3 9002 07258 6796

IN THI

JMl-

w.

I Church and Burying Ground.
2 Large Fort.
3 Bondet Hill.
4 Old Mill.
S Upper Mill.
6 French Houses.
7 Johnson House.
8 .. Great Plain.
9 Johnson's Plain.
10 Woodstock Great Trail.
II Boston Road,
12 Rich's Mill.
13 Mendon Meadow.
14 Bug Swamp.
15 Great Meadow.
16 Augutteback Pond.
17 Humphrey Homestead.
18 Samuel Davis Homestead.
19 Main Street.
20 Line of Bernon Grant.
21 Bondet Meadow.
22 Common Way.
23 Mayo Homestead.
24 Huguenot Orchard.

of the Eastern part of the
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THE

HUGUENOTS

NIPMUCK COUNTRY

Oxford Prior to 1713

BY GEORGE F. DANIELS

with an introduction by
OLIVER WENDELL HOLMES
Plantations are amongst ancient, primitive, and heroical works. — Bacon

BOSTON
ESTES & LAURIAT

37- >s-

COPYRIGHT :
By GEORGE F. DANIELS,
1S79.

C?uX7

PRESS or
NOYES, SNOW & CO., Edition Limixed.
Worcester, Mass.

PREFACE.

Every fact relating to the Huguenots, however
slight, has a notable interest. It has been well
said that they gave a lustre and a glory to
every place and to every thing they touched.
The history, therefore, of their sojourn in the
" Nipmuck Country," while it is the first chapter
in the history of the Town of Oxford, is in itself,
independently, a story which will be appreciated
by many in our country who have no special
interest in the locality.
It has been the design in this memoir to
bring together all the facts referring to the
Oxford Colonies, from every available source, and
to arrange them, so far as possible, in such a
manner as might best set forth the course of
events, adding only such legitimate inferences
and comments as would seem to be demanded
to complete the narrative.

IV. PREFACE.
Special thanks are here tendered to Rev. Chas.
W. Baird, D. D., of Rye, N. Y., who has given
very essential aid in the preparation of this
volume, by the contribution of important facts,
and of original documents, both English and
French in translation, these having been collected
by him during his extensive researches for mate
rials for his "History of the Huguenot Emigra
tion to America" soon to be published.
If the result of the publication of this little
volume shall be to awaken in the people of
Oxford a deeper interest in the history of the
town, and to move them to take action for the
continuance of the work of its preparation by a
more competent hand, the writer will feel that
his labors have not been in vain.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER L
The Nipmuck Country, 17. — Its native inhabitants, 18. — Efforts
to Christianize them, 19. — Praying towns, 21. — Philip's influence,
23. — Destruction of towns in Worcester County, 24. — Treatment
of the Indians by the English, 27. — Closing of Philip's war, 28.
— Disastrous results of the war to the Nipmucks. — Indignation
of the people, 29. CHAPTER II.
First movement toward a settlement in the Nipmuck country. — Its
failure, 31. — Intentions of Dudley and Stoughton to make <>.
settlement. — Authorized to treat with Indians for land, 32. —
Reports to General Court, 33. — Approval of Court, and grant of
land for services, 34. — Deeds of purchase and confirmation of
them. — Description of lands conveyed, 35. — Reservation for the
Indians. — Thompson associated with Dudley and Stoughton, 38.
— Grant to Thompson for services, 39. — Dudley's efiiciency in
public affairs. — Cox, Blackwell and Freak associated with Dud
ley and Stoughton, 40. — Prospects of the colony for success. —
Obstacles to progress, 41.
CHAPTER IIL
Grant for Oxford. — Survey by Mr. Gore, 43. — Description of the
plat, 44. — Part of the grant given for a Village. — Division of

VI. CONTENTS.
remainder. — Village line, 46. — Dudley sole manager for the
proprietors. — Deed of division, 47. — Augutteback pond, 49.

CHAPTER IV.
Advantages of the location for settlement, 50. — Plains. — Its early
reputation as a corn growing country. — Meadows, 51. — Streams.
— Fish and game, 52. — Bay Path, 54. — Connecticut path. —
New Roxbury and New Oxford, 55. — Dudley's agency in both, 56.
— Communication between the two colonies. — The Chandlers, 57.

CHAPTER V.
Extension of time for settlement of New Oxford. — The Huguenots.
— Sketch of the French reformation, 59. — Massacre of St. Bar
tholomew. — Promulgation and revocation of the Edict of Nantes.
— Suffering of the Protestants under Louis XIV., 61. — Their
flight frora the country. — Character of these people. — Skill as
artisans and agriculturists, 62. — Their settlement in London,
Holland, Brazil and North America. — Influence upon our insti
tutions. — This country early looked to as a place of refuge, 64. —
Gabriel Bernon introduced to Thompson in London. — Contract
to settle thirty families on the Oxford grant. — Grant to Du
Tuffeau as agent of Bernon. — Bernon comes to Boston. —
Receives an additional grant, 65.

CHAPTER VL
Lack of docuitientary evidence in reference to the Huguenots who
came to New Oxford, 66. — Arrival of emigrants in Boston. —
Time of the beginning of the settlement, 67. — Choice of location

CONTENTS. VU.
for headquarters. — Fort. — Great house. — Church, 68. — Burying
ground and small fort, — Mills, 69. — Plantations. — Beauty of
the plan, 70. CHAPTER VIL
Papers referring to colony. — Letter of French refugee in Boston. —
Quantity of land to each family. — The two plantations, inland
and on the seaboard, 72. — Vandenbosch, pastor of the Boston
colony, 73. — Wagons as means of conveyance, 74. — Deed of
Dudley and company to Bernon. — Deed of division. — Probable
settlement of the required thirty families in the spring of 1688, 75.
— Contract for building a mill, between Bernon and Church. —
Mill built in 1689. — Bondet's representations and petition in
reference to the Indians, 76. — Petition of the Selectmen of Wood
stock, 77. — Daniel Allen chosen representative, 78. — Andrew
Sigourney's representations and petition. — Disasters to the colony.
— Desertion by prominent men, 80. — Dread of the Indians. —
The colony reaches the height of its prosperity, 81. — The people
garrisoned for three months. — Bondet's desertion of the settle
ment, 82. — Johnson massacre, 83. — Dismay of the people at the
attack. — Desertion of the settlement in haste. — Scene at their
departure, 85. CHAPTER VIIL
Re-occupation. — Petition of the inhabitants by James Laborie, their
minister. — Complaint against Bondet, 88. — Rum the cause of all
disturbance in the colony. — Petition to have its sale prohibited. —
Transportation of meat out of the plantation, 89. — Laborie's
letter to the Earl of Bellomont, 90. — The Indians leaving for
Pennacook. — Earl of Bellomont to the Lords of Trade. — Jesuit
priests and the Indians, 91. — Petition of French Protestants in

Vni. CONTENTS.
Boston. — They have assisted those who returned to New Oxford,
92. — Gov. Dudley's letter to Bernon commissioning him as cap
tain, 93. — The fraternal spirit and benevolence of the Huguenots,
94. — Soldiers stationed at Oxford in 1703, 95. — Laborie called
to New York. — Final abandonment. 96.
CHAPTER IX.
Dudley and Bernon's continued interest in the plantation. — Bernon
retaining possession. — Dudley's letter to Bernon censuring his
agents, 97. — Agreement between Bernon and Oliver and Nathanael
Coller, 98. — Bernon's letter to Dudley complaining of Mr. Hag-
burn, 99. — Bernon's tenants remain. — His reliance upon pos
session, 100. — His inability to hold the old mill. — His presentation
of the stones and irons to Daniel Elliot, loi. — Dudley's letter of
thanks for the same. — Bernon's reply, 102. — Letter of Bernon to
the son of Gov. Dudley asking assistance, 103. — Losses by his
tenants, and drowning of his servant. — His financial difliculties,
104. — Bernon's application to Gov. Shute for reimbursement. —
Certificates of his friends, 106. — Peculiar condition of Bernon's
claim. — Squatters occupy his lands. — Oxford recognizes his
rights. — Complication of the case, 107. — The tract occupied by
him not included in his conveyance. — The "Bernon line," 108. —
Bernon administrator of Du Tuffeau's estate. — Sale of his land,
109. — Action of Oxford proprietors, no. — Report of a committee
to settle the lines. — Mayo and Davis, iii. — Deed from Dudley to
Bernon, 112. — Sale to Bowdoin, 113.

CHAPTER X.
Bernon papers. — His antecedents, 114. — His obituary notice. —
His success as a businessman, 115. — His business undertakings
— Manufacture of ship stores, and petition to the king of England,

CONTENTS. IX.
ii6. — Removal to Newport, Narragansett and Providence. — Zeal
for Episcopacy. — Daniel Bondet, 117. — Noble descent. — Letter
to Increase Mather, 1 18. — Letter to Lord Cornbury, 120. — Labors
at New Rochelle. — His death. — His memory perpetuated in
Oxford. — Andrew Sigourney, 122. — His family. — Prof. Butler's
sketch, 123. — Du Tuffeau. — Goes to New Rochelle, 124. —
Laborie. — Goes to New York. — Will of Jean Martin, 125.

CHAPTER XI.
The industries of the place. — Bernon's manufacture of glove or wash
leather, 127. — The wash leather mill. — Dea. Humphrey on
Bourdille, 128. — Return of two members of the Sigourney family.
— The Shumway family, 129. — Origin of the name. — Petition of
Peter Shumway, 130. — Huguenot relics, 131. — Orchards. — Sites
of Huguenot houses. — Chimney stone of the Johnson house, 132.
— • Ruins of the fort. — Their present appearance, 133. — Site of
the upper mills. — Work of the Huguenots now standing, 136. —
Names of Huguenot families settled in Oxford, 137. — Proclama
tion of the Proprietors, 138. — The coming in of the English
settlers, 139. >

INTRODUCTORY.

(OLIVER WENDELL HOLMES, To GEORGE F. DANIELS.)
My dear Sir : —
I have read carefully, and with great interest,
but not critically, the manuscript you sent me.
I say not critically, because it would be a work of
much labor to follow you through your long and
pains-taking investigations, and this I cannot pre
tend to have done. I am sure, however, that
your memoir is a true labor of love, performed
conscientiously, for its own sake, and a valuable
contribution to our local history.
Of all my father's historical studies, none ever
interested me so much as his " Memoir of the
French Protestants who settled at Oxford, in
Massachusetts, A. D. MDCLXXXVI." All the
circumstances connected with that second Colony
of Pilgrim Fathers are such as to invest it with
singular attractions for the student of history, the

INTRODUCTORY. XI.
antiquary, the genealogist. It carries us back to
the memories of the Massacre of Saint Bartholo
mew, to the generous Edict of Nantes and the
gallant soldier -king who issued it; to the days
of the Grand Monarque, and the cruel Act of
Revocation which drove into exile hundreds of
thousands of the best subjects of France — among
them the little band which was planted in our
Massachusetts half tamed wilderness. It leads the
explorer who loves to linger around the places
consecrated by human enterprise, efforts, trials,
triumphs, sufferings, to localities still marked with
the fading traces of the strangers who there
found a refuge for a few brief years, and then
wandered forth to know their homes no more. It
tells the lover of family history where the
un-English names which he is constantly meet
ing with — Bowdoin, ' Faneuil, Sigourney — found
their origin, and under what skies was moulded
the type of lineaments, unlike those of Anglo-
Saxon parentage, which he finds among certain of
his acquaintance, and it may be in his own family
or himself.

Xll. INTRODUCTORY.
And what romance can be fuller of interest
than the story of this hunted handful of Protest
ants leaving, some of them at an hour's warning,
all that was dear to them, and voluntarily
wrecking themselves, as it were, on this shore,
where the savage and the wolf were waiting
ready to dispute possession with the feeble
intruders .' They came with their trained skill
to a region where trees were to be felled, wild
beasts to be slain, the soil to be subdued to
furnish them bread, the whole fabric of social
order established under new conditions. They
came from the sunny skies of France to the
capricious climate where the summers were fierce
and the winters terrible with winds and snows.
They left the polished amenities of an old civiliza
tion, for the homely ways of rude settlers of
another race and language. Their lips, which
had shaped themselves 'to the harmonies of a
refined language, — which had been used to speak
ing such names as Rochefort and Beauvoir and
Angoul^me, — had to distort tjiemselves into the
utterance of words like Manchaug and Wabquasset

INTRODUCTORY. Xlll.
and Chaubunagungamaug. The short and simple
annals of this brave and gentle company of
emigrants are full of trials and troubles, and
ended with a bloody catastrophe. The Indians to
whom " rom,e was sold without order and measure"
were complained of as getting " so furious with
drunkness that they fought like bears." They
fell upon, and dangerously if not fatally wounded
one of the preachers sent among them. At
length the massacre of four of a family of five
persons by the savages, broke up the settlement,
and though some few of the original colonists
returned for a season, the place was soon finally
deserted. My father visited the site of the little colony in
1 8 19 and 1825. He traced the lines of the fort,
and was "regaled with the perfumes of the shrub
bery and the grapes then hanging in clusters on
the vines planted by the Huguenots above a
century before." I visited the place between
twenty and thirty years ago, and found many
traces of the old settlement. After Plymouth ; I
do not think there is any locality in New Eng-

XIV. INTRODUCTORY.
land more interesting. This little band of French
families, transported from the shore of the Bay
of Biscay to the wilds of our New England
interior, reminds me of the isolated group of
magnolias which we find surrounded by the ordi
nary forest trees in our Massachusetts town of
Manchester. It is a surprise to meet with them,
and we wonder how they came there, but they
glorify the scenery with their tropical flowers, and
sweeten it with their fragrance. Such a pleasing
surprise is the effect of coming upon this small
and transitory abiding-place of the men and
women who left their beloved and beautiful land
for the sake of their religion. The lines of
their fort may become obliterated, " the perfumes
of the shrubbery " may no longer be perceived,
but the ground they hallowed by their footsteps
is sacred, and the air around their old Oxford
home is sweet with their memory. Boston, June, 1879.

