
Cranmer, 370. converts Westminster
into a monastery ; destroys the docu
ments of former reigns, 372. refuses
admission to Peto, the papal legate,
into EngUcnd, 374. death of; charac
ter, 375. her severities had gone be
yond the wishes ofthe Roman Catho
Ucs, and her government had alien
ated the nation, 401. persecutions
during herreign compared with those
under Elizabeth, 444. summary of
her reign, 812.
Maiy, queen of Scots, an act for secu
rity of the queen's pei-son levelled
against her, 453. injustice of her
execution, 455.
Mass, beUeved by the Anglo-Saxons to
be a sacrifice for the quick and the
dead, 17. the meaning of the word,
17, a.
Masses and exequies, 277. Henry VIII.
leaves money for, 303. private, for
bidden, 307.
Massey, dean of Christ Church, a
Roman Catholic, 761.
Mathews, Tobie, writes the petition in
favour of Grindal, 447. at the Hamp
ton Court conference, 504.
Matthew's Bible, 535.
Matrimony, Wiclif's opinion about,
118. Erudition, 280.
Mazarine, Cardinal, afraid of Crom
weU, 604.
Mechanics ordained, 410.
Medwinus and Eluanus sent by King
Lucius to Rome, 3.
Melancthon's opinion of Wiclif, 119.
Henry VIII. anxious, that he should
come to England, 232. consulted by
Cranmer on a plan of Protestant
union, 324, a. invited to England and
consulted, 341.
Mendicant orders, 105.
Mew, bishop of Winchester, withdraws
from the commission, 1689, 800.
Midwives baptize, 424.

646

Mill burnt, 495.
Millenary petition, 502.
Ministers in Kent and Suffolk silenced ;
appeal to the council, 460.
Ministers, calling of, and election, 426.
Ministry, the, totally destroyed by the
independents, 608
Monasteries attacked by the Danes, 10.
restored by them,243. abuses in, 130.
Henry's object in their dissolution ;
Cranmer's ; all under 200/. per ann.
suppressed ; instructions given to
the visitors, 202, surrender of ; some
refounded, 209. new visitation of;
disorders discovered in some ; excep
tions, 21 1 . surrenders of ; smaU be
nefit to the crown, 212. act for sup
pressing, 218. dissolution of, 241, &c.
originally useful, 242. a premium on
peace, and practicaUy beneficial, 244.
promoted architecture, literature,
and trade, 245. by degrees they be
come less useful, 246. favoured by
the people ; why ? they admitted the
younger branches of great families,
fed the poor, and were good land
lords, 247. number of, founded in
each reign, 247, a. they would hardly
have been overthrown except by
violence; plans for employing the
wealth of them, 248, 249, 251. evils
arising at the time from the dissolu
tion of, 253, 255, 258. the property
ultimately fell into the hands of the
industrious, 254. property of, trans
ferred, 258. the transfer ultimately
beneficial, 259. property transferred
at the dissolution, equal to the pre
sent property of the church, 258, a.
destroyed in Scotland, 495.
Monastic establishments useful at first ;
favourable to civUization ; attacked
by the Danes, 23.
Monk, General, destroys the power of
the presbytery in Scotland, 607. de
ceived every one at the Restoration,
624.
Monks, origin of, 5, b. preferments
gi'anted to, a hinderance to the Re
formation, 303. in St. James's allowed
to wear their dresses, 764.
Money given to the bride, 743, a.
Monmouth, victory over, 754.
Montague attacked by the commons,
552.
MoraUty, laws respecting, 620.
Morals, dissolute, 1549, 317.
More, Sir Thomas, sent to the Tower,
167. death and character, 168.

Morley, his jest about Arminians, 557.
wishes for a comprehension, 715.
Mortmain, statute of, 66. impolicy of,
104.
Murderers and robbers subjected to the
civil courts, 151.
Music, church, objected to, 424.
Nag's-head consecration, 409. denied
by Morton, 623.
Nantes, edict of, James receives the
refugees, 778.
Nash, Thomas, his satirical writings
useful, 461.
Naylor severely pvmished, 621.
Necessaiy Doctrine and Erudition,
223
Nevill, Dr., sent to congratulate James,
601.
Nice, council of, 4. second, rejected by
the British church, 18. endeavours to
impose ceUbacy on the clergy, 22.
Nicholson, (see Lambert,) 215, a.
Nicodemus, Gospel of, 157.
Nismes, Protestants of, protected by
CromweU, 604.
Noel's Catechism published, 412.
Nonconformists, treatment of; they
were generally disliked, 704. how
they should have been treated, 705,
707. allowed no support from their
livings when ejected, 706. the man
ner of doing it cruel, 707- some had
never seen the Common Prayer tiU
they were called on to use it, 707-
causes of their iU-treatment, 708. the
people in fault rather than the king,
709. number ejected, 710. reUef of
the nonconformists attempted, 715.
faults of, 716. testimonies against
them; foreign letters, 718. adverse
to toleration, 724. not praiseworthy
for their opposition to Roman Catho
lics, 725. exerted themselves during
the plague, 714, 727. ministers in
jured by the fire of London ; they
opened meetings, 728. See Presby
terians.
Nonjurors, 801. subsequent conduct of,
803. continue the succession of
bishops, 803. principles on which
they acted, not to be justified, 804.
principles of their poUtical conduct,
805.
Non-residence objected to by the puri
tans, 423.
Non-resistance, doctrine of, prevalent,
729.
Norfolk, risings in, 1649, 317.
Northumberland, duke of, causes the

INDEX.

647

fall of Protector Somerset, 328. ob
tains the palatinate of Durham, 331.
persuades Edward VI. to set aside
Mary and Elizabeth, in favour of
Lady Jane Gray, 333. his unpopu
larity injures the cause of Lady Jane
Gray, 352.
Norwich, property of the church of, iu
danger; refounded, 488.
Number of those who were burnt, 374.
ejected, 710.
Nuncio of the pope received by James,
764.
Oates's, T., plot, 721. condemned to be
whipped, 755, a.
Oaths to the pope, Cranmer protests
against, 164. of priests did not bind
them to celibacy iu England, 350.
sanctity of, destroyed by the changes,
in England, 361. of aUegiance, 515.
the et ccBtera oath, 670. about the
covenant, 702, 706. of supremacy,
166, 403. supremacy and aUegiance,
William and Mary, 801. unneces-
sarUy imposed, 1689, 803. question
as to theutUity of, 802. See ex Officio
mero.
Obits, Henry VIII. leaves money for,
303.
Odo, 12.
OfBcei-s in the army, preachers, 693.
Offices of state held by the clergy,
136,583.
Officio mero. Articles ex, proposed to
clergymen ; of an inquisitorial na
ture, 451. many puritans refuse to
take the oath ; method of proceeding,
4.')8, a. James speaks in favour of it,
509.
Oldcastle, Sir John, see Cobham, Lord.
Oldcorn, powder plot, 514.
Opinions of WicUf, 115, &c.
Orange, prince of, solicited to invade
England, 772. never questions the
legitimacy of James's heir, 779.
Orders, see Religious Orders; seven
orders of the church of Rome, 22.
confusion concerning, 117. only two
mentioned in Scripture, 280. how
many in the primitive church; equi
vocation about the term, 460, b.
-Ordination of priests to offer mass for
the hving and the dead, 17. service,
319, 744. of inadequate persons, 410.
supposed to exist in the election of
the congregation, 426. Cartwright's
ideas about, 433. age of priests and
deacons ; regulations about, 435.
presby terian, discussed, 464,b. po w er

