YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Bought with the income of the ANN S. FARNAM FUND J' fjb^rfiq * firutft THE CHURCH REVIVAL THOUGHTS THEREON AND REMINISCENCES BY S. BARING-GOULD, MA. AUTHOR OF " THE TRAGEDY OP THE OSSARS," ETO. " Ecclesia videtur sicut luna dencere, sed non deficit ; obvunbrari potest, deficere non potest" S. Ambrose, Hex. IV. 2 J WITH EIQHTEEN ILLUSTRATIONS METHUEN & GO. LTD. 36 ESSEX STREET W.G. LONDON First Published in 1914 TO TWO FRIENDS OF MY OWN GENERATION: THE REV. J. T. FOWLER, HON. CANON OF DURHAM AND HEBREW LECTURER TO THE UNIVERSITY OF DURHAM, M.A., HON. D.C.L., F.S.A. J AND THE REV. J. M. GATRILL, LATE VICAR OF ALL SAINTS', STANWAY PREFACE I HAD no intention, in writing my Reminiscences, and Thoughts on the Church Revival, of having them pub lished before my death. When this appears I shall be in my eighty-first year, and I have passed through many ex periences during the second stage of the Church Revival. Memoirs and Recollections have been issued from the press relative to the first, or Tractarian stage, but none, so far as I can learn, that concerns the second epoch, that termed, first, Puseyite and then Ritualistic, except detached Biographies, and records concerning particular churches.1 I say that I did not desire to publish, but leave my MS. to appear later, because I was reluctant to hurt the feehngs of sons and grandsons of some of whom I have had to say hard words. But I have been strongly urged to produce the work at once, because of late there has been a recrudescence of seces sions to Rome of young clergy, impatient at the slow progress of the movement — above all at the favour shown to, and the advancement made to responsible positions in the Church, of men whose grasp on the fundamentals of the Christian faith is more than doubtful. In this book I desire especially to show the younger clergy that the trials and discouragements through which loyally- minded Churchmen had to pass formerly were far more serious than any which they are called upon to endure at the present day. If I have had to deal somewhat severely with the Bishops of the Victorian period, it must be borne in mind that they laid themselves out for condemnation. When one looks back on the 1 I must, however, except Mr. Overton's excellent book, The Anglican Revival (London, 1897). It is, however, very brief, and more than half is devoted to the Tractarian movement. vii viii THE CHURCH REVIVAL hearts they broke, the hopes they extinguished, the bitterness of soul they engendered, the wreckage they wrought in the Church of England, wheresoever work was being done for God not exactly after the pattern with which they were familiar and in the fashion that they approved, and how they were able to throw a bomb and thrust in a torch to destroy loyal work, then the fire kindles and one speaks with the tongue. That they did not understand the movement towards fuller doctrine and more reverent ceremonial may well and readily be conceded, but that which cannot be excused is where they endeavoured to hinder or wholly prevent the Church from recovering her voice in Convocation, and in Synodal action, in a word from recovering her vitality, and also for obstructing the commissioning of Bishops to act as heads of Missions beyond the bounds of our Colonies, and for endeavouring to rivet on them the chains of the Royal Supremacy and the Judgments of the Court of the Privy Council. A friend once showed an old Turk an engraving of Noah's sacrifice, highly idealised. The Ark, looking like a mastless old three-decker battleship, was in the background, and the elephants, giraffes, lions, tigers and lambs were represented walking lovingly in conjunction out of the sally-port, like a lady's seminary taking a constitutional. " Ah ! " said the old Turk, " if only we had a photograph of it as it really was ! " In the future, maybe, we shall have the Victorian archbishops and bishops idealised, delineated like apostles in stained glass with haloes about their heads. I see from an article in the Dictionary of National Biography that the halo is beginning to form even about Archbishop Thomson. Already Bishops Sumner, Bickersteth, Thorold, etc., have undergone beatifica tion at the hands of admiring but uncritical biographers. I have ventured to sketch some of these men. I do not for a moment mean to imply that they did not act conscientiously. I believe that Annas and Caiaphas were sincerely conscientious men. Only they knew not what they did. That is their excuse. I find that among the younger clergy there is a growing impatience at the galling link between Church and State, and the impotence in which the Church is placed to select her own officers and manage her own affairs ; and there is a readiness to accept Disestablishment at almost any price. I do not wonder at it. From the time of the English Revolu tion, insult and outrage have been assiduously offered to the PREFACE ix Church, and every effort has been made to depress and cripple her, and force her to work as her taskmaster orders, in chains, and with the irons eating into her very soul. One of our present bishops is reported to have said : " When I travel I always get into a carriage in the middle of the train, and I take a middle compartment, and plant myself in the middle seat, and trust the rest to Providence." This represents precisely the policy of a great many — not all — of our prelates. They do not want to lead, they do not want either to come in at the tail, but to occupy a position that exposes them to no danger or discomfort. What they look for is to be safe — safe in the middle compartment, with a buffer on each side, so that whatever might befall the train in which they travel — the Church of the Land — they personally will not suffer. In the first two chapters I have endeavoured to trace the history of the parties in the Church to their sources, and to show how that Puritanism was a foreign element introduced into England. I have endeavoured also to show how that the Church has been like a cask half-full of generous wine, into which the State, like a dishonest host, has poured so as to fill the cask the water of Latitudiriarianism charged with evil, as much as it would hold ; and how that the Church movement has been the fermentation of the noble liquor, endeavouring to clear itself of its impurities. As a history of the Church in the Victorian age, my Reminis cences will not serve. They are rather a collection of disjointed notes on various matters connected with the movement, than anything of the nature of a consecutive history. I have dealt mainly with such events as came under my own immediate notice or with which close friends had been associated. Here and there I have incorporated into the text passages from articles I had contributed to the Guardian. I have ventured also to reproduce certain caricatures that appeared at intervals, also satirical verses that circulated, some in print, and some in MS. ; moreover I have given the texts applied by the late Dr. Littledale to the Victorian Bishops. All these items, trivial and even flippant, deserve preservation as illustrative of the feehngs and passions excited on one side as on the other by the Church Revival ; and such in a few years would be difficult, almost impossible to recover ; and this must serve as my apology for their introduction. I may, like Autolicus, be a snapper up of unconsidered trifles, but it is precisely these x THE CHURCH REVIVAL trifles that tell most of the temper of the times when they were cast aside. Vive-, vale : si quid novisti rectius istis, Candidus imperii ; si non, his utere mecum. I have to thank three old friends, of the same age as myself, for their advice in the compilation of this book, and for having read it over in MS. They are not, however, to be held responsible for my statements, censures, or opinions. I must also thank several laymen and clergy who have furnished me with details relative to the imprisonment of clergy under the P.W.R. Act. Also Mr. Mowbray, for kindly permitting the reproduction of one of the plates of Deformation and Reformation, drawn by his father in the forties. S. Baring-Gould Lew Trenchard, Devon. ERRATA Page 2, line 16. For S. Paul's read Canterbury. 5, ,, \o from bottom. For ten read twenty. 44> D 3> 7- •'*'<"' Rene raw" Rene. 204, ,, 19. Delete , and. 326, note I. For Pullen (F. M.), read Puller (F. W.) 327, ,, 2. For Pullen read Puller. 333, line 9 from bottom. For unintelligibly read unintelligently. 344, „ 22. For 1833 read 1883. 352, „ 6-7 from bottom. For thirty-seven read forty. 366, ,, 7 from bottom. I'or Archiepiscopariim read Archiepiscoporum. 370, end of note. Add See C.Q.R. xvii. 313. 370, line 10. For Bethoron read Bethhoron. 400, second column at bottom. Omit and Dismissal. CONTENTS CHAPTER I THE SWAMPING OF THE CHURCH 1547 — 1660 A survey of the history from the death of Henry VIII — Edward VI — The First Prayer Book — Protector Somerset and the Council — Influx of foreigners — Revision of the Prayer Book — The unpopularity of the Reform — Tyndale's Bible — The Homilies — Insurrection — Preaching forbidden — Censorship of the Press — Foreign reformers in England — Reformers on the Continent — Their advice solicited and tendered — The Second Prayer Book — Accession of Mary — Ejection of married incumbents — Death of Mary and accession of Elizabeth — Return of the exiles — Inundation of foreigners — The Prayer Book of Elizabeth — Peter Martyr's advice — Foreigners' advice still sought — Puritan demands — The XXXIX Articles — Oath of Supremacy — Visitation of England — Small number of clergy ejected — Most of Marian priests remained in their cures — Little outward difference in the conduct of worship — Confusion — Encouragement of Puritan clergy — Unworthy Bishops— Difference between condition of the Church under Elizabeth from what it was under Edward — Emmanuel College — Two currents between the same banks — The turn of the tide — Bancroft, Jewel and Hooker — Differences of use — Contrasts — Iceland 1 — Abuses — The lectureships — Encouragement given to Puritans — Attempts to restrain them — The classes — Prophesyings — Millenary petition — Pre sentations of clergy by churchwardens — Petition of February, 1640 — Appointment of committees — Ejection of clergy — in Monmouthshire — in Devon — Religious anarchy — Devastation of churches — The Directory — Destruction of organs — Conformists — The Covenant — Presbyterianism established — Independency — The Tryers — Severity towards the deprived clergy — Reykjahlid Church pp. 1-27 CHAPTER II THE SWAMPING OF THE CHURCH (continued) FROM 1660 ONWARDS The Restoration of 1660 — Pepys — Savoy Conference, 1661- — Black Bartholomew — Number of those ejected and of conformists — Difficulties of the bishops — Conformists did well for themselves — Conceived prayers — Dean Granville — Test Act — Neglect of order not due solely to the con- xi xii THE CHURCH REVIVAL formists — Ejections in Cumberland and Westmorland — Restoration- Revolution — William III and his Bishops — Commission of 1689 — Lower House of Convocation refuses all modification of the Prayer Book — Sub serviency of the Bishops— Reign of Queen Anne — Influx of foreign Cal- vinists — Favoured with deaneries, canonries and livings — Ennoblement of Huguenots — The Channel Islands — Invasion from Switzerland — Calvinists from the Palatinate — Influx of Scotchmen — Invasion of the Church by them — and by Irish Protestants — Submergence of the English Church. pp. 28-49 CHAPTER III A REMNANT Livings in private patronage — Orthodox clergy regarded with suspicion — Convocation silenced in 1717 — No preferments for the Orthodox clergy — They were to be found in country livings — The Church waterlogged — A blank in Church history — Character of the Hanoverian Bishops — Two elements in the Church — The Taliacotian process applied to her — The squatters — Foreigners in the ministry — The Church not radically corrupted — The Cagots — Faithful clergy remained — The thread of Catholicity unbroken — The Catholic-minded Bishops and clergy of the reigns of James I and Charles I — Post-reformation screens in Devon — in Somerset — The Communion Service sung — The orthodox at the Restoration — Arch bishop Sharp — The Catholic element during the Hanoverian night — Bishop Wilson — Writers — The Apostolic Succession— Declaration of clergy and laity after the Reform Bill — The Exeter synod — Belford Regis — The great default of the High Churchmen of that day — Those in my own neighbourhood — No Church so badly oppressed as that of England — The Tract writers — The Rev. Charles Baring-Gould — The Rev. F. Parker — Coryton — Madam Gould and Charles Baring — Sir Roger de Coverley — Mr. and Mrs. Fowler — Latent Catholicism — Publication of the Christian Year — Nelson's Fasts and Festivals — The Hellenising of the Jewish Church under Antiochus Epiphanes — The Abomination of Desolation — Revival under the Maccabees — The Analogy ..... pp. 50-77 CHAPTER IV THE EVANGELICAL MOVEMENT The foreign element in the Church — The fundamental doctrines of Calvinism — The Omphalopsychae — The undenominational temper — The old sense of duty — Failure of orthodox teaching — The Evangelicals fill the gap — Exaggerations of doctrine — Sensible conversion — Emancipation from responsibility— Mr Mozley on this teaching — The doctrine of the utter degradation of man — Mussulman and Calvinistic Predestination — Opposition to the world — Whitefield's preaching — Romaine — The elder Evangelicals — Later, more narrow — Their imperfect conception of the Church — Oppose Church developments— Contrast in the Colonies— CONTENTS xiii Australia and South Africa — Verbal inspiration — The Nemesis of Faith — Their doctrine unscriptural — Idea that Rome is Babylon — Results — Preaching everything — Neglect of parochial work — Falling off when Evangelicalism became f ashionable — Attempt to revise the Prayer Book — Lord Shaftesbury — Diary of John Louis Mallet — The Baring family — Mrs. Wall — Mr. Evans and Mr. Snow — Mrs. Wall's brothers — Rev. Mr. Cun ningham — And Denman — Meets Lord Lansdowne — Gets snubbed — Top- lady — Self-deception — Hood and Rae Wilson — Rev. Mr. Simcoe — Visit to a Calvinist incumbent — Islington and Clapham — The Clapham sect — What idolatry really is — Tenets of Calvinism generally given up — What we owe to the Evangelicals — Sunday Schools — Hymns — Fervour in preaching — Objections to Colonial bishoprics — Removed — These become a prey to'the C.M.S. — " Returned Empties " — Feebleness — How Evangelicals regarded by Dissenters- — Craving after popularity — Need of the party still in the Church — One party incomplete without the other . . pp. 78-1 11 CHAPTER V THE CHURCH IN COUNTRY PLACES Statistics of non-residence in 1807 — In 1835 — The occasion for non- residence — Pluralism not confined to England or Hanoverian periods- Difficulties in the way of residence — Grant of 1818 — Tithe Commutation Act — Patronage — Family livings — Froude on the clergy of his day — Unfair judgment — The practice in country parishes — Parson Teasdale — The " Velvet Cushion " — Praed's testimony — Pluralists — Lord Courtenay and his livings — The curate — Two classes of clergy — Washington Irving's account — Systematic pillage of livings — The parish of Lydford — Parson Elford — Caddy Thomas and his pupil — East Mersea — Hannah More's testimony — Dean Hole's — Stamford — Change in the Church — Belford Regis — Preparation for Confirmation — A visitation at Farnham — Con firmations and Ordinations — Sheepstor — Infrequency of the Communion — Types of old parsons — One Cornish, the other Yorkshire — Easter decorations — Condition of the churches — A church near Cambridge — Ruinous condition of the churches — Lew Trenchard Church — The service — The hunting parsons — Parson Endacott — The Bishops — A procession — Another at Lyndhurst — Behaviour of Bishops — Clergy in procession; — The north end — Reduction of sleeves among the Bishops, pp. 112-139 CHAPTER VI THE CHURCH IN TOWNS Town churches kept clean and comfortable — Attitude in prayer — Grant of 1824 *or church-building — Ugly churches — Appropriated pews — The pew-opener — Pulpits — Three-deckers — Proprietary chapels — A me chanical contrivance — Windows — Galleries — David Copperfield — Bilder aus London — Rage for attending church — Fashionably dressed men — xiv THE CHURCH REVIVAL All men want to preach— Charity school children— Beadles— Interior arrangement of churches — Irving — His meeting-house — His personal ap pearance—His mode of conducting service— Irvingism— Prophecy— Dr. Cumming — Certain proprietary chapels — Pulpit contrivances — Charles Honeyman no caricature — Dress of the clergy — Uniform — Cassocks- Long coats — Now cut short — Importance of a distinctive dress — Adoption of moustaches — Sermons — Tediousness — Too long — Condensation needed pp. 140-156 CHAPTER VII THE TRACTARIAN MOVEMENT Dealt with briefly — A lull — Dr. Arnold's idea of a Church — Dr. C. Lloyd — The Reform Bill — Alarm — Hadleigh meeting — Mistaken action of the Bishops — First appearance of the Tracts for the Times — Their purpose — Palmer's Origines Liturgicce — Awakening interest in the Prayer Book— The Oxford Movement — Tract on Reserve — Alarm provoked — Tract Ninety— Its purport — Injudiciousness of its publication — The Remains of R. Hurrell Froude — Severe set-back to the Movement — The Romanizers — Secessions — Jubilation of the Evangelicals — Charges of treachery — Were they justified ? — Many doctrines ignored or depraved by the Evangelicals — The Cambridge Camden Society — Its seal — Close thereon — The cult of the ugly — Love of deformity — Ridicule — Was it possible to effect a Revo lution ? ......... pp. 157—170 CHAPTER VIII THE VICTORIAN BISHOPS The Victorian bishops — Men of family — Or family tutors — How Charles Sumner got preferment — Helped on his brother — Disraeli on the Peel bishops — Wilberforce of Oxford — Lord John Russell — His appointments — Bishop Blomfield — Lord Palmerston puts appointments into the hands of Lord Shaftesbury— Bishop Jackson— Bishop Baring — Bishop Ellicott — Archbishop Thomson — Bishop Villiers — Bishop Waldegrave — Bishop Pelham — Mr. Swinburne on a bishop in the Northern Province — Bishop Selwyn — Bishop Jeune — Bishop Perowne — Bishop Philpott — Bishop Wigram— Bishop Thorold— Tait, Bishop of London— A Presbyterian at heart — Believes it his mission to put down Ritualism — Becomes Arch bishop of Canterbury— His Bill taken out of his hands by Lord Shaftesbury —On his death-bed tries to undo some of the mischief he had perpe trated—Bishop Bickersteth— Lord Beaconsfield's bishops— Magee— Bishop Ryle a persecutor and a Zwinglian— Bishop Fraser— An inexhaustible talker— Specimen by Mr. Swinburne— Covering-up of blots— Men of genius not wanted— Only ordinary men approved of— What the Palmer- stoman bishops resembled— Ignorance of one of them— Colonial bishops —Anecdote of one— Treatment of Ordinands formerly— Bishop Bickersteth again— In the Archdiocese of York— The Vicar of Topcliffe— Instance of CONTENTS xv the Archbishop's practice — Appearance — At Sheffield — Dealings with myself — Bishop Claughton — Marries a daughter well — A famous photo graph — The Bishop of Colombo — Bishop Claughton at a farmhouse — Bishop Wordsworth — Bishop Phillpotts of Exeter — Not liked in the dio cese^ — Some anecdotes — Our present bishops . . . pp. 171-210 CHAPTER IX ROUGH WEATHER Broad Church and Latitudinarian hostility — Appointment of Hampden to Hereford — Of Lee to Manchester — Bishop Phillpotts on the Tracts — Surplice riots— Helston — Judgment of the Bishop— S. Sidwell's — Surplice riots there — Eldad chapel — S. Peter's, Plymouth — The Vicar of S. Andrew's — Public meetings — Cholera — The clergy and Sisters- — Renewed attack — Mr. Spurrell's pamphlet — Confirmation at S. Peter's: — Attack on the Sisters — Meetings to denounce Confession — Charges against Mr. Prynne and the Sisters — Investigation — Character of the witnesses — Latimer's attack — Trial — Prynne's effects sold — Rev. John Mason Neale — Sackville College — Visited by Bishop Gilbert — Mr. Neale inhibited — Riot at the funeral of Mrs. Aulchim — Miss Scobell — Riot at Lewes — 'Change of feeling after twenty years — Inhibition removed — Margaret Street Chapel — S. Barnabas, Pimlico — Riots — The Rev. W. J. E. Bennett forced to resign .......... pp. 211-231 CHAPTER X STURM UND DRANG Riots at S. George's-in-the-East — Those at S. Matthias, Stoke Newington — Hostility, why roused — Attempts to condemn Eucharistic doctrine — The Denison case — The Bennett case — The Ornaments Rubric — Consti tution of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council — Beale v. Liddell — Martin v. Mackonochie — The Purchas case — The Public Worship .Regulation Act — Convocation disapproves — The Episcopal veto — Lord Penzance appointed Judge in the new Court — The Ridsdale case — Im prisonment of clergy — S. James's, Hatcham, and Mr. Tooth — Imprisoned — Released — Renewed riots — The Bishops surrender their power to the Secular Judge — Miles Platting and Mr. Green — Imprisoned — Resigns the living — Dispersion of congregation — End of the tyranny — S. Margaret's, Liverpool, and Mr. Bell-Cox — Imprisoned — Discharged — Bill of Costs — Plan of spiritually starving parishes — Inaugurated by Bishop Baring — Rev. Dr. Dykes — S. Raphael's, Bristol, and Dr. Ellicott — Bishop of Lincoln's case — The Church Association, — Case of Mr. Mackonochie — Imprisonment of Mr. Dale — 1874, the year of stress — Secessions — Frightened condition of the Bishops — Change of feeling — The opinion of the Archbishops in 1899 — What should have been the policy of the Bishops — " Who killed devotion ? " . . . pp. 232-265 xvi THE CHURCH REVIVAL CHAPTER XI S. SAVIOUR'S, LEEDS The story of a pioneer Church — The " Bank " district at Leeds — Popula tion — Infidelity — Immorality — Dr. Hook divides Leeds into thirty parishes — The Rev. G. Elmhurst— Dr. Hook's work and character — A penitent's offer — Original scheme — Consecration difficulties raised by the Bishop — Lucy's cross — The church services — Not ritualistic — Insufficient endow ment — Dr. Hook's objections — The Rev. Richard Ward — The Rev. R. Macmullen — His sermon — Inhibited — Secedes — The Bishop obliges Mr. Ward to resign — The Rev. A. P. Forbes becomes Vicar — Mr. Minster— The Bishop raises objections — Dr. Hook hostile — The Irish Fever — The cholera of 1849 — Rev. J. H. Pollen 'comes to help — Mr. Minster attacked — Conduct of Bishop — Bishop Longley objects to Mr. Pollen — Mr. Minster's health fails — Bishop objects to Confession — Secession of schoolmistress — The Gorham Judgment — Mr. Ward inhibited — Also Mr. Pollen — The clergy summoned to Ripon — The Commission — All the curates inhibited — Ad dress by congregation— Secession of clergy — Mr. Beckett remains firm — Preferment of Bishop Longley — Dr. Pusey arrives — Appointment of Rev. J. W. Knott — A Revivalist — Resigns — Appointment of Rev. R. Collins — Period of stagnation — His death — Appointment of Rev. J. Wylde — Peace and progress — A saying of Dr. Newman .... pp. 266-289 CHAPTER XII S. JUDE'S, BRADFORD Contrast between S. Saviour's, Leeds, and S. Jude's, Bradford — The town of Bradford — Its vicar — A Parochial Union formed — Its object — Broken up — Migrates to S. Jude's — Seats made free and unappropriated — Mission by Canon Body — Inhibition of Rev. A. H. Mackonochie — Increase in the number of communicants — And in amount of the offertories— A Sisterhood introduced — Mission chapel of S. Mary Magdalen — Resignation of Vicar — His return — Opposition — How overcome — A layman's Move ment .......... pp. 290-296 CHAPTER XIII AGITATION AGAINST CONFESSION The Boyne Hill case — Investigation — Punch on the Bishop of Oxford — The Road murder — Constance Kent — Agitation of 1873 — Ignorance of how to deal with souls — Project of the 403 — Bishop Jackson and the curtains— Dean Goulburn — Agitation of 1877 — The " Priest in Absolu tion " — Lord Redesdale in the House of Lords— Thanked by Archbishop Tait — Remedy proposed by the Pall Mall Gazette— Reason of opposition— McNeile on Confession — Secrecy necessary — Dr. Littledale quoted — Proper CONTENTS xvii place for hearing Confessions — Bishop Festing — Fear lest it be made compulsory — Ignorance of clergy-— The doctrine and practice of the Church — Compromise at the Reformation — Sackingen — The three parts of true repentence — Abuse — Neale at Amiens — Conference at Leeds — The Church Times on the Seventh Commandment — Danger of men treating their own souls — Missions, their work in awakening souls. . pp. 297-308 CHAPTER XIV SECESSIONS Allowance made for discouragement — Hostility of the Bishops— Too early loss of heart — Condition in the German bishoprics in the eighteenth century — Episcopal encouragement of Rationalism — The parish priests save Christianity — Mistake as to the functions of a Bishop — His three powers and duties — The Bishops oppose the Church Revival — The Jeru salem Bishopric — Protests against it — The Gorham Judgment — The Privy Council no mouthpiece of the Church — Secessions caused by its judgments — The Wakefield Bridge cross — Motives for secession — Lack of immediate success — How secessions are now regarded — Romanist statistics — Unreli able — Desire for emancipation from responsibilities — " 'Verts " not morally improved — Desire for an authoritative voice — Does the Papacy provide this ? — The text Tu es Petrus, etc. — The Papal system based on a suc cession of frauds — The Canon of Sardica — The rescript of Valentinian III — Forged Decretals — The directing and authoritative voice convicted of falsehood — Personal difficulties— -Admiration for high ritual — Leo X — Desire for definite dogma — Seceders mainly from Dissent and Evangelical ism — Convictions — The Romanizing element — Roman usages uncongenial to the English ........ pp. 309-337 CHAPTER XV PROGRESS Tithe Commutation Act — Church rates abolished — Progress in Cornwall — Conversions — Causes — Dissenting chapels — Morals in Cornwall and Wales — A family living — A change there — Bridestowe — The Rev. Hinds Howell — Mary Tavy — Bratton Clovelly — Plymouth — Exeter — Cambridge — The Rev. Mr. Dodd— Liverpool — The three phases of the Revival : (1) Appeal to the cultured and noble, (2) Appeal to the middle classes (3) Appeal to the working class — The Church and the workers — The demon stration of June 21, 1 91 3 — What it revealed — The Movement sporadic — The Roadmenders — Increase of the Episcopate — In the Colonies — And at home — Convocation — Church Congresses — Pan-Anglican Synods — Sister hoods — Brotherhoods — Guilds — The Church of England Men's Society — The English Church Union — Church-building — Tokens of retrogression — Cooling down of enthusiasm — Strictness of the early Tractarians and b xviii THE CHURCH REVIVAL Evangelicals— Modern relaxation— Cheapening of the clergy— Dissenters entering the Church— Church music— Hymnals— The Archbishops' letter to Leo XIII — Church progress in the United States — Stagnation— The Irish Church— The Bay of Naples PP- 338-367 CHAPTER XVI THE BROAD CHURCH Modern condition of doubt — Latitudinarianism — Endeavour of the party to accommodate doctrine to modern notions — Difficulties about inspiration — At the Reformation a basis sought to oppose the infallibility of the Church — This found in the infallibility of Scripture — Church and Scripture both fallible and infallible — A breakdown of faith — The power of Christianity is in a Person — The Person of Jesus Christ — Criticism — The memorabilia of the Apostles — The Incarnation — The Virginal Birth — The Atonement — To whom it appeals — The Sargasso Sea of the Church — The Broad Churchman has no message — To the sick and suffering — Sterility of the party — In the mission field — Among the poor — Necessity for a Creed — The Evangelische Kirche of Germany — Tubingen — Vagueness popular — Religion in the back-seat — Arnold — Maurice — Stanley — Confes sions of a Clergyman — Prayer — Object of the Broad Church — Tarpeia — Rejection of Christian morality — Compromise with the world — Two con ceptions of what a National Church should be — The elimination of whatever offends — With what result — Credo . . . pp. 368-390 CHAPTER XVII VIA MEDIA Cessation of party bitterness — Levelling up — Frog barometers — The ladder system in the Church — Its advantages — Disadvantages where it- does not exist — Indefiniteness — And coldness — Long and short sight in matters of faith — Heresy the exaggeration of single truths — Mistake of having but one type of service — In watering-places — In Continental chapels — In village churches — Incapacity in some to digest full doctrine — Ladder system in conformity with nature — Evolution — The unchurching of foreign Protestants — The via media as conceived by Dr. Newman — Did not apply to the English Reformation as a position deliberately taken up — The actual position of the English Church — Its Liturgy closely resembles the Sarum Offices — The via-media man — The working man's dislike of via media — But it suits the cultured classes — Congregational singing — Most English clergy via media— Two kinds of via-media men — Advantage of having moderate men in the Church — Men of one idea — The moderate man in general request pp. 391-407 INDEX PP. 409-415 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS The Author A Backwater . In the Stream Frontispiece SAOKG PAGE 14 Jacobean Screen, Croscombe (From a photograph by J. W. Phillips, Wells.) Dr. Syntax Preaching ..... (From a. drawing by Rowlandson.) Confirmation in the Forties .... (From Deformation and Reformation, by permission of Mowbray & Co., Irving Preaching (From Bilder aus London.) False Keys ....... (From The Hornet, 1877.) Archbishop Thomson ..... (From Vanity Fair.) Bishop Tait and the " Black Sheep " . (From Punch, 1874.) Sackville College Chapel as it was in 1847. (From ti photograph by F. Frith & Co.) At the Cattle Show ..... (From Punch, 1877.) The Rev. A. Tooth in Prison (From Vanity Fair, 1877.) " Sweetness and Light : " Archbishops Temple and Maclagan . (From the Westminster Gazette, 1899.) Dr. Hook and the Hornets (From a sketch by a Curate, reproduced from Stephens's Life of Hook.) 16 56 112130146 168 182190 224 240 244 262 276 xx THE CHURCH REVIVAL FACING PAGE Dangerous Flirtation, or Sam and the Scarlet Lady . 298 (From Punch, 1858.) " A Wolf in Sheep's Clothing " 300 (From Punch, 1877.) Via Media ........ 392 (From The Hornet, 1874.) THE CHURCH REVIVAL CHAPTER I THE SWAMPING OF THE CHURCH 1547 — 1660 A SURVEY, as brief as I can make it, of the history of the Church in England from the death of King Henry VIII must be allowed, if I am to convey to the reader a clear notion of the diverse elements that existed in her, and explain the rise of the Evangelical and the Oxford movements. In limestone districts streams often sink and disappear, but at a distance of some miles re-emerge into light, with increased volume. It is important to trace up the diverse currents of religious convictions to their sources, that for a period have been below the surface invisible and unsuspected. The exactions of the Papacy had provoked widespread hostility towards Rome, and the English people were quite content to be rid of the papal yoke, but had no wish to shed the Catholic Faith and see the worship of the Church revolu tionized. The First Prayer Book of Edward VI issued in 1549 expressed the mind of the English Church; such reactionaries as Tunstall and Gardiner used it without scruple. All the Bishops signed it, with one exception. But under the sickly young king, the reins of government were grasped by the Protector Somerset, and after his execution, by Northumber land ; and both these unprincipled men were abetted by an equally unprincipled Council, from which all men of Conservative tendencies had been excluded. These men had a mind to enrich themselves by the plunder of the Church, by appropriating to themselves episcopal manors, the estates of colleges, hospitals and chantries, and the glebe of parsonages ; as Henry had 2 THE CHURCH REVIVAL despoiled the monasteries, so would they despoil the Church. For effecting this purpose no better expedient presented itself to their minds than the Protestantizing of the Church, so as to render her powerless to resist. Accordingly refugee Reformers from the Continent were wel comed with open arms, and in order to poison the wells, Peter Martyr, an Italian, who came by way of Zurich and Strassburg, 3 and who had infected the mind of Ridley, was appointed Regius Professor of Divinity at Oxford in May 1549; and Martin Bucer, a Strassburg pastor, was planted in the professorial chair of Divinity at Cambridge in the same year. Valerand Pullain, a Calvinistic Fleming, came with his congregation of weavers to England and was settled at Glastonbury. Pullain published < a Calvinistic form of worship in Latin, in 1551, and dedicated it to Edward VI as a model upon which the English Prayer Book might be reshaped. Ochino was made prebendary of S. Paul'o. t> John Knox also had a finger in the pie. It is due to a violent sermon of his against kneeling at Communion, that the " Black Rubric " was inserted in the Prayer Book. John Alasco, an apostate Bishop, uncle of the King of Poland, came to England and established Calvinistic worship in the nave of the church of the Austin Friars. He also was con sulted, so was Bullinger of Zurich, as to how far on the downward path it was advisable for the English divines to descend. " Never," says Dr. Gairdner, " was greater deference paid to foreign opinion than now, in a Church which had been emanci pated from the jurisdiction of a foreign bishop." 1 Some vivisectionists have extracted the brain from living , animals, so as to ascertain to what extent they can live and move when divested of this vital organ. It was the purpose of North-; umberland and the Council to have the Church so treated, all Catholicity taken out of her; and for this purpose Cranmer, Holgate and others were set to revise the Prayer Book. As Renan, after he had lost faith, still retained a love for Chris tianity, so did Cranmer. However harshly his foreign counsellors might bray into his ears their advice all day, at night came welling up the music of the ancient liturgy in his soul, and he could not resolve to cast aside so much that was beautiful to please his masters, the Council, and his foreign friends. There can exist no doubt that the numerical preponderance^ * Gairdner (Jas.), The English Church in the Sixteenth Century (1902), ; p. 291. THE SWAMPING OF THE CHURCH 3 of the population was as many to one in favour of the old religion. The advanced reformers comprised but a very few inhabitants in any place, town or country. Such as did exist owed their views to Tyndale's Bible. Tyndale had been living at Worms. He fell under the influence of the Swiss reformers, whose convert he became. He translated the New Testament into English, giving it a strong Zwinglian bias, and he prefixed to every part, as issued, a preface vehemently denunciatory of the Catholic system of orders and sacraments. The book was smuggled into England in the reign of Henry VIII, and dissemi nated among such as could read, doctrines " made in Switzerland." However, in 1547 the Commentary of Erasmus in English was ordered to be provided for every parish church, so that, the readers of the Great Bible might at the same time receive a sober and orthodox interpretation of the Sacred Text. In the same year the First Book of the Homilies was issued, and prefaced by a letter from the King enjoining these homilies to be read in all churches every Sunday, by such priests as could not preach. " But it is strange," observes Strype, " to consider how anything, be it never so beneficial and innocent, oftentimes gives offence. For a great many, both of the laity as well as the clergy, could not digest these homilies ; and therefore, sometimes, when they were read in church, if the parishioners liked them not, there would be such talking and babbling in the church that nothing could be heard." Many parishes refused to provide the bread and wine for the Holy Communion under the new rite. The English Prayer Book was unpopular; that, combined with the enclosure of commons and the depreciation of the standard, caused risings of the people in Devon, Cornwall, Essex, Oxfordshire, Kent, Suffolk and Norfolk.1 The condition of affairs was serious, and had there been combined action among the insurgents the Government would have fallen. Martial law was established in London, and the insurrections were put down by thousands of Flemish and German lanzknechts, and Spanish arquebusmen, sent by the Council through the country to butcher the unhappy peasants. The diaries of the period are full of records of executions. 1 " Insurrections broke out in Hertfordshire, Somerset, and Lincoln shire ; then in Devonshire and Cornwall ; in Gloucestershire, Berkshire and Buckinghamshire, Nottinghamshire, Warwickshire, Northamptonshire; in Norfolk, Suffolk, Essex, and Kent ; and also far away in Yorkshire." — 7 Gairdner (J.), The English Church in the Sixteenth Century, p. 266. 4 THE CHURCH REVIVAL In the last Parliament of Edward VI no members were returned for the counties that were dissatisfied with the change in re ligion. The Council found it necessary to forbid all parochial clergy, and even the bishops, to preach without being accorded a licence by the Government, and special preachers were dis patched by the Council through the land to instil the new doc trines into the people. These men met with little encourage ment, for often the use of the pulpits in the parish churches was refused them by the parsons and churchwardens. Moreover, a strict censorship was exercised over the press, and nothing was suffered to be published in favour of the old religion, whereas liberty most free was accorded to scurrilous and indecent pamphlets attacking Episcopacy, the Real Presence and the efficacy of Baptism, and advocating the grossest antinomianism. " The Church," wrote Canon Dixon, " was held dumb through? out this period, by the positive orders of the Council." The Reformation under Edward VI was carried through without consulting Convocation, by the Protector and the Council at the head of a small and detested minority in both Church and Nation. " The Convocation of the Clergy had nothing to do with the First Act for the Uniformity of Religion. . . . Neither the First Act for Uniformity, nor any of the acts that came thereafter had any such origin. Laymen were the authors of these momentous measures. Laymen made the First English Prayer Book into the schedule of a penal statute, and from the time that they first did so, with mournful consistency, a penal statute accompanied every succeeding revision of the . Book of Common Prayer. As little in the work itself, which \ was thus imposed on the realm, had the clergy originally any ;J share." l Antonio de Guarras, a Spanish merchant living in London, and speaking English perfectly, wrote his account of the acces sion of Queen Mary ; in this he says that there were but 4 per cent in the country who were infected with the new religion ; and he judged from London, where it had made far more way than j in the country. I have already mentioned some of the foreign Reformers who came to England. Cranmer had surrounded himself in Lambeth|| Palace with a crowd of these men. Beside Peter Martyr there 3 were Julius, Tremellius, Dryander and other French Calvinists pouring their insidious advice into his too open ears. Others were 1 Dixon, History of the English Church, iii. 5. THE SWAMPING OF THE CHURCH 5 Peter Alexander, Bernadino Ochino, who was made prebendary of Canterbury, Matthew Nigellinus, and Martin Mycronius. In the second year of Edward came Fagius, destined with Bucer to occupy one of the professorial chairs at Cambridge. Cranmer entreated Melancthon thrice to come to England and help in the revision of the Prayer Book, along with Alasco, who did come. Calvin also thought fit to intermeddle. He wrote to the Protector on October 22, 1548, tendering his advice, or rather his dictation. Dryander, a Lutheran, was placed by Cranmer at Cambridge. Christopher Mount was dispatched by the Archbishop with a circular letter to Zurich, written in the name of the young King, in which the religious agreement between England and Zurich was assumed. It suggested that a Council should be held for the settlement of religion on a common basis. Happily nothing came of it. Again Calvin thought fit to interfere, by writing to the King in 155 1, and to Cranmer, exhorting them to get rid of every trace of superstition. The objections raised by these foreigners to the First Prayer Book, the urgency of the Council and the " down-grade " tendency of Cranmer's mind, determined the latter on a reformation of the Prayer Book. He associated with himself the adulterous Holgate, Archbishop of York,1 and the Bishops of London and Ely ; and, acting on the advice of Peter Martyr and Martin Bucer — but not implicitly — he produced the Second Book in 1552. Bucer had recommended the pulling down of all chancels. But this was not done, as " there was no money in it," and it would have entailed expense in walling up the chancel arches. Somerset had desired to pull down Westminster Abbey and use the materials for building a palace for himself, and was only bought off by the Dean and Chapter by the surrender of 2e& manors. Then, for the construction of Somerset House he destroyed S. Mary-le-Strand and the cloister of S. Paul's Cathedral. Too much credit has been accorded to Cranmer for moderation in the drawing up of the Second Prayer Book of 1552 : that he and the other divines were Zwinglians with a strong dash of Calvinism, is certain, and that they desired to revolutionize the faith and worship of the Church is pretty certain. The Council desired it eagerly, and was not slow to mark its contempt for the book as not going far enough. But there was a force 1 Poynet, Bishop of Rochester and then of Winchester, got into a scrape by adultery with a butcher's wife at Nottingham. Cranmer does not appear to have thought anything of that. 6 THE CHURCH REVIVAL beside the Council that had to be reckoned with, and that was the English people, who disliked the changes. In fact, the risings in so many counties against the First Prayer Book, with the consequent bloodshed, and the gallows set up beside all highways, taught Cranmer caution, and he was afraid of giving occasion for further revolts by too drastic an alteration. The new, the second Prayer Book of Edward VI, was issued without having been submitted to Convocation, on January 10, 1552. Happily for England and her Church, Edward died on July 6, 1553, so that the new Prayer Book, every page of which was soiled by the finger-marks of Bucer,1 Peter Martyr, Pullain and Bullinger, had but a brief existence. All England welcomed Mary. It had been heartily disgusted with the self-seeking and the rapacity of the Council, with the sacrilege and devastation of the churches, and with the violent changes in religion. Indeed, as Paget wrote to Protector Somerset : eleven-twelfths of the kingdom were opposed to the new-fangled teaching.2 Mary was received in London and acclaimed throughout the country with transports of joy. Most of the Reformers fled to the Continent, without any attempt being made to detain them. When Mary came to the throne, she declared in Council, on August 12, that "she meant not to compel or strain the con science of others, otherwise than by persuasion ; " and such as had got to like the English service were at ease. At her accession the heart of the people was Catholic, but by no means Roman ; when Elizabeth succeeded, it was Protestant. There is good cause to hold that the actual conversion to Reforming opinions went on at a speedier rate amidst the fires of Smithfield than during the oppressive rule of Somerset and Northumberland. In 1554 Mary issued orders for Mass to be performed in Latin, and for the ejection from their cures of all married clergy. Such as consented to renounce their wives were to be dealt with leniently, and be transferred to other cures, unless they had previously belonged to one or other of the Religious Orders. The number thus deprived was about one in six.8 1 Bucer gives us his experience as to the result of his teaching in Strass burg. He candidly admitted : " What have we done to the great edifice of Christianity ? We have destroyed a great deal, but we have built up nothing. We have rejected a great deal, and our successors go on and reject more — the commandments of God and common morality." And this was the man invited to work the same mischief in England ! On further admissions of Bucer of wretched results, see Dollinger, Die Re formation, ii. 21 et seq. 2 Strype, ii. no. 8 Frere, The Marian Reaction (S.P.C.K., 1896), p. 77. THE SWAMPING OF THE CHURCH 7 In the diocese of Canterbury 73 were expelled, but of these 4 were reinstated. In the diocese of Lichfield, out of 550 bene fices, the number of clergy dispossessed was 43, or one in 12. In Bath and Wells, where the preferments were 390, 69 incum bents were deprived or resigned — about 1 in 5. In Norwich, out of 1,120 parishes, 335 were destituted, or less than 1 in 5. In the diocese of London as it is at present constituted there were 213 parishes : Mary deprived 36 in 4! years, being 2 out of 13. There would appear, however, throughout England to have been a certain number of benefices to which laymen had been in truded under the lax and immoral rule of Protector Somerset and the Duke of Northumberland, and these men were of course ejected. There seems to have been little or no question as to the validity of Ordination under the Reformed Ordinal, though in the first six months after Mary ascended the throne a few clergy, in a panic lest they should be dispossessed, sought the making up of any deficiency in their ordination by having their hands anointed. " Reasons have already been given to show that the general cause of deprivation was marriage, and in the cases where no cause is assigned it is natural to suppose that it was this. At any rate, there is no shadow of a hint that invalidity of orders had anything to do with it." 1 It was moreover taken for granted that all these clergy were orthodox and not infected with the new doctrines, and further knew how to celebrate in Catholic manner at the altars. When the news reached the Continent that Mary was dead all the Reformers, who during her reign had wrangled and denounced one another, came back to England, with a horde of foreigners at their backs. When these men arrived in England, they laboured inde- fatigably to spread their imported opinions and to capture the Church. They did not succeed in this latter attempt, but they spread through the land, influencing men's minds every where against all that savoured of Catholic antiquity. They found to their dissatisfaction that the second Prayer Book of Edward VI had been already subjected to revision and had been reinforced in a Catholic direction, and that there was manifested by the Queen no intention of lowering the tone. In or about 1567 a veritable inundation of foreign malcontents came to London, so extensive as to move the jealousy of the community. The rent of houses was raised ; these strangers * Frere, The Marian Reaction (S.P.C.K., 1896), p. 109. 8 THE CHURCH REVIVAL interfered with the trade. The streets had to be patrolled by the watch to prevent an outbreak of the 'prentices against them. The ports and havens were crowded by them. They founded colonies everywhere. The Bishops of London, Winchester and Lincoln greatly favoured them, as introducing a further in fusion of heresy to strengthen the amount already found in the land, and with which these prelates were in sympathy. They were hardly settled in England before they were torn into factions fighting one another over theological points of no profit either spiritually or morally. The restoration of the Prayer Book 'with its alterations at once called forth their animadversions. Peter Martyr and Bullinger wrote giving the perfidious advice to the Puritan clergy who had returned, that they should conform in part only to the liturgy, but preach against the ceremonies still retained, and refrain from administering the Sacraments so long as the vestments were in use. Beza also, from Geneva, put in his word in 1577, writing to advise that nothing should be allowed in the matter of ceremonies but what was after " Christ's ordin ance, and the assured example of the Apostles." The Zurich letters show us that the Bishops under Elizabeth were appealing incessantly for advice to the foreigners. In 1565-6, Home, Parkhurst and Grindal sought to justify them selves to Bullinger and Gualter for having accepted bishoprics ' with the obligation to wear habits and use ceremonies to which these foreigners objected. Can anything be conceived more humiliating ? They wrote their apologies also, in conjunction with Coverdale, to Beza, Farel and Vinetus at Geneva : " An unleavened cake instead of common bread ; the Communion taken on bended knees ; a square cap, bands, gown and tippet , out of doors ; the surplice and cope in divine worship, such is the picture of the Church ! They who refuse it are deprived. . . . Publish a treatise to instruct both our Church and the Saxon Churches. Admonish our bishops by a printed letter not to persecute Joseph for his coat . . . communicate this letter to all your brethren." x Nor did Knox and the Edinburgh assembly abstain from uncalled-for — not to say impertinent interference,^ by sending a letter " to the Bishops and Pastors of England," deprecating the " Roman rags and dregs of the Roman Beast " still found in the Church (December 27, 1566). Beza wrote to Grindal advising that the English Church 1 Zurich Letters, ii. 121. THE SWAMPING OF THE CHURCH 9 should combine with the Scottish Kirk in accepting the Helvetian Confession, approved by the Geneva Community. The four demands of the Puritans were these : (i) Equality of all ministers. The title and office of Bishop to be allowed to remain, but only as synonymous with Pastor or Teacher. (2) All members of the Church to be subject to the discipline of the Consistory. (3) The break with the past, with the historic Church, to be made absolute. The clergy who had been ordained under Henry VIII and Mary to be ejected from their cures, and every thing in the Communion service that recalled the Mass to be cast forth. (4) Nothing to be tolerated in public worship that had not been expressly enjoined by Scripture.1 Elizabeth had a very difficult part to play. It was her idea, as well as that of her advisers, that the Church should be National and all-comprehensive. It must contain those who clung to Catholic order and tradition, but those also who had been infected with the tenets of the foreign Reformers. Accordingly, at the revision of the Articles of Religion under Elizabeth the articles dealing with doctrines about which was dispute, as those on Justification by Faith and Predestination, were couched in such terms as seemed to favour the opinions of the Reformers, but qualifications Were added that somewhat neutralised their force. Articles xi, xii, and xvi were cast to these fanatics to mumble,8 whilst the faithful were given their Liturgy and rites to satisfy their conservative instincts. Certain Articles of Religion were, in point of fact, much Uke Caliban with Trinculo under his gaberdine, having a forward and a backward voice, at one and the same time. At the outset of the reign of Elizabeth, the clergy as a body objected to any change in the services of the Church and any tampering with the Faith. This was shown by the protest of Convocation in 1559, and by the resolute opposition maintained by the Bishops in Parliament. The Supremacy and Uniformity 1 Paget (Dean), An Introduction to the Fifth Booh of Hooker's Treatise on the Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity (Oxford, 1899), pp. 52-3. 2 The Convocation of 1573 which recast the Articles framed this Canon for their interpretation by all preachers : "In the first place they shall provide that they never teach aught . . . which they desire to be devoutly held and believed by the people save that which is agreeable to the doctrine of the Old and New Testament and which the Catholic Fathers and ancient Bishops have gathered from the said doctrine." 10 THE CHURCH REVIVAL Acts and the revived and amended Edwardine Injunctions were in force by Midsummer 1559. A Royal Commission was appointed to visit both provinces and to impose on all the clergy an oath to accept the Supremacy of the Crown, to use the Prayer Book alone in public ministration, and to observe the Injunctions. The Visitors were empowered to deprive of their benefices such clergy as refused the oath. This oath was administered throughout the country during August, September and October, 1559. A large number of clergy in the North put in no appearance. We have a complete list of them in the North, and a list of those who took the oath survives for five dioceses in the South. These show that nearly half the clergy absented themselves from the Visitation. Such as did appear and took the oath were mainly Henrician or Marian appointments who submitted to the change. At the time of the Visitation of the Diocese of York there were 35 livings vacant. The absentees from it, of men who could not make up their minds to take the oath, numbered 152. Of these only 5 were deprived ; the others succeeded in swallowing their scruples. In the diocese of Durham there were 180 incumbents, and of these 35 absented themselves from the Visitation, but of these 35 only 3 were deprived. In the diocese of Carlisle there were 100 clergy, 35 absented themselves, and of these 2 were deprived. In the diocese of Chester there were 250 incumbents, 90 ab sented themselves, yet not one was deprived. There were, however, in the whole Northern province 22 men who had been ejected from their livings under Queen Mary, and these were now reinstated. Those who evaded subscription at the Visitation either in the next few months took the oath or were passed over. No great diligence was used to enforce subscription. Nicholas Sanders in 1571 drew up a list of those clergy who had refused subscription and were ousted from their cures. He made the number to be 480 ; but his list of names has been minutely investigated by Dr. Henry Gee by the aid of the Registers, and he shows that Sanders included laymen, and that a goodly number of those he gives as ejected cannot be traced at all in any register. The ascertainable number of clergy deprived for all causes between November 17, 1558, and November 17, 1564, is about 400 ; but then in the later period the deprivations were of Puritans THE SWAMPING OF THE CHURCH 11 who refused to make use of the Prayer Book in their public ministrations ; and Dr. Gee says that on a review of the whole evidence it is impossible to conclude that many more than 200 Papist clergy were deprived within the period 1558-64, because they would not conform to the Prayer Book and accept the Royal Supremacy.1 Camden says that out of 9,400 parishes only 189 priests refused to conform to the English Liturgy, but of these were 50 Preben daries, 15 Presidents of Colleges, 12 Archdeacons, 12 Deans, 6 Abbots and 14 Bishops, of parish priests only 80. According to Collier, the total number was 229, that would give 120 parish priests. Now what do we gather from this, but the fact that the vast majority of the beneficed clergy who had sung Mass during the reign of Queen Mary in Latin, wearing the Eucharistic vestments continued during the reign of Queen Elizabeth, singing Mass in English, perhaps to the setting of Merbecke, more probably to the old inflections to which they were accustomed, accommodating thereto the English words as best they might — just as I have heard done in Germany among the Old Catholics, just as is done still in Iceland, where the melody is that of the Pre-Reformation missal, but the words are in the vernacular. So also these priests throughout the length and breadth of the land would use the vestments, lights, ceremonial to which they had been accustomed, where no rubric directed to the contrary. An instance of the manner in which changes were accepted without much difficulty is to be found in the fortunes of S. John's College, Oxford, that had Sir Thomas White as its founder in the reign of Queen Mary. He accepted the English Prayer Book, and provided for the performance of Divine service in the college chapel, with no sign of violent breach with the past.2 How great and how piteous the confusion was in the English Church may be gathered from a letter of Mendoza to the king of Spain, in 1567. He wrote that it would be a difficult matter to reduce to one form in England the diversity of belief and teaching 1 Gee (Dr.), The Elizabethan Clergy and the Settlement of Religion, 1558- 1564 (Oxford, 1898). This admirable work gives the names of all who were deprived, and approximately all the Marian clergy who conformed. 2 There still remain in the vestry of S. John's College two tunicles and a white cope of the same set, the orphreys of two chasubles, cut out of the vestments probably late in the seventeenth century, and a magnificent cope of blue and gold. 12 THE CHURCH REVIVAL that existed therein, for " in every parish church a different service is held according to the bent of the minister;" and this is confirmed by an account published somewhat later, by J. Howlet, at Douay, wherein he says : " Although the world knoweth that the Order set down in the book [of Common Prayer] be commonly broken by every minister at his pleasure, and observed almost nowhere, yet small punishment hath ever ensued thereof." Robert Parsons, in a pamphlet published in 1580 against the Roman Catholics attending the reformed ser vices in their parish churches, says of the clergy that " They deall too chyldishilye, when they say, their service differeth in nothing from the ould Catholicke service, but onelye because it is in English : thereby thinking to make the simple people to have the lesse scruple to come to it." This must have been where the English Liturgy was sung with much of the old cere monial, with lights and vestments, and where the Holy Table stood altarwise, as it did everywhere except where the new hot-Gospellers held sway. Bucer long before, in November 1550, writing to Hooper, complained : "In many places the Lord's Supper so takes the place of the Mass, that the people do not know in what respect it differs from it except that it is celebrated in the vulgar tongue." Neal, in his History of the Puritans, says : " The service per formed in the Queen's chapel and in sundry cathedrals was so splendid and showy that foreigners could not distinguish it from the Roman, except that it was performed in the English tongue. By this method most of the popish laity were deceived into con formity, and came regularly to church for nine or ten years." But a change ensued. For the most part the Elizabethan Bishops were an unworthy set, avaricious, unscrupulous, and some of them unlearned. These men encouraged and advanced1' clergy infected with Calvinism ; and Burleigh, Sir Christopher; Hatton, Lord North, Leicester, Walsingham throughout favoured such as had been abroad and there contracted Zwinglian and other heresies ; so that as the old Marian clergy that had con formed died, into their places were thrust either directly by these noble patrons, or mediately through the Bishops, men who had no savour of Catholicity about them. We read and hear of " The Elizabethan settlement " as though religion in her reign had settled into something like the form that the Church afterwards assumed. But the condition under Elizabeth was actually one of unsettlement — of the clash- THE SWAMPING OF THE CHURCH 18 ing of jarring and irreconcilable ideas, " a time of sharp con fusion and inconsistent hopes." The men whom Leicester and Walsingham imported into the Church brought their foreign heresy with them ; they did not find it ingrained therein. It was with the Anglican Church, not what would be scrofula in the human system, lodged in the blood, affecting the glands and all the vital organs, but as a superficial disorder, that may sadly disfigure for awhile, but can be subdued by judicious treatment. It was an episode in the history of the English Church, as was Arianism in the Universal Church fifteen centuries ago. The Elizabethan bishops, men returned from abroad, had left their hearts behind at Zurich. They had no belief in Episcopacy, and would, if allowed, have swept out of the Church all marks of Catholicity. They expressed a wish to get rid even of the sur plice, and they put a disingenuous gloss on the Ornaments rubric, openly proposed the abolition of the Cross in baptism, objected to chanting and to organs, and followed Ridley's practice of turning the Holy Table lengthwise,1 so that the priest might stand at the north side, facing south, a quibbling compliance with the rubric of 1552, defeating the real purport. A great distinction must be drawn between the condition of the Church in the reign of Edward VI, and in that of Elizabeth. In the former period the Church was subjected to outrage and profanation by the rulers of the State, men destitute of religion, lusting after spoliation, who would carry off the copes to make coverlets for their beds, and chalices to decorate their side boards. But under Elizabeth the fermentation was within. The disciples of the foreign Reformers were ordained priests, consecrated Bishops ; and it was they who set zealously to work to devastate the Houses of God in the land, and render the worship of God indecorous. Let me take one instance. Emmanuel College, Cambridge, had been founded by Sir Thomas Mildmay to become a nursery of Puritanism. The college had been a Convent of Preaching Friars. Their chapel was now converted into the dining-hall, and a fireplace erected where had. been the high altar. The old refectory, pointing north and south, was made into the chapel. In the latter no surplices were worn at any service. " In Emmanuel College they receive the Holy Sacrament sittinge upon formes about the Communion table, and doe pull the loafe one from the other after the minister hath begon. And soe the cupp, one drinking as it were to 1 At least he did so on Easter Eve, 1551, in S. Paul's Cathedral. 14 THE CHURCH REVIVAL another hke good fellows, without any particular application of the said words, more than once for all." There were thus in the Church of England as established, two currents flowing between the same banks, of diametrically opposite colour. It is so during a certain portion of the course of the Danube : one stream is brown and charged with mud, the other issuing from the great source of Bleubeuren is limpid and of a singularly blue and heavenly tinge ; after these streams have united, for some miles they can be discriminated, flowing side by side but not commingling. A certain impetus had been given to the Protestant stream of feeling, through the hatred of Rome and Spain provoked by the cruelties of Queen Mary, and by the risks the country ran through the machinations of the partisans of Mary Queen of Scots, and the menace of invasion from Spain ; but the English people drew a long breath of relief when the Scottish Queen had been executed, 1587, and the Armada wrecked, 1588. Then came the turn of the tide. Elizabeth perfectly understood the temper and mind of her English subjects. She knew that the vast bulk of the nation was sober-minded and conservative in religion, and that it entertained a profound distaste for the violence and extravagance of the Puritans. The turn of the tide was marked by Bancroft's epoch-making sermon at S. Paul's, on February 9, 1589, on the divine institution of Episcopacy. Hitherto the orthodox party had been without leaders. But now such men appeared. Jewel wrote his Apology; and Richard Hooker, feeling that some basis must be found for the position of the English Church, whilst still young — he was but thirty-eight years old — retired from the strife of tongues to consider in quietness what had to be done, and then to do it. It is rare, as Dean Paget wrote, " for the heat of controversy to kindle in a man the desire not to talk but to think." In his Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity Hooker laid down the lines on which the Church is reared, against the Puritan onslaught. There is a good deal in Hooker's view of the relations between Church and State that is defective, but at that period the relative situation of these powers was altogether different from what it is now. Moreover the tone of feeling towards the foreign Reformers was greatly altered. Beza wrote from Geneva to the college of Bishops, imploring money contributions to assist the Calvinists to withstand the forces of the Duke of Savoy. Fuller says : " Wonder not that Geneva's wants found no more pity from the A HACkWATKR THE SWAMPING OF THE CHURCH 15 Episcopal party, seeing all those Bishops were dead who, formerly exiles, in the Marian days, had found favour and relief in Geneva, and now a new generation arose, having as little affection as obligation to that government." But although the Puritan reformers had invaded the ministry of the Church, they were not as yet in a majority, nor as yet were the people disposed to relish their ministrations. Cambridge University had become a hot-bed of Calvinism, and was pouring forth men affected in heart and mind with heresy. Lord Clarendon wrote, but of a later period than the reign of Elizabeth and that of James : " I must not forget, though it cannot be remembered without horror, that this strange wild-fire among the people was not so much kindled by the Parliament as by certain of the clergy. These men having creeped into, and at last driven from their pulpits all the learned and orthodox clergy, had, under the pretence of reformation, and extirpation of Popery, infused seditious inclinations into the hearts of men against the present Government and the Church." Side by side might be seen two parishes, in one the priest holding and teaching high Sacramental doctrines and evidencing them by his performance of divine worship, and a couple of miles away would be a Puritan denouncing everything Catholic and with his church divested of all sacred ornaments. The condition of affairs under Elizabeth cannot have been very different from what they are at the present day, in outward appearance. Now we have a High Church with advanced ritual, and hard by one with none at all. But the resemblance is superficial only. Then the Catholic-minded clergy were dying out; moreover, the new generation of the same type had not come on, and a flood of Puritanism was rising, soon to over whelm and sweep the Church away ; whereas now it is only where some rare fanatical patron exists, or where one of the Evangelical patronage boards has control, that the relics of ultra-Puritanism have been left jutting out amidst a rising and advancing tide of High Churchism. I do not now refer to the moderate Evangelical. I give views of two churches in the West of England. In one the doors are locked throughout the week, the Sunday services are cheerless, the Holy Com munion is celebrated once a month only. In all others round the doors are always open, matins and evensong are said or sung daily, the Eucharist is celebrated, not on Sunday alone, but frequently during the week as well, and the services are 16 THE CHURCH REVIVAL warm and rousing. It must have been somewhat thus in EUzabethan times, with this difference, that the Cathohc clergy were depressed, whereas the. Puritans were full of fire and assurance — the reverse of the conditions at the present day. A considerable number of clergy who had conformed under Mary, or had been then instituted, remained on under Elizabeth, as we have seen ; these put aside their Missals and Breviaries, and used the Book of Common Prayer. We know that the lay Romanists attended their ministrations till Pope Pius X issued a bull of excommunication against Elizabeth (April 27, 1570) and absolved her subjects from the oath of allegiance. Then, and not till then, did they desert their parish churches, but few clergy followed their lead.1 I think, unless I am greatly mistaken, that we have in Iceland a picture of the condition of affairs in the Church in early years under Elizabeth. In Iceland the last bishop had been executed by order of the King of Denmark, and thenceforth the Apostolic Succession ceased. The new hierarchy in Denmark and Iceland devolved from Professor Buggenhagen, who, against his con science, was compelled by King Christian to consecrate a new series of bishops, though he himself was only in priest's orders. However, of that the Icelanders knew nothing. There, only the relics — and the head of S. Thorlac proved to be a cocoanut — were destroyed, and images that had received idolatrous worship were burnt, otherwise little was altered. The Mass was trans lated into the vernacular. The screens still divided the chancel from the nave, the priest still wore the Eucharistic vestments, as he does to this day ; the wafer bread is still used for Com munion, on the altar are still the lighted candles and the crucifix, arid the priest still sings the Mass to the old inflexions. Now, in the reign of Elizabeth the vast majority of the clergy had been accustomed to sing the Mass, to wear the vestments, and preach the Catholic faith. They did not care three straws for the Pope, and so they continued on. The liturgy was in English, that was an advantage, just as in Iceland the liturgy is in Icelandic. But in England there was a disturbing element that did not exist in Iceland— r-the Marian exiles returning from Frankfort, The original Vicar of Bray is said to have been Simon Aleyn, who was Vicar of Bray about 1540 and died in 1588, so that he was Vicar for fifty years, in the reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Mary, and Elizabeth. There were many like him. The song relative to the Vicar of Bray was composed about 1720, and refers to another conformist priest. IN THE STREAM THE SWAMPING OF THE CHURCH 17 Geneva, Zurich and Strassburg, with their heads full of desire to upset everything that savoured of historic Christianity ; and what remained as a link with the past they would ruthlessly snap. Consequently there were two diametrically opposed currents of feeling and of practice in the Elizabethan Church. That it was so is shown by Cecil's report to the Queen in 1564. He complained that some said the service in the chancel, some in the body of the church, some in surplices and some without. In some churches the Holy Table was in the chancel, in others in the nave, in some set altar-wise against the wall and vested with a comely carpet, in others it was without any covering. Some celebrated the Holy Communion in surplice and cope, some with only surplice, some with neither ; some with unleavened, others with common bread. The Queen was highly incensed with the Bishops for allowing such an indecent want of system to prevail, and ordered Archbishop Parker to correct these abuses. Under pressure the malcontents adopted measures to obtain what they wanted, and that with considerable ingenuity ; for it was open to any discontented personages to found lecture ships in any parish, and no law existed against it, and the lecturers were often firebrands, setting the parish in a blaze and ruining the work of the parish priest. These men invaded the Church, defied all order, and stirred up strife, till every parish was torn into factions, and religion perished in controversy. Shrewd men saw that this system was bound to lead to great mischief, just as the invasion of the churches by members of the Religious Orders before the Reformation had led to the weakening of the influence of the curate, and had conduced to laxity. In 1630, Heylin, in a sermon preached at Oxford on the Parable of the Tares, said, that " the planting of pensionary lecturers in so many places will bring forth those fruits that will appear to be a Tare indeed ; tho' now no wheat be accounted fairer " ; and he plainly stated that their object was " to cry down the established clergy, undermine the public liturgy and so forth." These lecturers formed, so to speak, an order of preachers in parish churches distinct from rector or vicar and curate. They were often chosen by the vestry or chief inhabitants of the parish, and supported by voluntary subscriptions and legacies ; very often they were the chaplains of the landed gentry. Everywhere they became an element of discord, forming about themselves a party hostile to the parish incumbent, gather- 18 THE CHURCH REVIVAL ing about them all the discontented, perverse, and cravers after novelty. They became very numerous, and everywhere agitated against Ecclesiastical Order. In the reign of Charles II an Act was passed (13 and 14 Chas. II, c. 4) to curtail their licence. Unless sanctioned by the Ordinary, and conforming to the Liturgy, they were to be disabled, and suffer three months' imprisonment in the common gaol ; and two justices, or the mayor in a town corporate, were required, upon certificate from the Bishop, to commit them accordingly. Nevertheless, where the lectureships were founded by donations of pious persons, the appointment of the lecturers was to be with the founders without any inter position or consent of the rectors of churches, but licensed by the Bishop. But such checks did not exist in the reigns of James I and Charles I. Laud vainly endeavoured to reduce these men to order ; even to the present day, such lectureships as survive are often enough sources of discord. Nor was this all. In the reign of Elizabeth, Burleigh through out favoured the Puritanical reformers — even that turbulent Cartwright who was Republican in his politics as well as Calvin istic in his religious tenets. Several of the nobility also were with them. They had been in terror.during the reign of Queen Mary lest they should be called on to disgorge some of the Church plunder on which they fattened, and they desired to keep the Church debilitated and distracted, lest at any time she should become strong enough to reclaim some of that of which she had been despoiled ; and this was not only monastic lands, but glebe and episcopal estates which had also been annexed by un scrupulous laymen. These patrons, as the old Marian clergy died out, nominated to cures men steeped in Genevan vinegar, soured to the marrow. There was death in the pot, because of the wild gourds shredded into it, culled from the Upper Rhine, the Main, and the Lakes of Zurich and Leman. For the last forty years of the reign of Elizabeth, her efforts were directed to curbing the insolence of the Calvinists. In 1560 she .had to issue a proclamation to restrain them from defacing the statuary and breaking the stained-glass windows in the churches. Thirty-seven Puritan clergy in the diocese; 4 of London were deprived because they refused to conform. In 1567 nearly a hundred men and women were seized at Plumbers'* .; THE SWAMPING OF THE CHURCH 19 Hall and punished for holding a schismatical prayer-meeting. In 1573 Elizabeth issued a proclamation against such as would not conform to the Prayer Book. Led by Cartwright an attempt was made to establish classes all over England, by means of which the authority of the Bishops was to be undermined as well as that of the orthodox clergy in their parishes. At a meeting held in 1582 by the malcontents a Form of Discipline was drawn up under Cartwright and Travers, allowing no subscription to anything except some of the early Articles. " Those ceremonies in the Book of Common Prayer which, being taken from Popery, are in controversy, do seem that they ought to be omitted and given over, if it may be done without danger of being put out of the ministry. If subscription to the Articles of Religion and to the Book of Common Prayer shall be again used, it is thought that the Book of Articles may be subscribed to, that is, unto such of them only as contain the sum of Chris tian faith, and the doctrines of the sacraments ; but neither the rest of the Articles nor the Book of Common Prayer may be allowed ; no, though a man should be deprived of his ministry for it." The Puritans met to hear the harangues of hot- Gospellers and for what they called Prophesyings. In 1593 the Queen appealed to Parliament, and an Act was passed providing that those who refused to attend church and assembled for unauthor ized rehgious meetings should be banished the country. The very fact of this Puritanical turbulence shows that there was a strong Cathohc element in the country and among the clergy. It was the presence of this which provoked the revolt of the Puritans. There is no reason to suppose that these fanatics carried any large number of the people with them. The Millenary Petition addressed to James I showed how exacting the Puritan clergy had become. They desired tolera tion for non-compliance with the rules of the Prayer Book, within the limits of the Established Church. Bacon was for indulging them with this, but not so the King ; and in the Hamp ton Court conference which followed, it was made abundantly clear that conformity would be enforced as much as possible. It was by no means certain that the Puritans formed as a body more than one-third of the population ; which was the propor tion estimated by Molin, the Venetian ambassador in 1607. The feeling of the people may be more surely gauged by the presentments made by the churchwardens during the Bishops' 20 THE CHURCH REVIVAL and Archbishops' Visitations. Most of these are still preserved at the Diocesan Registries, and provide the most exhaustive material we possess for the internal history of the Church. A writer (Mr. N. Pocock, I believe) * has examined those of the Puritan strongholds of Norwich and Ely, with the following somewhat surprising results : i. That, in the main, the congre gations over which Puritan ministers had been placed disagreed seriously with their pastors, and presented them to the Bishop's Court for ceremonial omissions or neglect of frequent services*; 2. That where there were many Puritan ministers in a neigh bourhood the opposition to their neglect in compliance with the rubrics grew less between 1620 and 1630, and then ceased alto gether ; 3. That where Puritan ministers were few, opposition to them continued strong even until 1640 ; 4. That during nearly the whole epoch, and in nearly every county in England, they had but few supporters, and the evidence goes to show that until 1620 the number of their sympathizers in any one place was extremely small, not attaining the dignity of a respectable minority of the congregation. This is significant. It shows that the suppression of the Church by Parliament was due to a comparatively small faction, and that the people, so far from objecting to the simple ritual of the Prayer Book, resented its not being com plied with. And now we pass on to the troubles between Charles I and his Parliament. In February 1640 a petition was presented to the House of Commons signed by many Puritans in London and the counties, describing their grievances " occasioned by the Prelates " under twenty-eight heads. One was that the Bishops rendered the clergy fainthearted to preach the doctrines of Free Grace, Pre destination, Election, etc. Another that they interfered with the buying of Impropriations by sundry well-affected persons, and placing ministers in them who preached the True Gospel. Another grievance was that the prelates would not allow that the Pope was Antichrist, and that salvation was unattainable in the Church of Rome. The fourteenth was " The great conformity and likeness both continued and encreased of our Church to the Church of Rome, in Vestures, Postures, Cere monies, and Administrations, namely as the Bishops' rochets 1 " The People and the Puritan Movement," Church Quarterly Review, April 1904. THE SWAMPING OF THE CHURCH 21 and the Lawne sleeves, the foure-cornered Cap, the Cope and Surpluse, the Tippet, the Hood." The fifteenth complains of " The standing up at Gloria Patri, and at the reading of the Gospel, praying towards the East, bowing at the name of Jesus, bowing to the Altar, the Crosse in Baptism and the kneehng at the Communion." The sixteenth grievance is : " The turning of the Communion Tables Altar-wise, setting Images, Crucifixes, and Conceits over them, and Tapers and Books upon them . . . forcing people to come up thither to receive, or else denying the Sacrament to them." The eighteenth grievance is that " The Liturgie is for the most part framed out of the Romish Breviary, Rituale, and Mass-book, also the book of Ordination, for Archbishops and Ministers, framed out of the Roman Pontifical." Sir Edward Deering, moreover, spoke four times on the subject of the interference of the Bishops with godly ministers, and their issuing, cum privilegio, pamphlets against Puritanism, by Cosin, Dowe, Heylin, Pocklington, Mead, Shelford, Swan, Roberts, " and many more." x Only a few days after the opening of the Long Parliament, November 3, 1640, the Commons appointed a Grand Committee, consisting of the whole House, to enquire into the characters, opinions and morals generally of the clergy, with intent of purging the Church of undesirable ministers, undesirable on account of their conduct, but undesirable also because hostile to the party in power. A general invitation was issued to all sorts of persons to get up all sorts of complaints against their pastors. The numbers, that poured in made it necessary that the Grand Com mittee should divide itself into four or five. If we may trust the statements made by the Committee for sequestrating livings, there were many cases in which the parsons were drunkards and swearers. But also there were numerous cases of " malignancy " — that is to say of believers in Episcopacy and of men using the Book of Common Prayer: this sufficed as a cause for expulsion. In July thirteen bishops were impeached, and on December 30 following, ten of them were sent to the Tower. It is said that no of the clergy of the diocese of London alone were turned out of their livings in 1642 and 1643. As has been already said, large numbers of the clergy were Puritanically disposed. These 1 Speeches and Passages of this Great and Happy Parliament (London, 1641). 