"The savage arrow scathed them, and dark clouds
Involv'd their infant Zion, yet they bore
Toil and affliction with unwavering eye
Fixed on the heavens, and firm in hope sublime
Sank to their last repose. Full many a son
Among the noblest of our land looks back
Through Time's long vista, and exulting claims
These as his Sires." — L. H. S., Holmes' Mem. 83.

CHAPTER I.
THE NIPMUCKS.  THEIR COURSE IN PHILIP'S WAR. 
DISASTROUS RESULTS.
The Town of Oxford has its site near the middle
of a large territory lying mainly in the southern
central part of Massachusetts, known at the time of
the settlement of Boston, in 1630, as the " Nipmuck
Country." Its bounds were very indefinite, but it
extended from the vicinity of Natick, westerly to the
Connecticut river, and from the vicinity of Worcester,
southerly some twenty-five or thirty miles, down the
Quinebaug valley, into what is now Connecticut.
The first mention we have in history of this locality,
occurs in the record of an excursion of John Win
throp and a few friends, in 1632. Wishing to spy
out this region, then almost unknown, they ascended
the Charles river so far, that from a high position
they overlooked, as they reported, the whole Nip
muck Country, and " saw a very high hill, due west."
Three years later a company of sixty settlers from

1 8 THE NIPMUCKS UNDER THE POKANOKETS.
Watertown, being desirous of possessing more land
than that place could afford them, took their way over
the Indian trails westward, bound for the rich inter
vals of the Connecticut valley, and " seized a brave
piece of meadow " at Wethersfield. Doubtless they
passed near the site of this village, and probably were
the first white men who trod the soil of this region.
At that time the westerly part of this tract was wild
hunting ground, and the eastern portion was quite
thinly inhabited by the Nipmuck Indians in scattered
villages, their numbers having been greatly reduced
by recent wars with western tribes, and by fatal
disease.^ The name " Nipmuck," or " Nipnet," which signi
fies " fresh water," was given to all the dwellers upon
this large inland tract, to distinguish them from the
more numerous and powerful tribes which lived
upon the sea coast.^ They were an inferior people,
who appear to have owed some fealty to the
Pokanokets.^ Miss Earned, in her History of
" Brigham's Centennial Add., Grafton, 1835.
2 This name, in its original signification, was applied to other
tribes in New England, but it came to have a special application
to the inhabitants of this central Massachusetts region. Dif
ferent branches of this tribe assumed the names of the particu
lar localities in which they lived.
3 Palfrey Hist. New Eng., I. 24.

FIRST EFFORTS TO CHRISTIANIZE THEM. IQ
Windham County, well describes them thus :
"They were subject clans, of little spirit or distinc
tive character. Their number was small. A few
families occupied the favorable localities, while large
sections were left vacant and desolate. Their dwell
ings were poor, their weapons and utensils rude and
scanty. They raised corn and beans, and wove mats
and baskets. Their lives were chiefly spent in
hunting, fishing and idling."
They did not exhibit the enterprise and intelli
gence of the neighboring tribes, but seemed more
peaceful and inclined to assimilate with the whites
as they came to have intercourse with them ; and,
as did other tribes in the Colony, early showed a
disposition to become civilized and to have the
institutions of religion established among them.
The General Court of Massachusetts, wishing to
meet these wants, passed an order Nov. 19th, 1644,
inaugurating measures looking toward their Christ-
ianization and improvement, i thus becoming, as
Palfrey says, "the first missionary society in the
history of Protestant Christendom." 2 In 1646, John
Eliot, known as the "Apostle to the Indians," having
been for fourteen years teacher of the Roxbury
Church, and through the instrumentality of a native
I Palfrey, IL i88. ^ Ibid., 189.

20 THE LABORS OF ELIOT.
servant, having learned the rudiments of the Indian
language, began his labors in Nonantum, a part of
Newton. I In 165 1 he removed the headquarters of
his operations to Natick, and while still retaining
his pastorate at Roxbury, for nearly twenty-five
years, until interrupted by Philip's war, he and his
co-laborers traveled, preached, taught and advised in
matters civil and religious, establishing schools,
founding churches, and installing native teachers
and pastors among many tribes in the province,
including this far off and humble people of the
Nipmuck Country.^
' Palfrey, II. 190.
2 " The " Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in New
England," whose headquarters were in London, entered upon
its work with considerable efficiency. So far as practicable it
co-operated with Eliot, who was encouraged in his labors by
an annual " honorarium " paid by the society, he receiving at
first fifteen pounds, then twenty, [Gookin.J and afterward fifty.
[Hazard, II. 378.] He did not, however, always act harmo
niously with the commissioners of the Society, but differed with
them as to ways and means, and thus incurred the censure of
its managers, who characterized his proceedings as " turbulent
and clamorous," but still retained his services and ordered his
salary to be increased. [Hazard, II. 332.] These commissioners
selected native young men to be educated at Cambridge as
teachers, and had authority from the Society to erect there a
building " thirty feet in length and twenty feet in width," for

THE "PRAYING TOWNS. 21
To a considerable extent success attended their
labors, especially in those villages which were
near the English settlements on the eastern
coast. Seven communities were established from
Hassanamesit — now Grafton— eastward, and were
called "praying towns," and later, from that place
to Wabquasset, now Woodstock, were established
five others, which were called "new praying towns." '
native pupils. They encouraged education by giving bounties,
they printed catechisms in the native language, and furnished
books for teachers. [Palfrey, II. 333.] In 1658 Eliot's native
teachers were paid ten pounds each, and he received two
pounds for Bibles, spectacles and primers for the natives. The
outlay of the Society in this, the eighth year of its operations,
was five hundred and twenty pounds, chiefly in salaries to
teachers, and the sustaining of pupils in the schools at Cam
bridge. [Ibid.] Mr. Eliot's efforts were put forth for the
civilization as well as the Christianization of the people. He
encouraged the building of frame houses, and the making of
homes for separate families, the planting of gardens and
orchards, the raising and utilizing of flax and hemp, and at
Natick, under his direction, a bridge eighty feet long was built
across the river, and a hall fifty by twenty-five feet was erected
for public worship. [Ibid. II. 336, 337.]
I The seven "old praying towns" were these: — Natick,
Pakemitt, now Stoughton, — Ockoocangansett, now Marl
borough, — Wamesitt, now Lowell, — Hassanamesit, now Graf
ton, — Nashobah, now Littleton, — Magunkook, now Hopkin-

22 ELIOT AND GOOKIN HOPEFUL.
Hassanamesit became the centre of influence in this
circle of praying communities. It was the dwelling
place of Wattascompanum, chief ruler of the tribe, a
professed convert to Christianity, who was an effi
cient aid to the English magistrate in managing the
civil affairs of the Indians, and who exerted a
controlling influence among his own people. A
flourishing school was established there, from which
native teachers went out to neighboring villages, '
the forms of civil government were to some extent
adopted, the Bible in their native language was
within reach of all, and was taught them by native
teachers in every village, and notwithstanding many
things which remained unpromising, Eliot and his
companion in labor, Daniel Gookin, ^ who from 1656
had been "betrusted and employed for the civil
government and conduct of the Indians in Massa
chusetts Colony," were encouraged to believe that
ton. Gookin, in his account of a visit with Eliot to the Nipmucks
in 1674, gives the names of the "new praying towns," begin
ning with Manchaug, now Oxford, twelve families, — Chau
bunagungamaug, now Webster, five miles southerly, nine
families, — Maanexit on the Quinebaug river, four or five miles
further south, — Quantisset, now Thompson HiU and Wab
quasset, now Woodstock.
I Brigham's Add.
2 Palfrey, II. 338.

THEIR HOPES niSAPPOINTED. 23
these people were to become Christianized, and thus
made the friends and helpers of the settlers who
were to come among them.
Yet, underneath all this fair and promising exterior
there lay the peculiar Indian character. The test
came when "Philip of Pokanoket" rallied all his allies
to make his grand assault upon the English colonies
in 1675. Then those instincts which have shown
themselves in most of the native tribes of our
country, appeared in the Nipmucks in all their
malignity, and when once aroused, these appar
ently quiet and inoffensive men did not shrink
from the commission of deeds most shocking and
barbarous. There were, indeed, exceptions, for in
the new praying towns a few, and in the old pray
ing towns many, adhered to their alliance with the
English ; but the more remote branches of the tribe
from Hassanamesit westward, to use the language
of Gookin, " being raw, and lately initiated in the
Christian profession, most of them fell off from the
English and joined the enemy." ' Apparently their
alliance with the settlers had been founded on a
basis of justice, and their better judgment doubtless

' "The Wabquassets did not join Philip, but fled south
ward and placed themselves under the protection of Uncas,
at Mohegan.'' Miss Larned, Hist. Wind. Co., I. 10.

24 THE NIPMUCKS JOIN PHILIP.
would have held them firmly to the whites as their
true friends, but Philip plied them with argument
and solicitation, possibly also urging his claims to
their support as subjects, until they yielded. In
the words of Palfrey, —
" A taste for havoc was established between heathen
Wampanoag and half converted Nipmuck. Without
provocation, and without warning, they gave full sway
to the inhuman passions of their savage nature, and
broke into a wild riot of pillage, arson and massacre."
During that disastrous time, the summer, autumn
and winter of 1675, they pursued their deadly work
among the colonists, not only of this region but also
of the Connecticut valley, and throughout the interior
of the state, ruin and disaster prevailed. Mendon,
Lancaster, Brookfield and Worcester, the only settle
ments in this county, were burned, and more or less
of savage cruelty attended their destruction. Capt.
Wheeler, with twenty men sent from headquarters as
an escort to Mr. Edward Hutchinson, who came on a
peaceful errand to the Nipmucks, was drawn by them
into an ambush near Brookfield, on the 2d of August
1675, and he and three others were wounded,
and eight men killed.' One day previous to this
attack, Philip being hard pressed by his pursuers.

Palfrey, III. 159.

WATTASCOMPANUM AND MATOONAS. 25
came up from his refuge near the coast, and with his
forty attendants was received and sheltered here. '
Wattascompanum became one of Philip's most pliant
aids, and was very efficient in seducing the praying
Indians from their fidelity.- Gookin says, he was "a
prudent, and I believe a pious man, and had given
good demonstration of it for many years. This
man yielded to the enemy's arguments, and by his
example drew most of the rest." Matoonas, another
chief, also gave the English much trouble. He made
some pretence to religion, and in 1674 was appointed
constable at Pakachoag. 3 But he had a grudge
against the whites because of the execution of his
son for murder in 1671, and when the war broke out
he was ripe for revenge. He became one of the
foremost of the assailants, led in their dances, and
in the attack on Mendon was at their head, and
killed four or five persons himself. A writer of the
time called him "an old, malicious villain."^
Increase Mather says,
" Matoonas was the first Indian that treacherously shed Eng
lish blood in the Massachusetts colony. He some years before
pretended to something of religion, being a professor in general
' Palfrey, III. 159. = Ibid. III. 220.
3 Gookin speaks of him as "that grave and sober Indian."
4 Drake, Am. Ind.

26 "JAMES THE PRINTER."
(though never baptized nor of the in-churched Indians) that
he might more covertly manage the hellish designs of revenge
that were harbored in his devilish heart." '
"James the printer," a promising young man of
Hassanamesit, joined Philip, and led a company of
warriors against the colonists. "
" Frequently the marauders in the Nipmuck Coun-
' Drake, App.
2 "James the Printer" seems to have been one of the most
interesting Indian characters mentioned in the accounts of
those early times. When a child he was taken into the Indian
school at Cambridge, and was afterward apprenticed — probably
to Mr. Green — for sixteen years, to learn the art of printing,
but ran away before his time expired. He was Eliot's most
valuable assistant in printing the Indian Bible. In 1683 this
worthy man wrote thus to a friend in London, in reference to
a revised edition of this book, — "I desire to see it done before
I die, and I am so deep in years that I cannot expect to live
long ; besides, we have but one man, viz., the Indian printer,
that is able to compose the sheets and correct the press with
understanding.'' James was sometime teacher, both at Hassanamesit and
Chaubunagungamaug, and worked at printing after the war,
and, in company with Mr. Green, printed the Indian Psalter in
1709. " Printer " became the surname of the family, and his reputed
descendants have lived in Grafton, until within a very few
years past. Pierce, Hist. Grafton.

ORDERS FOR THE RESTRAINT OF THE TRIBE. 27
try were recognized as professors of Christianity, nor
in that region was it found that any community, or
any considerable number of natives could be relied
on as allies." '
Yet, though the Nipmucks acted a prominent part in
this tragedy, they did not receive the retribution which
their deeds would have seemed to demand. We find
recorded no war-like movement against them as a
tribe, except the occasional coming among them of
small foraging parties for corn and swine, and the
expedition of Capt. Gorham, with one hundred men,
from Plymouth, in October, 1675, who burned their
corn-fields and a few wigwams and mats. ~ In June,
1676, Maj. Talcott and four hundred and fifty men,
English and Indians, were marching from Norwich to
join the Massachusetts troops at Brookfield, on their
way to the Connecticut valley. At Wabquasset they
destroyed a deserted fort and the growing corn, and
at Chaubunagungamaug killed and captured fifty-two
Indians.^ But rigid civil restraint was resorted to. The
authorities issued special orders, requiring the
tribe to come together in five places which were
named, and there build wigwams in compact settle
ments, and not to go more than a mile away from
' Palfrey, III. 199. ^ Gookin. 3 Conn. Rec, II. 453.