of, vested in the asseinbly, 589. form
of, in the directory, 590. by foreign
churches, 710, a.
Organs and church music objected to,
424.
Oriental literature flourished during
the usurpation, 616.
Origen, quotation from, 2, e.
Original sin, 275.
Orrery, Lord, he attempts a compre
hension, 715.
Osbolston, ill treated, 563.
Oswi adopts the Roman method of
keeping Easter, 7-
Overall, Bishop, his plan for re-ordain
ing, 710. drew up part of the Cate
chism, 746, a.
Outram, 728.
Oxford ; Gerhard and his followers
punished for heresy, 60. Wiclif's
opinions approved there, 111. he is
summoned before commissioners
there, 112. friendly to Wiclif ; gives
him letters testimonial, 120. erected
into a see, 218, a. disputations on
transubstantiation, 315. disputation
at; Cranmer, 361. P. Martyr's wife's
bones dug up, 373. sufferings of;
reasons against the covenant; Er
bury silences the presbyterian di^
vines there, 600. decree, 729. state
of, 1687, 761.
Pagit, Eusebius, iU treatment of, 459.
Pardons of the church of Rome, 106.
Pare, George Van, burnt, 1651, 315.
Parish, churches, 8. discipUne, Bax
ter's, 612.
Parishes, division into ; a civil enact
ment, 804.
Parker, M., publishes the Testimony
of Antiquity, 16. consecrated arch
bishop of Canterbury, 1559, 409.
EUzabeth writes to him pressing
conformity, 416. entertained doubts
as to the dresses, 418. his difficulties
in pressing conformity, 420. peremp-
toryin his treatment of Sampson and
other nonconformists; his excel
lences, 422. writes to Elizabeth on
the spoliation of the church, 429, a.
urges Grindal to adopt the canons of
1571, 434. how far he was the cause
of persecution is uncertain ; his cha
racter, and death, 446. prepares the
Articles for the convocation, 1562,
484. remodels them, 485, 487.
Parker, Mrs., called by her maiden
name, 468, a.
Parker, Samuel, bishop of Oxford,

648

elected president of Magdalen col
lege, 761.
Parliament; (see Ads of Parliament;)
present apetition in favour of reform
in the church, 1581, 448. members
sent to the Tower for innovating in
reUgion, 456. selfishness and tyranny
of, 580. long, oppression of, 598. the
kingdom disgusted with them, 603.
Roman Catholics prevented fromsit-
ting in, 720, 721.
Parliamentary religion, the church of
England, a, 336, 811.
Parr, Catharine, married to Hemy,
224. talks to the king on religious
subjects ; in danger, but escapes,226.
Parties for and against Reformation,
205.
Pascal IL, his Ul conduct about An
selm, 55.
Pascatius Radbertus, 16.
Passive obedience, doctrine of, preva
lent, 729. preached tiU the clergy had
to suffer for it, 781.
Pastoral Staff, 743, a. 9.
Patric, employed about the CoUects,
728, 807, c.
Paul, St.,possibly converted Englaud,2.
Paul's Cross, 353.
Paul IV. annuls the settlement about
church property, 364. refuses to ac
knowledge Elizabeth, 402.
Paul V. forbids Roman Catholics to
take the oath of aUegiance, 516.
Payment of officers in the army, 430, a.
Peachell, ejected from the vice-chan
cellorship at Cambridge, 762.
Pecock, promotes the Reformation by
excusing Romish errors, and analyz
ing what was innocent in them ; pro
moted to the sees of St. Asaph and
Chichester; deprived of his prefer
ments, 126. he offended by betraying
the weakness of Rome, by defending
it on its right ground ; images ; pil
grimages, 127. defends the supre
macy, and the religious orders, but
blames the abuses, 128. the Bible the
standard of his faith ; his opinions
similar to Wiclif's; a man of no
great talents, 129.
Peers, house of, the number of lay and
spiritual members, 129, a.
Pelagian heresy, 5.
Penal laws render the Roman Catho
Ucs favourable to the tyiunny of
James IL, 753. James tries to repeal
them, 759.
Penance and repentance confounded,

21, a. and confession, difference be
tween the churches of England and
Rome ; those generally imposed
among the Saxons ; commutation of,
21, a. or repentance ; sacramental
part, 279. See Absolution.
Penitents and apostates, a orm of
prayer for reconciling, 808.
Penruddock, rising of, 605.
Penry executed, 461.
Perjury, promoted by dispensations, 56.
prevalence of, and cause, 615.
Persecutions, early, St. Alban, 3. di
rected the attention of mankind to
the false doctrines of Rome, 136.
effects of, 173. Lord Herbert's ob
servation on, 221. question concern
ing, discussed, 365. disgust excited
by ; petition against ; Alphonsus
preaches against ; PhUip adverse to
persecution, 366. under Mary and
Elizabeth, 444. in England before
Luther, 491, a. James L, 518. of the
usurpation and Charles IL, 731. of
dissenters ; Charles II. ; arising from
the house of commons, 816.
Perseverance, final, discussed at Hamp
ton Court, 605.
Persons, comes to England, 438. much
to blame about the armada, 467.
Perth, assembly of; the five points,
565, a.
Peter, St., tradition about, 2.
Peter's pence, 103, c. re-demanded;
Wiclif declares them not to be due,
110.
Petitions presented against episcopacy;
the Millenary; its value, 502. of
rights, 584, a. of the nonconformists
to the Idng, 1660, 661. for peace, of
Baxter, 670. after the conference,
679. of the seven bishops, 768.
Peto, refused admission into England,
374.
Petre, Father, made privy councUlor,
763.
Philip, St., tradition about, 2.
Philip of France proceeds to depose
John, 63.
Philip of Spain sends money to Gar
diner to bribe off opponents, 356. he
saves Elizabeth, 363. adverse to per-
secutiou ; he neglects Mary, 366.
Pictures and images, when introduced;
decrees of second council of Nice, 18.
Pierson, one of the disputants, 1661,
673.
Pilgrimages to Jerusalem, early made
bythe EngUsh ; and to Rome; abuses

INDEX.