22 THE CHURCH REVIVAL drew up a Remonstrance addressed to the Parliament " against the whole government of the Church." Later they added another and a stronger petition to the House of Commons, thanking Parhament for what, by purging the Church, it had already done, and urging to further action— the setting aside of the Liturgy and the rubrics ; and this was actually presented at the bar of the House by their prolocutor, Dr. Burgess. To what an extent those who were employed to purge the Church acted honestly and impartially, it is hard to say. In different districts the clergy were perhaps differently treated. Mr. W. N. Johns, in his Historical Traditions and Facts relating to the County of Monmouth (Newport, 1885), gives a list of all the benefices in the county from which the Committee, and later Ciomwell's Tryers, ejected the clergy, to the number of eighty- eight, many of these as " malignants " and as "using the Prayer Book." Some were expelled for drunkenness, others for "in efficiency," i.e. because they did not come up to the theological standard set by their judges. In the County of Devon, out of about 550 benefices, two-thirds of the parsons were deprived. The rest conformed to the re ligion — whatever it was — of the Parhament. For the space of two years the country might be said to have been without any established form of worship. The clergy were left to use the Liturgy, repeating the prayers by heart without book, or not, as they pleased, and to follow their own devices in other particulars. Thus, we are told, while some of them continued to wear the canonical vesture, others gratified their taste by preaching in a cloak, after the fashion of the Protestant ministers of Geneva and France. In the summer of 1643 it was desired by Parliament that all altars of stone in churches should be taken away ; all communion tables removed from the east end of the chancels and set in the nave. All rails were to be pulled down, all candlesticks and tapers to be removed, and all crucifixes and pictures to be destroyed. The building up of a new ecclesiastical polity was committed to an Assembly of Divines that met at Westminster on July 1, 1643. The Directory of Public Worship, which supplanted the Book of Common Prayer, was established by an ordinance on January 3, 1645; the Christian Seasons were abolished, kneeling was done away with, hats were worn during service ; THE SWAMPING OF THE CHURCH 23 in 1653 marriage was made a civil contract before a Justice of Peace. The Puritans maintained great hostility towards organs and instrumental music in churches, and that it caused dissatis faction when music was put down, the organs broken up and the choirs dispersed, one may judge by the diffusion of a ballad composed at the time, which I have published with its original air in my Songs of the West. It is too long to be reproduced here, but I give a few verses. I heard it from an old blind man on Dartmoor in 1883, but it has also been recovered at North Tawton, as happening there, and in 1877 the Hon. A. F. Northcote took it down from a pedlar at Buckingham, aged ninety years. There's a man in Brixham town, Of office, and in gown, Strove to put singing down, Which most of men adore. For House of God unmeet, The voice and organ sweet When pious men do meet To praise their God before. Go question Holy Writ, And you will find in it That seemly 'tis and fit To praise and hymn the Lord, On cymbal and on lute On organ and on flute. With voices sweet that suit All in a fair concord. Now there be creatures three, As you may plainly see, With music can't agree Upon this very earth : The swine, the fool, the ass ; And so we let it pass, And sing, O Lord, thy praise, Whilst we have breath. There were some, Churchmen at heart, who conformed to the Directory and to the complete transformation of the Church into a Presbyterian establishment. A notable instance was John Pearson. He retained his living at Torrington in Suffolk, and in 1650 was appointed lecturer at S. Clement's, Eastcheap, in London ; and it was to the parishioners there, during the 24 THE CHURCH REVIVAL domination of Presbyterians and Independents, that he de livered his Exposition of the Apostles' Creed. We can perhaps understand his position, and that of others hke him who submitted, hoping by private advice and by pubhc instruction to keep alive some spark of the Faith, and doubtless looking for better times to come ; but it was hardly honest.1 To a good many must have applied the words of Beatrice relative to Benedick : "He wears his faith but as the fashion of his hat — it ever changes with the next block." The Covenant, moreover, was devised as a method of assuring that the ministers were in full agreement with the religious opinions of the Parhament. On September 25, 1643, five days after the battle of Newbury, the Covenant was sworn to by the members of the House of Commons, and was soon afterwards ordered to be sworn to by every Englishman ; and it was imposed on every incumbent as a test, and if he refused to subscribe he was treated as a malignant, ejected from his benefice with wife and children, and deprived of his goods. It was rendered hard for the loyal country gentlemen to assist their pastors, as the estates of malignants had been sequestered. All who submitted to swear to the Covenant were accounted friends of " the Blessed Parhament," all who refused it were looked upon as " spies and betrayers of the Parliament." The Covenant was ordered to be written up in every church, and recited before the congregation by the minister once in each year. The terms of the Covenant were emphatic enough : "We shall sincerely, really and constantly endeavour, in our several places and callings, the preservation of the Reformed religion in the Church of Scotland in doctrine, worship, discipline and 1 There were many such men. Lewis Atterbury, father of the Bishop, remained undisturbed at Milston, Pocock at Childrey, Sanderson at Boothby Pagnell. Stillingfleet was actually appointed to Sutton in 1657, and Bull to Suddington in 1658, all of course conforming to the Directory, but hating it in their hearts. So also Thomas Fuller, the Church his torian, presented to the living of Waltham Abbey, 1649, and then that of Cranford, 1658. Heylin accused him of complying with the times, and South pictured him with his big book under one arm and his little wife under the other, running after his patrons for invitation to dinner. Hall was another Conformist, so also Westfield, Bishop of Bristol, who attended the Westminster Assembly, 1643, and was allowed by Parlia ment to retain his emoluments. Simon Patrick became Vicar of Batter- sea in 1658 He had been privately ordained. After the Restoration he became Vicar of S. Paul's, Covent Garden, and eventually in succession Bishop of Chichester, then of Ely. John Gauden was another who con- tormed to Presbyterianism, and was thereby enabled to retain his rector- snip ot Booking. He became successively Bishop of Exeter and then of THE SWAMPING OF THE CHURCH 25 government, against our common enemies ; the Reformation of religion in the kingdoms of England and Ireland, in doctrine, worship, discipline and government according to the word of God, and the example of the best Reformed Churches, and shall endeavour to bring the churches of God in the three kingdoms to the nearest conjunction and uniformity in religion, confession of faith, form of church government, directory for worship and catechising. That we shall in hke manner, without respect of persons, endeavour the extirpation of Popery, Prelacy (that is Church government by archbishops, bishops, their chancellors and commissaries, deans and chapters, archdeacons and all other ecclesiastical officers, depending on that hierarchy) superstition, heresy, schism, profaneness, etc." Some of the old clergy counted up the words of the Covenant, and found them to be 666, the number of the Beast. But what is startling is that so many acquiesced in the Covenant, took oath, and remained on in their cures. Thomas Fuller apologizes for his conformity by saying that he knew nothing of the Covenant save seeing it hung up in the Church, but he admits that he took the oath in the vestry of the Savoy chapel. By ordinance of Parhament, May 9, 1644, it was directed " that no copes, surplices, superstitious vestments, roods or roodloms . . . shall be, or be any more used in any Church or Chapell, within the Realm . . . and that all copes, surplices, Superstitious Vestments, Roods and Fonts aforesaid, be like wise utterly defaced." By an Act of Parhament passed on June 6, 1646, the Presby terian form of Church Government was partially established by way of experiment, the preamble of the Act declaring " that if upon trial it was not found acceptable, it should be reversed or amended," but in 1649 it was declared without qualification by the House, that Presbyterianism should be the Established religion. This was the year in which the Commonwealth was established. In 1653, however, Cromwell dissolved the Long Parhament, and on December 16 in that year became Lord Protector. With him Independency had the upper hand and the Presbyterians could ask for nothing but toleration. Their Directory was now scouted, and complete religious anarchy prevailed. The Protector was disposed to tolerate all sects, but not Romanists, Anglicans and Quakers. In March 1653 Cromwell, by an Ordinance in Council, ap- 26 THE CHURCH REVIVAL pointed a Board of Tryers, thirty-eight in number, of whom part were Presbyterians, part Independents, and a few Baptists, to which was accorded, without any instructions or limitations whatever, the power of examining and approving, or rejecting, all persons that might thereafter be presented or nominated to any living in the Church. There was also instituted a Commis sion of Ejectors, to turn out those who, being in possession, were deemed unworthy, and such as employed the Prayer Book.1 Those of the sequestered priests who were unmarried were taken into the f amihes of the country squires, where they served as tutors and chaplains, and used the Book of Common Prayer and ministered the Sacraments in secret. The Bishops behind shut and locked doors ordained to the priesthood. The married incumbents who had been ejected became schoolmasters in the parishes in which they had ministered as priests. But in 1655 the Protector issued an edict forbidding any ejected incumbent from keeping a school, acting as tutor in a private family, per forming any rite of the Church, or using the Book of Common Prayer, and the major-generals were ordered to see that it was duly enforced. Yet Cromwell must have felt towards his end that his efforts to stamp out the Church were doomed to failure, for his daughters were sincere Church women, and attended the ministrations and received the Sacrament at the hands of a proscribed priest in a private house, and had themselves married by one.2 There is a wooden parish church at Reykjahlid by Myvatn, in the north-east of Iceland. Between 1724 and 1730 ensued a sequence of irruptions from three volcanic vents in the neigh bourhood. These poured forth a river of molten lava that flowed down to the lake and menaced to overwhelm the church ; but the fiery flood parted at the churchyard bank and encompassed God's acre, spared the sacred building, save that it charred and started its planks ; it slew all the fish in the lake, poisoned man 1 What the judgments of the Committee were worth may be seen by that on Edmund Pocock, the great Orientalist and Arabic professor at Oxford, who only just escaped expulsion from his living of Childrey "for ignorance and insufficiency." And he one with an European reputation for learning ! 2 Mary was married to Lord Fauconberg by the Rev. Dr. Hewit. Crom well had him executed on the pretence that he was engaged in a plot, with which, in fact, he had little concern. The last Roman Catholic priest who was executed for his religion in England suffered under Crom well. THE SWAMPING OF THE CHURCH 27 and beast with its mephitic exhalations, and buried wide tracts of pasture. The Edwardian and Elizabethan periods were much Uke this. From Switzerland, the Rhine and the Main was vomited forth the poisonous and desolating torrent that overflowed our land, killing all spiritual religion and common moraUty, and substi tuting, for them acrid controversy, unprofitable dogmatism, and relaxation, of morals. It did appear as though the Church must perish, surrounded as it was by the incandescent current of Calvinism. But by the mercy of God — as by a miracle — it survived. I have seen Reykjahlid. The desolating torrent is congealed into fanged fragments of rock, that produce not a blade of grass nor a goodly flower. It has been so in England ; the stream has expended its heat, has lost its momentum, and remains a petri faction without vitality and without productiveness. CHAPTER II THE SWAMPING OF THE CHURCH (continued) FROM l66o ONWARDS AT the Restoration, in 1660, the parish churches were served by two classes of men : such as had received Episcopal ordination and had conformed willingly or reluctantly ; and such as were Presbyterians or Indepen dents or even Baptist preachers, and who had not been ordained. Where there had been intrusion into benefices, and the original rectors or vicars were still ahve in 1660, these latter were re stored, and the intruders had to go. But of this class there were not many. Poverty and hardship had killed most of them. Those ordained who had conformed to the Directory now made a second turn of the coat, back to the Prayer Book and to Episcopacy. Some of these profited greatly thereby. They could produce their letters of Orders, and show that they had been canonically instituted before the RebelUon. Pearson at once got preferment. He was presented to the rectory of S. Christo pher in the City, became prebendary of Ely, archdeacon of Surrey, and in 1672 Bishop of Chester. Some of those restored must have been of questionable value. No inquisition seems to have been made as to whether those reinstated had been deprived for their orthodoxy or for their disreputable conduct. We obtain a tolerable insight into the condition of affairs from Pepys's Diary. Samuel Pepys, born on February 23, 1632-3, had known nothing of Church doctrine and order. At the time of the Restoration he lived in the parish of S. Olave, Hart Street, London, and the incumbent was Daniel Mills. Mills had been appointed to S. Olave's, April 17, 1657, by the Commissioners or Tryers, under Cromwell's Protectorate, as a godly minister. He died in 1689, a bit of a pluraUst, as rector of S. Olave's and also of Wanstead in Essex. He had not been episcopally ordained, but was quite prepared to conform, even before he was obliged to do so. Pepys wrote : 28 THE SWAMPING OF THE CHURCH 29 " 1660. 4 Nov. (Lord's Day). — In the morn at our Church (S. Olave's), where Mr. Mills did begin to nibble at the Common Prayer by saying ' Glory be to the Father, etc' after he had read two psalms, but the people had been so little used to it, that they could not tell what to answer. " 1662. 5 October (Lord's Day). — I to Church and this day the parson had got someone to read, with the surplice on. I suppose himself will take it up hereafter, for a cunning fellow he is as any of his coate. " 1662. 26 October (Lord's Day). — To Church and there saw for the first time Mr. Mills in a surphce, but it seemed absurd for him to pull it over his ears in the reading pew, after he had done, before all the church, to go up to the pulpitt." When the Savoy Conference met (April 15- July 25, 1661) there were twelve Bishops on one side, and twelve eminent Presbyterians on the other, and the object of the conference was to consider whether it were possible to so modify the Prayer Book as to satisfy the Puritans and allow them to retain their cures. But it soon appeared that the differences were radical, and that conciliation was impossible. The Presbyterians de manded the disuse of the title "priest," the abohtion of Lent and Saints' days, permission to use extempore prayers as well as printed forms at the discretion of the minister, the omission of the sign of the cross in baptism, and of the ring in matrimony ; the discontinuance of kneeling for the reception of Communion ; they also objected to Baptismal Regeneration, and Confirmation as a preUminary to Communion ; they demanded as well the excision of the Ornaments Rubric. They were prepared to consent to Episcopacy if the Bishops were to be relegated to the office of superintendents and moderators among pastors, each to be primus inter pares, and that no obligation to be ordained should be imposed upon those who had received their mission from the Presbyterian classes. " In a word they sought the triumph of Puritanism over the Church, not a footing for Puritanism within the pale of the Church." It was impossible to concede these demands without un churching the Anglican Communion, making of it a Protestant sect among other sects. And it would have driven out of the fold all those who belonged to the old school, regarding the Episcopate and Apostolic Succession as of Divine institution, and the Church Catholic as the Kingdom of Christ upon earth. The Prayer Book went through its final revision in 1661. The 80 THE CHURCH REVIVAL Title itself is significant : " The Book of Common Prayer and the administration of the Sacraments, and other rites and cere monies of the Church, according to the use of the United Church of England and Ireland." The First Preface was a refutation of the Puritans. The Second is an adaptation from the revised Breviary of Cardinal Quignon authorized by Pope Paul III in 1535 ; and this it foUows in all the main points. Nothing can show plainer that the Reformers meant not to create a new service-book but to reform the old. The words of the Preface make this clear. Four times in it is the authority of the " Ancient Fathers " invoked. In the Third Preface no hint of revolutionary change is given ; indeed it does not hesitate to declare that innovations are always to be eschewed. The Act of Uniformity was passed in 1662. All ministers were required to accept and employ the Book of Common Prayer, and such as had not been episcopally ordained were required to seek orders from the Bishop, before S. Bartholomew's Day, August 24, or to vacate their incumbencies. It has been stated by Calamy and Baxter that from 1500 to 2465 ministers were ejected. J. R. Green, in his Short History, says that it was only one-fifth of the clergy. Burnet himself doubted whether anything like the number had to leave that was supposed. " The numbers," he says, " have been much controverted." 1 According to Clarendon a great many of those who vacated their livings did so on " bluff," hoping to get better terms, but conformed afterwards when they found out that the Government meant what it said. In Ichabod, published in 1663, a work attributed to Ken, figures are quoted to the effect that out of 12,000 benefices, 3,000 were in impropriate hands, and that there were 4,000 incumbents who were not resident. If we take it that 6,000 benefices were really occupied and that 2,000 ministers were ejected, of whom a good many returned, it would leave between 4,000 and 5,000 who conformed. But this takes no account of cathedral and collegiate establishments, and it is not certain that these 12,000 benefices represent all that there were in the English Church at that time. Mr. W. N. Johns, in his Historical Traditions and Facts relating ' to the County of Monmouth (Newport, 1885), gives a list of . all 1 Calamy records 2,465, but of these a large number conformed later. THE SWAMPING OF THE CHURCH 31 the benefices in the county from which the Committee and the Tryers ejected the clergy. It would seem from this that 88 were driven out of their hvings; of these at the Restoration only five lived to be reinstated. In 1660-2 the number ejected was 11, so that something Uke 72 must have conformed. Here, as Prince Hal might say, " O monstrous ! but one halfpenny of bread to this intolerable deal of sack ! " Five orthodox clergy to 72 reclaimed Puritans ! Now let us take Devonshire in the diocese of Exeter. The registers have been closely investigated by the late Rev. G. L. Hennessy with these results. Out of about 550 benefices in Devon, 52 ministers were deprived. There were 35 benefices jam legitime vacantes. In the city of Exeter there had been 19 churches, but by Act of Parhament in 1656 these were reduced to 4. This would account for 15 legitimately vacant. Of the 52 deprived some were intruders, the original incum bents being still ahve. One was vacated on account of Non conformity, and one on account of contempt and disobedience. This leaves 462 incumbents remaining. In 1660-3 there were 177 ordained by Bishops Gauden and Seth Ward. These were Conformists, leaving 343 in quiet possession, who had been ordained before the troubles, and had conformed to Presbyterian- ism and now conformed again to Episcopacy. But that is not all. Among the ministers who had not been ordained, some were allowed from ten to twelve years' grace in which to make up their minds whether to conform or not. Whether this was done in other dioceses I am unable to say. The number of time- servers Uke Mr. Mills was great — " cunning feUows as any of their coate." The Bishops could not be exacting. They were constrained to fiU the benefices with such men as they could get. An entire generation had sprung up without having received any training, any Church teaching, knowing nothing of the traditions of Church service.1 Only some elders remembered what the Church had been and what Church principles were. There had been, as we have seen, a large number of parochial clergy, who had been ordained, but had been carried away by 1 From Ichabod we learn that 426 tradesmen who had been intruded into hvings during the Commonwealth now submitted to ordination so as to retain their livings. 32 THE CHURCH REVIVAL the current of Puritanism. These had not been ejected during the Commonwealth, and they now remained in their cures, though out of sympathy with the rites and doctrines of the Church. Then there were the Conformists, who, to retain their parson ages and incomes, submitted to ordination, and undertook to use the Prayer Book. According to Archdeacon Basire and Dean GranviUe, con temporaries, a great many of these Conformists took the oaths but did not keep them ; not merely neglecting to use the Book of Common Prayer, but preaching against the institutions to which they had sworn submission.1 To use Dean Granville's own words : " they preach with cloven tongues and walk with cloven feet." Mr. Green is probably right in his estimate that only one- fifth were ejected. The two- or three-fifths that remained were secretly hostile to the Cathohc faith and scorned the Church rites ; and the quaUty of those who filled up the gaps was of more than dubious value. When Nathaniel Heywood was required to conform or to quit the parish of Ormskirk, he was urged to accept the first alternative, but said he could not do so for conscience' sake. " Oh, sir," said a parishioner, " many a man nowadays makes a great gulp in his conscience — can you not make a httle nick in yours ? " And, in fact, many did make this httle nick. They conformed with their lips, but in heart they were with the old Puritanism, and they performed Divine Service in a way that showed that they despised the Book of Common Prayer. From the time of Charles I to that of the reign of Charles II, the bulk of the clergy had been weathercocks veering with every wind; first of all Churchmen, then Presbyterians, next Inde pendents, and finally Churchmen again, but with their Church- manship so diluted as to be scarcely discoverable. Pepys enters in his Diary, August 24, 1662, the very day of " Black Bartholomew " : " To Church, where Mr. MiUs, making a sermon on Confession, he did endeavour to pull down Auricular Confession, but did set it up by his bad arguments against it, and advising people to come to him to confess their sins, when they had any weight upon their consciences, as much as possibly, which did vex me to hear." 2 1 Overton (J. H.), Life in the English Church (London, 1885), p. 1. 2 Yet even Pepys eventually went to Confession to Hickes. THE SWAMPING OF THE CHURCH 33 Now, we have seen, Mills had been a Puritan minister, and he had just been ordained, so as to be able to retain the cure of S. Olave's. With his ordination he had made a volte-face, and was now desirous of using the power of the keys conferred on him a few days before. Had Edmund Calamy the Elder been willing to conform he was to have been given the Bishoprics of Coventry and Lich field ; and the sees were kept open for him tiU December 1661 ; and Baxter, an ultra-Presbyterian, might have had the Bishopric of Hereford, had he been less honest. Some of the Conformists did well for themselves : such were William Outram, who died prebendary of Westminster; such also was Timothy Tully, a "bright particular star" of Pres- byterianism while the Commonwealth lasted, who altered his orbit, and conforming, became Canon of York. Thomas Tully, another, became Dean of Ripon. Such also was JohnTillotson, of whom more presently. So also Richard Kidder (a Presby terian and Republican), who had held the Uving of Stanground during the Rebellion, and was ejected from it as a Nonconformist under the Act of Uniformity. But he felt uncomfortable out in the cold, and conformed. William III gave him the see of Bath and Wells, from which he had ejected the saintly Bishop Ken. He and his wife were killed together in a storm, 1703, by the faU of a stack of chimneys on the bed in which they were sleeping. Samuel Parker, who had posed as a Presbyterian of the straitest section, changed at the Restoration, became Arch deacon of Canterbury and Bishop of Oxford. Reynolds, a staunch and convinced Presbyterian, put his convictions in his pocket, conformed and became Bishop of Norwich. What could be expected of such turncoats ? This flood of Conformists, bred in ultra-Calvinism, knowing nothing of the faith of the Church, ignorant as to the significance of the ceremonies and sacraments of the Church, but who were too worldly to endure the annoyance of expulsion from their cures, racked the Church to her bones. When the Earl of Man chester told King Charles, during the debate on the Act of Uni formity, that he was afraid the terms were too harsh, and that many ministers would not comply, Bishop Sheldon, who stood by, said : "lam afraid that they will." And they did so, and brought a muddy stream of dishonest Puritanism into the Church. It was reckoned that at this time fuUy one-half of the clergy were out of sympathy with Church doctrine and practice. They 3 34 THE CHURCH REVIVAL regarded the Church as an EstabUshment that provided them with a UveUhood, endured the Prayer Book, without entertain ing any love for it, and were not scrupulous to obey its rubrics and conform to its spirit. Referring to the Act of Uniformity, Dr. Allen said to Sheldon : " 'Tis pity the door is so strait." To which Sheldon repUed : " 'Tis no pity at all. If we had thought so many of them would have conformed we would have made it straiter." The Conformists had an ingenious method of salving their consciences, by putting up vastly long extempore prayers before and after the sermon, hurrying over the morning and evening prayers at a gabble, in the most slighting manner, and concentrat ing the whole interest of the congregation on their own effusions. These were called " conceived prayers," and the Conformist clergy made no scruple to cut down a good deal of the Liturgical Office, so as to give scope for their own lucubrations. One in cumbent in the diocese of Gloucester had the audacity to excuse himself to Bishop Frampton for so curtailing the Office prayers, on the plea that " the length of the service hindered him from praying in the pulpit as long as he would." It was not possible to stop this practice, to which the old Presbyterians and Inde pendents were greatly addicted, as a means of showing them selves off to great advantage to their audience ; and the bishops were afraid of forbidding it. Even so late as 1675, a published sermon has a " conceived prayer " preceding it, four pages long. In some churches, as a correspondent complained to Dean Granville, the congregation loitered about outside the church till the Liturgical Office had been said, when they rushed in to hear the " conceived prayer." Churchmen, Uke Dean Granville, looked upon these extem pore prayers as marking men to be insincere Conformists. Referring to the Church prayers, they would say : " We have, hitherto prated, but now let us pray," or " Brethren, it is true we have been praying in the voice of the Church, but now we'll pray better." Moreover, as during the time of the domination of Puritanism the Celebration of the Lord's Supper, even after Presbyterian forms, had become rare, it remained rare wherever there were Conformists, and they aUowed Communicants to walk up to the Holy Table and receive standing, or else they went down into the body of the church and communicated the people in their places. THE SWAMPING OF THE CHURCH 35 The Test Act of 1673, which forced Nonconformists either to abstain from seeking any pubhc office or to become occasional communicants had a most mischievous effect. They came, but persisted in standing to receive ; and Dr. Hooke, vicar of Halif ax, was thought to be very uncharitable because he refused certificates to such as would not kneel ; and the rule requiring Communicants to kneel was generaUy dispensed with by clergy at the time. Another point on which the Conformists held out was against the Catechizing of Children on the Sunday afternoon. It inter fered with, or supplanted the reUshed sermon, but it was a point strongly insisted on by the Bishops. For one thing those Con formist clergy did not hke the plain doctrine contained in the Catechism of the Church. The Puritans were very anxious to retain the Lecturers as free lances, wherever malcontents could be found in a parish who would put their hands into their pockets to find a stipend for them, and thus keep up a spirit of strife and dissent wherever there was an orthodox pastor. Baxter, among his proposed terms of union in 1673, required " that lecturers should not be obUged to read the service, or at most that it be enough if once in half a year they read the greatest part of what is appointed for that time." I have already mentioned the Act that was passed to put them under some sort of control. It would be a great mistake to attribute the neglect of Church ordinances to the Conformists alone. The fault lay equaUy with the poor quality of clergy who were of the Church throughout, or had been recently ordained. Dean Granville writes, 1675 : " As for the observation of the festivals (wherein an especial part of our religion doth consist) they are notorious prophan'd not only by the people, but scandalously neglected, or shghtly observed (as to the due performance of God's worship in them) by the Priest. Ministers begin, I see, to make very bold with them, and for Uttle, despicable, temporal convenience change the customary hours of God's worship and sometimes whoUy lay it aside, at least in the afternoon, and sometimes upon no better account than that they and their people may goe to a horse-race, or some such idle sport or divertisement." The Conformists were especiaUy bitter against those Presby terians and Independents who did not conform. They thought and hoped that, had aU come in, they would have been enabled to capture the EngUsh Church. Dean GranviUe wrote in 1679 : 36 THE CHURCH REVIVAL " And of aU non-conformists, I confesse I have most indignation against those that can accept of a fat benefice and preferment upon pretence of conforming and giving assent and consent to our order, bitterly inveighing against aU dissenters from our rule, which they most scandalously neglect and contemne them selves, nay sometimes even persecuting well-meaning though misguided soules, by virtue of the Common Prayer Book, which they themselves will not observe, nay scarce ever consideringly read." In his Observations on the Grievances and Abuses in the Church of England, the Dean notes first of aU " that the Door of Ordination was in reahty made too wide, not so much by our Church as by our Churchmen." And this was the case. So many thousands of livings had to be fined, that the Bishops and patrons accepted almost any man who offered. His second grievance was that the clergy neglected the rule of the Common Prayer Book after having made a pubhc declaration of conformity in the Church and having given their assent and consent to it.1 Amidst the Dean's correspondence is a" communication from a student in the Inns of Court, giving an account of the irregularities in the performance of Divine Service by the clergy of London. Perhaps one of the most curious was that of reading the Visitation of the Sick in church instead of at the bedside of the sick man. In Cumberland and Westmorland there had been twenty-eight ejected. Of these some because they were intruders, and the old incumbents were stiU alive. Calamy and Palmer give the number of ministers ejected in Cumberland as thirty, of whom four conformed afterwards ; for Westmorland nine, of whom four conformed. " What impresses the reader is the eagerness of the number of those who accepted the new ritualism and there fore were left undisturbed." 2 From Ken's Visitation Articles, issued in 1684, we learn that at that date, in the diocese of Bath and WeUs, there were still churches in which the surplice was not worn, and where the altar stood without coyer or rail in the nave, where there was neither chalice nor Prayer Book. In 1662 Archdeacon Basire reported of Northumberland that " in many churches there were 1 Archdeacon Granville's Remains are most interesting reading, and throw a great light on the condition of the Church of the Restoration. They were published by the Surtees Society, 1861, 1865. 2 Nightingale (B.), The Elected of Cumberland and Westmorland (Man chester, 191 1). The number 28 is taken from " a Great Catalogue of the names of the several ministers lately ejected," 1663, in Mr Nightingale's book, p. 80. THE SWAMPING OF THE CHURCH 37 neither Bibles, Books of Common Prayer, surphsses, fonts, Com munion Tables, nor anything that is necessarie for the service of God." In 1665 matters were not much better. In the diocese of Hereford in 1675 Bishop Croft did not think it " wise to be zealous for the surplice." Dean GranviUe complained of his curate at Kilkhampton in Cornwall " officiating without the surplice to please the dow- baked people of that country." Archdeacon (afterwards Dean) Granville, in his Visitation charge, 1674, says : " I have look'd on it as (a) very fatall presage since the restoracion of our Church service that the Cleargy have expressed noe more affection to it." No wonder, when the majority were Conformists. He urged again and again : " Be sides the ordinary offices for Sundayes and FeastivaUs and dayly prayers throughout the yeare, there should be a conscientious discharge of the duties of Catechizing, Exposition, Visitation of the Sick, personal appUcation, sermons on aU festivals." Never theless " the Dayly Prayers injoined to be said in all Parish Churches, are not observ'd in more than four places- throughout the whole Diocese. Catechizing enjoin'd on all Sundays and Holy Days is restrained by most only to Lent." On the other hand there was much earnestness manifest among High Churchmen to rebuild the waste places of Zion, and to restore the solemnities of Divine worship. Wherever there were clergy of the old school " the full system of the Church was at once restored, even before the Act of Uniformity was passed. Surplices reappeared in church, the clergy once more walked about the street in gown and cassock and square cap. The altars were moved to the East end of the chancel and railed in. The cathedrals were purified from the state of neglect in which they had lain during the Commonwealth. The waUs were repaired, the signs of wanton destruction and desecration as far as possible removed, and the choirs once more resounded daily to the tones of the organs and the voices of the choristers. At Durham the copes were worn, and the candles lighted ; at Ely incense was burned at the celebration of the Holy Eucharist." * Pepys entered in his diary : " 1660. 8 July (Lord's Day). — To White Hall chapel. Here I heard very good musique, the first time that ever I remember to have heard the organs and singing men in surpUces in my Ufe. 1 Wakeman, History of the Church of England (1904), p. 404. 38 THE CHURCH REVIVAL " 1660. 24 July (Lord's Day). — To White HaU chapel, where I heard a cold sermon, and the ceremonies did not please me, they do so overdo them. " 1661. 17 Nov. (Lord's Day). — To Church and heard a simple fellow upon the praise of church musique, and exclaiming against men wearing hats in church. " 18 Nov. — At S. Paul's, where I saw the quiristers in their surplices going to prayers, and a few idle people and boys to hear them, which is the first time I see them, and am sorry to see things done so out of order." Notwithstanding the amount of Puritanism that had been imported into the Church through the Conformists, under the energetic rule of the Caroline Bishops the standard of Faith and practice that had been set up by the great divines under James I and Charles I was being rapidly recovered. A good many of those who belonged to the first period lived to a great age and were able to help in the reconstruction of the Church after the Restoration ; and few things are more remarkable than the rise and expansion of Church feeling, and growth of public worship in the reign of Queen Anne. Out of such unpromising material good had come. The leveUing up was in full pro gress when, with the Revolution, and the arrival of William of Orange, the Church suffered severely. Indeed he put a check on her recovery. WiUiam was a Dutch Calvinist of strong anti-Cathohc pre judices. He showed his disregard for Church feehng by having himself proclaimed on Ash Wednesday, a day then observed with greater strictness than in later times. Old-fashioned Churchmen were offended at seeing bonfires blazing, wine-casks broached in the streets, processions marshalled, banquets spread, and at hearing the church bells ringing merry peals on the first day of the Lenten fast. William ostentatiously kept his hat on in church, as he had been wont to do in the Calvinistic tabernacles at home, and obsequious courtiers did the same. His wife, Mary, had been brought up as a Churchwoman, and had imported to The Hague, Ken and Hooper as her chaplains, men of definite Church opinions, who afterwards became succes sively Bishops of Bath and Wells. William entertained a dis like for them, and declared that, should he ever obtain the crown of England, he would never promote such men as these. After the Revolution he had Gilbert Burnet as his chief ad viser in Church matters, a man who had been brought up as a THE SWAMPING OF THE CHURCH 39 Scottish Presbyterian, and who in HoUand had assiduously attended Calvinistic worship, and even communicated in the Dutch conventicles. He had been ordained in the Church, but his sympathies and prejudices were those that he had acquired in early days. John TiUotson was the son of a Yorkshire clothier, a Presbyterian, and his intimate friends had been Socinians, Quakers and Puritans. At the Restoration he had been ejected from his fellowship at Clare, Cambridge, on account of his Puritan ism. But he became a Conformist, and had been made Dean of Canterbury, then raised by William to be Archbishop and Primate of all England. He never shook off his Puritanical principles, and was largely credited with being a Socinian at heart. He had no affection for the Creed of the Church, and despised its ritual, which he disregarded. Wherever he could, he acted as a Dissenter rather than as a Churchman. He was wont to administer the Eucharist to persons sitting instead of kneehng. He would saunter up and down in the church carrying the Sacred Elements, and administer first to those lounging in their pews, and then to those kneehng at the rails ; he would not himself go within, but standing without, forced the Com municants to turn about so as to receive. That King William should have offered such a man the Archbishopric is what we can weU understand, better than we can the dishonesty of TiUotson in accepting it. Henry Compton was already Bishop of London — a man after the King's own heart, as he was thoroughly Latitudinarian. He was an ex-cornet of the Royal Horse Guards, and as ignorant 6f theology and of Church principles as a soldier might be. On December 3, 1689, when William of Orange entered London, he, the Bishop of London, to the scandal of Churchmen, drew on top-boots, put his rapier by his side, slung pistols in his belt, and throwing a purple cloak over his shoulders, rode, thus accoutred, to meet WiUiam. Ever afterwards he bore the nick name of " Jack Boots." Stilhngfleet, whose Irenicon was the text-book of those who denied Episcopacy, or any form of ministry to be of Divine appointment, was made Bishop of Worcester. Tenison was another Latitudinarian on whom William could reckon. He had been made Bishop of Lincoln in 1692, and on the death of TiUotson was raised to the Primacy. He valued the Church as a political institution, and had no regard for it as a Spiritual society. He hated Convocation as truly as did TiUot son, as a manifestation of Ufe in the Church, and he advised the 40 THE CHURCH REVIVAL King not to caU it together, but to govern the Church by Royal Injunctions ; and this Wilham did. " It certainly seems ludicrous," says Mr. Hore, " that an Anglicized Dutchman who was in his heart a Calvinist and a Presbyterian, should be re quested by an Archbishop of Canterbury to teach the Bishops their duty." As the opinion prevailed that the clergy generally were Jaco bite in feehng, the unprecedented step was taken of enforcing on them an oath of allegiance to Wilham and Mary. Eight bishops and about four hundred clergy refused the oath, and were deprived. Hereby a large opening was made for the ad vancement of men of Low Church and Latitudinarian views. In the first two years of the reign of William and Mary as many as fifteen bishops were appointed. Burnet obtained the Bishopric of Salisbury, and TiUotson, the ex-Presbyterian, was elevated to the throne of S. Augustine and Laud. Before the end of the reign, the Episcopal bench was packed with prelates who were Latitudinarians, men of no Church principles, ready to take direction from a prince who was an adulterer, and a foreigner, and not a member of the Church, and were willing to carry out William's favourite device of broadening the basis of the English Church so as to take in aU Dissenters. In 1689 a BiU was passed through both Houses appointing a Commission to examine into the means to be adopted to effect this purpose, by revising the Liturgy, the Canons, and the Eccle siastical Courts. It met in October 1689, and proposed to undo everything that had been done by the Convocation of 1661 ; to forbid the chanting of the Psalms, even in cathedrals; the observance of Saints' Days, the cross in Baptism, the appoint ment of godparents, all these were to be aboUshed. The wearing of the surplice was to be made optional. The form of Absolu tion was to be modified. Episcopal ordination was not to be required for the ministry ; kneehng to receive the Communion was to be optional, and the Collects, as too concise, were to be puffed out with rhetorical bombast. Convocation met on November 20 to consider the proposals of the Commission. It soon became apparent that the Lower House was opposed to any alteration in the Prayer Book and in the constitution of the Church. The Prolocutor , addressing Compton , Bishop of London, who was in the chair, eulogized the Church in England as main taining the Faith once for all delivered to the saints, and as preserving the marks of the Cathohc Church throughout all THE SWAMPING OF THE CHURCH 41 ages. He plainly intimated that no alteration and watering down would be tolerated by the clergy. He concluded with the significant words "Nolumus leges Angliee mutari." The King, Burnet, TiUotson, Compton and other Latitudinarians speedily became aware that the Lower House was not to be hectored or cajoled into submission to the King and his obsequious bishops. Wilham, disappointed and offended, prorogued Convocation for six weeks, and when these six weeks were over, seeing no chance of getting his way, prorogued it again indefinitely. The Convocation of 1689 saved the Church of England from devolution into a formless, colourless, invertebrate lump. After this failure to broaden the basis of the EstabUshed Church, aU the Latitudinarians could do- — and they laid themselves out to do it — was to encourage laxity in ceremonial and discipline. We have already noted how that TiUotson defied rubrical order in the administration of Communion. Unable to get the Prayer Book altered, and angry at the opposition of the clergy, he and the rest were in no mood to insist on the due observance of rules which they neither obeyed themselves nor wanted to see obeyed by others, and which they desired to see expunged out of the Liturgy. The parochial clergy manfuUy resisted for a while. But the dead weight of unsympathetic Bishops bowed them down, and in the end they also ceased to observe the rubrics and rules of the Church, when they found that in the eyes of their diocesans such as did were regarded as unsuitable for preferment, and the most lax came in for smiles from statesmen and Bishops ahke. An example of the subserviency of the bishops appointed under Wilham and Mary was afforded at the execution of Sir John Friend and Sir William Parkyns in 1696, for high treason. The two knights were attended on the scaffold by three non- juring clergy, Jeremy Collier, Cook, and Snatt. Before the hang man adjusted the halter, the dying men knelt, and the three priests laid their hands upon their heads, and CoUier pronounced the Absolution, to which the other two responded Amen. For this Cook and Snatt were flung into prison, and CoUier only escaped by conceaUng himself. Thereupon the two Archbishops and twelve Bishops issued a manifesto denouncing these priests, on the wretched plea that the form of absolution prescribed in the Prayer Book was only to be employed in the visitation of sick people.1 1 Secret History of Europe (1715), iv. p. 241 et seq. 42 THE CHURCH REVIVAL It has been asked, whence did WiUiam obtain the bishops whom he advanced to the vacant sees, so devoid of principle as to use their utmost powers to subvert the Church ? He found them among the Conformists. Too many of the old Presby terians, as we have seen, had been bribed to join the Church by offers of mitres and decanal staUs, in the reign of Charles II, and there were others who had conformed simply so as to be in a position to look out for preferment. No man can betray his conscience for filthy lucre and not be moraUy degraded thereby. Such were these men. The sin of Jeroboam was that he made priests of the lowest of the people. WiUiam incurred the same condemnation, not that his prelates were of low birth, or were ignorant men, but because of their moral baseness. At the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, by Louis XIV in 1685, the French Huguenots came over to England in troops. But even prior to that date the French Calvinists had swarmed across the Channel and had set up their conventicles in Canter bury, Canvey Island, Colchester, Dover, Faversham, Glaston bury, Ipswich, Maidstone, Norwich, Rye, Sandtoft, Sandwich, Southampton, Stamford, Thetford, Thorne Abbey, Whittlesea, Winchester, Yarmouth ; in and after 1685 at Barnstaple, Bide- ford, Bristol, Chelsea, Dartmouth, Exeter, Greenwich, Hammer smith, Plymouth, Stonehouse, and Thorpe. In a few months in 1688 fifty thousand families left France for ever, and many of them came and settled in England. But earlier, in 1620, there was a French church in London, and Pepys sometimes attended it. After 1621, in it was used the Enghsh Church Liturgy translated, and Pepys noticed that the pastor preached and prayed with his hat off. A royal bounty was accorded to the refugees, consisting of money raised through out the Kingdom, large sums were subscribed for them in 1681, and in the two or three ensuing years. In 1686 another coUection was made, and something like £40,000 was raised. A BiU for the Naturalization of Foreign Protestants was brought into the House of Commons on February 14, 1709, and passed on March 23. EUe Bouh^rau, son of a pastor at La RocheUe, was made Chanter and Librarian of S. Patrick's, Cathedral, Dublin ; he founded the family of Borough, Baronets, Titles were lavished on these refugees, and hvings and prebendal stalls on such Calvinist ministers as would swaUow their scruples and submit to ordination. Daniel Lombard, who could scarce speak a word of EngUsh, was given the rectories of Lanteglos THE SWAMPING OF THE CHURCH 43 and Advent in Cornwall, the former including the market town of Camelford. Jacques Abbadie was made Dean of Killaloe, and not thinking himself sufficiently repaid for his abandonment of his cure in France, clamoured for the deanery of S. Patrick's. Jacques Pineton was given a canonry at Windsor. James Peter, son of the refugee Jacques Auriol, was the father of Edward Auriol, Rector of S. Dunstan in the West and Prebendary of S. Paul's. Thomas Roger, son of the refugee Gabriel de Quesne, got the vicarage of East Tuddenham, and was made Prebendary of Ely. Peter Allix was a Huguenot pastor and the son of a pastor. When he came to England he submitted to ordination. Woodrow wrote : " Mr. Webster teUs me that . . . Monsieur AUix was the first [of the pastors] who submitted to reordination in England, and that he was so choaked (shocked) when he saw M. AUix reordained . . . that he could not bear it, but came to Scotland." AUix's son, Peter, became incumbent of Castle Camps in Cambridgeshire, Dean of Gloucester, and next Dean of Ely. De la Roche wrote : "A clergyman weU acquainted with Isaac Vossius told me that one day he asked that Prebendary of Windsor1 what was become of a certain person. He has taken Orders," rephed Vossius; "he has got a living in the country, sacrificulus decipit populum." The son of Josias de Champagne was granted the deanery of Clonmacnois, a grandson was made Rector of Twickenham and Canon of Windsor ; GuiUaume Portal received the rectory of Fambridge, Essex, and Clowne in Derby. Charles Daubuz was given the vicarage of Tenterden, the rectory of Shargate, and the hving of Goodmestone ; and his son the rectories of Danbury and Woodhamferries, and after the death of his father also Goodmestone. Pierre Drelincourt was accorded the arch deaconry of Leighton and the deanery of Armagh. Jean Armand de Bourdieu was made snug in the rectory of Sawtry AU Saints. Jacques Sartres became prebendary of Westminster. Daniel Armand got the rectory of Holdenby and a canonry in Peter borough Cathedral. Antoine Ligonier, a pastor, was appointed military chaplain. TMophile Louis Barbaud was granted the rectory of S. Vedast, London. The son of Bernard Majendie, a Calvinist pastor, had a son who was put into a canonry at Worcester. James Saurin, a descendant of the Huguenot 1 He was a Dutchman. He died in 1689. " A strange scholar," said Charles II of him. " He believes everything but the Bible." " II mourut a soixante et onze ans, n'ayant fait paraitre aucun sentiment de piet6." Biog. Universelle. 44 THE CHURCH REVIVAL refugee of the same name, was made Bishop of Dromore in 1819. Daniel LetabliSre, Dean of Tuam, Vicar of Laragh, and Prebendary of Maynooth, was the son of a refugee, Rene" de Lestables. Archdeacon Fleury of Waterford, Prebendary of Kilgobenet, was descended from the pastor Louis Fleury of Tours. Daniel Augustus Beaufort, Archdeacon of Tuam, was son of a French pastor. Archdeacon Jortin was son of Ren6 Jortin, a refugee ; beside the archdeaconry of London he received the rectory of Kensington. Richard Chenevix, of another refugee family, was given the bishoprics of Waterford and Lis- more. A Trenche was made Archbishop of Tuam. I might multiply instances. Not only was the ministry of the Church invaded by Calvinist pastors, but the Huguenot refugees and their families married into English families, carrying with them and leavening the country with their Huguenot convictions. Many of the refugees became merchant princes. In 1744 the merchants of the City of London presented a. loyal address to the King in consequence of His Majesty's message to the Houses of Parliament " regarding designs in favour of a Popish pretender to disturb the peace and quiet of your Majesty's kingdom," Among the 542 signatures are 94 French names, chiefly Hugue not. Several of the refugees were ennobled. The Marquis de Rouvigny was created Earl of Galway by William III. Jean Louis Ligonier was raised to the peerage as Viscount Ligonier of EnniskiUen in 1757. Edward Ligonier was created Earl Ligonier in 1776. Earl Clancarty is a Trench descended from the Huguenot family of Trenche. The Earl of Radnor is a Bouverie, whose ancestor was Laurent des Bouveries, a silk-manufacturer, who fled to England from French Flanders. In 1689 was naturalized Count Schomberg, whom William III at once elevated to the English peerage with the titles of Baron of Teyes, Earl of Brentford, Marquess of Harwich and Duke of Schomberg. His son Charles, naturalized in 1691, was created Duke of Leinster. Frederick WiUiam de Roy, naturalized in 1694, was created Earl of Lifford. Armand de Liremont was given the title of Earl of Faversham by Charles II. George Rene\ son of the pastor Aufere, had one child, Sophia, the ancestress of the Earls of Yarborough. A Trenche was created Lord Ashtown. I need not give the names of the baronets and county families that come of the refugees. Sufficient is it to say that both the aristocracy and the burgess class have had infused into them a THE SWAMPING OF THE CHURCH 45 torrent of Huguenot blood, carrying with it hatred of Catholicism and a love of Calvinism.1 Taking the clergy of the present day, there are under the letter B such names as these : Backert, Ballard, BaUeine, Baring, Baumann, Baumer, Baumgarten, Beaghen, Becker, Bellamy, Bennertz, Benoit, Benoy, Bergemann, Berger, Bergheim, Ber- nays, Bienemann, Biron, Bischoff, Bleiben, Blumhardt, Boehm, Boissier, Bonney, Bosanquet (six of these), Boudier, Bouquet, BourdiUon (three of these), Boutflower, Bouverie, Bozman, Breguet, Brinckmann, Buee, Buer, Busch, Butchart, all French or German names. Of the Des (Mullins is actually De Moleyns) there are d'Auvergne, d'Easun, Death (de Ath), de BaUinhard, de Bary, de Beauvais, de Berends, de Boinville, de Bourbel, de Brisnay, de Candole, de Cas, de Castro, de C6riat, de Cetto, de Chair, de Coetlogon, de Courcelles, de Gruchy, de Gu6rin, de Labat, de LabiUi&re, de la Hay, de la Pryme, de la Rosa, de Matter, de Mel, de Paravicini, de Pencier, de Putron, de Quette- viUe, de Renzi, de Romestin, de Rougemont, de Sainte Croix, de Salis, des Barres, de Silva, de Smedt, des Quartiers, de SpaiUier, de Trevelec, de Vine, de Wolf, de Wit, du Boe, du Boulay (six of these). Some are from the Channel Islands, descendants of Huguenots settled there. If under two letters we find such an influx of foreigners or descendants of foreigners, conceive what an inundation there must be discovered to exist if we take the trouble of going through the entire clergy list ! But this does not exhaust them, for great numbers of such as were naturalized had names so similar to those of Englishmen that it is impossible to distinguish their sons and descendants from native Enghshmen. Thus ^Fletcher of Madeley was a Swiss De la Flechere. In addition to this many of these Huguenots who were naturalized deliberately shed their French appellations and adopted genuine EngUsh names. Such names as these that foUow would at once disappear as distinctive : Hain (becoming Hayne), Vincent, Amory, Aubry, Benet, Bernard, Bourn, Chamberlain, Carpentier (becoming Carpenter), ChapeU, Combe, Clement, Crispin, David, Dufay (becoming Duffey), Farman, Gaude, Gervaise, Gilbert, Godfrey, Gouffe (becoming Goffe, or Gough), Heron, Huet (now Hewett), Hayes, Lambert, Michael, Martin, Mariot, Marchant, Porch, 1 On one day, July 3, 1701, as many as 303 were naturalized. 46 THE CHURCH REVIVAL Robert, Roger, Tavernier, Tournour (now Turner), Vivian and Vincent. Then again several of these refugees deliberately adopted English names— as Taphorse, Collier, Percy, More, Nisbet, Niel, Ogilby, Paulet, Paget. In 1687 we find Page, Smith, King, Lee and Wildgoose ; and in 1688 Boyd, Cooke, Pratt and Pain (becoming Payne). I have not extracted a tithe of those who almost at once formed families that could not be distinguished by their names from such as were genuinely English. And, unquestionably, there are a large number of these of Huguenot origin, not recognizable as such, to be found in the Clergy List. The Channel Islands were a harbour of Calvinism, that sent its emissaries into England. At the instigation of Sir Thomas Leighton and Sir Amyas Paulet, Governor of Guernsey and Jersey in 1558, Queen Elizabeth permitted them to set up Genevan discipline in the islands, though politicaUy attached to the diocese of Winchester, and the " Church " there was put practically in communion with the French Huguenots. No English bishop set foot in the islands since the transfer in Eliza beth's reign from the French diocese of Coutance to the EngUsh one of Winchester, tiU they were visited in 1818 by Bishop Fisher of Salisbury. I was several times in the islands between 1847 and 1851, and they positively reeked of Geneva. The clergy were indeed ordained, but were very much a law to them selves, and the services in the churches appeared to me — even in those my young days — intolerably repulsive. And there was always a setting in of clergy from the islands to England, bringing contamination with them. Two centuries ago there existed in Soho and its neighbour hood as many as twelve chapels for the convenience of French Huguenots, Swiss and Dutch Calvinists. AU are now gone — but the descendants of these foreigners have been absorbed into the mass of the English people. It was inevitable that Cal vinism should saturate and sour the soil that absorbed it. In most places these refugees conformed to the Church, so far as going to the services can be called conformity, but their hearts were far from the Catholic faith. There is a certain diseased condition of the blood — which affects a man till he dies, and also pursues his descendants from generation to generation. It does more — it is infectious and contagious. And such was Calvinism. It transformed, made infirm, the fair Church of England. The Huguenot immigrants THE SWAMPING OF THE CHURCH 47 speedily accommodated themselves to making way in the Estab- Ushed Church by impregnating it with their Calvinism, and in time transformed its outward appearance. " I know that Deformed," said the watchman in Much Ado about Nothing ; " a wears a lock." And the Dogberries and their like knew the EngUsh Church in the early Victorian period only in its deformed condition, its mouth padlocked by the State, disfigured and silent. As if it were not enough to be invaded directly from France by Huguenots, the refugees in Switzerland presented a petition in 1712 to Queen Anne, to be taken under her royal and gracious protection, beseeching; her to obtain for them the restitution of their properties and privileges in France. The petition, we are informed, was most graciously received, and promises were held out to them — which, however, were not carried out. Finding that the Treaty of Utrecht did not give them back what they wanted, and the Swiss not caring to be burdened with too many of them, a number of these refugees made their way down the Rhine and into England. The Laboucheres were a Huguenot family settled in HoUand. Pierre Cesar became a clerk in the House of Hope of Amsterdam. He was sent over to England during the troubles of the Revolu tion to settle some business with the House of Baring. He fell in love with Dorothy, daughter of Sir Francis Baring, and pro posed. The Baronet rejected him with scorn. " But how," he asked, " if I be a partner in the House of Hope ? " " In that case," said Sir Francis, " the case would be altered." Pierre C6sar swept back to Amsterdam, and demanded that he should be taken into partnership. This was indignantly refused. " But," he said, " how if I am son-in-law to Sir Francis Baring ? " " In that case, it is different." So, at one stroke he became partner of the House of Hope, and was received into the Baring family. Pierre Cesar and his firm worked hand in hand with the Barings aU through the Great War, when they stood at the head of European finance. He came to England in 1816, retired from business, enormously wealthy, and his son, Henry, was created Lord Taunton, and became leader of the Evangelical party — of course he did, for the virus of Calvinism ran in his veins. Further, when Louis XIV devastated the Palatinate, swarms of the inhabitants came to England — Calvinists to a man — and were most graciously received and patronized by the Queen, 48 THE CHURCH REVIVAL the nobility and the citizens of London. They were settled about in divers places. Something like 6,544 persons arrived in the Thames from the Palatinate in 1708— not a great number, but helping to swell the torrent of Calvinism that was drenching England. But, as if this did not suffice, from beyond the Tweed came hordes of Scots, perfectly ready to pocket their prejudices sufficiently to qualify them to settle down on English Church pastures. It had been, and continued to be, like the army of locusts described by the prophet. But with the Church there had not been one invasion only, but many, one succeeding another. The N.B.R. pierced the wall of Severus, and a legion of needy Scots rushed through the gap without return tickets — the N.B.R. till comparatively recently, if it does now, issued none from Edinburgh to London and back — upon the fertile South with huge appetites, red heads, empty pockets and high cheek-bones. Everything was grist to the Caledonian mill. The invading Scots carried off whatever they could lay their hands on. Nothing was beyond their reach — a Premiership, a ChanceUorship, an Archbishopric, a royal Princess. We have but to look to our own day. At the present date both our Archbishops are Scotchmen, and their predecessors Tait and Maclagan were also of that nationality. When Archibald Tait became Archbishop, some lines circulated : Archie was a Scotchman, Archie was discreet, Archie came to England and got the Primate's seat. I went to Archie's land, Archie was from home : Odd that thistles flourish best the farther South they roam. Of a Scotch family also was Archbishop Thomson of York. So is Archbishop Mackray of Rupertstown. Of bishops, besides the archbishops, there are now six in England, and as many in the Colonies. Taking up a recent clerical directory, I find in the Church of England ministry 471 Macs. Of these, two are bishops, 8 are archdeacons, 2 are deans, 30 are canons and prebendaries. Of Andersons there are 260, with 2 bishops and 2 canons. Of Camerons and Campbells there are 33, of Cunninghams 15, 3 with canonries and 1 with an archdeaconry. Of Douglases there are 40, of Grahams 44, of Hamiltons 47, of Kennedys 33, of Murrays 34, of Duncans and Dunbars 25, and so on. Some of these minister in their own land and some in the colonies, but the majority of them are in England, ousting our modest English curates from livings and benefices. Some THE SWAMPING OF THE CHURCH 49 are sons of Episcopalian Scots, more are sons of Scottish Presby terian ministers, or else of Presbyterian farmers, who have crossed the Tweed with a bawbee in their pockets to see what pickings were to be had either in the merchants' offices or in the Church. Some doubtless are sons of Scots who have been settled in England and have conformed. At an earlier period it was the needy and hungry Presbyterians and sons of Presbyterians who came over to England, tired of oatmeal porridge and whey, and desirous of eating roast beef in English parsonages, and drinking generous port. Nor is this aU. In Ireland, in the north, were colonists from Scotland, Presbyterians ; and these took boat across S. George's Channel to lay hold of anything they could get in England which Ireland did not furnish in sufficient profusion. The migration had begun before the disestablishment of the Irish Church ; it has sweUed in volume since the curates " com pounded and cut." These men are voluble, insinuating, for the most part ultra-Evangelical, and have been accordingly wel comed by Erastian statesmen and Broad Churchmen ; have been hugged to the heart by Evangelical prelates and thrust into hvings, deaneries and bishoprics. Looking into a recent Clergy List, I find seventy-four O's, and of these only thirty are in Ireland. McNeile, a blustering Irishman, was given the deanery of Ripon. This is the man who had the effrontery to send about an advertisement of a book of his as by " that great and good man Dr. McNeile." Magee was made Bishop of Peterborough and then advanced to York — a witty Evangelical. The Simeonite and other Evan gelical Trustees who have acquired the patronage of so many important parishes in England are fain to import Irishmen to occupy them, because the English supply is running short. The consequence of aU this overwash of seas is that the vessel of Christ's Church in England had not only her hold fuU of the bilge-water of Conformists of 1661-2, but also that she had shipped seas fore and aft, port and starboard, from France, from Switzerland, Germany, HoUand, Scotland, Ireland, tiU she had settled so low that it seemed probable she would founder, with only a few Churchmen clinging to the rigging. CHAPTER III A REMNANT MATTERS were not, however, quite so bad as they appeared. Out of the Uvings throughout England and Wales, six thousand, or about half, were in the gift of private famiUes, those of the nobiUty and squirearchy of land. In certain cases we know that Uvings were put in the market and sold to the highest bidder, and were bought by unscrupulous persons who perjured themselves before the bishop when they took the required oath against simony. Nevertheless, the vast majority of Uvings to which the country gentry presented were given honestly, conscientiously, to men whom the patrons respected. Throughout the eighteenth century the Orthodox clergy were regarded by the Court and by the Ministry with undisguised suspicion, as Jacobites. It was quite true that the landed gentry and the country parsons aUke had no love for the House of Hanover, but their Jacobitism was sentimental only, and went no further than the planting of Scotch firs and drinking the King's health over the water in their finger-bowls. The Whig ministries, however, mistrusted them, and eccle siastical preferments went to clergymen who were either Lati tudinarian in their opinions, or were inoffensive nobodies. In Convocation, the Upper House had been composed of Whig Bishops appointed by WiUiam III and the Whig admini stration during the first half of, Anne's reign ; and when in 1717 the two Houses came into colhsion, the Lower House being mainly composed of High Churchmen, the Government prorogued Con- Vocation with intent not to summon it again, and in accordance with this resolution, for upwards of a century it was merely convened as a matter of form and not aUowed to debate. Thus the EngUsh Church was effectuaUy muzzled, she could not utter her voice on any point. 5° A REMNANT 51 The country squires, nearly aU Tories, when they presented to the Uvings in their gift, appointed very generally relatives brought up in their own poUtical opinions, and in High-Church traditions. If they had not relatives to promote, they nominated men of their own poUtical views, which at that time went hand in hand with Orthodoxy, more or less theoretical, always inert. The consequence was that although the bishoprics, deaneries, canonries, Crown and Chancellor's Uvings, those to which the Bishops presented, and most town Uvings, were fiUed with colour less men without definite convictions, throughout the country in quiet parsonages, before whose windows hoUyhocks bloomed, and whose porches were wreathed with woodbine, were Uving Churchmen, weU read in the old Enghsh divines, Hooker, Andrewes, Cosin, BuU — if not also in the Ancient Fathers. I happen to have examined the library of one of these parsons who Uved in the reigns of George III and IV and WiUiam IV, and it consisted of the works of these divines in ponderous tomes. Sir Roger de Coverley is represented as taking fgreat pains to secure a worthy incumbent for his Worcestershire parish. I do not for a moment suppose that he was unique in this respect. Looking at the Church from without, she seemed to be water logged and motionless. But such as looked deeper saw that there was stiU Ufe in her, though feeble. Writing of the Hano verian times, Mr. Molesworth says1: " Here we reach a period which is a blank in our narrative, and which we must be content to leave blank, for the simple reason that history traces the evolution of events, and that when there is no evolution, and consequently no progress, there can be no history. Even at the dead period we have now reached, there was probably some movement, but it was so sluggish as to be altogether inappreci able. It is true that there were archbishops succeeding one another in the chair of Lanfranc, Anselm, Becket, Laud and Sancroft. Carlyle asks, ' Who was the primate of England at this time ? ' and he answers with bitter irony, ' No man knoweth.' Nor was this far from the truth. There were contented Eras- tians Uke Wake and Potter carrying on controversies now entirely forgotten, as they weU deserve to be. There were men fuU of decencies and proprieties Uke Seeker, but who cares now to know what Archbishops Herring, Hutton and Moore thought, said or did ? I have searched carefuUy the seven volumes of 1 Molesworth (W. M.), History of the Church of England (1882), p. 297. 52 THE CHURCH REVIVAL Lord Mahon's history for the names of these prelates, but have not succeeded in meeting with any of them. If their works ever possessed any hving interest or any particular value, they have long since lost it. They never attempted to guide or elevate the rehgious destinies of the nation over whose Church they uselessly presided." The same characteristics marked almost aU the rest of the bishops. If we wander back in search through the desolate wilderness in quest of some men upholding the prophetic office, we shall find none save in lowly nooks and far from towns. Those clothed in purple and fine linen uselessly occupied episcopal palaces ; reeds shaken with the wind were in decanal and pre- bendal stalls. The debased and torpid condition of the Church was due entirely to the Whigs. The Church was gagged, and the lower clergy depressed ; there was nothing for them but to wear out their lives in country parsonages, far from the current of life and thought, elbowed into corners, trodden underfoot by the plethoric, weU-fed favourites of the Ministry. From what has been said, it appears certain that in the EngUsh Church there existed elements of different kinds ready to start into activity when the opportunity came — the Evangelical, out of the foreign Calvinistic material forced into the Church, and the Catholic revival, springing out of her inherent nature. The Church for three centuries was subjected to Taliacotian treat ment. The surgeon Tahacotius invented and practised a process of cutting a hunk of flesh out of the person of one man, where it could best be spared, and engrafting it on the body of another. Thus was the Church of England dealt with. She possessed her own organic, apostohc, Catholic self, patched with grafts from various foreign bodies. According to Hudibras (Pt. I. cant, i) so soon as the individual died from whom the flesh had been taken, the grafts feU off ; and now that Continental Protestant ism is expiring and in process of decomposition, we may trust that all the foreign matter which has been patched into the body of the AngUcan Church wiU Ukewise drop away.1 The time at last came when the Dead Sea of the Georgian 1 Here is M. Edouard Rod's description of French and Swiss Evan gelicalism — and he is himself a Protestant. It is a " rationalizing religion, a compromise between dogma and common sense, of which the dialectic and exegesis are lamentably poor, of which the icy worship is only one endless discourse — a string of halting metaphors — of a structure so feeble that a child could break it, recited in a melancholy voice with false action and whining intonation — the religion which cavils instead of loving, and parcels itself out into rancorous sects." — Le Sens de la Vie (1889), p. 273. A REMNANT 53 Church was to be ruffled and lashed into waves, and become a sea of storms. The old Conformists had for the most part lost their zeal and fanaticism and become Latitudinarians, but some few stiU remained with the old venom tinghng in their arteries. . But the first movement sprang more immediately out of the descend ants of the Huguenot refugees, the Scottish invaders, and the Germans who hung on to the skirts of the Georges. We may hken the Enghsh Church to the goodly heritage of Christ in our land, held by indisputable title-deeds. To this domain came troops of needy squatters from various lands, who bofled their kettles on land that was not their own, tolerated in kindly pity. They trampled down every green blade and broke every flower ; they defiled it with their refuse. But they were aUens, they had no legitimate position where they lodged. Their descendants, waxing wanton and insolent, laid claim to the whole estate. They committed the strategical error of striking for monopoly, and for ejecting the legitimate tenants. This necessitated a demand for their leases. They had none to show. AU their claim rested on the indulgence accorded to their forbears to be allowed to squat. Meanwhne they had wrought incalculable mischief. They had introduced foreign contagious diseases, had robbed hen roosts, had broken down hedges, and had contaminated the weUs. " Sow'd cockle reap'd no corn," said Biron in Love's Labour's Lost. It was not an infiltration but an inundation, transforming the aspect and quality of the Anghcan Communion. The fine wine of Cathohc Orthodoxy was diluted tiU hardly retaining any of its colour, glow and vinous force. Take a clerical directory of the present day and reckon how many names of the clergy are German, French, Swiss, Dutch, Jewish, or even Swedish. As to such as are Scottish, I have already dealt with them. Under the letters B and C alone a recent directory gives us 123 names of clergy unmistakably of foreign extraction. John Henry Newman, drawing his Ufe from a mother pertaining to a Huguenot family, sucked in Calvinistic prejudices. " I became most firmly convinced that the Pope was the Antichrist predicted by Daniel, S. Paul and S. John. My imagination was stained by the effects of this doctrine up to the year 1843." He once preached a sermon to that effect. Those descended from Huguenots felt an hereditary pride 54 THE CHURCH REVIVAL in the fact, and hugged their Calvinism as a precious heirloom, not to be surrendered though they attended Church ministra tions, not even if they themselves ministered in the pulpits and at the altars of the Church. But, along with all this impregnation of the pure river of the Anghcan Church with foreign matter, it was not wholly and radically contaminated. It was like a mountain stream that receives mud, and dye from cloth miUs, tiU it becomes thick, malodorous and sluggish. The vulgar looking on and sniffing at it come to regard the pace, the colour, the smell, as its essential qualities, and even get to relish them. These, however, are importations — they were not in it at first. We can point to where and when they flowed in and befouled the stream. But against all this contamination with foreign heresy there is something to be said. In the Pyrenees, in the Middle Ages, certain vaUeys were given over to the lepers. To them they were confined. They might not associate with the healthy, even in Divine worship. They were caUed the Cagots. But the pure air of the mountains, the balsamic breath of the pines, the sweet milk of their kine, have resulted in the total elimination of leprosy, and the des cendants of the Cagots are as healthy and vigorous as any other mountaineers ; they can be known only by their surnames. It has been the same in the EngUsh Church. Some of our ablest, most devoted and most CathoUc priests are descendants of the Cagots from Scotland, France, Switzerland, Ireland, and Germany — nay, even from our recently acquired Transvaal. The Spirit of God breathing in the Cathohc Church, the rehgious atmosphere, the fragrance of the sanctuary, the pure milk of the Gospel, have had a marveUous effect in the expulsion of the germs of heresy, and the building up of vigorous Church hfe. And yet the in vading Cagots were not confined to sequestrated nooks, but advanced to high places. I have been told that in banknotes a fine red fibre was formerly introduced into the texture, and that unless this were seen and acknowledged, the note was worthless. But I do know, that unless, through the centuries, there had existed Cathohc faith and tradition from the period before the Reformation, sometimes so finely attenuated as to be scarcely discernible, at other times broadening to a ribbon, at another dyeing the whole tissue, the Church of England would have been as utterly worthless as a forged banknote. The red thread has ever been there ; we can A REMNANT 55 see it at every period. It was never broken : in the Elizabethan period it was tangled up with some coarse hempen threads, in the Puritan time it was overlaid, in the Hanoverian it was again overlaid, but it was there. The conforming Marian clergy had hardly died out before there appeared such men as the saintly Lancelot Andrewes, the profoundly learned Richard Hooker, author of the Ecclesiastical Polity, of which Pope Clement VIII declared that " it had in it such seeds of eternity that it would abide tiU the last fire shah consume aU learning " ; Bancroft, Overall,1 Young, George Herbert the poet, Moreton, Laud the martyr, Wren also, who was speciaUy obnoxious to the Puritans, and was confined as a prisoner in the Tower from 1641 to 1660. He was the butt of Puritan satire : A little Wren came flying through the air, And on his back betwixt his wings he bore A minster stufied with crosses, altars' store, With sacred Fonts and rare gilt cherubims. And bellowing organs, chanting curious hymns. " Buy my high altars," he lifts up his voice, " All sorts of Mass-books here you may have choice." Lambeth Fair. There were others: Felton, Bishop of Ely, the friend of Andrewes, and his successor ; John Buckeridge, Laud's tutor ; Peter HeyUn, who stoutly defended the position of the EngUsh Church, as inherited from the earhest days, Bilson, Sutton, Mon tague, Cosin, and many others. The red thread had never been broken, or such a manifestation of Church feeUng could not have appeared. Whence did these men derive their definite ortho doxy ? The Ehzabethan immigrants had not a grain of it in their whole composition. They drew it from Cathohc tradition and the study of the Fathers. They were so learned that it was said of them on the Continent, " Clerus Angliee stupor mundi." The uprise of a strong definite Church feeUng towards the close of the reign of Ehzabeth and in that of James I, is a remarkable phenomenon. For a httle while the Church had been hke a vessel at sea in a storm, with the sailors drunk and mutinous, with no man at the 1 Overall said : "It were better to endure the absence of the people than for the minister to neglect the usual and daily " (Eucharistic) " sacri fice of the Church." So Cosin, his secretary, informs us. 56 THE CHURCH REVIVAL wheel and no captain on the bridge. But now, at once, the officers started up and insisted on order, sent the mate and the steers man and each several and sulky mariner to his proper place, to do his proper work. Great indeed was the change. Isaac Casaubon, who had been reared in Geneva for the pastorate, revolted against the narrowness, the inhumanity of Calvinism, and its absolute severance from the Christian past. He came to England in the reign of James I, and thence wrote to his old antagonist in controversy, yet friend, Cardinal Peron : " The Anglican Church is prepared to give an account of her faith, and to prove by facts themselves, that the authors of the Reformation established here did not propose to erect any new Church (as the ignorant and malevolent assert) , but to restore one which had faUen to the best possible form ; and they judged that form to be the best which was handed down to the rising Church by the Apostles, and adopted in the ages nearest to them." During the reign of Ehzabeth it was not possible for any one to feel any regard for the Church. It was like a family in which every member was wrangling with every other, the father storm ing, the mother scolding, the children defiant and disobedient. But the impress made by the body of Cathohc feehng among the people generaUy produced a change in the situation. Rapidly men reaUzed what the Church reaUy was, how beautiful and precious was the Prayer Book. The Church, instead of being regarded with contempt, was looked upon with hatred on one side J and with love on the other ; so much so, that there were men during the Rebelhon and Commonwealth who were willing to suffer, for the sake of the Church, the spoiling of their goods, even death itself. Permit me to look back and briefly trace the crimson thread. That there were very decided Churchmen in Jacobean days in some of the parishes, we can judge, as we can also their con fidence of gaining the upper hand over the Protestants of the Calvinistic type, by the great cost and labour displayed in the setting up of chancel screens in churches that were without or where they had been destroyed. In Devonshire there are a limited number of cases only, because the retention of the older screens had been general. There is one very magnificent, rich 1 Robert Parsons wrote in 1580 : "I mighte bringe the opinion of all the hotter sort of Protestantes, called Puritayns, who in wryting, sermons, and private speeches, doe utterly condemne the service which nowe Protestantes have, and thereupon doe refrayne from it, as much as Catho- licks." JACOBEAN SCREEN, CROSSCOMBE )" A REMNANT 57 with carving, gold and colour, at Lustleigh, that is of post- Reformation date, probably of the reign of EUzabeth, as the panels do not contain Saints but clerics and choristers. One very similar is at Bridford — evidently by the same craftsmen — in this also there are no saintly figures. At Holbeton there is another ; one of very fine quality of the reign of James I at Washfield, dated 1624 ; another at Ermington. In Somersetshire the post-Reformation screens are much more numerous. Mr. F. BUgh Bond has kindly furnished me with the foUowing Ust : (1) Croscombe (J as. I). (2) Rodney Stoke with loft, 1625. (3) Low Ham, about 1630. (4) Mark, 1634. (5) East Brent with loft, 1635, now removed to west end. (6) North Newton (Chas. I). (7) Thurloxton. (8) Keyn- sham, now removed to serve as a parclose. Others remain imperfect, mutilated, of Caroline date. (9) Bruton. (10) Ditch- eat, now in private hands. (11) Berrow, post and beams of loft, 1637. (12) Bridgewater, Ehzabethan. (13) Norton S. PhiUp, two screens. (15) Isle Abbot. (16) Crowcombe. (17) Ilminster, a baluster screen. Earlier screens that had been injured were restored in Jacobean and Caroline times. (18) Elworthy. (19) Nunney. (20) Pilton, a chantry screen. (21) Kingsbury Episcopi. (22) Raddington. (23) Loxton, debased Gothic. (24) Marston Magna, of same late Gothic type. (25) Old tymphanum, with heraldry and black- letter texts on it at WykeChampnower, under which a Jacobean screen stood until recent years. (26) Another old tymphanum with Royal arms at Stockleigh English. It is, moreover, exceptional, to find the paintings of saints on the earlier screens wantonly defaced. The number of very richly carved Altar tables that pertain to the Jacobean period certainly point to reverence for the Lord's Board. The Puritans con tented themselves with a shabby table, moved into the nave. The Communion Service continued to be the principal service for the Sunday, and was choral. The earhest setting of the English office is that called the Missa Simplex, an adaptation of the old Plain Song to Enghsh words. It was performed at the opening of the first ParUament of King Edward VI in 1547. The next was that by Merbecke pubhshed in 1550, conforming to Archbishop Cranmer's rule that one note should be given to each syUable.1 This was re-issued with harmonies so as to be 1 The First Prayer Book of Edward VI assumed that the Holy Com munion should be celebrated daily in cathedrals and collegiate churches. 