Political Corruption

BY

The Trusts

SPEECH BY
Alton B. Parker
AT
ESOPUS, OCTOBER 24th, J904

DISTRIBUTED BY
THE PARKER INDEPENDENT CLUBS
59 PINE STREET, NEW YORK

/^XHE following are speeches delivered on October 24th,
190-1, at Judge Parker's house at Esopus. The
speech first printed was delivered by William Temple
Emmet, of New Rochelle, New York, as the spokes
man of a delegation of upwards of three hundred
people who had called on Judge Parker to assure him of
their support in. the campaign. Judge Parker's vigorous
reply, in which he dealt with the subject of the corruption
of our national life by the protected and favored
Trusts, is hei'e printed in full.

SPEECH BY WILLIAM TEMPLE EMMET.

Judge Parker: —
We have come here to pledge you our support at the coming election.
The platform upon which you were nominated, and all your utterances
upon public questions since your nomination, have commended themselves
to sound-thinking people. The elements of our citizenship, which cannot
be bought upon election day, nor misled by ostentatious parade, have ral
lied to your support and will elect you, I hope and believe, as our next
President. But opposed to you, sir, is that portion of the organized wealth of the
country which has for a long time been in receipt of special governmental
favors, granted at the expense of the people as a whole; and on whose be
half the Republican party has for many years acted as the paid political
agent. These "enemies of the Republic," as they have been truly called,
are determined, if the power of money can accomplish it, that you shall
be defeated; not because it is possible to point to a single fact in your per
sonal career which is not creditable and admirable, nor to a single clause
in your political creed which does not conform with the truest and best
American ideals; but because, sir, you have said, and your party has said,
and it is known to all the world, that if you are elected the President of
the United States, you will use the powers which the constitution entrusts
to the President, in the interests of all the people in the land, and not for
the special benefit of a favored few.
A vital issue in this campaign is that which is presented by the open
activity of the protected and favored Trusts on behalf of your opponent.
The people at large may well give serious thought to the conditions which
have been brought about by the entrance of the Trusts into politics: — to
the methods by which they attain their political end: — and to the neces
sarily fatal consequences to our institutions if the dominance of a corrupt
money power is permitted to continue much longer.
Every thinking man knows that during recent years there has been
a change in our system of government so vast, so fundamental, so revolu
tionary, that the real rulers of the land do not any longer reside in Wash
ington, and do not hold official positions — unless, perchance, here and
there one of them wants to, for the fun of it. The corporations and indi
viduals whose commercial enterprises are, in one way or another, founded
upon special privileges granted at the expense of the rest of the people
of the country, exercise at the present time the controlling influence in
our national politics. These interests have succeeded in turning our gov
ernment into a mere department of their money-making enterprises. They
have simply harnessed our political machinery to their commercial char
iot. The Republican party organization, bought, paid for, and owned by
them, is the instrument through which they conduct what may be called
the political end of their business. What they require is legislation fa
vorable to their financial interests, at whatever cost to free institutions.
In order to secure this, they have found it "good business" to reinvest,
every four years, part of the profits they have extorted from the people
under the forms of law, in contributions to the Republican campaign fund.
The Republican party having once succumbed to temptation, and em
barked upon the business of bartering legislative favors in return for
lavish campaign contributions, has gradually drifted far away from the
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noble ideals of Lincoln, when it was a party fighting for the rights of man,
and has become the mere paid machine of a commercial set, who give it
the necessary funds every four years to carry to a successful conclusion
campaigns whose underlying object, in each case, is- to perpetuate policies
which have made a few men rich beyond the dreams of avarice, at the ex
pense of the people of the country. The inevitable outcome of this has
been to create in the United States a commercial oligarchy, composed of
the protected trust magnates; and these trust magnates are our real po
litical rulers to-day.
To those who contend that, this year, the Republican party, under
its present management, is not any longer in league with the forces of
corruption, and can no longer be controlled by them, the facts in respect
to Mr. Cortelyou's recent political activities offer food for sober thought.
Not the least extraordinary of the incidents of this campaign, is this: —
that the man who has collected, from the protected trusts, the money
with which it is hoped to elect Mr. Roosevelt, and who is now disbursing
the fund, has been during the past three years Mr. Roosevelt's private
secretary and a member of his Cabinet, to which latter position he expects
to return as soon as his present work is over.
During the present administration a law was passed by Congress, and
approved by the President, creating the Department of Commerce and
Labor. The head of the new department was to be a member of the Cabi
net. Mr. Cortelyou, the President's private secretary, was designated as
the first Secretary of Commerce and Labor. In that capacity he came into
immediate relations with the interests which are seeking governmental
aid in their commercial ventures, for he was entrusted with extensive
powers and duties in respect to the collection of statistics concerning the
corporations, to the end that existing laws in relation to the trusts might
be enforced. During the time he remained Secretary of Commerce and
Labor, we do not know how much knowledge and information he gained
as to the secrets of the Trusts, for he has not taken the public into his
confidence. But whatever his reasons may have been for failing in his
official duty in that respect, he was, after the Republican National Con
vention, temporarily relieved from his position in the Cabinet, and at
the insistence of the President, notwithstanding that he had never had
any experience whatever in the management of a political campaign, was
made Chairman of the Republican National Committee, of which he was
not a member; with the understanding that as soon as his work in that
capacity was over he would return to the Cabinet, in the event of Mr.
Roosevelt's election. As Chairman of the Republican Committee he has,
though lacking political experience, been enabled to act as the col
lector of the great campaign fund that is deemed to be necessary to
carry the election this year, with a very special knowledge of
the needs and resources of his contributors: — for that he acquired such
knowledge while at the head of the Department charged with the duty of
collecting hitherto unknown facts about the Trusts, there can be little
doubt, even though he has not made his knowledge public as he should
have done. I am speaking now about things which, since they are done in
the dark, one can only surmise concerning; but in this case at least, we
cannot complain of any tack of illuminating circumstances indicating the
reasons for Mr. Cortelyou's selection to his recent and his present place,
the nature of the things he has done as National Chairman, the methods
he has employed, the pledges he has given. Here, at all events, are some
things we do know. A short time after Mr. Cortelyou commenced his
work as Chairman of the Republican National Committee, the official
announcements came from the high financiers that matters had now been
arranged to their satisfaction, and that they were all enthusiastically in
favor of Mr. Roosevelt's election. And from Mr. Roosevelt came, as if in
very answer to the announcement of the Trusts, an explicit statement that