28 DEATH OF PHILIP -^ CLOSE OF THE WAR.
them unless accompanied by an Englishman, under
the penalty of imprisonment or death. Extending
hospitalities to other Indians was also forbidden, i
In the midsummer of 1676 the tide of affairs
began to turn in favor of the colonists. Wattas
companum was captured, taken to Boston, tried,
and executed June 26th. - On the first of July,
"James the printer," and a hundred and forty fol
lowers, under a promise of pardon, surrendered
themselves, 3 and on the 25th, the Sagamore John,
and one hundred and eighty followers also laid down
their arms. 4 Matoonas was also taken, and shot on
Boston common July 28th, ^ and three other Nip
muck chiefs were hanged in Boston soon after the
death of Philip, s
The energy and tact of Capt. Church, who was
ably seconded by Maj. Talcott, succeeded in defeat
ing and demoralizing Philip's forces, so that August
found him back again in his old retreat at Mount
Hope, shorn of his strength, but still defiant. ' Here
he was killed August 12th, and his death, with that

' Gookin, Am. Archaeol., II. 453.
2 Drake, In. Biog. 5 Mather, Brief Hist, 39.
3 Mather, Brief Hist, 43. ^ Drake, In. Biog.
4 Mather, Brief Hist, 46. 7 Palfrey, III. 204.

THE NIPMUCKS ALMOST DESTROYED. 29
of his captain, Annawon, 'which occurred August
28th, virtually ended the contest, i
To the Nipmucks the results of this war were
disastrous in the extreme. The execution of so many
of their prominent men, added to other losses inci
dent to such a struggle, had the effect completely to
prosti"ate them, and only a feeble and spiritless rem
nant was found here when the English commenced
negotiations with them preparatory to a settlement. ^
" This war was very disastrous to the labors of Mr. Eliot, and
almost entirely suspended them. The irritation against the
Indians was very great, and jealousy and distrust of his
converts were everywhere rife, and the rage of the people was
violent and alarming. Mr. Gookin and Mr. Eliot incurred much
abuse." 3
The indignation against the natives, on account of
their faithlessness, was general and deep-seated among
the English. Eliot, Gookin, and Thomas Danforth
pleaded alone in their behalf before the government,
and the last two were threatened with death on this
" Palfrey, III. 206.
^ " The Nipmucks found themselves almost annihilated."
Miss Larned, I. 11.
3 Morton's N. E. Mem., 391. — "Six years after the close of
the war, Eliot could claim but four towns in the state." One of
these was Chaubunagungamaug. — Drake, 179.

30 WATTASCOMPANUM S FATE.
account. I But it would seem that in the excitement,
in the case of Wattascompanum at least, great injus
tice was done.
Drake says, " Some of the proceedings against this
man have of late been brought to light. His case is
one of most melancholy interest, and his fate will be
deeply regretted ; inasmuch as the proof against him,
so far as we can discover, would not at any other
time be deemed worthy of a moment's consideration.
The younger Eliot pleaded earnestly for him that he
might even have a new trial, but without avail."
' Mass. Arch., XXX. 193.

CHAPTER II.
MOVEMENTS FOR SETTLEMENT.  PURCHASE OF INDIAN
LANDS BY STOUGHTON AND DUDLEY.
The first movement toward a settlement in the
Nipmuck Country after the close of the war, was
the petition of Mr. Hugh Campbell, a Scotch mer
chant of Boston, in February, 1680, for land for a
colony. The General Court granted his petition, but
we have nothing to show that a settlement was
begun. The answer of the Court to Mr. Campbell's
petition is as follows : —
" This Court judgeth it meete to allow to the petitioner, on
behalfe of such as may on that account transport themselues
hither, such accomodation to their number in the Nepmug
country as it will affoord, prouided they come w'thin two yeares
next after this grant." '
From the index to this record we learn that this
grant was made in behalf of a company of Scotch
emigrants who were purposing to settle in Massa
chusetts. At about the same, time two leading men in the
" Mass. Col. Rec, V. 263.

32 DESIGNS OF STOUGHTON AND DUDLEY.
Province, William Stoughton and Joseph Dudley,
were also contemplating a settlement in this region.
The venerable Eliot — Dudley's pastor — who by his
repeated visits here had become familiar with its
resources, and his co-laborer and friend Gookin, who
also knew both people and country well, doubtless'
encouraged the plan, as their strong desire was that
the institutions of civilization and religion might be
re-established among the Indians, who were in a
sense their wards, and whose welfare would be
largely affected by such influences as a colony of
settlers might bring.
In proceeding with their plan, the first point with
these gentlemen was to inquire into the matter of
the ownership of the lands they proposed to occupy,
and the rights of the Indians in them. On this sub
ject they petitioned the General Court.
In answer to this motion and petition the Court
replied. May nth, 1681, as follows:
"The Court judgeth it meete to grant this motion, and doe
further desire & impower the wor'pffl Wm. Stoughton &
Joseph Dudley, Esqs, to take particcular care & inspection into
the matter of the land in the Nipmug Country, what titles are
pretended to by Indeans or others, and the validity of them, and
make returne of what they find therein to this Court assoone as
may be." ' ¦ Mass. Col. Rec, V. 315.

REPORT OF COMMISSIONERS. 33
This commission reported October i6th, 1681, that
in June they had had a general meeting at Cambridge
of all the claimants, but finding them at variance as
to their several claims, they dismissed them until
they could agree among themselves. They further
reported, " Since which time, in September last, perceiving a better
vnderstanding amongst them, wee warned seuerall of the prin-
cipall claymers to attend vs into the country, & travajle the same
in company with us as farr & as much as one weeke w,ould
allow us, & find that the southerne part, clajmed by Black
James and company is capable of good setlement, if not too
scant of meadow, though vncerteine what will fall w'thin bounds
if our lyne be to be quaestioned." '
They reported also upon lands in other quarters,
but the action of the Court appears to have been taken
only upon the Nipmuck lands. Stoughton and Dud
ley were empowered to treat with the owners thereof,
and "to agree w'th them vpon the easiest termes
that may be obtejned." 2
On the 1 8th of February, 168 1-2, another report
was made by the agents to the Court, stating that
' Mass. Col. Rec, V. 328.-The boundary line between the Mas
sachusetts and Connecticut colonies was at this time unsettled.
2 Ibid. 329.

34 STOUGHTON AND DUDLEY REWARDED.
with the Hassanamesit and Natick Indians they had
agreed for all their land
"lying fower miles northward of the present Springfeild road,
& southward to that, haue agreed betweene Blacke James &
them, of which wee aduised in our late returne, wee haue pur
chased at thirty pounds money & a coate."
" The southern halfe of sajd countrey wee haue purchased
of Blacke James & company, for twenty pounds." '
The doings of Stoughton and Dudley were ap
proved by the Court, and one thousand acres of land
were voted to each for their "great care & pajnes." "
These grants were surveyed by John Gore, at Man
chaug, in one plat, and confirmed to them June 4th,
1685.3 In the act of General Court confirming this grant,
it is described as
" conteyning 1800 acres, with allowance of addition of two
hundred more next adjoyning, to compleat the same to 2000
acres, * * * in the Nipmug Country, at a place called
Marichouge [Manchaug] the lyne being marked w'th rainging
markes in the corners with S. D.," [the initials of grantees.]
According to the earliest plan in the Oxford Records,
" Manchaug Farm " measured 674 rods on its east and west
lines and 434 rods on its north and south lines. This
included both Stoughton's and Dudley's shares. A later plan,
made after the incorporation of the town of Dudley, in 1731,
gives "Manchaug Farm" as iioo acres, the property of the
¦ Mass. Col. Rec, V. 342. 2 Ibid. 343. 3 Ibid. 488.

DEEDS OF THE INDIAN LANDS. J 5
"heirs of Mr. Dudley" and "belonging to Oxford." A still
later plan made in 1756 shows 1020 acres as in Oxford, and
belonging to Thomas Dudley — and adjoining it on the east, in
Sutton, is shown the balance of the plat as " now Richard
Waters', and others'."
The deeds of purchase dated Feb. loth, 1681-2, were
presented to the Court May 27th, 1682, and received
its confirmation, i The descriptions of the land con
veyed are somewhat indefinite, but a careful study of
the deeds leads to the conclusion that with Waban and
company, Natick men, the bargain was for all the lands
they claimed west of the Blackstone river, between
the southern line of Massachusetts and an imaginary
line commencing with the Blackstone river at a point
four miles northerly of the Springfield road, and run
ning south-westerly till it joined said Massachusetts
southern line, and thus enclosing a triangle. -

' Mass. Col. Rec, V. 361.
2 The description in the first deed is as follows : — " all that
part of the Nipmug Country * * * lying, and being beyond
the great ryuer called Kuttatuck, or Nipmug [Blackstone] Ryver,
and betweene a rainge of marked trees, beginning at sajd riuer
and runing south east till it fall vpon the south lyne of the sajd
Massachusets colony on the south, and a certaine imaginary
lyne fowre miles on the north side of the road, as it now Ijeth,
to Springfeild on the north, the sajd great riuer * * * on
the eastward, and the sajd patent lyne on the westward." In the

36 WABAN, CHIEF NEGOTIATOR.
With " Black James," the bargain was for the south
ern part of the same territory, designing also to include
lands which extended into what is now Connecticut.
These deeds were delivered at Natick, May 19th,
1682, and on the 27th the commissioners reported
that they had effected a purchase
"from the principall men of Naticke * * * of a parcell
of remote & wast land belonging 10 said Indians, lying at the
vtmost westerly bounds of Naticke, and, as wee are informed, —
is for quantity about — acres, more or lesse, being mean land." "
The consideration in the first deed was thirty
pounds, and the first signature was that of Waban,
who was chief at Natick. Twenty-two names were
second deed it is as follows. — "all that part of the sajd
Nipmug country * * * lying, & being on the south part
of the sajd colony of the Mattachusets, beyond the great riuer
* * * bounded with the Mattachusets patent line * * *
on the south, and certeine marked trees, beginning at sajd riuer
and runing south east, till it strike vpon the bounds i/te of sajd
patent line ; on the north, the sajd great riuer ; on the east, and
coming to a point on the west " Mass. Col. Rec, V. 362 — 365.
The commissioners say in their report Feb. 1681-2, "The
whole tract in both deeds conteyned is in a forme of a
trjangle & reduced to a square, conteyneth a tract about fifty
miles long & twenty miles wide." Ibid. 342.
¦ Ibid. 361.

SECOND DEED, FROM "BLACK JAMES." 37
attached, probably representing the chief men of
the tribe living east of the Blackstone river, i
In the second deed the amount acknowledged was
twenty pounds. The first signature was that of
Black James of Chaubunagungamaug,^ and the
twenty-nine other signers were doubtless inhabitants
of the tract conveyed. The black coat was given
to Black James as a mark of honor.3

' Waban was the first Indian chief who professed Christi
anity, and he entertained Mr. Eliot in his wigwam at his first
going among the Nipmucks. [Gookin.] He maintained a char
acter for integrity and reliability which was recognized by the
state authorities, and was appointed a justice of the peace, or
"ruler of fifty," and was somewhat noted as a magistrate. The
following is a copy of one of his warrants : —
"You, you big constable, quick you catch um, Jeremiah
Offscow, strong you hold um, safe you bring um afore me.
— Waban, Justice of the Peace.''
A young justice asked him what he should do when Indians
got drunk and quarreled. He replied, " tie um all up, and whip
um plaintiff, whip um 'fendant, and whip um witness." Allen,
Biog. Dictionary.
2 This name signifies the " fishing place of the boundary,"
and was given to the large pond in the vicinity, which was
the boundary between the lands of the Narragansetts and
the Nipmucks.
3 Gookin says, (1674,) of Chaubunagungamaug, "in this place
dwells Black James, who about a year ago was constituted

38 ROBERT THOMPSON.
In the latter deed was a reservation to the amount
of five miles square, for the exclusive use of this branch
of the tribe, which might be chosen in two localities.
The first was on the Quinebaug river at Maanexit, three
or four miles southerly of Chaubunagungamaug, and
the other, four or five miles southeasterly of Maanexit,
in the present town of Thompson, i Most of the
first named reservation was sold subsequently to
Dudley or his heirs, and a part, at least, incorporated
in the town which now bears his name. -
Associated with Stoughton and Dudley in public
matters, and especially in efforts of a philanthropic
nature, was another man of marked ability, and of
great influence, not only here but in England —
Robert Thompson, merchant, of London. This
noble man became warmly interested in the success
constable of all the praying towns. He is a person that hath
approved himself diligent and courageous, faithful and zealous
to suppress sin." — A sale of land in the Quinebaug valley,
Conn., was made by one " Hyems " or James, to the English,
in 1653, and a coat was a part of the price paid. — Miss Larned,
1.5. " Mass. Col. Rec, V. 488.
2 " Five thousand acres at Quinnatisset and a large tract at
Mayanexet, being a moiety or full half of the whole reservation,
were immediately conveyed for the sum of ten pounds, to
Stoughton and Dudley." — Miss Larned, I. 14.

GOVERNMENT GRATUITY TO THOMPSON. 39
of the New England colonies as early as 1650, and
in 1670 was chosen president of the "Society for
the Propagation of the Gospel in New England." i
He had largely the confidence of the colonial
authorities, and ably served the public interests
both here and in England, and as a token of
esteem a grant of land was made to him, as follows :
" This Court, being informed by our agents, now in England,
of the good will & freindship of Major Robert Thompson, of
London, & his readiness vpon all occasions to be assistants
to them in the service of this colony, wherein they are, according
doe, by way of gratuity, give vnto the said Major Thompson
& his heires, fiue hundred acres of land in the Nipmug countrey,
to be lajd out to him w'th all reasonable convenience." Dated
May 1 6th, 1683.2
After his death the legislature of Connecticut
granted two thousand acres to his grandson in
London, as a tribute to his memory.'
. Stoughton was also a man of wealth and high
' Hutchinson, I. 324.
2 Mass. Col. Rec, V. 409.
3 An old plan in the Oxford records shows, among other lots
of land in the territory lying southerly of the town and north
easterly of Chaubunagungamaug pond, one designated as
" Thompson's five hundred acres." Connecticut's grant was
located in North Killingly, which place was afterwards chartered
as a town, and named " Thompson," in honor of the grantee.