58 THE CHURCH REVIVAL sung by four voices in 1560, and again in 1565. Next came that by Tallis, the date, according to Dr. Rimbault, being 1570. Un happily only the bass has been preserved. The Rev. WiUiam Harrison, who became Canon of S. George's, Windsor, published a Description of England in 1577. In the course of an account of the Church of England and her services, he says : " After morning prayer we have the litanie and suffrages. . . . This being done, we proceed unto the Communion, if anie communi cants be to receive the Eucharist ; if not we read the decalog, epistle and gospeU with the Nicene creed (of some in derision caUed the Drie Communion) , and then proceed unto a homihe or sermon, which hath a (metrical) psalm before and after it, and finalhe unto the baptism of such infants, etc. . . . And thus doo we spend the sabath daie in good and godlie exercises, aU doone in our vulgar toong, that each one present may heare and under stand the same, which also in cathedral and coUegiat churches is so ordered, that the psalms onlie are soong by note, the rest being read (as in common parish churches) by the minister with a lowe voice, saving that in the administration of the Communion the quier singeth the answers, the Creed and sundrie other things appointed, but in so plaine and distinct manner, that each one present may understand what they sing, every word having but one note, though the whole harmonie consist of manie parts, and those very cunninghe set by the skiUfuU in that science." As Mr. Royle Shore says : "It was not until some seven months after the accession of Elizabeth that the English rites were resumed. It is becoming increasingly admitted that, whatever may have happened later, on the restoration of the Book of Common Prayer, the setting and accessories of the services did not necessarily differ very greatly in their broad features from those of the Latin rites. This largely helped to concihate those who were attached to the former state of things." J I am indebted to Mr. Royle Shore's paper for the foUowing Ust of composers of Communion Services, such as remain in whole or in part. It must be borne in mind that a vast amount of our old Church music perished in 1645, at the dispersion of the choirs and the destruction of organs. It is probably due to this that none has been recovered of the period of James I. and more frequently than on Sundays in parish churches, for it directs the omission of the Exhortation except once a month. 1 " The Church Eucharist since the Reformation " in The Cathedral Quarterly (No. 2, 1913). A REMNANT 59 Also, in some cases only the Kyrie and Creed have been pre served, probably because in later days the fuU Communion Service rendered choraUy ceased to be observed. First Period : Edwardian (1547-1558) (1) Missa Simplex (plain song) , 1547. (2) John Merbecke, organist of S. George's, Windsor (plain song), printed in 1550. (3) Thomas TaUis of the Chapel Royal (1575-1585), Communion Service in five parts ; only the bass remains. (4) Thomas Causton (d. 1569) , of the Chapel Royal, for men's voices, printed in 1560, reprint 1913. This splendid piece of composition has been neglected tiU the present date. Second Period : Elizabethan (1558-1589) (5) Robert Whyte (c. 1540-1575), organist of Ely and West minster, wrote a complete Communion Service in 1560 that is lost. (6) Thomas Causton (as above). (7) Thomas Heath, a Communion Service printed in 1560. (8) Thomas TaUis (as above), a Communion Service in the Dorian mode (about 1570), printed in 1641.1 Third Period : Caroline (9) Adrian Batten (about 1590-1637), organist of S. Paul's, Communion Service in the Dorian mode. (10) John Amner (d. 1641), organist of Ely. Of his Com munion Service only the Gloria in Excelsis remains. (11) WiUiam Child (1606-1697), organist of the Chapel Royal and of Windsor. Communion Service in the Dorian mode ; another of which only Kyrie and Credo remain for four voices ; also Sanctus and Gloria in Excelsis for eight voices. Nor did the composition of Choral Communion Services end here, but continued to quite a late period. George Jeffries (middle of the seventeenth century) wrote a complete Communion Service some time after 1669. Pelham Humphry (1647-1674) Wrote a Communion Service in E minor. Loosemore of King's and Trinity CoUeges, Cambridge (1627- 1 To these may be added John Brimley, Master of the Choristers and organist of Durham, 1557-1576. In one of the old MS. music books is " Mr. Brimly, his Kerrie," followed by a Credo. 60 THE CHURCH REVIVAL 1670) composed a Gloria in Excelsis that remains ; John Foster (d. 1677), organist of Durham, also a Gloria ; so also Michael Wise (1638-168 3). Jeremiah Clark (1670-1707), Sanctus and Gloria in A minor. John Blow (1648-1708), organist of Westminster, Sursum Corda, Sanctus and Gloria in D, also Kyrie and Credo in A, also a complete service in G, another in six parts also in G. Henry Aldrich (1647-1710), a Communion Service in G. Tobias Langdon (d. 1712), succentor of Exeter Cathedral, a Gloria in Excelsis in B minor. I wiU carry the list no further. It must be borne in mind that the rubrics in the Communion Service order the Creed and the Sanctus to be " sung or said," whereas in Matins and Evensong the Psalms are to be " said or sung." In fact, the tradition of Choral Eucharists never did die out, from 1548, when, as we read, " Powles' Quire, with divers other parishes in London, sung aU the service in EngUsh to the Mettens, Masse and Evensong ; and at the anniversary of Henry VII kept at Westminster on May 12, 1548, the Mass was sung in EngUsh with the Consecration of the Sacrament also spoken in English." In fact, the rupture in the tradition of Choral Eucharists and in the use of Plain Song was due to the Rebellion. At the Restoration the Choral Communion Services were resumed ; but as the tradition of Plain Song had died during the period of the triumph of Puritanism, there came in, in its place, Anglican barred Chants making chopped nonsense of the words ; and unecclesiastieal " Services " for the canticles. In Durham the Choral Eucharists continued to the present day, though rendered now only on the first Sunday in the month.1 In 1696 Bishop Compton of London gave directions for the singing of the Sanctus and the Gloria in Excelsis in his cathedral. At Exeter " in connection with it there was a very curious 1 In 1685 Dr. Granville wrote to Sancroft : " Among many other excellent things, my Lord of Durham hath strictly enjoined us to continue the weekly Communion with Jubilation" (i.e. choral). The cantankerous Smart wrote in wrath : "A strange speech, little better than blasphemy, uttered by a. young man in the presence of his lord and many learned men . ' I had rather go forty miles to a good service than two miles to a sermon.' And what meant he by a good service ? His meaning was manifest : Where goodly Babylonish gar ments were worn, embroidered with images, where he might have a delicate noise of singers, and sackbuts and cornets and organs, and, if it were possible, all kinds of music, used at the dedication of Nabuchodo- nosor's golden Image." There can exist no manner of doubt that many shared the opinion of this young man, as we share it at the present day. How men must have got to loathe the braying of the preachers through a whole hour 1 A REMNANT 61 custom, only discontinued within comparatively late years. As may be seen by reference to old drawings of the choir, there were two altar rails at Exeter — one near the Holy Table, the other at some distance. Within these rails the communicants were assembled, and the sacred Elements administered to each by the officiating priest going round to them. At the Gloria in Excelsis the ten chorister boys, who alone appear to have re mained, were ranged outside the outermost of these rails. Two musical settings for this service are in existence ; one in B minor by the Rev. Tobias Langdon, succentor of the Cathedral (d. 1712), the other by Wilham Jackson (d. 1803). After the service the boys closed the procession of clergy, each party filing off to its respective vestry. But when the Bishop was present, the boys preceded, and arranged themselves in a hne, on their knees, in the south aisle, to receive the Bishop's blessing as he passed out of the Cathedral to his palace." 1 Up to the triumph of Puritanism at the Rebellion, it would seem that the Eucharist had been the principal service of the Sundays and Feast Days. Matins was said early, at 6 or 7 a.m., the Litany later, at 9 or 9.30 a.m., and this was foUowed by a Choral Communion. John Johnson, writing in 1709, said that it was an innovation to run the three services together. But even in the reign of Charles I they had begun to be joined, as a concession to the later hours that were gradually gaining ground, and as Heylin expresses it, " because of the sloth of the people." But long after the Restoration the distinction was maintained in some places.2 The position of the priest at the Holy Table has been a subject of much debate, and "the north side" has been variously interpreted. The north side is not the north end. Actually an altar has on its front three parts, medium and two cornua or sides. According to the Sarum, the most extensively spread Use in England, the priest at High Mass ascended to the Altar and said the two preparatory prayers at the south horn or side ; but for Low Mass he said them at the north horn or side. Side or horn were interchangeable terms : thus, in the Alphabetum Sacerdotum, the direction as to the Gospel is " differat missale ad ahud locus." When the Prayer Book of 1552 was being drawn up, Cranmer was unwilling to make too violent, obvious 1 Bumpus (T. F.), The Cathedrals of England and Wales (London, 1905-6). 2 Abbey and Overton, The English Church in the Eighteenth Century (London, 1887), p. 452. 62 THE CHURCH REVIVAL changes, so as not to provoke fresh outbreaks and bloody reprisals. He introduced the rubric as to the position of the Holy Table, that it should stand either in the body of the Church or in the chancel. Now in pre-Reformation times, the people in a large cathedral or coUegiate church communicated not from the high altar, but from the people's altar that stood before the screen at the chancel steps. The high altar served for the Chapter Mass. This may be seen in many cathedrals and large churches abroad at the present day. For instance, at Cologne, where for the Chapter High Mass the priest cele brates at the high altar, but for the Volksmesse at the head of the steps of the choir. At Genoa the high altar and the people's altar are back to back ; the chapter occupy the chancel, and the celebrant stands facing west. But for the people's service he stands facing east, and the two altars are at the choir steps. At Chartres Cathedral a wooden altar is roUed in early on Sunday morning, and is planted below the steps into the choir and the metal screen. About it are set up temporary rails hung with the houseling cloth. Thence the people are com- ' municated, at it the Children's Mass is said, after which it is dismantled and rolled out of sight. Consequently the rubric directs nothing but that to which the people were accustomed. So also that requiring the priest to say the introductory prayers standing at the north side was to require him to occupy that position which the congregation was accustomed to see ; as they hardly ever saw a High Mass, save in cathedrals, and then that was not their mass. But, during the outbreak of Puritanism in Elizabeth's reign, the fanatical clergy, compelled to conform to the rubric, did so in a way most calculated to degrade the service, by turning the Holy Table lengthwise, " oysterboard fashion." Laud and the bishops in the reigns of James I and Charles I insisted on having the tables replaced altarwise ; but with the Rebellion and the Commonwealth, Presbyterians and Independents resumed the lengthwise position of the table. At the Restoration, and when the Church came to her own again, once more the Holy Table was replaced altarwise ; but owing to the hosts of Con formists being ordained, it was not possible to get them to accept the traditions of the Church, and these men went round to the north end looking south in place of the north side looking east, and this had to be borne with or connived at, though the revisionists of 1661 surely desired a return to the proper liturgical position. A REMNANT 63 No sooner did Charles II regain the throne than staunch up holders of Catholic tradition came to the front. Cosin and his son-in-law GranviUe, Peter Gunning, who throughout the Puritan times had persisted, at the risk of imprisonment, in reading the Prayer Book; Hackett of Lichfield, who at once set to work to restore his beautiful cathedral; Wren, who came forth from his prison in the Tower to remount his throne and resume the ceremonial for which he had suffered bonds and imprisonment ; BramhaU, Thorndike, a liturgical scholar, Henry Hammond, a Laudian, Anthony Horneck, KettleweU, and many more. Next appeared Ken, Frampton, Atterbury, and devout laymen such as Robert Nelson. Bad as were the appointments to sees under WiUiam III, there was one exception — John Sharp, who was made Archbishop of York, in this case probably through the influence of Queen Mary. He was a model bishop, an earnest and thorough Church man, greatly preferring the first Prayer Book of Edward VI to that of 1662. In the reign of Queen Anne the Church became stronger, and had a greater hold of the people than ever before. In the Georgian period there was still evidence of life. We see it in Bishops Butler, Wilson and Home. Take, for instance, the saintly Bishop Wilson of Sodor and Man. The Earl of Derby, who was " King of Man," sent a governor (Captain Home), and got the appointment of an archdeacon, Horobin, with the express purpose of neutralizing to the best of their ability the spiritual work of the Bishop. In 1719 the Governor's wife had grossly slandered a woman of good character in the island, and the Bishop refused Communion to her tiU she repented. But the Archdeacon, to oppose the Bishop, communicated her, whereupon the Bishop suspended him. Thereupon the Governor threw Bishop Wilson into prison on S. Peter's Day, 1722, and there he was confined for nine weeks in a damp ceU, in which he contracted a rheumatic affection that disabled him ever after from the free use of his right hand. But " the concern of the people was so great that they assembled in crowds, and it was with difficulty they were restrained from pulling down the Governor's house, by the mild behaviour and persuasion of the Bishop, who was permitted to speak to them only through a grated window, or address them from the waUs of his prison, whence he blessed and exhorted hundreds of them daily." He was wont to say that he ruled his diocese better when in prison 64 THE CHURCH REVIVAL than when out of it. The love borne him by the people made them more amenable to his discipline. " ' The Church is not infrequently blamed for the low condition to which she sank under the Hanoverian rule ; but unjustly. The fact was that she was so paralysed by the State that she could do nothing. In all high places were either Latitudinarian Bishops or men chosen on political, not on religious grounds. She was debarred the exercise of her voice in Convocation ; she had no power to oppose unsuitable prelates being appointed to rule her. It would be possible, and not difficult, to form a fuU catena of faithful men holding definite Church doctrine from the time of Henry VIII down to the Victorian period, but such is not my object. The work has been done, for the tract of time between 1660 and I7i4,by Mr. Overton.1 When one finds gold grains in the sand at one's feet, one knows that a gold reef is present. There were books as well as men that maintained the truth ; books read in quiet parsonages, in manor-houses and in citizen families, sound in doctrine and inspired with true devotion ; moulding the opinions and shaping the spiritual lives of tens of thousands. The series begins even during the Commonwealth with The Whole Duty of Man (1657), the authorship of which was never divulged. It sprang almost immediately into popu larity. It was placed with the Bible and Prayer Book as the indispensable requisites of the Christian life ; it was issued in innumerable editions. From first to last it is a plain, sober, ortho dox statement of Church doctrine ; it does not turn to right or left, to Geneva or to Rome. There can be no better proof of the deep-rooted place the Church had taken in the affections of the people than its extraordinary success. Then came Jeremy Taylor's Golden Grove and Holy Living and Dying ; there ap peared notable expositions of the Church Catechism by Hammond and by Ken and Beveridge. Conspicuous among books of devotion for the Holy Communion was that issued by Arch deacon Lake, putting forth advanced views without compromise or disguise, and which maintained its popularity for a very long time. But there were numerous other devotional works for the Holy Communion. I will mention but two. In 1738 appeared Samuel Keble's Week's Preparation for a worthy reception of the Eucharist, and another edition appeared in 1742. But it 1 See as well Dean Stephen's Life of Dean Hook (1879), i. chap. iv. A REMNANT 65 was couched too much on the fines of the " Song of Solomon," and exception was taken to its almost sensuous raptures. Then appeared The New Week's Preparation, which went rapidly through edition after edition. In seven years it passed through thirty-four editions. The book consisted of two parts ; the second is entitled The Companion for the Altar, and this continued to be reprinted almost year by year down to 1870. There are no tokens in it of anything but strong Cathohc doctrine on the Real Presence. Here is a prayer for Monday morning : " Rise, my soul, and take thy swiftest wings ; fly to this great mystery. There we shaU see the Prince of Peace sacrifice Himself to re concile us with the Father ; there we shall see, O stupendous mercy ! the Son of God with heavenly food entertaining the sons of men. Can we, 0 dear Redeemer ! beheve the wonders of this mystery, and not be ravished with admiration of Thy great goodness ? Can we acknowledge Thy perfect veracity, and not believe this wonder of Thy love ? Let us not then refuse to beUeve our God, because His mercies transcend our capacities, etc." After the Consecration comes this prayer : " Now, O my God, prostrate before Thine altar I dare not so much as look upon this mystery of our salvation, if Thou hadst not invited me. I beseech Thee, therefore, accept of this representation we make before Thee of that aU-sufficient sacrifice, which Thy Son our Saviour Jesus Christ made upon the cross. Let the merit of it plead effectually for the pardon and forgiveness of all my sins, etc." Then we have Bishop Wilson's Sacra Privata and Instructions for the Lord's Supper. Nelson's Festivals and Fasts had a wide and enduring popur larity. Sparrow, Bishop of Exeter, in his Rationale of the Book of Common Prayer, showed how that it was drawn from Catholic sources. There was a book by Jane West, Infers to a Young Lady, that appeared in 1806 and ran into three editions in the same year. A fourth came out in 1811. Jane West devoted two long chapters to Calvinism, and insisted on the poisonous nature of its doctrine. She fairly traced its introduction into England from abroad. When she comes to the teachings of the Church of England she is thoroughly sound. She had already issued Letters to a Young Man on First Entering into Life, the sixth edition of which appeared in 1818 couched on the same lines. This is but a sUght notice, but it suffices to show that the red line was never broken. 5 66 THE CHURCH REVIVAL In the Hanoverian period of cloud and thick darkness, among the clergy who stiU held the faith, their orthodoxy was instinctive rather than due to well-grounded conviction. The orthodox clergy were like men groping in the dark, asking to be led— knowing whither they desired to go, but unable themselves to find the way. The one tenet they clung to with both hands was the Apostolic Succession, and the divine institution of the Episcopal order. " My reverend brethren," said Bishop Horsley in his charge of 1790, " we must be content to be High Churchmen — or we cannot be Churchmen at all, for he who thinks of God's ministers as mere servants of the State is out of the Church, severed from it by a kind of self -excommunication." " To God," wrote Archdeacon Wrangham in 1823, " and not to a patronising Crown or to an electing people, we can authorita tively refer our origin as a ministry. For Christ , we are expressly told in Scripture, sent the Apostles with a power to send others, thus providing an unbroken succession for aU coming ages, and promised to be with them always, even to the end of the world." Later, Samuel Wilberforce, when incumbent of Checkendon, let it be plainly seen that he believed in Baptismal Regenera tion ; and, preaching at Bishop Sumner's Visitation in 1833, he boldly caUed on the clergy to " prize at a higher rate that un broken succession whereby those who ordained us are joined unto Christ's own Apostles," and he spoke strongly on " the danger of quitting the high vantage ground of Apostolical authority to fight the battle out upon the doubtful level of Erastian principles." After the Reform Bill, and the suppression of some of the Irish sees, Churchmen in England were in perpetual alarm. " We felt ourselves," wrote Mr. Palmer, " assailed by enemies from without and from within. Our prelates insulted and threatened by ministers of the State . . . clamours loud and long for the overthrow of the Church ; Dissenters and Romanists triumphing in the prospect of its subversion, and assailing it with every epithet calculated to stimulate popular hatred."1 Danger menaced from the timidity of the Bishops and other dignitaries, who were prepared to cast out the lading of the ship, her doctrines and rites, if only they could save their own position. Thus menaced, a declaration was drawn up addressed by 1 Palmer (Rev. W.), Narrative of Events (1883), p. 8. A REMNANT 67 the clergy to the Archbishop of Canterbury. " At a time when events are daily passing before us, which mark the growth of Latitudinarian sentiments and the ignorance that prevails concerning the spiritual claims of the Church, we are especially anxious to lay before your Grace the assurance of our devoted adherence to the apostolical doctrine and polity of the Church over which you preside, and of which we are ministers ; and our deep-rooted attachment to that venerable Liturgy, in which she has embodied in the language of ancient piety the orthodox and primitive faith." This was signed by seven thousand clergy, against the expressed opposition of the dignitaries and the aloof ness of the Bishops. The Evangelical clergy did not sign. This was foUowed by a declaration to much the same effect by 230,000 heads of famihes among the laity ; and was pre sented to the King on May 27, 1833. Such declarations show that there existed still a strong and faithful remnant in the Anghcan Church, ready to make itself heard, and to act, and that it would not tolerate any watering do wn of her formularies . The red line was not ruptured . Church Unions were formed in London, Bristol and elsewhere, for general Church extension, an increase of the Episcopate, with some vaUd security against unfit appointments, the revival of Convocation, and the restoration of Discipline. There is further evidence of the existence of distinct orthodoxy among the clergy of the Early Victorian age. When the Gorham judgment had been delivered, and Archbishop Sumner was prepared to institute Mr. Gorham into the living of Bampford Speke in defiance of his diocesan, Henry, Bishop of Exeter, summoned a synod of the diocese to protest. This proceeding excited the liveliest alarm among Whigs and Latitudinarians. Here was the torpid Church showing unwelcome signs of vitality, and resistance to the judgment of the Privy Council, ready to declare what is the faith of the Church against the ruUng of the judges. On May 2, 185 1, Mr. Childers, in the House of Commons, asked the Prime Minister what the Government was prepared to do in the case — whether the meeting of the synod could not be prohibited. Lord John RusseU referred the matter to the law officers of the Crown, and was surprised and discon certed to learn that there existed no law in the Statute-book prohibiting the holding of diocesan synods. The Bishop had desired the Archdeacons to inform the clergy that he would hold the Synod on June 25 and two foUowing 68 THE CHURCH REVIVAL days ; and the object would be to make a declaration of firm adherence to the articles in the Creed — " I acknowledge one Baptism for the remission of sins," and the doctrine of the Church on the Grace of that Sacrament, as set forth in the Catechism. The Synod met, and was attended with the utmost success. Of thirty-two rural deaneries in the diocese only two failed to send representatives. " Considering," says the Report of the Metropolitan Church Union, " the pains taken to defeat the Bishop's intention by preventing the Clergy from assembling in such numbers as to constitute a fair representation of "the diocese, the result is highly encouraging. No less gratifying is the fact that, in spite of the endeavours made to excite the public feeling in opposition to the Synod, to an extent which seemed at one time to threaten the peace of the Cathedral city, no commotion or demonstration of any kind took place, but the synod was protected in the discharge of its functions by an evident feeling of respect on the part of a populace, certainly not prejudiced in favour of its proceedings." The declaration " On Baptism " agreed on by the Synod was of an uncompromising character, definite in proclamation of the faith of the Universal Church and of that of England in particular. It was a declaration that the Church in the diocese of Exeter utterly repudiated the decision of the Privy Council. The clergy had loyaUyraUied about their Bishop, and had upheld the Cathohc Faith as maintained by the formularies of the Church in the matter of Baptismal Regeneration. Mr. Gladstone and the Bishop of Oxford were of opinion that had the EngUsh Bishops met and issued a joint proclamation affirming the doctrine of the Church in this matter, there would not have ensued many secessions. But the prelates were too timorous, too much afraid of offending the Liberal Ministry under Lord John Russell, to take this step. " Alas ! " wrote Bishop Wilberforce at the time, " aU is very dark around us. I fear we shaU lose some of our very best men, and my heart bleeds at every pore at the prospect. But I firmly beUeve in the vitality of the Church of England, . that it wiU throw off the evil of such a loss of best blood as this." So a good many of " our very best men " were sacrificed because the Bishops neglected to do what in duty they were bound to do. " The conies are but a feeble folk," said Solomon, and alas ! at this period the conies ruled over the nobler beasts. A REMNANT 69 I may here quote Miss Mitf ord in Belford Regis (1835) , who, after describing the revived activity in the Church, gives a deUghtful sketch of the orthodox clergyman : "I cannot help entertain ing relentings in favour of the weU-endowed clergyman of the old school, round, indolent, and rubicund, at peace with himself and with all around him, who lives in quiet and plenty in his ample parsonage-house, dispensing with a Uberal hand the superfluities of his hospitable table, regular and exact in his conduct, but not so precise as to refuse a Saturday night's rubber in his own person, or to condemn his parishioners for their game of cricket on Sunday afternoons ; charitable in word and deed, tolerant, indulgent, kind to the widest extent of that widest word. . . . There he goes, rotund and rosy, a tun of a man, fining three parts of his roomy equipage ; the shovel hat with a rose in it, the very model of Orthodoxy overshadowing his white hairs and placid countenance. There he goes in whose youth Tract societies and adult schools were not, but who yet has done as much good and as little harm in his generation, has formed as just and as useful a link between the rich and the poor, the landlord and the peasant, as ever did honour to reUgion and to human nature." Very charming is Lord Selborne's account of his own father, the Rev. W. Joscelyn Palmer (b. 1778, d. 1833), Rector of Mix- bury and Finmere, holding the former Hving for forty-seven years. " I have heard some people speak as if the care of a few hundred souls were insufficient employment for the zeal and energy of a clergyman of mark. What God had charged him with was the care of those five or six hundred people at Mixbury and Finmere, for whom there was no one else to care ; among whom there was no praise to be won, no distinction to be attained, no ambition to be gratified. He was content with this, and sought nothing more. The people he loved and wiUingly served, wisely also and discreetly, as a spiritual father and friend, who understood them, and was able to speak to them in a way which they could understand. There was not one, young or old, whom he did not observe and study. His interest in individuals was not capricious or transitory, but patient and persevering. It was long before he despaired (if he ever did despair) even of those who went astray." x We are further told that Mr. Palmer was a staunch Anglo-catholic priest in church, in advance of his time, both as to reverence and as to rubrical 1 Memorials, by Roundel! Palmer, Earl of Selborne (1896), i. 5-8. 70 THE CHURCH REVIVAL strictness. Where the High Church clergy failed and proved faulty was in their remaining content with the very minimum of worship. The Church unquestionably required that they should observe daily prayer twice in their churches, and should celebrate the Eucharist at the least every Lord's Day and every Holy Day. They contented themselves with two services on the Sunday and with Communion once a month at oftenest, and made no attempt to improve on what had become the routine before their time. When I was a boy, in my neighbourhood all the clergy with two exceptions were in theory High Churchmen. One of the exceptions was a very worthy, spirituaUy-minded man who served two churches, and was mildly Evangelical; the other was the Vicar of Tavistock. The vicars there were appointed by th.e Whig Dukes of Bedford, who always nominated men of no definite Church opinions. One of these actually proposed to banish the Church Catechism from the National School, although there existed in the town an undenominational British School. The subscribers to the National School were incensed, and pertinently inquired for what their subscriptions were soUcited, if in the Church school Church doctrines were not to be taught. But in Tavistock of recent years, the tide has notably risen, and there are now daily prayers, and weekly and Saints' -day Communions. I do not suppose that in any Christian church except the Evangelical and Calvinistic communities in Germany, which do not pretend to be a part of Cathohc Christendom, such long- protracted and cogent efforts have been made to degrade and dedoctrinize, as have been made by the State in England, which had encroached on and neutralized the liberties of the Church, guaranteed to her by Magna Charta. In the Turkish Empire, although there has been persecution of the Christians, the Sublime Porte has never interfered with the teaching and the worship of the Orthodox Churches. The nearest approach to the condition of affairs we have gone through was under Constantius, when he forced Arians into the bishoprics, or under Anastasius I when he fiUed the sees with Monophysites. That was but for a time. But in England the evil began with Charles II, was accentuated under WiUiam III, and was carried on with but slight intermission till the middle of the reign of Queen Victoria, and even considerably later. A REMNANT 71 First came the Conformists bribed with mitres, then from 1689 to the appointment of such men as Thomson and Tait to our own two Archbishoprics, for something like a hundred and eighty years, did this continue. In olden times there existed in England a punishment entitled Peine forte et dure, that consisted in prostrating the victim on the floor, and putting lumps of lead in slow succession on his chest till the hfe was squeezed out of him. And it was in this way that Statesmen dealt with the Church of England for two centuries — and these lumps of lead were all stamped with mitres. Some were Ughter, others were oppressive, but together they nearly drove the breath of life out of her. Happily the vitahty of the Church was sufficient to enable her to sweU her lungs and endure them with such patience as she could muster, till a gracious Providence tumbled them off, and dropped them into Lethe. Here and there, wide dispersed, were men who looked back with sadness, and looked forward without hope, who said to themselves, hke EUjah in the reign of Ahab : " I, even I alone am left ! " Yet it was not so — it was through that miserable time as when Jezebel threw down the altars and persecuted the prophets. God Almighty knew what man did not — that there were left to Him seven thousand in Israel, all the knees that had not bowed unto Baal, and the mouths that had not kissed him. Owing to total absence of salt in Central Africa the cattle of the natives suffer from a polypuslike parasitic growth in the intestines that drains away the vital juices, affects the tissues, and reduces the yield of milk to meagreness in quantity and quality. On the other hand, in the Alps, in the crisp early dawn, the herdsman, furnished with a waUet fuU of rock-salt, stands at the door of his hut and calls in patois " Kuh seele! Kuh seek ! " whereupon from aU the pastures, with bells tinkling, come gaUoping the cattle to receive from his hands the renovating and health-giving condiment, that ensures their vigour and the abundance and sweetness of their milk. The EngUsh Church was full of abuses and corruption that had reduced her vitality. Her intestines were choked with the loathsome growths of indifference, Erastianism, neglect of duties, pomposity, secularity. Then came the Tract writers with the salt of the Catholic Faith — and since then, all is changed ; the Church is full of vigorous Ufe, the clergy are energetic, and the quality of their teaching is improved. The churches are 72 THE CHURCH REVIVAL transformed ; and Ufe, beauty and joy have become the char acteristics of worship in them. And now to give some of my personal experiences. My uncle Charles was born in 1807, and became rector of Lew Trenchard in 1832. I do not conceive that he ever read the Tracts for the Times ; at all events they were not comprised in his library. But he preached incessantly on Baptismal Regeneration and the Real Presence, and at Ember-tide on the ApostoUc Succession and the Constitution of the Church. There was nothing ap proaching to Rituahsm in the services, but as to his convictions, of them there could be entertained no doubt. To him I owe a great debt of gratitude. Indeed, I may say that, to a large extent, he moulded my opinions. He was wont to give me Paget's Village Tales, and Neale's Stories from Church History, as also Monro's Allegories. My mother gave me Sparrow's Rationale. Later I had Wordsworth's Theophilus Anglicanus, which absolutely fixed my behef. Then, again, my mother, a daughter of Admiral Thomas Godolphin Bond, R.N., was born in 1808, and married in 1832, after which we hved so much abroad that she was never brought within the influence of the Oxford movement. Nevertheless she had been reared in definite Church doctrines ; she used daily Bishop Cosin's Book of the Seven Canonical Hours, and would never communicate except fasting, although the celebrations were always late. My very old friend, Canon Fowler of Durham, teUs me of his grandfather, Wilham Fowler of Winterton, Lincolnshire (1761- 1832), a man famous for his engravings of Roman pavements, stained glass, etc., that he was a thorough Churchman aU his life, never missing Sunday morning or afternoon service, or Holy Communion. He was much stirred by the piety of the first Wesleyans, and became a Class-leader, yet without breaking away from the Church. When, in his last illness, he desired private Communion, he requested the Vicar to wear his surplice and to bring the parish clerk with him to make the responses, " that it might be more Uke Church." One of his favourite books was Jeremy Taylor's Holy Living ; his copy bears his pencil-marks of approval in many places; and in the margin opposite to where fasting Com munion is recommended " unless it be in the case of sickness, or other great necessity," he had written, " This puts me in mind of A REMNANT 78 my dear grandmother. May I foUow her example in that which is good. Amen." Her maiden name was Mary Taylor, and it is recorded of her that " she never neglected the Church or Holy Sacrament, and always received the latter, after due pre paration, fasting." That Holy Communion was received fasting was a pretty general usage among pious people, as we learn from Vaux's Church Folk Lore, in which a great many instances are given. At Luffincott, a very smaU parish, containing sixty-two persons, of which the hving was worth as many pounds, and some glebe, with no resident gentry and but one large farm, in 1791 the parishioners at their own expense rebuilt the church tower. When I first knew it, in early Ufe, the incumbent was the Rev. Frank Parker, a scholar, well read in Patristic theology. He possessed a large library of the Fathers of the Church and Anglican Divines. He had daily service, fasted from meat throughout Lent, and was unmarried. Some rumour, quite unfounded, got abroad that he proposed taking to himself a wife. " Ah, Parker," said a neighbour, " soon, instead of thy Fathers thou shalt have children." Our nearest neighbour at Coryton, distant two miles, be longed to the old High Church school. On his death he was succeeded by his son, who at once instituted daily service in the church. I may go back somewhat earlier and mention a circumstance that happened before my time, which at all events shows strong church feeling in that dead period. Madam Gould of Lew Trenchard, who died in 1795, was left a widow in 1766. She had a son, a spendthrift, who got rid of the principal family property at Staverton, and would have got rid of Lew Trenchard as weU, had not his mother secured it by a lease of ninety-nine years. She had also a daughter married to Charles Baring. When the son died, in 1788, Mrs. Baring might look to succeed to Lew Trenchard as heiress. Old Madam drove in her coach toCourtlands.near Exmouth, where Uved Charles Baring and his wife. She arrived on Saturday. Now Mr. Baring had his reUgious views, Uke the rest of his family, and attended a conventicle he had set up in Limpstone. On Sunday morning Mr. Baring took his mother-in-law in his chariot to the chapel instead of to church. She sat grim and motionless throughout the service, and silent in the carriage on the return to Courtlands. So soon as she was in the hall, she 74 THE CHURCH REVIVAL turned on her son-in-law and said : " Charles, order my coach round at once." " But— we are about to sit down to early dinner." " I will not eat with you, nor visit you again. I leave at once. And, Charles, |never whilst I Uve shaU you set foot in Lew House, and never shall you or Margaret inherit an acre there. I shall leave everything to my grandson WiUiam." And Charles Baring never did set foot in Lew House. The old lady was a sturdy Church woman. She would stand up during prayers in church and see if any of the congregation failed to kneel ; if so, such persons heard of it from her in the ensuing week. As none but herself and the clerk in the congre gation were able to read, the latter was wont to give out the psalm in this fashion : " Let Madam and I sing to the praise and glory of God." " Madam " was a sort of female Sir Roger de Coverley. In the Spectator it is related how that this worthy knight " keeps the whole congregation in order, and wiU suffer nobody to sleep in it but himself ; for if by chance he has been surprised into a short nap at Sermon, upon recovering out of it he stands up and looks about him, and if he sees anybody else nodding, either wakes them himself or sends his servant to them. He sometimes stands up when everybody else is on their knees, to count the Congregation, or see if any of his Tenants are missing. ... He has often told me that at his coming to his estate he found his parishioners very irregular, and that in order to make them kneel and join in the responses, he gave every one of them a hassock and a Common Prayer Book, and at the same time employed an itinerant singing master, who goes about the country for that purpose, to instruct them rightly in the tunes of the psalms." I repeat what I have said already, that notwithstanding every effort made by the Crown and Prime Ministers of the day from the reign of WiUiam of Orange to far on in that of Queen Victoria to deaden the Church and drive orthodoxy, if not whoUy out of her, yet into holes and corners of the land, there remained a large, if inactive, Church element. In books of Natural Science published at the beginning of the nineteenth century, we were taught that in metals, minerals, etc., existed a body of latent heat that might weU remain unsuspected, because unmanifested. A little friction or a clash would, however, bring it into evidence. It sufficed to strike a flint with steel to produce a spark, the A REMNANT 75 latent heat eUcited from the cold silex. There was throughout the land latent Church feeling, not among the clergy alone, but among the laity as well ; and all required was a sharp stroke such as that dealt by the publication of the Oxford Tracts to make it flash light everywhere, in towns, in viUages, in coUeges and schools. When in 1827 John Keble published The Christian Year, it was hailed everywhere with avidity. It passed through edition after edition, as had no other book. It found its way into almost every parsonage, and into every house where any Church feeling existed. Only the Evangelicals looked upon it with a jealous eye. The volume could not have sold as it did, and become the spiritual food of thousands of souls, had there not been in England a vast amount of latent CathoUcism. There was, indeed, in most Church households Nelson's Festi vals and Fasts, which was read and re-read, but that was mainly in prose.1 Now Fast and Festival were invested with the glamour of beautiful poetry that carried the teaching of the Christian Year to minds hitherto unconscious of its significance. The time had at last come when the long-bound and down trodden Orthodoxy of the Church was to show itself. I think we may trace an analogy between the fortunes of the Enghsh Church and those of the EngUsh people. The old Anglo- Saxon stock extended through every shire and was embedded in every parish-; it had become lethargic, un progressive, and its vitality faiUng. It needed the infusion of fresh blood to re- invigorate it. This Was obtained through the Norman Conquest. The remedy was desperate, and for a long time it seemed as though the inherent strength of the race would expire under such drastic treatment. English institutions, social order, genius, literature, alike disappeared beneath the influx of French fashions, culture and language, only slowly to re-emerge, and eventuaUy to assert themselves as predominant factors in every department of life, retaining but a trace here and there of prolonged foreign mastery, in our tongue and in our manners. In like way was it with the English Church. The body was sound in constitution, in orthodox doctrine ; but it was sub merged for awhile, as I have shown, beneath a flood of Continental Zwinglianism and Calvinism, in the reigns of Edward VI and EUzabeth. Only in those of James I and Charles I did the tops of the hills appear, to be again engulfed for a season. But Puritanism never altered the substance, the contour and con- 1 The thirty-third edition was issued in 1818. 76 THE CHURCH REVIVAL formation of the English Church, however greatly it may have devastated its surface, overlaid it with a film of slime, not without fertilizing qualities in it, and strewn it with wreckage. I happen to live where the sedimentary rocks have been heaved aloft, contorted, rent, shattered, and in places metamor phosed by the granite, the bed-rock of aU, spiring into lofty tors. And the bed-rock of the English Church has been its primitive Cathohc and Apostolic constitution. AU the superimposed strata of novel Continental heresy have been riven and dis integrated, crumbling down into beds of intractable, sterile clay. What has become of Calvinism in England ? Even in Presby terian Scotland it is dead or moribund. But with us in England, the imperishable primary rock of the Faith as once for all delivered to the Saints, Cathohc worship, and Apostolic order, remain in their integrity. When we would build, on that we lay our foundation. We hew it for the corner-stone of every structure ; of this primeval material are the blocks fashioned into which we drive the crooks on which every hinge of our spiritual and moral life turns. Of the late-deposited strata — so modern that they are not more than three and a half centuries old — we can utihze only such as have been transformed — crys tallized — by contact with the primary rock, and have thereby acquired consistency and durabihty. Antiochus Epiphanes resolved on Hellenising the Jewish people and assimilating their religion to that of the Greeks. He was greatly assisted in his work by apostate Levites and the High Priests, Jason and Menelaus. In December 168 B.C., the enclosure was broken down between the outer and the inner courts of the Temple, and a Grecian cippus was placed on the platform of Zerubbabel's altar and dedicated to the Olympian Zeus. The profanation was consummated by introducing a herd of swine and slaughtering them in the sacred precincts. From that hour the daily sacrifice ceased, the sacred fire was extinguished, and the faithful Israelites fled from the dishonoured Temple. At the time commemorated in the Book of Daniel the Abomina tion of Desolation ceased, Antiochus was dead, his generals and armies had been routed, and after the battle of Bethzur in 165 B.C., the Jews were able to undertake the purification of God's House. The gates had been consumed with fire, the altar over thrown, and the platform was overgrown with nettles. The faithful people and such of the priests as had remained true set to work to restore and to cleanse. The holy fire, if we may trust A REMNANT 77 the Second Book of Maccabees, was discovered in a pit where it had been hidden. The Temple was re-dedicated, and again the altar smoked and the lights burned. Something much Uke this occurred in the Enghsh Church. From the time when WiUiam III landed in Tor Bay, through the Whig administration of the early days of Anne, through the long period of Whig prime ministers, from 1714 to 1770, during the twenty years when Walpole was prime minister, through the Peel, Palmerston and RusseU domination, the Government laboured to Protestantize the Church of England, now in the direction of EvangeUcahsm, then in that of ReUgious Indifference. But with the pubUcation of the Tracts for the Times, from every quarter men started up, shook off their torpor, and began to rebuild the Temple of God. The fire — the sacred fire — was kindled in ten thousand hearts, and flamed in the House of God. Although the progress of restoration might be slow, halting, and hampered, it never was whoUy given over. The reign of the Abomination of Desolation was at an end. " Populus qui sedebat in tenebris vidit lucem magnam : etseden- tibus in regione umbrce mortis lux orta est eis." (Matt. iv. 16.) CHAPTER IV THE EVANGELICAL MOVEMENT AS I have already pointed out, a foreign element, as by a hypodermic injection, had been introduced into the blood of the English Church, predisposing it for the outbreak of an Evangelical epidemic. That epidemic was Calvinistic, not Arminian, for the very good reason that it was Calvinism which had entered the Church from the Puritan Conformists, the French Huguenots, the Dutch, the Scottish and Irish invaders. The sons and grandsons of aU these men may have conformed, but the old Predestinarianism ran curdling in their arteries. It did not at once reveal itself. It lay dormant. For awhile it remained incubating. It was bound eventuaUy to manifest itself. The old Puritan party had become disintegrated. A major portion had conformed, as we have seen ; it had lost all its vehemence and vitality in so doing, and constituted, in the reign of Wilham III and during the Hanoverian period, the bed of Latitudinarianism in the Estabhshed Church; whereas the sincere Puritans formed Nonconformist bodies, Calvinistic or Unitarian. As to true Evangelicalism — real spiritual converse with God — that had never lacked in the English Church. It had been manifest in the saintly Andrewes, in Nicholas Ferrar, George Herbert, Vaughan the Silurist, in Ken, in Nelson, and in Law. But the modern Evangelical party in the Church was started by the preaching of Wesley ; it speedily altered its direction from Armmianism to Calvinism. It owed its real origin, Orion-like, to the united operation of Scottish, Dutch and Huguenot in vaders. The English Bishops and clergy have been often and unjustly accused of having thrust Wesley and his foUowers out of the Church. But it was impossible to allow the Methodist doctrines of sensible and instantaneous conversion, personal assurance, and indefectability to find a lodgment within the Church. 78 THE EVANGELICAL MOVEMENT 79 Let us see shortly what were the fundamental doctrines of Calvin ; and I will take for the purpose the Lambeth Articles : (i) From all Eternity God had predestinated some to Ufe eternal, others to be cast into heU-fire. (2) The efficient cause of predestination to hfe eternal is whoUy independent of a man's faith, good works, perseverance. It exists solely in the determination of God. (3) There exists a Umited, foreknown number of those who are to be saved. (4) Those who are not thus fore-ordained wiU be lost eternaUy. (5) The elect can never lose a justifying faith. (6) The elect are made conscious by assurance in their hearts that they are destined to eternal life. * (7) Grace is not given outside this limited number of the elect to enable others to be saved. (8) AU men are not drawn by the Father to come to the Son to be saved. (9) It is not placed in the will or power of any man to be saved. That this terrible doctrine was one stantis vel cadentis ecclesice Calvini appears from the story of Bameveldt and Grotius in the Netherlands. These men, who were at the head of the Estates of HoUand, in order to mitigate the severity of the Calvinistic doctrine, attempted to impose on aU the ministers a command to teach " that God has created no man in order to damn him ; that God has not laid man under a necessity of sinning ; and that He invites no man to be saved to whom He has resolved to deny salvation." This roused stubborn resistance. Maurice of Nassau, the Stadtholder of the United Provinces, a bitter and unscrupulous man, and of immoral life, set himself at the head of the Calvinistic party, brought Bameveldt to the block, and Grotius to imprisonment that was to have been for hfe, only he managed to escape in a book-box and fly to Paris. Such then are the doctrines which the Puritan party strove to import into the Enghsh Church, and which the Divines under James I and Charles I refused to entertain and aUow a lodging within the covers of the Prayer Book. And it was these doc trines that were re-introduced at the close of the eighteenth century by the EvangeUcal preachers. The low condition, the smaU vitaUty of the Church, prepared the way for such an appearance as that of pseudo-EvangeUcahsm. It is so in the human body: when the health is feeble, the pulse 80 THE CHURCH REVIVAL low, and the brain torpid, then it is that the extraneous humours that have been imported into the blood come to the surface. I knew a case of a girl who had swaUowed a paper of pins. For years she suffered great inconvenience and discomfort, but even tuaUy they aU worked out and she became robust and healthy. And so it was with the AngUcan Church: she had endured much through the amount of alien matter that had been imported, even forced into her. It is to be trusted that eventuaUy she wiU get rid of it altogether. We should be doing most of the early Evangelicals a great injustice if we lumped them with the ultra-Calvinists. They held Calvinistic doctrine indeed, but in a very modified form, and their teaching was far from being antinomian. They felt, and expressed a great truth, that the Gospel appealed to men's hearts as much as, if not more than, to their intellects. Theirs was an emotional reUgion, and the cold Latitudinarians and the rigidly orthodox abhorred "enthusiasm," by which they meant rehgious fervour. These men had no thought of contravening the doc trines of the Church ; they accepted them without laying stress upon them ; they had not given them a thought ; they hardly realized what they were. We must clearly distinguish the early school of Evangelicals from such men as Toplady, Whitefield and Romaine, who formed a school to themselves altogether Calvinistic. Early in the fourteenth century a phase of Quietism among the monks of Mount Athos attracted attention. By crouching with heads bowed and chins resting on their breasts, contemplating their navels with absorbed attention, they conceived that they saw the ineffable light of Tabor, bathing and irradiating their internal organs. This Ught became to them an instructing, guiding and overmastering iUumination. The EvangeUstic movement among the Churchmen in England, hke Pietism in Germany, was a corresponding rehgious phase to that of the Omphalopsychse. Instead of looking to the Church and its teaching for guidance in the spiritual life, they turned their eyes inwards, there to find a supreme director in faith and practice ; and with indifference they were prepared to burst through rule and order in obedience to the inward guide. Dr. Dale of Birmingham wrote of the early Evangelicals : " The Evangelical movement encouraged what is caned an undenominational temper. It emphasized the vital importance of the Evangelical creed, but it regarded almost with indifference THE EVANGELICAL MOVEMENT 81 aU forms of Church polity that were not in apparent and irre concilable antagonism to that creed. It cared nothing for the idea of the Church as the august society of saints. It was the aUy of individualism." Further : " Although its leaders insisted very earnestly on the obligation of individual Christian men to live a devout and godly life, they had very little to say about the relations of the individual Christian to the general order of human society, or about the realization of the kingdom of God in all the various regions of human activity. The Revival had no great ideal of the Church as a divine institution." x This is an appre ciation by an outsider, a Dissenter ; and it is valuable. Put but a little water in a spoon And it shall be as all the ocean, said the Bastard in King John, and this applied to the Evan gelical movement. The Evangelicals had laid hold of a truth, a valuable truth, but it was only as " a little water in a spoon," and they magnified it to be " as aU the ocean," the whole sum and substance of Christianity. The consequence was that their religion was of a miserably partial quality, not partaking of the fullness of the spirituality that is found among Catholics, Enghsh or Roman. The old teaching of Churchmen was the duty men owed to God, to their country, to their neighbours and to themselves. And this teaching has left its mark on the English character. We hear of a nurse in a burning house, who wiU sacrifice herself, and that readily, to rescue the child committed to her charge, of an engine- driver who will devote his own life to the saving of the passengers in the train, and of the captain of a sinking ship who will see crew and passengers safe before he will think of leaving the wreck. With this, Evangelical doctrine had nothing in common. In fact, the idea of Duty was scouted by the Evangelicals. " Duty ! duty ! " exclaimed one of the School to me — " There is nothing in the Gospel about duty: everything is performed for us." " ' WeU done, good and faithful servant,' " I rephed, " ' enter thou into the joy of thy Lord.' Was there no duty done there ? " What is very significant is the permanence of this sense in the EngUsh character, impressed on it by the old, despised orthodox clergy, never whoUy effaced by Low-Church individualism. The teaching of the Orthodox had been inadequate and in complete. The prevailing idea among all classes of Church- 1 Dale (R. M.), The Old Evangelicalism and the New (London, i pp. 17-18. 6 82 THE CHURCH REVIVAL people was indeed that of duty. They brought their children to be baptized and confirmed ; they attended church once at least on a Sunday, because they conceived that it was their duty so to do ; they communicated monthly, for the same reason. This may be fairly taken as the prevalent conception of EngUsh Churchmen as to what was expected of a Christian, and would lead to Eternal Life ; and against this conception the Evangelicals waged implacable war. Doing is a deadly thing, And doing leads to death. This was their doctrine ; turning all Christians into such as the rois faineants of the Franks, who sat smiling in inward com placency, receiving homage and tribute, combing their yeUow hair, and doing nothing either royal or manly. The teaching of the orthodox clergy consisted in appeals to the reason to acknowledge the truth of the Christian religion, and to the conscience to obey its precepts. This was well and necessary ; but it was not the whole Gospel. If left out of account the feelings, and it is out of the heart that man believeth unto righteousness. That under it very noble characters were formed, high-minded, honourable, truthful, sincere, is absolutely certain ; but so were also characters formed under the teaching of the heathen philosophers. What the orthodox failed to inculcate was that man is invited to fulfil his duties, not as a servant to a master, but as a child to a father. They had taught , indeed , that man was redeemed by the death of Christ, but had not shown how that the death of Christ was a manifestation of the love of God, caUing for reciprocation. It was to fill this void in the ordinary predication of the ortho dox, that the EvangeUcals stepped in. They insisted on the continuous effects of the death of Christ ; they represented the blood as an ever-flowing stream, cleansing the sinner from every spot and stain, and rendering him henceforth impeccable. They sang — There is a fountain filled with blood Drawn from Immanuel's veins ; And sinners, plunged beneath that flood, Lose all their guilty stains. And the mode of plunging was an act of faith. When once cleansed there was no more amenabiUty to the Law ; they had received a complete discharge from all the obligations of duty. Those who had acquired assurance of salvation, according to THE EVANGELICAL MOVEMENT 83 the teaching of these Evangelicals, were supernaturally born again, and knew this by a Divinely-given perception akin to a new sense, and were thereby freed from indwelhng sin. They could not sin — the faculty to do so was taken from them. This, which was Wesley's doctrine, was held by the early Evangelicals, but it soon got fused with Calvinism. A recent traveUer in Armenia states that, what with the pictures of bleeding martyrs in Greek churches, and especially the preaching and howled-out hymns of the American Protestant missions, about blood — blood — blood ! the Mussulmans have acquired an impression that Christianity is a sanguinary creed. The Salvation Army bears on its banner " Blood and Fire." Stress was laid by the Evangelicals on the death of Christ, but smaU account was made of His Life. They declared that, however exactly men might discharge their obUgations to God and man, nothing of this availed — aU their righteousness was filthy rags. Now it is true enough that we are commanded to account ourselves unprofitable servants when we have done all that is commanded us, but we are nowhere told that we are not held responsible for our acts. Up to a certain point the teaching of the Evangelicals supplemented that of the Orthodox, but it erred in superseding it. It rendered conscience a valueless faculty. It deprived man of every motive for resisting tempta tion ; and self-indulgence was fostered. Everything was done for us, and we had nothing to do ourselves but to accept. Having no particle, no fibre of good in us, we were to be saved by the imputed righteousness of Christ. Mr. Mozley, who for many years of his boyhood and early youth sat under this kind of preaching, says that its great success lay in its extreme simpUcity. " Simple I say it must have been, for it excluded everything else. You were to be quite sure not only that you had received a special revelation that Jesus Christ died for you in particular, but also that your salvation was now a certainty, so as to place you above all further anxiety. You might have your faults, but you were saved ; your neigh bours might have their virtues, but, wanting this personal assurance, they were not saved. They were not even one step on the way to salvation. The impression of the system on my mind, after many years of such sermons, nay, thousands of such sermons, with hardly any relief whatever, was that it put the character of Jesus Christ entirely out of account, and that it reduced the Sermon on the Mount, aU the discourses of our 84 THE CHURCH REVIVAL Lord, and aU the moral arguments and exhortations of S. Paul and other Apostles, to mere carnahties that no real Christian need have anything to do with. AU that is tender, aU that is touching, all that appeals to our higher and nobler feelings, aU that by which Jesus Christ is the object of unbounded love and adoration even to those who shrink from the attempt to fathom the mystery of His being, was thrust aside — behind, I should rather say, trampled upon , as Ukely to lead us astray from the real point at issue, viz. whether we ourselves are personaUy saved to our own certain knowledge." 1 I sent a daughter once to a cookery school. She returned with a masterly knowledge how to make marchpane, almond paste, but could do nothing else, not even boil a potato. Now marchpane is very toothsome, but when served up twice a day, and every day in every year, it palls on the appetite. The Cal vinistic EvangeUcals had but one or at the outside two doctrines, and they not of marchpane daintiness. On the other hand, what a range of subjects has the Churchman to dilate on : every fast and festival furnishes him with a theme, and enables him to bring to light different and complementary verities. The Evangehcals persistently dwelt on the utter helplessness and hopeless depravity of human nature. FaUen man was corrupt to the core ; no act of his, however generous, merciful and just, that was not cankered, and to be regarded as worthless and reprobate in the sight of God. That this teaching produced smugness and self-righteousness in those who regarded themselves as among the elect goes without saying. The Mussulmans have an account of the creation of man that talhes exactly with the tenets of Calvin. They say that AUah was sitting on His throne, and He took up two lumps of clay, one in the right and the other in the left hand, moulded them into living men, and cast them right and left. " This goes to Heaven — and what care I ? And this goes to heU — and what care I ? " Bums satirised the Calvinism of the Scotch in " Holy WiUie " : O Thou who in the heavens dost dwell, Who, as it pleases best thysel', Sends me to heaven, and ten to hell A' for Thy glory, And no for unco guid or ill They've done afore Thee. 1 Reminiscences, i. 188. THE EVANGELICAL MOVEMENT 85 The Almighty, according to the Calvinist and Mussulman Creeds, is an arbitrary and capricious tyrant. And one conse quence of the preaching of the Evangelicals and the Calvinistic Methodists was the fits of terrible, agonizing despair into which men and women were cast, through supposing they had been foreordained from all Eternity to hell-fire, that God had created them, brought them into the world and nourished them therein, for the purpose of serving as fuel in the everlasting burning. Children, brought up under Calvinistic teaching, imbibed a conception of the Almighty, as though He were like the ogre in a fairy talej who fattens up little boys and girls in a cage for his eating. They looked on Him with terror, not with love. Shakespeare points to the doctrine of predestination so widely preached in his day, when in Measure for Measure he makes Claudio say : The words of Heaven — On whom it will, it will ; on whom it will not, — so ; — Yet still 'tis just I The preachers not only denounced flagrant sin, but also with equal energy what they termed " the World " : balls, races, theatres, cards, even though no money passed; novels, except such as were rehgious — in fact aU amusements ; they looked askance at cricket, and with horror at footbaU. Only such as had the required assurance were regarded as Christians ; aU outside this narrow clique were lumped together as Worldlings. The Elect pretended at a glance or a word to be able to classify a man as predestined to glory or to hell-fire. Extremes meet. S. Bridget of Sweden declared that she could always detect a sinner by his malodour, and even distinguish his special form of vice by the peculiar stench. A writer of the period (R. Graves), describing Whitefield's preaching, says : " He usuaUy made choice of a different text at each meeting, but whatever the subject was, it always ended — like Cato's speeches in the Senate-house, with delenda est Carthago — with Down with your good works ! with a denunciation against self-righteousness, and a recommendation of Faith alone in its stead — as if virtue was inconsistent with belief in the Gospel ; though xChilUngworth observed, ' This doctrine of renouncing their own righteousness has been generally found most agreeable to those who have no righteousness of their own to renounce.' Mr. Whitefield said little about repentance, but laid all the stress upon faith alone ; 86 THE CHURCH REVIVAL so that if a man was, or fancied, or even said, that he. was pos sessed of true faith, he was immediately pronounced a convert, and whether he reformed his Ufe or not, became a saint upon easy terms." WiUiam Romaine was for awhile curate of Lew Trenchard, but so smaU a parish and such simple country folk did not afford him the scope he desired. He became a lecturer at S. Dunstan 's- in-the-West,1 and principal adviser of Lady Huntingdon. In his teaching, Calvinism was pressed to its ultimate term. Believers were assured that they were not bound to keep " the law " in order to be saved. " Remember, thou art not required to obey in order to be saved for thine obedience, but thou art already saved." Final perseverance, and the impossibility of a believer falling from Grace whatsoever his acts might be, was promi nently enforced. One of the " chosen vessels " being drunk, tumbled out of a cart and broke his leg. The pastor on hearing of the accident exclaimed, " Oh what a blessed thing it is that he can't fall out of the Covenant ! " The saner Evangelicals always qualified their teaching about a saving faith by insisting that a true faith must manifest itself in a good life, and that to boast of faith and live an immoral life was a self-delusion. This, of course, is wholesome and true doctrine. But among Dissenters, where no qualification was added, it led to most disastrous results — it entirely dissociated morals from religion. When Dr. Benson was appointed to Truro, he was horrified at the immorality of the Cornish, coupled with loud profession of being in a "saved state." "The confusion of sensual excitement with religious passion is awful," he wrote. " The immoralities of revivals simply appalling." That the Evangelical party, with their doctrines, was adven titious, and did not spring out of the Church herself, is fuUy recognized by Dr. Stoughton in his Religion in England under Queen Anne and the Georges (ii. 93). " The Evangelical leaders of theology were disciples of the Puritans. They leaped back over a hundred years to get at the time of Goodwin and Owen, Baxter and Howe, Bates and Charnock, GumaU and Flavel. 1 This was an instance of the mischievous nature cf the Lectureships founded by the Puritans before the Rebellion. Romaine had been appointed by the Trustees. The rector disputed his right to occupy the pulpit. The churchwardens refused to light the church, and to open the doors till the very moment that the lecture was commencing. The case was brought before the King's Bench, and judgment was given in favour of the Trustees and Romaine. THE EVANGELICAL MOVEMENT 87 The doctrines of Redemption and Justification by Faith, of the Work of the Holy Spirit, were zealously embraced. The weUs, next to those of the Bible, whence the Evangelicals drew their inspiration, were not Patristic, not Anglo-CathoUc, but they were Protestant works of the sixteenth and Nonconformist works of the seventeenth century." That is to say, the Calvin istic party was an eruption of suppressed Puritanism, altogether ahen to the faith and practice of the Church. The first EvangeUcals were a class to themselves. They were, after a fashion, loyal Churchmen, held the doctrines of Baptismal Regeneration and the Real Presence, though not in as. crisp and pronounced a form as did the Tractarians. They represented the rise of Spiritual Life above the deadness of ordinary Church- manship in their day. They brought their hearers to the foot of the Cross, but it was to stand there stunned and inert. The taint of Calvinism had not as yet entered deep into their theo logical system. They ministered faithfuUy and truly to their flocks, and were men of prayer in their closets, and not, like the later Evangelicals, blatant on platforms. Some were like John Fletcher of Madeley, who laboured like an apostle among the Shropshire coUiers. He was a Swiss, and had been trained for the Calvinist pastorate in his native land. His real name was De la Flechere. Some were like the Scotts, whose clerical life was laborious, and passed, as it were, in the shade. Earnest men of the older Evangelicals were rather influenced by Wesley — who, as is well known, looked with repugnance on separation from the Church, and who sought the infusion of spirituality into a presumedly moribund body, and hated Cal vinism. WiUiam Wilberforce, the father of the Bishop, belonged to the primitive EvangeUcals. A more saintly soul never lived in the EngUsh Church than Henry Venn. His absolute faith in the Incarnation, his fervent love of Christ, his urgency of the means of grace, mark him out as an EvangeUcal of the better type. But he had no conception of what the Church was, and when he quitted Yorkshire his congregation lapsed into Dissent. His son, John Venn of Clapham, if not quite equal to his father, was also a most zealous and holy man. At Clapham his Lenten Lectures were speciaUy devoted to the moral and religious improvement of the younger part of his flock. He shared in the establishment of a local Bible Society, and was one of the founders of the Church Missionary Society. But his most 88 THE CHURCH REVIVAL noted characteristic was humility, and at the last it was his earnest and particular wish that nothing should be recorded of him in the way of panegyric. On reading his sermons one cannot fail to be struck with the soundness of his theology. His sermon on the " Communion of Saints " is exceUent, only just stopping short of Communion in prayer. There was in my own neighbourhood one of the true repre sentatives of the early EvangeUcals. He had but a smaU vicarage in which to live ; his wife was stone-deaf, and he had a large family of very noisy children who pervaded the house. On one side of the parsonage was a grove, in spring a sheet of snowdrops ; this was his study, his oratory and place of medita tion ; for here alone was he free from the racket in the house. Here, in fine weather and in foul, in rain and snow, and when the sun strewed the sward with flakes of gold, the old man paced up and down, his lips murmuring in prayer, or with a far-off gaze, looking into the mysteries of God, preparing his Sunday dis courses. He served two churches three miles apart, and had in consequence to take three services every Lord's Day. He was an earnest and powerful preacher, but had only rustics to listen to him. In his humble soul he was content with that, and had no aspiration to occupy a pulpit in a fashionable watering- place. But it was with few, very few of the representatives of the early Evangelicals that I was brought into contact. The breed rapidly, indeed suddenly, deteriorated ; and this was due to a large extent to their adoption of Calvinism. What a blight John Newton cast on the genius of Cowper ! Newton had been a blaspheming slave-dealer. He was converted and became a black fanatic. Most of the Evangehcals whom I met and knew were formal ; and smugness was the badge of aU their tribe. They were aU, without exception, men of very narrow views. Religion with them was subjective, emotional, concentrated on self. " AU you care for," as some one said to Clayton of Cambridge, " is the saving of your own dirty little soul." They conceived of God in no other capacity than that of being engaged over individuals, like a scientist examining, feeding and providing for animalcules, and unconcerned about creation at large. Of worship they had no conception at all. We hear a good deal of the Romish priest occupying the place of God, intervening between the human soul and God ; but it has always struck me that in no THE EVANGELICAL MOVEMENT 89 form of Christianity does man so poke himself into prominence, and stand in the light, and throw his ugly shadow over the soul, as in Protestantism, where the preacher is aU in aU, and the worship of God is nowhere. Henri Quatre once said to a pastor, " I had rather be with my God for one quarter of an hour, than hear a feUow talk about Him for an hour and a half." Common Prayer, the Eucharist especiaUy, were disregarded as acts of worship and treated as adjuncts to the sermon. I spoke once on Daily Prayer to a clergyman of this school. He did not see any good in it unless it led up to a sermon.1 The very position of the Cathohc priest is significant. He kneels or stands facing East at the head of his flock, hke a shepherd leading to God. But the Protestant pastor confronts his congregation, to bluster, or, if he wants their money, to cajole. From the Evangelical point of view the Church was the king dom of the Elect, known only to one another. As a body the EvangeUcals opposed the revival of Convocation and of Diocesan Synods. When some of them became Colonial Bishops they were helpless, they could wag their tongues, but put no hands to work. Hands efficient for any constructive work they had not, only fins wherewith to propel themselves into notice — and to muddy the water in which they swam. The contrast presented between the two provinces of AustraUa and South Africa bears out this assertion. The former had been for long ruled mainly by Low Churchmen ; in consequence there was no cohesion at one time between the different dioceses, and Churchmanship everywhere is stiU at a low ebb. In the latter the decided teaching of the metropohtans of Cape Town and their suffragans has borne fruit in the vigour of the Church at large, and its activity in propagating the Gospel, as tract after tract of that huge continent has come under Enghsh influence. And this in spite of trials arising from continued warfare with natives and Dutch settlers, and the schismatic action of Bishop Colenso. The secret lies in the fact that the South African bishops reaUzed the corporate character of the Church, and acted on this belief ; and this the early Austrahan prelates with but few exceptions did not understand. But there were difficulties to be met in Austraha, though not greater than those encountered in South 1 What the Evangelical never understood was the difference between preaching and teaching. The office of the priest is to preach to the practically heathen and call to the truth, and then to teach, or build up in the Faith and the practice of the Christian duties. 90 THE CHURCH REVIVAL Africa. South Australia was founded seventy years ago as an avowed Congregational settlement, in which Churchmanship was a barrier to material prosperity. Of the population a good number were the descendants of convicts, and there were to be found among the settlers German Lutherans and Moravians, Roman Cathohc Irish, Scottish Presbyterians, Russian Greeks, also Poles, Chinese, Kanakas, Japanese, Javaneseand Aboriginals. The distances to be traversed were enormous. The Archbishop of Sydney some time ago took occasion to pay a visit to his brother at Perth. Now the Bishop of West Austraha has a diocese extending over near on four thousand miles, and he thought right to turn back from a Confirmation tour to meet his Primate at Albany. As they clasped hands, the Archbishop said : " WeU, my dear Bishop, I have come two thousand miles to see you." " Aye," answered he of Perth ; " and I have traveUed four thousand miles in my own diocese to meet you." Ubi probus est architectus, Bene lineatam si semel carinam collocavit, Facile est navem facere, ubi fundata et constituta est. The South African bishops could weU say, with Periplectomenes : Nunc haw carina satis profundata bene et statuta est. Plaut., Miles Glor., iii. 3. A great point of Evangehcal insistence was the verbal in spiration and infaUibiUty of Scripture. These men could not realize that the Old Testament was written to give us an aspect of human history as seen from above, in contradistinction to secular history, which sees aU from below and misses the guiding hand of God. The overstraining of this doctrine has had disastrous consequences. J. Anthony Froude's book The Nemesis of Faith, published in 1849, shows how this accounted for the shipwreck of many faiths. " Perhaps the world has never witnessed any more grotesque idol worship than what has resulted from it in modem BibUolatry." Although the EvangeUcals insisted on verbal inspiration, they were too blind to see that their system was condemned root and branch by Scripture. In their scheme the Beatitudes had no place, and their denunciation of good works was con trary to the teaching of Our Lord as to the blessing pronounced at the Last Day on such as had done works of mercy. How could they explain away the saying about giving a cup of cold water — that it should meet with reward ? Mr. Swinburne in his THE EVANGELICAL MOVEMENT 91 Memories of a School Inspector mentions a sermon that he him self heard from an Evangelical divine on the text " Not every one that saith unto me Lord ! Lord ! shall enter into the Kingdom of heaven, but he that doeth the will, etc." And his sermon was to show the precise contrary. It was a violent attack upon such persons as urged that faith must be evidenced by works ; " words," said he, " were all the necessary evidence of inner faith — acts were naught. Passive faith," he argued, "was action of the highest kind." That the Church of Rome was Babylon and the Pope Anti christ, with these men admitted of no question. Newman shows us how steeped his mind had been in that conviction, and it was the reiterated denunciation of Rome which conduced largely to conversions. Men who had had it impressed on them that the Roman Church was the Scarlet Whore, when they travelled abroad and came in contact with good Papists, and saw how much more religion existed in Catholic lands than among Protestants, what a living faith was possessed by CathoUcs, how sweet and beautiful were their lives, then their prepossessions fell, and they rushed into the contrary extreme, exclaiming that their former teachers had been false guides and lying prophets. The majority of those who " went over " had been, like Newman, Faber and Oakeley, Sibthorpe, Manning, Dodsworth, the two Wilberforces, and AUies, trained in EvangeUcalism ; whereas those who had been brought up on Church principles, like Keble, Pusey and Isaac Williams, remained unshaken.1 The Evangelical clergy, as already said, made preaching the end of everything, and for the sake of that every other obligation must be set aside. They were to be seen scampering about the country, away from their parishes, to mount strange pulpits, harangue on platforms, and gush in prayer meetings. Simeon, the great luminary of the school, was a most worthy man. He took the poorly endowed living of Holy Trinity at Cambridge that he might use its pulpit as a rostrum whence to pour forth his doctrine. He died in 1836. So great was his 1 Of the fourteen writers of the Tracts for the Times, only one, Newman, seceded. Ambrose Phillipps de Lisle wrote : "A grave warning to all teachers and controversialists, the immense and incalculable harm that was done to me by the prejudiced, ignorant, and inaccurate notions of Romanism which I had heard in talk, or had presented to me in silly tracts, in partisan histories, in evangelical fiction, and in other bad and foolish literature of these kinds. ... It was the recoil from the Protestant libels and misstatements which drew me at last into the Papal Church." — National Review (May 1900), p. 489. 