649

arising from ; penitential canons enact
them, 20. Wiclif's opinion of, 118.
Pecock's, 127. of grace, 209.
Pius V. excommunicates Elizabeth,
437.
Plague in London, 714. nonconformists
exerted themselves, 727.
Plans for employing the wealth of the
suppressed monasteries, 248. con
structing harbours; a school of
diplomacy, 249.
Plays, none acted during the usurpa
tion, 620,
Plots against the government, 721.
Charles IL, 722.
Ploughman, complaint of; notice of,
107, a.
Pocock, iU treatment of, 609, a.
Poinets. See Ponet.
Pole, Cardinal, WTites against Henry,
208. appointed legate ; idea of his
marrying Mary, 356. comes to Eng
land and reconcUes the kingdom to
the pope ; he alarms the holders of
church property, 364. a friend to
mUd measures, 365. evil reports sent
of him to Rome, by Gardiner, 368.
reforms the church ; intends to pub
lish the New Testament, and to esta
bhsh cathedral schools, 369. arch
bishop of Canterbury, 372. dismisses
several heretics, 373. persecuted by
Paid IV., but restored, 374. death
of; character, 375.
PoUce, moral, estabUshed by thechurch,
819.
PoUanus, Valerandus, 745, a. 1.
Ponet, defence of priests' maniage,
216, Catechism, 331.
Poor Laws, 436.
Poor priests, Wiclif's, 120.
Pope, the, grants Ireland to Henry II.,
57. appoints Stephen Langton arch
bishop of Canterbury, 62. taxes the
clergy, 103. many of them French
men ; offensive to England, 61, a.
laws against, 166.
Popery, political tendency of, 752.
Popham, A., at the Charter-house,
762.
Poverty of the church, 330, causes of,
410, 430.
Powder plot, 514.
Power, why given to the ministers of
the gospel, 131.
.Practice of prelates, 171.
Praemunire, statute of, 104, a.
i Prayers for the dead, early in use ; not
connected necessarUy with purga

tory, 15. altered, 305. examined, 322.
in the primers of Edward VI. and
Elizabeth, 741. addressed to saints
before Alfred's time ; Anglo-Saxon
church's opinion about, (see Lord's,)
18. bidding, 305, b. in Latin ; wisdom
of having the, an odd argument for,
310. for the sufferers under Mary,
forbidden, 374. common, used in
Scotland, (see Common^ 494. how
used during the usurpation, 615, a.
Bates says it was allowed, 610. the
nonconformists' objections to, 671.
form of, for the fifth of November,
&c., 750.
Praying for William and Mary, ob
jected to, 804.
Preacher, a, inveighs against the bill
which subjected aU robbers to the
civil power, 151.
Preachers, king's, appointed and sent
through the country to preach, 1551,
326. licensed, who are favourable to
the church of Rome, 354. in Oxford,
silenced for preaching on predesti
nation, 557-
Preaching forbidden, 223. on week
days, stopped, 323. James's letter
about, 621. on controverted points,
forbidden ; James IL, 756.
Predestination, a source of differences,
276, 317. disputes about, 367. con
troversy about, 463. Ilampton-com-t,
605. See Lambeth Articles.
Preferments, (see Appointments^ value
of, the cause of disputes, 133. and of
wrong appointments, 134. granted
to monks ; poverty of, a hinderance
to the Reformation, 303.
Presbyterians, few in the house of
commons at first, 671, a. tyrannical
over the laity, 587. why, 591, a.
established in London and Lanca
shire, 592. their church government,
587. divine right of, 689, 592. framed
by the assembly of divines, 591. re
publican, 593. ministers petition for
the king, 594, a. silenced by Erbury,
600. they wished to establish a
limited monarchy, 601. their pro
ceedings when in power; ejected by
the engagement ; abused the power
of the bishops, but loved the power
of the presbytery, 606. offended at
the execution of Mr. Love ; they
afterwards possessed no power ;
Monk destroys it iu Scotland, 6O7.
their government in the minister and
elders ; they publish directions about

650

INDEX.

catechising, 614. instnimental in the
Restoration, 650. who are meant by
the term ; republicans in the church,
651. difficulty arising from them at
the Restoration, 656. anxious for
parish discipline, 657. object of the,
at the Restoration ; the difficulty of
it, 659. their petition to the king,
objections to the church, 661. alter
the king's declaration, (see Savoy
Conference,) 664. after the conference
they present an address to the king,
675.
Presbytery admired by those who had
been exiles for religion, 425. first
estabUshed at Wandsworth, 446. at
tempt to introduce the, 452. how
introduced into England, 674, 580.
Price of a Bible, 534, a.
Prideaux, J. V. C, when the Articles
were published without the first
clause in the twentieth, 487.
Prideaux, H., formed great hopes of a
reform in the church, 808.
Priests, poor, Wiclif's, 120. age of,
when ordained, 436.
Priests and ministers, the term used
without iTole in the Rubrics, 748, a.
Primer, 224, a. 741, a.
Principles on which the nonjuring
bishops continued the succession,
804. of the Revolution, 805.
Printing, 157.
Printing-press of the Ubellers disco
vered, 458.
Priories, alien, dissolved, 1414, 248, a.
Prisoners at "Worcester sold for slaves,
607.
Proclamation to the clergy in favour of
reform, 207. about the celibacy of
the clergy ; Cranmer screened, 216.
against innovations, 308. Henry's
made equivalent to laws ; for print
ing the Bible, 218. in favom- of the
Bible, 222.
Profitable and Necessaiy Doctrine,
published by Bonner, 369, a.
Propaganda, Protestant, 604.
Propagation of the Gospelin Wales, 608.
Proparents, 671.
Property, church, Wiclif's opinion of,
116. confusion about, 116, a. why
granted to the church, 131. trans
ferred at the dissolution of monaste
ries, 258. not restored, 1564 ; Car
dinal Pole inveighs against this, and
Paul IV. annuls all the concessions,
364. principles of, 430, a, at the
Restoration, 703, a.