he was unqualifiedly in favor of the maintenance of the policy of high
protection, the great trust-breeding and trust-nurturing policy, in its most
extreme form. That extraordinary letter of acceptance, in which the
President pledged his adherence to the legislative pulicy that is. the very
keystone in the arch of government as administered by the Trusts (but
which he has both written and spoken against since early manhood, until
he now so surprisingly accepts it) is the last incident that it is necessary
to mention in connection with the story of Mr. Cortelyou and his political
achievements. One is tempted to say more, but one had better refrain.
One is tempted, indeed, to go very much deeper and further than I can
possibly go on this occasion, into this great and pressing question of the
influence of the Trusts upon our national life, and the corruption that has
resulted therefrom. That corruption has unspeakably degraded our public
service, making our highest officials the mere agents (paid, however, out
of the public treasury) of the people "higher up." It has debauched, by
the wanton open use of money in the purchase of elections, large numbers
of voters, who, but for the temptations placed in their way, by the
cynical, vote-buying agents of our commercial overlords, would to-day be
proud and self-respecting in their possession of the political rights which
were handed down to them by their fathers. It has placed unequal and
oppressive laws upon our statute books. And it is gradually, as the cor
rupt practices continue, deadening the national conscience and paving the
way, many people think, for great changes in our constitutional system.
Certain it is that, until the influences which have debauched our po
litical life thiough the Republican party are driven out of their present
entrenched position, there is no hope of establishing wholesome conditions
at Washington. And it is as idle to talk of reforms of this character
coming from any Republican administration as it is to indulge in that
other well-known bit of political jargon to which Republican spokesmen
have given such wide circulation, that the tariff should be revised "by its
friends." High protection for the benefit of a favored few, the non-
enforcement of the laws regulating the Trusts, the purchase of national
elections with the money of the special beneficiaries of Republican rule,
these policies and practices are the very warp and woof of latter-day Re
publicanism; and far from giving any evidence of a desire that there shall
be any change in these particulars, it is obvious to all thinking people that
the Republican party organization under Cortelyou is now more, if pos
sible, than ever wedded to the present methods, and more inextricably in
volved in them. If this is not so, what then is the meaning of the invoca
tion that we "stand pat," which has become a veritable campaign slogan
in the mouths of our opponents? Stand pat on what? Why, on the very
things which have produced, and are intended to perpetuate, the evils to
which I have referred.
When the change comes, as come it surely must, it will come at the
hands of a Democratic administration; and it is the earnest and sincere
hope, Judge Parker, of those of us who have gathered here to-day, that
the inspiring task of inaugurating these changes shall be entrusted by the
people, this year, to you.