92 THE CHURCH REVIVAL devotion to his work that he resigned his rights to a family property, and persuaded his elder brother to leave it to another. Nevertheless he disregarded his parochial duties ; he passed over the whole pastoral work to Robinson, afterwards Arch deacon ; this latter, in his turn, and for precisely the same reason (viz. a feeling that his calling lay in the pulpit rather than by the sick-bed), transferred the entire pastoral duty to a third clergyman. But he, also, preferred talking to acting, and little relishing having to visit the poor and comfort the dying, with a smaU gratuity handed over the charge to a lay man, a very humble member of one of the College choirs. It was Simeon who in 1816 set himself to purchasing the livings of popular watering-places and large towns. Although this was done with the best intentions, it has acted in the long run in casting a blight on such places. In that year he wrote to Dean Milner : " Cheltenham, where there are ten thousand souls, besides ten thousand visitors, or nearly so, is mine. It was to be sold for £3,000, and I instantly secured it. . . . Mary- le-bone, where there are one hundred thousand souls, is also to be sold. The price named is £40,000. I hope to get it much under, and if it be sold so low as £25,000 it is mine at this moment." Evangelicalism in the English Church fed Dissent, which gave more highly spiced doctrine than the sober Low Churchmen could set before their people. Thirteen young men, converted by Venn, became dissenting ministers. In 1830 the Evangelical party could boast that they had alienated from the Church the greater portion of the people, and increased the number of meeting-houses from 35 to 1,000. Venn on leaving Huddersfield, in lieu of exhorting his flock to abide in the Church, sanctioned and subscribed to the erection of a dissenting chapel ; " and when another Vicar came, from whom he never wished the people to secede, but few returned to the Church." Butt, Vicar of Kidderminster, habituaUy, in full canonicals, held the plate at the door of the Kidderminster meeting-houses. Mr. WiUs, knowing that the Gospel would not be preached according to Calvin, on resigning the curacy of S. Agnes sold his family plate to build a dissenting chapel. Mr. Ingham, a priest, placed himself at the head of eighty-four congregations formed on the Moravian pattern, of which aU but thirteen left him and became Sandemanians. From Robinson's congregation at Leicester a hundred at a time would pass to the meeting-house from church. Newton, at Olney, with THE EVANGELICAL MOVEMENT 98 a population of 2,500, turned his people into Antinomians, Christians without morality. For thirty-seven years the Evangelical clergy went from place to place, preaching indifferently in Dissenting meeting houses or in Church pulpits, till the decision of the Consistorial Court in 1777 pronounced the iUegality of such procedure, and this induced some, but by no means all, to desist from invading the chapels. A certain number severed their congrega tions from the Church. Indeed, Berridge frankly admitted : " God sends Gospel ministers into the Church, to call people out of it. What has happened to Venn's Yorkshire flock will happen to the YeUing flock, and mine," also to Dr. Con yers' flock at Helmsley. " This was a fatal drawback in the Evangelical movement, that, except so far as it helped to revive rehgion in England," says Mr. Hore, " it did nothing to strengthen or reform the Church;, that, contrariwise, it gave an enormous impetus to Dissent, virtuaUy creating it in Wales, and developing it every where else, so that under its reign and through its influence more congregations seceded from the Church of England than individuals seceded to Rome under the Oxford movement " (ii. 244). It is a matter of fact repeatedly noticed, that nowhere does Dissent flourish and maintain its vigour more fully than where the parish churches are in the hands of Simeonite or other Puritan Trustees. But after the passing away of- the early Fathers of Evan- geUcaUsm what a faUing off was there ! When we come to their successors, Evangelicalism had become fashionable — it was not the rehgion of the Gentiles, but of the Genteels. And they beqame alarmed at the uprising of the Tractarians. These latter had the Prayer Book and its Rubrics to appeal to, and could refer back to the Caroline Divines as approved exponents of Church doctrine and practice. Their very position was menaced by the plain words and rubrical directions of the Book Which they were pledged to use in their public ministrations, but which they had disregarded. Accordingly a number of EvangeUcal clergy united with Lord Robert Grosvenor (afterwards Lord Ebury) in 1854 to form a Prayer Book Revision Society, and some of their objects were : (a) The substitution of the word minister for priest whenever the officiating clergyman is in tended ; (6) The omission of the Ornaments Rubric ; (c) The re moval of certain phrases in the Communion Service that favoured 94 THE CHURCH REVIVAL priestly confession and absolution ; (d) The removal from the Baptismal service of such expressions as favoured the doctrine of Baptismal Regeneration; (e) The alteration of the words in the Ordinal " Receive thou the Holy Ghost," etc., and the clause " Whose sins thou dost forgive," etc., and the corresponding Absolution in the Visitation of the Sick. What these clergy did not see was, that by such demands they were admitting that the Tractarian party was honest in its observance of the ruling of the Prayer Book, and that they were not. Their action was self -condemnatory. They wanted to have the Church accommodated to their level. To continue to use a book that taught doctrines which they repudiated, deprived their position of aU moral weight. Had they been honest men and possessed the discipline and sincerity of their Scottish co-religionists of the Disruption, they would have quitted the Church of England en masse, and started a sect of their own, as did Bishop Cummins with perfect honesty in the United States. They did not do so, and remain to the present day an alien element in the Church, but not, as I hope to show shortly, without their use. Although there existed a sad degeneracy among the ranks of the so-caUed Evangelicals, trading on the fame of the leaders of the movement, Venn, Simeon, Milner, Scott, etc., employing their language, but devoid of their enthusiasm, there remained some admirable men. Of these, of supreme exceUence, to carry on the best tradition, was Lord Ashley, afterward Earl of Shaftes bury ; than whom none has obtained a higher name as a social reformer and redresser of the wrongs of the oppressed. Although an " Evangehcal of the Evangelicals," and with his mind cramped by their prejudices and hedged about with their limitations, he constantly expressed his dissent from the ordinary Evangelicals of the day. "The Ritualists," he said, "have more zeal for Christ than the Evangehcals. There are noble exceptions, but, as a body, ' this people honour Me with .their lips, but their heart is far from Me,' " and his complaint at the coldness, bitter ness, insincerity, of the bulk of the Evangelicals was, as the writer of his Life assures us, " not a sentiment written down in the heat of the moment — it is repeated again and again in his Diaries." " Who," he once contemptuously added, in speaking of the men of his day who professed to be Low Churchmen, " is to lead a regiment like that ? Even Falstaff could not march through Coventry with them." THE EVANGELICAL MOVEMENT 95 That he was persistently hostile to the Catholic revival is true enough, but this was due to his ignorance of its principles. If his promotions to bishoprics and deaneries were of men of no mental caUbre, no learning, and not of conspicuous piety, there was no help for it. He was compeUed to present to Lord Palmerston for promotion such " men " as Mouldy, Shadow, Wart, Feeble and Bullcalf. He could find no others. John Louis MaUet, son of Mallet du Pan, who married my great-aunt Lucy Baring, kept a diary which he wrote up to 1827, and which is still in manuscript. It affords us some interesting particulars relative to the Evangelicals of his day. He writes of the Baring family : "As a part of the inteUectual history of the age in which I have lived, I may perhaps without impropriety say something of the religious turn of the family. " The person with whom it originated was Mrs. Wall (Harriet), eldest daughter of Sir Francis Baring, who married early in hfe a partner of the house, Mr. Wall, a shrewd, bustling, practical man of business. Mrs. Wall kept her father's house, and did the honours of it for some time in Devonshire Square, and afterwards in Berkeley Square, untilhis death. Sir Francis was a man of the world, and connected with parliamentary people, who lived in very high circles. Mrs. Wall was then a warm Whig in politics and a frequenter of the theatres, an en thusiastic admirer of Mrs . Siddons . Other views of life , however, grew upon her, previously to her father's and her husband's deaths, and she had the good sense, as she has since with her son, not to let the concerns of another Ufe materially interfere with the habits and feelings of those to whom she was bound by domestic ties. After her husband's death she sold Aldbury, a beautiful place in Surrey, which he had left her, and took a house at Lymington, in Hampshire, within easy distance of her son's estate at Norman Court, and of her brother, Sir Thomas, at Stratton. She then set about converting to Calvinistic views such members of her family as were under the reach of her influence — Sir Thomas and Lady Baring, Mr. George Baring, and her two younger sisters, Mrs. Kemp and Mrs. Story, and through them leading their husbands, who in a fit of religious zeal abandoned their property and became Evangelical clergy men. But as it is in the nature of things that when we pursue an object with great eagerness and zeal, we should not rest satisfied with the attainment of it, so it is with religion as a 96 THE CHURCH REVIVAL passion, as Mrs. WaU pursued it. Novelties of doctrine con tinued to have unabated attractions ; and Mr. Evans, a clergy man of Lymington, a man of education and talent, having peculiar views, I beUeve, on the subject of baptism, which differed from those of the Estabhshed Church, they started a Uttle sect of their own. Mr. Evans removed to London, where he built a chapel, with the assistance of Mrs. WaU, and a separatist congregation was formed, to which it then became Mrs. WaU's great object to bring proselytes. The headquarters were estab- Ushed at Stratton, a beautiful house replete with every con venience and luxury, and where vital Christianity could be combined with the refinements of creature comforts and attend ance. " Mr. Snow, a son of a banker of that name [Snow had been an actor under the name of Hargreave. He seceded from the Church in 1815 and returned to it in 1826 — John Bull, July 23, 1826], and Mr. Bevan, both young men, were then the ministers of the adjoining parishes of Stratton and Micheldever, and Mr. Drummond of the Grange and his brother, neighbours of Sir Thomas, had faUen in with the new opinions. At Stratton, therefore, divers young proselytes congregated ; other ' seekers after the Lord ' were also occasionaUy found there. Stratton became a convocation to settle debatable points. Mrs. WaU was there in aU her glory, for her natural capacity, dexterous inteUigence, and cool temperament gave her a real superiority over the heated brains and crude notions of her disciples ; among others she soon numbered her brother, George Baring, and her two brothers-in-law, Mr. Kemp and Mr. Story. Such of these as had Uvings gave them up. This was the case with George Baring, who held a hving of his brother Alexander in Wiltshire. After a youth marked by every species of extravagance, and his making a rapid fortune in one of those golden prebends of the E. I. Co. at Canton which are reserved for sons of directors, he had late taken orders, and he now became a Dissenting Min ister and built a chapel at Exeter, which his name and rehgious zeal and the novelty of his doctrine very soon fiUed. Mr. Kemp, who is Lord of the Manor of a great part of Brighton, built a chapel there, where he officiated as preacher. Mr. Snow opened a chapel at Cheltenham, but at the end of a couple of years, and after having got together large congregations and drawn many people away from their accustomed faith, by persuading them that this was the only road to salvation, Mr. Baring, Mr. THE EVANGELICAL MOVEMENT 97 Kemp, and Mr. Snow threw up the concern, and resumed their blue coats, leaving their flocks to seek out new guides. " Mr. Snow returned to the Church. Mrs. MaUet and I were at Stratton in October 1822, when he arrived there with his family to meet Mr. Simeon of Cambridge, a sort of Evangehcal bishop, who came to meet the stray sheep on his return to the fold, and to christen two children, who had been born during the time of their father's apostasy. Mr. Evans remained a dissenter. Sir Thomas Baring himself adheres to the Church. George Baring ruined himself by speculations in grain, Mr. Kemp nearly so by building speculations at Brighton, and Mr. Story by losses at play ; so it is difficult on the whole to conceive anything more discreditable than this religious saUy. " What Mrs. WaU's opinions have been since, I know not. I beheve that she became a foUower of Irving, but her address and position stiU secured her considerable influence in religious circles, whatever they were, and I heard now and then of her taking under her spiritual guidance some stray Duchess who had deserted the ranks of fashionable hfe to place herself under Mrs. WaU. " In the course of September 1810 [error for 1809] I went by myself for a short time to Stratton, Sir Thomas Baring having asked me, as a sort of favour, to come and meet Lord and Lady Lansdowne, who were expected there for a few days. I had met Lord and Lady Lansdowne at the RomiUys' and Marcets', and remember attending some lectures on the steam-engine given by Marcet at his own house to a select party of friends, at which Lord Lansdowne was severely burnt by the bursting of a boiler by means of which a beautiful steam-engine was worked. I forget most of the other people at Stratton on this occasion, but two of them I can very weU remember — Jekyl, Master in Chancery at the time and a friend of Fox, whose bon mots and talent for anecdote amused the town for so many years ; and a very different, though hkewise a clever man, the Rev. Mr. Cunningham, Vicar of Harrow, who lately had taken a lead in the new Church party denominated Evangehcal, and who was a great person in that line, and among other places at Stratton, where these opinions had already been taking deep root. Mr. Cunningham was a forward, self-sufficient, though a good- natured man, with unbounded confidence in himself, and that sort of manner which in one of a less sacred cloth might be termed impudent. 7 98 THE CHURCH REVIVAL " At that time he came to Stratton whenever it suited him, with his wife, several children, three servants, and three horses, which were aU quartered in the house, sometimes for two or three months together ; and I remember some jokes among the young people on the subject of a lame mare which he left to graze at Stratton Park for many months after the family had left the place, and went, by the name of Madam Cunningham. None but the men who keep the keys of Paradise take such liberties as these. Mr. Cunningham being one of those favoured beings, and having withal the advantage of a good person and address, had engaged the affections and married a Miss Williams, one of the daughters of a Mr. WiUiams of Moor Park, with whom he had a portion of £20,000 — a very good beginning for a young divine ; and when he lost his lady and was married again to a daughter of General Sir Harry Calvert, I understand that he might have thrown the handkerchief to almost any woman of rank and fortune in the Calvinistic circles of the Church. Such success implies great knowledge of the world, as well as those other qualities and acquirements, upon which it was apparently founded, and Mr. Cunningham is not deficient in these respects. He had been at school with Denman ; but as Denman had turned out something of an ultra- Whig or a Democrat, no remi niscences of their early acquaintance had come across his mind, until Denman 's appointment to the situation of Common Ser geant of the City of London, when he unexpectedly received a letter from his old schoolfellow, addressing him as ' Dear Den man,' with congratulations and a printed copy of his sermons. " But to return to my Stratton visit. It so happened that Sir Francis Baring, with aU his desire to do honour to Lord Lans downe jand to make his house agreeable to him, could not have committed a greater mistake than the having asked Mr. Cunning ham to meet him, for Lord Lansdowne weU remembered when he stood for Cambridge in 1806, as Lord Henry Petty, that he applied to Cunningham for his vote, and it was attempted on Cunningham's part to make it a matter of bargain and sale : Cunningham stipulating that if he voted for Lord Henry, Sir Francis Baring, whose connexion with the Lansdowne family and the Whigs he weU knew, and who was a director of the E.I. Co., should get some appointment in India for a brother of his. These things are understood to the north of the Tweed, but they are not so common in the south, and the proposition was accordingly scouted. Mr. C. was perfectly aware of this little blot, and in- THE EVANGELICAL MOVEMENT 99 stead of absenting himself for a few days on the plea of some spiritual caU, he determined de faire bonne mine a mauvais feu, and the first day he made up to Lady Lansdowne, talking to her across the table in a manner so unusual and familiar, that both Lord and Lady Lansdowne were very much annoyed and dis gusted, and treated him with marked reserve. Mr. C. felt the rebuke, and looked perfectly miserable. " The next day a party was formed to go to see Avington, one of the Duke of Buckingham's seats near Winchester. Most of the gentlemen went on horseback. I preferred a seat in one of the carriages, and Lord Lansdowne contrived to make the ride so unpleasant to Cunningham that he came to me at Avington, and requested, as a most particular favour, that I would aUow him to take my place in the carriage. I am a very bad rider, and riding is not agreeable to me ; but he looked so piteous that I yielded to his wishes. I never saw a man more thoroughly humbled ; but Lord and Lady Lansdowne left Stratton next day, and both his spirits and his spiritual pride recovered their wonted elasticity." The Rev. Mr. Cunningham was typical of a good many others of the same sort. Another notable instance was Toplady, the author of the beautiful hymn " Rock of ages, cleft for me," about the only thing he ever wrote that was not worthless. In his diary he records that his sermons gave great satisfaction to himself. " I preached for forty minutes with great ease to myself, and with great strength, readiness and distinctness. It was a blessed season to my own heart." But although he drew large congregations in the church of Broad Hembury, of which he was incumbent, he was not satisfied. He wrote : " I can truly say that my lot has never hitherto been cast among a people so generally ignorant of Divine things, and so totaUy dead to God. I know of but three persons in all this large and populous parish in whom I have solid reason to trust a work of saving grace is begun, and these are Mrs. Hutchins, James Wilham Taylor, and Joan Venn." He craved for a more emotional and impressionable congregation, and on the plea that the humid air of Devonshire did not suit him,1 deserted his flock in 1775, and went to London to the fogs, where he could find persons more congenial to his ministry than the poor, 1 Hembury lies high, 486 ft. above the sea, sheltered on the north-east and west by encircling hills rising to 850-895 ft. The air is bracing, but not cold. 100 THE CHURCH REVIVAL ignorant, simple souls of the Devonshire viUage. He did not, however, resign his two Uvings, but went on drawing the emolu ments, and suppUed his place with a succession of underpaid curates. In London he could find sheep to pasture with more wool on their backs. He was taken up by Lady Huntingdon, and could command her purse. Early in 1775 he hired the meeting-house of the French Calvinists in Orange Street, Leicester Square, for Sunday and Wednesday evenings, and began preaching there on April 11. For the three years he was in London tiU his death in 1778, he never once went near Broad Hembury or Sheldon, his two Uvings in Devonshire. It may well be asked how he justified to himself continuing to draw his stipend from both, with setting up a conventicle in London. The fact was that these men conceived they had a call to preach the Gospel to large, wealthy and fashionable congregations, and that duty must be disregarded in presence of such a caU. There was great liability to self-deception, when, as Hood says : Every farthing candle-ray Conceives itself a great gas-jet of light. Tom Hood was denounced by Rae Wilson as godless, because he wrote humorous poems, absolutely innocent, not tainted with any grossness. Hood answered him in his inimitable Ode to Rae Wilson : I'm not a Saint Not one of those self-constituted saints. Quacks — -not physicians — in the cure of souls, Censors who sniff out mortal taints, And call the devil over his own Coals — These pseudo Privy Councillors of God, Who write down judgements with a pen hard-nibb'd, Ushers of Beelzebub's Black Rod ; Commending sinners, not to ice thick-ribbed, But endless flames, to scorch them up like flax — Yet sure of Heav'n themselves, as if they'd cribb'd The impression of S. Peter's Keys in wax. With sweet kind natures, as in honey'd cells, Religion lives, and feels itself at home. But only on a formal visit dwells Where wasps instead of bees have formed the cqmb. Shun pride, O Rae 1 — whatever sort beside You take in lieu, shun spiritual pride I A pride there is of rank, a pride of birth, A pride of learning and a pride of purse ; THE EVANGELICAL MOVEMENT 101 A London pride — in short, there be on earth A host of prides, some better and some worse, But of all prides, since Lucifer's attaint, The proudest swells a self-elected saint ! Charles Dickens came across this type of Evangelical, and sketched the male specimen in Mr. Chadband and the female in Mrs. JeUyby. But apart from conscious or unconscious humbugs, there was much real piety in, and much good done by the Evangelicals. Where they failed, it was due to limitation, or to a false element in their teaching, which fostered self-righteousness. Among some exceUent types I can recall, was the Rev. H. A. Simcoe of Penheale, near Launceston. He was squire as well as parson, and lived in a beautiful old mansion with Elizabethan ceilings and paneUings, that had come into the Simcoe family by purchase. He always wore Hessian boots with a tassel in front, and stood up over six feet, was of strong build and powerful muscles. Belonging to the Evangelical school, having been one of Charles Simeon's disciples, he spent his energies and his money on aU the organizations caUed into being by his party. He went about wherever invited to preach in pulpits and harangue on platforms. At home he had made his picturesque old manor- house into a store of everything necessary to daily life. The lads and girls of the parish of Egloskerry were taught trades under his eye — tailoring, bootmaking, basket-weaving and the manufacture of a thousand other commodities likely to be wanted in a region where there are no shops. He established a printing press in the house, from which issued tracts and a periodical, The Light of the West, printed on poor paper, with on the cover a representation of the Eddystone Ughthouse. We had piles of these in the house, but they were all burnt. I regret it now, as these papers would have contained many significant anecdotes of conversions, happy deaths, and special providences, that would prove instructive reading at the present day. " The manor-house of Penheale still stands," says a modern writer. " Its industrial accessories may have disappeared, but in all parts of the world may be found British settlers who, or whose parents, leaving England in the nineteenth century's most distressful years, owe much of their success in a new world to habits acquired and handiwork learned at Penheale — in its day the uniquely beneficent training school for emigrants." J 1 Escott, Society in the Country House (1907), p. 263. 102 THE CHURCH REVIVAL With all its faults, we owe an incalculable debt of gratitude to the EvangeUcal revival. It produced a marveUous change in Enghsh social Ufe ; it made speech more decent, and banished pro fane oaths. It caused the Sunday to be observed as the Lord's Day, though on the false assumption that it was the Sabbath. Family prayers, and grace before and after meals, became general, and personal piety was quickened. The majority of the early Evangelical school were sincerely earnest, and hved holy and self-denying lives. Newman in his Apologia testifies to this. It was their fiery zeal and absolute sincerity that made the early Evangelicals a dominant power in the EngUsh Church. " Regarded purely as a spiritual force, the Evangehcals were undoubtedly the strongest party in the Church during the first thirty years of the nineteenth century. So much was this the case that spiritual earnestness was in itself a presumption that a man was an EvangeUcal, and some were placed in that category simply because they were spirituaUy-minded, though in point of fact they were out of sympathy with many of the tenets of EvangeUcalism." * And Mr. Lecky goes so far as to say that the " Evangelicals graduaUy changed the whole spirit of the EngUsh Church. They infused into it a new fire and passion of devotion, raised the standard of clerical duty, and completely altered the whole tone and tendency of the preaching of its ministers."2 That there were windbags and hypocrites (not consciously so) among those who were Evangelical preachers is no condemnation of the movement. These were the camp- foUowers, not the leaders. A friend sends me this : "In 1853, when Easter hoUdays came, I went to spend them with a certain Low-Church incumbent in one of the midland manufacturing towns. I found my sister staying there as weU ; she was utterly miserable, and I speedily discovered the reason. The clergyman was a rank Calvinist, and his wife had been brought Up as a Scottish Presbyterian. The house was regulated throughout on the severest Puritan system. If my sister or I were merry and laughed, then, in the evening, in the extemporary prayer put up before the servants and visitors, we were prayed for to be delivered from the ungodly spirit of levity. I had brought a Shakespeare with me. This was discovered, and I was required to keep it locked up in my 1 Overton, The English Church in the Nineteenth Century (London, 1894), p. 911. * History of England in the Eighteenth Century, ii. chap. ix. THE EVANGELICAL MOVEMENT 108 portmanteau, lest it should be seen by the domestics. I asked for a book to read, and was offered The Dairyman's Daughter, and EUiott on the Apocalypse ; which latter I thought sank to an abysmal depth of siUiness such as I had before thought inconceivable. I have visited Crosse and BlackweU's factory when they were making pickles, and I found the whole atmosphere impregnated with vinegar and the smell of gherkins. It ap peared to me that I was in a religious pickle manufactory, where the air was charged with sour fumes enough to set one's teeth on edge. When I left, and the cabman let me out of his con veyance at the station, ' WeU,' said he, ' how did you get on there ? ' I shrugged my shoulders. ' Ah,' said he, ' just before you arrived I took away two young ladies who had been there on a visit, and they were like mad things, escaped from confinement. They romped in the cab — and smashed a pane of glass in the window.' " A general conviction prevailed, and was not unfounded, that the sons of these ultra-Evangelicals when getting out into hfe went whoUy to the bad, or else dashed across the frontiers into Rome. Girls often became tricky, t sly and untrustworthy. I have myself known such cases. i_j Going out of curiosity to an EvangeUcal meeting, I heard a man discourse on a platform against the iniquities of the theatre. He told an effective story, how that a young man piously brought up at home under Gospel teaching, on being launched into London freedom, resolved on going to the theatre. As he was in the queue, he looked up and saw the direction " This way to the Pit." He recoiled — " the Pit ! " He returned to his lodgings, a converted Christian. There were two great centres of Evangelicahsm near London, Islington and Clapham. I never came in contact with the Low Churchmen of the former place, but I had relatives at Clapham who belonged to the strictest form of Low-Churchism, wealthy people, who Uved uncommonly weU, kept a weU-furnished table and an exceUent ceUar. I was a boy then, and was somewhat amused to see how every degree of indulgence was tolerated in meafs and drinks, but music, literature, the theatre, and games, were tabooed. They had strawberries out of season, when they cost something Uke sixpence apiece, but we young folk were not suffered to play Puss in the Corner. From the library, Sir Walter Scott's novels were excluded, as also those of Jane Austen. Sydney Smith wrote of the Clapham sect : " Danger to the 104 THE CHURCH REVIVAL Church arises, not from the Catholics but from the Methodists, and from that patent Christianity which has been for some time manufacturing at Clapham to the prejudice of the old and ad mirable article prepared by the Church. I would counsel my Lords the Bishops to keep their eyes upon that holy viUage and its haUowed vicinity. They wiU find a zeal there for making converts far superior to anything which exists among the Catholics ; a contempt for the great mass of EngUsh clergy much more rooted and profound, and a regular fund to purchase livings for these groaning and garrulous gentlemen, whom they denominate (by a standing sarcasm against the regular Church) Gospel preachers and vital clergymen." The fund to which Sydney Smith aUudes is the " Simeonite Trust " for livings, especially in watering-places and towns of social importance ; these were bought so as to secure a succes sion of incumbents with Calvinistic views. The Trustees do not seem to have felt much interest in viUage cures. It was the fashionable, the noble and the wealthy they strove to catch in their net — not the httle fish. Thackeray had been brought up surrounded by a cordon of the straitest sect of Evangehcalism, and he revolted against it, for he speedily discerned its intellectual feebleness, its self- complacency, its incapacity for laying hold of the great problems of life and thought. And he has transferred to his pages portraits of the men and women he had known — the Dowager Lady Southdown, authoress of The Washerwoman of Finchley Common ; Sophia Alethea Newcome, the Bishopess of Clapham, surrounded by a bevy of Evangelical toadies, men hke the Revs. Bartholomew Irons, Silas Hornblower and Luke Waters. I was walking one day with a friend in a small town in the West of England that was in the hands of the Simeonite Trustees. The vicar was extreme in his Calvinism, and had recently in a sermon declared that he knew of only three persons in the place who were saved, he himself of course being one. Now I have always held that the sin of idolatry does not involve only the worship of idols, but the setting up of new religions apart from the Church. As we walked down the High Street, I was struck with the number of dissenting meeting-houses of aU descriptions. Turning to my companion, I said : "It appears to me that this town is whoUy given over to idolatry." " Yes," he rephed ; and pointing to the parish church, said, " And there is the altar to the Unknown God." THE EVANGELICAL MOVEMENT 105 It must be recognized that present-day Evangelicalism is not by any means so severe, sour and heretical, not to say anti- nomian, as some of it was fifty to seventy years ago. The vinegar is actuaUy losing its acidity and is turning sweet. It is deserving of note that the modern Evangehcal no longer preaches the Calvinistic doctrine of the ministers of forty or fifty years ago. No congregation would now endure the inhumanity of such teaching. Nor does he now hold fast, as did his predecessors, to Verbal Inspiration. The better type of EvangeUcal contents himself with striving to deepen personal reUgion, and for this he is weU calculated. But the other wing of the party is more or less lost in Broad-Churchism. Even among the Scottish Presbyterians the most repulsive tenets of Calvin are ignored. The basis of union of the Free Kirk and the United Presbyterian EstabUshment, and the fifth clause of the Scottish Church Act of 1905, remove from both estabUshed and non-estabUshed communities any obligation to hold to Calvinism in the old literal sense. Mr. J. Ewing Ritchie says : " The Calvinism of the modems is not the Calvinism of the Westminster Assembly, and yet every (Presbyterian) clergyman at his ordination declares that he sincerely owns and believes the whole doctrine contained in the Confession of Faith to be founded upon the Word of God ; acknowledges it as the Confession of his Faith ; and that he wiU firmly and constantly adhere to it ; and that he disowns aU doctrines, tenets and opinions whatsoever contrary to, and inconsistent with, the Confession."1 We are, it must never be forgotten, indebted to the Evangelical movement for some great benefits, that last and wiU last. (1) Sunday Schools. — The Evangehcals deserve the credit of having founded these. There exist but scanty traces of them before 1781, when Mr. Raikes, a bookseUer of Gloucester, and Mr. Stock, a clergyman, started the movement. They were looked on askance at first by Bishop Porteus of London, but later met with his fuU approval. Rowland HiU is thought to have been the first to inaugurate them in London, and he took occasion in a sermon to defend them against the objection raised by Horsley, Bishop of Rochester, who considered' that they might be used for poUtical purposes. Hannah More and her sisters devoted themselves to the duty of iUumining the ignorance in sacred things, and softening the 1 Ritchie (J. E.), The Religious Life of London (1870), p. 144. 106 THE CHURCH REVIVAL manners of the young, in the part of Somersetshire where they had settled, by opening Sunday Schools. The institution rapidly spread. The instruction was almost whoUy in Bible reading, but where the clergy were orthodox, the Catechism was also taught. Beyond that there was no definite Church teaching. The children were, however, expected to learn by heart the coUect for the day. (2) Hymns. — A strong prejudice was felt by the orthodox against the use of any hymns in divine service except the few that had got annexed to Tate and Brady's Metrical Psalms. Indeed, Bishop Marsh of Peterborough in his charge of 1823 denounced them on the ground that it was a preferring of the words of man to those of God. But they were largely employed in Dissenting meeting-houses, and the Evangelical clergy intro duced them into their churches. The Olney Hymns — a coUection to which Newton contributed largely — became popular. But when Heber, afterwards Bishop of Calcutta, had compiled a hymnbook for use in his church at Hodnet, he applied in vain in 1820 to Manners-Sutton, Archbishop of York, and to Howley, Bishop of London, to obtain authorization to use it. Bishop Marsh, already aUuded to, spent £4,000 in a lawsuit to stop the use of an unauthorized hymnbook in a church of the diocese of Peterborough. (3) Fervour in preaching. — The old style of parson addressed the InteUect. He exhorted to a virtuous life ; he showed that vice led to ruin even in this world ; he produced arguments in favour of a revealed religion ; he propounded reasons why we should believe in the existence of God. Sydney Smith wrote : " The great object of modern sermons is to hazard nothing. Their characteristic is decent debility, which alike guards their authors from ludicrous errors and pre cludes them from striking beauties. Every man of sense in taking up an Enghsh sermon expects to find it a tedious essay, full of commonplace morality." 1 The preaching of the Evangelicals was the reverse of this. They appealed directly to the hearts and souls of their hearers. Instead of the impersonality of the addresses of the clergy of the old school, they made religion a matter of individual apphca- tion and feeling. Consequently they drew crowds to hear them. At first the Low-Church party looked askance at the move ment for establishing Colonial and Missionary bishoprics, since 1 Sydney Smith's Works, i. 10. THE EVANGELICAL MOVEMENT 107 they feared lest the authority of the Committees of the " Church Missionary " and the " Colonial and Continental " Societies over their men might be impaired. The missionary, they thought, would naturally look up to and respect the bishop on the spot, rather than the little knot of authorities at home, albeit these latter held the purse. They need not have feared it, as was seen in Ceylon, where the Church Missionary clergy were actively disloyal to their Bishop,1 also in Syria towards Bishop Blyth ; and in India, the clergy of the Church Missionary Society refused to recognize the same Bishop as had been appointed for the missions of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel. They might have reckoned with confidence on the wilfulness of their employes. Moreover, these Low-Church Societies could dangle before their eyes hopes of preferment, such as the bishops set over them could not offer. The Evangehcals uniting with the Dissenters raised strenuous opposition to the sending of a Bishop to Madagascar in 1874; finally the difficulty was overcome by having him consecrated in Scotland. For ten years this disgraceful opposition had been carried on successfully. The anger of the obstructionists was great when their efforts were defeated. The party leaders soon saw what a mistake they had made, and they used their powerful influence to procure the appoint ment of men of their own views, men not infrequently without breeding and tact, very frequently their most obsequious servants, to the vacant sees. By so doing they accomplished two results : first of all they were able to stain with their own opinions the infant Churches in the colonies ; and then secondly, when these nominees resigned their sees, as they almost invariably did, after a very few years' service, and returned home, they were, by virtue of their episcopal character, popped into positions of great influence and no little dignity. Hence the Church at home had a large infusion of low-toned Christianity poured into her by these " returned Empties." A few years ago there were no less than thirty bishops who, like the hirehng of the Gospel, had deserted their flocks, and were in England snuggling into the cosy corners provided for 1 The clergy were summoned in 1865 by Bishop Claughton to meet him in synod. Those maintained by the C.M.S. did not feel themselves at liberty to obey the Bishop's summons without the consent of their " superiors " in Salisbury Square ; and the permission, when asked, was refused. Under Bishop Glaughton's successor the same contumacy was encouraged. 108 THE CHURCH REVIVAL them by their Evangehcal friends at home. No less than three of these were ex-bishops of Sierra Leone, and at one time three ex-bishops of Colombo. The plea for resignation was health ; but it was remarkable how their healths and appetites recovered in England, and they were able to take, and take with avidity, canonries, pre- bendal stalls, archdeaconries, along with plump livings, even bishoprics, in England. As to those sees that have been under Evangelical formation and organization, they compare with such as have been founded and governed by men of Church principles as a rickety child does with one who is robust. I remember many years ago I knew at Cambridge a man who was wheeled about in a bath-chair. Through want of lime in his blood all his bones had become as gelatine, and he was reduced to a feeble, helpless lump of humanity. A clever doctor said : " Why, it is lime you want. Lime you must have," and he dosed him with lime-water. Under this treatment the patient became strong, firm in bone ; he grew from a doubled-up heap of flesh into an upright man. And the Colonial and Missionary Churches in the hands of the Evangelicals were Uke this unhappy wretch. What they needed was the lime-water of the Cathohc Faith. When that is given them they recover, where it is still denied they retain their gelatinous structure and their incapacity. The decline of EvangehcaUsm is due to several causes. One is that it never encouraged objective worship, and exaggerated a subjectivity of reUgion that needs to be supplemented with objectivity. Moreover, as already said, early Evangelicalism had no realization of the Church as an organized body, and that the body of Christ. Then again, a doubt was entertained as to their sincerity. Mr. Ritchie says : "A fact becomes increasingly prominent ; the readiness of the Evangelicals to swallow their words, to quietly accept whatever may be offered them by their opponents merely for the sake of position in society. Every now and then a crisis occurs in the history of the Church. If Baptismal Re generation, for instance, be ruled to be permissible, they must leave ; and then, when the time comes for them to arise and become martyrs, they quickly pocket their principles and remain. Of course they plead their greater opportunities of usefulness, as if rehgion were better served by dishonesty than by honesty— as if the cause of God were better advanced by falsehood than by THE EVANGELICAL MOVEMENT 109 truth — as if position as regards society were of more importance than the man's consciousness of independence and honourable Ufe. For the Rituahst or the Broad Churchman it is no difficult matter to remain in the Church in communion with the Evan geUcal ; but they, in accordance with his theory, are teaching soul-destroying errors ; yet he remains with them and is, ac cording to his idea, a partaker in their sins." 1 Dissenting ministers look on them as dishonest men. They know that these Evangelicals differ from them in no point of behef , or rather of disbelief ; they know that they omit the use of what in the Prayer Book they dislike, or put upon it a non-natural gloss — and they ask why these men remain where they are, and find the reason in the clinging to their benefices for the sake of social position and income. No amount of fawning on the Dissenter, inviting him to put on a surplice and read the lessons in Church, or invading the meeting-house to occupy the pulpit ; no slobbering over the dear Nonconformist brother at Grindelwald and Keswick conferences, and meetings of the EvangeUcal Alliance, can remove the impression. The hunting after association with Dissenting ministers is due largely to a craving after popularity, and as it is the fashion of the day to be " liberal-minded," these men proclaim their readiness to dance as popular opinion pipes to them. They forget the words of Our Lord, " Woe unto you when men shaU speak weU of you, for so did their fathers to the false prophets." The Evangelical of the present day no more resembles the Evan geUcal of the class of Simeon, Toplady and Whitefield than does a Nonconformist of to-day resemble the sturdy Puritan of the Commonwealth. The fact from which he has not been able to escape, to which he cannot shut his eyes, is that the doctrine of Verbal Inspiration can no longer be held by him with sure hands as the unshaken basis on which his system can be upreared. Biblical criticism, though it has often gone very much too far, and is always on the change, has yet brought to light truths that cannot be blinked, and established facts that may not be over looked. He fears to maintain the verbal exactitude of such incidents as Balaam's ass speaking with man's voice, as the sun and moon actuaUy standing stiU in the battle of Bethhoron, of Jonah spending three days and nights in the beUy of the whale ; and he is hesitating and timorous as to the foundation of his rehgion. That on which his fathers planted their feet so securely 1 Ritchie, The Religious Life of London (1870), p. 78. 110 THE CHURCH REVIVAL has been knocked away from under him. He fought against the principle of Biblical criticism with the courage of despair, and now has succumbed. Criticism has by this time found the results of its work popularized and accepted in quarterlies, magazines, popular fiction, and daily papers. To a large and increasing extent he who began as an Evangelical finds himself on a sloping plank down which he slips and becomes a Broad Churchman. But there are others, and these the majority, in whom religious and Evangelical instinct is strong, and who, though hardly yet having found a footing, fall to exhortations to piety, to encouragement of devotion, and to living a holy hfe ; such are constrained to a wider tolerance, to take a broader outlook more consonant with natural science and textual criti cism, but as yet they have not formulated a system. Some there be who chng tenaciously to the old doctrine of verbal inspiration — but these are to be found mostly lodging about in nooks and corners hke hibernating snails. Meanwhile the old Puritan hostility to the High-Church party is disappearing. Some of the venerable controversies are dead and becoming as obsolete as Guelph and GhibeUine ; and each party is beginning to reaUze that the other holds and lays stress on a truth, but not the whole truth. The Evangehcal principle is individualism, the union of the soul with God, and a con sciousness of that union — indeed, a conviction that it has taken place. The High Churchman insists on the corporate hfe of the Church, and insists on the Sacraments as the means of Grace. An infusion into his teaching of the Evangelical doctrine would rescue from the danger of formalism. The Evangelical, on the other hand, is even now coming to appreciate that which his predecessors did not — the value of the Church as a bond of union and a pillar of the Faith. There is a curious passage in The Banquet of Plato, in which Aristophanes expounds his theory of Love. Man when created was hermaphrodite, containing in himself all the quahties and characteristics of the two sexes ; but Zeus " cut human beings in half, as people cut eggs before they salt them," and thus produced the two distinct sexes ; and there is an inclination and a gravitation of one to the other, because till united each is imperfect. At first, possibly, there is repulsion, because the thoughts, feelings and impulses of the one sex differ radicaUy from those of the other. But eventuaUy each discovers his own shortcomings, and then they are drawn together. THE EVANGELICAL MOVEMENT 111 Now this seems to me to represent the two parties in the Church, the Evangelical and the Orthodox. Each without the other is incomplete. At first they kept very separate, and distrusted each other. But that condition has now passed, and they are disposed to coquet and flutter about each other like Papagino and Papagina in the Zauberflote — seeking close and lasting union. " I cannot restrain the poetic enthusiasm which takes possession of my discourse," says Agathon in the same dialogue, " and which bids me declare that Love is the divinity who creates peace among men, and calm upon the sea, the windless silence of storms, repose and sleep in sadness. Love divests us of aU alienation from each other, and fiUs our vacant hearts with overflowing sympathy ; he gathers us together in such social meetings as we now. delight in celebrating." Those opposed eyes, Which like the meteors of a troubled heaven, All of one nature, of one substance bred, Did lately meet in the intestine shock. Shall now, in mutual well-beseeming ranks March all one way, and be no more opposed. / Henry IV, Act I, sc. ii. I quote the Index to a Book of Devotion by a Dissenter, Sir H. E. Lunn. The book is entitled The Love of Jesus, and was published in 1911. Motives of Prayer. General Prayer. The Lord's Prayer. Devotions for days of . . . retirement. Method of Prayer for the Christian Year. Readings for the Hours of the Passion. Meditations on the Lord's Supper. Hymns on the Lord's Supper. Preparations for the Holy Communion. Prayers before the Holy Communion. Order of Administration of the Holy Communion. Prayers after the Holy Communion. Method of Bible reading. Methods of Fasting. The Preface is dated Lent. The Order of Administration is that of the Prayer Book, with the substitution of minister for Priest and with the omission of the rubrics for the manual acts at the Consecration. If there be such a levelling up among those who are not Churchmen, what may we not expect among those who are ? CHAPTER V THE CHURCH IN COUNTRY PLACES TO understand the condition into which the Enghsh Church had faUen at the beginning of the nineteenth century it is weU to have in one's hand certain statistics. I wiU take first of aU those made by the Bishops, produced in the House of Lords in 1807. By the returns of that date the number of incumbents resident in the 11,164 parishes of England and Wales was only 4,412, or little more than one in every third parish. There were actuaUy resident, including such as lived near but not in their parishes, not exceeding 5,000, that is to say about one to every two parishes. Of the resident incumbents in 1810 there were about 1,500 whose incomes were under £150 per annum. In that year the number of livings under £150 a year were : Not exceeding £10 a year From £10 to £20 inclusive From £20 to £30 From £30 to £40 From £40 to £50 From £50 to £60 From £60 to £70 From £70 to £80 From £80 to £90 From £90 to £100 From £100 to £110 From £110 to £120 From £120 to £130 From £130 to £140 From £140 to £150 Total 12 72 191 353433407 376 319309315283 307246 205 170 3,998 Of these poorly endowed livings 2,500 of the whole were left to the pastoral care of Curates, who in many cases received no more than £40 per annum. DR. SYNTAX PREACHING FROM a LJKAWING IiY Kt AVI. -\\DS()> THE CHURCH IN COUNTRY PLACES 113 In 1832 in England and Wales there were 4,361 hvings under £150 ; there were 2,626 without parsonages, 2,183 with such as were unfit to serve as residences. In 1831, in the diocese of Exeter, as many as 280 incumbents were non-resident, mainly because they had in their parishes no houses in which they could reside. In 1835, out of 7,167 parishes in England and Wales, where the Uving exceeded £150, there were 3,556 incumbents either actuaUy or virtuaUy resident, leaving 2,612 cases in which only curates did the duties. The whole number of non-resident incumbents of all classes, after deducting sinecures, was found to be 5,925. Of these, those clergy who were non-resident in one parish because pluralists, but did reside in another, were 1,797. Deducting these, and a few others for whom reasonable explanation was forthcoming, from the whole number there stiU remained 3,500 parishes which were either not served at aU by a curate or were served by the curate of a neighbouring parish. In 1836 the whole income of the Church, notwithstanding the spoliation to which she had been subjected, amounted to £3,490,497, but of this £435,046 was absorbed by the Bishops and other dignitaries ; and it was very unequally distributed among the Bishops, for whereas the Archbishop of Canterbury put into his pocket annually £18,090, the Bishop of London £13,890, and of Durham £19,480 ; the Bishop of Oxford had but £1,600, of Rochester £1,400 ; and the see of Gloucester, not then united with Bristol, was worth only £700 a year. In like manner the livings of the parochial clergy were of unequal value : whereas some small country benefices were worth £3,000, £4,000, or even £7,000 per annum, large parishes in London, Lancashire and Yorkshire, containing 20,000 or 30,000 inhabitants apiece, were not above £150. In the diocese of Exeter, in 1839, the condition was this : Out of 628 parishes, 244 were without resident incumbents ; of these, however, 162 had resident curates. Fifteen parishes were served by incumbents living two miles off, and 22 by curates of neighbouring parishes. There were at that date 10 parishes in which parsonage houses were in process of construction, but there were 12 uninhabited by incumbent or curate. As to non- residence, this must be taken into account — that there was one parish with only 15 people in it, another with 29, several under 80, and forty with not more than 100. It wiU be seen from the above statistics that, although non- 8 114 THE CHURCH REVIVAL residence and pluralism are most undesirable, it was not possible to avoid both, when Uvings were so poor that a rector or vicar could not hve on his incumbency alone. A provision that sufficed for an unmarried priest was not sufficient for a parson with wife and family. Moreover, before the Reformation the incumbent very frequently hved in the manor-house, where he acted as domestic chaplain and tutor to the children. This condition of affairs ceased ; and in many parishes there were no parsonage houses extant, and there was no money available wherewith to build one.1 The scandal of plurahsm was not confined to England or to the Hanoverian period. Thomas Cantilupe, Bishop of Hereford, who died in 1282, was simultaneously precentor and Canon of York, Archdeacon of Stafford, Canon of Lichfield, Canon of London, Canon of Hereford, and held the hvings of Doderholt, Hampton, Aston, Wintringham, Deighton, Rippel, Sunterfield, and apparently also that of Prestbury. Thomas a Becket was given S. Mary-le-Strand and Otford, with prebends in both S. Paul's and Lincoln, before he was even in deacon's orders. In Germany plurahsm was rampant,2 in France before the Revolution it was common. But in England plurahsm existed mainly because the livings were so poor ; while in Italy, France and Germany it flourished because they and the bishoprics and abbacies were so rich. In 1801, WiUiam Dickenson, member for Ilchester, brought in a biU before the House " to protect and reheve . . . spiritual persons from vexatious prosecutions by common informers, under statute of King Henry VIII, in consequence of their non- residence on their benefices or their taking of farms." In the case of information lodged, the case proved and the 1 What gave great occasion to pluralism was the Black Death in 1348 and again in 1361. It swept away nearly one-third of the inhabitants. Above 50,000 persons were said to have perished in London alone. The mortality among the clergy was great, and at its disappearance there were only enough left for one priest to minister in three, four and even more parishes. 2 Popes even then were pluralists. Clement II retained the wealthy bishopric of Bamberg, and Leo IX that of Toul. Verily instead of the Papacy resting on Simon Peter, it reposed on Simon Magus. The popes provided for their " nephews " and other favourites in the most scandalous manner. I give one instance out of many : Gulielmus Brunelli being made Provost of Wells, aged twenty-three years, had an indult in 1289, not being ordained priest, to hold as well the Church of Westerham, also canonries and prebends of Lichfield, Salisbury, Llandaff, S. David's and S. Omer ; later he resigned Westerham, so as to get another benefice and a prebendal stall at Exeter. THE CHURCH IN COUNTRY PLACES 115 fine imposed, half went to the Crown and half to the common informer. Now let us see what were the provisions of that Act which could be invoked and put in force against an incumbent, should he attempt to improve his income, by any captious and aggrieved parishioner who resented having his tithe exacted with strictness. Under this statute no clergyman, beneficed or not beneficed, could rent a house, except in a city, market-town or borough, under the penalty of £10 per month ; no vicar could lease a parsonage under a penalty amounting to ten times the value of the profits of such lease. No clergyman was permitted to hold a lease of land under any circumstances whatever, even though it had descended to him by inheritance, and although he himself did not occupy the land, under a penalty of ten times its annual value ; no clergyman was suffered so much as to buy or sell a cow without becoming Uable to forfeit triple its value. Undoubtedly the Act became generaUy inoperative, but it hung Uke a threatening cloud over the heads of the clergy ; it could at any time be enforced, and that it was enforced occasionaUy is seen from the preamble of WiUiam Dickenson's BiU. Incumbents who did reside were always at the mercy of litigious and dissatisfied parishioners. At the same time that curates were starving on their £30 or £40 a year, the Bishops, Deans and Canons were gorged with wealth, and doing nothing for it. The Black Book (1820-23) gives a statement of the mode in which the revenues of the Church, amounting to £9,459,565, were distributed. Class. AV<^i£ihCOme Total- Episcopal Clergy : 2 Archbishops ..... £26,465 £52,930 24 Bishops ...... 10,174 £244>I85 Dignitaries : 28 Deans ...... 1,580 44,250 61 Archdeacons ..... 739 45,126 26 Chancellors ..... 494 12,844 514 Prebendaries and Canons, 330 Pre centors, Succentors, Vicars-General, Minor Canons, Priests- Vicars, etc. . 338 111,650 Parochial Clergy : 2,886 Aristocratic Pluralists, mostly non resident, and holding several livings, in all 7,037 livings, averaging each £764 1,863 5,379,43° 4,305 Incumbents, holding one living each, and about one-half resident on their benefices ...... 764 3,289,020 Total ., . . £9,459,565 116 THE CHURCH REVIVAL The curates, licensed and unlicensed, whose average stipend of about £75 per annum, amounting together to £319,050, are included in the incomes of pluralists and other incumbents. Archbishop Potter, a draper's son, noted for his haughtiness, died immensely rich with the spoils of the Church, and dis inherited his eldest son for marrying agamst his wishes. How ever he obtained for him Church benefices to the value of £2,000 a year. He left the whole of his fortune, valued at £90,000, to his second son, who was a reprobate. Bishop Sherlock died worth £150,000. Of him it was said or sung : As Sherlock at Temple was taking a boat, The Waterman asked him which way he would float ; " Which way ? " said the Doctor : " Why, fool, with the stream." To Paul's or to Lambeth was all one to him. A son of Archbishop Moore died in 1865. He was Rector of Hunton, also of Eynesford, also of Latchinford, Canon of Canter bury, and Registrar of the Will Office in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury. The gross total of his receipts from the Church was £753,647, and his annual income close on £12,000. Majendie.of Huguenot ancestry, Bishop of Bangor, who died in 1830, held no fewer than eleven parochial preferments. Chandler, Bishop of Durham, Wills, Bishop of Winchester, and Gilbert, Archbishop of York, aU died shamefully rich, some of them worth more than £100,000. In a series of letters published in the Morning Chronicle between November 6, 1813, and March 11, 1814, a Mr. Wright favoured the public with many curious disclosures which had come to his knowledge as secretary to three right reverend prelates — the Bishops of London, Norwich and Ely. In a letter of November 20, he says that he had selected from well-authenticated documents 10,801 benefices, on which were only 4,490 incumbents said to be resident, so that there were 6,311 confessedly non-resident incumbents, to supply whose places 1,523 resident curates were employed, which left 4,788 without resident curate or incumbent. In one diocese, he said, one-third of the parish churches ha4 the services performed in them reduced from twice to once on the Sunday. A very general excuse made for non-residents was bad health. " Now, iU-health of the incumbent himself, or his wife or daughter, is a common pretext, when no other legal cause can be found of avoiding residence. Of twenty-two THE CHURCH IN COUNTRY PLACES 117 licences granted in one diocese for this reason, three only of the persons are in a state of health to warrant it, and the benefices from which they absent themselves are very valuable. Some (of these incumbents) live in town during the winter ; and although night air certainly cannot benefit a valetudinarian, they may be constantly seen at card-parties, routs, or the theatres ; in summer enjoying the amusements of fashionable watering-places, whilst too often their curates, by the par simonious stipends they afford them, are with a numerous family in a state of the greatest poverty." To this condition of affairs the Latitudinarian Bishops appointed by the Crown had brought the clergy. And it must be borne in mind that every bishop set to work not only to feather his own nest, but also those of his sons and sons-in-law, brothers, nephews and other relations. Bishop Pretyman.of Lincoln and afterwards of Winchester, who changed his name to Tomline on acceding to a large estate, did not leave his children destitute. G. T. Pretyman was made ChanceUor and Canon of Lincoln, Prebendary of Winchester, Rector of Chalfont S. Giles, Rector of Wheathampstead, and Rector of Harpenden. Another son, Richard, was also made Canon of Lincoln, Rector of Middleton-Stoney, Rector of Wal- grave, Rector of Wroughton, and Vicar of Hannington. A third son, John, was created Prebendary of Lincoln, Rector of Sherrington, and Rector of Winwick. Sparke, Bishop of Ely, quite as scandalously prdvided for his sons, nephews and relatives. A list may be found in the Black Book. Archbishop Sutton provided seven of his family with sixteen rectories, vicarages, and dignities in cathedrals. Of his eleven daughters, several had the prudence to marry men in holy orders, and soon became amply endowed. Hugh Percy married one daughter, and in eight years was given as many different preferments, bringing in together about £10,000 per annum. He was afterwards advanced to be Bishop of Rochester, and was then translated to CarUsle. According to law he ought to have resigned all the preferments he held at the time of being promoted to a bishopric — four of which, by the way, had been given him in one year ; but he contrived to retain the most valuable prebend of S. Paul's, worth £3,000 per annum, and also the ChanceUorship of Sarum. Another daughter of the Archbishop married James Croft, Archdeacon of Canterbury, incumbent of Hythe, Rector of Cliffe and Rector of Saltwood —all preferments in the gift of the Archbishop. A sister 118 THE CHURCH REVIVAL married Richard Lockwood, who was presented in one year by his brother-in-law with the three vicarages of Kessingland, Lowestoft and Potter-Heigham ; all these livings were valuable, and in the gift of the Bishop of Norwich, and were presented by his Grace when he held that see. These are but a few samples of the nepotism that prevailed, and of the low tone of ecclesiastical consciences. What could be expected of the clergy under such a system ? No wonder that the Church sank in the esteem of the people and was regarded as the home of jobbery. Another scandal was the sale of livings. There were in London agents who sold them by auction. An American Bishop, Dr. Hobart, during his sojourn in this country, felt shocked by reading the following details of the traffic in the Morning Chronicle, July 13, 1824 : " The Church livings in Essex, sold on the ist instant, by Mr. Robins, of Regent Street, were not absolute advowsons; but the next presentations contingent on the Uves of Mr. and Mrs. W. T. P. L. Wellesley, aged thirty- six and twenty-five years respectively, were as under : Place. Description. Estimated Annual Value. Age of Incumbent. Sold for £ t Wanstead Rectory 653 63 2,440 Woodford 1,200 58 4,200 Gt. Paindon ,, 500 63 1,600 Fifield . ,, 525 59 1.520 Rochefort ,, 700 62 2,000 Filstead Vicarage 400 5° goo Roydon . » 200 46 580 "The biddings appeared to be governed by the age and health of the incumbents, residence, situation, and other local circumstances . ' ' I knew of the foUowing case : A certain living was advertised for sale. The incumbent, whom we wiU caU Mr. Baker, owned the presentation. He put a price on the living which was so high that a would-be pur chaser demurred. One day the latter received a telegram from Baker's lawyer urging him to come down at once. He did so, and was told that the Rector was very iU, and had been prayed for in church, and was not expected to live. The lawyer accompanied the would-be purchaser to the parsonage, where he was admitted, and entreated to make as little noise as possible THE CHURCH IN COUNTRY PLACES 119 on ascending the stairs, and to stay but a short time in the room of the dying man. He and the lawyer ascended, and saw the old man in bed so prostrate as to be scarce able to speak. No demur ensued as to the price, and the contract of sale was rapidly drawn and signed, and a deposit paid. Then the purchaser went down and walked about the grounds and glebe. Two hours must elapse before the train would reconduct him to town. Presently Mrs. Baker emerged from the house into the garden and begged him to come in and have some dinner. This he declined, as, under the circumstances, he did not wish to give trouble in the house. " Not at aU," answered Mrs. Baker : " Mr. Baker would be glad of your society." " Mr. Baker ! " "I forgot to add," said the lady, " the crisis is happily past and Mr. Baker is risen, dressed and impatient for his dinner." The dying rector and patron Uved on for twenty years, and bought back the presentation and advowson for his son. I 'heard the story from the rural dean. I was told that the old rogue cleared £2,000 by the transaction. The law of the land was plain enough, but it was evaded in the most barefaced manner. According to enactments of the law, if a patron were to present any person to a benefice for a corrupt consideration, by gift, promise, or reward, the presenta tion was rendered void, and for that turn lapsed to the Crown. If a person procured a presentation for money or profit and was presented, he was disabled from holding the living. But by ingenious methods, by the subtle craftiness of lawyers, means were devised for the circumvention of the law. But of what moral quality can a man have been who by such means gained a position in the sheepfold.? In 1818 a grant of a miUion was made by Government for the creation of additional churches ; a further grant of half a miUion was made in 1824, but part of this went to Scotland. A grant of £10,000 a year was also made for eleven years to the Governors of Queen Anne's Bounty, for the better endowment of poor livings ; and that Bounty has not only been continuously engaged in raising the value of such hvings, but it also has lent money to incumbents to enable them to provide parsonage houses for their cures. But the greatest boon of all to the Church was the Tithe Commutation Act of 1836. By this useful measure an end was put to the incessantly recurring disputes and heartburnings that arose out of the valuation of tithe, and the occasional attempt made to take it in kind. The 120 THE CHURCH REVIVAL parson exacting his tithe pig was a subject of caricature and of satirical baUad. In 1802, the patronage of about 2,500 churches belonged to the bishops and deans and chapters, and nearly 1,100 to the Crown. That of 2,000 pertained to lay corporations, including the coUeges of Oxford and Cambridge. The remaining number, rather over 6,500, were in the hands of county famihes and lay individuals. Crown livings were disposed of as payment, or part payment, for political services rendered either by the presentee himself or by a relative. Bishops gave Uvings to relatives and to men who were of the same way of thinking in politics and church matters as themselves. Chapters passed on the presentation from one member to another that they might accommodate their families, and it was much the same with the lay corporations. The coUeges appointed men who held a feUowship or tutorship, and the incumbent who lived in CoUege rode out on the Satur day evening, perhaps even on the Sunday morning, and returned to his rooms in College after afternoon service. If the hvings were good and at a distance they were taken by such feUows as desired to get married, and these were sufficiently advanced in years, and so accustomed to their University life as to be quite unable to understand and sympathize with their rustic congregations. Family livings went to younger sons. If one would not suffice to keep a son in comfort, a second wasvobtained for him. It was not a matter of vocation, but of convenience. We can form an idea of what the clergy of this type were, from Jane Austen's novels. Her father and two of her brothers were clergymen. Setting aside Mr. CoUins as somewhat of a carica ture, and as not pertaining to the gentleman class, we have Mr. Elton in Emma, Edward Bertram and the gluttonous Dr. Grant in Mansfield Park, Henry Tilney in Northanger Abbey, and Edward Ferrar in Sense and Sensibility. These were all men of good family and culture, conscientious as far as their light went, who looked to their profession as a means of hving com fortably, with very little to do ; men hardly quahfied to be of any spiritual aid to their flocks, though they would be ready to assist them in their material needs. " I cannot think," wrote Anthony Froude in 1849, " wllv as a body clergymen are so fatally uninteresting— they, who through aU their waking hours ought to have for their one THE CHURCH IN COUNTRY PLACES 121 thought the deepest and most absorbing interests of humanity. It is the curse of making it a profession — a road to get on upon, to succeed in hfe upon. The base stain is apparent in their very language, too sad an index of what they are. Their duty, what is it ? To patter through the two Sunday services. For a Uttle money one wiU undertake the other's duty for him. And what do they aU aim at ? Getting livings ! Not cures of souls, but livings ; something which will keep their wretched bodies living in the comforts they have found indispensabki What business have they, any one of them, with a thought of what becomes of their wretched selves at all ? To hear them preaching, to hear the words they use in these same duties of theirs, one would suppose they really believed that getting on, and growing rich, and getting comfortable were quite the last thing a Chris tian should propose for himself. Alas ! with the mass of them the pulpit keeps its old meaning, and is but a stage. Off the stage there is the old prate of the old-world stories, the patronage of this rich man and that, the vacant benefice or the cathedral stall." This is hard, and unjust as well. If a man cannot live by bread alone, but by every word that proceedeth out of the mouth of God, it is also true that man cannot live by the Word alone, without bread' to put into his mouth, and the law prohibited the pastor from engaging in unprofessional work, as S. Paul maintained himself by tent-making. Besides, surely duty may be joyously as weU as conscientiously undertaken. The only part in the above, stricture that is fair is that on unreality in the pulpit. According to Nelson's signal before Trafalgar, England expects every man to do his duty : did not officers and sailors fight zealously with aU their hearts in that great battle, although it was merely duty so to do ? The weU-to-do clerics did their duty, as they understood it. But to them duty had a very different meaning from what is understood by the clergy of the present day. With them duty comprised a couple of services on the Lord's Day, with services also at Christmas and Good Friday, baptizing the young, visiting the sick, as also giving marriage benedictions. They had no conception of anything further. There was an old man, long ago dead, who had been in the service of our family through three generations. He told me that his grandfather, or great-grandfather (I cannot recall which) had been bedridden in the adjoining parish of Maristowe 122 THE CHURCH REVIVAL for twenty years. The vicar was the Rev. John Teasdale (1704-1755), who was a most indefatigable parish priest ; and Mr. Teasdale was wont during those twenty years to visit the sick man daily. He never missed, weekday or Sunday alike, to read to him and pray with him. Of this Rev. John Teasdale an anecdote is told which, though not iUustrating my point, I wiU relate. He held an estate on lives from the family of Harris of Hayne. A life dropped, and the Hon. John Harris, then of Hayne, sent and took Mr. Teasdale's carriage horses as a heriot — an act which, though legal, was considered unhandsome. On Mr. Harris sending to inquire the names of the horses, he repUed that they were caUed " Honour " and " Conscience " when in his possession, but since they had passed into other hands, the present owner had better impose on them names of his own choice. Take the witness of the Rev. J. M. Cunningham, Vicar of Harrow, an EvangeUcal of the EvangeUcals, looking on such as did not belong to his own party with a censorious eye. In his book The Velvet Cushion he speaks of the systematic visiting of the people by the country clergy. The old Vicar is address ing his wife. " ' I am not sure,' said the Vicar, ' that it is not a presumptuous rehance on the goodness of God, and an abuse of the doctrine of Divine mercy, that has kept me at home to-day, when I should have gone to visit old Dame Wilkins directly.' Her bonnet was soon on, and they hobbled down the viUage almost as fast as if their house had been on fire. Mary Wilkins was a poor, good woman, to whom the Vicar's visit three times a week had become almost one of the necessities of life. It was now two hours beyond the time he usually came, and, had she been awake, she would really have been pained by the delay. But happily she had faUen into a profound sleep, and when he put his foot on the threshold, and in his old-fashioned way said ' Peace be with you,' she was just waking. This comforted the good man, and, as he weU knew where aU comfort comes from, he thanked God in his heart even for this." Or take Winthrop Mackworth Praed's sketch of his Vicar, in Everyday Characters — mind you everyday characters. Praed was bom in 1802. He belonged to the Young Liberal party, and sat in Parliament for Yarmouth in 1834 ; he died in 1839. Some years ago, ere time and taste Had turned our parish topsy-turvy. When Darnel Park was Darnel waste, And roads as little known as scurvy ; THE CHURCH IN COUNTRY PLACES 128 The man who lost his way between St. Mary's Hill and Sandy Thicket Was always shown across the green, And guided to the Parson's wicket. Whate'er the stranger's caste or creed, Pundit or Papist, saint or sinner, He found a stable for his steed, And welcome for himself, and dinner. He was a shrewd and sound Divine, Of loud Dissent the mortal terror ; And when, by dint of page and line, He 'stablished truth, or startled error, The Baptist found him far too deep ; The Deist sighed with saving sorrow ; And the lean Levite went to sleep And dreamed of tasting pork to-morrow. His sermons never said or showed That Earth is foul, that Heaven is gracious, Without refreshment on the road From Jerome, or from Athanasius. And sure a righteous zeal inspired The hand and head that penned and planned them, For all who understood admired, And some who did not understand them. And he was kind, and loved to sit In the low hut or garnished cottage, And praise the farmer's homely wit And share the widow's homelier pottage. At his approach complaint grew mild, And when his hand unbarred the shutter, The clammy lips of fever smiled The welcome which they could not mutter. Where is the old man laid ? Look down And construe on the slate before you : Hie facet Gulielmus Brown, Vir nulla non donandus lauru. Although the majority of hvings were poor, there was a certain number that were " fat," and these became the perquisite of men of good family and of political influence. Dr. Valpy was headmaster of Reading School, and Rector of StradishaU in Suffolk, for twenty years. The rich living of Stanhope had been held in succession by three prelates, when its rector, Dr. PhiUpotts, was made Bishop of Exeter in 1830. There was a bit of an outcry at this, and he resigned Stanhope and took in its stead 124 THE CHURCH REVIVAL a canonry in Durham.1 " Bishop Courtenay held the living of S. George's, Hanover Square, with a population of 430,396; Bishop Pelham a living in Sussex, and Bishop Bethell a living in Yorkshire, each with the see of Exeter." 2 These incumbencies were, of course, served by curates. In 1762 William, Viscount Courtenay, ran away with Frances, daughter of a taverner named Clack at Wallingford, and married her in Edinburgh. The publican said to him, " My lord, you have married my daughter. Now you must do something for my son." " What can I do ? I have nothing I can give him but some livings. He must go into the Church." Accordingly the cub was sent to Oxford, where he managed to pass ; he was subsequently ordained and given three livings — Powderham, Moretonhampstead, and Woolborough, that includes the town of Newton Abbot. He chose to live at the Rectory in the park at Powderham, but his behaviour made him so insufferable, that he was required to quit it, and then he went to live at Moretonhampstead . Too many scandalous jobs were effected, but the majority of presentations were honestly made. A country squire liked to have near him as closest neighbour a gentleman, and one who would not cause scandal in the parish. Where plurahsts were in possession, there the curate had the care of souls. Sydney Smith described him as he saw him. " A curate — there is something which excites compassion in the very name of a curate ! A learned man in a hovel, with sermons and saucepans, lexicons and bacon, Hebrew books and ragged children ; good and patient, a comforter, and a preacher, the first and purest pauper in the hamlet." Here is Washington Irving's account of a country church and a vicar of the parish in a plump living : " The congregation was composed of the neighbouring people of rank, who sat in pews sumptuously lined and cushioned, furnished with richly gilded prayer books, and decorated with their arms upon the pew doors ; of the villagers and peasantry, who fiUed the back seats, and a small gaUery beside the organ ; 1 But the see of Exeter was badly endowed. Bishop Voysey (1519- I551), of twenty-five manors and fourteen mansions, was despoiled of all save eight. Burnet says of him that he received a pension for life, but " all the rest he basely resigned, taking care of himself and ruining his successors." a Overton : The English Church in the Nineteenth Century (1894), p. 7. THE CHURCH IN COUNTRY PLACES 125 and of the poor of the parish, who were ranged on benches in the aisles. " The service was performed by a snuffling, weU-fed vicar, who had a snug dweUing near the church. He was a privileged guest at aU the tables of the neighbourhood, and had been the keenest fox-hunter in the county ; until age and good living had disabled him from doing anything more than ride to see the hounds throw off, and make one at the hunt dinner. " Under the ministry of such a pastor, I found it impossible to get into the train of thought suitable to the time and place." 1 The parson was doubtless a rector and not a vicar. An American would not know the distinction. The clergy of the Hanoverian and Early Victorian period were divided into distinct classes— 'the weU-born, weU-bred and weU-beneficed, and the poor curates who lived on the crumbs that fell from the tables of the well-to-do men of the same cloth. Some of them were scholarly, some no doubt boors, each weU- content by marrying a farmer's or a yeoman's daughter, to receive with her a dower that would enable him to keep a cow, a pig, and cocks and hens. The poverty of the livings was due to several causes. All the great tithes of the vicarages had gone to abbeys, many of them out of England ; and at the Reformation these were appropriated by the Crown or given to favourites ; and the smaU tithes which had served to maintain a chaplain without incumbrances were quite insufficient to support a resident vicar with wife and family. Moreover, in the reigns of Henry VIII, of Edward VI, and of Elizabeth, the livings were plundered in the most shameless fashion. But there were other ways in which they were reduced in value. To what extent I cannot say, but to some extent, simony was practised, and an incumbent paid his patron for presentation bv alienating to him a portion of the glebe. Thus, in the parish of Coryton adjoining mine, there was a good farm that belonged to the Church, also ninety acres of " sanctuary land." Both the farm and the major portion of the sanctuary land were made over to the patron, probably by the Rev. John Rice, who was appointed in 1778 and died in 1799, for in the register his successor entered, after his name : This was a grateful Priest, whose wealth, tho' small, He to his Patron gave who gave him all. 1 The Sketch-book (1821), i. 176. 