Prophesyings, what they were ; slopped
by the queen ; advantages of, 427.
in Norwich, stopped, 446. bishops
ordered to suppress them, 447. ob
jected to by James, 508.
Protestant Union of Faith proposed by
Cranmer, 324.
Protestantism, political tendency of,
752.
Provisions, papal, 1 03. statute against,
104. dispute about, compromised,
110.
Provision made for the ejected clergy,
598.
Provisors, statute of, 104.
Prynne punished, 562.
Psalm singing, 312. authority of the
Old Version, and history of, 312, a.
in the Prayer Book, taken from the
Great Bible, or Cranmer's, 536, a.
selections from, 1689, and new trans
lation, 807.
Purgatory, doctrine of, when invented ;
common to many reUgious ; prayers
for the dead not necessarUy con
nected with it ; traces of it among
the Anglo-Saxons ; popular notions
of it in the time of Bede and Alcuin,
15. first believed, and then made
profitable, 24. Wiclif's opinion of,
117. attacked, 170. the origin ofthe
wealth of the clergy, 229. examined,
248. Emdition, 277.
Puritans opposed the civil power, 421.
objections of, 423. intolerant, 445.
treatment of, 449, 459, 461. endea
vour to alter the govemment of the
church, 458. their plan of proceed
ing, 459. much to blame, yet treated
with severity, 466, 471. Ehzabeth's
treatment of, 468. points complained
of by them, 502. James's opinion of
them, 509. idea conveyed by the
name, 624. different parties compre
hended under the term, 527.
Quakers, name of, 618, b. compeUed to
take an oath, 713. sufferings of, 760.
Quare impedit, 1 1 0, a.
Quick and the dead, the mass a sacri
fice for, among the Anglo-Saxons, 17-
Rachell, Dr., ejected from the vice-
chancellorship of Cambridge, 762.
Rationale of the Roman Catholic ser
vice, 271, b.
Ratram, see Bertram.
Rebellion, northern, suppressed, 210.
hastens the suppression of monaste
ries, 211. Wyat's, caused by the
Spanish match, 359.

INDEX.

661

Recantation, feigned one of Wiclif,
112. of Lord Cobham, 124.
Reconciliation with Rome, 1554, 364.
Redemption, universality of, 276.
Reform, plans of, 452. only safe when
carried on by the upper ordere, 601.
Reformatio legum ecclesiasticarum, 330,
435, and a. the first chapters an
authorized expression of the mean-
- ing of the Thirty-nine Articles, 482.
Reformation, steps towards a, 137.
causes of, 151. promoted by the pro
gress of literature, 157. review of,
instruments who produced it, 174.
state of the, 1547, 229. in Germany,
its effects on England not consider
able dm-ing Henry's reign, 231. hin
dered by having monks put into
benefices, and poverty of the Uvings,
303. of ecclesiastical law, 330. affec
tions of the people towards the, 1553,
335. review of the benefits and e^als
arising from the, 413. poUtical cha
racter of, 442, in England, not hasty,
491, it had been long preparing, 492.
to be preferred to that in Scotland,
498. in Scotland, 491. rapid, 493.
established 1560, 495. general view
of, 497. a revolution in the church,
498. introduced discussion in church
and state, 525.
Reformed chui-ches too simple in their
ceremonies, 414.
Reformers, the, publish a statement of
then- belief, from prison, 362.
Regeneration, at baptism, 671, 672, b.
Relics, used in the consecration of
churches, 18. natural respect for
them ; sent by Gregory to Augustin,
19.
Religion, influence of, in forming the
army, 579. used by Cromwell, 582.
state of, during the usurpation, 611,
615.
Religious orders, Pecock defends the
variety of, 128. depravity of, 130.
Re-ordination objected to, 663. influ
ences many of the nonconformists,
710, and a. 464, b. form of, 807, c.
Repentance and penance confounded,
21. sacramental part of it, 276, 279.
Responses in the Liturgy objected to,
671, 672.
Restoration, causes of, 624. the pres
byterians negUgent in providing for
their safety at, 650. service for, 653.
summary of the history, 816.
-Revenues of the clergy lessened at the
Reformation by the loss of fees and

personal tithe, 250, a. of the sup
pressed monasteries, how they might
best have been applied, 251.
Revolution, progress of the, 722. was
it a political or religious struggle ?
780. principles of, 805.
Reynolds at the conference at Hampton
Court, 504, 505, 506, 507. accepts a
bishopric, 666.
Rhemes New Testament, 539.
Richardson, chief justice, suppresses
wakes, &c. 569.
Ridley, disputations in Cambridge, 316.
advises Hooper to comply, 321.
made bishop of London, 323. his as
sistance desired in the dispute in
convocation, 357. disputes at Oxford,
361. supposed to have assisted Cran
mer in framing the Thirty-nine
Articles, 482.
Rights, petition of, 584, a.
Ring, in marriage, 671.
Risings in Devon and Norfolk, 317.
Rites, diversity of, destroys not the
nuity of the church, 277.
Robbers and murderers subjected to
civil courts, 151.
Rogers, J., his assistance desired by
the Protestants disputing in convo
cation, 357. burnt in Smithfield, 366.
pubUshes Matthew's Bible, 535.
RoUe's translation of the Bible, 533.
Roman Catholics injured by the con
duct of Paul IV., 402. they attended
church early in Elizabeth's reign,
437. treatment of, 438. severity
caused by the ill conduct of their
own leaders, 439. treatment of, under
Elizabeth, discussed, 440. their con
duct alarmed Protestants, 468, a.
treatment of at the time of the ar
mada, 457. their cause cursed with
injudicious leaders ; some of the
clergy view the matter truly ; Bur
leigh's testimony in their favour,
457. in some measure the cause of
theii' owTi sufferings ; number who
suffered, 462, a. severe laws against,
515. punished, 1606, 516. a project
for tolerating them under Cromwell,
610. laws against them ; excluded
from parliament, 720. question about
them, 723. driven to support James
by the iutolerance of the Protest
ants, 753. in England have much
reason to complain at not having
bishops, 763, a. excluded from tole
ration, 806. not tolerated, nor Soci
nians, 8 17.

652

INDEX.

Rome, superiority of, over Saxon Eng
land, 9, a. errors of the church of,
generaUy those of human nature ;
debt due to, from Europe, 14. date
of their introduction into England,
1 5. pUgrimages to ; visited by many
of the Saxon kings, 20. influence of,
arose from the vices of the kings ;
interfered to support the just rights
of the church, 63. interferes with
the affairs of England, 61. power of,
64. Greathead opposes it, 65. growth
of the power of, 67. causes of it ; in
justice of the crown, 68, 70. political
abuses of the church, with regard to
England; attempts to Umit it, 102.
moral abuses, 105. doctrinal errors
of, idolatry, &c., 106. covetousness
of, Wiclif writes against the, 108.
WicUf opposes the temporal power
of, and the doctrines, 114. Pecock
excuses the errors of, 126. defends
them on the right ground, and so in
jures their defence, 127. misuses the
power gi-anted to her, 131. the power
of, a check to the crown, 132. step
ped in to defend the right of the
clergy to appoint their own superiors,
against the crown, 133. power of,
dependent on false doctrines ; 'and
attacked by the translation of the
Bible, 136. final rupture with, 106.
the religion of, never in the Bible,
172, a. the power of, thrown down
by opinion, as well as laws, 229.
Royalists, division among the, at the
Restoration ; eager for preferments,
655.
Roye, William,, assisted Tyndale, 534.
Rural deans promised ; their office,
665.
Russell, Lord, 722,
Sabbatarian controversy, 519,558.
Sabbath, strict observanceof it enjoined,
Edward VL, 304. how spent in the
days of Elizabeth, 519, a. laws about,
during the usurpation, 620.
Sacramentaries, 214, b.
Sacraments, seven, Wiclif's opinion
of, 118. Alesse argues against them,
205. a question of the name, rather
than the thing ; difference between
the different sacraments ; tliree most
necessary ; how the church of Eng
land views this, 278.
Sacraments to be administered by the
clergy, 460, f. of the Lord's Supper,
671.
Saints, invocation of, 18, 277.