40 Dudley's public services.
standing, and was in 1694 and 1700, acting governor
of the province. He was a liberal patron of Harvard
College, and his memory is perpetuated there in
the hall which bears his name.
Dudley was a leading spirit of his time. However
unfortunate he may have been in the direction
he gave to his influence, his eminent talents and
efficiency in public affairs cannot be questioned.
For many years his name appears in the records as
that of a man prominent in the management of Colo
nial matters, and especially in affairs pertaining to
the new settlements, where disputes were continually
arising on both civil and religious matters, his
services were often called into requisition by the
authorities. He held numerous high positions
under the government, and was governor of the
Province from 1702 to 1715. Stoughton and Dudley
were warm friends, and their names often appear
together in the Colonial records.
Associated with these gentlemen were Dr. Daniel
Cox, and John Blackwell, of London, ' and Thomas
' John Blackwell was a member of parliament under Crom
well, and a treasurer in his army. He was intimate with
Dudley while in this country, was made a justice of the peace
by him, and was often his adviser in public affairs. — Miss
Larned, I. 183.

GOOD PROSPECTS OF THE COLONY. 4I
Freak, of Hannington, Wiltshire, .who were all men
of influence, and were in sympathy with them in
the plan of a settlement in Oxford, and intended
to become themselves settlers in Massachusetts.
It is safe to affirm that hardly another colony, of
the many which were then being projected, had
such prospects of success, or so able and efficient
guardians to watch over and aid it in its early
struggles for existence and growth. It would seem
that under the fostering care of such patrons, any
enterprise which they might undertake would be
sure to prosper. But in this case progress was very
slow, and influences beyond the control of any set
of men hindered the initiation of the scheme. Mr.
Blackwell came over from England, and after re
maining here several years, abandoned the idea of
a permanent settlement in America, and returned.
Dr. Cox and Mr. Freak gave up their intention of
coming to this country, probably because of political
changes which had taken place in Massachusetts, and
also in England.
For two years after the date of the grant, no
progress towards a settlement seems to have been
made. The scarcity of men who met the demands
of the grantees as settlers, and of such as had
sufficient courage, zeal and ability to cope with the

42 PROGRESS OBSTRUCTED.
real difficulties in the way of establishing a colony
in this frontier region, was doubtless a great obstacle
in the way of progress. The demand for men in the
older settlements was great, and especially in those
which had been destroyed by the war, the proprietors
were anxious to re-establish and re-build as fast as
possible. The grant for Woodstock had been made
November 7th, 1683, and so great were the obstacles,
that in the spring of 1686, only thirteen men could
be mustered who were ready to go.' Confidence in
the peaceful professions of the natives had nearly
vanished. The horrors of the recent war were still
fresh in mind, and those who lived in the safer
places near the coast were slow to go out and face
the hardships of a pioneer life in a wilderness
where roving bands of hostile Indians were scout
ing, and the resident tribes had proved themselves
untrustworthy. ' Woodstock Rec.

CHAPTER III.
GRANT FOR OXFORD.  LINES OF THE TRACT. — PART GIVEN
FOR A VILLAGE.
The grant for Oxford is as follows : —
"This court hauing information that some gentlemen in
England are desirous to remoove themselues into this colony,
& (if it may be) to setle themselues vnder the Massachusets ;
for the incouragement of such persons, & that they may haue
some frora among themselues, according to their motion, to
assist & direct them in such a designe, this Court doth grant to
Major Robert Thompson, Willjam Stoughton and Joseph Dud
ley, Esq., and such others as they shall associate to them, a
tract of land, in any free place, conteyning eight miles square,
for a touneship, they setling in the sajd place w'thin fower
yeares, thirty familjes, & an able orthodox minister, and doe
allow to the sajd touneship freedom from country rates for
fower yeares from the time aboue Ijmitted." Dated May
1 6th, 1683. "
The survey of this grant was made by John Gore
of Roxbury, and accepted by the General Court May
i6th, 1683, and the place was named Oxford, after
the city of that name in England. 2 The plan, a copy
' Mass. Col. Rec, V. 408.
= This fact does not appear clearly from the record, but receives

44 DESCRIPTION OF THE GRANT.
of which is now in the town clerk's office, compre
hended forty-one thousand two hundred and fifty
acres, or a little less than sixty-five square miles, and
was two thousand one hundred and fourteen rods, or
six and two-thirds miles on the easterly side ; three
thousand three hundred and forty rods, or about ten
and a half miles on the southerly; one thousand nine
hundred and sixty-eight rods, or about six miles on
the westerly ; and three thousand two hundred and
sixteen rods, or about ten miles on the northerly.
The description in the deed of division ^hereafter
described — begins at the southwest corner of Wor
cester, which was near the present village of
Auburn, and from thence the line ran nearly south,
to the northwest corner of Mr. Dudley's grant of one
thousand acres before alluded to,' and thence south
fifteen degrees east, by the west line of said farm to
confirmation from the memorandum of Judge Sewall, of Boston,
who in his diary wrote, " I gave New Roxbury the name of
Woodstock, because of its nearness to Oxford, for the sake of
Queen Elizabeth and the notable raeetings that have been held
at that place bearing the narae in England." [Holmes' Annals,
II. 240.] These places are about eight miles distant from each
other, and are places of note in English history. At the
University in Oxford raany of the leading men of the early
colonial times received their education.
I See map.

" THE COMMON WAY. ' 45
a point about one and a quarter miles southwesterly
of the village of West Sutton, and a mile and a half
west of Manchaug pond, known as " Manchaug Cor
ner" — thence west fifteen degrees south, to a point
a little north of Peter pond in the easterly part of
Dudley, and thence continuing westerly, crossing the
Quinebaug river to a point in the vicinity of San-
dersdale, in the easterly part of Southbridge, thence
northerly to a point about two miles westerly of
Charlton city, on the Sturbridge line, thence easterly,
bearing northerly, to the southwest corner of Wor
cester. These lines enclosed, besides the present town of
Oxford, nearly the whole of Charlton, about one
fourth of Auburn, one fifth of Dudley, and three or
four square miles of the northeastern portion of
Southbridge. Through this tract there ran, due north and south,
a "way," twenty rods in width, called " the common
way." The design of this unusual provision can
only be conjectured, but as it is called on an old
plan the "proprietors' common way," it probably was
a reserve for the purpo'se of access to the several
allotments of the lands west of the village. We
find no subsequent allusion to it in the records, and
later, it is believed, it became a part of the village

46 ALLOTMENT OF THE WESTERN PORTION.
territory, and its western line, the boundary. This
dividing line cut off from the main grant eleven
thousand two hundred and fifty acres of the eastern
portion, a tract six and two-thirds miles long, and
two and one-half miles wide, which was given to the
settlers for a "Village," or "General Plantation."
The remaining thirty thousand acres was divided
into five equal parts, the division lines running
easterly and westerly. These parts were allotted as
follows : the northernmost to Robert Thompson, the
second to Daniel Cox, the third to William Stough
ton, the fourth to John Blackwell, and the southern
most to Joseph Dudley. Mr. Cox's portion is sub
divided on the plan between Blackwell, Freak and
Cox. All the bounds mentioned in this deed were of
a transient nature — marked trees, a heap of stones,
or a stake, constituting them all — except one, which
is permanent, and this was at the northeast corner of
the natural pond at the present Hodges' \'illage.
This bound marked the "Village line," as it was
called. Mr. Blackwell's north line joined the Village
line at this point, so that the pond was in the north
eastern angle of his portion, and is called on the
plan referred to, "Blackwell's pond." On another
plan of early date his share is designated as " now
Papillon's," and on another, later, as " Wolcut's and

THE DEED OF DIVISION. 47
" Williams'." ' We have no record of the latter
gentleman, but Josiah Wolcott, Esq., was prominent
in the early history of the town, and was a grand
son of Peter Papillon.
Thus it appears that Dudley, who became pos
sessed of a considerable amount of landed property
in this region, Stoughton, and Thompson — who had
other lands in the vicinity — were the only three
of the six original proprietors who had a permanent
interest in the settlement of the place. The last
two gentlemen seem — from the entire absence of
their names in the records — to have given to Dudley
the whole control of their interests, and down to
the time of the permanent settlement by the Eng
lish, he appears as the sole manager.
The deed of division referred to, is a document of
much historical interest and value. It was found
among old papers in London in 1872, and is now
¦ Blackwell, it appears, early disposed of his interest in the
Oxford scheme and transferred his patronage to a new grant,
which he obtained for hiraself and his English friends, January
28, 1685, located in the valley of the Quinebaug, near the pres
ent town of Pomfret, Conn. — Mass. Col. Rec, V. 467.
Stoughton's share is designated on this later plan as
"now Brown's." But as his heirs signed the proprietors'
proclamation in 171 2, in reference to re-settlement, he must have
retained his interest at the tirae of his death.

48 "THE FRENCH HOUSES."
in the possession of the New York Historical
Society. 1 It is dated July 3d, 1688. A point of
peculiar interest in it, is in the description of Mr.
Dudley's portion, where it gives his northeastern
bound as a " white oak stake, square, driven in the
meadow, by the river which runs by and from the
French houses." This bound was about one-third
of a mile down this stream from where the road to
Webster now crosses it, and of course due south
from the northeast corner of the above named pond.
This is the only record we have touching the
existence of the houses of the French settlers at
that time, and it confirms what tradition says of
' This deed is on parchment, and is in good condition. It
is executed in a plain hand, with the prominent words and
phrases in Old English. Its size is two feet three inches, from
top to bottom, and two feet five inches in width, and it is closely
written to the margin. At the bottom is a fold inward of an
inch and a half, on which are placed at equal intervals five loops
of parchment, originally bearing seals in wax, now nearly gone.
The left hand seal bears the narae Joseph Dudley, and the
second Williara Stoughton, the third and fourth are blank, and
the fifth has John Blackwell's signature.
It is witnessed on the back by Samuel Witty, Edward Thomas,
Daniel Bondet, I. B. Du Tuffeau, and William Blackwell. Du
Tuffeau's signature is excellent in style, and would do credit
to a modern business man. This deed is printed in full in
Amidown's Historical Collections, I. 128.

"augutteback POND. 49
their location. Another fact of interest which we
learn from this document, is the Indian name of
the beautiful pond referred to, which was " Augut
teback." I
' We cannot claim that this name is as charming as the lake
which it represents, but as it was the narae by which it was
known by the aborigines, it is desirable that it should be retained.
Mr. Whitney gives it as "Augootsback," but there is evidence
that the narae in the deed is the one used by the early settlers.
While on the subject of names we would note that there is an
obvious impropriety in calling the river running west of the
village, the " French river." The tradition alluded to by Dr.
Holmes, that part of the settlers located near that stream, is
evidently erroneous, as it was outside the village line, and
therefore not included in the grant, and if this were not the case
it is altogether improbable that the small and comparatively
defenceless body of men who carae here, would scatter thera
selves over so large a territory as they must have done, had
they settled there. The proper name of this stream is that
given to it by the natives — " Maanexit"
The large, round topped hill, lying south-east of the village,
called Mayo Hill, should be known by the name given to it in
one of the first records made in the history of Oxford — " Bondet
Hill." 4

CHAPTER IV.
attractions OF the LOCALITY.  " NEW ROXBURY " AND
"new OXFORD."
At this point it is an interesting inquiry to raise,
what were the natural characteristics of this locality
which made it in Dudley's estimation, " capable of
good settlement ? "
It is well known that no part of southern central
Massachusetts can boast of special fertility of soil.
Its best lands are those of the hills which were
originally covered with heavy growths of wood. The
Oxford grant had in its western part, embracing most
of the present town of Charlton, a large share of hilly
country. I But its eastern portion, which was set apart
for a village, was more level and capable of settlement,
because of its meadows and plains. These plains
extend about two and a half miles north and south,
' Mashamoquet or Mashamuckit Hill, near Charlton centre,
is the most prominent point of land in the southern part of
Worcester county, and is the highest in the range of hills
running north and south, constituting the " height of land "
between Boston and Springfield.