126 THE CHURCH REVIVAL Moreover, rectors and vicars for a lump sum of money would make over glebe farms on lives, upon a nominal rent. In another neighbouring parish, the incoming rector found that this had been done in a wholesale manner, greatly impoverishing the hving. A few years ago, only just before such an act became iUegal, a neighbouring rector who was leaving for another living transferred to the fives of his children three of the best farms on the glebe. Most of the bishoprics had been sorely robbed in the reigns of Edward VI and Elizabeth, so that some bishops were com peUed to be pluralists, as the revenues of their sees would not support them. Some of the worst offenders were the Marian bishops, who on the accession of Elizabeth set to work to make fortunes for themselves by alienating estates of the Church. They conveyed manors to women, children, relatives, by lease, or sold them. FuUer says, " Many bishoprics of the realm had they so impoverished by these means, that some of the new bishops had scarce a corner of a house to lie in, and divers not so much ground as to graze a goose or a sheep, so that some were compeUed to tether their horses in their orchard." The Eliza bethan bishops were every bit as bad. Cox of Ely scandalously robbed his see. Barlow, Bishop of S. David's, ripped the lead- work off the palaces of S. David's and Llawhaden. He was transferred to Bath and WeUs, where was the noble Lady Chapel, said to be the finest Perpendicular building in the West of Eng land. Barlow sold it, lead-roof, stones and aU. Bishop Aylmer of London cut down the elms at Fulham to the extent of £6,000, an enormous sum in those days. I give particulars of the proceedings of Edmund Seamier, made Bishop of Peterborough in 1560. He for ever alienated from his see the hundred of Nessaburgh, the Manors of Thirlby and Southorpe, without receiving any recompense, but so as to prepare a way for his translation to a better bishopric — viz. Norwich. Other properties belonging to the see that he sold were as below. The proceeds went into his own pocket. Parcel of Borough Berrie Manor sold to Walter Pye for . Parcel of Thwaites Manor sold to Robert Henson for Parcel of Borough Berrie Manor sold to John Bellamy for The Episcopal Palace at Peterborough sold to James Russell Three tenements in Peterborough Court, London, sold to Wm. Stamford and R. Brown for .... Parcel of Berrie Manor sold to Thomas Baynard for £ «• d. 467 9 6 82 0 0 389 *9 10 3,122 0 0 459 I0 0 146 6 0 255 0 0 71 5 O 613 3 5 1,077 10 6 1,113 10 0 968 i 8 780 10 0 THE CHURCH IN COUNTRY PLACES 127 £ s. d. Four tenements in Peterborough Court sold to Edw. Wood ford A messuage in Fleet Street sold to Joseph Coxwell for Gunthorpe and Thwaites Manors sold to George Smith for Witherington Manor sold to Sir W. Roberts for Feefarm of Thirlby Manor sold to Henry Price for . Eye Manor sold to John Bellamy for . The Bell, Center Lane, London, sold to Tho. Masson for Manor of Borough Berrie sold to Walker S. John, ' John Thurlow, Thos. Matthews for ..... 2,982 13 9 Total sale of lands, £12,729 13s. nj<2. But to return to the Hanoverian period of the History of the Church. A recently pubhshed volume of eighteenth-century letters exhibits Georgian religious apathy at what must surely have been its lowest point. " Can it be expected," writes a country rector to his brother in 1780, " that a proper regard to Rehgion will be kept up by the appearance of it one single hour in the week, which is the case of half the country parishes in the King dom ? The Proprietor sells the Living, which consists entirely of Glebe ; the Purchaser considers how to make the best use of his money, reduces the Duty to one, and that in the afternoon, hires a Curate who resides in the nearest Market Town, who, being barely paid for Sunday duty, thinks himself under no obligation to do more, and arrives dirty and fatigued at a ruined Edifice. Disfigured by torn and draggled surplice, he mounts the desk and labours to edify souls by reading the statute service, rendered less inteUigible by tropes and figures with which he tries to embelhsh it in his sermon, all his Arguments being unsupported by the inestimable influence of Example." The parish of Lydford, the largest in England, comprising 50,751 acres — mostly indeed Dartmoor, but yet with Prince Town in it numbering a considerable population, and Lydford itseh, distant from Prince Town nearly fifteen miles by road, was held for a great many years by the Rev. Dr. Fletcher. This Fletcher was also Rector of SouthhiU in CornwaU, one of the richest hvings in the county, worth some £594 per annum — twenty-five miles from Lydford, he held with this the church and rectory situated three miles from the town of CaUington, also in the parish. For many years I knew the successive curates pf Lydford, but never heard of Dr. Fletcher visiting the place to take duty in it. The chancel roof was in holes, 128 THE CHURCH REVIVAL and on one Christmas Day the holy table was spread with a covering of snow. In my own parish, the Rector, the Rev. Mr. Elford, was non resident. He lived nine miles off, at Tavistock. When the Bishop demurred to this, " How can I live," said he, " in a place where there is no barber to trim my wig ? " And this was accepted as sufficient excuse. From 1795 to 1811 Elford held as well the curacy of Coryton under the Rev. R. V. WiUesford, who was a pluralist Rector. This man was also Vicar of Brentor, Vicar of Awlescombe, near Honiton, curate of Tavistock, and headmaster of the Tavistock Grammar School from 1795 to 1821. In this parish of Lew Trenchard, Elford had a curate, ap pointed in 1820, the Rev. Caddy Thomas, who, I believe, ended his days in the Virgin Islands. He Uved in the Rectory, and had a pupil with whom he was often at variance, breaking out into fierce quarrels. The gardener-groom and his wife, named Adams, occupied a portion of the house, and she cooked and served and was housemaid as well. One day Adams heard screams of rage and blows in the library, and rushed in to find that Caddy Thomas had knocked the pupil down, and whether to drive information into his head I cannot say, but he had him on the ground and was pounding his head with the handle of a clasp knife. Adams wrenched the curate away and locked him into the study ; then he carried the pupil upstairs, washed the blood from his head, locked him into the bedroom, and hastened to the stable, where he saddled two nags. Then he brought forth the pupil, mounted him on one, himself on the other, rode away with him, and deposited him with his relatives. The Rector of East Mersea in Essex was non-resident. He visited the parish once only in the year, to collect his tithes. But he had a curate who took the duty there and also in two other churches with non-resident incumbents, on the mainland. Mersea is an island connected with the mainland by a causeway that is covered by the sea only at very high tides. Immediately after morning service at East Mersea, the curate had a horse brought to the churchyard gate, where he mounted and galloped as hard as he could spur to the nearest church on the mainland, took there a second morning prayer, dined with a farmer, and then rode off to the third church for afternoon service. " He was a right parson of the good sort," said the aged clerk to me ; "he did leave us so gloriously alone." THE CHURCH IN COUNTRY PLACES 129 Hannah More gives an account of the usual state of things in regard to non-residence at the close of the eighteenth century and the beginning of the nineteenth. " The vicarage of Cheddar is in the gift of the Dean of WeUs. The value nearly fifty pounds per annum. The incumbent is a Mr. R., who has something to do, but I cannot find out what, in the University of Oxford, where he resides. The curate lives at WeUs, twelve mUes distant. They have only service once a week, and there is scarcely an instance of a poor person being visited or prayed with. The hving of Axbridge — annual value about fifty pounds. The incumbent about sixty years of age. Mr. G. is intoxicated about six times a week, and very frequently is prevented from preach ing by two black eyes, honestly earned by fighting. We have in this neighbourhood thirteen adjoining parishes without so much as even a resident curate. No clergyman has resided in this parish for forty years. One rode over three miles from WeUs to preach once on a Sunday, but no weekly duty was done or sick persons visited, and children were often buried without any funeral service. Eight people in the morning and twenty in the afternoon was a good congregation." Dean Hole in his Memoirs teUs us that the Vicar of Strood was a plurahst and hved far away on his other benefice. Once only did he take it into his head to visit Strood, but as he entered the place was so disgusted with the smeU from a basket of stale shrimps offered for sale, that he turned his horse's head and went back to hi? sweeter cure. " Our curate," he writes, " who Uved five miles away, rode over for one dreary service on the Sunday, dined, and we saw him no more during the week." But even in some places where the clergy did reside, there was disgraceful neglect. At Stamford, where are five churches, WiUiam Wilberforce, when visiting it in 1798, records : " This seems a sad, careless place. I talked to several common people. At church miserable work. Remnant of Sunday-school, only eight children. I have seldom seen a more apparently irreligious place. A shopkeeper said none of the clergy were active, or went among the poor." A notable change, however, took place in the Church. The French Revolution, the Reform BiU, had shown the Church that, as Lord Grey had warned her, " she must set her house in order." Miss Mitford, in Belford Regis (1835), wrote : " Of late years there has been a prodigious change in the body clerical. The activity of the dissenters, the spread of education, and the immense 9 130 THE CHURCH REVIVAL increase of population, to say nothing of that word of power, Reform, have combined to produce a stirring spirit of emulation amongst the younger clergy which has quite changed the aspect of the profession. Heretofore the Church militant was the quietest and easiest of all vocations ; and the most slender and ladyhke young gentleman, the ' Mamma's Darhng' of a great family, whose lungs were too tender for the bar, and whose frame was too deUcate for the army, might be sent with perfect comfort to the snug curacy of a neighbouring parish, to read Horace, cultivate auriculas, christen, marry, and bury, about twice a quarter, and do duty every Sunday. Now times are altered : prayers must be read and sermons preached twice a day at least, not forgetting lectures in Lent, and homilies at tide times ; workhouses are to be visited, boys and girls taught in the morning and grown-up bumpkins in the evening ; children are to be catechised ; masters and mistresses looked after ; hymn- books distributed; Bibles given away, tract societies fostered amongst the zealous, and psalmody cultivated amongst the musical. In short, a curate nowadays, even a country curate, much more if his parish lie in a great town, has need of the lungs of a barrister in good practice, and the strength of an officer of dragoons." Confirmation had been sadly neglected, or not properly pre pared for. I heard of an old parson who, when a period of preparation for this rite approached, got some tracts about it, gave them to the candidates, with " There, read that and you wiU understand more about it than I do." The brother of the late Sir MoreU Mackenzie was on one occasion talking about the preparation for Confirmation he had from his vicar. A day or two before the Confirmation Mr. Mackenzie went to see the incumbent of the parish with a view to being confirmed. After some desultory chat the vicar said, " What sort of crop of apples have you had this year ? " " Oh," was the reply, " we had a very good crop, very good indeed." " Ah," said the Vicar, " that is capital. Our crop was smaU, and the apples not at all good." Then he added, " By the way, you know your catechism, I suppose ? " l' Oh, yes," was the reply, " I knew it by heart, long ago." " WeU, the Confirmation is next Wednesday. Be there in good time." That was aU the preparation the would-be Confirmee had from his vicar ! Here is an extract from Mr. Paul Treby's MS. : Diary, now in the possession of Mrs. Clark of Efford Manor, near Plymouth. CONFIRMATION IN THE FORTIES THE CHURCH IN COUNTRY PLACES 131 The incident took place during the march of his miUtia to Winchester. " July 1811, Farnham. — The wine here is exceUent. ' Good wine needs no bush,' so puU down your sign, Mr. Landlord. There was a Confirmation and a Visitation in the town. Many drunken Parsons, and a few drunken officers." In Devon and Cornwall, comprising the diocese of Exeter, confirmations were held only in the principal towns, and then only when something like a thousand candidates could be secured at a time from the surrounding parishes. In the Life of Bishop Wilberforce an anecdote is given of an innkeeper who sought to obtain compensation from the Bishop, because the candidates for Confirmation no longer attended a ball in the evening given in honour of the occasion, as he had been wont to provide one during the time of Bishop Wilberforce's predecessor. And it is said that the wife of a bishop in the West was accustomed regularly to give a dance upon the day of Confirmation in the cathedral city, at the palace, saying that it was a pity so many young people should be brought together without affording them the opportunity of enjoying themselves. It is stated of Bishop North that he once examined (or pre tended to examine) his candidates for Holy Orders in the cricket field, while watching the progress of the match. An old incumbent in the North, who has now passed away, the Rev. John Sharp of Horbury, whose curate I was, used to teU the story of his ordination. " Well, Mr. Sharp," said the Archbishop in his only interview with the candidate, " so you are going to be curate to your father, Mr. Sharp of Wakefield. Make my compliments to him when you go home. My secretary has your testimonials ; he will give you full instructions. Be sure to be at the Minster in good time. Good morning." Bishop Pelham (1807-27) examined a candidate for Holy Orders by sending a message to him by his butler to write an essay on some given subject, and then post it to him. On the other hand, Bishop Marsh of Peterborough (1819-39), in his determination to stamp Calvinism out of the diocese, proposed eighty-seven questions to candidates for Ordination and licences. He drew down upon himself thereby a bitter attack in the Edinburgh Review. I will now give a few instances — to be supplemented later when I come to speak of Progress — of the infrequency of Celebrations of Holy Communion : The vicarage of Sheepstor had not always 132 THE CHURCH REVIVAL a resident incumbent. A Mr. Smith was Vicar of Bickleigh as well, and divine service was performed at the former place once only in three weeks. In the Book of Parish Accounts we find in 1809 the sum of £1 13s. $d. for eight bottles of wine. In 1812, for four bottles for the Sacrament and five for the minister, £2. After this entry there is no specification for wine, but for Mr. Smith's account. In 1824 it amounted to £3 15s. 6d. The Holy Communion was celebrated four times in the year, then it declined to three times, and finally, in 1835 and after, to once only. In a charge delivered by Dr. Horsley, Bishop of Rochester, in 1800, he urged : " Four celebrations in the year are the very fewest that ought to be allowed in the very smaUest parishes. It were to be wished that it were in all more frequent." At Launceston, a considerable market town, the Holy Communion was celebrated only monthly. It may not be uninteresting to give a couple of sketches of old-fashioned parsons belonging to an extinct type whom I have known. There was one in the West, a white-haired man, singularly like John Bright, for whom he was often mistaken, a widower, who wore stays, and thought himself a lady-kiUer. Wherever there were young and pretty girls he would drive over and pre sent himself as a suitor, always to meet with a rebuff. Indeed, he was commonly caUed the Oft-rejected. UsuaUy on every Monday morning he might be seen at the nearest station, leaving by the first train for town, or to visit some congenial friends, heavy port-drinkers, narrators of good, but not always par ticularly choice stories, and card-players. He would return to his parish on the Saturday afternoon. He could not be persuaded to have a celebration of the Holy Communion on Christmas Day, but he did not miss having one on his own birthday. His sole idea of a reredos above the altar was a huge representation of his family arms — not that his family had other than a fictitious antiquity, and never had been of any importance. Another parson whom I knew very well, as he was a near neighbour of mine, was in Yorkshire. He was old when I made his acquaintance, a bachelor in a very large house in a park, that had been a family mansion which had been made over to the Church as a rectory when the original owners moved away. We will call him Underwood. He had been tutor to a former Viscount D . He was attended by two worthy servant-maids, who sometimes walked over to my church. " My Rebecca and Betsy were with you last Sunday," said the THE CHURCH IN COUNTRY PLACES 133 old gentleman to me one day. " Ah, they're good girls and varra fond o' Sacraments and all that sort of thing." I may mention that he talked broad Yorkshire, although a ripe scholar, and had Horace at his fingers' ends, and would quote to his bucolic parishioners, regardless of the fact that they could not understand him. One day when I called I was informed that he had a touch of the gout and was confined to his bedroom. As I ascended the staircase I encountered two women, one with a baby, descending. " I've been having a baptism and a churching," said he, when I entered and saw him reclining in an embroidered dressing-gown in his easy chair with his leg up. " I daresay you saw the parties leaving." Usually baptisms were performed in the houses of the parents. If the happy father was a labourer he would invite the farmer for whom he worked to come, bring a bottle of gin and sit over the fire with the parson, so soon as the ceremony was over. At a farmhouse, the table was laid with spirits, tumblers, pipes, and a pack of cards, and so soon as the child was baptized the farmer with two friends and the rector sat down and made a night of it. On such occasions his housekeeper was wont to leave the study window unhasped, so that Mr. Underwood might let himself in by throwing up the sash and climbing over the sill. Below the window was a violet bed, that had suffered through being trampled on upon such occasions, and with the parson one night having slept in it, unable to get the sash up, or throw his leg over the sill. One Good Friday the rector was in bed at eleven when his wooden-legged clerk came stumping into the room, out of breath, to say that his Lordship had walked over to service. " Run round," said Mr. Underwood, " scrape together a few farmers. I shall be dressed in a jiffy." Viscountess D once invited him to stay for a few days at the Park. " I'll bring some of my JargoneUe pears," said he. A few minutes later he returned to the parlour with a little handbasket, in which all that was visible was pears. " You'll require some luggage, I suppose ? " said her Ladyship. " Nay, my Leddy, I've all I want here." " But, surely, that will hardly suffice for the inside of a week ? " He considered for a moment and then said, " I'U just go and get some more JargoneUes." On another occasion he was invited to spend a few days at 134 THE CHURCH REVIVAL B— — HaU. After a couple of days he made his farewell and disappeared. Three days later, the lady of the house, hearing somewhat uproarious merriment in the kitchen, descended, and found Mr. Underwood there. After having been the guest in the parlour, he had been invited to the servants' hall by the butler. He was a kindly and hospitable old man, and was much liked by his parishioners. When I knew him he had become somewhat slatternly, and his housekeeper had difficulty in keeping him approximately tidy. She complained to me, that if she insisted on his having a clean neckcloth he threw a lot of Latin at her — and that frightened her, as she could not understand it, and thought they were bad words. The one-legged clerk died whilst I was in the neighbourhood, and the duties of clerk and sexton combined were carried on by his widow. At the approach of Easter it occurred to the woman or to the rector that some decoration would be appropriate, and she consulted him as to the nature of the floral adornment. " Well, now," said he, " as you've lost your husband, it would be suitable to wreathe his crutch in ivy and set it up at the East end o' one side o' the Communion." " And what on the other side ? " inquired the sextoness. He mused and presently said, " Ye might cut out o' stiff white paper the jaws o' Death, wi' mighty white fangs, and stitch together laurel leaves for the gums. It strikes me it would be a neat, poetical and varra appropriate symbol for Easter, and for the loss of Joe (the deceased sexton)." I went over shortly after to take an occa sional service for Mr. Underwood, and this amazing decoration figured at the East end of the chancel. I caUed during Lent one year to propose that he should preach for me one week-day. I thought perhaps it might do him some good to see how church matters were elsewhere. " Look here," said he, "I'll put a bottle o' good port on the table— and you overhaul my sermons in the lower drawer yonder, and choose which you will have. I must go out for half an hour. John Dale asked me to look at a cow he's bought." I did read or rather skim through some of his discourses: there was hardly any Christianity in them, and I could select none — there is no choice in rotten apples. When he returned, I told him that I must leave the selection to himself. Happily, when the day came, a note reached me to say he had an attack of the gout and prayed to be excused. The condition of most of the churches in country places THE CHURCH IN COUNTRY PLACES 135 was deplorable : the waUs stained and the altarcloth mildewed and moth-eaten, no hassocks on which to kneel, the Prayer Book and Bible of the minister tumbling out of their bindings through damp. Such as had attention paid to them were done up to look neat and comfortable , without taste or reverence . I remem ber going to see a church near Cambridge, and remarked to the sexton that the parson had no kneeling-stool. " Don't want one," said he ; " he aUus balances hisself between his chest and the end of his backbone, when he's prayin'." Very often the font was made a receptacle for dusters, which however never seemed to have been used. Cobwebs hung from the ceilings, bats occupied the church roof and left stains on the floor and seats, mice had bored their way in, in futile expectation of finding there something to eat. A writer in the Christian Remembrancer in 1841 compares the churches, for the neglect into which they had faUen, to the abandoned temples of an effete paganism. " If dirt and damp, if crumbling rafters and tottering waUs, if systematic neglect and wanton mutilation were to be found in the one case, most assuredly they are in the other; the owls and the bats have been permitted to dwell in both ; and at the porch the long rank grass has testified that the paths of entrance are no longer thronged by daily worshippers." Lew Trenchard church had a magnificent carved screen, and was seated throughout with richly carved oak benches. Condy, the artist, had made a water-colour drawing of the interior when in this condition. In 1833 my grandfather presented to the living his youngest son, Charles, then in deacon's orders only. And, so as to make the church look trim for the incumbency of his son, he swept away screen and benches and reseated the entire church with deal pews, painted drab, and all with doors. The linings of the family and the parsonage pews, the altar-cloth, the pulpit hangings were of blue fringed with yeUow — the family colours, and even the carved bosses of the wagon roof were painted blue and yellow. There being no vestry, the surplice was hung over the altar rails, and my uncle robed there. No cassock was worn, only a very fuU surphce with high collar upstanding and reaching above the ears. On " Sacrament Sunday," since 1834 monthly, a black bottle with chalice and paten stood in the midst on the Lord's Table, covered by a piece of white linen. There was a gallery at the west end, with a barrel-organ in it, that played 136 THE CHURCH REVIVAL a limited number of tunes. The clerk would give out a psalm, and then successively two lines of the psalm, which thereupon the people sang. As there were few in the congregation who could read, this was necessary. A certain number of the clergy were more like petty squires than priests. Thackeray's portrait of the Rev. Bute Crawley is not in the least overdrawn. I have known several of this breed. One was master of the Harriers, dressed like a jockey, wore a check belcher, was credited with a rough tongue — but I myself never heard him send forth a volley of oaths. I have seen him capering like a frog at a county ball, and getting unduly ex hilarated with champagne at the supper. Sydney Smith thus summed up the first charge of Blomfield, Bishop of Chester, in 1825. Hunt not, fish not, shoot not, Dance not, fiddle not, flute not. But before all things it is my particular desire, That once at least in every week you take Your dinner with the Squire. There was one advantage in the parsons' hunting and dining out, and that was that they did exercise some sort of check on foul and blasphemous language. But as to their having any spiritual influence in their parishes — there was none of that. As a rule they were good men, lived moral lives, drank somewhat heavily, fulfilled their duties in church as they understood them, and in visiting the sick — and that was all. I will quote here a South Devon song — only three stanzas from it — to show that a kindly feeling existed towards the hunting parson among his parishioners ; and for the sake of the general reader I will somewhat modify the dialect. Passon Endacott, down to Thorn, Gudliest chap as iver was born : Preaches Zundays, an' rides the rest. Does his ridin' by far the best ! Passon Endacott, down to Thorn, Rides straight, lives straight, fresh as the corn, Gudly chap as you iver did see Fourteen stun', and he's six foot three. He follows the hounds, he does, he does, Over the hedges and through the fuzz ; He hates but two things, only two — Barb'd wire fence, and a zarman new. THE CHURCH IN COUNTRY PLACES 137 Passon Endacott preaches short, Ten-minute zarman's just his zort, He jig-jogs round the covert like. And longs to hear the old clock strike ; But, bless you, we don't mind at all, Us reads the 'scriptions on the wall ; There bain't no soul as do not pray For Passon Endacott down Thorn way. He follows the hounds, he does, h« does, Over the hedges and through the fuzz ; There's two things welcome down to Thorn — A chap in need, an' a huntin' horn. Passon Endacott's good to know, Red-brick face and a head of snow ; 'Elps us all with zum good advice, Tho' they say that he bain't too wise. But us do know him well, surely, The biggest heart beneath the sky ; An' when Death calls, an' we'm to pay, Best to have gone old Passon's way. He follows the hounds, he does, he does, Over the hedges and through the fuzz ; He missed but one thing all his life — 'Adn't the sense for to get a wife. As to the ordinary country parson, his sermons were sadly uninteresting, and in no way appealed to the feelings or the imagination of his hearers. I shall have more to say about them in another chapter. Here I will only quote some lines on a Lincolnshire parish priest, written about 1850 : Unhappy pastor of the fens, Who Lincolnshire's dull peasants pens, Worse than Boeotian is thy fate, A soul-and-body-damping state. Damp is the meadow's wide expanse, Damp is the garden, damp the manse, Damp are the church, the walls, the books, And damp the congregation's looks ; Damp too the surplice, sooth to say, On solemn Confirmation day. Yet sometimes thou the horrid thrall may'st fly : Thy sermons, friend, they only will be dry. The bishops, especially such as had been nominated by Lords Shaftesbury and Palmerston, had very little, if they had any, sense of humour. I remember the case of the consecration of a church in the North, where a procession was formed of the choir and clergy 138 THE CHURCH REVIVAL in surplices, closing with the bishop, all but the last singing the Urbs Beata. Rain began to fall, whereupon Dr. Proudie spread his gingham umbrella, beckoned to his wife to hook on to his arm, and the two trotted behind the chanting chdir — and to the old Gregorian melody too !-^-into church,, Darby and Joan, under the wide-spreading parapluie. Mrs. Proudie had that day put on for the first time a shot silk gown — that at all costs must not be wetted. A somewhat similar case came under my notice at Lindhurst in Sussex, where the Bishop of Chichester was to hold a con firmation. A procession was formed. First went the banner, foUowed by the choir, then the catechumens, next surpliced curates, after them the incumbent, and finally the Bishop and Mrs. Gilbert in a cab slowly proceeding as the procession wound its way singing a psalm. The cabby let down the steps between the verses, and the Bishop gracefully handed out his wife at the Gloria. The curious thing in this case was that the Bishop was a man of great personal dignity, but — they had no notion how to do things in those days. They know better now. At Hurstpierpoint, till the present stately chapel was built, service was performed in the undercroft of the hall ; and for a chancel a small brick apse had been thrown out to contain the altar and form the sanctuary. On a certain occasion three bishops were at Hurst, and were accommodated in the sacrarium. By an unfortunate oversight no kneeling desks had been pro vided for them ; accordingly at the prayers they revolved on their heels, went down on their knees and plunged their faces in the cushions of their chairs, thereby presenting to the school and congregation a sight of three white and black globular masses, one rising above the other. No heads and upper portions of the body were visible, only these rotundities in white lawn and black satin. If Bishop Bickersteth of Exeter had possessed the smaUest grain of humour, it would have saved him from giving the archdeaconry of Totnes to the late Vicar of S. Andrews', Ply mouth, as a wedding present, when the aged gentleman married a second wife. Nor can Bishop Baring have had a spark of it in him, or he would not have attempted to introduce Mrs. Baring into the throne, to sit beside him. Only the remonstrance of the Dean made him abandon the introduction. The clergy were in many cases quite as ignorant of " how to do things " as were the bishops, and processions were a comical THE CHURCH IN COUNTRY PLACES 139 sight in those days. Some wore short surplices and a great deal of stalking leg showing below. But it was especially in the headgear that they varied most. Certain old fellows wore " chimneypot " hats, some college " mortarboards," some clerical " wideawakes," and a few birettas ; some were in white socks and shoes, others in boots with elastic sides. Moreover, in processions it was quite impossible to make the old-fashioned parsons refrain from talking to one another. Whilst the choir was thundering forth " 0 how amiable are thy dwellings, Thou Lord of hosts ; my soul hath a desire and longing to enter into the courts of the Lord " — one heard behind one in low tones : " How is Mrs. Good ? " " Middling, thanks. You know she's had an attack of shingles." " Very unpleasant. I had them once — but they are not dangerous." "Not so long as they do not meet round the body " — and then the choir : " Blessed are they that dwell in Thy house ; they will be always praising Thee." Bishops and clergy alike persisted in going up to the north end of the Holy Table, like Chevy Slyme in Martin Chuzzlewit, " always round the corner, sir ! " It was quite usual to see two dignitaries, or a rector and curate, hobnobbing to each other from opposite sides of the altar. But the most ludicrous effect was produced when these two were bishops. I saw the late Bishop of S. Albans (Claughton) and his suffragan of Colchester at a visitation. Each was at an end, and each had been pro vided with high stool or hassock, so they both projected forward leaning their elbows on the mensa, and as their arms were encased in balloon sleeves, the effect was most grotesque, as though four gigantic puffbaUs had been placed on the altar. Bishops nowadays have somewhat reducedjthe exuberance of theirsleeves, but I doubt if they have a full idea of the comical appearance they present viewed from behind, in " magpie." H CHAPTER VI THE CHURCH IN TOWNS ITHERTO I have spoken of villages and country parishes. Something must now be said about the Church in towns. The squalor that prevailed in village churches did not exist in such as were in towns, for there the pews were appropriated and let, and it was to the interest of the parson to see that the sacred building was kept clean and weU warmed ; and that pulpit and reading- desk, if not the altar, should be of handsome material and be weU cushioned. The pews were often let by auction. The congregation was one of listeners, not of worshippers. Occa sionally a lady knelt. The men sat cross-legged. On entering the pew, a gentleman would cover his face by peering into his hat, he standing. " Mother," said I when a child, " why does my dad smell his hat when he comes into church ? " " Hush, my dear! he is addressing his Maker." "But, mamma, it is the maker of the hat whose name is in the crown." In the year 1824 a miUion was granted by Parliament for the building of churches ; and churches were erected at a wasteful expenditure. They were invariably hideous erections: All Souls', Langham Place, by Nash ; S. Pancras, with its caryatides, copied from the Erechtheum at Athens. Some were in pseudo- Gothic style — gaunt halls, lighted by meagre imitation Perpen dicular windows, without internal arcades. Mr. F. E. Paget in one of his novels struck a blow at these churches designed by Mr. Compo that entirely discredited them. They were without chancels, but furnished with an alcove in which stood a table draped in crimson velvet, with a chair and a kneeling- stool at each end. The pews were all appropriated, except a few bare benches at the end for the poor. A stranger entering a church looked about till he caught the eye of the pew-opener, who found for 140 THE CHURCH IN TOWNS 141 him a seat in one of the deal boxes, and received a sixpence or shiUing as a gratuity for so doing. A condition of the hand in which the fingers were permanently flexed, though not quite closed, was known as " pew-opener's rheumatism." There were in London, in addition to the parish churches, numerous licensed proprietary chapels, unconsecrated for the most part, started for popular preachers, and run as money speculations — such as that of Charles Honeyman, described by Thackeray, concerning which more presently. There was occasionaUy a tumbler of water placed on the pulpit ledge, to enable the orator to refresh himself when getting hoarse. Deaf persons were provided with tubes connected with a voice-receiver beside the pulpit cushion, so as to enable them to hear distinctly. I remember a case in which an old lady who was hard of hearing held the end of this apparatus to her ear. The preacher accidentally upset the tumbler with all its contents into the receiver, with the result that a jet d'eau played into the "ear and over the face of the lady. McNeile was credited with having a contrivance in his pulpit at S. Paul's, Liverpool, for sitting upon or against, so adjusted with springs and cranks as to enable him when preaching to fling himself forward and from side to side without effort. But I never saw that. One of the most startling results of the importance attached to the sermon in the minds of Church-people was the arrange ment in a Northern church of a movable platform within the pulpit, which could be regulated to accommodate the propor tions of any preacher by means of a mechanical contrivance worked by the clerk at the foot of the stairs. This functionary, after he had raised the preacher to what he decreed was the proper height, was wont to walk into the body of the church and take an observation as to how high or how low the preacher stood as regarded the cushion, and he could always rectify any fault in his previous judgment by turning a handle at the base of the pulpit, so as to raise or depress the platform on which stood the minister in black. The late Archbishop Longley was wont to say that his gravity was never so nearly upset in church as when, on one of these occasions, the clerk looked up and said, " I think you'll do now, sir." Nor must the Commandments be forgotten, inscribed above the Lord's Table. As to the windows, cut in half by the gaUeries, they sometimes contained coloured glass in the traceries, of the most glaring 142 THE CHURCH REVIVAL and offensive cmdeness ; and below, to prevent the congregation from looking out at what was passing in the street, or catching a glimpse of blue sky and flying, fleecy clouds, the white glass was ground. The pews were so ranged as to command the pulpit ; where, as was sometimes the case, the pulpit and reading-desk were half-way down the church, all occupants of the pews to the East sat with their backs to the altar. A very good idea of what the arrangements were in London churches in the Early Victorian period may- be gained by looking at Hogarth's pictures of the Industrious Apprentice at Church, and of Rehgious Fanaticism. There was nothing altered. I remember when a smaU boy in London going on Sundays to — I think it was S. Mary-le-Strand. There were ranges of gaUeries there one above another, divided off as boxes in a theatre. During the sermon I was wont to look up at these, and imagine them to be cages in a menagerie, and while away the tedious hour by fancying them occupied by tigers, apes, and laughing hyenas. UsuaUy in front of the west gaUery, that contained the organ and the singers, was a board on which were inscribed the names of the churchwardens when the interiors of these churches were renovated. David Copperfield's experiences in church were much the same as mine : " Here is our pew in the church. What a high-backed pew ! With a window near it, out of which our house can be seen, and is seen many times during the morning's service, by Peggotty, who likes to make herself as sure as she can that it's not being robbed, or is not in flames. But though Peggotty's eye wanders, she is much offended if mine does, and frowns to me, as I stand upon the seat, that I am to look at the clergyman. But I can't always look at him — I know him without that white thing on, and I am afraid of his wondering why I stare so, and perhaps stopping the service to inquire — and what am I to do ? It's a dreadful thing to gape, but I must do something. I look at a boy in the aisle, and he makes faces at me. ... I look up at the monumental tablets on the waU, and try to think of Mr. Bodgers, late of this parish, and what the feelings of Mrs. Bodgers must have been, when affliction sore, long time Mr. Bodgers bore, and physicians were in vain. I wonder whether they caUed in Mr. ChilUp, and he was in vain ; and if so, how he likes to be reminded of it once a week. I look from Mr. ChiUip, in his THE CHURCH IN TOWNS 143 Sunday neckcloth, to the pulpit ; and think what a good place it would be to play in, and what a castle it would make, with another boy coming up the stairs to attack it, and having the velvet cushion with the tassels thrown down on his head. In time my eyes gradually shut up ; and from seeming to hear the clergyman singing a drowsy song in the heat, I hear nothing, until I fall off the seat with a crash, and am taken out, more dead than ahve, by Peggotty." Dr. Stoughton has given a graphic account of the proprietary chapels built in London: during the latter half of the eighteenth century. " Their architectural appearance did not invite strangers to enter, and the interior, if not a hindrance, certainly was no help to devotion. Built with plain brick waUs, shapeless windows, ugly roofs and tasteless entrances, they presented inside deep gaUeries, tall pews, and a wide aisle in the middle, blocked up by rows of uncomfortable benches for the poor. There stood a pulpit with a huge sounding-board, just in front of the Communion-table, hiding the Lord's Prayer, the Belief and the Ten Commandments. It rose pagoda-like in distinct stories — three desks, one for the clerk, one for the reader, and one for the preacher. Immense brass chandeliers studded with candles hung down from the ceiling, and the upholstery of the place was most abundant. The preacher leaned over a superb cushion, under which were violet hangings, fringed with gold and the letters I.H.S. The hearers sat in green-lined boxes, on weU- stuffed seats, with a vast apparatus of hassocks. Select corners were separated from other parts by heavy curtains, where the privileged could worship unobserved. These chapels in fashion able quarters we're frequented by the rich and the respectable. Carriages, with styUshly-dressed ladies and gentlemen, attended by servants in livery, swept up proudly to the door ; and people attracted by a popular preacher, but not entitled to sittings in the edifice, had to fee a beadle or a female pew-opener." x The foUowing curious account of London churches occurs in a book published in Leipzig in 1834, entitled Bilder aus London, giving pictures of London life at that time, by Otto von Rosen berg, illustrated by his own pencil. I extract the chapter on Rehgion along with his notes : " The rage, now prevalent in England, to attend church as often as possible during the day, in order to obtain the appear- 1 Stoughton (J.), Religion in England under Queen Anne and the Georges, ii. 103. London, 1878. 144 THE CHURCH REVIVAL ance and the reputation of a God-fearing man, has now reached its highest point.1 " Formerly it was considered sufficient to attend divine service on Sunday morning and afternoon, but now as weU there are prayer-meetings almost daily during the week, that last from three to four hours. These ecclesiastical assemblies serve rather the purpose of inaugurating intrigues, of showing off new dresses ; and I may remark in parenthesis, that the vanity of Enghsh gentlemen far surpasses that of the French. If one enters a gentleman's dressing-room when he is preparing to go to church, one sees pomatum, oils, scents, curling-papers, whisker-brushes — in a word, everything that can make a man effeminate. How httle such a petit-maitre get-up suits an EngUshman, whose characteristics gleam out through his borrowed French get-up, is indescribable. " In England every one preaches. The shoemaker casts aside his last, stands hke John the Baptist in the open under a tree and preaches ; his apprentice serves as his precentor. Hundreds of folk assemble to hear this marvel, and hundreds take a dehght in this nonsense. Quite considerable sums are coUected, as free-wiU offerings, so as to build him a chapel. The honourable cobbler is now installed as preacher, and prays as long and as loud as he chooses. " When business fails, a feUow becomes a sectarian, and drives a roaring business, for it is easy enough to find an audience of pious or stupid persons. In Lostwithiel in CornwaU recently a dyer named Pleymer was brought up before the court. He had received a caU, he protested, to labour for the salvation of men's souls and to preach of heavenly joys on earth, and for this he abandoned his shop, his wife and children. He spoke most unctuously in his meetings, as also before the jury; and his words were listened to with admiration by his adherents, but by unprejudiced persons were considered to be partly stupid stuff and partly impudence. As, however, witnesses established that he had seduced eight girls and married women, and by aU sorts of roguery had extorted money from them, he was pro nounced ' Guilty ' and was sentenced to seek the salvation of his soul and community of joys in a convict settlement. " Half an hour before the beginning of divine service, the 1 " I have known many highly educated families that regard it as a sin to speak on a Sunday on anything but religious matters. And on this day the Bible was never out of their hands." - THE CHURCH IN TOWNS 145 poor crnldren are assembled, who are brought up in an estab lishment for the purpose in every parish, where they are also clothed. In these are often as many as forty or fifty girls and as many boys ; and these strut from the schoolhouse two and two, with the beadle at their head, and attended by their teachers, male and female. In the church they are separated to join the choirs and sing the psalms during the service and after the sermon. The noblest lady could not be neater nor more cleanly dressed than are these girls. They wear a simple white cap, some tied with blue, others with red ribbons ; the cap covers only a portion of their hair cut short across the brow. The frock is coloured according to the portion of the town to which they pertain — a brown, blue, green material, short in the sleeve, with white cuffs a hand's-breadth turned back. The throat is enclosed within a snow-white kerchief, as clean as are the white aprons. Every child has on the arm a number which is engraved on an oval tin scutcheon of the size of a dollar. The girl who has distinguished herself by her good conduct and intelligence acts as a sort of monitress over a certain number of her companions, and has, hung about her throat, a silver medal. The boys carry their numbers, after the fashion of lower Prussian officials, on their chests. The dress of these boys is ridiculous in the extreme. A cap of coarse wool, with a badge of orange, the tails of which flutter in the wind, hardly covers the top of the head. A linen string to which clerical bands are attached is fastened round the throat. The coat, which is coloured according to the district, has the shape of a short great-coat, from which a piece in the form of a skittle has been cut away below. YeUow leather, tight-fitting, short knee-breeches with buckles, do not help to make these youths more presentable. In order to complete their old-fashioned costumes, they wear blue or black wooUen stockings and buckled shoes. " On the way to church each boy is required to have his hands turned behind his back and to carry his psalm-book under his arm, and march in profound gravity. The girls carry their hands folded below the breast, also with the prayer-book under their arms. In summer, when it does not rain, or when the sun is over-hot, they carry their round straw hats hung over the arm. In rainy weather they have grey cloaks provided with hoods, that reach below the knee. " The church officials wear a very remarkable costume. The three-cornered hat is decorated with a broad gold edging. 10 146 THE CHURCH REVIVAL The cloak, which hangs like a sack over their shoulders, has a collar richly adorned, as also the sleeves, with gold lace. In their hands they carry a long round rod, with the tower of the church to which they pertain surmounting it in silver. Every church has two such functionaries, who stand at the entrance, who conduct the preacher from the sacristy to the pulpit and back again, and open the pews to the privileged persons of the parish. " The interior of an EngUsh church is very simple and pleasing. In some the pulpit stands in the middle and has connected with it two subsidiary structures, of which one is much lower than the other. The loftiest of aU is reserved for the preacher ; the second, which is from two to three feet lower, for the clergyman who reads the proper lessons from the Old and New Testament, appointed for the Sunday. The third is for the clerk, who has to pronounce the Amen that concludes every prayer and to give out the psalms that have been selected by the clergyman to be sung. " Most pulpits are of massive mahogany. One great misfor tune about this arrangement is that, when erected in the middle of God's House, it shuts off the great majority of the congrega tion either whoUyor partiaUyfrom the altar; andin largechurches they cannot hear, for the great pulpit standing before the altar throws back the sound, when the officiant is there, before it can reach the congregation. " The famous Scotchman Irving came, Uke so many others, to London, to make money, and arrived without shoes or stock ings. By giving lessons he succeeded in a short time in earning enough to hire a roomy building, which he caUed the Scottish Meeting-house, and there he began to give his religious medita tions. Presently he obtained so great a renown as a famous preacher, that people stood by hundreds before the door, if only to see him. Then, under the plea of serving for a charity, he charged a shilling for admission,1 nevertheless , his meeting house was packed from top to bottom. Then the Scottish community contributed huge sums to erect a Scottish church in the Gothic style, and this was completed some four or five years ago. Here Irving carried on night and day, and thundered his prophecies, of which only one has clung to my memory: 1 " In the Foundling Hospital every one who attends service, where the singing is good, and which, oddly enough, is led by actors and actresses — pays a shilling entrance-fee." IRVING PREACHING THE CHURCH IN TOWNS 147 1 The world wiU not perish by fire, but by water. In this general flood England alone, God-fearing enlightened land that it is, will remain intact, and wiU see the revival of the days of Eden.' "As to Irving's personal appearance, he is weU formed, very tall and strong, carries thick black hair that hangs down to his shoulders, and he squints badly with his left eye. In bad or cold weather he wears a long black mantle, dresses in black knee-breeches and silk stockings of the same colour. I never saw an ecclesiastic who looked more like a bandit. As the expression of the above-mentioned lefteye is positively diabolical, all the pews on the right side of the preacher are paid for at a higher rate than on the left. " Whilst the introductory prayer is being put up, and which at times lasts longer than an hour, the doorkeepers are for bidden to admit the late comers, who are often to be reckoned by hundreds, and have to wait in the vestibule. Only when the Amen has been uttered are the doors opened, and the tramp of the incoming crowd is like the roar of Niagara. " Several times he has rebuked late arrivals with vehemence, exclaiming, ' Why do you come so late ? ' Whereupon one repUed, ' What is that to you, Sir ? ' Moreover he gesticulates, in my opinion, too greatly, and his hands, often stretched to heaven above his head, touch the sounding-board ; and his gigantic size has in it something strange and terrifying." Irving was the inventor of the sect that absurdly arrogated to itself the title of the Catholic-Apostolic Church. It possesses about eighty conventicles in England, and originated in the unintelligible jabberings of some hysterical women, that were supposed to have the gift of tongues. There was about this period a general craving after prophetic utterances or after interpretations of the Apocalypse. One who ministered to this craving and made money out of it was Dr. Cumming. On one occasion he announced the immediate approach of the great tribulation of the Last Day. It came out that he had not failed at the same time to order in a supply of coals sufficient for six months. Alfred Ainger wrote of him : Dr. Cumming, the eminent low-church divine, Who is putting us up to a proximate sign, Now tells us, without any ha'ing and hum'ing. What a final and grievous affliction is coming. There were at the time a certain number of clerical adventurers of the type of Charles Honeyman, who performed in proprietary 148 THE CHURCH REVIVAL chapels ; men ready to have florid services and gush in the pulpit, either high — as high was considered in their days, or else low, just as paid best. They wore — it was the correct thing — lavender kid gloves in the pulpit. One of them was Higgins, who changed his name to Montague BeUew ; he read the Command ments so effectively as to bring tears into the eyes. Thackeray's account of Charles Honeyman apphed to this set. " Charles Honeyman's chapel was above Sherrick's wine vaults, and Sherrick ran the chapel as he ran certain theatres ; and Honeyman did his best for his employer by recommending his wines." Here is the Rev. Charles in his chapel : "An odour of miUe- fleurs rustled by them as Charles Honeyman, accompanied by his ecclesiastical valet, passed the pew from the vestry, and took his place at the desk. Formerly he used to wear a flaunting scarf over his surplice, which was very wide and fuU; and CUve remembered how his uncle used to puff out the scarf and the sleeves of his vestment, arrange the natty curl on his forehead, and take his place, a fine example of florid church decoration. Now the scarf was trimmed down to be as narrow as your neck cloth, and hung loose and straight. The ephod was cut straight and as close and short as might be — I believe there was a Uttle trimming of lace to the narrow sleeves, and a slight arabesque of tape round the edge of the surplice. As for the curl on the forehead, it was no more visible than the Maypole in the Strand. Honeyman's hair was parted down the middle, short in front, and curling delicately round his ears and the back of his head. He read the service in a swift manner, and with a gentle twang. In the sermon, Charles dropped the twang with the surplice, and the priest gave way to the preacher." The portrait is not overdrawn. There were these clerical cockscombs in the first half of the Victorian period — Thackeray struck them a stunning blow in his description of Charles Honey man. But these men did not belong to the sincere Church party, or to that of the earnest Evangelicals. They were mountebanks posturing as ministers of the Gospel, and the proprietary chapels were their booths and stages. Now this type of man has disappeared. There may still be, and there are, clerical fops, and eloquent preachers of vapid sentiment, but they know that men and women with common sense despise them. If a man is an ass, he disguises his ears, and pretends to abhor thistles. THE CHURCH IN TOWNS 149 The dress of the clergy in the eighteenth century had become gradually more and more secular ; at last it consisted in black pantaloons and frock-coat, a white tie and coUars standing up on each side of the chin — blinkers they were termed. But Newman wore a long-tailed evening dress coat, and this generaUy became the badge of the High-Church clergy. I saw Keble thus accoutred a few years before his death, and it must be admitted that the clergy looked very much like waiters. The white neck cloth is stiU clung to assiduously by schoolmasters and Broad Churchmen. Although fine feathers do not make fine birds, the plumage differentiates the kinds. Moreover, most birds have their winter as well as their summer dress. On the Continent the rustic can always be distinguished from the townsman by his costume. In Germany the Bauer has abandoned knee-breeches and worsted stockings, but remains recognizable by his silver buttons and the pecuhar cut of his garments. The French paysan entertains no thought of abandoning his serviceable blouse. Indeed, the labour members of the National Assembly are proud to appear in that distinguishing garment. Servant-maids with us stiU wear black with white aprons and caps, and in this simple livery are far more attractive than in their Sunday war-paint, when they try to look like ladies and fail in the attempt. Our officers at one time habituaUy wore uniform, now they entertain no greater desire than to appear in mufti. It is hard to expect Tommy Atkins to salute his superior officer habited in cricketing flannels as gravely and respectfully as when he blazes in fuU regimentals. In France and- Germany officers as well as privates only get out of their uniform to get into bed. It is remarkable that among the clergy there should have been such a fluctuation in clerical dress. Before the decline already mentioned, every priest wore a short cassock. Now this is confined to the bishops. With the rise of Tractarianism came in long Noah's Ark coats and the black — vulgarly caUed " M.B." (mark of the Beast) — waistcoat, the discarding of ties and the wearing pf a stiff, circular, so-caUed " Jam-pot " clerical coUar. In the matter of cassocks the High-Church clergy copied those worn in France, buttoned down in front, whereas the Evan gelicals adhered to what was flippantly termed " Nursing cas socks," with one button at the shoulder. But the clergy who belonged to neither party wore none at all, and as the surplices were short, there was a great display of leg below. The type of 150 THE CHURCH REVIVAL cassock affected by the Low-Church clergy is, oddly enough, that of the Jesuits. Of recent years the clergy, like peafowl, have been shedding their tails. They are to be seen in very short coats exposing the seats of their trousers. But this is largely due to the use of the bicycle. On the other hand Dissenting ministers have adopted the discarded clerical coats of the Puseyite parson. Among them is to be seen stricter clerical costume than among the clergy. They have learned that dress goes a long way towards inspiring respect. A countryman will doff his cap to a curate clerically attired who will pass a crop-tailed rector with a lateral jerk of the chin. Bishop EUicott once had up an incumbent in his diocese to rebuke him for wearing a short surplice. " WeU, my Lord," he repUed, " Man wants but Uttle here below, nor wants that little long — artd I may say the same with regard to my surplice." Our modem clergy may make the same excuse as was made for the short surplice when they wear their coats cut short at the termination of the spine. David's servants were thought to be very scandalously treated when Hanun cut their garments to the shortness now adopted by our clergy (2 Sam. x. 4). They resemble the three blind mice of the round. It may be absurd in me, but I respect an Anghcan bishop in knee-breeches and apron more than I do one from America in baggy trousers. A beautiful young huntress was the admira tion of the field in her bottle-green tailor-made habit and velvet cap. Her horse took a hedge of thorns and fell on the farther side. The gentlemen were dismounted and on the spot at once, but could see nothing of the lady. The only objects visible were a skirt fluttering in the hedge, and a jackanapes of a boy in green jacket and corduroys, to whom they administered a kick, and an injunction as a "confounded little nipper" to get out of the way while they explored the ditch for the missing beauty. A lovely girl in habit is one thing — without her skirt she is naught. A book has on its cover a title suitable to its contents. Why should a treatise on Pastoral Theology be labeUed Roderick Random, or one upon " The Whole Duty of Man " have on the back Sports and Pastimes of the English ? There are conditions of life, says Dickens in Oliver Twist, that acquire a peculiar value and dignity from the coats and waist coats connected with them. " A Field-Marshal has his uniform ; THE CHURCH IN TOWNS 151 a Bishop his silk apron ; a councillor his silk gown ; a beadle his hat and lace. What are they ? Men — mere men. Dignity, and even hoUness too, sometimes are more questions of coat and waistcoat than some people imagine." A difficulty is felt in dealing with the insane to prevent them from tearing off their clothes, and although it would be going too far to consider it madness in the clergy when they divest themselves of their uniform, it is indicative of indiscretion. A priest should bear the cognizance of a priest, never knowing when he may be needed. Steme in Tristram Shandy declares that the outer and the inner man are so much of a piece, that if you ruffle the one you rumple up the other. So much of a piece are they that we cannot but suspect that the secularizing of the exterior of a priest indicates a corresponding secularization within. It was presumably due to the mediocrities who entered Orders, at one time that the Church was suppUed with feeblings as can didates for Orders. Formerly it was supposed that there had been a Pope Joan. At the period referred to, an idea must have got abroad that a number of Betsy Janes had surreptitiously entered the ministry ; for to insist on their mascuhne character the feeblest curates took to growing moustaches, then peculiar to the miUtary. The he-goats complained to Jupiter that the Nannies had been accorded beards. " Suffer them," replied the god, " to enjoy their empty honours, so long as yours is the virility." This certainly apphed at one time, not so much now : poor effeminate.languid creatures, without force, without inteUects could only show the public that they were not females in cassocks by a scrubby growth on the upper lip. The sermons of the period were for the most part deplorably uninteresting. There was no manner of doctrinal teaching, no building up in the Faith, except among the High-Church clergy. The vast bulk of those who occupied the pulpits were mildly orthodox, but they taught nothing ; they contented them selves with moral exhortations, and pressed on their hearers lessons these latter were perfectly able to draw for themselves, and truths they had never doubted. They greatly affected taking as their text a passage from the first lesson for the Sunday, and we had to endure every year the same platitudes on " Are not Abana and Pharpar, rivers of Damascus, better than aU the waters of Israel ? " or " Is it a time to receive money, and to receive garments," etc. ? ; or Jehoiakim cutting the roU with his penknife and throwing it into the fire ; or Samuel's lecture 152 THE CHURCH REVIVAL to Saul, "To obey is better than sacrifice "; or a laboured apology for that infamous act of treachery by Jael the wife of Heber ; or from the New Testament, Felix trembling. It so feU out that I had heard a sermon on FeUx trembling at Brighton ; next Sunday I had FeUx trembling again in London. For the foUowing Sunday I was staying with my maternal uncle, then curate in North Devon, and I said to him, " For pity's sake do not let us have Felix trembhng on Sunday morning." I had forgotten aU about this, when a few years later I was in Exeter and went to S. David's Church. To my surprise I saw coming up the nave, to be escorted to the pulpit, my uncle in cassock and gown. As he passed my pew he caught my eye and gave a little start. He afforded us a very good sermon on Blind Bartimaeus. After the service I went to him in the vestry, whereupon he caught me by the arm and said : " You rascal, you might have seriously confused me. I was going to preach on Felix, whom I had trem bling in my pocket, but on seeing you I recaUed what you said three years ago. Happily I had Blind Bartimseus in the other pocket, and Fehx must remain tiU a more convenient season." Whoever now looks into and thinks of using the sermons printed during the period from 1800 to 1870 ? When a widow leaves a parsonage she often gives the tub containing the old written sermons of her husband to his suc cessor; faithful, loyal soul, thinking that his old parishioners would reUsh the same that they had heard before so often. I do not suppose that they would have recognized any of them, because none would contain anything calculated to lodge in their minds. When I was in Essex, I purposely read on Sunday morning a sermon by one who became a bishop ; it was from one of a series of his discourses supposed to be very plain and very profitable. On a certain Sunday by mistake I preached the same sermon I had employed the Sunday before, and did not recognize it tiU I came to the end, and found my pencil note signifying the date on which it had been preached. I was distressed and spoke about it to several of my congregation. Not one had noticed the fact. My reason for using this coUection was that I deemed it advisable that the congregation should have the thoughts of some other preacher than myself. I used those sermons — I think they were in three series — for three years, and then threw them into the fire. I can remember the subject of one only of them — and that was a prose version and moralizing of some poem ; THE CHURCH IN TOWNS 153 for it was the only one of those 150 sermons that contained an idea — and that was borrowed. A certain old-fashioned parson had just about fifty-two sermons written and kept in a drawer, one for each Sunday in the year, and during an incumbency of over twenty years annuaUy preached the same sermons. In one of them was an aUusion to a fox, and the fox was ever expected to put in its appearance on its proper Sunday. But on a particular occasion the parson thought to disguise the identity of his sermon with that of previous years by employing the term " a crafty quad ruped " in place of the name of the beast. As he and the con gregation were leaving the church, the old warden came up to him and said, " Eh, but Mr. WiUiam, where be the fox hiding to now ? " At Pau in the Pyrenees, at the EngUsh chapel, the chaplain always gave the identical sequence of discourses. In one occurred something about a white bird. We had been at Pau for the winter of 1847 and returned to England in the spring of 1848. In the autumn of 1849 we went to Pau again. I betted with my brother that we should have the " white bird " again, and the bet was for five francs. Sure enough, on the special Sunday the " white bird " again fluttered. " Stump up," said I, nudging my brother: " I have won the bet." Then there ensued a change in the character of the discourses. Some preachers sought to engage the attention of the audience by introduction of anecdotes. Now I have heard some of these anecdotal preachers, and they have so stuffed their sermons with stories that one has come away forgetting what they were intended to emphasize. One anecdote is quite enough. Sermons are nowadays not quite so colourless as of old. StiU, more teaching is needed, and less of commonplace moraUzing. They are too long in the morning. When Mr. WeUer objected to his son's love-letter to Mary as " rayther short," " Not a bit of it," answered Sam. " She'U wish there was more, and that's the great art o' letter-writing." It is equaUy so of preach ing. Does it ever occur to Enghsh clergy that one main reason why so few men attend church at eleven o'clock on Sunday is that they do not wish to hear a sermon ? They have not been educated , hke the Roman CathoUcs, to attend an early Eucharist, and then to have the rest of the day for motoring along the roads or sculling on the river ; and accordingly they " cut " church alto gether. The Evensong is at a time when they are dressing for 154 THE CHURCH REVIVAL dinner, and therefore they cannot go to that. During the week they have had exhausting mental work, and their strained nerves need relaxation. The entire morning is broken into by a lengthy service, compounded of Matins, Litany, Ante-Communion and a sermon. Moreover in winter the days are short and the best part of the day is the morning. The Sabbath was made for man and not man for the Sabbath ; and that appUes to the Christian Lord's Day as weU as to the Jewish day of rest. If those who would go motoring on the Sunday would but remember that Worship of God is a Christian duty they are bound to dis charge, and go, not necessarily to communicate, to the early celebration of the Eucharist — then they are free. But to return to the sermon. We Uve in an age of condensation. Sixty years ago, when our insides needed rectifying, senna-tea was administered in cupfuls, black draughts in a tumbler, castor-oil was shot down our throats from a table-spoon. Now we swaUow piUules coated with gold leaf or coUodion. Sixty years ago letters occupied four sides of a sheet and were crossed and recrossed ; now half a dozen lines on a postcard suffice. Consider the verbosity of old novels. Sir Charles Grandison and Clarissa Harlowe, each in seven volumes, and each volume con taining on an average 370 pages. What verbal padding is in Scott's novels ! Thackeray's Vanity Fair is told in 520,000 words. Plays, once protracted through five acts, are now brought to three. A whole ox is reduced to a smaU pot of Bovril. A preacher should bear this in mind ; if he has anything worth saying, he can say it in ten minutes. In one of our cathedrals — it may have been customary in others and be so stiU in the same — the doors were locked during the sermon. Only by giving tokens of pressing necessity would the verger aUow egress. Could a finer instance be given of the incapacity of the Canons to maintain the interest of a congregation ? Yet they did that, and were not ashamed. I was thus locked in one Sunday. Next day I saw a man in a farm-yard working a chaff-cutter. ' ' Do the cattle Uke this dry stuff ? " I inquired. " Whether they Uke it or no, they have got to eat it. We have nothing else to give them." A parson who had painfuUy prepared a sermon divided into several heads, one day in the pulpit forgot the order of his parts or missed a page or two. On returning to the vestry he said apologeticaUy to the clerk : "lam afraid I lost some of my heads." " Sir, if you had only one you would not have lost that." THE CHURCH IN TOWNS 155 I have Ustened to preachers in the London suburbs, able preachers too, and listened eagerly, hoping to obtain some ideas to use myself ; but in the first place the discourses were too long, and in the second there were too many themes — they jostled and ran down each other, like the ships of the Armada in Calais Harbour ; and I came away without recoUecting any. If there were ideas in the sermon they were too many — some good, some indifferent. Sometimes there are reaUy none. On a carte in a French hotel was written in English : " The wines at this estab- Ushment are of such a quahty as to leave Mr. TraveUer absolutely nothing further to hope for," and of how many hundreds of sermons is not this the epitaph ! The preacher should never forget the maxim, Ne quid nimis. A Uttle boy taken to a Natural History Museum was shown a gigantic hippopotamus. The urchin managed to get his head inside the gaping jaws, and on withdrawing it exclaimed, " Lor, mother, there's nothing in it ! " And the same may be said of the majority of the sermons we hear. I have Ustened to discourses very eloquent, with plenty of florid decoration, but containing no idea. Preachers should be careful not to be hke the kettles hung on the oaks of Dodona, that clashed in the wind, and were Ustened to as deUvering oracles, but emitted nothing save sound. The late Mr. Knight Watson, who worshipped at S. Andrew's, WeUs Street, and was a Uberal contributor to the expenses of the church, was solicited one day by the churchwardens for a donation towards the re-flooring of the pews, as the joists were affected by dry-rot. " I know nothing about the floor," he > said, " but I know there is plenty of dry-rot in the pulpit." * If a preacher has something to say, he can surely say it in a quarter of an hour. What he has to say is aU the better for condensation. Attention cannot be maintained for longer, unless the preacher has exceptional powers, and then aU but the main theme is made up of oratorical froth. A sermon must have a kernel, a single kernel, and the elocutional verbiage that is projected around serves only to obscure it. Many parochial clergy are obliged to preach twice a Sunday, and they do their very best, and their best is often poor stuff. In fact, a demand is made on them that is beyond their capacity. There be fifty-two Sundays in the year. Two sermons on the Lord's Day, others on Christmas Day, Ascension, and week-days in Lent and Good Friday make up about 115 1 This found its way into Punch. 156 THE CHURCH REVIVAL sermons in the year. More is exacted than the most able man could accompUsh satisfactorily. They are driven to take a text, chew it, and administer it thus to their audience, as nurses feed babies. Before the Christian era, Horace gave this lesson : Quicquid pracipis, esto brevis ; ut cito dicta Percipiant animi dociles, teneantque fideles. CHAPTER VII THE TRACTARIAN MOVEMENT IDEAL very briefly with the first stage of the Church Revival, partly because, as stated in my Preface, this stage has been fully described by many writers, and treated of in several biographies ; also because I was a late arrival. The Tractarian movement began in 1833, I was not born till the ensuing year, and I did not go up to Cambridge till 1852, as pupil to the Rev. Harvey Goodwin, afterwards Bishop of Carlisle, and did not become a member of the University tiU 1853 ; and the great debacle was in 1845. Consequently I was not brought in contact with any of the Oxford leaders, and when I was at Cambridge there were none of the party in residence. The first, the Oxford chapter, had closed. There ensued a lull before the second came into notice. There are plants, such as the Noli-me- tangere, that, when their seed is matured, at a touch, perhaps only when swept by a burning sunbeam, explode, and the grains are scattered far and wide. It had been so at Oxford. The doctrines of the Church had ripened in Oriel. Now the pro ductive process was at an end there, and the dispersion, the diffusion of the seeds over England, ensued. They took some time to germinate. " There was silence in heaven about the space of half an hour; " and then the deadly warfare must begin again between the woman clothed with the sun, and the moon under her feet, and upon her head a crown of twelve stars — and the red dragon : the Church and the World, the Church with Michael and his angels on her side, the world backed up by aU the powers of evil, of Erastianism and Unbelief. From what has been already said it will have been seen that every element of a Church Revival existed in the Anghcan communion, but had not been called into activity and mani festation. There were many thoughtful men who saw that there must come a change in the Church of England if she were not to be !57 158 THE CHURCH REVIVAL torn down and laid in the dust. Whately even sketched forth his conception of a Church in 1826 as an organized community, founded by Christ Himself, and endowed by Him with spiritual powers, and whether in connection with the State or not, having its own moral standard, spirit and character. On the other hand, Dr. Arnold divided the world into Christians and non- Christians. A beUef in Christ sufficed to admit a man, whether baptized or not, into the brotherhood — the Church. Each man might believe as much or as little as he pleased. As to the organization of the Church, that was in no case of Divine in stitution, and for the most part it had a mischievous tendency. To minister the Word was of Divine appointment, nothing else. Sacraments were signs of Divine love, but of no special import ance, and any Christian might use them or not at his pleasure. Such a Church would be tolerant of every sort of misbelief, but not of definite faith. In fact Arnold might be spoken of in this respect as was Vertumno by Bishop Ken : He fall Religions opens the wide gate, Damns none but those who enter by the strait. Dr. Arnold's view of the Church, though it might be that of the man of the world and the Statesman, who did not look deep into such matters, was not one to commend itself to earnest minds. It was the reduction of a highly articulated organization into something of a consistency much Uke steriUzed frog-spawn ; which would inspire disgust, but not love. In Oxford and throughout the country in quiet parsonages men were to be found with very different conceptions of what the Church was. They held the view of Dr. Whately, but they wanted it to become not a view only, but a recognised fact to be acted upon. They could not look into their Prayer Books without seeing that the Church claimed to be something very different from what it was represented by Dr. Arnold, and was supposed to be by the men of pleasure and the ignorant. They could not fail to discern that the Church was not a mere State estabhshment ; but that it claimed an origin not short of the Apostles of Christ, that it claimed as weU to speak with their authority, and that it was an organized society founded by Christ Himself. And this feehng, widely spread, sought a voice through which to speak and proclaim what it believed. It could not speak through Convocation — that was muzzled. This was found in Newman, Keble and the other Tract writers. Like a fresh THE TRACTARIAN MOVEMENT 159 breeze, the proclamation of these verities dissipated the vapours that had clouded so many brains ; and men — lay and clerical alike — exclaimed : " This is what we have always beUeved, this is what we were taught in childhood ; but it was never put so plainly before us that we could distinguish every outline." The first to articulate with distinctness, in the nineteenth century, the claims of the EngUsh Church, was Dr. Charles Lloyd, who had been tutor to Sir Robert Peel, and was appointed Divinity Professor at Oxford. He selected as the subject of a course of Divinity Lectures the History and Structure of the Anghcan Prayer Book, a subject which led him and his pupils after him to the examination of the missal and the breviary, and to the exhibition of the Book of Common Prayer as, in fact, a translation and adaptation of these sources. To his lectures resorted John Henry Newman, Edward Pusey, and among the younger men R. HurreU Froude, Robert and Isaac Wilberforce, and Edward Denison. Unquestionably it was the seed then sown that germinated later. Sir W. Palmer did but foUow out the line indicated by Dr. Lloyd when he pubUshed his Origines Liturgicce} The fact of the origin of bur Liturgy had been weU known to the Caroline divines, and had been noted by Sparrow in his Rationale, but it had dropped into obUvion. Men's minds had been too much engrossed with the controversy against Deism to think of the structure and antecedents of the Liturgy. Dr. Lloyd was created Bishop of Oxford in 1827, but as he died in 1829 did not live to see the rooting and germination of his teaching. " On 14th July, 1833," Cardinal Newman teUs us in his Apologia, " Mr. Keble preached the assize sermon in the Uni versity pulpit. It was pubUshed under the title of National Apostasy. I have ever considered and kept the day as the start of the reUgious movement of 1833." This notable sermon was the expression of alarm felt by a large body of Churchmen amid the triumphs of the Reform BiU, that the new Ministry was preparing to invade the rights and alter the Constitution of the Church, and interfere with the Prayer Book. It had suppressed ten Irish bishoprics, in defiance of Church opinion, and there was no calculating how far-going and how drastic would be the treat ment of the Church in England. A meeting was held at the 1 Palmer had actually begun the book before Dr. Lloyd opened his lectures. He laid it aside, but resumed the work after the death of Dr. Lloyd. 