Salisbury, services after the Use of,
the basis of the Common Prayer,
744.
Salvation through Christ alone, 276.
Sampson deprived, 416. intolerant,
445.
Sancroft urges chapters to augment
their livings, 703, a. attempts a com
prehension, 715. refuses _to act on
the ecclesiastical commission, 757.
conduct about the declaration, 768.
sent to the Tower, 769. publishes
admonitions to the other bishops ;
attempts a comprehension, 771. pre
sents a paper of advice to James II.,
773, a. draws up a service for 30th
of Januaiy, 750, b. transfers his au
thority to Lloyd, 803.
Sanctification, held by WicUf, 119.
Sanctuary, abuse ofj 103. benefit of,
243.
Sanderson carries on his ministry ;
method of using the Common Prayer,
616.
Sandys' opinion on the dresses, 418.
Sardica, council of, 4.
Saunders, L., bumt at Coventry, 366.
his letter to his wife, App. F.
Savoy conference ; the commission,
667. its failure owing to the nature
of the discussion, 700.
Sawtrey, WUUam, burnt, 122,
Saxons invade England, 6.
Saxon names of days and feasts, 7, b.
kings visit Rome, 20.
Scandalous ministers, committee of,
674.
Schism, hardly deemed a sin, 718.
Schools, early established in England,
5. estabUshed by Alfred for his son,
11. for diplomacy, plan for, 249.
cathedral, Pole intends to establish,
369.
Scotland; {see Liturgy, Scotch;) reior-
mation in, compared with that of
England, 491, 495. CromweU's war
in, 602. episcopacy now existing
there, 804.
Scotch cliurch write concerning the
dresses, 419.
Scory, consecrates Parker, 409.
Scriptures, Holy, the standai'd of faith,
in Wiclif's opinion, 1 1 6. Pecock's,
129. study of, 157. use of, 172, burn
ing of, 173.
Sea, Form of Prayer to be used at, 749,
Sects, during the Usurpation, 617.
Secular clergy, dispute with the Je
suits ; declare their loyalty, 402.

INDEX,

653

Sees, new, erected, 218, a.
Selden's Table Talk, 657, a. 675, b.
717, a. _
Self-denying ordinance, 580.
Seminaries estabUshed ; the oath taken
by the seminarists in Scotland, 438.
Separation of the church of England
from Rome, 165, 204, 403, 437. when
allowable, 718.
Sermons, written, 223. prohibited by
Mary, 354. prevalence of, injurious,
614.
Service, church, in Latin, 23. books,
old, destroyed, 1550, 319. at the end
of the Prayer Book, 750.
Severus, a French bishop, assists the
British church, 5.
Seymour, Jane, married to Henry
VIII., 204.
Seymour, Sir Thomas, admiral, exe
cuted, 313.
Shaftesbury, carries the exclusion bill
against Roman Catholics, 721. cai'es
Uttle for reUgion, 723.
Sharp preaches against popery, 757.
Shaxton, resigns his see, 218. con
demned to be bumt ; recants, 225.
Sheldon, makes an arrangement about
subsidies, 701, 705. saying about the
nonconformists, 731.
Shirt, see Saunders, L., Append. P.
Shrines destroyed, 212.
Sibthorpe, his sermon not licensed by
Abbot, 555.
Simon Zelotes, tradition about, 2.
Simoniacal contracts of patrons, 305,
410, 430.
Sinfulness of the impositions in the
Liturgy, 673.
Six Articles, act of, 217.
Skinner, bishop of Oxford, ordains
during the usurpation, 615.
Smalcalde, princes assembled there,
write to France and England ; Henry
answers them, and sends ambassa
dors, 232.
Smith challenges P. Martyr at Oxford,
313. he flies, 314.
Smith, Sir Thomas, his life saved by
Gardiner, 368.
Socinians ; severity against, 621. not
tolerated; nor Roman CathoUcs, 817-
Somerset, duke of, protector, 301. his
fall, 319. and character, 328.
South prayed pubUcly in Westmmster
school for Chai-les on the day of his
execution, 600.
Southworth, a Roman Catholic priest,
executed, 610.

Spanish match ; parliament petitions
against it, 356. creates a rebelhon,
359.
Sparkes, at the Hampton Court con
ference, 504.
Sparrow, one of the disputants, 1661,
673.
Spies, the papal officers are, 103.
Spoliation, stiU carried on, 1552, 330.
Sponsors, the answers made by, ob
jected to, 424.
Sports, Book of; disliked by the clergy,
519, 559.
Spratt, bishop of Rochester, on the
ecclesiastical commission, 757. reads
the declaration in Westminster Ab
bey, 768, b. withdraws from the
commission, 1 689, 806.
Standish, Dr., advocates the civil
power, 152.
Star-chamber, court of, 554, 575.
State of the country, 1640, 671.
Stephen increases the papal power by
his injustice ; summoned before the
bishop of Winchester, 56.
Stillingfleet, preaches, 728. reviewed
the CoUects, 807, c.
Strafford, Lord, injiistice of his death,
582.
Strasburg, service of the church at,
745, a. 1.
Straw, miracle of, 514.
Subscription to the Articles ; Umited
to those relating to faith and the sa^
craments, 485. dates from the canons
of 1604, 488.
Subsidy, what, 331, a. last, paid by the
clergy, how paid, 701.
Sudbury, S., summons WicUf before
him, 111.
Suffolk, men of, promise made to them
by Mary, 352.
Suffolk, duke of, executed for Wyat's
rebellion, 359.
Suffragan bishops, 662, a.
Summary of the history of the chm-ch
of England, 811.
Simderland, Lord, dishonest, 777-
Supererogation, works of, 276.
Superiority of Rome over Saxon Eng
land, 9.
Supphcation of beggars, by Fish,
171.
Supremacy, papal, Wiclif opposes the,
115. Pecock defends it, 128. of the
king, ill received by the clergy, 163.
oath of, 166. hardly less arbitraiy
than that of Rome, 172. Erudition,
281. the parliament miwilling to