JUDGE PARKER'S REPLY.

Mr. Emmet:—
Apprecating the responsibility put upon me by the Democratic party,
and the duty which acceptance imposed upon me, I have carefully con
sidered the utterance I am about to make and am well persuaded that
had a situation calling for its consideration been at the time presented
it would have met the full approval of the convention as it will now meet
the approval of every thoughtful, right-minded citizen of the United
States without regard to party, creed or party prejudice.
Many years have passed since my active participation in politics. In
the meantime a startling change has taken place in the method of con
ducting campaigns — a change not for the better, but for the worse; a.
change that has introduced debasing and corrupt methods, which threaten
the integrity of our Government, leaving it, perhaps, a republic in form,
_£ut not a republic in substance, no longer a government of the people,
by the people, for the people, but a government whose officers are prac
tically chosen by a handful of corporate managers, who levy upon the as
sets of~ the stockholders, whom they represent, such sums of money as
they deem requisite to place the conduct of the Government in such hands
as they consider best for their private interests.
THE RIGHT TO CONTRIBUTE.
I make no complaint nor should complaint be made of any individual
who contributes toward the many legitimate expenses of a great cam
paign. The capitalist, as an individual, has as much right to contribute
to such purposes, and in proportion to purposes, as in proportion to his
means, as has his less wealthy fellow-citizen. Whatever he may do, based
on a patriotic desire to help elect the candidates of that party which
it seems to him will best serve the interests of the country, should be
encouraged. Equally is it true that all right-thinking mon favor the encourage
ment of thrift, the accumulation of property and its due and just protec
tion, and they are equally opposed to either the saying or the doing of
anything that will array one class against another. All classes are mu
tually dependent upon and mutually helpful to each other, and no word
or act of mine shall cause a gulf to be opened between them.
But tiere_is_a_wide difference between an individual employing his
wealth in the manner authorized by law, and individuals or corporations
which operate in defiance ofjaw. The first is independent of, the latter.
dependent upon, governmental favoritism. it is but a little while since '
the body of the people at large provided the legitimate expenses of a cam
paign. Then farmer and lawyer, docfor and mechanic, day laborer and
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banker, each contributed something toward the erection of banners, the
circulation- of literature, and the expenses of public meetings. Each con
tributor was a better citizen for it. It stimulated his patriotism, and the
contributions were devoted to the legitimate advancement of the cause,
not made for the deliberate corruption of masses of electors,
CORRUPTION DEPLORED.
Gradually and, alas, effectively, but surely not permanently, has all
this been changed. Some of the enterprises_jKhich.Jtiavc unduly thrived
throjigtLjawntism_and which have been permitted by statute to indirectly
levy tribute upon the people, have, in the course of time, become so rich
and strong that they can and do contribute vast sums when it is made
clear that it will advantage them, and they contribute upon the promise,
direct or implied, that they sTTall be permitted to continue to tax the peo
ple jfor-thetr^own^benefit. —Upon such promises contributions have been
not infrequently made in such large measure3s._to_jnduce and procure
colonization, repeating and bribery in doubtful States.
~ — Th"is~has" built up ~ar class~of " voters known to local leaders as "float
ers, "~~a~ class so~ numerous that party canvassers allot to them, in their
canvass, books, a separate column headed with that name. This condi
tion- is recognized by party workers, local, State and^haBbhal. They are
no longer shocked by it. It has become so prevalent that they are becom
ing hardened to it. They sometimes wonder where it is to end, but under
the stress of a campaign they postpone considerations until the next elec
tion. I am persuaded the time to begin the .fight against those _who_ would
control the results of election contests for their private corporate interests,
as~distinguished from the public interest,js now, and whatever the result
of the election may be, it should be_contInued until the evil is checked.
LEGISLATION PURCHASED.
The excessivelyiprotected interests, which formerly poured out their
treasure in order to "continue- existing and procure the passage of new
laws permitting its further accumulation, have been joined by the com
binations popularly called trusts" \Their plan is to perpetuate the present
Administration, Such of the combinations or trusts as do not jyofit by
the aid of the tariff secure their profits by the exercise of monopolies.
Hence their officers are opposed to the enforcement of law as against
them. When such forces unite to furnish the money which they are promised
will control the election, their purpose is as clear as noonday; it is to_buy
protectionrto purchase four years more of profit by tariff taxation, or
i our" yearn more of extortion from the people by means of monopoly.
Political contributions by corporations and trusts mean corruption.
They cannot be honest, Merely business interests are moved by mere
business considerations, A corporation will subscribe to a political party
only because the corporation expects that party, through Us control of
public officers, executive of legislative, to do something for the benefit of