160 THE CHURCH REVIVAL close of July in the parsonage of Mr. Hugh James Rose, con sisting of four friends, and it was decided to produce a series of Tracts suitable for the times. That little party assembled in Hadleigh Rectory comprised the host, Mr. Hugh James Rose, Mr. WiUiam Palmer, Mr. A. Percival, and Mr. R. Hurrell Froude. The state of mind in which these friends met has been described by one of them, Mr. Palmer, in his Narrative of Events, published in 1843 and republished in 1883. " We felt ourselves assailed by enemies from without and foes within. Our prelates insulted and threatened by Ministers of State. In Ireland ten bishoprics suppressed. We were advised to feel thankful that a far more sweeping measure had not been adopted. What was to come next ? Was the same principle of concession to popular clamour to be exemplified in the dismemberment of the Enghsh Church ? We were overwhelmed with pamphlets on Church Reform. . . . Dr. Arnold of Rugby ventured to propose that aU sects should be united by Act of Parhament with the Church of England. Re ports, apparently weU founded, were prevalent that some of the Prelates were favourable to alterations in the Liturgy. Pamph lets were in wide circulation recommending the abolition of the Creeds (at least in public worship), especiaUy urging the expulsion of the Athanasian Creed ; the removal of aU mention of the Blessed Trinity ; of the doctrine of Baptismal Regeneration ; of the practice of Absolution. We knew not to what quarter to look for support. A Prelacy threatened and apparently intimidated ; a Government making its power subservient to agitators, who avowedly sought the destruction of the Church And, worst of aU, no principle in the pubUc mind to which we could appeal, an utter ignorance of aU rational grounds of attach ment to the Church ; an oblivion of its spiritual character, as an institution, not of man but of God ; the grossest Erastianism most widely prevalent, especially amongst aU classes of poUti- cians. There was in aU this enough to appal the stoutest heart ; and those who can recaU the feeling of those days wiU at once remember the deep depression into which the Church had faUen, and the gloomy forebodings universaUy prevalent." After the miserable struggles between Esau and Jacob in the womb of the Mother Church in the reign of EUzabeth, there had risen to the front a strong Church party, and the revival had been anti-Calvinistic. After the Rebellion, when Puritanism had enslaved the land, there was again a revival, that was anti- THE TRACTARIAN MOVEMENT 161 Presbyterian . And now, after the long tyranny of Latitudinarian- ism and Erastianism, there must be an upheaval, and a revival of the spiritual claims of the Church. It was the special work of the Oxford Tractarians to bring into prominence and to justify the principle of the Church as the Kingdom of Christ upon Earth, and the Sacraments as the appointed channels of His Grace. Something had to be done, and done at once. That was felt. The eyes of the clerical sleepers must be opened. The ignorance of the laity must be dispeUed. The tide, if possible, must be turned. An opportunity — a golden opportunity — had offered, never likely again to recur, for the Bishops to obtain for the Church that freedom of speech and power of adjusting herself to changed conditions of life which she absolutely needed. The Reform BiU had totaUy altered the relations between the Church and the State. No guarantee whatever existed against the Ministry being deadly foes of the Church, Rationalists, Socinians, Roman Catholics, Jews, Dissenters ; and in their hands would be the appointment to the highest offices in the Church, and the power to legislate for the Church. What the Bishops should have done was to demand, as the price of their votes for the BiU, that the Church should have accorded to her the same liberty that was enjoyed .by the Dissenting communi ties. At the time the Government would willingly have granted so reasonable a demand. But instead of doing so, the Bishops took the very opposite course to that which they ought to have adopted. " Combien d'hommes de qui la mediocrite a iti le veritable crime ! " In the First Reform Bill of 1831, twenty-one Bishops voted against it; and when the BiU was carried in 1832, it was only by nine votes in the House of Lords, so that the prelates might have made what terms they liked. Instead of that, the course they took exasperated the Government, and roused the hostility of the people ; worst of aU, it induced the impression to become prevalent that the Dissenters were the friends of the liberties of the people, whereas the Church was op posed to them. In the exasperation of the populace, the Bishop's palace at Bristol was attacked by the mob and burnt down. Nothing was to be hoped for from the prelates.1 If the Church 1 Ubi homo timidus erit in rebus dubiis, nauci non erit. Quibus res timida aut turbida est, Praesunt turbare usque, ut ne quid possit conquiescere. Plaut., Mostell, v. I. 162 THE CHURCH REVIVAL was to be saved it must be by the clergy, and the clergy were roused to the task by a httle band of men at Oxford. No help whatever was to be expected from the Evangelicals. In aU that concerned the Church as a body they were afflicted with ophthalmia. They fumbled with individual souls, to force their shibboleths upon them. That was aU. If anything was to be done, it must be by men who stood above the parterre, men who could look back as weU as look ahead. Such men were now to come to the front. The first of the Tracts for the Times appeared on September 9, 1833, and was from the pen of John Henry Newman. He teUs us himself on what principle he started: "I had a supreme confidence in our cause ; we were upholding that primitive Christianity which was dehvered for aU time by the early teachers of the Church, and which was registered and attested in the Anghcan formularies and by the Anghcan divines. That ancient rehgion had weU-nigh faded away out of the land, through the pohtical changes of the last 150 years, and it must be restored. It would be in fact a second Reformation — a better Reformation — for it would be a return, not to the sixteenth century, but to the seventeenth. No time was to be lost, for the Whigs had come to do their worst and the rescue might come too late. Bishoprics were already in course of suppression ; Church property was in course of confiscation ; Sees would soon be receiving unsuitable occupants." l The Oxford movement seemed about to carry aU before it. Its success was phenomenal, but a check ensued due to want of discretion on the part of one of the writers. Isaac Williams, a man of saintly Ufe and simple character, wrote the tract on " Reserve." Every sensible man sees that it is unwise to turn a buU's-eye light upon eyes that have been accustomed to twilight, to stuff with strong meats a convalescent who has hitherto subsisted on gruel. And Isaac Williams advocated reserve in the communication of Catholic doctrine. But he was misunder stood. It was supposed that these writers had a pack of Popish doctrines up their sleeves, to be leisurely produced as folk were prepared to receive them. Alarm and suspicion were generated. Then appeared the famous Tract Ninety, from the pen of Newman, in the spring of 1841. Its purport was to showthat the Thirty-nine Articles did not condemn authorised Roman doctrine, for they appeared before Roman doctrine had been finaUy pro- 1 Apologia pro Vita sua (1876), p. 43. THE TRACTARIAN MOVEMENT 163 mulgated by the Council of Trent. What they did condemn were popular exaggerations. Newman showed that the Articles were capable of a Catholic interpretation, and that they were inclu sive rather than exclusive, worded with purposeful vagueness in order to comprehend those — and they were the majority of the nation — who clung to old usages and beliefs, as well as such as had been infected abroad with the new foreign beliefs. As I have said in a former chapter, the object of the compilers was to comprehend as many as possible within the National Church, to make it like the tree of Nebuchadnezzar's vision, extending her boughs throughout the land, sheltering in them the birds of the air and beneath them the beasts of the field. Roman theologians had addressed themselves to the same task — Cassander, Francis a Santa Clara, and Dupin.1 The Articles were dated 1563, and the Papal Confirmation of the Tridentine Canons did not take place till January 26, 1564. What is now known to every student of the Reformation in England was not known, or known but by a very few, then. The Articles were drawn up as a compromise between men who were quite wiUing to break with the Pope and get rid of gross and flagrant abuses, but were not wiUing to abandon the old theology, and on the other side, men imbued with Protestant prejudices, but yet not unlearned in the teaching of the Fathers. The Catholics were content to have the abuses denounced, so that the Catholic faith should remain intact ; and the Protestants insisted on the introduction of articles capable of a Lutheran or a Calvinistic interpretation ; and these Articles must be read and subscribed to nowadays in the light of a compromise of the sixteenth century that no longer affects our present tenets. But the publication of Tract Ninety was, to say the least, injudicious, and Newman was not justified in issuing it tiU it had been approved by the other writers. As it was, only Keble and WilUams saw it in proof.2 Newman next deliberately fomented the exasperation felt consequent on the appearance of the Tract, by pubhshing the Remains of R. Hurrell Froude, who in his letters had expressed admiration for the Roman Church, its ceremonies and its beliefs. 1 Dupin wrote his Commonitorium, which was forwarded to Archbishop Wake in August 1718. It is an ingenious attempt to interpret the Thirty- nine Articles of the Church of England in a sense not repugnant to the doctrines and standards of the Church of Rome. 2 Isaac Williams tried hard to dissuade Newman from publishing. A uto- biography, ed. Sir G. Prevost (1893), p. 108. 164 THE CHURCH REVIVAL Newman was a self-wiUed man, and he felt a malicious pleasure in shocking Protestant feeling. Two years previously he had written what he afterwards declared was intended to be his " last word as an Anghcan to an Anghcan " — why then did he go back on what he had purposed ? With the smallest grain of common sense Newman must have foreseen the consequences, the conflagration that such a Tract was bound to produce. And then, why did he aggravate it by throwing on another faggot ? It is quite true that many of the propositions laid down by Newman are now accepted as weU founded, owing to our further knowledge of the conditions of rehgious feehng in the days of Ehzabeth ; but it was a fatal, an unpardonable error of judg ment to produce his thesis at a time when ignorance was so rife and prejudice so keen. Hitherto hardly any one in authority had spoken against the movement. It had, to some extent, become popular — in Oxford eminently so among the ablest and the holiest of her sons. But now, with the pubhcation of this Tract, aU was changed. Four tutors, of whom H. B. Wilson of S. John's, A. C. Tait of Balliol, who was to become Archbishop of Canter bury, were the most conspicuous, at once denounced it, and the Board of the Heads of Houses issued a condemnation. After that ensued a tempest of suspicion and hostihty, and loud outcries against the writers of the Tracts as men disloyal and conspiring to Romanize the Church of England — dishonest in interpretation of her Articles, by taking them in a non-natural sense. For over forty years the party was thus branded. Its principles were savagely attacked ahke by Latitudinarians, who themselves used largely a non-natural interpretation, by Evangelicals, who were notoriously guilty of depraving the teaching of the Church, and by frightened Churchmen. " Slowly and painfuUy, amid opposition, discouragement and desertion, it had to work its way to public recognition, as one of many possible theories of the Enghsh Church, which at least seemed to have the power of making men earnest and active. Further than that it can hardly be said that organized pubhc opinion has as yet gone." 1 Every movement produces a host of free-lances and skirmishers who go far ahead of the main army. It was so notably among the Tractarians. A fissure soon appeared between the sober and sound men, who had been brought up from childhood in 1 Wakeman, History of the Church of England (1904), p. 474. THE TRACTARIAN MOVEMENT 165 Church principles, and who loved the Church as their spiritual mother, and a party of hot-headed enthusiasts such as Ward and Oakeley, who scoffed at the Anglican Communion, exag gerated all its weaknesses, and belauded everything that was Roman, whilst shutting their eyes to the blemishes of the Papal Church. This disloyal spirit found utterance in Ward's Ideal of a Christian Church (1844). But it had been preceded by articles in the British Critic, so hostile to the claims of the English Communion that it lost its subscribers, and perished ignomini- ously in the autumn of 1843. Ward's book was condemned by the University of Oxford and himself degraded from his Univer sity degrees. Ward had claimed a right to hold the entire circle of Roman doctrine whilst remaining a member of the English Church — a monstrous claim ; and the condemnation of his book was amply justified. These men elbowed out, or tried to elbow out, the cooler fathers of the Oxford movement. The relation was much like — as has been remarked- — that of the Jacobins to the Girondists, men self-willed, impatient of control, restless, dissatisfied, and despising those who clung to the old way. In 1850, Dr. Hook wrote of this class : " I now find them calumniators of the Church of England, and vindicators of the Church of Rome ; palliating the vices of the Romish system, and magnifying the deficiencies of the Church of England ; sneering at everything Anglican, and admiring everything Romish ; students of the breviary and missal, disciples of the schoolmen, converts to medisevalism, insinuating Romish practices in their private, and infusing a Romish tone into their public devotions ; introducing the Romish confessional, enjoining Romish penance ; adopting Romish prostrations, recommending Romish litanies ; muttering Romish shibboleths, and rejoicing in the cant of Romish fanaticism ; assuming some times the garb of the Romish priesthood, and venerating without imitating their celibacy; defending Romish miracles, and receiving as true the lying legends of Rome ; almost adoring Romish saints, and complaining that we have had no saints in England since we purified our Church." This is to a limited extent true ; every stream as it rushes over impediments throws up a froth, and these men were the froth that lodged elsewhere than in the current that flowed on steadily, divinely guided, in the Anglican Communion. It was such as these who produced suspicion, and did much to hamper 166 THE CHURCH REVIVAL the progress of the movement. They went — after having done incalculable mischief to the cause. What neither the Heads of the Houses at Oxford nor the Bishops on their bench saw was that there could not have been so widespread and enthusiastic a movement for reform unless there had been a real cause for it. The sole wise policy, when soever and wheresoever there is impatience for a reformation, is to see where is the focus of the agitation, and what is its raison d'etre. If the Bishops in England at the outbreak of Trac- tarianism had possessed any wisdom they would have recognized that it was a force, a living force, and had they attempted to direct it, they might have done with it what they would. When a whale tore a hole in the vessel that contained Baron Mun chausen, he stopped the leak by sitting on the orifice. They adopted the Munchausen method. How could these Bishops suppose that their puny efforts would staunch the gap and drive back the waves ? In 1841, Sumner of Chester, Boustead of Lichfield, Maltby of Durham, and in 1842 Copleston of Llandaff, Pepys of Worcester, Musgrave of Hereford, ThirlwaU of S. David's, Blomfield of London, even Denison of Salisbury and Bagot of Oxford, with varying degrees of decision, charged against the movement. E pur si muove. Dr. Pusey wrote : "I remember Newman saying, ' Oh, Pusey ! we have leant on the Bishops, and they have broken down under us ! ' . . .1 thought to myself, ' At least I never leant on the Bishops. I leant on the Church of England.' " 1 Dr. (afterwards Sir Edward) Barry, an Irish physician, who came to London, and is mentioned by Boswell, maintained that death was due to active pulsation, and that to be healthy every possible means must be employed to reduce the pulse to its slowest beat short of stopping altogether. In their dealings with the Church the Bishops were of Barry's opinion. For many generations no writers had written with such force and good faith to raUy Churchmen to the side of the Bishops, none had pointed out so clearly their Apostohc authority, and had so impressed on aU Churchmen the duty of aUegiance to it, as did the early Tract writers. And now the Bishops turned against them. The Tractarians had sought, like Aaron and Hur, to stay up the arms of the episcopate, whilst the war raged between the Church and the World, and now — it was as though 1 Life, ii. 236. THE TRACTARIAN MOVEMENT 167 Moses smote them in the face with clenched fists, and refused their advocacy. It is hardly to be wondered at, that so many hearts failed, that to many confidence in the Church of England broke down, when Heads of Houses, Bishops, Ministers, Judges, Journalists combined to denounce the movement, and say " We have no part with you." Discouragement, despair, took hold of their spirits, and they turned their backs on a Church which, as they supposed, disowned them as her children. The stream of secessions to Rome began with Mr. Sibthorp,1 who had been a distinguished Evangelical preacher ; he joined the Church of Rome in 1841. They became very numerous ; parish priests, college feUows, noblemen and ladies of rank, even schoolboys, went to Rome, despairing of the English Church, which they considered could not escape wreckage, and that there was no hope of obtaining recognition and respect for Church principles either from the State or from the pubhc. The Evangelicals and Broad Churchmen exulted. These men, said they, have thrown off the mask at last, and revealed them- ~ selves as Papists at heart whilst they were in the Established Church. They have been traitors aU along, and such as remain are cowards eating the bread of the Protestant Church whilst sapping the foundations. The extraordinary fact is that not only did these Evangelicals persuade themselves that this was the case, but this also was the popular opinion throughout the land, proclaimed by the press, from the pulpit, and on the platform. Let us see whether any justification whatever existed for this view of the Trac tarians. Now the EvangeUcals notoriously disregarded the commands of the Church, and as notoriously and avowedly disbelieved in certain doctrines she enunciated in her formularies. Indeed, they entered into a league to obtain the revision of the Book of Common Prayer, the elimination of aU those rubrics they did not observe, and the excision of aU those doctrines in which they did not believe. Who then were the traitors ? Certainly not the Tractarians, who strove to bring practice up to the requirements of the rubrics, and teaching to be in accord ance with the Book of Common Prayer. For this they were denounced. Let me take one iUustration : 1 Sibthorp returned to the English Church in 1843, "verted" again in 1865. He died in 1879, and was buried by his own desire with the burial service of the English Church in the Lincoln cemetery. 168 THE CHURCH REVIVAL A physician gives a recipe for influenza : Potass. Bromid. ..... 120 gr. Quinse Sulphatis . . . . 12 gr. Acid Nitr. dil. ..... 12 minims Syr. Aurantii . . . . .6 drachms Aqua: quantum suff. Now let us suppose that the patient fills his bottle with a mixture of castor oil, senna and Epsom salts in place of what is ordered. A practitioner, finding him in a debilitated condition, inquires what medicine he has been taking. The sick man produqes the mixture and the prescription. " Good Heavens ! " exclaims the medical man, " this is not what has been ordered you. Chuck this mess away and go back to the original prescription. As far as I can see and smeU, there is nothing in your bottle that was required except Aquce quantum suff." This is precisely the position assumed by the men of the Oxford movement. They said : " Go back to the principles and practice enjoined in the Prayer Book, and throw away aU the nauseous stuff you have imported from Geneva and Scotland, from France and from HoUand. How completely the public generaUy misconceived the situa tion may be seen from a cartoon that appeared in the Hornet, in which the Bishop of London (Tait) is represented as arresting a Puseyite burglar attempting to force an entry into a Protestant church. Whereas, as a matter of fact, it was the Tractarian party that maintained the House and guarded its treasures against those who would throw them out of the window, strip it of its valuables, and leave it empty, swept and desolate. In the Ely fens, the soil, spent, moss- and weed-grown, has to be regenerated by digging up the subsoil, and that rich subsoil is spread over the surface and proves a mighty fertilizer. That fat subsoil has ever been in situ, but has lain unobserved because overlaid. The High-Church party was digging into the rich Cathohc subsoU, bringing it to day, and spreading it over the face of the Church in faith, looking for a harvest. At Oxford the Church Revival was doctrinal ; it took another form in the sister University. The Cambridge Camden Society started a magazine caUed the Ecclesiologist, advocating correct principles of Church bmlding and furnishing. In 1841 it had a rare chance of carrying these principles into action. The Norman round church of S. Sepulchre, Cambridge, partly feU down, and the Cambridge Camden FALSE KEYS -1 THE TRACTARIAN MOVEMENT 169 Society undertook the restoration. The work was then excel lently done, its only weak point being the stained glass, the true principles of coloration and manufacture being at that time not understood. In 1848 the Society adopted a seal designed by Pugin. In the midst were figures of the Virgin and Child, between S. George, S. Etheldreda, S. John and S. Mark. The Rev. F. Close of Cheltenham published a sermon against the Society fuU of quo tations from their organ, the Ecclesiologist, and showed himself especiaUy indignant about the seal. Mr. Close's sermon was entitled " The Restoration of Churches is the Restoration of Popery." Mr. Close — afterwards made a dean, on the principle then acted on, aU but invariably, of putting a man into a place for which he was entirely unsuited — Mr. Close was a much- admired Evangehcal preacher, with a choir of rapturous females circUng round his car, like Guido's picture of ApoUo and the Hours ; only for the fair Horce we must substitute ancient spinsters. The movement in Cambridge for a return to Gothic archi tecture was but a part of the general revolt against the cult of the Ugly that had prevailed in the eighteenth century. Pierre de Coulevin says : " Beauty ! CromweU, the Reformation, the Puritans had expeUed it, as they had Colour and Grace. Under their action, the garments became gloomy, the lines rigid, the physiognomies hard and muddy, the movements of the body automatic. They had created that special type of Hideousness which for a long time was the amusement of the rest of Europe. It was a reaction against the softness, the sensuousness, the CathoUcism, above aU a reaction of the Masculine against the feminine, intro duced by the Stuarts, and which menaced the genius of the race. " In the midst of last Century, the Unknown Isle had an altogether glacial appearance. One might have supposed that it belonged to a different planet, a planet at a remote distance from the sun. The houses were grey, the roofs flat, the interiors cold and bare, life of oppressive uniformity."1 But nowhere had Ugliness so enthroned herself as in the House of God ; and when a wave of revolt against its domination roUed over the land, then inevitably its waters entered the Churches to regenerate them.2 1 L'lle Inconnue, p. 373. 3 In Humphry Clinker, Smollett writes : " The external appearance of an 170 THE CHURCH REVIVAL It is not a matter of surprise if many of those who had been reared in the cult of the Ugly should resent the change, and cling to the old deformities. The natives of East Africa draw down the upper lip to their chins, and their ear-lobes to their shoulders, and ring the cartilages of their noses. These dis figurements they esteem beauties, and fail to appreciate beauty as God created it. The movement was assisted by ridicule being turned upon the worshippers of Ugliness. Welby Pugin, in his Contrasts, held up to public scorn the taste of his day. He showed, among other things, what S. Saviour's, Southwark, had been and what it had become, when the nave was puUed down and replaced by a miserable white-brick erection. Little did he dream then that the beautiful church would be restored to the condition in which it had been before its partial destruction. Paget also, in S. Antholin's, described with great humour Mr. Compo and a church of his erection ; and Paley in The Church Restorers gibbeted Mr. Carter. This frightened architects, lest they should be put in the same category as Mr. Compo or Mr. Carter. In the face of so much ignorance, prejudice and barbarism, it might well have seemed hopeless to effect a revolution in ecclesiastical art, ritual or dogma. But, as Calonne said to Marie Antoinette : " Si la chose est possible, elle est faite ; si elle est impossible, elle se fera." old cathedral cannot but be displeasing to the eye of every man who has any idea of propriety and proportion, even though he may be ignorant of architecture as a science ; and the long slender spire puts one in mind of a criminal impaled, with a sharp stake rising up through his shoulders. There is nothing of this Arabic architecture in the Assembly rooms (at York), which seem to me to have been built upon a design of Palladio, and might be converted into an elegant place of worship." CHAPTER VIII THE VICTORIAN BISHOPS THE Church in the Victorian age, like Alonzo in The Tempest, might ask : Give us kind keepers, Heavens ! What are these ? and alas, the answer must have been that of Sebastian : A living drollery, or rather " a tragedy " for the Church — only in themselves " a droUery." I am sorry to have to write of the bishops of the period, as I must. They helped to make Church history, and they must be judged by what they were and what they did. In the early days of the nineteenth century the bishoprics were bestowed on men of political influence — if not so themselves, yet belonging to families with such; or were connected with noble families. Lord Auckland, who had been chaplain to King WiUiam IV, was given the bishopric of Bath and WeUs, and he was succeeded by Lord Arthur Charles Hervey. The Hon. John Thomas Pelham, son of the Earl of Chichester, was made Bishop of Norwich; to the Hon. Richard Bagot, son of Baron Bagot, was accorded the bishopric of Oxford, and later that of Bath and Wells. He had married a daughter of the Earl of Jersey. The Hon. George Pelham, son of the first Earl of Chichester, was made Bishop of Bristol, then transferred to Exeter, and thence to Lincoln. Horatio Powys, given the bishopric of Sodor and Man, was son of the second Baron Lilford. Pepys of Worcester belonged to the family of Earl Cottenham. Lord George Murray was made Bishop of S. David's, and he was the son of the Duke of Athol, and his son George was given the bishopric of Rochester. Edward Grey, Bishop of Hereford, was the brother of Earl Grey. And so on ; as the Times said : " Their names are not only written in the Book of Life, but also in the Peerage." Or else they were heads of coUeges, masters of great public schools, or 171 172 THE CHURCH REVIVAL were noted for their Greek and Latin scholarship. Most ex ceptionally were they men who had done parochial work. One instance may be given to show the methods by means of which mitres were supposed to be acquired. The Rev. Charles Sumner was traveUing tutor to the son of the Marquess of Conyng- ham. When they were in Switzerland, the youth fell in love with the daughter of a Genevan pastor, MUe. Mounoir, and the tutor saved his pupil from a social calamity by himself marrying the young lady.1 In reward for this service, so it was said at the time, he was given one preferment after another, then the bishopric of Llandaff, and in 1827 that of Winchester, which he held for forty-two years. He was a man of stately appearance and courtly manners, but a narrow-minded EvangeUcal. He refused to license John Mason Neale to the curacy of Guildford, because he belonged to the Cambridge Camden Society, that concerned itself with the revival of Gothic architecture ; and for years he kept John Keble's curate, the Rev. Peter Young, in deacon's orders. A clergyman who had seceded to Rome wished to return to the Anghcan Communion. He opened communications with Bishop Sumner, and lived in retirement for three years, with the avowed purpose of resuming work in the Enghsh Church. The pro bationary term having expired, the Bishop heard — apparently from a Roman Cathohc priest who wished to hinder his return — that the penitent clergyman had been seen in a Roman Catholic chapel ; whereupon the Bishop wrote to him in a strain which effectuaUy destroyed aU wish to become again a member of the Anglican Communion. Mr. F. Arnold in a book quoted below says of him : " Dr. Sumner, if he had not been Bishop of Winchester, would have held a very modest and unpretending position of his own— in plain words he was a man of limited intelligence, strong prejudices, 1 Mr. Arnold, in Our Bishops and Deans (London, 1875), throws doubts on the accuracy of the story. But the Conyngham influence was un questionably exerted strongly to get him advanced. Even when a curate, King George IV was induced to nominate him to a canonry at Windsor, and this was only not effected through the remonstrance of Lord Liverpool. It is significant that in the Life of Bishop Sumner by his son the Marchioness of Conyngham is not once mentioned, yet it was due to her that royal patronage literally showered benefits upon him. Between April 1821 and November 1827 he was made Historiographer, Chaplain to the King, and Librarian in Ordinary ; Vicar of S. Helen's, Abingdon ; Canon of Worcester ; Canon of Canterbury ; Dean of S. Paul's, Bishop of Llandaff, Bishop of Winchester. Mr. G. Sumner draws a discreet veil over the Marchioness and what she did for her protege. THE VICTORIAN BISHOPS 178 and of commonplace abilities. While Presbyterians were thank ful for the sympathy which they have received from him, and he was wiUing to act in conjunction with Dissenters and others on the widest possible platform, the great Church movement in this country received from him only a very languid measure of support." This is an understatement : he opposed the Church movement in every way he was able. He hardly ever spoke in the House of Lords, and wrote nothing worth reading. Some of the Evangelical prelates learned to be broad in sym pathy with those with whom they were brought in contact in their dioceses, and who belonged to the High- Church school. Sumner learnt nothing : Homine imperito nunquam quidquam injustius. Qui, nisi quod ipse fecit, nihil rectum putat. Terent., Adelphi, i. 2. On his appointment to Llandaff he spoke out loudly in disapprobatign of translations, and within a twelvemonth was himself translated to Winchester. " This will please the Marchioness of Conyngham," said the King. He was wont to attend annuaUy the May meetings at Exeter HaU. He was a great grower of orchids, and had magnificent conservatories at Farnham Castle. He succeeded in bringing his brother John Bird into notice with George IV, and this latter was given the , bishopric of Chester in 1838 by Peel ; and in 1848 the arch bishopric of Canterbury, which he obsessed till 1862. When Bishop of Chester, immediately on his consecration, John Bird Sumner denounced the Tractarians and their work as the " under mining of the foundations of the Protestant Church by men who dweU within the waUs ; " and the bad faith of those " who sat in the Reformers' seat, and traduced the Reformation." In a later charge he described the movement as the work of Satan. George Davys was made Dean of Chester and Bishop of Peterborough because he had been tutor to Princess (afterwards Queen) Victoria from 1827 to 1837, so *hat he began to instruct her when she was eight years old. He was made Bishop in 1839. He was an Evangelical ; he did what he could to enlighten ignorant country folk in Church truths. He wrote Village Conversations on the Liturgy of the Church of England in 1820. Village Conversations on the Offices of the Church in 1825, and A ViUage Conversation on the Catechism in 1836. A simple, amiable and pious man, who would have done weU in a country 174 THE CHURCH REVIVAL cure, but was whoUy out of place as a bishop, as might be a corporal suddenly elevated to be a general of a division. Lord Beaconsfield in Tancred describes the bishops appointed by Sir Robert Peel : " The Arch-Mediocrity who then governed the country was impressed with the necessity of reconstructing the Episcopal bench on principles of personal distinction and abihty. But his notion of clerical capacity did not soar higher than a private tutor who had suckled a young nobleman into University honours ; and his test of priestly celebrity was the decent editor ship of a Greek play. He sought for the stewards of the mysteries of Sinai and of Calvary among third-rate hunters after syUables. These men, notwithstanding their elevation, with one exception subsided into their natural insignificance ; and during our agitated age, when the principles of aU institutions, sacred and secular, have been caUed in question ; when alike in the senate and the market-place, both the doctrine and the discipline of the Church had been impugned, its power assailed, its authority denied — not a voice was raised by these mitred nullities, either to warn or to vindicate; not a phrase escaped their lips or their pens that ever influenced pubhc opinion, touched the heart of the nation, or guided the conscience of a perplexed people." ^ But there was one notable exception to the quahty of the Peelite Bishops, and that was Samuel Wilberforce, who was appointed to the bishopric of Oxford in 1846. To some extent he owed his elevation to the respect with which his father had been regarded, a man of the early Evangehcal school; but chiefly to his abilities as a pubUc speaker. I met him two or three times ; his presence was commanding, and he had a fine, sonorous organ. He was very ready to catch a point and turn it to advantage. I remember a visit he made to Hurstpierpoint CoUege. At that time the chapel was the undercroft of the haU. Access to it was obtained from the cloisters through a very dark, unlighted antechapel, if such can be caUed what was Uttle other than a ceUar. The Bishop was to preach in the evening, and the procession formed in the cloister. The season was AU Saints' Eve. The Bishop grasped the situation, and preached on the Continuity of the Church in Paradise with that on Earth. As the procession went singing through the cloisters so moved on the Uving Church; then came the descent into the dark crypt of Death, but beyond that could be seen the iUumina- tion of the throne of God, to which we were aU moving, and THE VICTORIAN BISHOPS 175 from which the light streamed in our faces as we made the dark descent. He was the first of the Bishops of the Victorian age to show what the duties of a bishop were. He hastened about his diocese, visiting the clergy, confirming, encouraging, comforting. Reahsing how miserably inefficient the preparation was for Holy Orders, he instituted the Cuddesdon Training CoUege, for*' young men after leaving the University. He may truly be said to have recast the whole idea of the Episcopate, and to have successfuUy raised the tone of clerical life. Cuddesdon Training CoUege was violently assailed by Mr. GoUghtly, who sent his accusations against it in a pamphlet to all the bishops. Some of them became nervous, and Bishop Wilberforce invited them to his palace at Cuddesdon to in vestigate the teaching and practices there for themselves. They came. In the CoUege chapel, on the east wall right and left of the altar, one of the students had painted figures of saints in sepia. Bishop Wilberforce covered them all over with a paneUing of oak. When he visited the chapel with his timorous flock of bishops he, with his own hands, removed the altar-cross and set it on the credence table. He had inherited from his Evangelical father an intense horror of Rome, and this was deepened by the secession of his brother Robert Isaac in 1854, as well as his other two brothers, his brothers-in-law with one exception, and his only daughter with her husband. At one time he was high in favour at Court, and intimate with Prince Albert. But when he protested against the ap pointment of Hampden to the bishopric of Hereford, and later when he endeavoured to obtain some justice to be done to the Catholic party, the Prince and the Queen, who were both bitterly prejudiced against it, showed him marked coldness. It was not till 1869 that he was transferred to Winchester, on the nomination of Mr. Gladstone. Bishop Wilberforce was commonly caUed " Soapy Sam " ] — 1 On the occasion of a Cuddesdon festival, the luncheon tent was decorated with evergreens, and behind the episcopal chair was inscribed in large letters S.O. and close by A. P., the initials of , Alfred Potts, the first principal. " Soap ! " exclaimed the Bishop. "That is too personal: take those letters away." The vice-principal was Liddon. The Bishop said — " Now I have here a pott with the lid-on." 176 THE CHURCH REVIVAL as he used to say, because he came out of every transaction with clean hands, not because he was supposed to be fulsomely gracious to every one with whom he was brought in contact, without real sincerity at the back. But this was an unjust charge against him. At a time when prelates were so puffed up with their own consequence that they showed what they were by chill of manner towards their subordinates, and treated their clergy de haul en bas with no graciousness and no sympathy, Wilberforce studied to be gentle and courteous to all, to the humblest curate, and the gruffest churchwarden. It was because this was so unusual that people could hardly believe it was prompted by a truly gentlemanly feeUng. The text given him by Dr. Littledale, with a change of sex ran : "~He brought forth butter in a lordly dish." "¦ It was generaUy thought that the ambition of his life was to become Archbishop of York, he being of a Yorkshire family and understanding the Yorkshire character intimately. That he would have been enthusiasti cally welcomed there and would have advanced the cause of the Church there enormously cannot be questioned. For that reason possibly he was not given the chance. Of the immense debt of gratitude the Church owes and will ever owe to Bishop Wilberforce we are hardly yet in a position to realize. He was the balance wheel which kept all from over-precipitation and a run to ruin. Ashurst T. Gilbert was one of the Peel Bishops. He had been Principal of Brasenose College in 1822, and was raised to be Bishop of Chichester in 1842. I shaU have to speak later of his harsh treatment of John Mason Neale. I often saw him when I was at Hurstpierpoint, and he struck me as hard and unsympathetic. Lord John RusseU was Prime Minister from July 6, 1846, to February 27, 1852. Lord John RusseU's convictions in matters reUgious were of the vaguest, though at one time he attended 1 I have given in this chapter the texts Dr. Littledale considered applicable to the bishops of his time. The younger clergy to-day know nothing of this remarkable man. He was of encyclopaedic knowledge and astounding memory, and was one to whom it was possible to refer on every question connected with Ecclesiastical history with certainty of enlightenment. He was an invalid, and obliged to lie for some hours daily on his back ; but he rarely, if ever, missed celebrating early and daily at a sisterhood hard by Red Lion Square, where he occupied a flat. He wrote many of his ablest articles in the Church Times, and was noted for his caustic wit. If he hit hard, it was at abuses. Actually he was the most tender-hearted of men. Being an Irishman, he was intensely anti- Roman, but he was a strong Anglo-Catholic. Hediedin 1890 (January 11). THE VICTORIAN BISHOPS 177 S. Paul's, Knightsbridge. He and his party regarded the Church with some contempt, and would have been not un wiUing to see her shipwrecked. They did their best to bring about this when they nominated to be captains and officers of the vessel men who knew nothing of, and cared less for, marinership. Lord John's appointments were mostly bad. That of Hamp den to Hereford (1847) was done to outrage the feelings of the Church party at Oxford. For Hampden lay under censure of heresy by his University. The Archbishop of Canterbury (Howley) and the Bishop of Ripon (Longley) wrote in conjunc tion a strong letter to the Premier ; and a " Remonstrance " was signed by thirteen bishops. All was in vain — Hampden was appointed. It was high time for Churchmen to ask : Is the Church, because established, to be overridden by the State in a manner that no sect would tolerate ? Sumner was made Archbishop of Canterbury. He was a"""\ mere nose of wax, to be moulded to turn up or turn down, to be / snub or bottle-shaped as the Prime Minister fingered him. He supported Mr. Gorham against the Bishop of Exeter, and insti tuted him into his hving in defiance of his own bishop. Sumner was vehemently denunciatory of the Oxford movement. Hinds, on the recommendation of Archbishop Whately, whose secre tary he had been, in 1849 was given the bishopric of Norwich, which he resigned in 1857 after marrying his cook. Disraeli took off Blomfield, Bishop of London, in Tancred. " He combined a great talent for action with very limited^ powers of thought. Bustling, energetic, versatile, gifted with indomitable perseverance, and stimulated by an ambition that knew no repose, with a capacity for mastering details, and an inordinate passion for affairs, he could permit nothing to be done without his interference, and consequently was perpetually involved in transactions which were either failures or blunders. He was one of those leaders who are not guides. Having little real knowledge, and not endowed with those high qualities of inteUect which permit their possessor to generalize the details afforded by study and experience, and so deduce rules of conduct, his Lordship, when he received those frequent appeals which were the necessary consequence of his official life, became obscure, confused, contradictory, inconsistent and illogical. The oracle was always dark. Placed in a high post in an age of political analysis, the hustling intermeddler was unable to supply society with a single solution. Enunciating second-hand, with char- 178 THE CHURCH REVIVAL acteristic precipitation, some big principle in vogue, as if he were a discoverer, he invariably shrank from its subsequent application the moment that he found it might be unpopular and inconvenient. All his quandaries terminated in the same catastrophe— a compromise. Abstract principle with him ever ended in concrete expediency. The primordial tenet, which had been advocated with uncompromising arrogance, gently subsided into some second-rate measure recommended with all the artifice of an impenetrable ambiguity. The Bishop, always ready, had in the course of his episcopal career placed himself at the head of every movement in the Church which others had originated, and had as regularly withdrawn at the right moment, when the heat was over, or had become, on the contrary, excessive. Furiously evangelical, soberly high and dry, and fervently Puseyite, each phase of his faith concludes with what the Spaniards term a transaction." Utcumque in alto ventus est, Epidice, exin velum vortitur. Plaux., Epidic. i. i. a Disraeli's portrait is unfair. Blomfield was indeed " infirm of ( purpose," but he did really good work. In 1836 he issued an appeal for funds to build fifty new churches in London, which met with remarkable success. "But it was reserved to him to echpse all his services to the Church, and to surpass even his scheme for providing the population of London with adequate church accommodation, by calling attention to the fact that in our rapidly extending Colonies we were either spreading an unavowed but most real Presbyterianism, or giving over these rising countries to actual infidelity. When he made his appeal, the foreign dominions of the British Empire had only nine Bishops of the Anglican succession, of whom seven were wholly or mainly dependent on grants by the State. Although Bishop Blomfield had to combat in the mass many and numerous objec tions, he was permitted to see the practical accomphshment of his scheme ; it was on Whitsun Tuesday, 1841, that the Arch bishops and Bishops sent forth the declaration which launched the Colonial Bishoprics Fund, and before the year ended Bishop Selwyn was on his way to New Zealand, and in one day five Bishops for Colonial sees were consecrated in Westminster Abbey." But he had his faults. No party in the Church could trust him. Trusting to him was like Israel relying on Egypt, " on which, if a man lean, it wiU go into his hand and pierce THE VICTORIAN BISHOPS 179 it." But with aU his weaknesses Blomfield did a great work and was an active prelate.1 At S. Barnabas, Pimhco, Blomfield forbade the Invocation before the sermon. " If you don't say a collect, and don't say it west, I will withdraw your licence," he said to the curate in charge. Referring to a metal cross on the retable, he said : " If it cost me my see, I wiU have that cross removed." Again, in 1852, he forbade the placing of flowers on any occasion upon the Altar. Blomfield seems to have treated the Church accord ing to the order of the boatswain in the Tempest : " Lay her a-hold, a-hold ; set her two courses." To return to the prelates nominated by Lord John Russell. Tancred had cried out, " I want to see an angel at Manchester " — and Lee was appointed. Musgrave was made Archbishop of York in 1847, translated thither from Hereford ; he was a strong Evangelical and opposed the restoration of Convocation. He was the son of a Cambridge tailor, a man of very limited intelhgence. He advanced his brother Charles to be Archdeacon of Craven. His motto was Quieta non movere, and he opposed the revival of any sort of deliberative action among the clergy of the Archdiocese. Like Strepsiades in The Clouds he might have said : " WeU, as it is the fashion, let us snore cosily wrapped up." Lord Palmerston became Prime Minister on February 10, 1855, and remained in power tiU February 25, 1858 ; but he was again Prime Minister June 18, 1859, and remained so tiU November 6, 1865, when Lord John — created Earl Russell, was again in power tiU July 6, 1866. On December 28, 1852, Lord Aberdeen became Prime Minister, tiU February 10, 1855. He nominated Lord Auckland to the see of Bath and WeUs in 1854, John Jackson to Lincoln in 1855, Hamilton to Salisbury in 1854 — an admirable appointment. " Conscious as I am," said Bishop Hamilton in a charge to his clergy, "of many grave faults of character, I am not conscious of being a coward in the avowal of my principles. I have never concealed from anyone that I am what is caUed a High Church- 1 Sydney Smith's opinion of him was not so different : " The Bishop of London is passionately fond of labour, has certainly no aversion to power, is of a quick temper, great ability, thoroughly versed in ecclesiastical law, and always in London. When the Church of England is mentioned it will only mean Charles James of London, who will enjoy greater power than has ever been possessed by any Churchman since the days of Laud, and will become the Church of England here upon earth." — First Letter to Archdeacon Singleton. 180 THE CHURCH REVIVAL man. I was not so when I was ordained, but I became so many years before I was Canon of Salisbury ; and when I declare that I number this change among the many mercies which I have received from my God, I can truly say that these my adoptive principles have ever made me the more anxious never to bear false witness against others, and that instead of drying up, they have cherished in my heart a spirit of charity towards those who, whether in our Church or beyond its hmits, are in some matters not one with me," h Powys was sent to Sodor and Man in 1854. The late Dr. / Littledale gave this text for Powys : " Man being in honour hath no understanding," which was appropriate enough. John Jackson was a shy man, with a somewhat awkward manner ; when at Stoke Newington he did a good work, before he went to S. James's, Piccadilly. He was a staunch friend of The Universities' Mission in Central Africa, and he ordained Edward Steere, afterwards Bishop of Zanzibar, although he had been rejected by Phillpotts, Bishop of Exeter, as not being a graduate of Oxford or Cambridge. He was, as Bishop, especiaUy when moved in 1869 to London, too much under the influence of Archbishop Tait. He was, however, a tolerant man, and maintained throughout an affectionate intercourse with Robert Brett of Stoke Newington, whose worth he could well appreciate, though in Church matters not seeing eye to eye. He had a story — whether of his own wife or not, I cannot say. The lady, a bishop's wife, complained of the psalm : " Old men and maidens, young men and children, praise the name of the Lord," that there was no invitation to old ladies to join in the chorus. " My dear," said the Bishop, " you forget : there is a call to ' Ye dragons and all deeps.' " His text was appropriate : " Giving no offence to any man, that the ministry be not blamed." Lord Palmerston was a very Gallio in reUgious matters, and he allowed his kinsman, Lord Shaftesbury, to recommend ^nullities for the vacant mitres. The Hon. Charles Baring,. brother of Lord Northbrook, a prejudiced Evangelical, Chaplain-in- ordinary to Queen Victoria, was appointed to the see of Gloucester and Bristol in 1856, and advanced to Durham in 1861. " Bless thee, Bottom, bless thee, thou art translated." In the diocese he was by the clergy variously called Overbearing and Past- bearing. In 1867 he deprived the Hon. F. R. Grey, Rector of Morpeth, of the office of Rural Dean for the offence of wearing a black stole with three gold crosses embroidered on it, and for THE VICTORIAN BISHOPS 181 using the Invocation before the sermon. How he dealt with Dr. Dykes shall be told elsewhere, and here again the grievance was a stole — but this time coloured. For some such reason he turned the Rev. C. J. Naters out of Trimdon, where he was locum tenens. His angry warfare against stoles caused Dr. Littledale to give as his text : "A prey of divers colours, a prey of divers colours of needlework on both sides, meet for the necks." Some verses relative to Bishop Baring passed from hand to hand in the diocese: " Since Shaftesbury Durham's latest Bishop chose, Leading the Dean and Chapter by the nose, Each high-bred horse attached to Charles's Wain Has plunged impatient of the bearing-rein. Great Bear inquires if such high-mettled steeds \s Are just the cattle suited to his needs : And vows no stall shall feed high-stepping nag, To kick o'er traces and upset the drag. Henceforth regnante Carolo, each cleric O'er Cuthbert's lands, from Darlington to Berwick, Shall dare no pace, but crawl and creep and shuffle. Nor neigh, but sniff with Puritanic snuffle." Hitherto from the time of the reconstitution of the chapter in the time of Charles II it had been the custom for the Canons to bow to the Altar on entering and on leaving their stalls ; but those Canons nominated by Baring refused compliance with the traditional usage. So opposed was he to all signs of corporate life in the Church that he declined to attend the first Pan- Anglican Congress in 1867. The Rev. F. Arnold, in his book on Our Bishops and Deans, employs the whitewash brush copiously, but he is constrained to say of Bishop Baring : " One of the grave defects of our present laws is that the Bishop possesses a tyrannical power over the curates of his diocese, whom he can dismiss and inhibit without any cause shown, by a wave of the hand and stroke of the pen. This power is generally allowed to lie dormant, but it is at any time liable to be exercised in a vindictive and indiscreet way. Unsatisfied by the immense power he possesses, the Bishop has aimed at its expansion by demanding written pledges both from incumbent and curate, which they are unable to give. The Bishop then lays the parish under an interdict, refusing the aid it urgently requires, and coolly remarking 'that it is almost 182 THE CHURCH REVIVAL invariably the result of any transgression of the law that the innocent are involved in the consequences, and often suffer more severely than the offender.' " I shaU give an instance of his dealing in this way in another chapter. Bishop Harold Browne was at one time incumbent of S. SidweU's, Exeter. He was appointed to Ely in 1864, and trans lated to Winchester in 1873. His appointment to Ely was by Lord Palmerston, who felt that the partisan nominees of Lord '-Shaftesbury were too numerous, and the quality too poor ; and that he must placate moderate men by the appointment of one who was a scholar and not in any way extreme. Harold Browne's great work was that on the Thirty-nine Articles, and it was characterized by judgment and fairness. The Bishop sympathised warmly with the Old CathoUcs, and attended the Bonn Conference. He wrote to the Bishop of Melbourne : " I caU myself an old-fashioned Enghsh Churchman, and I find more to repel me in any one of the extreme schools in England than I do in anything I have seen or heard of the Old Catholics. Now I do not wish to expel from my own communion any of the adherents of the three schools within it. The Church ought to hold them aU, or it wiU become a sect." Thomson was given Gloucester and Bristol when that see was vacated by Baring, but he was advanced to the arch bishopric of York in 1862, after he had been Bishop of Gloucester and Bristol for ten months only. He was a very able man, one of the few shrewd men of the party, and there can be Uttle doubt that his rapid promotion was mainly due to the desire of Lord Shaftesbury to have a strong man in the North to tread out the sparks of Cathohc teaching and worship that had already been kindled there. A characteristic entry in the Diary of Bishop Wilberforce, May 27, 1873, is to this effect : " Dinner at Arch bishop of York's. A good many Bishops, both of England and Ireland, and not one word said which impUed we were apostles. Eheu, eheu, very low."1 In May 1868 appeared the second Report of the Ritual Com mission, relative to the use of Ughted candles on the altar at 1 A story was told of him, that when walking one day with the Bishop of Oxford, he remarked on the coincidence in his family affairs with his advancements. How his marriage coincided with the year of his ordina tion, and each baby as it arrived marked as well a step higher in the Church. "It is devoutly to be hoped, Archbishop, that Mrs. Thomson will stop having more." "Why so ? " inquired the Archbishop, flushing angrily. " Because there are only two steps more that you could mount — Canterbury or Heaven. And you are not fit for either." ARCHHISHOP. THOMSON THE VICTORIAN BISHOPS 188 the Holy Communion. There were two lawyers who contended that they were lawful, two that they were not. The Archbishop of York gave the casting vote against them. When Thomson was Bishop of Gloucester he opposed in Convocation the purpose of Bishop Gray to consecrate a bishop for the Orange Free State. The Bishop of Oxford thereupon ad ministered a well-deserved dressing, observing that " when they were taking into consideration so important a matter, to treat it with contumely, or to try to induce others to do so, was not the conduct which a brother who had joined in prayer to God for guidance to them in their deliberations should pursue," and Bishop Thomson's resolutions and amendments were negatived without discussion, one after another, and the diocese of Bloemfontein was founded. Thomson was succeeded in Gloucester and Bristol by EUicott, who was at first hostile to the Church revival. He was a good Greek scholar, and wrote Commentaries on the Pauline Epistles, and acted on that ill-fated Revision of the Bible. He was a small man with a long nose. The High-Church programme he did not understand, nor that it was historically connected with the past — and the best past — of the Church of England.1 To Carhsle ViUiers was appointed — an EvangeUcal, and one who opposed Convocation, and voted for the Divorce BiU. He was translated to Dufham in i860. He was not there very long ; long enough, however, to appoint his son-in-law, named Cheese, to one of the best livings in his gift : Houghton-le-Skeme, worth £1,300 per annum. This provoked a cartoon in Punch. A poor needy parson is by a table, whereon stands a Stilton cheese,^ and the Bishop is decanting over it a bottle of port, labeUed £1,300, and saying : "I am exceedingly sorry, dear brother in the Church, but you see I have not a drop for you, I have poured it all into my Cheese." It is said that this cartoon so wounded Bishop ViUiers that it led to his death. After the appearance of this picture, the bishops became more cautious in their nepotism. They took care to shuffle their cards. They did not give their " f at " livings to their own relations, but to the sons and sons-in-law of other bishops, 1 Bishop Wilberforce notes of him when on the Ritual Commission: " Bishop of Gloucester, as always, now hot and intemperate in trying to force on condemnation of vestments. I said the Church of England was the church of liberty. The Bishop of Gloucester : ' Let them go to Rome ; why not ? A very good communion — next best to ours.' " Life, iii. 216. 184 THE CHURCH REVIVAL who acknowledged the favour by accommodating those of the obliging archbishop or bishop in their more distant dioceses. ViUiers was succeeded in Carlisle in i860 by Samuel Walde- grave, another strong Evangelical, who opposed surpliced choirs and harvest thanksgivings. In 1868 he refused to be at a stone- laying because there was to be a harvest thanksgiving associated with it, and not only did so himself, but wrote round to some of the clergy in the neighbourhood to dissuade them from attending. " To introduce choral services, and as it would seem surpliced processions into our mountain vaUeys, is, to say the least, an innovation. To do so in direct contravention of the weU-known opinions and wishes of the Bishop, to whom you have sworn obedience, is something more. If that choral service is accom panied by any peculiar ceremonies, even in a modified degree, of harvest celebrations such as have recently occupied so much public attention, the matter is stiU worse." Thus wrote the Bishop to the Rev. E. Shuttlebotham of Woodland. The Rector replied that what he had sworn was to yield canonical obedience, not to obey every private fancy of the Bishop. " It appears that a copy of your Lordship's letter to me was sent to Mr. Robinson l with a request that he would make the contents of it known, and prevent all whom he could influence from attending the service to be held at Woodland to-day. Mr. R., on opening the letter and finding it addressed to myself, thinking it an original one, at once sent it on to me by his servant. It seems, then, your Lordship, not content with administering a severe rebuke, without waiting to give me an opportunity of saying a word in my own defence, without even making against me any specific charge, had determined that my castigation should be made public, and that, if possible, a prejudice should be raised against me in this neighbourhood. I must respectfully but firmly protest against such treatment." John Thomas Pelham — " the Butler," as he was nicknamed in his diocese — was given the bishopric of Norwich in 1857, after the scandal of Samuel Hinds ; he was an old-fashioned Evangelical. In 1872 he had the frankness to admit that, after so many years under his pastoral charge, in every particular denoting practical work and spiritual zeal, his diocese had not merely stood stiU, but had actually gone back, save that there were not quite so many churches where was only one service on 1 The Bishop wrote to other clergy in the same way that he did to Mr. Robinson. THE VICTORIAN BISHOPS 185 Sundays as there had been a decade ago. And it may be asserted with confidence that whenever in one of these dioceses there was any progress at aU, it was in no way due to the Bishop, and that where it manifested itself it was hampered by him. Dr. Littledale's text for Pelham was : "lama fool for Christ's sake." There is this to be said for Bishop Pelham, that he ad vocated an increase of the Episcopate, having found his diocese unwieldy. He was prepared to sacrifice a good slice of the receipts for the proposed see if he could obtain a division of that of Norwich. He advocated the creation of eight new sees, and the reduction of the incomes of the then existing bishops, so that each of the prelates of these new sees might have £3,000 a year apiece. Mr. Swinburne in his delightful book, Memories of a School Inspector,1 has a story of a certain bishop whose name he does not give, nor where was his see. When this prelate was very old, aiid the diocese was getting thoroughly tired of him and wishing for a successor, he visited for the first time a weU-known country rector, who by his zeal and benevolence had won the hearts of his parishioners. He had likewise spent very lavishly of his private means on church and schools. The living was good and in the gift of the bishop, and his lordship had either a relation or a toady to whom he desired to present it. Almost his first remark to the rector as he drove up was — " Don't you think it high time that another should enjoy this living ? Wouldn't it be better for the people ? " Be it noted that this parson was twenty years younger than the bishop. On reaching the church his lordship began to pray extempore, intimating to Almighty God that the time had come for the " Spirit of the Lord to permit his brother to entertain the idea of making way for a successor." The rector listened in dismay. Then the prayer went on : " And that not my brother only, but I, too, should do my duty." Now, thought the rector, he is coming to the point — he is referring to his own retirement. Not a bit of it. The bishop proceeded : " Put it into my heart, O Lord, to find him a good successor." After that, it need hardly be said, the rector did not see his way to resignation. It was Bishop Pelham who" is reported to have once told his congregation that " England was an island entirely surrounded by water." 1 P. 33. Published by McDougall, 191 1. Price 2s. 6d. 186 THE CHURCH REVIVAL Selwyn was Bishop of Lichfield from 1867 to 1878, after having done noble work as Bishop in New Zealand. He saw clearly that the Colonial Churches must be inde pendent, an idea abhorrent to the Erastian party in England ; and he had the boldness to ignore the hesitations and timidity ofjiie English Bishops, and the difficulties raised by the lawyers, and motu proprio to get suffragan bishops ordained for the dioceses he constituted in New Zealand, without troubling to refer home for legal permission. At the Wolverhampton Church Congress, when expatiating on the independence claimed by the Colonial Churches, Lord Harrowby interrupted him by saying, " You have cut the painter." At once Bishop Selwyn retorted : " No ! we have not cut the painter ; it has parted of itself, and we are now forging a more enduring cable, like the invisible and immaterial bonds that anchor the planets to the sun." His best powers had been exhausted in the Colony, and he was out of touch with, and did not understand the problems that demanded solution in the Mother Church at home. Con sequently, knowing what his abilities were, and how skilfuUy he had organized the Church in New Zealand, his tenure of the see of Lichfield was somewhat of a disappointment. Francis Jeune was given the bishopric of Peterborough in 1864. He had been made Dean of Lincoln by Palmerston, but vacated the deanery for the palace of Peterborough the same year. He was a determined opponent at Oxford of Dr. Pusey and the writers of the Tracts for the Times. At Oxford, LiddeU, Dean of Christchurch, Thomson, afterwards Archbishop of York, and Jeune, Master of Pembroke, were fast friends, and were often seen walking together. They went by the nicknames of the World, the Flesh and the Devil. One day Miss Jeune was in High Street with a friend, when they saw the three strutting along the pavement together. " Oh ! " said Miss Jeune, " here come the World and the Flesh." "And the other carries his designation in his face," added the friend. Jeune was a re markably ugly man. Jeune was high in favour with the Prince Consort. His text was : "I wiU run after this man (the Prince) and take something of him." Jeune belonged to a Huguenot family settled in Jersey.1 His eldest son, Chancellor of eight dioceses, Judge in Probate and Divorce, and then Judge Advocate General, was created Baron St. HeUer. The Bishop refused to attend the Pan-Anglican Conference of 1867. 1 See what has been said, p. 146. THE VICTORIAN BISHOPS 187 Worcester was accorded to Philpot, Master of S. Catherine's CoUege, Cambridge, a nest of Low Churchmen. He sent the case of the Rev. R. W. Enraght, Vicar of Holy Trinity, Bordesley, to be tried by Lord Penzance on the usual charges. Special stress was laid upon the use of wafer bread, and a sacrilegious and ignorant man was bribed by the Birmingham Protestants to go up to Communion and secrete the Blessed Sacrament. It was taken into Lord Penzance's Court as an " exhibit " to be used in evidence at Mr. Enraght's trial. Strong and indignant feeling at this outrage was wide extended, and Bishop Philpot was appealed to, as Mr. Enraght's diocesan, to put a stop to the scandal, but he did nothing. He hardly ever attended the House of Lords, never the Upper House of Convocation, andv' refused to permit diocesan conferences. After floating as King Log in his see from 1861 to 1890, he resigned. J. S. Perowne, of Huguenot extraction, of a family settled at Norwich on the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, and in heriting Huguenot misbeliefs, was made Dean of Peterborough. At a Church Conference, and again in a pamphlet, he disputed the divine and apostolic origin of Episcopacy, and advocated the recognition of the orders in various Protestant sects. For this he was patted on the back by Drs. Parker and CUfford, and belauded by the whole Liberationist press. In reward for his Uberality of opinion he was given the bishopric of Worcester in 1890. At his consecration he was asked : " Are you ready, with all faithful diUgence, to banish and drive away all erroneous and strange doctrine contrary to God's Word ? " And he made answer : " I am ready, the Lord being my helper." Whereupon he was consecrated. He had in his diocese the Rev. C. E. Beeby, Vicar of Yardley Wood, near Birmingham, who pubhshed in Creed and Life (1898), and afterwards in Doctrine and Principles (1900), his denial of the verities of the Christian Creed, the doctrine of the Holy Trinity, the Virginal Birth, the Divinity of Christ, the Atonement, and the facts of the Resurrection and the Ascension. Of the first of these books, the Bishop said that it was " an honest attempt to deal with great spiritual problems," but added that he disapproved of parts. He took no steps against Mr. Beeby. Again in 1903 did Mr. Beeby write against the Virginal Birth, in the Hibbert Journal. The Bishop allowed him to go on in his parish teaching the coarsest heresy. Did he ever read, in Ezekiel, the sentence of God — " I wiU even deal with thee, as 188 THE CHURCH REVIVAL thou hast done, which hast despised the oath, in breaking the covenant ? " Rochester was given to an Evangelical — Wigram, 1860-1867. He visited portions of the diocese that had never seen a bishop previously. He was a good man, but left no mark in the see ; ^he was known for little else than as the author of a Practical .Elementary Arithmetic, 1832. Of most of these Shaftesbury- Palmerston bishops in their sees, one might say with Puck : "-What hempen homespuns have we swaggering here ? " Thorold was created Bishop of Rochester in 1877, the appoint ment being made by Lord Beaconsfield. Later, in 1890, he was accorded the bishopric of Winchester by the Marquess of Salisbury. He was an Evangelical of little mental capacity, but of intense earnestness, that showed when he spoke. He started on his episcopal career with the determination to ostracize aU Cathohcs, but he soon found out his mistake, for they were the best, hardest, and most successful workers in his diocese, whereas the most prominent of the Evangelical clergy did practicaUy no parish work. And, as Thorold had a high opinion of work, he changed his pohcy. His son went over to Rome, and became a monk. Strange to say, this made the father better disposed towards High Churchmen than before. He was an earnest httle man, very much alive to his own importance, and willing latterly to recognize merit wherever he saw it. After holding himself aloof from churches that were in the hands of advanced Churchmen, he was at last hesitatingly induced to hold Confirmations at S. Stephen's, Lewisham, and S. John's, Kennington ; and afterwards said that he had never witnessed such reverent order and such devotion, and that he found he had made a great mistake in his previous judgment. Thorold had been reared in the straitest school of EvangeU- calism by an adoring widowed mother and two elder sisters of somewhat morbid piety. To save him from contamination from the " world," he was not sent to a pubhc school ; and at Oxford he obtained no higher distinction than an honorary fourth in mathematics. As incumbent of S. Giles-in-fhe-Fields he did weU. From S. Giles he moved to S. Pancras in 1869, and was given a canonry at York by Archbishop Thomson. His own private means were ample, and his duties at S. Pancras weU paid. He was nominated by Lord Beaconsfield to the see of Rochester in 1877, which he accepted without the faintest THE VICTORIAN BISHOPS 189 whisper of Nolo episcopari, for from childhood he had enter tained the highest opinion of his own abilities to discharge any duty and fiU any post offered him. A reviewer of his Life by C. H. Simkinson wrote : " There is something which jars on our sense of congruity in the late occupant of a diocese whose neces sities were so overwhelming as those of South London, spending large sums upon decoration and furniture of the castle (Farnham) in which the successors of William of Wykeham were housed. The symmetry of a life of high and noble effort is marred by the undue appreciation in which the Bishop evidently held ' the \ pomp of circumstance,' and its dignity is lowered as we read j of lavish outlay upon flower-beds and hanging gardens, upon I Japanese waU-papers and costly tapestries. ... In an age wherein extravagance and luxury trench so forcibly on wealth that should be devoted to higher uses, simplicity of living and disregard of outward show are imperative in those who bear rule in the Church." Only less luxurious was Bishop Thorold' s setting at Selsdon Park when Bishop of Rochester, where his " splendid hospi tality inevitably suggested at times a painful contrast with the position of the poorer clergy struggUng in the thickest of the fight." He was notably successful as a beggar for diocesan needs. And yet of Thorold this may be said. It was he who appealed to the Universities to establish Missions in the south of London ; and the Cambridge and Oxford Houses in those parts have had noble results. Many a young man has been brought thereby face to face with the miseries and the godlessness of those be nighted regions, and has learned what it is to labour for souls. Archibald CampbeU Tait, born in Edinburgh of Scottish Presbyterian parents, was given the bishopric of London in 1856. When at Balliol he had been leader of the attack on Tract Ninety ; he had been made Dean of Carlisle in 1849, but neither understood nor sympathized with Cathedral worship and order. When in 1856 he lost five httle daughters through an outbreak of scarlet fever, Queen Victoria, to solace his paternal feehngs, got Lord Palmerston to nominate him to the see of London. From first to last he was greatly influenced by his early Presbyterianism. He was not a Calvinist, he was on the contrary a Latitudinarian ; and he was mentally and spiritually in capable of understanding and appreciating the AngUcan position, as distinct from that of any Established form of Protestantism in 190 THE CHURCH REVIVAL Germany or Switzerland. His sympathies throughout his career were with Presbyterianism. Definitions of the verities of the Faith he disUked ; and he had vague ideas as to what the Sacra ments were. From first to last he supposed that it was his mission to oppose the Catholic revival. He persecuted Mr. Liddell of S. Paul's, Knightsbridge, for having a stone altar ; he withdrew the licence of the Rev. A. Poole because he heard confessions. Evangelicals he favoured, not because he held their principles, but because they gave no trouble by insisting on unpopular doctrines. The men with whom he really sympathized were the Broad Churchmen, and such as believed in the Church as a State creation appointed to teach only what the State desired to haVe taught, and to act only as the State bade them act. He was consistently hostile to aU such as beheved in the Church as a spiritual society, with her own laws and spiritual powers. He voted for the Divorce Act, and he encouraged Bishop Colenso. There was always a puzzled, dissatisfied expression on his face, hke that of a schoolboy set to work out a problem beyond his capacity. When he preached the Consecration sermon at All Saints', Margaret Street, he refrained from the least expression of sympathy with, or congratulation on, the energy, the self-sacrifice and devotion of the heart to God which had raised that noble and sumptuous pile, merely coldly remarking that he hoped the church might prove " a fresh help to those whose tastes it gratifies." 1 It was the clergy of S. Michael's, Shoreditch, wearing coloured stoles, that he is reported to have rudely ordered : " Take away those ribbons." 2 Of his treatment or rather neglect of dealing with the troubles in the S. George's-in-the-East riots, something shaU be said in another chapter. Bishop Wilberforce felt deeply the cold and repellent attitude adopted by Bishop Tait towards the advanced clergy. He wrote in 1856, concerning Father Lowder's mission in London Docks : " I quite long to go and cast myself into that mission. It must depend on the men in high places at any one moment whether the work prospers or not. It is, I mean, not the Church 1 There is this to be said for Archbishop Tait, that, finding what a scandal was caused by the sacrilegious production in Court of a conse crated wafer at the trial of Mr. Enraght, he obtained it and reverently consumed it in his own chapel. 2 Mr. Mackonochie and Mr. Lowder declared that this was a fiction of Dr. F. G. Lee — they never heard the Bishop say this. Dr. Lee's imagina tion sometimes ran away with him, and the story was, I understand, traced to him. Pn Ph THE VICTORIAN BISHOPS 191 of England, but the men who are on their trial. The Church has enough hfe, but evils may bring the wrong man to the top ; if only now we had a Bishop of London who would go and spend a day or two in Wapping and gain the full trust of these zealous men, what might we not do ? " Bishop Tait's system of patronage provoked a good deal of comment. Even such an adulator as the Rev. F. Arnold, who lays on his praise of the bishops with a trowel, says : " He is a man who always takes care of friends. Chaplain after chaplain has been made bishop, or has had a bishopric offered to him. Livings have been distributed to aU within the charmed circle. He not only takes care of his friends, but of his friends' friends. Sometimes he puts round pegs into square holes, and square pegs into round holes ; as when he sent men of severe learning and retired, studious habits, into the incumbencies of vast poor parishes, as the readiest means of providing for them. . . . We are not aware of any instances in which the Archbishop has sought out any scholar of eminence, or curate of prolonged services, unless a popular cry or powerful interest has been brought to bear on the selection." The Erastianism of Tait when Bishop of London was never more conspicuously marked than in a debate in the House of Lords in 1867, on the Colonial Church, when he showed in his speech that he thought the Colonial Church, though not estab lished by law, should be reduced under the supremacy of the Crown, so that appeals in ecclesiastical causes would be heard in the same manner as Enghsh appeals. To this Bishop Wilber force retorted : "It should be remembered that the Church of England in the Colonies is a purely voluntary body, hke the Wesleyans or any other body of religionists having an internal regulation of its own, but having no connection with the Crown except as subjects of the Queen." Tait's words in an Episcopal Council in 1858 on Missionary Bishops were : " Bishops in Roman Cathohc countries were sent by the Pope ; in our country the bishops should be sent by the Queen, who stood in the same place as the Pope. The State, and our connection with it, was our greatest blessing, and there would be great danger to the Church in injuring our connection with it. The same result might be obtained by dividing the existing dioceses and giving them the superinten dence of their missions, and then the Queen would come in. After aU, is the measure desirable ? Is there any accuracy of 192 THE CHURCH REVIVAL data for supposing that bishops are of any use ? Surely it is better, if you have bishops, to have them backed up by the State." 1 Early in 1874 the Bishops met and determined that a BiU for enforcing discipUne in ritual matters must be pushed forward, and the conduct of this BiU through Parliament was committed to Archbishop Tait. It was read a second time in the House of Lords, but when it came into committee it was met with a flood of amendments. The most important of these were introduced by Lord Shaftesbury. They virtually destroyed the Court of Arches, and in its place set up an entirely new tribunal, wholly secular and lay. The Archbishop was determined to legislate at all costs, and when he found that he could not rely upon Churchmen of any school to secure the passing of the Bill which the Bishops had proposed, he supported that of Lord Shaftesbury. It was then that Dr. Littledale applied to him the text, " Take thy bill and sit down quickly." He had already, in 1868, been appointed by Lord Beacons field to the see of Canterbury. Facts have conclusively shown that the Act, so far from appeasing strife, tended to aggravate it, whilst it inflicted the additional grievance on the clergy that it invented a Court in which they felt that they could not even defend themselves without being disloyal to the Church of which they were ministers. After 1878 his health began to fail, and towards the end of 1882 he took to his bed, and there attempted to undo some of the mischief which he had accomplished. He persuaded Mr. Mackonochie to resign the benefice of S. Alban's, Holborn, so as to avert prosecution by the Church Association. He felt in a vague way that he might have done wrong throughout his episcopate, and had the courage to admit the possibihty, so that finally he may have felt, like Saul of Tarsus, " It is hard for thee to kick against the pricks." Robert Bickersteth, another of the Palmerston-Shaftesbury appointments, was sent to Ripon, an important see comprising within it the manufacturing towns of Leeds, Bradford, Wake- 1 Bishop Wilberforce wrote to Gladstone, November 6, 1861 : " The Bishop of London, who professes to disbelieve in the power of Episcopacy apart from Prelacy, has constantly opposed every attempt we have made to extend our missionary episcopate, and has sought to bind our poor Church in new fetters." The day was named for the consecration of, the Bishop of Honolulu by the Archbishop of Canterbury and Bishops of Chichester and Oxford, when the Bishop of London interfered and got it postponed sine die. THE VICTORIAN BISHOPS 193 field, Dewsbury, Huddersfield, Halifax, Barnsley — in fact, all the great teeming manufacturing portion of Yorkshire, leaving to the archbishopric only Sheffield of this busy, thriving and thickly populated region. What was needed, and needed im periously, was an able, active ruler, fuU of energy and organizing capacity. Bickersteth was none of this. His proper sphere would have been a proprietary chapel in Cheltenham or Bath. A severe, but not unjust critique was passed on the fulsome and undiscriminating panegyric passed on him by his son, in the Church Quarterly Review, No. 48 (1887). He occupied the throne of Ripon from 1856 to 1884.1 He was a narrow Evangelical ; he voted for the Divorce BiU and for marriage with a deceased wife's sister. I shall have more to say of him presently, as I was in his diocese from 1864 to 1866. He was a sincerely pious man, desirous of doing what was right as far as his Ughts went, but those lights illumined but a very small radius. It cannot be said that the bishops nominated by Lord Beacons field were a great improvement on the nonentities of the Palmer- ston-Shaftesbury appointment, with the notable exception of Lightfoot to Durham. Magee was a witty, fluent, Irish popular preacher and platform orator. He came to England frankly to push his fortunes. He wrote : "I confess that a presumptuous dream I had of doing good in the Irish Church by raising a standard of liberality and moderation in theology and poUtics is dissipated by an experience of five years. ... I am a speaker only, and cannot bring myself to howl in Ireland after the fashion approved by Irish Churchmen." He took the pro prietary " Octagon " Church at Bath, and thence was promoted to be Dean of Cork. Next he was given the see of Peter borough by Disraeli because he made a briUiant speech against the Disestablishment of the Irish Church. As Bishop he was active in his diocese, but — as he said — he picked out the High Churchmen and threw them over the hedge into his neigh bour's garden. A great work of Church extension and levelUng up of Church hfe and practice was accompUshed in the large towns of Northampton and Leicester in his time, but how far he had a hand in this is hard to determine. The Bishop was wont to come and take up his abode in Northampton 1 Bishop Wilberforce in his Diary, May 15, 1858, wrote: "Discussion at S.P.G. on Missionary Bishops. A painful occasion. Carlisle and Ripon utterly disbelieving in Christ's appointment (of Episcopacy). Alas 1 alas ! Lord forgive them — they know not what they do." 13 194 THE CHURCH REVIVAL for two or three weeks together, hving in rooms, where he was accessible to the clergy at any time. This he did also in other parts of his diocese. In 1891 he was promoted to the Archbishopric of York by the Marquess of Salisbury, but he died shortly after. Disraeli had accurately defined the procedure of his pre decessors as Prime Ministers in the choice of bishops : " Find a man who, totally destitute of genius, possesses nevertheless considerable talents ; who has official aptitude, a volubihty of routine rhetoric ; who, embarrassed neither by the principles of the philosopher nor by the prejudices of the bigot, can assume with a cautious facility the prevalent tone, and disembarrass him self of it with a dexterous ambiguity the moment it ceases to be predominant — such a man, though he be one of an essentiaUy smaU mind, though his intellectual qualities be less than moderate, with feeble powers of thought, no imagination, contracted sympathies — such a man is the individual whom kings and parliaments would select ... to rule the Church." Such being Disraeli's judgment of the appointments by previous Prime Ministers, one might have expected that he would be conscientious and judicious in such matters. But the catching of votes stood with him above principle ; and to please the EvangeUcals Lord Beaconsfield advanced to episcopal thrones men of ultra-low opinions. One would almost think that Disraeli was playing the prank of the lord in the Induction to Taming the Shrew, when he took up these individuals who knew nothing of Church doctrine and Church order, and had them conveyed into episcopal palaces, vested them in lawn, and got them addressed as " My Lord." Am I a lord ? Or do I dream, or have I dream'd till now ? I do not sleep ; I see, I hear, I speak ; I smell sweet savours, and I feel soft things ; Upon my life, I am a lord indeed, And not a tinker, not Christopher Sly, Well, bring our lady (our diocese) hither to our sight, And once again, a pot o' the smallest ale. Ryle was appointed to the newly-created see of Liverpool. It was he who persecuted Mr. BeU-Cox of S. Margaret's, Liverpool, and had him sent to prison. Ryle had himself been a member of the Church Association, caUed into being to prosecute High Churchmen, so that he was quite ready, like Herod, " to vex THE VICTORIAN BISHOPS 195 certain of the Church." Ryle was the author of a book entitled Knots Untied, published under the auspices of the National Protestant Church Union. He untied knots only to produce a tangle. The book teems with theological misconceptions and unproven assertions. It was issued as a sort of text-book of Protestantism in the Church of England. He counsels laymen to forsake their parish churches if the clergy do not preach " the Gospel " as he understood it. But two can play at that game. He urged " lawsuits wherever there is a reasonable hope of success." And this was the sort of man that the Prime Minister planted in the Church. Did that half-reclaimed Jew do so out of mockery ? x When one considers Ryle's bigotry, his narrow partisanship, his treatment of the parish of S. Margaret's, and his obtaining the imprisonment of Mr. BeU-Cox — the text applied to him does not seem inappropriate : " Where shall wisdom be found ? and where is the place of understanding ? The sea (read see) saith, It is not in me." There is, however, something to be said for Bishop Ryle, that towards the end of his life he softened con siderably, and, probably because he was heartily ashamed of what he had done to the Vicar of S. Margaret's, he went out of his way to be gracious to Mr. BeU-Cox. As that priest said in a letter to me, " his kindness and confidence were most touching." It speaks highly for Ryle's character, that he was ready by act, though not by words, to admit that he had done wrong. More than that, too many of the Evangehcal clergy in his diocese, whom he had at first favoured, he discovered to be men of words and not of deeds, and that the work for souls, the reclaiming of the faUen, and the building up in the faith and in the love of God, and to a spiritual life, was effected by the clergy working upon Catholic lines. He was large-hearted enough to recognize this. No ordinary man could have done so. And he changed his conduct towards them. It is evidence of his genuine sincerity and humility of spirit that he did this. And as one of his clergy said to me : " He came here as Saul the persecutor, and became to us Paul the Apostle." James Fraser was offered by Gladstone and accepted the bishopric of Manchester, because he had worked as Assistant Commissioner to the Education Commission in 1858. He became 1 Bishop Wilberforce wrote in 1867 of Disraeli : " Not a bit a Briton but all over an Eastern Jew." 196 THE CHURCH REVIVAL bishop in 1870. He was hard-working, and had no " side." He is described as " striding about his diocese on foot, carrying his own blue bag containing his robes, stopping runaway carts " ] — that is to say he did so once — " and talking famiharly with every one he met." In fact he would talk to any one Who would listen to him ; he was garrulous to an extreme. Of Fraser might be said, as of Gratiano : He " speaks an in finite deal of nothing. His reasons are as two grains of wheat hid in two bushels of chaff : you may still seek all day ere you find them, and when you have them, they are not worth the search." His most grievous blunder was in not vetoing the Miles Platting case, and in approving the consequent imprison ment of the Rector. He received a severe castigation in the Northern Convocation from Dean Lake and Canon Owen. But if Bishop Fraser took an unfortunate line in the matter of S. John's, Miles Platting, he behaved with great firmness in the case of S. John's, Cheetham Hill, in 1884. The benefice was in the Bishop's gift, and became vacant by the resignation of Mr. Lund, who had a young Mr. Gunton as his curate. A memorial signed by upwards of 1,800 parishioners requested the Bishop to present this curate to the living. A great many of the subscribers were Dissenters. But Bishop Fraser had sight of a sermon and paper and letter by Mr. Gunton, in which he expressed so distinctly his Socinian views, and spoke of Christ as man " differing only in degree from ourselves," that he refused to institute him ; remaining unmoved amidst the vituperations of the press and of speakers at indignation meetings, and taunts that he had always advocated that the parishioners should have a voice in the nomination of their priest — and now that the voice had spoken emphatically, he would not listen to it. Mr. Swinburne describes a school-opening he attended : "I myself heard him speak — when introducing a deputation he took up three-quarters of the hour allotted to that person whom people had come from miles to hear. His lordship was there to speak on Education, but he opened the meeting by referring to his sisters in Christ : ' My sisters in Christ, blessed with affluence 1 It was, I have been told, a very small affair. A boy was delivering parcels from a little tradesman's cart, and leaving it to give up one, the horse or pony trotted or cantered off without the driver. Bishop Fraser easily stopped it, and gave the reins to the lad who was running after. The most was made of this — and, as may be seen by the quotation above, the one incident is swelled to many. THE VICTORIAN BISHOPS 197 in my old parish' — here a digression occurred to contest the views expressed by certain smiles among his audience, that the expression ' sisters in Christ ' was open to objections. The next digression went to prove that the opinion of his ' sisters in Christ blessed with affluence ' curiously coincided with the rougher materials not so blessed, to whom it had been his privilege to minister in mining districts, and that characteristic was — breathless anxiety on the part of his audience to hear it — but several more digressions ensued before our curiosity was allayed, and we learnt that his sisters in Christ always comphmented him on ' going straight to the point,' that was to say to the root of the matter ; and what was the matter before them ? why Education. "Education, he informed us, was a Latin word — yet one more digression to prove the utility of the study of dead lan guages. This digression became multiphed in the shape of reasons why his audience, chiefly fisher-folk, should not be dis couraged if they did not understand Latin, and were not thus in a position to be as accurate as his lordship; and to prove his accuracy he proceeded to explain to them what that word education meant. ' Education comes from educo, a Latin word meaning " I build up." ' " 1 That this is no caricature may be judged by Bishop Fraser's address to the working men at the Leeds Congress in 1872. Bishop Wilberforce thus describes it in a letter to the Rev. Hugh Pearson, October 10, 1872 : " Bishop of Manchester starts by saying they are not working men — that only a few are (cry of ' Show of hands,' and 75 per cent, hold up their hands). Tells a good story of his squire in Berkshire, who told him that he should have been a tippler and a poacher — says he, but having a comfortable house, is not tempted to tipple at the Black Dog, and smoke churchwardens (now he is speaking very weU indeed) . Why do not the poor hear us gladly ? Now has just scalped poor Gloucester and Bristol, but well and tenderly as if he loved him. Now he is praising Mr. Joseph Arch. Now he has made a great blunder : says ' the order of the Angel was, Go stand in the Temple and speak the words of this life. We don't want heaven and paradise 10,000 years hence, but what is to help you to-day ? ' The Greek, brother Fraser, won't bear it. Now again, he is very good : ' Do you read your Bibles for yourselves ? Do you pray ? ' Now he is speaking very mischievously, ap- 1 Swinburne (A. J.), Memories of a School Inspector, p. 52. 