6.54

give it up, 356. EUzabeth scruples
about the name ; oath of, 403. de
claration of Elizabeth concerning,
406. Roman CathoUc clergy ejected
by it, 407. oath of ; severe act of
parliament about, 412. oath of, 463,
a. established in England very arbi
trary, 625.
Surplice, question about, at Hampton
Court, 508. objected to, 661, 671.
use of, 1689, 807.
Surrender of monasteries, see Monas
teries.
Surrey, Lord, execution of, 227.
Sussex converted to Christianity, 8.
Swearing, laws against, 620.
Sword, " You have the word, but we
have the," 358.
Syrian churches, Alfred sends an em
bassy to, 11.
Taverner's Bible, 536.
Tax imposed by the pope on the clergy,
61, 103. by Edward I., 66. imposed
on the clergy by parliament, 701.
Taylor burnt at Hadley, 366.
Temporalities during a vacancy, 53, b.
See Property.
Tennison reviewed the Liturgy, 807, c.
Tenths and first fruits restored to the
crown, 404. augmentation of, 430, a.
Tenths and fifteenths, 331, a.
TertuUian, quotation from, 2, e. and 3.
Test act, 720.
Testimonials given by Oxford to Wic
lif, 120.
Tewkesbury burnt, 1 70.
Thanlcs given to the gentry for at
tending the execution of heretics,
367.
Theodore, archbishop of Canterbury, 8.
Theodoret, quotation from, 2, b, c.
Theology, study of, James's advice,
521, a.
Thirlby degrades Cranmer, 370.
Thorpe, William, examination of, 124.
Throgmorton, Sir N., the jury fined
for acquitting him, 359.
Tillotson, preaches, 1666, 728. exposed
to much obloquy, 804. reviewed the
Collects, 807. not elected prolocutor,
809.
Tithes mentioned before Ethelwulph's
grant to the church ; spoken of as
due by divine right, 10. personal,
430. not to be let by a non-resident
clergyman, 435.
Toleration established by Cromwell,
610. promised by Charles II. at
Breda, 660. little understood ; de

manded hy the anabaptists and inde
pendents, 664. Charles IL, declara
tion for, 715.
Toleration act, 806.
Tombs of the archbishops of Canter
bury, respect paid to ; dispute about
it, 19.
Tonstal, story of burning the New Tes
tament, 173. draws up an answer to
the Gei-man Protestants, 232. de
prived, 331.
Torture directed to be used, 367. used
at the powder plot, 514,
Tracy, his will, I70.
Trade promoted by monasteries, 245.
Traditions and ceremonies, 281.
Transfer, the, of property from one
religious use to another not begun
by Hemy VIIL, 248, a. to the
crown, made illegal, 513. injurious
when sudden, 656.
Translations formed by Alfred, 11. of
the Bible, 507, 531, &c. (see Bible.)
question of a new translation, 540.
new to be used, 671.
Transubstantiation, Waterland's his
tory of; not held by the Anglo-
Saxons, ) 6. first believed, and then
made profitable, 24. declared to be a
tenet of the cliurch of Rome, 63,
106. opposed by Wiclif, 112. Wic
lif 's opinion ; the fii-st decision about
in England, 119. the point on which
martyrs were examined, 122. Emdi
tion, 280. doctrine stated, 313. dis
putations on, at Oxford and Cam
bridge, 314. disputed on in convoca
tion, 357. the doctrine for which
the martyrs suffered, 444. declara
tion to be made against it, 720.
Travers, disputes with Hooker; ques
tion as to his ordination, 454.
Tremellius, placed at Cambridge, 314.
Triers, established by CromweU; used
politically, 609.
Trinity, correct faith in, among the
Anglo-Saxons, 26. doctrine of, in
the Erudition, 273. non-believers
in, excluded from toleration, 80S.
Troubles at Frankfort, 367, b.
Tunicles, 743, b, 9.
Turner, bishop of Ely, engaged in
Lord Preston's plot, 805.
Tyndale's translation of the New|Test.
534. burnt by Tonstal, 173.
Valor ecclesiasticus, history of the va
rious ones in England, 201, a.
question as to the right of the crown
to frame a new one, 756, a.

INDEX,

655

Vaudois relieved by Cromwell, 604.
Ubiquitarians, 313, a. article about,
341.
Udal translates Erasmus's Paraphrase,
205, a. executed, 461.
Verses, Bible divided into, 537, b.
Veysey, Dr., persuades Henry VIIL to
support the civil power, 152.
Vicars apostolic in England, 763, a.
Virgin Mary, worship of, 18. addresses
, to, 744.
Visitation of the church (see Monas
teries), 201. ecclesiastical, 1547, 304.
1549, 314. of the universities, 373.
Articles of, framed, 1661, 701.
Unction, extreme, 280.
Uniformity, act of, 405. compared with
that of Elizabeth, 702. discussed ; its
. policy, 703, &c. its justice, 706. per
secutions under it, 711.
Union,^^Protestant, planned by Cran
mer, 324, and a.
Universities, the question of the di
vorce referred to them, 1 63. alarmed
at the grant of chapels and chantries,
confirmed, 225. wanted in the north
of England, 251. visited, 373. sad
state of, 1569, 410, a. incorporated,
436. state of, 1603, 471. subjected to
the ecclesiastical commission, 757.
fii-st attacked by James II. ; state
of, 761.
Vorstius, James I . offended with him,
518.
Vows of chastity, a great snare, 116.
Usher's, Archbishop, episcopacy, 585,
662. intercedes with CromweU in
favour of the clergy, 609. allowed of
the ordination of foreign Protestant
churches, 7 1 0, a.
Usurpation, 601.
Utopians, the, aUowed not of persecu
tion, 168, a.
Wales, propagation of the gospel there,
593. independency established, 608.
Walker,. Obadiah, head of University
college, a Roman Catholic, 761.
Walton's account of the moraUty of
the usurpation, 615.
Wandsworth, presbytery at, 446, a.
War, civU, causes oij 575. abstract of,
678.
Ward, Bp., severe on the nonconform
ists, 731.
Warham, persecutions of, 1511,491, a.
Warwick, E. of, (duke of Northum
berland,) joins the reformers, 319.
See Northumberland.
Water, holy, 23.

Water to be mixed with the wine in
the sacrament ; baptismal, when con
secrated, 743, a.
Watson, the last of the Roman Ca
tholic bishops, 703, a.
Wealth, taken out of England to
Rome, 103. of the clergy, why the
reformers inveighed against it, 134,
137.
Wedding garment. See Shirt.
AVeederburn makes the alterations in
the Liturgy, 567.
Wentworth brings in ecclesiastical
bills, 435,
Westminster Abbey, disputation there,
1559, 405. School ; the boys prayed
for Charles on the day of his execu
tion, 600.
Weston, prolocutor of convocation,
357. his remark on the controversy
between the two parties, 358.
Whightman, burnt at Lichfield, 518.
Wliite's, Jeremy, list of sufferers, 760.
Whitgift's, Robert, observation about
the religious orders, 172, a.
Whitgift, Ai'chbishop, petitioned for
greater liberty about the dresses,
418. dispute with Cartwright, 433.
archbishop of Canterbury; strict in
enforcing uniformity; imposes the
three Articles, 450. holds disputa-
tions'at Lambeth before some mem
bers of the Court, 451. puts a stop to
plans of reform, 452. opposes the
appointment of Travers, 454. dis
covers a press, 458. determines the
predestinarian controversy by the
Lambeth Articles, 463. moderated
towards the puritans by age; pe
remptory ; his gentleness, 465, a.
sends letters to the suffragan bishops
concerning the state of the church,
502. makes preparations for the
Hampton Court conference, 503.
present there, 504. his expressions
about James, 509.
Whittingliam, at Frankfort, 367, b.
Wiclif, distinguished at Oxford ; writes
against the covetousness of the church
of Rome, 108. expeUed from the
wardenship of Canterbury Plall ; an
enemy to the friars ; disputes on the
aiTears claimed by the pope ; lec
tures, 109. called professor of divi
nity, why? 109, a. declares Peter's
pence not due to Rome ; offends the
pope and clergy, 110. brought be
fore S. Sudbury in St. Paul's ; his
doctrines ajiproved iu Oxford ;