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the corporation, or to refrain from doing something to its injury. No
other motive can be imagined. In the nature of things no other motive
can exist. A PEW PLAIN QUESTIONS.
The relations established mean the expectation, if not agreement,
actual or implied, that Government action is to be influenced by and for
corporation interests. No sophistry can give any other aspect to the
transaction in the minds of reasonable men.
Let the defenders of the practice, if it has defenders, answer these
questions: Why do corporations and trusts subscribe to political cam
paigns? What would a trust think of a party which, after accepting from
the trust a campaign contribution of $500,000, should permit the party's
representatives in office to take action inimical to the trust? Would the
public interests be safe in the hands of a party the greater part of whose
campaign funds had been contributed by corporations and trusts? If the
public welfare and the interests of subscribing corporation or trust should
conflict, which would likely be protected?
The scheme of our Government opposes favoritis^_bjr^JnJitej^jninis-
Jj^aUoj^hej^Jj&sJie^jmiclijrf it. Indeed, it has been growing with such
rapidity in recent years that those few who have enjoyed favors con
tributed either directly by statute or indirectly by the non-prosecution of
violations of law, represent, control and are possessed of many hundreds
of millions of dollars.
These interests have decided to attempt to continue the present Ad
ministration in power. Their representatives scolded about the Presi
dent for some months, and thus contributed their part toward the effort
which was assiduously made to satisfy the country that the trusts w«"-«*
opposed *to the present Administration.
TRUSTS FOR ROOSEVELT.
Whether there were real difficulties between these great powers and
the Administration — difficulties which have since been settled to the satis
faction of all parties concerned — or whether there were no difficulties to
be compromised and adjusted, their action being but a play to deceive the
voters, the fact remains that thejrusts are not now qppo^ed_tojthe_conj-
tinuance of the present Administration. Oh the contrary, it is common
knowledge- that they have determined to furnish such a sum of money to
the Republican National Committee as it is hoped will secure the "float
ers"^ the doubtful States for the Republican tieke+7~"
Such an attempt constitutes both a menace and a challenge to every
patriotic and law-abiding person in this country — a "challenge which ought
N to be accepted. The question ought to be settled now whether the "float-
l ers" and illegal combinations can together control an election in this
country. Such a contest means on one side vast sums of money and
every man with an itching palm. It ought to array every honest, inde
pendent and patriotic citizen on the other side.
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