THE PLAINS AND MEADOWS. 5 1
and embrace some five or six hundred acres, which
have a warm soil of sandy loam, peculiarly adapted to
the production of the chief crop of those early times,
Indian corn. The country was not an unbroken
forest, but here and there, especially on the plains,
were open areas on which the Indians raised corn
and other vegetables, and the Nipmuck region — espe
cially its southern part — was early famous as a corn
growing country. i Gookin said of Manchaug, "it is
situated in a fertile country for good land," and
further, he states that he had seen corn-fields in this
region, yielding forty bushels to the acre. In the
estimation of the settlers its value was decided by its
ability to produce readily the raeans of subsistence ;.
therefore the mellow and tractable soil of the plains
was preferred to the more rugged land of the hills.
The natural meadows skirting the streams which
ran on either side the plains, were considered the
most valuable of all the lands, on account of the crops
of hay they yielded. 2
' Boston News Letter,' Miss Larned, I. 2.
2 Sudbury, Concord, Lancaster, and Brookfield were araong
the earliest inland settlements, and were chosen for their pro
ductive meadows. — The artificial pond in the eastern part of
Oxford, called " Robinson's pond," covers what was one of the
finest meadows in the vicinity, which has been known from the

52 WILD GAME, AND FISH.
Water power, an indispensible requisite, was here
in a convenient location, and easily available.
Wild game, important as a means of living in those
days, was plentiful in these forests, and fish were
abundant in the ponds and rivers. We have it on
good authority that the hills south-easterly of the
village abounded in deer, and it is a matter of
record that deer reeves were chosen annually in
town meetings, in the early history of the town.i
Another favorable consideration was that this loca
tion was comparatively easy of access. The road
earliest history of the town, as " Mendon meadow," from the fact
that Mendon people carae there yearly to cut hay, before the
settleraent of Oxford. — See Addenda, B.
As late as the year 1828, it was the custom every spring, at a
fixed time, to open the waste gates at the mill near the south
end of the plain, and draw the water from the meadows above,
that the crops of hay might grow and be harvested.
I Mr. Stephen Davis, recently deceased, at the age of eighty-
seven years, said, on the authority of his father.'that at the time
of the settleraent of his ancestors in the extreme south-east part
of Oxford, a young man with a dog and gun could go into the
woods near by, and bring home a fawn as certainly and alraost
as quickly as a farmer could go to his sheep-fold and prepare a
lamb for use.
There were also here wild animals whose existence was not
altogether desirable. Bears and wolves were not uncommon.
" The Wabquassets paid to Uncas, Chief of the Mohegans,

THE GRANT EASY OF ACCESS. 53
from Boston to Springfield crossed the grant in its
northern section, and the old roadway to Connecticut
ran through its southern part, i
' yearly tribute of white deer-skins, bear-skins and black wolf
skins.' " — Miss Larned, I. 3.
One condition of a certain treaty between Plymouth colony
and Philip was that he should deliver to the authorities annually
five wolves' heads. — Palfrey.
Mrs. Lee, in her " History of the Huguenots in France and
America," quoting from the manuscript of Mr. John Mayo, says,
" I heard Joseph Rockwood who served in the fort, tell of having
got lost in the woods when out for the cows. He heard at a
distance the cries of wild beasts, and ascended a tree for safety.
He was surrounded during the night by half famished, howling
wolves.'' Tradition gives us the circumstances of the killing of two
large black bears in the vicinity of "Bug Swamp,'' in the
easterly part of the town, some twenty years after the settle
ment by the English.
I Gookin, in 1674, speaking of Hassanamesit, [Grafton,] says ;
" It is near unto the old roadway to Connecticut" A glance at
the map shows that the raost direct route frora Grafton to
Woodstock is through Oxford, and we have further evidence
in this direction, in the fact that on a plan, dated 171 1, of land
of Maj. Fitch, in the northern part of Windham County, the
" Connecticut path " is laid down as entering Thompson near
the middle of its northern boundary line, and near to where the
" Frenchtown river," as it is there called, enters it. The large
extent of Chaubunagungamaug pond renders this impossible.

54 THE "bay PATH."
The former way, called the "Bay path," had been
traveled for nearly fifty years, and was the thorough
fare between the east and the west, as they then
existed." ^ Dr. Holland says of it : —
" It was a path marked by trees a portion of the distance,
and by slight clearings of brush and thicket for the remainder.
No stream was bridged, no hill graded, and no marsh drained.
The path led through woods which bore the marks of centuries.

"unless the path came down on its westerly side, and this would
indicate that its course was through Oxford.
The fact that this "way" was called in the records the "great
trail," leads to the belief that it was originally the Indian path.
The probable reason for its bearing so far to the northward of
a straight line, was that the difficulties of crossing the " Medfield
river," might be avoided. There is a record of a petition, very
early, for a bridge across this river. The following is the action
of the Court : —
"Whereas, the way to Kenecticut now used, being very haz
ardous to travellers, by reason of one deep river that is passed
fower or five times over, which may be avoided as is conceived,
by a better and nearer way, it is refferd to Major Pynchon to
order the said way to be laid out and well marked." — March
30, 1683, Mass. Col. Rec, V. 391.
I Distinct reraains of the old " Bay road," for a third of a
mile or more, may be seen now in the " great valley " directly
west of Charlton Centre. This fact is stated on the authority
of the late Gen. Salem Towne.

NEW OXFORD AND NEW ROXBURY. 55
over barren hills that had been licked by the Indians' hounds
of fire, and along the banks of streams that the seine had never
dragged. * * * It is wonderful what a powerful interest
was attached to the Bay path. That rough thread of soil,
chopped by the blades of a hundred streams, was the one way
left open, through which the sweet tide of sympathy might flow.
Every rod had been prayed over by friends on the journey
and friends at home. If every traveler had raised his Ebenezer
as the morning dawned upon his trusting sleep, the monuments
would have risen and stood like mile stones. " '
Miss Larned says of the " Connecticut path," " This rude
track becarae the raain thoroughfare between the two colonies,
[Massachusetts and Connecticut.] Hundreds of farailies toiled
over it to new homes in the wilderness. The fathers of Hart
ford and New Haven, rainisters and governors, captains and
commissioners, government officials and land speculators,
crossed and re-crossed it"
The facts in the history of the beginning of the
sister colonies. New Oxford and New Roxbury, are
worthy of notice. Dudley had explored the sites of
both, and we have his opinion as to their promise for
settlement. The grant for Oxford had been made in
I This description applies to the " Bay path " as it existed
very early in the history of the colonies. At the time of the
settlement of Oxford it might have attained the dignity of a
wagon road. But Huntington, in his Centennial address at
Hadley, says that in 1675 the produce of the towns on the
Connecticut, was still sent down the river on its way to Boston.

56 Dudley's aid given to each.
May, 1683, and in November of the same year,
through the petition of thirty-six of Eliot's parish-
oners, townsmen of Dudley, the selectmen of Roxbury
received a grant in the same neighborhood,! with a
proviso that Thompson and company should have the
first choice of a location.2 While Mr. Dudley's pecu
niary interests were mainly in New Oxford, his interest,
also, in the sister colony, was shown in the fact that
in town meeting at Roxbury he was chosen chairman
of a committee "to draft propositions that may be
most equal and prudent for the settlement of New
Roxbury. "3 He was also instrumental in obtaining
for the New Roxbury settlers a deed of their lands
from the proprietor, Capt. James Fitch. 4 Evidently
his valuable knowledge and experience served both
colonies, and no doubt his advice as to the manage
ment of the affairs of each was such as to insure
mutual sympathy and helpfulness.
More than two years elapsed after the New Rox- ¦
bury grant was made, before settlers occupied either
place, and it is probable that the fact of the settle-
I Mass. Col. Rec, V. 422.
2 Oxford's raeadows, and the certainty of its being within
the bounds of Massachusetts colony, probably decided Stoughton
and Dudley in its favor.
3 Roxbury Rec. 4 Miss Larned, I. 19.

INTERCOURSE BETWEEN THE COLONIES. 57
ment of the two towns in the same year was not
accidental, and further it would seem not improbable
that the receipt of the news of the agreement be
tween Thompson and Bernon, in London, in the
spring of 1686, concerning the settlement of Oxford,
was the signal for the onward movement of the
pioneers of Woodstock. We know that later, com
munication was free and constant between the two
places, r The Chandlers, father and son, were
leaders at Woodstock, and the records show that
in all the region around, they were active in public
matters, especially in the surveying and dividing
of lands, and John Chandler, Jr., was in the list of
the thirty English settlers of Oxford in 171 3. -
' These places are about ten miles apart. Woodstock
Hill is plainly visible from the site of the Oxford fort, and it is
believed that intelligence passed between them by means of
signals, at these points.
2 John Chandler, Jr., although one of the thirty grantees of
the Oxford Village, probably never settled here. He took a
share in the enterprise, it seems, as a speculation ; he, and also
his father, being extensive operators in land in all the towns
adjacent to Woodstock. He disposed of his interest here in
the latter part of 1714. He was chosen colonel of the militia,
and in public affairs he became the most influential raan in this
region. It was through his instruraentality chiefly, that Wor
cester County was established in 1731. At its organization he

58 WOODSTOCK FURNISHES SOLDIERS.
In the course of events it became necessary for the
people of Oxford to garrison themselves for pro
tection against the Indians. Woodstock then fur
nished soldiers to assist as guards. ^
took the post of honor, and was appointed Chief Justice of the
Court of Common Pleas, and also Judge of Probate. He con
tinued to live in Woodstock until his death in 1743. Dea.
John Chandler, Sen., died in 1703.
Oxford had the offer of being made the county seat of the
new county, but declined the honor, on the ground, it is said,
that the influences of a shire town would endanger the good
morals of the young people.
' Humphrey to Holmes. " Memoir of French Protestants
who settled in Oxford, Mass., 1686," by A. Holmes, D. D.
—Mass. His. Soc Col., Vol. II. 3d Series, p. 80.
This most interesting memoir, the first and only account
of the Oxford Huguenots heretofore published, is now out of
print, and very rare outside of the libraries.

CHAPTER V.
THE HUGUENOTS.  FRENCH REFORMATION.  BERNON
AS CONTRACTOR.
In the spring of 1685, no progress appears to
have been made towards occupying the Oxford
grant, and on the petition of the grantees, the
stipulated time for making the settlement was
extended three years.i Before the expiration of
this time the problem was solved, and the requisite
number of settlers from a people of a strange coun
try and language, and a most remarkable history,
were here as colonists. We cannot enter at length
into their record before their emigration. It is a
long, dark and bloody history, a story of conflict
and intolerance, of suffering and heroic endurance.
An imperfect outline must suffice.
The Reformation in France had its beginning
among the young men of the University at Paris,
under the lead of Jacques Lefevre, about the year
I Mass. Col. Rec, V. 469.

6o THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE.
1493. 1 The work had made considerable progress
before John Calvin came upon the stage, and when,
in 1530, he appeared as a champion of the truth,
large numbers hailed him as a leader, and enlisted
under his banner. Under him the progress of the
cause was rapid, and many of the noblest men of
the nation, including some very near the throne,
became its adherents.^ In 1550 the balance was
so nearly poised that it was doubtful whether the
Huguenots would not gain control of the government.
Three bloody civil wars ensued in quick succession,
in which the Protestants suffered great losses. In
1570 the noble Henry of Navarre, afterward King
Henry IV., was their principal hope as a political
protector. In 1572 he married the sister of the
king, and from all parts of France the leading
Protestants were invited to Paris to attend the

" " The father of the French Reformation, or the one more
than any other entitled to this distinction, is Jacques Lefevre,
born in Picardy about 1455." — Fisher's Hist. Ref. 277.
2 " Coligni greeted him as a leader of the Reformation.
* * '* His system of doctrine and polity * * « gave
comfort to the Huguenots, shaped the theology of the Palatinate
* * * controls Scotland to the present hour, founded the
Puritanism of England, and has been the basis of New England
character." — Appleton's Cycl.

EDICT OF NANTES.  PERSECUTIONS. 6l
nuptial ceremonies. Then occurred the massacre
of St. Bartholomew, that dark blot in the world's
history, in which two thousand persons in Paris,
and twenty thousand in the kingdom, were killed
in eight days. Terrible as was this blow, its effect
was only to arouse and bring together more closely
these people, and under their favorite, Henry, the
conflict was renewed, and carried on with varied
results till 1589, when he came to the throne.
Upon assuming its responsibilities, as a measure of
policy and conciliation he joined the Catholic church,
and nine years after, he issued the famous Edict of
Nantes, which gave religious liberty throughout the
land. In 1610 Henry died, leaving the Protestants
politically defenceless. Persecution began again
soon after his death, and the Edict was practically
annulled. Cardinals Richelieu and Mazarin, par
ticularly the latter, — until his death in 165 1 — were
influential in partially restraining the persecutions.
But on the accession of Louis XIV., in the same
year, the clouds quickly gathered, and all the ener
gies of the government were directed toward the
extermination of the heretics. By means of bribery
and dragooning, in which the Protestants suffered
untold atrocities, many were forced to abjure their
religion, and in form, the Reformed church was

62 CHARACTERISTICS OF THE HUGUENOTS.
almost destroyed before the revocation of the Edict
in 1685. But when that blow fell, a proof was given
of the power of the Faith to hold its adherents.
When the choice came between conformity to the
State religion and expatriation, hundreds of thou
sands accepted the latter, and bade a last farewell
to their native land.^
These refugees are said by historians to have
been among the very best people of France. As men
of character and moral worth they were eminent. In
comparison with the Puritans they were as firm
and well-established in their religious opinions, as
devout, less bigoted, yet more cultivated and refined.
They were intelligent in religious matters, pro
found Bible students, and also excelled in music,
having a metrical translation of the Psalms, and the
hymns of Beza, and of Marot, — who was called the
French Watts, — set to the sweet harmonies of
Goudimel, an early French composer.
As artisans in silks, glass, rich jewelry and pot
tery, they have never been excelled, and to this day
' The number of French refugees who left within a few
years after the Revocation, has been very differently estimated
at frora two hundred and fifty thousand to eight hundred thous
and, but most authors agree in stating it at about five hundred
thousand.

FRENCH PROTESTANTS IN LONDON. 63
the best workers in these materials in London are
their descendants.
" Spittlefields and the parts adjoining,'' says Stowe, "became
a great harbor for poor Protestant strangers, Walloons and
French, who, as in former days, so of late, have been found
to become exiles from their own country for their religion, and
for avoiding the cruel persecution. Here they found quiet and
security, and settled themselves in their several trades and
occupations, weavers, especially ; whereby God's blessing is
surely not only brought upon the parish, by receiving poor
strangers, but also a great advantage hath accrued to the whole
nation, by the rich manufacture of wearing silks, and stuffs, and
camlets, which art they brought along with them. And this
benefit also to the neighborhood, that these strangers raay
serve for pattern of thrifty honesty, industry and sobriety.''
Near Leicester Square is a house of worship called "the
Orange Street Chapel," built in 1684 by subscription, for the
French Protestants.
"Within its walls they prayed for the Prince by whom they
had been forbidden to follow their trades and professions, for
bidden Christian burial, and exiled, and whom yet they re
spected as the Almighty's scourge." '
Smiles, in his History of the Huguenots, says : " They were
acknowledged to be the best agriculturists, wine-growers,
merchants and manufacturers in France. No heavier crops
were grown in France than on the Huguenot farms in Beam,
and the south-western provinces. The slopes of the Aigoul and
' Hare. Walks in London, II. 12S.