656

INDEX.

brought before the archbishop at
Lambeth ; sends in a declaration of
his faith as to certain points, 111.
laboiu-s under a severe fever ; the
friars visit him ; translates the
Scriptures ; opposes transubstantia
tion ; summoned before commis
sioners in Oxford; leaves the uni
versity ; is reported to have recanted,
112. prepares his mind for martyr
dom ; dies of the 'palsy, 1 13. his
great learning, and good qualities; he
opposes the temporal power and doc
trines of Rome, 114. his opinions ;
adverse to the papal supremacy, 115.
asserts the duty of the laity to take
away church property if misused ;
celibacy ; the Holy Scriptures his
ultimate standard ; purgatory ; epi
scopacy not a distinct order, 116,
117. seven sacraments; baptism;
confirmation not confined to bishops ;
absolution and confession ; matri
mony; pilgrimages; images, 118.
opinion on transubstantiation ; he
held the doctrines of the atonement
and sanctification ; Melancthon's
opinion of Wiclif, 119. his poor
priests ; his doctrines promote dis
turbances ; Oxford friendly to him,
gives him letters testimonial, 120.
Lord Cobham maintains his opinions,
123, 124. Pecock's opinions resem
ble his, 129. his ^followers inveigh
against any temporal power in the
hands of the clergy, 135. attacked
the power of Rome by pointing out
her false doctrines, 136. foresaw the
final result of the struggle, 137.
translation of the Bible, 633. ques
tion of a previous translation, 533, b.
Wilfrid appeals to the pope, 8, 9.
Wilkins, Bp., attempts to frame a bill
for the relief of the nonconformists,
716.
WUUam I. possessed of fuU power over

the church ; subjects ecclesiastical
property to civil service ; ejects the
English clergy; admits papal legates ;
separates the civU and ecclesiastical
courts, 52.
WiUiam II. quarrels with Anselm, 53.
admits the authority of the pope,
and deceived by it, 64.
William and Mary assume the throne,
801.
Williams, Archbishop, iU-treated, 555.
Osbolston, 563.
Williams, Speaker, fined, 755, a.
Winchelsey opposed Edward I., 66.
Windsor, persecution at, 224.
Wine at the sacrament to be mixed
with water, 743, a.
Wirtemburg Confession, articles taken
from, among the Thirty-nine, 485, a.
Wishart burnt, 493.
Wives who animated their husbands
to suffer martyi'dom. See Append. F.
Wolsey, 154. Fox introduces him to
Henry ; his rise ; influence over
Henry ; his honesty, 165. spoUs
Henry ; his qualities and faults, 156.
patronizes literature ; his college ;
saw the need of reforming, 157, f-
accused of insinuating scruples to
Henry by means of Longland, 158.
his faU ; unjustly treated, 160. sub
mits ; goes to York ; dies ; character
of, 161.
Worcester-house, meeting there, 1660,
664.
Word, " You have the, but we have
the sword," 358.
Works before Justification, 275.
Wriothesley, ChanceUor, tortures A.
Askew, 225. loses his influence, 301.
dies, 319.
Wryght, a priest at Douay, writes in
favour of obedience to Elizabeth,
457.
Wyat, Sir Thomas, 359.
Yule, origin of the name, 7, b.

THE END.

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An INDEX to BUTLER'S ANALOGY, prepared
by Dr. Bentham, Reg. Prof, of Divinity at Oxford, corrected by Bishop
Butler, and now adapted to the early and the Oxford editions. By Rev. T.
BARTLETT, M.A., Author of the Life of Bishop Butler. 2s. 6d.

The WORKS of DOCTOR DONNE, Dean of St.
Paul's in the time of James I. and Charles I. With a Memoir. By HENRY
ALFORD, M.A., late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. Six Volumes,
Octavo, with a fine Portrait. 31. 12s.
We cannot forbear repeating Mr. Coleridge's question, " 'Why are not Donne's
Volumes of Sermons reprinted at Oxford?" Surely the character of some of his
juvenile poems cannot be the reason. Donne's Life is placed in a cheap form in the
Catalogue of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, and deservedly so, in
every respect. 'Why does 0.\ford allow one hundred and thirty Sermons of the
greatest preacher, at least of the seventeenth century — the admired of all hearers, to
remain all but totally unknown to tiie Students in Divinity of the Church of England,
and to the literary world in- general ? Quarterly Review, vol. Lix. p. 6.

, PUBLISHED BY JOHN W. PARKER.

A JOURNAL of CLASSICAL, LITERATURE.
The first Number will appear early in 1843, and he continued Quarterly.
Communications may be addressed to the care of Mr, Parker, West Strand.

A CLASSICAL LEXICON, for the Use of Students,
containing an Account of all the Proper Names, Mythological, Historical, and
Geographical, that occur in the Principal Writers of Greece and Rome. By
LEONHARD SCHMITZ, Ph.D., late of the University of Bonn.
Several years have elapsed since this Work was first projected by » learned
foreigner, and announced by the present publisher, but from an earnest desire to render
it both correct and complete, its appearance has been from time to time deferred. The
main difficulties have, however, at length been overcome, and such arrangemeuts mads
with Dr. Schniitz as will ensure its publication at the earliest possible period.

The PUBLIC ECONOMY of ATHENS, hy
PROFKSSOR BOECKH, of Berlin. Translated from the German by G.
CORNEWALL LEWIS, Esq., A.M., late Student of Christ Church, one of
the Translators of Mulleb's Dorians. New Edition, Revised, Octavo, 18s.

A HISTORY of the ROMAN CONSTITUTION,
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WALTER, of Bonn. Translated from the Geiman by LEONHARD
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GALLUS; or, ROMAN SCENES of the AGE of
AUGUSTUS: illustr.-itive of the Manners and Customs of the Romans;
from the German of PROFESSOR BECKER, of Leipsic. In the Press.
Also,
CHARICLES; or, Illustrations of the PRIVATE
LIFE and MANNERS of the GREEKS. From the German of PROFESSOR
BECKER. To follow the publication of GALLUS.