198 THE CHURCH REVIVAL pealing to the Wesleyans about surphces, etc., and contrasting them with winning living souls ; and so he stops, applauded for the last bit of mischief — leaving, as Lord Nelson said, the impression that ' the kingdom of God is not meat and drink ' means 'there are no sacraments'" (Life of Bishop Wilberforce, iii. 399)- It was of Bishop Fraser that one of his leading incumbents t remarked, when a conference was convened to consider by / what means the episcopal hands might be strengthened : "Alas!" with a sigh, " it's his head that wants strengthening." When the Indian famine occurred, and Ejiglish hearts were stirred with compassion, and purses were opened to send relief to the starving natives, Bishop Fraser did his utmost to dis courage this generous sympathy, on the plea that it was the business of the State to relieve the distress. He objected to house-to-house visitation by the clergy, saying, " It will be done ^mechanically, and I do not believe any spiritual fruit wiU flow from it." At the Bath Church Congress he said : " When I heard my Right Rev. brother, the Bishop of Chichester, plead for a life of devotion, I hoped that the word ' devotion ' might be meant to include devotion to duty as well as devotion on the knees in prayer, for we bishops, who have the care of so many churches upon us, have but httle time to give up to those hours of prayer which we feel we do most earnestly need." It would have been weU for him had he spent more time on his knees, and less in blathering on a platform. One of his canons remarked after his death, that he seemed to be much more interested in the doings of Dissenters than in the work of the Church. A highly eulogistic Life has been written of Bishop Fraser by Mr. Diggle, now Bishop of Carlisle ; another by Mr. Tom Hughes. There was a surgeon at Wakefield who, when riding by the workshop of a sexton-stonecutter, saw that the man had wrongly spelled an inscription on a monument. " Heigh ! " said he, "you have made a blot there." "Never mind, Sir," replied the man; "cover it over. I have covered over many a blot of yours." And what biographies may be written, when all the blots are covered over ! The story is told of Thackeray that, as he was passing a fish monger's shop, before which stood a couple of barrels of oysters THE VICTORIAN BISHOPS 199 labelled respectively is. a dozen, and is. 3d!, a dozen, he re marked to a companion, " How the shilling bivalves must hate those at one-and-three ! " But one would say rather, " How they must fear them ! " Small beer would never suffer Bass's pale ale to be advanced to table tiU it had stood and become unpalatably flat. It is alarmed at the energy and effervescence of the latter. According to Sir Francis Younghusband, who made the memorable march to Lhassa : " It is not the ordinary man, however much he may develop his mediocrity, that is most wanted. It is the exceptional man. It is the man with just that touch which we cannot positively define, but which we all instinctively recognize as genius. There is a superabundance of ordinary men, and it must be admitted that they do ordinary Work very much better than geniuses. But it is the genius alone who, when the occasion arises, will flash a ray through the masses of ordinary men, and make them do what they would never do with any amount of development of their ordinary qualities." Now the EngUsh parsons are mostly ordinary men, but it is precisely among such, as in the army, that genius has a special work to do — to illumine, to guide, to galvanize into activity. But it is precisely these who were crushed and driven away by the bishops, and who had no chance of promotion, no prospect of getting a living from the Crown, the ChanceUor, or any public body. From among the mediocratics the bishops were chosen. The Shaftesbury-Palmerstonian bishops as little resembled the great prelates of the past, Andrewes, Laud, BuU, Butler, Pearson, as an empty coal-barge in a sluggish canal, at night, iUumined by a tallow dip in a dingy lantern, resembles a man-of- war breasting the waves in dazzling sunlight. Both are vessels — that is aU. These bishops and deans and canons who owed promotion to their Evangelical opinions were good men, smug and plausible, but not. scholars, without force of character, and power to com prehend what were the needs of the Church of England. It was a change from the Peel and Russell bishops to those of Palmerston, hardly an improvement. Aliter catuli longe olent, aliter sues. Plautus. What was felt, and felt bitterly by the High-Church clergy, was how completely the bishops cringed to the man in the street. If the press denounced ritual, confession, high doctrine, they 200 THE CHURCH REVIVAL hastened to echo the same in their charges. I venture to quote from a poem that passed in MS. about this time. It was entitled "The Marionette Dancer." A strange masked piper placed puppets on the pavement and bade them caper to his tune, as he worked a string that set them in motion. I have space for but a few lines. Then he held up with a contemptuous yawn / A doll in rochet, and with sleeves of lawn. I " This one I got, half-form'd, from one whose trade [ Was making saints ; but this aside he laid, For how a saint, he asked, be fashioned With knot at heart, and dry-rot in the head ? Rejected, but in prelate's vesture set, He makes no saint, but makes a marionette. Obedient to whatever I may please, Bows, cringes, leers, advances, stands at ease, Opinions taking from the daily papers, And as the rabble whistle, feebly capers." I interrupted him and said, " I pray. Tell me, are these dolls rattling thus all day ? " He answered with a shrug of shoulder, " Aye ! And when they're broken, out of joint, and fail To please the mob, then of no more avail, I cast them in yon box." — The box was black, Bearing a coffin-plate, inscribed Oblivion. Then, I would move away, but paused awhile To ask, " Strange piper, with sardonic smile. Winding your threads, casting your dolls away, With fallen mask, tell me thy name, I pray ? " He raised himself, as after me he hurl'd The answer fiercely, " Sir ! I am the World." There is a hackneyed story of an artist painting the Assumption who was accorded a vision of cherubs. " Messieurs, asseyez-vous s'il vous plait," said he. " Helas, mais nous n'avons pas de quoi ! " they replied. These Palmerstonian bishops reversed the condition. They could take their seats, but they had no heads. It is not angels only that hover over us, but paper kites as weU. One of them gave a lecture on Geology, mainly based on Hugh Miller's Testimony of the Rocks, and spoke in it of a Megale- therium, whereupon he was held up to ridicule by the Saturday Review. This same bishop went to a Church opening, and was handed the programme of the service. The Benedictus was to be sung. " Benedictus ! Benedictus ! " he exclaimed. " That is something Popish — I will not aUow that." The same prelate sent for one of his incumbents, and took THE VICTORIAN BISHOPS 201 him to task for advertising the preaching of a Mission priest as that of the Rev. Father So-and-so. "It is unscriptural, it is against the Word of God," said the bishop, quoting S. Matthew xxiii. 9, " Call no man your father, etc." " But, my Lord," rephed the priest, " how about yourself ? Are not we to address you as the Right Reverend Father in God ? " The bishop coUapsed at once. For awhile these bishops clogged the wheels of the Church. They originated nothing, they had no programme, no definite aims, no organizing power. Those of the party who were in Colonial sees were conspicuous failures. AustraUa was a dumping- ground for them, and in no Colony did the Church prove so feeble. These Palmerstonian prelates have happily now aU dropped away, leaving not a trace behind, save volumes of charges, for which a second-hand bookseUer would not give sixpence a ton. There is much to be said for the bishops of this period. They had a most difficult course to steer. The great bulk of the people, ignorant- and prejudiced, were opposed to the Church movement. The Court, the Press, the Lawyers were against it. Unhappily, with the exception of Bishop Wilberforce, there was no commanding genius among them with a wide outlook. There were some devout and orthodox prelates, but they had not the force of character and the abihty to stand up for the cause of the Church. They led sweet and holy hves — that was aU. The majority of the bishops were mediocrities, men of low inteUigence, narrow views, and hearts quaking before the voice of the press and the shout of the vulgar. They were, rightly enough, earnest for personal rehgion, but they had no conception of anything beyond individualism. They were conscientious, but their consciences were enclosed within a hazel nutsheU. They had no prophetic outlook into the future ; they had no scales wherein to weigh forces. Canute had his chair planted on the sands, and bade the tide respect it. It did not — it rose and submerged his seat. But these prelates sat on their thrones and screamed and charged against the tide that sweUed and which they were powerless to control. The evil was due to the Prime Ministers, who selected for bishops men who were ignorant of steering to act as pilots among the sandbanks of the day ; men who had no knowledge of where was deep water ; poor, inept blunderers put in charge of the vessel of Christ's Church, who ran her from side to side, groping their way, devoid of knowledge and not even understanding the compass. 202 THE CHURCH REVIVAL The Colonial sees were for the most part filled with favourites of the Church Missionary Society, and with home nonentities. An old pupil of mine, a devout Churchman, went to Australia to a diocese obsessed by one of these. The Bishop invited him to supper. The meal ended, at which were several youths, the company resolved itself into a prayer-meeting over the rinds of cheese and the dregs of home-made ginger-beer. The Bishop tripped about asking each guest to " put up a prayer," and giving each his cue. My pupil turned hot and cold, and when his turn came, in a tremulous voice began to pray for a blessing to descend " on the Bishop of this Diocese and on his wife — ' Thou who hast promised to save both man and beast ' " — and came to a fright ened stop. In the dead silence that ensued, the Bishqp pro nounced a sonorous Amen. Whereupon Mrs. Bishop heaved her head above the chair rail and flashed a threatening glance at her spouse. " Amen " signifies "so it is," as weU as " so be it." Mr. H. G. Wells in Kipps gives a very true picture of one of these men, returned to England. " He derived much help from a ' manly ' sermon, dehvered in an enormous voice by a large, fat, sun-red clergyman, just home from a colonial bishopric he had resigned on the plea of iU-health, exhorting him that what ever his hand found to do he was to do it with all his might." These men were incorrectly termed " returned empties." Empties they were not, for they were fuU of pomposity and self-complacency — at least such were some of those that I came across. Happily there were others, notable types of Colonial and Missionary bishops, working upon definite Church lines. The unhappy thing was that the bishops, with the exception of a very few, did not understand the movement, as the necessary outcome of the Catholic seed that had ever been in the Enghsh Church, but had been trampled on, overlaid with paving-stones, battered down, but had never been kiUed. Much excuse must be made for them. With regard to Archbishop Tait, though he had conformed to the Church, his Scottish training left a de cided influence on his character and mind. The old adage is true that wine evermore retains the flavour of the soil in which it grows. A gentleman near Whitby holds lands on a singular tenure. He is bound once in the year to mount his horse, gallop into the sea, and drive a wattle into the sand. He then gaUops back, and the next wave washes his wattle away. The Victorian THE VICTORIAN BISHOPS 203 bishops were much hke that gentleman. They supposed that they held office subject to the condition that they should yearly ascend their hobbies, make a dash into the waves of religious conviction roUing up from the depths of fervid hearts, and plant their petty protests, which next moment would be cast indignantly aside, and which no one could suppose would restrain the rising tide which swells obedient to a Divine impulse. But assuredly these prelates should have endeavoured to obtain some comprehension of the principles of that party against which they leveUed all their batteries. Whereas, from their own description of it, they did not understand it at all — they never even attempted to understand it. There was one among them with abihty, and that was Thomson, who had Scottish shrewdness. But the movement had already grown beyond bis control. A man once put his foot down on the bubbling spring which was the source of the Thames. " Now," said he, " all the ships and barges below London Bridge will stick in the mud." Thomson put down his foot, but not on the spring, and the water overflowed his instep, rose above his knee. As to being leaders, the bishops appointed by Lord Palmerston were leaders only in the same way that is a wheelbarrow which the man in the street thrusts before him. It may be interesting at the present day to compare the treatment of Ordinands now with what it was formerly. Now most of the bishops gather about them those preparing for the ministry not merely to prove their knowledge, but to kindle their devotional feelings. They are kind and considerate, and where they have room, lodge them in their palaces. An old friend has furnished me with an account of his ordina tion by one of the Shaftesbury-Palmerstonian bishops in the sixties. " The vicar of X desired to have me as his curate, and I went to town by appointment and caUed on the bishop in the morning at his lodgings, whilst breakfast was on the table, at the hour fixed by himself. It did not occur to him to offer me even a cup of coffee or a bit of toast. I had come up by an early train from a distance, to meet him by appointment, and had had no breakfast. He received me stiffly and ungraciously, and required me to go to his cathedral city for examination for the ordination, that was to take place, not on Trinity, but on Whit-Sunday. The candidates were expected to lodge in the town and to walk out some considerable distance in the morning to the 204 THE CHURCH REVIVAL palace, where examination began at 10 a.m. At noon a meagre refection was served to us, ham-sandwiches and very smaU beer, in the haU, of which we partook standing. Meanwhile lunch was being carried into the dining-room for his Lordship, chaplains and family ; and whilst they were feeding, the butler intimated to us that we were expected to walk about the grounds. This we did, and heard the clatter of knives and forks in the dining- room. " At length we were suffered to return into the palace, when the comestibles had been carried from the dining-room in which we were examined, but from which the smeU of the meal had not been dissipated. " Nothing could have been set more unsuitable for drawing out the knowledge of a candidate than the papers we were required to answer. They were keys to taps from which might flow a stream of unctuous twaddle. Our principal examiner was a man considered a burning and shining light of the Evangelical school, if that can be called a school where there is no scholarship. " The man who was supposed to have passed best, and was set to read the Gospel on the Sunday, he was a Uterate, who dropped every ' h,' but could write sheets of pious vapourings. In conversation with him afterwards I learned that he could spell out Greek words, but knew little or no Latin. Yet this windbag had the audacity, on entering his curacy, to pubhsh the very first sermon he preached. It was an impertinence of the Bishop to distinguish such a man above the heads of Oxford and Cambridge men, some already Masters of Arts. " We were ordained in the private chapel of the palace robed in black gowns, and the Bishop preached empty nothingnesses to us for an hour. After that, we were invited to lunch with him." I was in the diocese of Ripon under Bishop Bickersteth from 1864 to 1866. He was so unsympathetic that he was caUed in the diocese " the Bleak Bishop." He was wont to give copies of Simeon's Skeletons of Sermons or Clayton's Sermons, which had no sale, to aU candidates for Holy Orders in his diocese. Richard Coffins, afterwards of S. Saviour's, Leeds, said to him : " My Lord, I venture to ask, with the prophet : Can these dry bones Uve ? Do you know, my Lord, what the Dean [Erskine] has said of Simeon's Skeletons ? " " No, Mr. CoUins; I should be very glad and interested to learn his opinion." " WeU, my Lord," he said, " ' You might as weU expect results from them as THE VICTORIAN BISHOPS 205 you might look for an oak-tree to grow out of a broomstick stuck in the earth.'" The second-hand booksellers in Leeds, Bradford and other towns in the diocese would not look at copies when offered them, they had such a glut on their shelves ; and it was not an unusual sight to see slabs of bacon in pork-shops placed on the counter labeUed " ^d. only " sustained by one of Simeon's lucubrations upon Justification, or to receive a pennyworth of " buU's-eyes " in a cornet from one of Clayton's Sermons on Assurance. The gift was kindly intended, but was not appreciated in any case. It was a standing joke among Ordinands that if every one had a skeleton in his cupboard at home, they went off from Ripon each with one in his portmanteau. In the palace grounds were pits, caused by the sudden coUapse of the strata. Below the surface at some depth were subter ranean streams, never seen, that corroded the sandy conglomerate through which they flowed, and which latter suddenly gave way, leaving a concavity above. The Bishop was greatly afraid lest some day such a catastrophe should befall his house, and he, his family and chaplain should go down quick into the pit. What he did not see was that this was a figure of the poor un digested, incoherent Evangelicalism in which he beUeved ; and that there were currents, deep and strong, flowing beneath the crust, causing the Protestantism of the Estabhshed Church to give way everywhere, and where least expected, and that these currents were irresistible. I went from Ripon diocese to that of York, where I was for five years under Thomson, who was then Archbishop. I had been appointed by Viscountess Downe, who was building a church in an outlying portion of the parish of Topcliffe, and who also paid the stipend of the perpetual curate. But the vicar of Topcliffe was the actual nominator. I had resigned my curacy at Horbury and made ready to move to Dalton, when an in explicable hitch occurred. I went to Topcliffe to see the vicar. He showed me letters from the Archbishop suggesting " dodges " — I can give them no other name — by which he might exclude me. I said that this was very unfair : he, the vicar, had written to me offering the curacy of Dalton, and on the strength of that I had left Horbury. The vicar, Mr. Hawkins, a sturdy, straightforward EngUsh- man, burst out — " I wiU not do the Archbishop's dirty work for him. If he objects to you, let him act openly and above- 206 THE CHURCH REVIVAL board." The Archbishop did not desire to fall out with Lady Downe, who had several livings in the diocese in her gift, as also some " peculiars " which Dr. Thomson wished very greatly to get under his own jurisdiction. So eventually I was instituted. Dr. Thomson had been Provost of Queen's College, Oxford, in 1855. In 1861 he was made Bishop of Gloucester and Bristol. Struck by his appearance, so it was said, Queen Victoria had him transferred to York after he had been ten months in his first see, and he remained Archbishop for twenty-eight years. Of his ability there could be little doubt. As to his religious opinions I should say they were Erastian, and he only postured as a Low Churchinan because he was strongly opposed to the High- Church party ; and he used the Evangelicals as they served his ends. Here is an example of his methods. At Bridlington the parish church was in the hands of the so-called Simeonite Trustees. There were residents in the popular watering-place who could not endure the way in which the services were conducted in the church, and the sour doctrine there delivered made their gorges heave. Now an adjoining parish was in good hands, and the incumbent of this erected an iron mission chapel on his side of the boundary, and appointed to it a curate to conduct the services suitably. At this end of Bridlington a good number of viUa residences were being erected, in fact, it was spreading towards the iron chapel ; and here also a Sisterhood had a convalescent home. The chapel was always crowded and the services hearty. The Archbishop exerted him self to get a church built a stone's-throw off, on the Bridlington side of the frontier, and no sooner was this completed and a strong EvangeUcal had been appointed to it, than he withdrew the licence of the curate, and also that for the iron chapel. , This naturally led to the migration from the watering-place of aU such as were Churchmen at heart. Archbishop Thomson was a portly man, pompous in manner, and the text applied to him by Dr. Littledale was appropriate : " God, I thank thee that I am not as other men are." In the evening at dinner, in purple velvet, with purple silk apron and stockings and silver shoe-buckles, he presented a stately figure, but his face had lost its handsomeness when I knew him. The writer in the Dictionary of National Biography states that he was very popular with the artisan class, presumably at Sheffield. I never was at Sheffield, so I cannot say; but I have httle doubt that he was valued by the Dissenters, as doing his best THE VICTORIAN BISHOPS 207 to hinder Church work in the place done upon definite Church lines. His dread of anything like a manifestation of corporate hfe in the Church induced him to remain sulking at Bishop- thorpe, when he refused to attend the Pan-Anglican Conference. He objected strongly to my having non-communicating at tendance at Dalton. I said that I would stop it at once if he would point out to me the rubric requiring the withdrawal of such as did not purpose communicating. " But the children — I don't approve of the presence of the children." " Your Grace — it was the same with the Apostles : they also objected to the children approaching Christ. History repeats itself." It is only fair to say that when Bishop Fraser of Manchester appealed to him for his opinion relative to the doctrine held and taught by Mr. Gunton, of S. John's, Cheetham HiU, his decision was prompt, just and orthodox ; and that he took steps to expel Mr. Voysey from his cure, when he contravened the first prin ciples of the Faith. When I left Dalton for the rectory of East Mersea, to which I was presented by the Crown, he told me that he had given a glowing account of my work and a strong recommendation of myself to Mr. Gladstone, who had written to him about me. I was aware of the value of that. He knew nothing of my work, and he wanted greatly to get rid of me out of his diocese. At East Mersea, to which I was presented in 1871, 1 was in the diocese of Rochester tiU its subdivision, and then was in that of S. Alban. Claughton was Bishop ; he was the son of the steward of Lord Ward's estates. He was a man of considerable presence. He did weU at Oxford and was made Professor of Poetry. I never saw a Une of poetry written by him. He married the sister of Earl Dudley, his pupil, who befriended him throughout life, and together with Bishop Wilberforce obtained for him the bishopric of Rochester. When the see was divided, he took that of S. Alban. He resided in Danbury Park. In the Middle Ages a struggle ensued relative to Investitures, Gregory VII objecting to the reception of the pastoral staff by a bishop from the king. But now, under the Pubhc Worship Regulation Act, the English Bishops eagerly pressed their crooks into the hands of the Ex-divorce Judge, Lord Penzance ; and Claughton was the first to make this base surrender, and send the Rev. A. Tooth to him for condemnation and im prisonment. Claughton's daughter, Ameha Maria, widow of the Hon. 208 THE CHURCH REVIVAL Augustus Anson, married the Duke of Argyll. She was his second wife. By his first wife the Duke had Lord Lome, who married Princess Louise. Dr. Littledale's text for Bishop Claughton was: " He that giveth his virgin in marriage doeth well." Through these alliances Bishop Claughton became intimate with Royalty. A photographer took a portrait of the Princess of Wales and the Bishop looking over an album together. The artist published this under the title " The Princess and the Bishop studying the Sacred Scriptures," and the picture had in con sequence a considerable sale among pious females. The younger brother became successively Bishop of S. Helena, and Colombo, ultimately ending his days as Canon of S. Paul's, Archdeacon of London, and Chaplain-General of the Army. When he went to Ceylon he declared " that he was going to lay his bones amid his adopted flock ; " but second thoughts were best, and he did uncommonly well for himself on his return to England. He was succeeded by Jermyn, a good man if there ever was one. He really broke down through repeated dysentery attacks, and had to give up. He became Bishop of Barking, and afterwards of Gibraltar. The first Bishop of Colombo was Chapman, who had been an Eton master. At one time it was possible to encounter stalking together arm-in-arm down the Quadrant three " returned empties " from Colombo. After the resignation of Jermyn a long delay ensued before another man was nominated to Ceylon, lest he also should get a call to return home, and London would laugh to see four of these ex-Colombites marching together arm in arm. Bishop Claughton of Rochester did well as parish priest at Kidderminster. Although I was eight years in his diocese I saw him but twice ; on one occasion he exchanged half a dozen words with me. When first made bishop he received two invitations to stay the night, from a parish where he was going to confirm — one from the squire, the other from the churchwarden, a farmer. Now in Essex nearly every farmhouse is entitled a " Hall," and as the churchwarden wrote from " Hightree Hall " the Bishop accepted his invitation, supposing the writer lived in the biggest place, and was the more important of the two. He was vastly mortified on reaching his destination to find that the " HaU " was a farmhouse, pervaded by the smell of the stables and cowhouse. THE VICTORIAN BISHOPS 209 A very good bishop was Christopher Wordsworth of Lincoln^ 7 He was appointed by Disraeli in 1868, when the latter said to him that he had recommended him to the Queen " because I have confidence in your abilities, your learning, and the shining example which you have set, that a Protestant may be a good Churchsian." He was an earnest prelate, visiting throughout his diocese. Through him the see of SouthweU was created. It used to be told of William Sewell of Exeter, that before going to sleep every night he looked under his bed to see that no Jesuit was secreted there. Bishop Wordsworth was almost as fanatical in his horror of Rome, and the Pope, whom he firmly believed was Antichrist. I met him at the Alt Catholik Congress at Cologne, when he made a speech in Latin, which none could follow, owing to his Anglican pronunciation of the tongue. Happily he had had his address printed, and it was distributed about the haU. I heard several German professors exclaim at the beauty of the Latin. In the debate on the Public Worship Regulation Bill he withstood Archbishop Tait to the face, but his opposition was disregarded. Henry Phillpotts of Exeter was the son of an innkeeper of the Bell at Gloucester, It is remarkable that this well-known tavern should have given to the world two such remarkable men in the rehgious world as Whitefield and Phillpotts. Whitefield was born in it, and after his father's death his brother continued to keep the inn. Phillpotts was a bit of a pluralist, for along with the bishopric of Exeter he held one of the rich canonries of Durham. He was the Athanasius of the day. He was not a man of much presence — indeed his face was plain and did not bear a pleasant expression. In his diocese he was not liked ; and his nepotism gave great offence. It is of the Bishop that the story is told, how that, sitting by a lady at lunch, she said to him : " Oh, my Lord, do you not think that Devonshire is very like Switzerland ? " " Very," he replied, " except that in Devonshire there are no mountains, and in Switzerland there is no sea." Sitting by another, and noticing that she crumbled her bread at table, he remarked, " I fear I make you nervous." " Oh, dear no ! It is a habit I have acquired. When I sit by a bishop I crumble with one hand, when by an archbishop I crumble with both." When my uncle, the rector of the parish I am in, went up to 14 210 THE CHURCH REVIVAL see the Bishop on some occasion or other, it happened to be a very cold day, and he wore a white wooUen muffler about his throat. Without thinking of removing this, he was introduced into the study. The Bishop looked hard at him and said : " Do you contemplate committing suicide ? " " My Lord ! " " By hanging," pursued the Bishop : " I perceive that you have already adjusted the rope." Joseph Dornford, who had been tutor of Oriel, took the rectory of Plymtree. One day he went to the palace in ducks. Henry of Exeter said to him sternly : " Mr. Dornford, are those white trousers quite clerical ? " " Oh, my Lord ! They have washed white ! " was the reply. " Then I perceive," retorted the Bishop, " that the dye from your trousers has run into your necktie, which I notice is black." I shall say nothing concerning Bishop (afterwards Archbishop) Temple, nor Bishop Bickersteth of Exeter, as they belong to recent times. At no period since that of the Caroline prelates have we had so able a set of Bishops as at the present time. Some of them are determined to show that the tail is no longer to wag the dog ; they will be leaders ; and when such men take up a position as leaders, they wiU find thousands who wiU foUow them. Only in the far North and in certain Western dioceses lingers on the old tradition of long standing, of sending to them extreme Evangelicals, as sulky children are put in a corner. But generally the type of our EngUsh bishops is now high ; and under their direction no one need despair of the future of the Church in our land. In very truth, we have had some splendid bishops, men of whom any Church might be proud — great scholars, strong in their faith, staunch in their Churchmanship, fuU of human sympathy, most lovable ; such as Lightfoot, Westcott, Creighton, Stubbs, Benson, and Gore, who is with us still. Men — and Churchmen, after the feeblings of a former generation, men who could govern and direct, and who could be trusted. Looking back on the past, one could only say with Ferdinand Fabre, " 0 Sainte Eglise Catholique, il faut bien que quelque chose de divin reside en toi, puisque tes pretres n'ont pu reussir a te perdre." I would but change one word, with reference to England, and read Sveques in place of pretres, and that of the past. CHAPTER IX ROUGH WEATHER IF the EvangeUcals were bitterly hostile to the movement on religious grounds, so also were the Broad Churchmen led by Dr. Arnold, and Latitudinarians under Lord John Russell. The former were Erastian, and would cheerfuUy have stretched the pegs of the Establishment so as to shelter all kinds of Christians under its undenominational canvas tent ; the Latitudinarians were indifferent in rehgious matters, looking on all religions with impartiaUty as more or less superstitious. If the Evangelicals attacked with bluster that could do little permanent harm, the Broad Church and Latitudinarians assailed with subtlety far more deadly, for at one time they had all the power of the Crown and State at their back. It would appear as though it was with intent to outrage the feelings of High Churchmen that Dr. Hampden was promoted to the bishopric of Hereford. He had been previously appointed Regius Professor of Divinity at Oxford, and his Bampton Lectures had been condemned by the University as heretical, and he himself had been denied a voice in the nomination of University preachers. To offend not High Churchmen only, but Churchmen generaUy, Dr. Lee was given the newly founded bishopric of Manchester, although charged, almost certainly unjustly, with drunkenness and with being tipsy even during the performance of divine service. Although the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of London visited Lord John Russell, the Prime Minister, and implored him to have these charges investigated before Dr. Lee was consecrated, he absolutely refused to do so — thinking it was an unwarranted charge, and an insult to investigate it. The appointment was at once carried out. The bishoprics as they feU vacant were fiUed with Erastian prelates, and at a later date with Evangelicals. 212 THE CHURCH REVIVAL There were two bishops of decided Church opinions : Denison of Salisbury (1837-1854), and after him Hamilton (1854-1869). Blomfield of London was a man none could trust ; he shifted his political views, and in Church matters was unreliable. Like Reuben, he was unstable as water. In 1842 Bishop PhiUpotts in his Triennial Visitation speciaUy referred to the Oxford Tracts. While utterly condemning Tract Ninety, he upheld the general teaching of the Tracts, and referred more especiaUy to the Unity and Authority of the Church, the necessity of the Sacraments and the value of the Liturgy ; and then proceeded to urge, as he had done three years previously, " the duty of a faithful observance of the Rubrics. True it is, that inveterate usage may be pleaded for the non- observance of some of them. But of those not aU, perhaps not one, may have been irreclaimably lost. Be it our care to revive what we may ; but certainly not to permit any others to fall into disuse." Stimulated by these admonitions of their Bishop, many of his clergy instituted changes in the procedure of public Church services, and amongst these the adoption of the surplice in the' pulpit. There was no provision in the rubric for any change of vesture in the Communion Service, at which alone a Sermon was contemplated. The priest in surplice left the altar for the pulpit, and returned from the pulpit to the altar to continue the Liturgy. These changes, however, excited expressions of discontent, resulting in some parishes in disputes and open ruptures. In 1844 at Helston in Cornwall there were dis turbances, and on October 4 the doings of the incumbent, the Rev. W. Blunt, became the subject of judicial investigation by the Bishop. Eight matters of complaint were enumerated; (1) The use of the surplice in preaching. (2) Extempore preaching instead of a read sermon. (3) Disuse of a prayer before the sermon. (4) Extempore address on the Second Lesson in the evening instead of a formal read sermon. (5) Requiring the whole congregation to remain throughout the Communion Service, though not all communicating. (6) Refusing the Holy Communion to a parishioner baptized by a Roman Catholic. (7) Refusing to read the Burial Service over an unbaptizedman. (8) Refusal to marry without production of the Baptismal Register. ROUGH WEATHER 213 Some of these charges seem to us at this day very astounding. In the case of No. 6 Mr. Blunt was clearly in the wrong. The judgment of the Bishop was pronounced on October 23 ; and with regard to the surplice he pointed out that it was the sole legal dress ; its use was enacted by Edward VI, reversed by Mary, and re-enacted by Ehzabeth, and that he purposed to order aU clergy to wear it in their ministrations if the other more costly vestments were not provided by the parish. In accordance with this notification the Bishop issued his " Order " (November 20, 1844) to the same effect. This produced excitement throughout the diocese. Parish meetings to protest against it were generaUy summoned, when on December 3 the Bishop issued a letter " to a Rural Dean," suggesting that obedience to the " Order " might be deferred till a subsequent Sunday, " in order that you may all be able to satisfy your people that the use of it (the surphce) is adopted by you not from any preference on your own part but from obedience to your Bishop." At S. SidweU's by Exeter, Francis Courtenay, the incumbent, had for three years adopted the surphce in the pulpit, together with the observance of some other disused orders in the Rubrics ; but on December 8, in consequence of the excitement caused by the judgment in the Helston case, and the " Order," several of the congregation walked out of church when Mr. Courtenay ascended the pulpit in surphce, as had been his wont. By December 12 nearly aU the city parishes met in vestry and had their say, and on this day was held the vestry meeting of the united parishes of S. SidweU and S. James, comprising a population of about 9,000. The meeting was conducted decor ously, and an address was drawn up to the Bishop, expressing the regret of the parishioners that changes should be made in the Service by the revival of obsolete usages. To this the Bishop made a courteous reply on December 18, going over the grounds again, and requesting that the opposition should be withdrawn and his authority respected. On December 23 the Bishop issued a letter to the clergy, in which, after aUuding to the agitation against the use of the surphce in preaching, he withdrew his " Order " as respecting that garment, but added that where now used without offence, or where previously used, the " Order " was to remain in force. The notice of withdrawal created confusion, and placed some of the clergy in a position of difficulty. 214 THE CHURCH REVIVAL At S. SidweU's, according to the advice given in the " Letter," Mr. Courtenay, and the vicars of the other city churches, and the incumbent of S. James's, continued to use the surphce ; but later, this latter gave way. On the foUowing Sunday, January 12, on leaving the church, both Mr. Courtenay and Mr. Armstrong, incumbent of S. Paul's, were mobbed and foUowed to their houses by a hooting and howling crowd, threatening personal violence. Police protection was now provided, and as a rabble of two thousand had coUected to foUow Mr. Courtenay from the church to his house, situated at some considerable distance, and as it was excited and threatening, the pohce had to close round him and keep the assailants at bay with their truncheons. In the evening the preacher, the Rev. S. Coleridge, was similarly mobbed. On the 21st the Mayor wrote to the Bishop, detaihng the riotous proceedings on the preceding Sunday, and stating that on the latter occasion the whole available poUce force had been required to protect the clergy ; and he added that if the mob increased in numbers and in violence on ensuing Sundays, he could not be answerable for the consequences. Accordingly on January 22 the Bishop absolved the clergy from the obhgation to wear the surpUce when preaching. This was communicated to the vestry meetings, and the disturbance ceased. From January 1845 things went on quietly in the parish of S. SidweU's, when, after four years, the riot broke out again. Certain of the city churches had been lent by their incumbents to a sort of society of volunteers who undertook to supply — what was then a novelty — evening services, in addition to the ordinary parochial services in the afternoon. It was a High- Church Society, and on the evening of Good Friday, and again on August 27, the same clergyman, Rev. J. Ingle, had officiated, and on both occasions preached in his surphce. There had been some sUght indications of disapproval on these occasions, but nothing more. But on Sunday evening, October 29, 1848, a demonstration had been organized. The church from end to end, as also the galleries, were packed with a congregation the majority of whom had never been seen in a house of .God before. As soon as the preacher mounted the pulpit, the storm burst forth, an uproar of shouts of derision, hooting, catcaUs broke out, and was so continuously maintained that not a coherent sentence of the preacher's sermon could be heard. This continued for so ROUGH WEATHER 215 long a period, and those who attempted to appease the uproarious crowd having failed utterly in their endeavour, the Mayor of the city was summoned. He, seeing that it was useless and indecorous to continue the service, appealed to the preacher to leave the pulpit, and this was complied with. The mob then assembled in the main street with evident design of there continuing the outrage. Trie mayor entreated and then directed Mr. Ingle to leave the church by another route ; to this Mr. Ingle objected, but eventuaUy, on the urgency of his friends, he complied with the Mayor's requirements. The Mayor now proceeded to where the rabble was in waiting with purpose to duck the clergyman in a horsepond ; but the mob having discovered that he had left the church by another door, tore hooting down the main street, and meeting two other and entirely inoffensive clergymen, made them the butt of their abuse. Fortunately for himself, Mr. Ingle managed to escape. After this, the incumbent withdrew the use of the church for the evening services. On November 9, however, the Bishop held an inquiry, and requested that they might be resumed, but directed that the surphce should not be used in them. The sermon in the evening service stood on a different footing from that in the morning, and no provision had been made for it in the Prayer Book.1 The surplice riots were not confined to Exeter ; they broke out in London" and elsewhere, and the press did its utmost to rouse the people against the reformers. The " Puseyites," as the men were caUed who trod in the steps of the Tractarians, were held up to mockery in picture and in leader. The London Times gravely rated them, and they were ridiculed in Punch. Novehsts — such as Mrs. Henry Wood — pubhshed absurd carica tures of them, knowing none personaUy, setting up scarecrows to batter them with abuse. On November 5, in many places (e.g., in the Cathedral yard at Exeter) figured a Puseyite priest in cassock, surphce and stole as the Guy Fawkes of the day, to be given to the flames. Yet the points of dispute, the matters that excited such fury, were but trifles. "Ritualism" was not yet thought of. Perhaps no parson underwent more cruel and persistent per- 1 I have employed for this account of the Exeter surplice riots the MS. account of them written by Dr. T. Shapter, M.D., of Exeter, who was mayor at the time, kindly lent me by Chancellor Edmunds. 216 THE CHURCH REVIVAL secution at that period than did the Rev. George Rundle Prynne of Plymouth, and his case was the more grievous because his principal assailants were clergy of the Church of England. S. Andrew's was the parish church of Plymouth, and it had been secured by Protestant Trustees. Plymouth, Devonport and Stonehouse, the " Three Towns," had expanded enormously, and the spiritual and moral destitution of the great seaport, military establishment and dockyard had become serious, for the population had hopelessly outgrown all existing provision for supplying its spiritual wants. By the so-called Peel Act of 1843, three new parishes had been constituted in Plymouth — S, Peter's, S. James' the Less, and S. John's. The two former were taken out of the parishes of S. Andrew and East Stonehouse ; the latter out of that of Charles. The new district assigned to S. Peter's contained a population of about four thousand, almost aU poor, many abjectly so. To this Mr. Prynne was appointed in 1848. There was no church, but on a tongue of high ground stood an ugly conventicle, Eldad Chapel, that had been the preaching-house of Dr. Hawker, who had seceded from the Church. On his death it was sold, and bought to serve as the church of S. Peter. It was a typical conventicle, surrounded internally with gaUeries, furnished with a three-decker to which all the seats converged, and destitute of a chancel of any sort. This last was however now provided from the designs of Mr. George Street, in very respectable Gothic, but small. The three-decker was thrown out and the galleries removed. Directly after the opening of S. Peter's, in November 1848, Mr. Prynne let it appear that he was determined on taking a decided line in his teaching ; but his ritual was very moderate. However moderate it might be, it roused opposition, not among the parishioners, but among a host of Evangelical busybodies and clergy of the Low-Church party. The charges brought against him appear to us at the present day absurdly trivial — such as the use of the surplice in the pulpit, and the reading of the " Church Militant prayer " before giving the blessing in ante- Communion, the chanting of the Psalms, the bowing of the head at the sacred name, intoning the prayers, and omitting a prayer before the sermon. The collecting of alms in bags was also pronounced to be inconsistent with Protestantism. A local paper hoped that the " man " who introduced the alms-bags would himself speedily " receive the sack." On a much later occasion, in the diocese of Lincoln an aggrieved parishioner ROUGH WEATHER 217 complained to Bishop Wordsworth that his vicar, the Rev. G. E. Smith, "collected the arms of his congregation in bags! " The ringleader of the opposition was the Rev. J. Hatchard, Vicar of S. Andrew's, backed up by a handful of retired naval and military officers. They sat as a quasi-vigilance committee for some years, and carried on warfare against Mr. Prynne. They got up public meetings to protest against his Papistical proceedings, they memorialized the Bishop. They controlled and inspired the local press, which poured forth the most scurrilous articles against the Vicar of S. Peter's. The High-Church practices at Eldad were for a while driven from the thoughts of the Plymouthians by the appearance in their midst of Asiatic cholera during the summer of 1849. It raged in the slums of the Three Towns, and with especial virulence in the densely thronged alleys in S. Peter's parish. People died like flies. It spread to Exeter, to Tavistock, and other towns. A special cholera hospital was erected for the sufferers in Plymouth and the adjoining Devonport and Stonehouse, and thiswas in S. Peter's district, A sisterhood had been started in Devonport by Miss Sellon two years previous to the licensing of Eldad Chapel as a church. The Sisters at once placed them selves at the disposal of Mr. Prynne, and to be nearer the scene of their labours moved into his parish. It was then, when men and women were dying about him, that for his own strengthening and that of his fellow workers, Prynne started a daily Eucharist, which has not been intermitted to this present. Then it was offered in the convent chapel, later in the Parish Church. That chapel at the time was a tent. Recently the Guild of S. George in the parish has put up a brass tablet in memory of this historic event in the Hall, as it is almost the exact spot where the chapel- tent formerly stood. During the time when this fearful epidemic raged Mr. Prynne, his curate and the Sisters, laboured indefatigably. On one occasion, in one of the small dirty courts, the Vicar was visiting the sick, and receiving no answer when he knocked at one door, he went in and found every inmate dead, and^ne house reeking with the most horrible stench. He and the curate between them removed the dead into the street. I quote a portion of a narrative by Mr. Prynne given in Mr. A. Chftdn Kelway's Memoirs of G. Rundle Prynne.1 " I weU remember on one occasion having been called to see 1 London, 1905. The book well deserves to be read and thought over. 218 THE CHURCH REVIVAL a poor woman lying on a mattress on the floor in the agonies of cholera, and close on her confinement. It was a low, over crowded room. I had to step over a dead body to get at her. Another dead body had just been put into its thin coffin and was being lowered through the window into the street below. The screams of the people below, many of whom were Irish, in their terror and excitement, were most thrilling. Women would throw themselves on their knees in the street and catch hold of my knees, entreating me to come to the aid of some stricken one. " I cannot pass over this subject without speaking of the devoted and heroic labours of the Sisters of Mercy during this visitation, and of the invaluable assistance they rendered us. They were a band of heroines in the army of God ; the thought of personal danger did not seem to enter their minds. They had a tent in the field near the hospital to harbour and feed the orphaned children. " One morning my assistant curate, Mr. Hetling, met one of the Sisters carrying something which seemed heavy, folded in her arms. He asked what it was. She had to admit that it was the body of a child that had just died of cholera, and that she was carrying it to the house where the ready-made coffins were kept. Another instance of self-sacrificing devotion of a stiU more striking character soon after came to my notice. A poor woman struck down with cholera had just lost her infant child that she had been nursing. Her sufferings were aggravated by not having the accustomed relief. A Sister was kneeling by the side of the poor woman and doing the infant's part in reheving her, when the doctor came in and caught her in the act. ' Sister A ,' said he, ' you must promise me not to do that again.' The Lord seemed to have taken away all fear from those who were ministering to His suffering members." In March 1852 Mr. Hetling wrote to the Bishop : "It has been my lot for a quarter of a century to have seen and borne an active part in very much of suffering, pain and death. Formerly in medical practice, I have seen the whole course of cholera in London, Paris, and Bristol, and lastly here, in my office as deacon. I have beheld many acts of self-devotion to its sufferers and victims, yet never have I witnessed anything that surpassed, or even equaUed, the self-abandonment and self-sacrifice of these humble Sisters. . . . Stretched upon the bed, saturated with the sickness of this dreadful disease, their persons and dresses steeped in its poison, I have seen the sick and dying ROUGH WEATHER 219 encompassed with their arms, the cramped limbs embraced and chafed, their heads rechning on their necks ; now wiping with a gentle hand the fatal dampness from their sunk faces, now with affectionate entreaty pouring medicine into their mouths, and then, in the intervals of repose, with lips close to their half-duU ears, whispering some kind words of love, hope of pardon for past sins, or repeating a short prayer or sentence from the Litany ; taking their hasty meal from the common stock in the centre of the room, or often at the bedside, often leaving it unfinished to perform some menial act. And aU this, too, amidst the gloom of that long array of shriveUed, collapsed and leaden forms and faces, behind whose outward shroud Death was riding triumphantly. They were awful times and solemn scenes. There was one redeeming feature — there was a halo of sanctity round the persons of these calm Sisters which inspired hope and even confidence, and which, more than aU, checked and repressed the irreverence and untimely merriment and pleasantry too common in the wards of a hospital. That hospital was a sacred place. The medical gentlemen, who indeed right nobly exercised their high profession, often ex pressed the security in which they left the nurses under their direction." The cholera epidemic gradually died away. The Sisterhood having moved into S. Peter's parish, the Bishop laid the founda tion-stone of a house for the community. The cholera had left so many orphans who were destitute, that the Sisters were almost compeUed to make provision for them, and they started an orphanage for girls. For a short while the concerted attacks on S. Peter's abated, out of very shame felt by those who were talkers rather than labourers. Yet they had worked, even in the cholera year, by acting secretly and gathering information for another attack, to be dehvered when admiration for the self-devotion of the Sisters and the clergy of S. Peter's should have cooled down. Mr. Prynne had become chaplain to the Sisterhood. Now the attack was renewed. Accusations were brought against the Sisters for saying " Lauds ; " also for — so it was asserted — doing no work upon Wednesdays and Fridays, and compelling the orphans under their charge to go to confession — neither of these latter accusations was true. In 1852 a Cambridge parson, James Spurrell, issued a pamphlet against the Sisterhood. He had hghted upon a Miss CampbeU, 220 THE CHURCH REVIVAL who had entered as a novice and had left, and he worked her " for all she was worth." Miss Campbell, Scottish as her name shows, was an impression able, somewhat self-wiUed young lady. She had been in France, and had been greatly impressed with the dignity of worship and the piety she saw in the Roman Church, and she made up her mind to join that Church and become a nun. But before doing so, her mother urged her to go into Miss SeUon's Community for a twelvemonth, and see how she rehshed conventual life. She did so, and Miss Sellon at once found that she was extremely ignorant of what the Church of England was and what were her doctrines, which was natural enough in one who presumably had been reared in Presbyterianism. The rules of the Community of which " Mother Lydia " was head were undoubtedly severe, and calculated to deprive the Sisters very much of wills of their own; The Scottish girl soon tired of this, and left. The revelations Miss CampbeU made to Mr. Spurrell were, however, not very dreadful. What f oUows refers to the daughter house at Bristol. The Sisters said the Canonical Hours, read Thomas a Kempis' Imitation of Christ, used the Sarum Psalter translated, were not allowed to read novels or indeed any books without the consent of the Superior, nor to receive or send letters that had not been submitted to her. " That the Reader may have a correct idea of the employments of these Sisters devoted to religion, it may be stated that, having aU the menial work to do for themselves, it was no uncommon thing for these young ladies, brought up in all the refinements of polite life, to be carrying at half-past five o'clock in the morning a large dust-barrel to the top of the court. A little later in the day the same Sisters were engaged sweeping out the house, cleaning the grates, making the fire, pumping the water, and other of the occupations of domestic servants. One would have occasionaUy to carry the dinner to the bakehouse, or to fetch beer from the public-house — duties strangely enough intermingled with Prime, Terse (sic), Sext, Nones, etc., visiting the poor, and Common Prayer twice a day at the Cathedral [at Bristol]." 1 In the summer of 1852, when passions were inflamed by SpurreU's pamphlet, the wrath of the local Protestants was roused by the announcement that the Bishop intended holding a Confirmation in S. Peter's Church in the ensuing autumn. The 1 Miss Sellon and the Sisters of Mercy: An Exposure (London, 1852), p. 29. ROUGH WEATHER 221 walls of the town were placarded with bills, calling upon parents to refrain from letting their children be confirmed at S. Peter's, and at a meeting of the Plymouth Orphan Asylum Committee a resolution was proposed and was seconded by Mr. Hadow, the minister of S. Andrew's Chapel, and supported by Mr. Hatchard of S. Andrew's Parish Church and two other Plymouth clergy, not to aUow any of the orphans of the establishment to be confirmed at S. Peter's. And now broke out a savage attack on the Sisters and Mr. Prynne on account of the practice of Confession. Meetings were held to denounce the practice of Confession. One called in S. George's Hall at Plymouth was described as a " monster meeting," and the speakers were three clergymen, Messrs. Hatchard, Greaves and Nantes, two captains of engi neers, a dissenting preacher, a wine merchant and some laymen, of more or less insignificance. Nearly all were members of the " Plymouth Church Reform Association," the object of which was to obtain a revision of the Prayer Book " with a removal therefrom of aU ground and pretext for Romish doctrine and practice, and a wider comprehension of Christians within the pale of the National Church." Definite charges were now made against the Sisters and Mr. Prynne. Mr. Hatchard had managed to lure a girl away from the Sisters' orphanage by promising to get her a good place and by preventing her mother from obtaining employment in a factory till the girl was removed. He took her — she was aged fourteen — into his own house, and she was induced to make specific charges against- Mr. Prynne and the Sisters : that the orphans were compelled to go to confession, and that Mr. Prynne had asked her indecent questions. The indictment was com mitted to writing under the instigation of the girl's mother. The Rev. Mr. Childs, of S. Mary's, Devonport, secured another girl's testimony much to the same effect ; she had been in veigled into this by a spinster lady who was a fanatic in the Protestant cause. A third girl was also got hold of and induced to say much the same thing, but her conscience reproached her, and she went before a magistrate, and in the presence of witnesses declared that she retracted all the accusations that she had been persuaded to make. The Bishop hereupon held an investigation at Plymouth. The girl befriended by Mr. Hatchard was interviewed privately by the Bishop, Messrs. Hatchard and Greaves, Mr. Prynne and 222 THE CHURCH REVIVAL his curate Mr. Darling, as to her private life. She acknowledged during the inquiry that before the age of twelve she had been guilty of sins which perfectly appaUed the few persons who were allowed to hear this part of the evidence ; she had, however, been received by Miss Sellon and maintained for some time, till she was wanted by Mr. Hatchard in 1849, to give evidence against her benefactress. Then her mother was informed by her em ployer (a Mr. Soper) that she would be turned off unless she took her child home. This was done, and the child was duly produced at the inquiry. The girl admitted that she had been induced to confess ; and that she had revealed to a clergyman, poor girl, the sickening load of guilt which, it may be hoped, lay heavy on her mind; and questions were put to her of which nothing further appears than that in the opinion of the Bishop they were justified by the shocking acknowledgments out of which they arose. Perhaps Mr. Hatchard had not known aU that now came out, but he learned it then, and he did not express the slightest shame or regret for his share in the transaction — nor, with the facts fuUy before him, did it apparently occur to him that he had done anything but what was Christian and praiseworthy, in attempting to damage an obnoxious cause and gratify the Plymouth pubhc at the probable cost of a human soul. We come now to Mr. Child's witnesses. The first was a girl who passed under two different names, and is described as giving, with an offensive flippancy of manner, a detailed account of her own confession, with a due proportion of coarseness in the supposed interrogator and levity in herself. She said that she had heard from the girl who had just appeared that Mr. Prynne asked improper questions, and she had gone to confession for no other purpose than to ascertain whether this was the case. She related how that she had received absolution kneeling back to back with Mr. Prynne, at the Confessional Creed (whatever she meant by that), and that the absolution began " Reverend Father in God, I beseech thee give me thy blessing," and was to the effect that she might have " health, success and so on." This girl had not been an orphan, but a servant in the convent, and had been dismissed for bad conduct ; and after she left it was discovered that she had been in the habit of purloining and getting rid of various articles on which she could lay her hand. Mr. Prynne never had received her confession, and once only ROUGH WEATHER 223 had he spoken to her of Confirmation, and had not even mentioned confession. The girl was evidently an unprincipled liar, and carried her falsehoods to those to whom she conceived they would be acceptable. The second of Mr. Child's cases, C. D., had written this : " I went to Mr. Prynne Fridays, on which day I told him of the faults I had committed during the past week ; on which day he gave me the foUowing directions : To Ue on the hearthstone for ten minutes every night after prayers. . . . Every month he asked me the question — 'if ever any impure thought came into my mind.' He also asked me ' if ever I kept company with any young man, etc' " C. D. did not appear, but in her stead the foUowing declaration was read, which she had made alone and voluntarily before a magistrate of Devonport. It appears that her statement to Mr. Child was almost as untrue as that of her predecessor ; but her recantation had this peculiarity, that it showed, httle to Mr. ChUd's credit, the mode by which she was induced to put her statements in writing : " Most Reverend Father in God, — I write these few Unes to say I am sorry that Mr. Child should have taken things in such a wrong meaning ; the questions that Mr. Prynne asked me was only in my first confession, and then it was something that I con fessed. . . . Mr. Prynne never told me to Ue on the hearthstone, but I wrote, and I was so terrified that I do not remember scarcely anything I put down and am heartily sorry I should have told such falsehoods about Mr. Prynne, who have been so kind to me ; and Mr. Child asked about the questions without asking me if there was any reason for Mr. Prynne asking me those questions. If I had known that Mr. Child was going to make any use of it I should not have written it, but I was not aware of it at the time. I was greatly hurried about writing because Mr. Child wanted it." It is needless to say that the charge against Mr. Prynne broke completely down, and so also that of the Sisters compelling the orphans to go to confession. There is this to be said of Mr. Child, that he did show some signs of being ashamed of the pitiful part he had played in this affair.1 The exculpation of Mr. Prynne disappointed and exasperated the Protestant fanatics; and now Mr. Latimer, the proprietor 1 The Guardian, October 6, 1852. 224 THE CHURCH REVIVAL and publisher of an Exeter paper, in a violent and scurrilous article attacked the Vicar of S. Peter's, making libellous accusa tions against him. By the advice of the Bishop and his wife's relations, Mr. Prynne, very reluctantly, took legal action against Latimer. The action was heard in Exeter. Prynne thus de scribed what took place : " The court was crowded, but in that crowd I could only see some half a dozen friendly faces. The large majority seemed to look upon me with dislike and suspicion. The jury, as I afterwards learned, was composed almost entirely of Dissenters. The case did not last long, but my friends seemed satisfied that the evidence had entirely proved the libeUous nature of the statements against me, and the judge's summing up confirmed this view. Indeed, when the jury left the room, the judge, much to my astonishment, shook hands with me, and congratulated me on my evidence, and the course the action had taken. When, shortly after, the jury returned with a verdict for the defendant, those present seemed too surprised to utter a sound, but in a few seconds the majority commenced to cheer and clap their hands. The judge seemed very indignant, and at once ordered silence." The costs of the action were heavy, and as Prynne was unable to bear them, everything that he had that was of value was, sold by auction, down to the cradle of his infant son, who had in lieu to be put to bed in a drawer. Years passed. In 1882 the noble new church of S. Peter rose where had stood Eldad Chapel, and in 1884 Mr. Prynne was elected proctor to Convocation. On Sunday, January 12, 1913, the Mayor and Corporation of Plymouth in their robes and in procession attended the High Celebration at S. Peter's Church. In 1846 John Mason Neale was appointed Warden of SackviUe CoUege, an almshouse attached to an old mansion of the Sack viUe family, that gave him apartments for himself and family, and an income of £28 per annum. As there was a chapel, and according to the statutes of the almshouse daily prayer must be said in it, Neale was desirous of obtaining the licence of the Bishop of Chichester, Dr. Gilbert. But the patron, Lord De la Warre, objected that the College was extra-parochial, and that the sohciting for a licence was tantamount to surrender of its hberties. Mr. Neale found the almshouse in a deplorable state of decay, the haU and the chapel ruinous, and he persuaded Lord De la Warre to rebuild the hall, and he himself reseated SACKVILLE COLLEGE CHAPEL AS IT WAS IN 1847 ROUGH WEATHER 225 the chapel. On the altar were cross and candles and flower vases. In the CoUege, Mr. Neale had a celebration of the Holy Communion on Sundays early (9.30), and Matins and Evensong daily ; but on Sundays for Morning and Evening Prayer he and the brethren and sisters of the CoUege went to the Parish Church. On the first Sunday of the month, when there was a celebration of the Holy Communion in the Parish Church, there was none in the chapel of SackviUe College. Complaints were made to Bishop Gilbert of the High-Church proceedings of Mr. Neale, and he proceeded to pay a visit to the chapel after holding a Confirmation at East Grinstead in April 1847, in company with the complainant. As the Bishop entered and looked at the East end, he said : "I am not here with visitatorial authority ; if I were I should sweep away aU that " — pointing to the altar. J.M.N. " The Altar, my Lord ? " Bishop. " I know nothing of Altars. The Church of England knows nothing of Altars or Sacrifices. I would retain a decent low table. I would not feed Christ's little ones with the wood of the cross." J.M.N. " You would retain the table ? " Bishop. " I have said so already. But, to be candid with you — aU that our Church does not authorize, she prohibits. But, as I have said, I have no visitatorial authority." A few days later the Bishop launched the inhibition. " I feel it to be my duty to inhibit you, and I do hereby inhibit you, from celebrating Divine Worship, and from the exercise of clerical functions in my diocese." To that was added a letter : "I cannot transmit to you the foUowing inhibition without adding a fervent prayer that God may be pleased to open your eyes to the dishonour done to Him by . . . presenting to the eyes and thoughts of worshippers the frippery with which you have trans formed the simplicity of the chapel at SackviUe CoUege into an imitation of the degrading superstitions of an erroneous Church." Now, somewhat later, I have myself seen the identical Dr. Gilbert, Bishop of Chichester, at Hurstpierpoint CoUege, worship ping in the temporary chapel, where every one of the things for which Neale was suspended existed — cross, candles, flowers — and he made no objection. Lord De la Warre claimed that the chapel at SackviUe CoUege was not under Episcopal jurisdiction, was in fact a pecuUar ; and a suit was tried, but badly defended and lost, so that Neale was inhibited from saying daily prayer IS 226 THE CHURCH REVIVAL in the chapel, from preaching and the celebration of Holy Communion for sixteen years. Mr. Neale was not only a man of wide and brilliant scholarship ; he was the most learned ecclesiologist and Uturgiologist we had at the time in England ; his History of the Holy Eastern Church is a classical work, and his hymns are to be found in every Anghcan Church hymnal, and are used in Dissenting meeting houses as weU. Bishop Wilberforce in vain strove to obtain from Bishop Gilbert a removal of the inhibition, which was a scandal. In the early part of 1851, a Mrs. Aulchim died in the CoUege, to which she had been admitted at her own entreaty. For the burial of the old folk of the Almshouse a bier and a paU had been provided. The usual custom was for the coffin to be carried on the shoulders of bearers. Obviously it would be safer in many cases that it should be borne on a bier. The paU was purple, with a small white cross worked in the midst. The relations of Mrs. Aulchim, at the head of a rabble, came to the College and demanded to be admitted, so as to carry off the body in their own way, sans bier and pall. As they were threatening, in place of giving them admission, the coffin was taken outside the gates and delivered over to the relations. These at once conveyed it to a pubhc-house and opened it there, to make sure that the body was in it, and then proceeded to the churchyard. That night a mob of about a hundred and fifty persons, many of them disguised, paraded the town, bearing shavings, straw and other combustibles, then proceeded to the CoUege, where they made a bonfire on which they burnt crosses, a bier and a paU. Not content with that, they threw stones at the windows and smashed the panes of glass. Then, after returning to the town, where they were regaled with beer, they went back by the CoUege and endeavoured to set fire to the Warden's house, melting the lead of the casement of one window and the flames leaping above the roof. When Mr. and Mrs. Neale went out to speak to the rioters, they were both attacked, and obUged to take refuge behind barricaded doors. There was again a riot in 1856, but the most serious one took place in 1857 at Lewes. A Miss ScobeU, daughter of the Rev. John ScobeU, the in cumbent of AU Saints', Lewes, had had her life at home rendered intolerable by her father's dishke, and consequent unkindness. As he became insane later on, and died in this condition, this may ROUGH WEATHER 227 explain the barbarity of his conduct to his child. She took refuge in S. Margaret's Sisterhood, that Mr. Neale had founded, after having spent some years drifting about from one friend's house to another. She entered the Sisterhood in the autumn of 1857, and in nursing a case of scarlet fever caught the infection and died, only nine weeks after putting on her Sister's dress.1 I wiU quote what followed from Mr. Neale's own account : — " On her deathbed, having appointed the Superior of S. Mar garet's and myself her executors, she expressed a wish to be buried in the family vault in the churchyard of her father, and that the funeral should be conducted in the way which she considered most proper and most Christian. On mentioning these wishes to her father on his arrival (which did not take place tiU after her death) he immediately acquiesced in both, expressed his willingness that she should be followed to the grave by the other Sisters, and charged himself with all the arrangements at Lewes. " Contrary to what would have been our wish, and much to our inconvenience, he asked that the funeral might take place in the evening ; it was therefore fixed for 5.30 p.m. On our arrival at Lewes the usual procession was formed, the bier pre ceded, myself and the Sisters foUowed ; the only thing beyond an ordinary funeral being a wreath of white flowers carried by an orphan child from S. Margaret's — unless I need mention a white paU, but so trimmed with black as to be perfectly inconspicuous in the twilight. " The churchyard hes about a hundred yards from the station. Before reaching it, we were joined by Mr. Scobell himself and three members of his family, who proceeded to take their places between ourselves and the bier. The Service in the Church was read by Mr. Hutchinson of West Firle ; the uproar, hooting and yelling in the churchyard, most evidently preconcerted, and with considerable skill, being quite alarming. With some difficulty we made our way to the vault in the bank of the north side of the churchyard. Mr. Hutchinson entered the vault, and the service was there concluded, the mob every moment growing fiercer and more threatening. They made way, however, 1 Miss Scobell was aged twenty-seven, and had from £5,000 to ^6,000 left her by her mother. She left the bulk of her property to a favourite brother, and only ^400 to the Sisterhood. On one occasion her father had locked the door on her and himself, wrenched the keys of her desk from her, opened it and produced her diary and notes for confession, and read them out before her sisters. 