64 THEIR BENEFIT TO AMERICA.
the Epernon were covered with their flocks and herds. The
valley of the Vaunage was celebrated for its richness of vegeta
tion, and was called by its inhabitants the "Little Canaan."
* # « The diligence, skill and labor with which they
subdued the stubborn soil and made it yield its increase of
flowers and fruits, and corn and wine, bore witness in all
quarters to the toil and energy of the men of the Religion."
Of these refugees, fifty thousand went to London,
others to Holland, to Brazil and other parts of the
western continent. They settled in Florida, New
York, Massachusetts, Rhode Island and Virginia,
but more than in any other State, in South Carolina.
In all these places they assisted in laying firmly the
foundations of our noble institutions, and to use the
language of a recent writer, " They have contributed
in proportion to their numbers, a vast share to the
culture and prosperity of the United States." He
adds, "they were noted for severe morality, great
charity, and politeness and elegance of manners." i
We learn from the records that America was early
held in high esteem by these people, and that for a
number of years before the crisis came, their eyes
were directed to this country as a place of refuge,
and inquiries were sent as to the prospects for
emigrants, especially for those who tilled the soil. -
' Appleton's Cycl. ^ Holmes, 28.

BERNON AND DU TUFFEAU. 65
The chief agent in their removal hither was
Gabriel Bernon, a merchant of Rochelle,' who hav
ing fled to London after the Revocation, was there
introduced to Mr. Robert Thompson, by an eminent
French gentleman then in that city. The result was
an agreement on the part of Mr. Bernon to make the
settlement on the Oxford grant, of the thirty French
Protestant families. ^ He did not manage the affairs
of the colony in person, but employed as his agent,
Isaac Bertrand Du Tuffeau, to whom, on his arrival
in this country, as a matter of encouragement, was
given as the representative and co-partner of Mr.
Bernon, a tract of seven hundred and fifty acres
of land in New Oxford. Subsequently, at the
solicitation of Du Tuffeau, Mr. Bernon came to
Boston, when a further grant was made to him in
his own right, of seventeen hundred and fifty acres,
making twenty-five hundred acres in all, the whole
lying within the village plat, and embracing more
than one-fifth of its whole extent. 3
I La Rochelle was for many years the stronghold of the
Protestants in France. It is situated on the sea coast, and is
the port of a fertile region which produces largely, grain, wine,
cattle and horses. Most of the company which came to Oxford
are believed to have been natives of this place or its vicinity.
2 Holmes, 69. 3 Ibid.
5

CHAPTER VI.
ARRIVAL IN BOSTON. — LOCATION IN OXFORD. — FORT,
CHURCH, MILLS, AND PLANTATIONS.
The history of this enterprise, from the time when
the emigrants left France to the breaking up and
extinction of the settlement, is difficult to trace, for
want of documentary evidence. Diligent search
among the records of England and this country, has
failed to bring to light much which is satisfactory as
to its detail. The few facts we have, are drawn from
isolated papers, letters, petitions and documents of
various purport, gathered from many different sources,
which give us only glimpses, from time to time, of the
progress of events in the settlement. The " books,
papers, and acts of the village," which M. Bondet,
their minister, is charged with having taken away
when he left, although they have been diligently
sought for, have never been recovered. Tradition
gives us but few facts. Enough, however, of the
enterprise is known to throw around the subject a
romantic interest, which is rare in New England
history.

DATE OF THE FOUNDING OF THE COLONY 6"]
Dr. Snow, in his history of Boston, says that
during the summer of 1686 a number of vessels
having on board French refugees, arrived at that
port. Among these are believed to have been many
of the company who afterward came to New Ox
ford. i As the requisite number of emigrants did
not occupy the grant at the beginnipg, - we infer'
that the company was not organized until their
arrival in Boston, although as Bernon certifies that
he "paid the passage for over forty persons to
America," ^ it is probable that a part, at least, left
Europe with direct reference to the settleraent here.
The colony was founded in 1686.4 Arrived on
' It is extremely probable that sorae of the first men in New
England aided these proscribed Rochellese in their emigration.
— Holmes, 29.
2 See letter Fr. Prot Refugee in Boston, 1687, page 72.
3 Letter to Gov. Shute. Holmes, 69.
4 It has been claimed by some that the settlement was made
in the spring of 1687, but we see no reason for doubting the
statement of Whitney and of Holmes that it was in 1 686. Bondet,
in his letter to Cornbury, 1702, says that he had then been in
America about fifteen years. This is indefinite. When he par
ticularizes and says he was nine years in Oxford, two years waiting
in Boston, and five years in New Rochelle, we have sixteen
years, which gives 1686 as the time of settlement The fact that
collections in behalf of the French refugees in Boston were

68 "BONDET HILL  THE "GREAT HOUSE.
the location of the proposed settlement, they fixed
upon the eminence a mile and a half south-east of
the present centre of the village, as their head
quarters. At this point, for many years afterward,
the highway from Boston entered the town. At a
short distance to the south-east from this spot, upon
higher ground, overlooking all this region, was the
site of the large fort. The large round-top hill
lying just below the fort, is called in the records
" Bondet hill." From this we conclude it was
owned by him while living here. On its eastern
slope, just at the entrance of the Boston road, stood
what is called in the records the "Great House."
This is believed to have been Bondet's residence.
Of their church building no relic or mark reraains,
but its location is fixed with certainty by tradition.

taken up in Salera and other places in the fall of 1686, proves
nothing on this point, as there were those who remained per
manently in Boston, (see letter Fr. Ref., page 72,) and others
went to colonize other parts of our country. — Snow.
These people were in straitened circumstances and could not
consult convenience, and considering that the Woodstock settle
raent had been begun, it seems more probable that the pioneers,
at least, went at once to their destination, than that they
remained in Boston, living on charity through the autumn and
winter of 1686-7.

CHURCH  BURYING GROUND  MILLS. 69
Within the raemory of persons now living, there
were to be seen large stones, said to have been part of
the foundation of the building, upon the first rise of
ground on the left, after crossing the stream, on the
road from the village to the fort, about sixty rods
south-easterly of the Humphrey homestead. i Near
the church, easterly from it, was their burying ground,
and a small fort or palisade was built in the imme
diate vicinity, for protection in case of an attack in
time of religious service. -
Among the first things to be provided, were mills
to furnish lumber, and for grinding grain. These
were located upon the stream east of the " Plain,"
the principal stream within the village bounds ; one
near the south end of the present Main street, called
in the records the "old mill place," and the other a
short distance below what is now Rich's mill, known
as the upper site. From the little light we get from
' This homestead was the first residence of Ebenezer Hum
phrey, who came from Woodstock to Oxford while the French
were here, to keep garrison, (see Holmes, 80.) and is the place
referred to in a vote in town meeting, Jan. 25, 1714. — See Ad
denda E. — It has remained in the family since the settlement in
1 713, and is now owned and occupied by Ebenezer Humphrey,
of the fourth generation from the first of the name. It is the
only homestead in the town, which remains in the possession
of the family of the original owner.
2 Addenda F.

70 HOUSES AND PLANTATIONS.
the records, we conclude that the first mill built was a
saw-mill, at the lower site or "old mill place." In
the Village Proprietors' records the lower site was
called in 1714, "the old mill," and also "the old mill
place," which indicates that the first attempt to
locate a mill was at this place. This was nearly in
the centre of the population. Later, as it would seem,
the grist-mill was built, at the upper site.
The plantations were chosen chiefly upon the
plains ; and upon their eastern borders, near the
meadows and running stream, they built their
houses. These were placed with no regard to order
or regularity, but each on a spot best suited to the
taste of the owner.
That there was real beauty in the plan on which
the settlement was built, is readily seen. Above the
whole, overlooking the valley for miles, was the
main fort. Just below was Bondet hill, which, in
its turn looked down on the church and lower fort,
which stood at its foot. Still lower were the
meadows, with the picturesque river winding through
them, and beyond, on the higher banks, scattered up
and down were the dwellings, and stretching behind
these were the level plantations, and the receding
forest hills made up the background.

SKILL OF THE SETTLERS AS AGRICULTURISTS. 7 1
Disosway in his " Huguenots in America," says, " The dif
ferent parts of the country to which they came were greatly
benefited by the introduction of their superior modes of
cultivation of the soil, and of different valuable fruits which
they brought from France. » « * When Charles II. in
1680, sent the firs^ band of French Protestants to South
Carolina, his principal object was to introduce into that colony
the excellent modes of cultivation which they had followed in
their own country."
Lawson — an early traveler in the south — says "Their lands
presented the aspects of the most cultivated portion of France
and England."
From these, and other evidences of their skill in
cultivation, it is easy to believe that during their
residence here, these people wrought a great change
in the aspect of the place, and that by their well
directed labor, wide and fertile fields, and fruitful
gardens were made to flourish, where before existed
only the unprofitable growths of the original forests.

CHAPTER VII.
DOCUMENTS EEFERRING TO THE COLONY.  ITS GROWTH. 
MISFORTUNES AND DISCOURAGEMENTS.  ATTACK
OF THE INDIANS.  THE DESERTION.
To trace its progress as far as possible, we now
take up in order of time, the documents we have
referring to the colony after its establishment.
The earliest date is that of a letter of a French
Protestant refugee in Boston, published by the
French Protestant Historical Society, i dated Nov.
1687. \_Translation.]
"The Nicmok Country belongs to the President, himself,
(referring to Bernon, probably,) and the land costs nothing.
I do not know as yet the precise quantity that is given to each
faraily ; some have told me it is frora fifty to a hundred acres,
according to the size of a faraily. * * * It lies with those
who wish to take up lands whether to take them in the one or
the other of the plantations — on the sea-board or in the in^
terior. The Nicmok plantation is inland, at a distance of
twenty leagues from Boston, and equally distant from the sea ;
so that when the settlers wish to send anything to Boston, or
' Bulletin, XVI. 73.

QUANTITY OF LAND TO EACH FAMILY. JT,
to obtain anything from thence, they are obliged to transport
it in wagons. In the neighborhood of this settlement there
are small rivers and ponds abounding in fish, and woods full of
game. M. Bondet is their minister. The inhabitants as yet
number only fifty-two persons.''

In this remarkable letter we find raention of some
of the prominent facts in the early history of this
enterprise, — that land was furnished free to the
settlers, and that their support was to come from
this land by their own skill and hard toil, and
that no better inducement could be offered them to
choose a home here, than "woods full of game, and
ponds and rivers abounding in fish," and "fifty to a
hundred acres" to a faraily, chiefly of rude and
unsubdued forest land, twenty leagues away from
civilization. There was, however, an alternative. As early as
1685, a band of refugees had gathered at Boston,
over which Laurent Vandenbosch officiated as pastor, i
and it lay with the emigrants to choose to remain
there or to go to settle the Nipmuck lands. We
know but little of the sea-board colony, as its

I Rev. Charles W. Baird, D. D., sketch of Pierre Dailld, in
Magazine of American History, Vol. I. p. 94.

74 NUMBER OF COLONISTS IN 1687.
distinctive history was early merged in that of the
growing town of Boston, but it is probable that the
quantity of land they might occupy there was
comparatively very small, i But the brave hearts
and the strong arms which were needed to meet
the stern realities of the case were not wanting.
In the second year, in spite of all discouragements,
fifty-two persons had made a home in the wilds of
the Nipmuck country, and the pastor, Bondet, was
with them to counsel and cheer them in their new
and trying experiences.
The allusion to carrying in wagons, is the earliest
intimation we have of any means of conveyance
other than by horseback. If a wagon road existed,
it could have been little more than a broad bay path.^
' Tradition informs us that the Huguenot settlers in Boston
made the most of their grounds, and to a considerable extent
gratified their taste in the cultivation of rare and beautiful fruits
and flowers. The will of Andrew Johonnot, dated 1759, gave
to Mrs. Johonnot a part of his estate, comprising rich gardens
and finely cultivated grounds, filled with the choicest fruits,
shrubs and flowers, natives of France.
"A friend, now no more, Daniel Sargent, Esq., told
me he perfectly recollected fine gardens pointed out to him
when a boy, as having belonged to the Huguenots. " — Mrs.
Lee, II. 68.
2 On a plan dated April I, 1713, in the Massachusetts

THIRTY FAMILIES SETTLED IN 1 688. 75
Our second date is that of the deed of Dudley
and the other proprietors, to Bernon, which is May
24th, 1688.2 This document, with the deed of
division which was executed forty days afterward,
— July 3d, 1688, — we take as evidence that the
full quota of thirty families was settled on the planta
tion in the spring of this year. The stipulated time in
which this was to be done, had expired in the Janu
ary previous. We have no intimation that a request
for a further extension of time was raade, and the
simple fact of the deed to Bernon being drawn,
would indicate that he had fulfilled his part of the
contract. We also find in the deed itself evidence
in the same direction, as in the consideration, no
allusion is made to the completion of the contract
to settle the thirty farailies, but it simply requires
that he should build a mill for the use of the in
habitants. We find, also, strong confirmation of
this fact in the doings of the proprietors, in dividing
their lands, a thing they would not be likely to do
while the main condition on which they held their
grant was uncomplied with.
Archives, of a grant of land to Jethro Coffin, located in North-
bridge, there is laid down, easterly and westerly, a line designated
as "the French road." — Plans and Grants, I. 240.
2 For this Deed, see Addenda K.