PINDAR'S EPINICIAN ODES, and the FRAG
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Copious Notes and Indices, by the Rev. JOHN WM. DONALDSON, M.A,,
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By the Same,
The NEW CRATYLUS; or, Contributions to'wards
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NEW WORKS AND NEW EDITIONS,

The SPEECHES of DEMOSTHENES, against
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ARUNDINES CAMI, sive Musarum Cantabrigien-
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The BOOK of PSALMS, newly Translated from
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The MISSION of the COMFORTER, and other
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CHRISTMAS DAY, and other SERMONS; by
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II.
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The CHURCHMAN'S GUIDE; a Copious Index of
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INSTRUCTIONS for READING the LITURGY-
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PUBLISHED BY JOHN W. PARKER.

On the NATURE of THUNDER STORMS, and on
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LECTURES on the PRINCIPLES and PRACTICE
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The PHYSIOLOGICAL ANATOMY, and PHYSI
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On the SANATIVE INFLUENCE of the CLI
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ESSAYS on NERVOUS DISEASES, by R. B.
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The NERVOUS SYSTEM, and its FUNCTIONS.
By HERBERT MAYO, F.R.S, Post Octavo, 6s. 6d.
A MANUAL of CHEMISTRY; the Fifth Edition,
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of Her Majesty's Mint ; Professor of Chemistry at the Royal Institution, 35s.
II.
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A SYSTEM of LOGIC, Ratiocinative and Inductive;
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the Press,
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The PHILOSOPHY of the INDUCTIVE SCI
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POPULAR PHYSIOLOGY ; familiar Explanations
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The UNDULATORY THEORY, as applied to the
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ARCHITECTURAL NOTES ON GERMAN
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The HISTORY of HOLLAND, from the beginning
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RECOLLECTIONS of SIBERIA, in the Years
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The WAR in SYRIA, by SIR CHARLES
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RAMBLES and RESEARCHES in SAXONY,
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SALOPIA ANTIQUA; an Enquiry from Personal
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PRINCIPLES of ENGLISH UNIVERSITY EDU
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On the DIFFERENTIAL and INTEGRAL CAL
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WOMAN'S MISSION. ' The Tenth Edition. 2s. 6d.

WOMAN'S RIGHTS and DUTIES, considered
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RECREATIONS in CHEMISTRY. By THOMAS
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The STUDENT'S MANUAL of ANCIENT HIS-
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The CIVIL HISTORY of the JEWS, from Joshua
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12 NEW WORKS AND NEW EDITIONS,

The LIFE of SIR ASTLEY COOPER, Bart, from
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The LIFE of ISAAC MILNER, Dean of Carlisle;
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The LIFE of ARCHBISHOP SANCROFT, to which
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The LIFE of BISHOP BUTLER, the Author of
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Canterbury Cathedral. Octavo, with Portrait. 12s.

The LIFE and SERVICES of GENERAL LORD
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of Madras. Octavo, with Portrait, &c. 13s.

The LIFE of SIR WILLIAM JONES. By LORD
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LIVES of ENGLISH SACRED POETS, from
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LIVES of EMINENT CHRISTIANS, by the Rev.
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Bishop Ridley, Bishop Hall, and Robert Boyle. '
The FOURTH VOLUME, {in the Press), will contain, JOHN BRADFORD
ARCHBISHOP GRINDAL, aud JUDGE HALE. '

PUBLISHED BY JOHN W, PARKER, 13

POPULAR BIOGRAPHY, a Series of Histories
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the Subject of the Memoir was connected. In the Press.
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THE WRITING DESK ; or, the PHILOSOPHY
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The HANDMAID; or, the Pursuits of Literature
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Author of An Estimate of the Human Mind. 4s,

GEMS of SACRED LITERATURE; a Series of
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NATIONAL PROVERBS, in the principal Lan-
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The LITTLE BRACKEN BURNERS, a Tale; and
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14 NEW WORKS AND NEW EDITIONS.

d Comprehensive Digest of the Civil and Natural History, Geography, Sta
tistics, and General Literary Information, connected with the Sacred Writings;
illustrated by Several Hundred Cuts.
Published Monthly, and to be completed in Thirty Parts, (of which
Twenty-eight are out) forming two Volumes, the first of which may now he
had, price 25s. The concluding Volume wiU he ready in January, 1843.

MiUt Mm ;
a Series of New and Accurate Maps, constructed on the best Authorities, and
verified by coUation with the Discoveries of Modem Traveller^; forming a
complete Historical and Descriptive Atlas of Scripture Geooraphy. By
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Original d?amilg Strmong,
Contributed by upwards of One Hundred and Fifty Cotemporary Divines of
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The two following Classes are already published, knd others of the Series
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MINUTES of the COMMITTEE of COUNCIL on
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Untin tiii Sanction of ti)e CommttUe ol Council on Cttucatton.

WILHEM'S METHOD OF TEACHING SINGING ADAPTED
TO ENGLISH USE B Y JOHN HULLAH.

The Manual. Parts I. and II.,
2s. 6(£. each ; or the Two Parts bound together
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taining the Exercises and Figures in bold
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MULHAUSEKS METHOD OF TEACHING WRITING,
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PART MUSIC, edited hy JOHN HULLAH;
Published Monthly in Classes suited to various qualities of Voice, and each of
the Monthly Numbers containing an equal portion of Sacred and of Secular
Pieces. Class A. is for Four Voices (Soprano, Alto, Tenor, and Bass). This Class is
published in Score, at 2s. Gd. per Numbeiv.and each of the Separate Voice Parts
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of which Volumes njajr be had'liandsomely bound, at 9s. per Volume, and
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Class B. contains Musio in Score, for the Voices of Women and Children.
Class C, consists of Music in Score for the Voices of Men.
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SACRED MINSTRELSY ; a Collection of Sacred
Music from the Finest Works of the Great Masters, British and Foreign ;
arranged as Solos, and Concerted Pieces, for Private Performance, with
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THE ROYAL PROGRESS in SCOTLAND. Mr.
Thomas Constable, Printer to the Queen in Edinburgh, liaving received
Her Majesty's Authority to publish a MEMORIAL of the ROYAL PRO
GRESS in SCOTLAND, is preparing for publication an authentic and
detailed account of the late Gracious Visit to Scotland, to be Dedicated, by
permission, to Her Most Gracious Majesty and His Royal Highness Prince
Albert. The literary department has been undertaken by Sir THOMAS
DICK LAUDER, Bart.
The Work will be handsomely printed in Quarto, and will contain
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Residences which have been honoured by the presence of Her Majesty,
together with delineations of all interesting scenes, ceremonial and picturesque,
to which the Royal Visit has given rise. The price of the Volume will be Two
Guineas, and there will be a limited number of Copies printed on Large Paper,
with Proof Impressions of the Plates, price Four Guineas.
London : JOHN W. PARKER, Publisher, West Strand.

YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

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