228 THE CHURCH REVIVAL for Mr. ScobeU and family, as well as for Mr. Hutchinson. As the former was passing, I stepped up to him and said, ' Mr. ScobeU, you see how threatening the mob are: wiU you not protect the Sisters ? ' He bowed and passed on, and that, be it remembered, when his daughter had died in their arms only five days previously. While this was passing the hghts were either extinguished, or so flashed in our faces as to make a confusion worse than darkness. There was a cry of ' Do your duty ! Now the performance is to come off ! ' and a rush was immediately made upon us. But the strangest part of aU was that men, certainly in the dress of gentlemen, could stand by and see ladies dashed this way and that, their veils dragged off and their dresses torn, and, far from rendering the least assistance, could actuaUy excite the dregs of the rabble to further violence. I was myself knocked down, and, for a moment, while under the feet of the mob, gave myself up for lost. We were borne along into the street — Mr. Scobell having quietly gone home, and taking no further interest in the matter. Some of the Sisters took refuge in the schoolmaster's house, some, with myself, in a little pubUc-house caUed the King's Head. Round this inn the mob soon gathered, and were with great difficulty prevented from breaking in. At last, by the advice of the police, I made my way across gardens and over waUs to the station : a larger force having been now got together, was sent back with a fly to the King's Head, and there, after some hard fighting on their part, we were enabled to return to East Grinstead by the next train, the rabble besetting the station to the very last." Sister Amy's father published his own account of the trans action, representing Mr. Neale in the most odious light, and his daughter as having been trapped and deluded, and finaUy placed in the way of infection, that her small property might, at her death, fall into the hands of her new friends, who, it was reported, had induced her to make her will in that sense. The Bishop at once withdrew from his post as Visitor of S. Mar garet's, and published a letter addressed to the Superior in which he stated that he entirely withheld countenance and approval of the Community. Mr. Scobell's pamphlet contained a tissue of false representa tions, which could be categorically disproved by letters and by personal evidence. The Mother Superior, taking with her the necessary documents, at once went to Chichester and requested ROUGH WEATHER 229 an interview with the Bishop. It was peremptorily refused. She offered to wait his Lordship's time, and urged the import ance of her communication and what she had to lay before him. For all reply she was informed by the butler that till she quitted the apartment into which she had been shown his Lordship would be unable to interview any one else. That any one, be his rank and station what it may, should thus re pulse a lady whose only object in requesting an interview was to set herself right in his good opinion, is simply astounding. Bishop Forbes of Brechin wrote : " Twenty years hence the people of Lewes will kiss the dust off the Sisters' feet." This came almost UteraUy true, at that interval of time, on the occasion of their nursing the poor of Lewes during a serious outbreak of fever in the town, some twenty years after. In i860 Bishop Gilbert virtually, in 1863 formally, revoked the inhibition laid on Mr. Neale in 1847. The first church in London in which services of a tolerably advanced class were started was S. Barnabas, Pimhco, if we put aside Margaret Street Chapel, where was Mr. Oakeley in 1839. This latter, during the French Revolution, had been a kind of temple of Deism. It then passed into the hands of the Irvingites, and finally became an Anglican chapel-of-ease. GaUeries skirted the waUs, pews blocked up the area. Sanctuary was none ; but immediately in front of the Communion Table was a three-decker. Mr. Oakeley swept these abominations away, and made the chapel — that was reaUy not much more than a long room — to look churchlike. The altar was given a crimson frontal, cross and candlesticks, whose unlighted candles stood memorials of episcopal inflexibility, and emblems of patient hope. They were only lighted when the fog came down thick and rendered necessary some artificial light. But Margaret Street Chapel was a very small affair. There was a later temporary chapel, of much the same character, in which the Rev. Upton Richards officiated. I can recall it in the old days before All Saints' Church was built. The parish of S. Paul's, Knightsbridge, comprised a narrow strip of land a mile and a quarter in length, containing in 1840 a population of about 12,000 souls. It comprised the extremes of wealth and poverty. At the farther end, " NeU Gwynn's Court " and " New Grosvenor Place " were noted for their squalor. There the Grosvenor Canal was little better than an open sewer. The houses were old and ruinous, and the streets 230 THE CHURCH REVIVAL unpaved. This district was occupied by the scum of society. The small beershops were rendezvous of the veriest dregs of the people. Here Mr. Bennett, the incumbent of S. Paul's, Knights bridge, resolved on building a church, schools, and a clergy house, and in these he purposed carrying out the principles of the Oxford Movement. By 1848 the group of buildings was completed at the cost of £30,000. Who can tell now what self- sacrifices had been undergone to raise this sum ! As Mr. Bennett wrote in his farewell letter : " Every window has its tale of some noble heart that, yearning for His glory, has here laid his sub stance and his love to be set forth. It is the noble and the poor together — faithful women and little children together — here all in one contributed. Each window marks a story known not to you, but only to me and God. Do you see the most holy place, this altar and all that lies upon it — the holy vessels, the vestments, the various preparations for the holy sacrifice ? There is not one, no, not one single holy thing there lying in its sacred use but swells up the bursting heart into a memory of some deed of love of those by me, their pastor, best loved in this wide world of sin : there are some gifts of penitents, gladly by their almsgiving showing forth contrition for a youth of sin, now lately learning what they never knew before ; here, gifts of the innocent in Christ — babes who yet have known but httle save to love, guarded by their angels standing before God in Heaven. I know each name. This is the font — there is not a chisel-mark there but calls to mind the anxious hoarded alms and treasured sacrifice of her who laid it there for God's eternal use." At the Consecration the only thing to which Bishop Blom field objected was the flowers on the altar. On September 24, 1850, the Pope issued a Bull appointing bishops of the Roman Communion with titles from sees in England instead of Vicars Apostolic, who had previously acted in some such capacity. At once, all England was in an uproar over this so-caUed " Papal Aggression." Lord John Russell issued his " Durham Letter," in which he cast the blame upon the " Puseyites," fanned the excitement of the people, and directed it against the Tractarian Clergy. Punch had a cartoon representing Lord John as a naughty boy chalking up "No Popery " on a wall, and then running away. This was followed by the Guildhall dinner, at which Judges and Ministers de nounced the High-Church clergy in no measured terms, and ROUGH WEATHER 231 caUed on the people of England to rise in their might and put them down. The people in Pimlico and its neighbourhood took them at their word and sent to the Bishop denunciations of the practices at S. Barnabas. He was frightened, wrote to Mr. Bennett and ordered him to give up the practices that gave offence. This Mr. Bennett refused to do, and unguardedly told the Bishop that if he regarded him as unfaithful to the spirit of the Church of England, he would resign his cure. Then ensued a succession of riots in and about the church, and the chancel would have been invaded and wrecked, but for a cordon of faithful men who stood before the screen gates and defended them. The riots began on November 10 and continued till December 8. On this last day the chmax was reached, and there seemed every prospect of the rioters gutting the church, when Mr. Bennett mounted the pulpit and spoke with such fire, such heart-searching words as to overawe the mob, and send most of them out of church with abashed countenances. The Bishop now demanded of Mr. Bennett that he should resign, as he had undertaken. In vain did the poor people of the parish appeal to Bishop Blomfield — he would neither receive their depu tation nor answer their appeal ; and Mr. Bennett resigned, to be at once appointed Vicar of Frome Selwood by the Marchioness of Bath ; and the Hon. and Rev. R. Liddell was appointed in his room at S. Paul's. The services at S. Barnabas were con tinued as before, and it was some time before the riots ceased. I knew S. Barnabas intimately when Mr. Skinner was vicar and Mr. Lowder and Mr. Lyford were curates, and I was wont to stay in the clergy-house. Little by little the clouds roUed away, and now aU there is peace and prosperity. CHAPTER X STURM UND DRANG THE S. George 's-in-the-East riots began in 1859, and continued until i860.1 They took place in the church. They originated with a Mr. Allen, incumbent of S. Jude's, Whitechapel, who had obtained a position in S. George's as lecturer, independent of the rector, the Rev. Bryan King, and they began when the latter was abroad for his health. AUen was a violent Protestant, and, urged by his intemperate language, a few malcontents began to interrupt the services in the church. This speedily grew in intensity and violence, Disorderly interruptions were organized and systematically carried on week after week, whilst the proper authorities were indifferent, and took no active means to suppress them. One Sunday afternoon, overcome by the horror of what was going on, the curate fell down in a fit in the midst of the service, whereupon ensued a hideous row, and fighting. That the dis turbances were organized admitted of no doubt, for fuglemen were posted about the church in the pews and in the galleries, who gave signals for the hooting and profane shouts. Hand bills were placarded about the streets, containing much exciting language, the last being in the form of dissuasion: "Do not groan, do not hiss, do not pull the popish rags off his back; " and Mr. Allen was generally held to have written these — at all events he never repudiated them. I was wont to visit S. George 's-in-the-East, as I was a friend of the brother of Mrs. Bryan King, and I was there when the rector had returned. As far as I could see, there was nothing in the church that might reasonably be objected to. At Evensong a pair of candles lighted, a surpliced choir in the staUs, and the surplice worn in the pulpit. Directly the doors were opened, the mob surged into the church, scrambling into the pews, some over their backs, and 1 See for further particulars : C. F. Lowder, a Biography (London, 1881). 232 STURM UND DRANG 233 into the gaUeries. PoUce were stationed down the middle pas sage, but had been given orders to do nothing unless personal violence were offered. There ensued talking, laughing, and cracking of vulgar jokes before the service began. When the choir and clergy entered, there burst forth booing and hooting, and during the service unseemly mimicry of the intoning, and indecent parodies chanted as responses. When the choir turned East at the Creed, the mob turned bodily west. I felt, when I was there, that the Rev. Bryan King made a mistake in proceeding with Evensong, after the disturbance had begun. He should, in my opinion, have stopped at once, and left with the choir. We are forbidden to give that which is holy to dogs, and cast our pearls before swine. A great number of those who invaded the church came with Mr. AUen from Whitechapel, and it was obvious from their faces they were mere hooUgans, as we should now term them. Before Mr. Bryan King became rector of S. George's, his predecessor had appeared once only in the parish church during the seven preceding years, and had only one curate. After fifteen years of hard and hopeless work by Mr. King, the Rev. Charles Lowder came to his help and started a mission church in WeUclose Square. In 1859 s*x clergymen at least were labouring in the parish, besides a large staff of lay assistants, and six hundred children were under instruction in the schools that had been set on foot. No wonder the cry arose that Mr. King had " alienated " his parishioners. A letter from one, signing himself "an Englishman," was published as a pamphlet at this time, addressed to Lord Brougham. " Alienation indeed ! " he exclaims : " what more convincing evidence of the depth and reality of the work now being carried on at S. George's than the rancorous hostiUty which it encountered from the advocates and doers of Satan's work in that benighted parish ? The parishioners were quiet enough so long as the one curate with his four services a week feebly essayed to arrest the over whelming tide of vice and crime ; but, now that the Rector of S. George's has directed a more powerful armament against the stronghold of sin, its defenders cry out like Demetrius of Ephesus, for their ' craft is in danger.' " For ten months the riots in the church continued. During a part of that time the police were withdrawn. On August 14, 1859, the cry was raised, " Let us attack the choir boys ! " and a rush was made to assault them. One of the few friends of 234 THE CHURCH REVIVAL order who was endeavouring to protect them, as they fled to the vestry, knocked off the hat of one of the assailants, for which he was prosecuted by the publican churchwarden, the vestry paying the expenses of the prosecution. In the middle of August both Mr. King and his curate broke down, their health gave way, and they left S. George's for a time, when the whole burden of the services in the parish church fell upon the Mission clergy ; and as these had to come from and return to their house in Calvert Street, they were exposed all the way to the insults and personal violence of the mob in the street. A pathetic incident is connected with this, which Mr. Lowder thus describes : " When the Mission clergy assisted the rector in his time of need, and were themselves in considerable danger from the mob, while returning from the church to the Mission- house, we generally found on our way home a little girl from the school, trotting close by our side, as though to protect us from the violence of the people, who were pressing and shouting around us. She would take up her position near the church, and often wait a long time until we appeared ; and if we did not recognize her before, we soon heard a httle voice by our side, addressing us by name to show that she was near. The child, a wild little thing, living in an unfavourable atmosphere at home, was afterwards taken into S. Stephen's Home and sent out to service, and is now married." The Bishop of London did nothing to stop the profanity, save, as we shaU see, to counsel, nay, command submission to the demands of the rioters. Appeal was made in vain to Sir George ComewaU Lewis, who at that time was the head of the Home Office. Mr. Mackonochie, a curate, had a personal inter view with Mr. Waddington, the Under Secretary, from whom he got no further satisfaction than that doubtless instructions had already been given to the police. What these instructions were we have already seen. The disturbances started by Mr. AUen were organized by pubhcans and brothel-keepers,1 who found that the apostolic labours of the clergy menaced their trades. But it is almost certain that there were men of means and position, outsiders, who fomented the riots, for money circulated freely among the disturbers of the service. According to the late Mr. J. M. Ludlow, the riots were " largely stimulated by the Jewish 1 One of the ringleaders^was fined at theJMiddlesex Sessions for keeping several houses of ill-fame. STURM UND DRANG 235 sweaters, whose proceedings Mr. Bryan King's curates, Messrs. Mackonochie and Lowder, had the unheard-of temerity to denounce and interfere with." There could be no mistaldng the Hebrew cast of countenance of many of the young men who created the disturbances and carried them on with most persistence. On February 26, i860, and March 4, the mob took possession of the choir stalls, pelted and defaced the altar hangings with orange-peel and bread-and-butter, and overthrew the altar cross. The Bishop sent a manifesto to the churchwardens to remove the choir staUs, the altar hangings and the cross. These men gladly carried out the injunctions, and all the special objects of the rioters' hate were swept away. The clergy, now deprived of their staUs, had retreated to some deal forms, placed within the altar rails, as the only place left free for them ; but the mob invaded the sanctuary and took possession of the seats for the clergy and choristers. On the following Saturday, May 19, an order arrived from the Bishop desiring the church wardens to remove the forms that had been placed within the rails for the accommodation of the clergy, and to place these latter anywhere about the church wherever the churchwardens Usted. The question of ritual really did not enter into the considera tion of the disturbers of divine worship. As Mr. Rowley, who afterwards went with Bishop Mackenzie to South Africa, and was then in charge of a boys' school in Old Gravel Lane, wrote : " The character of some of these men was thus set forth by a young man who attended the night school in the Calvert Street district : 'It's all a question of beer, sir, and what else they can get. We know them. They are blackguards, like our selves here. Rehgion ain't anything more to them than it is to us. They gets paid for what they do, and they do it, like they'd do any other job." - It was in vain that Bishop Tait was entreated to come down and judge for himself, and speak to the people. He preferred to remain comfortably in his palace at Fulham. The story of the riots may be concluded in the words of the " Englishman " already mentioned, written in April i860. " Nearly every point assailed has been (unwisely, I think) surrendered for the sake of peace. . . . And what has been the result ? Why, that the state of things is as bad, if not worse, than ever it was. A pretty close attendant at the services at 236 THE CHURCH REVIVAL S. George's for some months, I will venture to say that the scene of riot and blasphemy on Sunday, the 8th of the present month, has never on more than one or two occasions been eqiiaUed, certainly never surpassed. There were the same exe crations, hisses and laughter, the same bursts of groans and howUngs, the same stamping and slamming of doors, the same husthng of the clergy and maltreating of helpless little choir boys, the same blasphemies, the same profanity, the same cowardliness, the same brutality as ever. I can find no words which more thoroughly express my sense of the horrors I wit nessed than the language of the reports which appeared in the daily journals (all of them anti-Tractarian) on the following day. ' It was left for last night,' they say, ' to witness a series of the most diabolical outrages ever perpetrated in any church. The conduct of the mob was perfectly fiendish.' The most violent outbreaks generally occur during the reading of the Scripture lessons, the recital of the Creed, the chanting of the ' Gloria ' or the ' Prayer for Bishops and Clergy. ..." These riots are not a question for argument, for concession, for temporizing ; they are a scandal to be put down. . . . No language which I could employ could convey a stronger censure upon each and all of them — the Home Secretary, the Chief Commissioner of Police, and the magistrates — than the single fact that, up to the very day on which I write, these atrocious scandals, far from being suppressed, are reiterated every Sunday under circumstances of increased atrocity. . . . Every act of the Bishop of London, since his first intervention, has resulted in a triumph of the rioters over the Rector of S. George's ; and the magistrates, out of the dozen of cases which have been brought before them, have not punished a single rioter with imprisonment." Lord Brougham spoke on the matter in the House of Lords : " I beg to have it distinctly understood that the question of putting down the disgraceful nuisance has nothing whatever to do with the supposed errors out of which these disturbances have arisen. Be the clergyman ever so much in the wrong (and I do not say that he is in the wrong) this does not furnish an atom of excuse, or even of extenuation, for such scandalous exhibitions. I can only repeat the expressions of disgust at these proceedings which I uttered on a f ormer evening, and my conviction that, whatever may be the merits of the question, whether as to dogma or discipline, it is not to be settled by the outrages of a riotous mob." STURM UND DRANG 287 At last some Broad Churchmen, Dean Stanley, Tom Hughes, along with Lord Brougham, intervened ; and finally, shamed by their remonstrances, on September 25 the Bishop (Tait) ordered the church to be closed. Nor was it only at S. George 's-in-the-East that these dis turbances broke out. Amongst other places was Stoke Newing ton, where the stately church of S. Matthias had been reared and a new parish created mainly through the efforts of Mr. Robert Brett. In this case there were undoubtedly men with money behind the rioters, and coin was lavished abundantly among them. They broke into the church and disturbed the service, but there were present to receive them a large body of stalwart Churchmen, and they were ejected from the sacred building. During the Hanoverian period controversy had raged over the fundamentals of rehgion, assailed by Deists and Socinians, and attention had been drawn away from the sacramental teach ing of the earlier divines of the English Church ; but with the Oxford movement, these doctrines were again brought into prominence. The Real Presence and the Eucharistic Sacrifice were once more proclaimed to be the tenets of the Universal Church in all ages, and to have been maintained by the Fathers of the Enghsh Church. These two doctrines involved as weU that of the priesthood, and to this both Latitudinarian and Low Churchmen were especially opposed. The former regarded the clergy as the moral police of the State, and the latter would limit them to be mere preachers of the Word. Consequently the Oxford movement aroused bitter hostility from both sides. Confession had been attacked, and defended by the Bishop of Exeter ; at S. George's-in-the-East and elsewhere mob violence had been urged against the restoration of the common decencies of divine worship. Now a more serious, persistent assault was to be made against the Eucharistic teaching of the reformers. It opened with an attack made on Archdeacon Denison for doctrine contained in two sermons dehvered in WeUs Cathedral in 1855, and a condemnation of it was obtained in the Diocesan Court. An appeal was lodged to the Provincial Court ; but eventuaUy, on the plea that some legal irregularity had been committed, the proceedings were set aside. In 1871 an attack was made upon the Rev. W. J. E. Bennett, Vicar of Frome, for inculcating the same doctrine; but again the prosecutors met with no success at their chosen court, for 238 THE CHURCH REVIVAL it pronounced that Mr. Bennett's teaching was not contrary to that of the Church of England. It now became clear to the Low-Church party that they were not hkely to achieve success in assaiUng doctrine, and they trusted to obtain better results by an attack on ritual. The Tractarians had done no more than teach definitely the verities of the Cathohc Faith, and had made little advance in ceremonial. But as congregations had become educated and had their minds saturated with this teaching, they began to require that the truths they had received should be exemplified in worship. Accordingly, in the twenty years that foUowed Newman's secession, High Churchmen in all parts of the country began to dignify their altars with cross, candlesticks and flowers, and to use the Eucharistic vestments at Celebrations. They had, as they beheved, exceUent authority in the Ornaments Rubric, which had been opposed by the Presbyterians at the Savoy Conference precisely on the grounds that this rubric did re quire the ornaments of the altar and the minister to be those that were in use and were ordered by the First Prayer Book of King Edward VI. But lawyers can always prove black to be white and the converse, and on this the Protestants relied. They had formed a Church Association, and had subscribed largely to have the question of the ornaments tried and their use condemned. Now it so happened that in 1832 by Act of Parhament the Court of Final Appeal in matters ecclesiastical had been transferred to the Privy Council, and this had been done without the sanction of Convocation, which then existed only in name. The Court was purely secular, founded by a purely secular authority. Not a single ecclesiastic was neces sarily included in it. Not a single member of it need neces sarily belong to the Church of England. It was never intended that questions of doctrine or ritual should come before it. This was clearly stated by Lord Brougham, the author of the Act, in the House of Lords in 1850, when he said : "It (the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council) was created for the considera tion of a totally different class of cases (from that of Mr. Gorham)." This was not at first fuUy perceived by Churchmen, or they would never have appealed to it against the adverse judgment of the Court of Arches. Although the constitution of the Court of Final Appeal has been somewhat modified by subsequent legislation, it stiU remains a secular court, incompetent to deal STURM UND DRANG 239 with spiritual cases. As such, Churchmen cannot plead before it, or recognize its decisions as binding ; the fact that the lower Courts consider themselves bound by its judgments likewise destroys their authority. The first prosecutions were those against Liddell, the Vicar of S. Paul's, Knightsbridge, so as to obtain the removal of the stone altar, its cross, candlesticks, coloured frontals and the credence table ; and the same was objected to in the parish church of S. Barnabas, PimUco. The action was brought before the Consistory Court of London. The decision was against Mr. LiddeU on all points except the candlesticks, which were to be allowed when necessary for giving Ught. The decision was confirmed by the Court of Arches on appeal. Liddell then appealed to the Privy Council, which was now for the first time caUed in to consider ritualistic matters. In this he committed a fatal mistake, but at the time it was considered that these were purely legal questions. Nevertheless it established a precedent that acted badly in the ensuing cases. The Privy Council pronounced the Ornaments Rubric as authori tative, and therefore allowed cross, credence, altar-Ughts, the cross on the screen, and confirmed the courts below in other respects. This was in 1857. Now, although Mr. LiddeU gained on almost every point, he gained it by recognizing the authority of a secular court in things sacred. Next ensued the case Flamank v. Simpson, 1866-8, and this was taken along with Martin v. Mackonochie in the Court of Arches. Sir Robert PhiUimore decided that hghts on the altar were legal ; that incense, the mixed chalice, and the eleva tion of paten and chalice after consecration, were not. The Privy Council in 1870 suspended Mackonochie for three months for disobeying its judgment, thus assuming a power to inflict a spiritual penalty, which pertained alone to the Bishop. Mr. Mackonochie submitted to this usurpation, and desisted from the ministrations of S. Alban's, whereas, had he been better advised, he would have ignored the sentence, The next important case was Elphinstone (afterwards Hebbert) v. Purchas, 1869-71. The Dean of Arches decided that the Eucharistic vestments, the Eastward position, wafer-bread, and the mixed chalice were legal. Then ensued an appeal to the Privy Council, which reversed the judgment, as weU as its own decision in the case of Beale v. . Liddell. Mr. Purchas put in no appearance, and left the case undefended, owing to 240 THE CHURCH REVIVAL his poverty ; nevertheless the taxed costs amounted to £7,661 18s. yd., which he was quite unable to pay. In the first ritual suit, the Knightsbridge case, it may be said that no suspicion was entertained that the appeal to the Court of Privy Council was a recognition of secular interference in ecclesiastical matters, that ought to be resisted. The spiritual flaw was present then, as it was later, but it had escaped detec tion. When, however, the Privy Council advanced its claims to determine what doctrines might be depraved by a priest without rendering him incapable of holding a benefice in the Church, the eyes of Churchmen were opened, and a determined resistance was organised. In aU, some nineteen to twenty prosecutions took place, and the most conflicting judgments were given. The two Primates and most of the Bishops put their heads together to contrive how to pitchfork the Cathohc clergy if not out of the Church, at least into gaol, and ultimately deprive them of their cures. They hoped by means of a well-framed BiU to obtain means to make a clean sweep of these Churchmen out of the Estabhshment. Lord Shaftesbury took the BiU out of the hands of the Archbishop of Canterbury, made it more stringent, and divested it of nearly all the safeguards the Bishops had provided. The Act was passed in 1874. Disraeli was at the time looking out for a good Tory war-cry, and found it in "Down with the Ritualists!" and amid a storm of cheers, in introducing the Bill into the House of Commons, described it as a BiU to put down Ritualism and " mass in masquerade." It happened that when Tait had prepared his Bill, Parlia ment was dissolved, and this necessitated a new Convocation — which, however, did not meet until the Bill was already before the House. When Convocation did meet, the Lower House refused approval of the proposals of the Archbishop and Bishops. Tait had attempted in his draft of a Bill to place the decision in the hands of the Bishops and a Board of Assessors. But this was not to Lord Shaftesbury's mind, and he proposed amend ments that totally altered the character of the Bill, ignoring the Diocesan Courts and creating a new Court of Final Instance, but with appeal aUowed to the Privy Council. The Archbishops and Bishops weakly gave way — only stipulating thai a bishop might veto a prosecution when it appeared to be captious and un reasonable. To this Lord Shaftesbury and Lord Cairns grudg ingly consented. AT THE CATTLE SHOW. (A TROUBLESOME LOT.) STURM UND DRANG 241 Accordingly the bishop, on the representation of an arch deacon, a churchwarden, or any three aggrieved parishioners, might transmit the case to be heard by the judge, or else veto it. As an additional insult to the clergy the Archbishops of Canterbury and York appointed Lord Penzance, an ex-judge of the Divorce Court, to act in this new court. He at once and peremptorily refused to quahfy himself as an ecclesiastical judge by taking the customary oaths, and insisted that his jurisdic tion derived not from the Church, but solely from Parhament. The first suit under the Public Worship Regulation Act was that of Clifton v. Ridsdale. Lord Penzance pronounced judg ment according to the ruling of the Privy Council in Hebbert v. Purchas; and Mr. Ridsdale misguidedly appealed against it to the Privy Council. The appeal was dismissed on every point. The Church Association now considered that it had got a tool in its hand, unsavoury though it might be, which would do its work thoroughly. Down to 1882 eighteen suits were initiated under the Act, and eight were vetoed by the Bishops. Five clergy were sent to prison for contempt of Court, because they refused to recognize the Court of Lord Penzance : A. Tooth, Vicar of S. James's, Hatcham, in 1877 ; T. P. Dale, Rector of S. Vedast and S. Michael le Quern, in the City of London, 1880 ; S. F. Green, Rector of S. John's, Miles Platting, 1881-2 ; R. W. Enraght, Vicar of Holy Trinity, Bordesley, 1880, and J. BeU-Cox, perpetual curate of S. Margaret's, Toxteth Park, Liverpool, in 1887. I have room for giving an account of but few of these, and I wiU begin with the first of aU, 'that of Mr. Tooth, who led the way — the true way, that should have been foUowed in previous cases. The first case under the PubUc Worship Regulation Act of 1874 was that of Hudson v. Tooth, and was directed against the Rev. Arthur Tooth, Vicar of St. James's, Hatcham, a hamlet of the ancient parish of Deptford. The church and its services were very little known. It had been Mr. Tooth's settled policy to work his parish quietly and not to attract attention. The ceremonial was what was caUed " advanced " in those days, and the charges were of the usual kind. That such a church should have been attacked was a little surprising, but the theory held by those who were familiar with the story was that the proceedings were somewhat " accidental " in their origin. Some zealous young men had inserted a glowing account in one 16 242 THE CHURCH REVIVAL of the local papers of the services on S. James's Day in 1874. This advertisement attracted the attention of a newspaper reporter, who sent particulars to the Times. There were some inaccuracies, and one of the officers of the church wrote a letter of corrections. Mr. Tooth was moved to write to the Times, stating in very clear terms what he understood to be the prin ciples involved in the attack on the Church made by the Public Worship Regulation Bill, then under consideration in Parlia ment. This caused him to become a marked man, and it is generally supposed that this circumstance led to his selection as the first victim under that Act. Proceedings were begun after the Rules and Orders of the new Court had been settled in the following year. Mr. Tooth saw quite clearly, what many others did not see, that the time had come for a policy of resistance. In that policy he received great support, although there were many who felt that it could not be justified.1 When it was known that proceedings were imminent, before the Bishop of Rochester (T. L. Claughton) had taken the final step, Mr. Tooth sent a letter to his lordship making an offer that if he (the Bishop) would try the case by his own authority, in accord ance with the clear law of the Church, independently of the decisions of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, and the Bishop found him guilty, he would not take advantage of his posi tion as incumbent, but would submit. This offer, in the opinion of aU sensible and right-thinking men, acquitted Mr. Tooth of any suggestion of lawlessness or self-will. When the first sentence of the Court was dehvered, the Bishop of the Diocese, acting as bishops did, as mere apparitors or instruments of secular courts, sent a clergyman named G. to take charge of the parish. He was met at the door by the Vicar and two churchwardens. The Vicar made a clear statement as to the principles upon which he acted, and forbade the intruding priest to officiate in the parish. Then from the pulpit he read a statement in which he set forth the reasons why he was pre cluded from taking any notice of Lord Penzance's Court or his Monitions, and the services proceeded in the ordinary way. The services went on as usual through Advent and the Christmas season. There was much controversy in the newspapers, and on a Sunday morning early in the New Year, rioting began. It is doubtful if the riots were premeditated. The church 1 The Guardian and The Church Quarterly urged submission under protest. STURM UND DRANG 243 was very crowded, and people were allowed to stand about in the aisles. When the Vicar, who was celebrating the Holy Communion, sang the opening words of the Creed, a man at the bottom of the church caUed out " Liar ! " and immediately there ensued a commotion, but it was quelled by the organist striking up a popular Christmas hymn. The services that day pro ceeded in peace. But this had opened the floodgates, and every available Protestant and Orangeman who could be collected from every part of London was at Hatcham on the succeeding Sundays. It was found necessary to erect a barricade around the church. Mr. Tooth refused to bow to the mob, and on one of the Sundays barrels of beer were drunk in the road, women were insulted, and ribald songs were sung. An attempt was made to force an entrance into the church by means of an im provised battering-ram. Mr. Tooth was celebrating, and at the height of this attack he was in the act of communicating. After he had replaced the chalice on the altar, he genuflected, and turned to Mr. H. W. Hill, who was serving and kneeling im mediately behind him, and quietly asked, " Have they got in ? " It was impossible to leave the church that day until nearly three o'clock. After some time the parish was more or less in a state of siege. There was a certain amount of Protestant opposition in the parish itself, which was partly a residential middle-class place with a considerable working-class popula tion, but the riotous element was imported from outside. An application to notify Mr. Tooth for contempt of the Court of Lord Penzance was speedily made. Mr. Tooth did not appear, and in due time a writ to take him prisoner was issued from the Petty Bag Office of the Court of Chancery. There was said to be a doubt as to whether the vicarage was in the county of Kent or the county of Surrey, for it stood near the border. It was thought that this difficulty, which need not have arisen, was an expedient on the part of the authorities so that they might issue the writ to the wrong sheriff, and Mr. Tooth might go into the other county and keep out of the way. If there is any truth in this, it can only be observed that the authorities did not know the man. Mr. Tooth went to some business premises belonging to the late Mr. Thomas Layman, in the Borough, where he was arrested and conveyed to Horsemonger Lane Gaol. He was imprisoned on January 22, 1877. An account of these proceedings was sent to the Times. The arrangement of prisons in those days varied. Horse- 244 THE CHURCH REVIVAL monger Lane Gaol, the Surrey prison, was an old establishment. Mr. Tooth was confined in the portion reserved for people under remand, etc. ; the place pf exercise was a small yard with iron bars around it and over it. The cartoon in Vanity Fair is an exact reproduction. One could speak to a prisoner through those bars, or a gate would be unlocked and one could be locked in with him, and walk about in the enclosure, or retire to a cold, horrid room, where the accommodation was most wretched. Bishop Claughton now revoked the licence of the curate, the Rev. W. H. Browne, afterwards so distinguished in the Arch bishops' Mission to Syria, and licensed a man to take charge of the parish in the room of vicar and curate ; but as it was found that he was a person of doubtful antecedents, he had to be speedily disposed of. Canon Liddon visited Mr. Tooth in gaol, and wrote in his diary : " Mr. Tooth's sick face in that cage in the court of that gaol quite haunts me." For, in fact, prisoners were usually to be seen by visitors through bars like wild beasts. The agitation against the imprisonment grew in such volume that the authorities began to be concerned. A great meeting was held at the Cannon Street Hotel, in the City of London, on Friday night, February 16, 1877. It was a meeting for men only, and there were more people in the street than could get into the large hall of the hotel. The prosecutors wrote to the Times about that date, saying that if Mr. Tooth's friends wanted him to be got out of prison they should persuade him to purge his contempt. That, of course, was a foolish suggestion. Mr. Tooth's friends would never have dreamt of following such advice. On the Saturday morning following the meeting in the City, February 17, 1877, the astounding announcement was made that Lord Penzance had held a Court that morning, and ordered Mr. Tooth's release — the reason given being that, as a clergyman named Dale was in charge of the parish, and the services were performed in a proper manner, there was no reason why Mr. Tooth should remain in prison. Everybody was astonished, not the least Mr. Tooth, when at about six o'clock in the evening orders were received by Mr. Keene, the governor of the gaol, to set him at liberty. There is no doubt that the authorities were seriously alarmed, and that this sudden step was taken at the request of the Government. The need for rest and change had come, and accordingly Mr. Tooth went abroad for a few months, his friends holding the THE REV. A. TOOTH IN PRISON STURM UND DRANG 245 fort as weU as they could. In May (1877) Mr. Tooth suddenly returned, and announced his intention of celebrating the Holy Communion in the church on the following Sunday morning. This happened, and a most distressing account of the proceed ings is to be read in the newspapers of the day. It was found necessary to break into the church, the service was held, and there were a large number of communicants. This was a fresh defiance of Lord Penzance and all his works, but no further action was taken against Mr. Tooth. But other things were done. One afternoon a fearful crash was heard in the church ; without any authority from any Court, some of the Protestants of the parish had thrown ropes over the Rood and puUed it to the ground. In the end serious flaws were found in the proceedings against Mr. Tooth, and they were quashed by the Court of Queen's Bench. When Lord Penzance's Counsel saw what was going to happen, they were anxious that Mr. Tooth should give an undertaking that he would not take action for false imprisonment against that worthy. Mr. Tooth declined to have anything to do with Lord Penzance. Mr. Tooth was per suaded to resign his benefice for the sake of peace, but, as so frequently happens, peace did not come. There was a fresh series of riots under the new conditions, and it was some years before the parish settled down. On the resignation of Mr. Tooth's successor, the advowson was sold. It was one of the hypocrisies of the Middle Ages that the Church protested that she would shed no blood, commit none to the flames. Accordingly, when her Court of Inquisition had pronounced a man a heretic, she passed him over to the tender mercies of the State, and wiped her hands of the consequences. It was not the Church that wielded the sword and apphed the torch, but the secular power. Our Bishops were not guiltless of this evasion. They handed over such men as the rabble howled at and the press denounced, to secular judges, to try whether they were heretics or not, and then imprison them. But the moral responsibility lay with them for all that, as it was they, who delivered up their clergy, acting the part of catchpoles. The first of the shabby procession of these prelates — their leader in the line — was Claughton of Rochester. His example, as we shall see, was followed by the Bishops of Lon don, Manchester, Liverpool, Worcester. The church of Miles Platting had been built in 1855 by Sir Benjamin Heywood in a district with 4,000 inhabitants, mostly 246 THE CHURCH REVIVAL poor. The patronage was in his hands, and after his death in those of his son, Sir Percival Heywood. Miles Platting is a district in Manchester peopled entirely by miU-hands, and some very poor. It is an unsightly spot, where grows no blade of grass ; the only beautiful thing in it is the church, grouped with schools and clergy-house. Bishop Fraser, in his charge of 1876, had expressed his concurrence with the Public Worship Regula tion Act. " Though I have never regretted that statute, I feel that if it were rigorously interpreted or severely applied, a train would be laid to which any foohsh or iU-disposed person might place a match ; and if an explosion occurred, it is diffi cult to say what mischief might not be done." Yet he it was who applied the match. In 1878 he received a petition pur porting to be signed by 320 parishioners complaining of the proceedings of the Rev. S. F. Green, the Rector of Miles Platting, and praying " that your worship wiU use your great power to irradicate (sic) this abominable idolatry." The petition was forwarded by one George McDonagh — evidently an Irish Orange man — and was obviously the work of iUiterate people. It was scrawled over coarse sheets of paper, and whole groups of signatures were in one handwriting, and whole famihes, without respect to age, had signed. As no specific charges had been made, the Bishop could not act. Dr. Fraser was clearly very reluctant to take proceedings, but he, hke the other bishops, had sold themselves to do evil under the Pubhc Worship Regula tion Act, and could not weU help himself. In January 1879 the Church Association succeeded in securing three aggrieved parishioners — persons who never attended the church, two of them unknown by sight to the Rector and the congregation. Not a single communicant (and there were 240 on the roU), nor any member of the congregation, had anything to do with the presentment. In April some Orange Protestants broke into the church at night, and a cross, a number of vestments, books, and other property were partially destroyed by fire. The Bishop had the good feehng to denounce the outrage. Mr. Green had been appointed in 1869, and the charges brought against him were : (1) the mixed chahce ; (2) Ughted candles ; (3) Eucharistic vestments ; (4) elevation of paten and chaUce ; (5) placing the alms on the credence table after presentation ; (6) kneeling at the consecration; (7) making the sign of the Cross in benediction; (8) using the Eastward position for STURM UND DRANG 247 consecration ; (9) raising the cup ; (10) having a brass cross on a ledge above the altar ; (n) and a Baldachino over the Holy Table. The charges were not all true. Several of the practices had never been adopted at Miles Platting. But because others employed them, the Church Association lawyers assumed that Mr. Green did so, and the witnesses gave evidence in reply to leading questions, as was desired. The Baldachino was actuaUy an architectural ornament in marble and alabaster, and had no connection with the services at aU, and had been erected with the full approval of the Bishop some years previously. The Rubric orders that " the ornaments of the church, and of the ministers thereof, at all times of their ministration shall be retained, and be in use, as were in this Church of England, by the authority of Parliament, in the second year of the reign of King Edward the Sixth." There exists no manner of doubt as to what these ornaments were, but the Privy Council had decided that " shaU be retained " meant " shall not be retained," much as it might judge that " Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself " should mean " Thou shalt not love thy neighbour as thyself." 1 Mr. Green refused to accept the ruling of the Privy Council, and the case was carried before Lord Penzance's Court. Mr. Green dechned to attend, and in 1879, for disobedience and contempt of Court, was condemned and was imprisoned in Lancaster Castle on March 19, 1881, condemned also to pay the biU of costs, which amounted to £450 ; and because he could not do this, the sale of his " goods and chattels " took place at the rectory on August 4 and 5 of the same year, and his wife and children were turned out of the house into the street. Indeed, regarding the whole transaction as iniquitous, Mr. Green would not have paid the sum had he been able. The position taken up by Mr. Green when summoned before the Bishop had been that he knew nothing of the three com plainants, and that it was an insult to the congregation to whom he ministered that such persons should presume to inter- 1 Judge Coleridge said of the Rubric : " The clause in question, by which I mean the Rubric in question, is perfectly unambiguous in language, free from all difficulty as to construction." SirR. Phillimore said : " After repeated and attentive perusal of the language, it (the Rubric) does quite appear to me as plain as any which is to be found in any statutory enactments." i 248 THE CHURCH REVIVAL fere with the services. When the Bishop ascertained what then- real character was, he would have put the charges in the waste- paper basket, had he not given his word to his secretary to put the Act in motion. It was also beheved that his action was due to the mahgn influence of Archbishop Thomson. After Mr. Green's discharge from prison, he and Bishop Fraser never met again. In prison Mr. Green suffered somewhat from loss of exercise, and he was, at his own request, set to wheel in the coals for two divisions of the gaol. Sir Percival Heywood appealed to the Home Secretary, after Mr. Green had been incarcerated a twelvemonth, for the release of the Rector. The only answer he got was, " Yield, and he shaU be released ; refuse to yield, and he shall remain where he is." Archbishop Thomson and Archbishop Tait became alarmed at the feehng that was being roused among Churchmen at the prolonged imprisonment of Mr. Green, and they made various suggestions to Bishop Fraser as to how the difficulty might be got over, and Mr. Green be released. But the Bishop of Man chester did not see his way to falling in with their suggestions. He, however, sent Archdeacon Norris to Lancaster Gaol to de mand of Mr. Green that he should submit to canonical obedience to his ordinary. Mr. Green rephed : "To prevent aU possi.- biUty of misconception, I beg leave to add, that by ' canonical obedience ' I understand obedience to the rules and laws of the Church, and that it is a part of the office of a bishop to see that such rules are observed. That my obhgation to obey the rules of the Church is, Uke the obhgation to obey the moral law, entirely independent of whether the bishop thinks it his duty to require obedience to them or no. That, should the bishop order what is inconsistent with a rule of the Church in the name of some other Power, we must obey the Church and take the consequences. As there is a rule of the Church (the Ornaments Rubric) which orders hghts, vestments, incense, and the mixed chahce, there is no possibihty of canonical obedience except in conformity to that rule." The Lower House of the Northern Convocation moved in the matter, but the Archbishops and Bishops declined to do more than appeal to the Church Association to be a httle lenient. They appealed to deaf ears. Let it be clearly understood that Dr. Fraser, Bishop of Manchester, by refusing to interpose his veto, had brought matters to this condition. And now three STURM UND DRANG 249 years had elapsed since the Rector of Miles Platting had been inhibited by Lord Penzance. On September 27, 1882, Bishop Fraser wrote to the patron informing him that, under the Pubhc Worship Regulation Act, Mr. Green was deprived, and that the benefice of S. John's, Miles Platting, had become void. Thereupon, from prison, Mr. Green wrote to Sir Percival Hey wood to say that he would himself voluntarily resign the living. This he did for three reasons. (1) He learned that the Bishop of Manchester was about to apply to Lord Penzance to order his release on the grounds of his deprivation, and he hoped by resignation to spare the Church the humiliation of seeing the Bishop stooping to the ex-divorce judge to obtain a favour. (2) The Bishop was taking steps to sequestrate the revenue of the benefice. This Sir Percival would oppose, and consequently the baronet would be involved in a costly lawsuit. (3) He felt that he could not maintain himself in his position at S. John's in defiance of his diocesan, and with the police empowered to eject him from the church and thus create a scandal. On the eve of AU Saints' Day two announcements were made from the pulpit of S. John's, one of the Rector's resignation, the other to the effect that the Bishop was sending a clergyman to take charge of S. John's and reduce the ritual to the cathedral standard. Then the congregation adjourned to the school room, where Mr. Green's letter bidding fareweU to his flock was read to them. " Was there any one who remained untouched by its pathetic tone ? " asks the Monthly Record. " Strong men were drying their eyes and stiffing their sobs, women in un- , disguised grief wailed aloud ; and no one who beheld the scene could do otherwise than confess how close and firm and real a thing was the spiritual relationship which bound this flock to their pastor." The living being vacant, on November 4 the Bishop of Manchester appeared, represented by his ChanceUor, in the court of Lord Penzance to sue for the release of Mr. Green, on the ground of his being no longer rector of Miles Plat ting, and therefore no longer able to disobey Lord Penzance's inhibition. This was granted, and Mr. Green was discharged after a confinement of nearly twenty months. Sir Percival now nominated the Rev. H. CowgiU, the curate who had taken charge of the parish during Mr. Green's absence, but Dr. Fraser refused him institution. The patron brought a charge against the Bishop for his refusal, but lost it, and was condemned to pay not only his own costs, but those of the 250 THE CHURCH REVIVAL Bishop as weU, amounting to £650, exclusive of the cost of his own counsel. It was a scandalous abuse of justice, as there was absolutely nothing that could be brought against the character and teaching of Mr. Cowgill. Dr. Fraser now, on the ground that the hving was vacant, and that the patron had not nominated, himself appointed a rector, the Rev. T. Taylor Evans, who would put an end to the services as conducted hitherto at S. John's. Whereupon the congregation, sidesmen, the organist and choir resigned, and the congregation was dispersed to find homes in the churches in the neighbourhood. Bishop Fraser died in 1886, and in May 1890 the new Bishop of Manchester, Dr. Moorhouse, presented Mr. Evans to another living, and Sir Percival Heywood was again free to exercise his rights as patron. The living was offered to and accepted by the Rev. Arthur Anderton, who was received enthusiasticaUy ; the services were restored to their former beauty and devotion ; the ornaments of the altar were replaced, the vestments were again worn, and the ritual observed was practicaUy the same as it had been before the attack on Mr. Green. At the same time the Sisters, who had left the parish when placed under Mr. Evans, returned and took up their work again at Miles Platting. The tyranny was overpast. Dr. Fraser, who had been en couraged to act by Archbishop Thomson, as was beheved, and the Church Association had gained nothing. The persecution had served only to deepen in the hearts of the congregation their love of the Church and her sacred services. " Once again the patron, the rector and the people were in happy accord. The work was taken up on the old lines, the Guilds were revived, and many of the teachers returned to the Sunday School. The church became once more the pride and joy of the parishioners, who, as of old, brought gifts which, as they were all very poor, were the fruits of self-sacrifice ; but which were wilUngly given to make their house of God and its services more beautiful." 1 In this case, as in many another, the promise was observed, " No weapon formed against thee shall prosper." S. Margaret's Church, Princes Road, Liverpool, owed its origin to the late Robert HorsfaU, a munificent benefactor to the Church in Liverpool. Its first incumbent was the Rev. 1 Thomas Percival Heywood. Printed for private circulation (Man chester, 1899), p. 188. STURM UND DRANG 251 Charles Parnell (1869-1876). From the first he was exposed to annoyance and opposition fomented by the so-called Evan gelical clergy, who did not relish that their monopoly in Liver pool should be invaded, and that definite Church teaching and ritual should be given in the place of feeble sentimentalism. From the first there was daily Celebration, as weU as daily prayer in S. Margaret's, and an earnest, devoted congregation gathered within its walls. Immediately opposite S. Margaret's is the Greek Church, and this was consecrated by the Archbishop of Syra and Tenos on Sunday, July 16, 1870. The Archimandrite in charge and the wardens had invited the clergy of S. Margaret's to be pre sent ; and as the Archbishop had expressed a wish to see the interior of the church, he was invited to attend one of the ser vices. This he did on a Sunday following, at Evensong, when, at the conclusion of the service, he gave his benediction to the congregation. This afforded occasion to the local branch of the Church Association to interfere. They appealed to the Bishop of Chester against the clergy of S. Margaret's for aUowing the Oriental prelate to take any part in the service. Much cor respondence ensued, but finally the Bishop (Jacobson) had the good sense to put a stop to it. In 1880 the Rev. J. C. Ryle was appointed first Bishop of Liverpool, on the nomination of Lord Beaconsfield, a strong EvangeUcal partisan and a platform orator. Mr. Charles Parnell was attacked, a suit being instituted against him under the Church Discipline Act by a certain Mr. W. Roughton, supported by some members of the Church Association. Legal proceedings went on for two years, and then Mr. ParneU resigned, hoping that with his resignation the suit would break down, as being brought against himself personally. To him succeeded the Rev. J. BeU-Cox. He refused to appear before the Court either in person or by representation, as he could not and would not recognize the jurisdiction of Lord Penzance in matters ecclesiastical. On this occasion Dean Church of S. Paul's wrote to the Arch bishop : " This BeU-Cox case has come home to my sense of justice far more strongly than any of the previous imprison ments. They were in the thick of battle, and of hot blood. This comes after all has cooled down. ... To me it comes with the sense of almost intolerable wrong, when one sees a quiet 252 THE CHURCH REVIVAL man, in fuU agreement with his congregation, made a victim, in the midst of all the varieties of opinion and practice. . . . Think how the arguments for Rome would be pressed, and how bitterness of mind gives them force. The one counterpoise to this would be if men could remember that, though the lawyers had been hard upon them, the Episcopate had made its voice heard clearly and powerfuUy on the side of patience and forbear ance and real fairness, against the miserable system of ignoble worrying which ends in things like this BeU-Cox scandal." Lord Penzance issued a judgment on June 13, 1886, suspending the Rev. James BeU-Cox " ab officio " for a period of six months, that is, "from preaching the Word of God, administering the Sacraments, and performing all other duties and offices in the said church or chapel of S. Margaret's, Toxteth Park, aforesaid, and elsewhere within the Province of York." The Vicar of S. Margaret's disregarded the judgment, and continued to preach and minister the Sacraments as before throughout the six months of suspension. Thereupon a writ was issued and served on May 4, 1867, for the apprehension of Mr. BeU-Cox, and his consignment to prison. He was accordingly removed to Walton Gaol and there lodged in an ordinary felon's cell, to undergo solitary confinement. " Over each cell door there is a receptacle for holding a card, stating the term of the occupier's imprisonment. It was not until after my return from the morning service in the chapel, on Sunday, May 8th, that I found mine had been recorded and placed in situ. It consisted simply of one word, and differed entirely from that of every other prisoner. The word was ' Indefinite.' " No sooner had the lock been turned in the prison door than efforts were made to obtain Mr. Cox's release, and it was urged in the Queen's Bench, before Lord Chief Justice Coleridge and others, that the judgment of Lord Penzance had not been pronounced by him in person, but committed to a delegate, which he was not qualified to do. There were other technical errors committed in the judgment, and the Court on this plea ordered that Mr. BeU-Cox should be released from prison on May 20. At once the prosecutor, Mr. James Hakes, appealed against the order and obtained its reversal. Whereupon the friends of Mr. Cox appealed to the House of Lords. Then Mr. Hakes, fearing that the House of Lords would give a judgment in favour STURM UND DRANG 253 of Mr. Bell-Cox's liberation, offered to desist from further action against the Vicar, if he would give " his written undertaking that thenceforth the services of S. Margaret's Church should be conducted in strict accordance with the monition of June 1886." Mr. Cox promptly refused this. The appeal was heard, and his release was confirmed. It must be clearly understood that what was now before the Judicial Committee was nothing ecclesiastical. It was a question whether Lord Penzance had not committed a technical error by pronouncing sentence through a proxy. The biU of costs Mr. BeU-Cox was charged with paying amounted to £225 15s. 6d., but when taxed was reduced to £144 os. zod. Among the items were these payments to spies : 1884. July 5-8. Sending two clerks to Liverpool to take evidence as arranged ; charge for their time, two working £ s. d. days . . . . . . . . . .660 Paid them for railway fare and expenses and time on Sundays . 711 o July 8. Drawing statement of evidence . . . . o ii o July 19-22. Sending two clerks to Liverpool, to take evidence as arranged ; charge for time of two working days . .660 Paid for railway fare and expenses and time on Sundays .790 "Will you walk into my chambers ? " said the Spider to the Spy, " They're really nicely furnished, and not so very high ; You've only got to put your head inside my green-baize door, You'll see so many curious things you never saw before." " I'm always up to business," said the Lawyer to the Spy ; " The Company engaged me to catch whate'er goes by. They go in, but have to pay, I've heard of it before." Said the Lawyer, " The Company discharges all the score. " Just take this little pencil and this memorandum book, Go to S. Martyr-in-the-Lane, and take a casual look. Don't kneel or pray, or sing," said the Lawyer to the Spy, "But note and mark — you understand — I'll digest them by and by. Will you ? will you ? won't you ? " said the Lawyer to the Spy, " 'Tis really a superior thing to go to Church to pry ! " The wickedness of the whole proceeding does not appear to have struck the Bishop or the prosecutors. But to them might well be addressed the words of S. Peter after the heaUng of the lame man at the Beautiful Gate of the Temple : " And now, brethren, I wot that through ignorance ye did it, as did also your rulers." It is their sole excuse. Whether it was a concerted plan among the Bishops, or 254 THE CHURCH REVIVAL whether it was due to a policy initiated by Bishop Baring of Durham, I cannot say, but soon appeared the carrying out of a scheme, cowardly and mean to the last degree, of refusing licences to curates nominated by High Churchmen, so as to paralyze their efficiency and work for the saving of souls. Upon Bishop Baring's appointment to Durham in 1861, on the death of Bishop ViUiers, the Archdeacon at a public meeting thanked God that the diocese was presided over by a man who was " using every opportunity to stamp out Ritualism." Dr. Dykes was appointed Vicar of S. Oswald's, Durham, in 1862, by the Dean and Chapter. The parish had at first a population of four thousand, but this number was increased by the addition of a pit-village near by. The Ecclesiastical Com missioners, seeing the urgency of the case, undertook to pay the stipends of two curates, as weU as to pay the house-rent of one. But now the Bishop of Durham stepped in, writing from Auckland Castle on July 4, 1873: " I must require of an in cumbent, on his nomination of a curate, that he give me his written pledge, that he will not require of such curate — " 1. That he wear coloured stoles. " 2. That he take part, or be present at the burning of Incense. , "3. That he turn his back to the Congregation during the celebration of the Holy Communion, except when ' ordering the Bread.' " I must also require of a curate a written promise that he will offend in none of these things.1 C. Dunelm." Dr. Dykes was urged from all sides not to give way. The things requested might be trifles, but a principle was involved that must be maintained. He took opinion of counsel, and the opinion was : 1. That the Bishop had no right to exact such conditions. 2. That the proper course to be pursued was for Dr. Dykes and the curate proposed to apply to the Court of Queen's Bench for a rule, calling upon the Bishop to show cause why a writ of mandamus should not issue against him, compeUing the Bishop to Ucense the curate. This was signed by John Duke Coleridge, A. J. Stephens, and Chas. Bo wen. The Court, however, hardly condescended to hear the case, and it was dismissed. 1 Incense never had been used at S. Oswald's, nor did Dr. Dykes pur pose its introduction. STURM UND DRANG 255 Since then, to the present day, this has been the policy of the Bishops, spiritually to starve a parish, when the services are such as do not meet with their approval, in the hopes of forcing a High-Church incumbent to give way, either on account of the failure of his health or out of despair at being able singlehanded to minister to his flock. In the case of Dr. Dykes, it kiUed him. He died in 1876. The method adopted by the Bishops is a recurrence to one of the most reprehensible acts of the Popes, who, if they could not get their own way with bishops or kings, placed the see or the kingdom under interdict, denying the people the benefit of the Sacraments, as an act of revenge against their superiors. None probably would more severely condemn a Pope for pro nouncing an interdict than those very bishops who trip so lightly in his footsteps. Charles John EUicott was a Palmerstonian-Shaftesbury bishop (1863-1897). He had as text attributed to him : " Woe be to the shepherds of Israel that do feed themselves : should not the shepherds feed the flocks ? Ye eat the fat and ye clothe you with the wool, ye kill them that are fed : but ye feed not the flock." This apphed to him on account of his treatment of the priest and people of S. Raphael's, Bristol. The Sailors' CoUege, Bristol, with its church or chapel com monly known as S. Raphael's, was erected by Canon Miles and opened in 1859, the church not being consecrated. The CoUege consisted of six almshouses for aged seamen, and the church was seated for 350 persons. A chaplain was charged with the government of the College, and with the conduct of the services in the church. For nineteen years there had not been a single Sunday without a Celebration of the Holy Com munion. For the greater part of the time there had been two Celebrations every Sunday, and one daily. In the year 1877 there were 4,691 Communions. An average of 90 communicants per week existed in the church. With its bright services and ever-open doors the church was a home to the poor of the district. Of the communicants two-thirds at least belonged to the poorest class. On December 8, 1877, the church was in as high a state of efficiency as it had ever attained. There was not a murmur of discontent, but founder, priests and people were in perfect harmony, preparing for and looking forward to the great Christmas festival. Then, without a word of warning or remon- 256 THE CHURCH REVIVAL strance of any kind, the Bishop of Gloucester and Bristol sent a curt and imperious letter commanding that all the points condemned in the Ridsdale judgment of the Privy Council, together with others, should be given up. The Chaplain, Mr. Ward, agreed to abandon many of the usages to which the Bishop took exception, but not hghts, vestments and the mixed chahce. He felt that he could not submit to Privy Council decisions, and to the Bishop acting as official of that Court. Whereupon Bishop EUicott peremptorily withdrew Mr. Ward's licence and ordered the closing of the church and the dispersal of the congregation. For fifteen years, to 1892, in the midst of a teeming population, S. Raphael's remained closed, till in 1893 it was consecrated by the Bishop, forced at last to yield. And what forced him to yield was his own conscience. Probably only those behind the scenes knew how complete and how generous was his sur render. He himself did not hesitate to ascribe the change in his attitude to the grace of God ; for when he was asked why he had so completely altered his point of view, he said : " Ah ! God the Holy Ghost works great changes." He consecrated the church and of his own free wiU assigned a parish to it, and with a distinct understanding that the services and ceremonial should go on exactly as before the church was closed. He ever after took every opportunity to show kindness to Mr. Ward, and to the community. In 1888 the Church Association struck at higher game than poor parish priests. It petitioned the Metropolitan to cite Bishop King of Lincoln for aUeged transgressions against judg ments of the Privy Council, in the Minster and in S. Peter-at- Gowts in December 1887 — viz. the use of the Eastward position, altar-lights, the mixed chalice, Agnus Dei, the sign of the cross at the absolution and blessing, and the ablution of the sacred vessels at the altar. On January 4, 1889, the Archbishop cited the Bishop of Lincoln to appear before his Court, which had been in abeyance for two hundred years. In February, the Bishop appeared before Dr. Benson, the Archbishop, and pro tested that in the case of a bishop, the rest of the bishops of the province should have been summoned to try him. The Archbishop overruled the objection, and the trial began on February 5, 1890. The judgment — if judgment it can be caued, for the Archbishop pronounced that it was an " opinion only " — was generally in favour of the Bishop. Thereupon the prose- STURM UND DRANG 257 cution appealed to the Privy Council ; but that Council had suffered such humihation, and had been so utterly discredited in matters ritualistic and ecclesiastical, that it did not want to be again involved in such suits, and it dismissed the appeal, August 2, 1892, only attempting to save its face by the absurd contention that the vicar of the parish of S. Peter-at- Gowts was responsible for the lights, and not the Bishop.. " Though some doubt was expressed as to the jurisdiction of the Archbishop's Court, its spiritual character and moral authority were unquestionable. Without violation of conscience or principle the clergy could yield to it an obedience which they were obliged to deny to Lord Penzance and the Privy Council, and even to the Bishops, when instead of relying on their spiritual authority they aspired only to enforce the decrees of these tribunals."1 At the firs+ blush it would seem that the clergy who had rebelled against the decision of the highest Court of the realm, and in many instances against the wishes of their diocesans, desired to be a law unto themselves. But it was not the case. I have added hi the Appendix to this chapter the substance of a paper that circulated at the time, and which places their position on an impregnable basis. A vast amount of money was spent by the Church Associa tion in these ritual suits, and it gained but Pyrrhic victories. On the most barefaced quibbles the Courts condemned Cathohc ceremonial. For instance, every one knows that the Act of Uniformity (1662) was passed to constrain the Puritan Con- formers, and compel them to observe the minimum of rubrical observance. The Privy Council turned it into a weapon against those who observed a ritual higher than the minimum. To the credit of the Evangelicals it must be said that a large number of their clergy objected to the proceedings of the Church Association, and that the capital of £50,000 with which it started, and which was supposed to suffice to put down RituaUsm, was subscribed by fanatical and wealthy laymen, not a few — Dissenters. At the end, the Association found itself impoverished, powerless, and an object of contempt. It had been kept ahve only by donations from a few wealthy Protes tants, and all along had refused to pubhsh a list of subscribers, fearing, maybe, that it would reveal the slight support it re- 1 Dictionary of English Church History (1912), p. 519. 258 THE CHURCH REVIVAL ceives from the bulk of Churchmen, even from men of the same Evangelical party. The case of Mr. Mackonochie was one of peculiar sadness. He was Vicar of S. Alban's, a beautiful church that had been erected in a horrible slum off Holborn, which he and his curates worked ; and they gathered about them a large and devoted congregation. The great spiritual results effected in this hitherto neglected district attracted outside attention. Mr. Mackonochie was singled out for attack, and Dr. Tait, then Bishop of London, readily acceded to his prosecution, and the case proceeded against him in various forms and before different Courts. I can but give a summary of his persecutions. In 1870 he was charged with disobedience to the mandate of the Privy Council, and was suspended for three months. He at once sub mitted. Hitherto his course had been marked by submission. Because the lights had been forbidden, he had put them out ; because elevation was forbidden, he had ceased to elevate ; because genuflexion was forbidden, he had ceased to genuflect, and had contented himself with bowing; because the cere monial mixing of water with the wine had been forbidden, he had abandoned that usage ; and now, when the secular Court, assuming to itself spiritual jurisdiction, suspended him from preaching and celebrating the Sacraments for three months, he submitted. It was a fatal error. On December 7, 1874, Mr. Mackonochie was condemned by the Dean of the Court of Arches to six weeks' suspension. This Court, although that of the Archbishop, yet held itself bound to accept the rulings of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, and this radicaUy vitiated its authority as a spiritual court. Nevertheless Mr. Mackonochie deemed it wise to submit. The senior curate, Mr. Stanton, refused to celebrate the Holy Com munion in the manner ordered by the Court according to the rules laid down by the Privy Council, and the whole congrega tion migrated for that service to S. Vedast's, Foster Lane. The Church Association now turned on the Rev. T. Pelham Dale, rector of that church, as he also wore Eucharistic vestments and used altar lights. He was condemned by Lord Penzance, before whom he refused to appear, and in October 1880 was committed to prison. A specially disgraceful feature in this case was that the Church Association laid hands on, and used for the prosecution, the charitable trust funds left for STURM UND DRANG 259 the poor of S. Vedast's parish, to help them to meet their law expenses. But to return to Mr. Mackonochie. In a letter to the Bishop of London in May 1875, he said : " I have been now more than twenty-six years in Sacred Orders. During the whole of that time I have endeavoured, to the best of my power, to obey the laws of that Church, and minister her offices for the glory of God and for the edification of His people. How I may have served in that capacity for the first of these objects it wiU be for the Great Day to show ; as to the latter, it would be a foohsh assumption of ignorance not to own that God has blessed me. What has been the result ? With the very rarest excep tions, I have received not one word of encouragement from my superiors in the Church. I have now been four times dragged before Courts ; I have stood in court side by side as a feUow culprit with a clerk charged with adultery ; I have found in the Highest Court of Appeal every door for his escape obsequi ously held open by his judges, and the one door of justice and equity as vigorously barred by the same hands against me. " I do not, your Grace, complain, but venture to state facts." 1 In 1879 Lord Penzance inhibited Mr. Mackonochie from the exercise of his spiritual functions ; but now he disregarded the sentence. The Church Association and Lord Penzance did not have the courage to commit him to prison. The year 1874 was one of great trial and searchings of heart to the faithful in the Church of England. The Pubhc Worship Regulation Act was to come into force in the ensuing year. AU those clergy who had been striving for souls, and knew that God had blessed their efforts, knew also that the Bishops, hitched on to the World, were against them. I was walking in his garden with the Archbishop of York (Thomson), when he said to me : " Can you explain how it is that in France, which you know pretty weU, there exists such a deadly hostihty to the Church, whereas here in England there is no such ani mosity ? " "I can explain it," I rephed. " In France every priest is at a grapple with the Devil fighting for every human soul. Here — the Church plays second fiddle to the World, and is looked on with indifference as a paid musician to scrape what tunes it calls for." The one-sided Purchas judgment had fiUed Churchmen with dismay, condemning as it did, among other practices, the East- 1 Quoted in Mr. Russell's S. Alban the Martyr (1913), P- 142. 260 THE CHURCH REVIVAL ward position. A protest was signed by 4,700 clergy, to the Archbishops and Bishops, but they regarded it not. A feehng came over Churchmen that the Bishops were in league fighting against God. I must say it, for we felt it, we knew it was so ; and many doubted whether a house divided against itself could stand — whether an army of which the generals were virtually in the pay of the enemy could maintain its ground ? Mr. RusseU writes : " It is difficult for those who passed through it to reahze the stress of 1874. The RituaUsts saw arrayed against them a powerful and unscrupulous Prime Minister (Disraeh) ; the two Archbishops, both able men and bent on destroying ritual ; a bench of pavid bishops ; an abso lutely united House of Commons, a House of Lords bewildered and divided ; the whole weight of the press, society, and, as far as it could be ascertained, pubUc opinion. No wonder that men's hearts were failing them with fear, and with looking after those things which were coming on the Church." In this year, in consequence of the apparently hopeless pros pect, there ensued many secessions ; earnest young men preparing for Holy Orders, and longing to enter them, were struck back, and, changing their intention, went into business or entered Government offices. Dr. Liddon wrote : " There is no reason for despondency. We shaU live to see the drowned Egyptians on the shore even yet ! " And we have. I have written with some bitterness, but I cannot help it ; only those who passed through the ordeal of that time can teU what were the agonies of soul that were endured, the shame and disgust that was felt at the conduct of the Bishops, and the certainty that there was no justice, no fair hearing to be accorded to Churchmen. Policy to please the ungodly and unbelieving ruled the judgments of the Courts, and besotted prejudice steeped the minds of the people. The Bishops, like frightened sheep, huddled together, and took counsel how they might save their own fleeces. It had been much the same in the reign of WiUiam Rufus, when the hireling Bishops sided with the Red King to drive Anselm out of the realm, and assisted to subvert the laws of justice and equity. Disraeh — a Prime Minister hke the parent in the sledge in a Siberian winter, who threw his children to the pursuing wolves — cast the Churchmen to be mangled and torn, if only he could save his Jewish skin and the tinsel coronet STURM UND DRANG 261 to which he aspired. It was a time of stress — of darkness ; and it required a strong faith to look up to Him who sitteth above the water-floods and remaineth a King for ever, to come — walking upon the waters to enter into and save His Church. He did it in spite of the Taits, the Thomsons and the Ryles. By degrees, the Enghsh mind, slow to move, came to realize that there had been gross, partisan miscarriage of justice in the judgments of the Privy Council. Some of those who had sat in the Court admitted it. In the judgment of 1868, the con demnation of Catholic usages was only carried by the casting vote of Archbishop Thomson. The imprisonments, of which there were, as already said, five in aU, brought the Court of Lord Penzance into such odium that the Bishops at last plucked up courage to veto prosecutions. In 1877, Bishop Merriman of Grahamstown told Archbishop Tait to his face, at the Croydon Church Conference, that " the Bishops of England had placed their croziers in the hands of an ex-Divorce Court judge." After the imprisonment of Mr. BeU-Cox, there were no more, and for several years before Lord Penzance's retirement in 1899 his Court had been practically deserted. The discredited Act remains unrepealed, and the Court is only visited at in tervals by the caretaker, to dust the unused seats. In 1898 there broke out a fresh burst of Puritan fanaticism against ritualistic practices. In February 1899, Archbishop Temple announced his wiUingness, along with Archbishop Mac- lagan of York, to hear cases in dispute, and pronounce opinions on them without any reference to the judgments of the Privy Council, and to be guided solely by evidence brought before him and his brother archbishop. The use of incense and portable lights in processions were the first points considered, and neither he nor the Archbishop of York considered that sufficient proof had been adduced that they were authorized by the Church of England. No judgment was pronounced, only an opinion expressed. The Privy Council,, the Court of Lord Penzance, mob violence, the mean device of the Bishops to refuse licence to clergy of the advanced party, have all failed to put down ceremonial. It would have been well indeed if the Bishops had taken to heart the counsel of Gamaliel : " Now I say unto you, Refrain from these men and let them alone, for if this counsel or this work be of men, it will come to naught, but if it be of God ye cannot overthrow it ; lest haply ye be found even to fight 262 THE CHURCH REVIVAL against God." The Jewish Council had more sense than the bench of Bishops, for " to him they agreed." The Bishops did not consider whether the work or counsel was of God, but whether it was displeasing to the pubhc with whom they desired to stand weU, and above aU, to wealthy laymen without whose aid they feared that pet diocesan schemes must coUapse. About this time appeared a parody on " Who kiUed Cock Robin ? " by Mr. Chatterton Dix, of which I give several, but not aU the verses: ' ' Who killed Devotion ? ' ' " I," said the Nation, " with new Regulation, I killed Devotion." " Who saw it die ? " The Court made reply, " With my loving eye I saw it die." " Who caught the blood ? " " I," said the Act, " by Parliament backed, I caught its blood." " Who'll make its shroud ? " "I," said the Devil, with look very evil, " I'll make its shroud." "Who'll be the clerk?" "We," said the Press, "with Amen to Success, We'll be the clerk." " Who'll dig its grave ? " " I," said the Law, " 'twas once my cat's-paw, I'll dig the grave." "Who'll be chief mourner ? " " I," said the World, with scornful lip curl'd, " I'll be chief mourner." All the lawyers in Court fell a-sighing and a-sobbing When Devotion was killed and an end came to Robbing ! y. .,. ,.v\vw * . ¦ ,o. , .v.y-v ^#^v APPENDIX TO CHAPTER X TO make inteUigible the position assumed by the High Church party in opposition to the Public Worship Regula tion Act and the Court of Lord Penzance, I give here the major portion of a paper that circulated widely among them and which formulated their objections : I. Church principles imply that — i. The Church of Christ, of which the Anglican Church claims to be a part, is an organized society founded by her Divine Lord, independently of the will of the Civil Power. 2. The Church was founded to teach mankind the Divine Will in regard to Faith, Worship and Morals ; and for this purpose she received authority from her Lord for the instruction, guidance and government of her members. 3. The words " All power is given unto Me in heaven and in earth : go ye therefore and teach all nations . . . and lo, I am with you alway, etc.," show that the authority possessed by the Church for the teaching, discipline and edification of her members is derived from Christ, and in things spiritual is independent of any Civil Power, and superior to it. 4. The aforesaid spiritual authority conferred upon the Apostles was, under the guidance of the Holy Spirit, transmitted by them to their successors, to be exercised in conformity with the original commission and the law of the Church Universal. 5. This authority, being the gift of Incarnate God to His Church, and a trust committed by Him to the Priesthood, is inalienable ; and, therefore, comes within the scope of the Divine Rule, " Render unto Caesar the things that be Caesar's, and unto God the things that be God's." 6. A National Church which surrenders^ the authority to any Civil Power is unfaithful to the trust committed to her by God. 7. Spiritual Courts, or " Courts Christian," whether Diocesan or Provincial, if rightly constituted, are, among other means, the canonical instruments of