^6 A MILL BUILT  REV. M. BONDET.
Next, in order of time, is the "contract of Mr.
Church, for the mill for New Oxford." i
From this it appears that in the third summer of
the colony's existence the much needed mill was
erected, although from the date of the latter receipt
it seems probable that it was not completed until
the winter of 1689-90.
From the agreement on Bernon's part to furnish
boards, we have ample evidence that the saw-mill
had been built, and furthermore, his agreement to
make, erect and finish the dam, is proof that the
projected grist-mill was to occupy a new location,
which the records indicate was the upper site.
The next paper is dated July 6th, 1691. This
document, although bearing upon matters pertaining
to the Indians, rather than the colony, is interesting
as introducing Rev. Daniel Bondet, and showing
something of his spirit and work. He being at that
time their religious teacher, was exceedingly tried
by the results of the tum traffic.^ He says :
" The rome is always sold to them without order and meas-
I For this " Agreement," see Addenda L.
' M. Bondet was at this tirae not only pastor of the French
Congregation, but also missionary to the Nipmuck Indians,
under the direction of the " Society for the propagation of the
Gospel in New England."

PETITION OF SELECTMEN OF WOODSTOCK. "JJ
ure. * * * The 26th of last month there was about twenti
Indians so furious by drunkness that they fought like bears,
and fell upon one remes * * * who is appointed for
preaching the gospel amongst them; he had been so much
disfigured by his wonds that there is no hope of his recovery.
If it was your pleasure to signifie to the instrumens of that
evil, the jalosie of your authoriti and of the publique tranquility,
you would do great good raaintaining the honor of God in a
Christian habitation, coraforting some honest souls wich being
incompatible with such abominations feel every day the burden
of afflixon of their honorable peregrination aggravated. Hear
us pray, and so God be with you and prosper all your just
undertakins and applications.
'tis the sincere wish of your most respectuous servant,
D. Bondet,
Minister of the gospell in a French congregation at New
Oxford." I
The Selectmen of Woodstock, following Bondet's
precedent, the next February, sent to the Court a
similar petition, appealing for relief, —
"Whereas there are many Indians belonging to To-ke-ka-mo-
woo-tchong and others who have been resident in this town
for a long time who are often tiraes very drunken ; to the great
dishonor of God, the grief of good raen, the prejudice of them
selves and other Indians who are often beaten and bruised and
almost brought to death's door, a sad example whereof hath
been the last week in our town and its evidence enough by the
¦ Holmes, 61. — The first part of this paper, including the ad
dress, is lost

78 DANIEL ALLEN, REPRESENTATIVE.
Indian testimony who the persons are of whom they obtain
their drink; here is none here in authority who may punish
such offences, which might be a good mean to prevent
such disorders as we account ourselves in duty bound, do
inform your Honor and pray that sorae order be given, as your
wisdom shall judge meet, that for the future such woful
practices may be prevented.
Woodstock, Feb. 22, 1691-2. John Chandler,
William Bartholomew,
Benjamin Sabin,
Edward Morris, Selectmen.'
In 1693, Daniel Allen was chosen representative
from New Oxford, to the General Court at Boston.
According to Mr. Whitney, a special act of this body
was passed, authorizing this action. We do not find
the record of this act, but Mr. Allen's name appears
in the list for 1693 as from this place. - The list
for this year numbers sixty-eight. Fifty-nine of these
were frora that portion of the Province east of the
present Worcester county. In this county, Lancas
ter, Mendon and Oxford were represented. From
west of these places there were only six representa
tives, all from the Connecticut valley.

' Mass. Arch. XXXVI 1. 308. ^ Gen. Court Rec, 278.

HEIGHT OF PROSPERITY REACHED. 79
Mr. rAllen appears February 6th, 1690, as a wit
ness of the deed from Dudley and others, to Bernon,
but, we have no other raention of him in connection
with the colony. He is recorded as being " of Ox
ford," but as the name is not French, we conclude
that he was an Englishman interested in the place, and
well acquainted with its wants, and better fitted than
any Frenchman, with slight acquaintance with the
English language, to represent it in the legislature.
The fact that there are in the records other names
not French, connected with the affairs of the colony,
— as Johnson, Ingall and Evans — leads to the belief
that to some extent the English associated with the
Huguenots in the settleraent.
Down to this time, affairs had, apparently, gone on
favorably, and the colony had made steady progress
in wealth and general prosperity. But a reverse was
at hand, as will be seen from our next paper, which
sets forth vividly the state of affairs at the time it
was written.
The new town, having by the Provincial govern
ment been granted the privilege of representation,
was justly required to submit to taxation. Accord
ingly, in 1694, a moderate assessment was raade and
sent, with an order for its collection, to the " Con
stable of the French Plantation."

80 REPRESENTATIONS OF ANDREW SIGOURNEY.
The following was sent in reply to this order :
[Andrew Sigourney to Sir William Phipps, etc.]
" To His Excellency Sir William Phipps, Kn't. Capt.
General and Governor in Chief of their Majes
ties' Province of the Massachusetts Bay in New
England, and to the Honorable Council " :
" Tlie humble petition of Andrew Sigourney, Constable of the
French Plantation,
" Humbly sheweth unto Your Excellency and to Your
Honors, that your petitioner received an order from Mr. James
Taylor Treasurer for collecting eight pounds six shillings
in our plantation for Poll money, now whereas the Indians
have appeared several times this Summer, we were forced to
garrison ourselves for three months together and several
families fled, so that all our Summer harvest of hay and corn
hath gone to ruin by the beasts and cattle which hath brought
us so low that we have not enough to supply our own necessi
ties many other famiUes abandoning likewise, so that we have
none left but Mr. Bondet our minister and the poorest of our
plantation so that we are incapable of paying said Poll unless
we dispose of what little we have and quit our plantations.
Wherefore humbly entreat this Honorable Council to consider
our miseries and incapacity of paying this poll, and as in duty
bound we shall ever pray."'
I Mass. Archives, C. 502. — Payment was not enforced. We
find an act later, "abating, remitting and forgiving" taxes
from this place to the amount of thirty-three pounds and six
shillings. — -Province Laws, 1698, p. 341.

COLONISTS DREAD OF THE INDIANS. 8 1
This paper has no date upon its face, but is
endorsed, "Read Oct. i6, 1694."
The period from the founding of the colony in
1686 to the spring of 1690, may appropriately be
called the planting time. From 1690 to the spring of
1694 there seems to have been gradual growth, and
prosperity — this was the season of its flourishing.
In this petition we have the premonition of the
coming end. In the declaration "the Indians have
appeared," is revealed the cause of the decay and
final extinction of the settlement. Its decline began
with the disasters set forth in this appeal. It would
seem that the Huguenots had an instinctive dread of
the natives. The stories of their terrible barbarity
and cruelty in the late war were doubtless curreiit
among them, and it needed only to be known that
Indians were lurking in the vicinity, to send fear, and
trembling through the coramunity.i
' The sensitiveness of the people to the approach of the
savages was doubtless increased by an incident, the main facts
of which form the basis of one of the stories which Mrs. L. H.
Sigourney has given, with much elaboration, in her " Legend
of Oxford." Two children of M. Alard, whose dwelling stood
near the old mill site, were in the woods gathering nuts or ber
ries, when a company of Indians came upon them, captured
them, and took them away. It was not until after two'Or three
days' search that they were found and returned to their home.
— Mrs. H. Daniels.

82 DISASTERS OF 1694.
Upon an alarm being given, they forsake their
homes and plantations and hasten to their stronghold
for safety, and there remain three months ; while the
wild deer of the forest, and the cattle — which then
were allowed to range at large — make havoc of their
promising fields of grain, their fruits and thriving
gardens. The loss of crops in 1694 must have made the win
ter following a hard one, and the abandonrpent of
their plantations by the best men of the settlement,
of course had a very disheartening effect on those
who remained. Another discouraging fact, was, that
not long after the date of this petition, for causes
which now cannot be known, M. Bondet, their pastor,
also left them and returned to Boston. '
For a year and ten months after the date of this
petition the history of the colony is a blank, and we

¦ In proof of this, we cite, first — the direct statement of the
"Inhabitants of Oxford" in their petition to General Court,
through Laborie, to this effect, [p. 88.] Next, Bondet's state
ment to Lord Cornbury, in his letter, 1 702, that he had then
been away from Oxford seven years, [p. 120.] As corrob
orative, we have his letter to Mather, dated New York, Jan.
loth, 1698, [p. 118,] which proves — if he spent two years in
Boston after leaving Oxford — that he was there January, 1696,
which was eight months before the breaking up of the colony.

THE JOHNSON MASSACRE. 83
have no raeans of knowing the condition of things
in this critical period of its existence. The fact,
however, that Bondet did not return, gives ground
for the belief that there was little or no improve
ment. The next record we have concerning New Oxford
is that of the Johnson massacre, Aug. 25th, 1696.
This tragedy decided the fate of the colony. The
house of Johnson stood apart from the rest of the
village, southward, on what has been known since
the time of the massacre as Johnson's plain, about
a mile and a quarter south of the present Town
Hall, near the Webster road. Tradition says that
a small band of Indians of some hostile Western
tribe, toward the close of the day, stole upon the
dwelling, and, entering it stealthily, seized three
young children of the family, and killed thera, by
crushing their heads against the stones of the fire
place. With the help of her brother, the mother,
in her terror — her first thought going toward her
absent husband — fled southward toward Woodstock,
whither he had gone on business, hoping, probably,
to meet him on his return. It is said that in parts
of the way there were two paths, and that in going
and coming the husband and wife passed each
other, she going on to Woodstock, and he coming

84 SUSAN SIGOURNEY.
to his horae to be met and killed at his own door
by the murderers of his children. '
' " It has been conjectured that John Johnson was a French
man, whose name had been Anglicised. The impression is
mistaken. He was a native of Alveton, or Alton, county of
Stafford, England." — Dr. Baird.
He married Susan Sigourney, the daughter of the constable.
After her return to Boston she married, April i8th, 1700, her
cousin, Daniel Johonnot, born in France. — Sigourney Gene
alogy, 8.
Johnson's house was kept as a tavern, being near the Wood
stock "great trail." — Mayo's Manuscript
Dea. Ebenezer .Humphrey is quoted as ha"ving said that the
friendly Indians informed his father that the perpetrators of this
deed were the Maquas, or Albany Indians. The opinion pre
vails that this is an error, and that they were Canadian Indians.
The fact that they were traced to the vicinity of Worcester,
immediately after the massacre, strengthens this theory. —
See letter of Daniel Fitch to Governor Stoughton, August
31st, 1696.
The names of these children, — Andrew, Peter, and Mary, —
are preserved to us by tradition. — Mrs. H. Daniels.
Two others, Goodman Servin and John Evans, are some
times mentioned as victims of this massacre. — Olney's Address
at Dedication of Memorial Hall.
A rough stone monument was erected by an assembly of the
people of Oxford, on the site of the Johnson house, Aug. 25th,
1875, the one hundred and seventy-ninth anniversary of the
massacre. Dr. O. W. Holmes, in answer to an invitation to

THE RETURN TO BOSTON. 85
Reduced and waning as the settlement was at
this date, it is not surprising that such an attack
should fill the people with dismay, and bring them
to an immediate determination to leave, and seek a
place of safety. Hastily gathering together the few
valuables they might take with them, in great fear
lest the attack should be renewed, the whole com
pany returned to Boston.
The story of their leaving is full of touching
interest, and has been often repeated among the
dwellers in Oxford in olden tiraes. Tradition says
that early in the raorning of the day of their
departure — each family having bade adieu to
its plantation and home — they assembled at the
church, where they had a season of worship.
They afterward repaired to the burying ground to
take leave of the graves of departed friends, and

be present, wrote : " The occasion you propose to celebrate
is a very interesting one, in an exceptional kind of way, and
deserves an orator quite as much as many raore widely-known
events of real history. * * * I should think the day
might be raade interesting and delightful. » * « i
raust content myself with sending my most cordial good
wishes to my friends of the lovely town which records so
touching, beautiful, and romantic a story in its annals."

86 SCENE AT THE DEPARTURE.
then, in a procession, moved onward over the
rough forest road toward Boston, i
The scene presented on that August morning, of
the leave-taking at this sacred spot, was a remark
able one. Standing there in imagination, it requires
but little effort to see, as we look westward across the
meadows, the lonely houses with their closed doors
and blank windows. Near at hand stands the rude
chapel, where, but just now, the farewell prayers and
songs have been offered up. In the middle fore
ground are the graves of the dead, and here and
there, friends bending tearfully over them. In the
front is seen a large, newly-made mound, and by it
stands the central figure of the whole scene. She,
who but yesterday was the happy wife and mother
of those who now sleep their last sleep beneath it,
stands pale and trembling under her weight of grief,

¦ In 1819 Mr. Andrew Sigourney wrote to Prof. Brazer, of
Cambridge, that, according to Capt. Ebenezer Humphrey's
statement, on his farm, as his father told him, there had been a
fort, and also a French meeting-house, and a burying-ground,
with a number of graves ; that he had seen the stones that were
laid on the top of them — as we lay turf — and that one of the
graves was much larger than any others. — Holmes, 80.
Captain Humphrey informed Mrs. Stearns DeWitt, that the
larger grave was that of Johnson and his children. He also
gave the number of graves, from recollection, as about twenty.

WOODSTOCK ALARMED. ^.J
leaning upon the arm of the father, who, in paternal
tenderness and sympathy bends over her, and tries
with words of love to soothe the sorrows of the
stricken child. By her side stands the faithful
brother, and a little apart are grouped around the
friends, whose tearful eyes tell of the coraraon feeling
of pity and syrapathy which fills them all.
We shall have to look far in New England history
to find an incident more full of dramatic interest and
genuine pathos than this, i
' The attack upon New Oxford had its effect upon the
Woodstock settlement also, and caused some to leave the place
in alarm ; while those who remained, sought the protection of
General Court. Thirty-eight days, only, elapsed after the mas
sacre, before an act of that body was passed, as follows ;
October id, 1696. "Upon information given that several of
the inhabitants of Woodstock have lately removed, and that
others are about to remove from said town, whereby the
duty of watching, warding, and scouting will lie too heavily
upon those that do remain, and endanger the place to be
exposed, being an out plantation — Ordered, that the said
town of Woodstock be accounted a frontier, and compre
hended within the act of the General Assembly, entitled the
' Act to prevent the deserting of frontiers,' " etc. — Gen.
Court Rec, 1696, p. 481.
Under this act settlers were forbidden to leave, and frontier
towns were garrisoned and fortified to some extent, and com
missioners appointed to consult with mihtary officers in such
places, 'with reference to all matters pertaining to their defence.

CHAPTER VIII.
RE-SETTLEMENT. — JAMES LABORIE.  MIGRATION OF THE
INDIANS. — FINAL DESERTION BY THE FRENCH.
But this was not, in fact, the end of the French
occupation. Tradition informs us that a part, at
least, of those who left in 1696, returned and
re-settled the place. That which rested long upon
tradition only, has now documentary evidence to
support it. The re-settlement was probably made
as early as the Spring of 1699. The first paper we
have touching this point, is the petition of the
" Inhabitants of the town of New Oxford," by James
Laborie, their minister, dated October ist, 1699.
[James Laborie " Tou His Excellencie and tou the Honorable
Council.'"'\
My Lord and most Honorable Council :
" Mr. Bondet, formerly minister of this town, not only satis
fied to leave us almost two years before the Indians did commit
any act of hostility in this place, but carried away all the books
which had been given for the use of the plantation, with the
acts and papers of the village, we most humbly supplicate
your Excellency and the most Honorable Council to oblige

JOHN INGALL CHIEF TRADER. 89
Mr. Bondet to send back again said books, acts, and papers
belonging to said plantation.
"The inhabitants, knowing that all disturbance that hath
been before in this plantation, have happened only in that some
people of this plantation did give the Indians drink without
measure, and that at present; there is some continuing to do the
same, we most humbly supplicate your Excellency, and the Hon
orable Council to give Mr. James Laborie, our minister, full
orders to hinder those disturbances which put us in great danger
of our lives. The said inhabitants complain also against John
Ingall, that not only he gives to said Indians drink without
measure, but buy all the meat they bring, and goes and sell it
in other villages, and so hinders the inhabitants of putting up
any provisions against the Winter. We most humbly suppli
cate your Excellency and most Honorable Council to forbid
said John Ingall to sell any rhoom, and to transport any meat
out of the plantation that he hath bought of the Indians, before
the said inhabitants be provided.'

' We have mention of John Ingall in the Council records,
in February of the same year.
" His Excellency also acquainted the board that by express
from New Oxford, he had received a letter from Lieut. Sabin
of Woodstock,'' concerning the Indians who had gone eastward,
as was believed, with the purpose to join others in plotting mis
chief. — Council Rec, 94.
" Advised and consented that his Excellency issue forth his
warrant to Mr. Treasurer, to pay forty shillings unto John
Ingall, sent with an express from Oxford bringing the news."
February 7th, 1699. — Ibid., 95. We infer that Ingall was chief

90 PETITION OF LABORIE.
"James Laborie in his particular most humbly supplicate your
Excellency and the most Honorable Council to give him a pecu
liar order for to oblige the Indians to observe the Sabbath day,
many of the said Indians to whom the said Laborie hath often
exhorted to piety — having declared to submit themselves to said
Laborie's exhortations if he should bring an order with him
from your Excellency, or from your honorable Lieutenant
Governor, Mr. Stauton, or the most Honorable Council.
" Expecting these favors we shall continue to pray God
for the preservation of your Excellency, and the most Honora
ble Council," etc. James Laborish."
This petition is endorsed "Lre, written ist Xbr 99 w'th a
proclama'con for the observance of the Lord's day inclosed." '
We have no record of the doings of the authorities
upon this petition, but, from the following letter,
conclude that they required of Laborie a certificate
from the inhabitants, substantiating the charges
against Bondet.

-^b"

[Monsieur Laborie to the Earl of Bellomont.'\
"At New Oxford, this 17th June, 1700.
" My Lord :
" When I had the honor to write to your Excellency,
I did not send you the certificate of our inhabitants with

trader in Oxford, and brought goods from Boston, selling to
colonists and Indians, and that with the latter, rum was a lead
ing article of trade, in exchange for wild meats, furs, etc.
' Mass. Arch., II. 140.

LETTER OF EARL OF BELLOMONT. 9 1
reference to Monsieur Bondet, for the reason that they were not
all here. I have at length procured it, and send it to your
Excellency. As to our Indians, I feel myself constrained to
inform your Excellency that the four who came back, notwith
standing all the protestations which they made to rae upon
arriving, had no other object in returning than to induce those
who had been faithful, to depart with them. They have gained
over the greater number, and to-day they leave for Penikook,
— twenty-five in all, — men, women, and children. ' I preached
to them yesterday in their own tongue. From all they say, I
infer that the priests are vigorously at work, and that they are
hatching some scheme which they will bring to light so soon as
they shall find a favorable occasion." =
[Earl of Bellomont to the Lords of Trade, London.}
[July 9, 1700.]
" Mons. Labourie is a French Minister placed at New Oxford
by Mr. Stoughton, the Lieut. Gov'r, and myself, at a yearly
stipend of £2,0, out of the Corporation money ; there are eight
or ten French families there that have farms, and he preaches
to them." * * *
" The Indians about the town of Woodstock and New Oxford,
consisting of about 40 families have lately deserted their houses,
' Pennacook was a dweUing place of the tribe of that name,
at the present site of Concord, New Hampshire.
2 The priests here referred to, were the Jesuits of Canada.
They were doubtless jealous of the influence of the French
Protestants upon the natives in this vicinity, and were doing all
in their power to draw them away to themselves.

92 PETITION OF CHARDON AND GRIGNON.
and corn, and are gone to live with the Penicook Indians, which
has rauch allarmed the English thereabouts, and sorae of the
English have forsaken their houses and farms and removed to
towns for better security. That the Jesuits have seduced these
40 families is plain. * -* * Mr. Sabin is so terrified at the
Indians of Woodstock and New Oxford quitting their houses
and corn, that he has thought fit to forsake his dwelling and is
gone to live in a town. All the thinking people here believe
the Eastern Indians will break out against the English in a little
tirae." '
A list of " such as receive salary for preaching to the In
dians," has " Mons. Jaraes Laborie, at Oxford, ^30. 00. 00." ^
Another record touching the re-settlement, is the
petition of the French Protestants in Boston, asking
aid for their church, dated June 29th, 1700, and
signed by Peter Chardon and Rene Grignon, " elders
of the French Congregation." A part of this peti
tion is as follows : —
" Considering also that your humble petitioners have borne
great charges in paying taxes for the poor of the country, and
in raaintaining their own poor of this town, and those of New
Oxford, who by the occasion of the war withdrew themselves,
and since that they have assisted raany who returned to
Oxford, in order to their re-settleraent" 3
The next paper touching this point, is the letter of

¦ Doc His. State N. Y., IV. 684.
^ Ibid., 755. — For incidents of Indian history, see Add. N.
3 Mass. Arch., 11, 150.

BERNON COMMISSIONED AS CAPTAIN. 93
Governor Dudley to Bernon, in reply to his petition
for aid in the protection of his property against the
Indians, dated July 7th, 1702, which is as follows : —
" Herewith you have a commission for Captain of New
Oxford. I desire you forthwith to repair thither and show your
said commission, and take care that the people be armed, and
take them in your own house with a palisade, for the security
of the inhabitants ; and if they are at such a distance in your
¦village that there should be need of another place to draw
them together in case of danger, consider of another proper
house, and write rae, and you shall have order therein.
" I am your humble servant, " J. Dudley."
From the request for the return of the " books,
papers and acts of the village," in the foregoing
petition, we infer that the first colony was a body
politic, transacting business in a public capacity,
having officers, and enacting rules for the government
of its affairs, and also that the pastor of the church
was public clerk, and the custodian of the records, i
We learn also, that drunken Indians at this tirae,
as well as eight years before, were the terror of the
Huguenots, and this appeal for relief, under the
' A general law of the province authorized sraall towns to
govern themselves until they became large enough to come
under the provincial laws.

94 BENEVOLENT TRAITS OF HUGUENOTS.
' declaration that all their disturbances were due to
the sale of rum, evidently came from an honest
conviction that there was no quiet or safety for them
until it could be abolished.
Further, we learn that the forest was an important
source of supply of food to the people, through the
Indian hunters and the local trader.
Lawson, before referred to, says of the Huguenots,
as he saw them in Carolina, " they live like a tribe,
like one family; and each one rejoices at the eleva
tion of his brethren." i In the petition of the
French elders, we have revealed the same admirable
trait of character. They possessed as a class, a
spirit of large-hearted benevolence and charity.
The secret of their genuine nobleness lay in the fact
that their religion was not mere sentiment, but a
living principle which controlled their lives.
From this paper we gather further, that the
second colony was made up of those who belonged
to the first, also.
The last document, the letter of Gov. Dudley, is
proof that there was serious trouble in 1702. The
Indians were again menacing the place, and the
writer evidently felt that there was need of some one
here having military authority, that the people might
' Disosway, Huguenots in America.

SOLDIERS IN OXFORD IN 1703. 95
be so directed that they might be able to defend
theraselves and their property. The requisite
authority was given, in a manner indicating that
serious fears were felt that another breaking up was
near. That this alarm was felt, also, in the Woodstock
colony, is shown by the fact that Lieut. Sabin, of that
place, reported to the Massachusetts Council, April
9th, 1702, that the Indians were plotting mischief,
and that he had ordered a garrison to be put in repair,
and a military watch kept. The Council approved
his doings, and cautioned him that while he kept
watch he should do nothing to provoke the Indians,
or cause thera to think harm was intended to them, i
Another date in the Council Records enables us
, to trace the second colony to the sumraer of 1703.
Soldiers were here for its protection frora the savages
who still hovered around.
" An accompt of wages and subsistence of thirteen soldiers, .
whereof one a sergeant, posted at Oxford and Hassanaraisco
in the summer past, was laid before the board and there
examined and stated the whole sum, with other incidental
charges araounting to forty pounds, fifteen shillings, three and
a half pence.'' " Ordered paid Dec. 24th, 1703." =

I Council Rec, 500. ^ Ibid, 509.

96 NO RECORD OF THE COLONY AFTER 1704.
There is evidence that Bernon had business trans
actions with people living in New Oxford, in 1704. i
The same year Laborie was called to New York
as pastor of the French Reformed Church in that
city. Of the further history of the colony we have no
record. The combined efforts of the government
and the proprietors failed to sustain its waning
interests. The final abandonment certainly ensued
soon thereafter, for in 171 3, in the deed of the pro
prietors to the thirty English settlers they declare,
" Forasrauch as the said French families have many years
since wholly left and deserted their settlements in the said
village, and the said lands as well by their deserting the same,
and refusing to return upon publick Proclamations raade to
that end as by, the voluntary surrender of the most of them,
are now reinvested in and restored to * * * the original
proprietors," They therefore gave, granted and confirmed them
to the English settlers. 2

• Bernon Papers. — Dr. Baird.
2 About ten families only of the Huguenot settlers of Oxford
can now be traced, — Sigourney, Maillet, Grignon, Baudouin
and Faneuil to Boston ; Bondet, Martin and Du Tuffeau to
New Rochelle, and Dispeux to Rhode Island. — Dr. Baird.

CHAPTER IX.
letters of DUDLEY AND BERNON.  BERNON's SALE OF
HIS LAND.  HIS DEED FROM DUDLEY AND COMPANY.
Between 1704 and 1712, the date of the procla
mation of the proprietors calling for new settlers, we
have two important letters. ' From these we learn
that Dudley and Bernon were each alive to the
preservation of their interests in the deserted plan
tation. The latter being aware of the necessity of
holding possession, sent here, as agents or tenants,
one Cooper, and a "negro Tom," to occupy the
premises, and to carry on sorae of the simpler farm
ing operations. These men managed badly in
Dudley's estimation, and were guilty of wanton
disregard of his rights, as appears in the following
letter : — [y. Dudley to G. Bernon.}
Boston, 20th Ma}', 1707.
" Sr : I am very unhappy in my affayres at Oxford, both
with your Cooper & the negro Tom. I must desire you to
I Bernon Papers. — Dr. Baird.

98 OLIVER AND NATHANAEL COLLER.
take other care of your affayres than to improve such ill men
that disquiet the place, that I have more trouble with them
than with seven other towns. If you do not remove them
yourself, I shall be obliged to send for the Negro & turn him
out of the place, & I understand Cooper is so criminal that the
law will dispose of him. I pray you to use your own there
not to Destroy or Disturb the Governour or your best friend,
who is, Sr., your humble servt., "J. Dudley.
"Send an honest raan and he shall be welcome. I pray you
to show what I write to Mr. Grignon."
" To Mr. Gabriel Bernon, Newport, Road Hand."
From the transactions which followed, we infer
that soon after the date of this letter, Bernon came
to Oxford. The result of this visit was an engage
ment with new tenants, which might be less objec
tionable to Dudley. His agreement with them was
written on the back of the foregoing letter, which
fact fixes its date as subsequent to May, 1707.1
We hear nothing more of Oliver and Nathanael
Coller as Bernon's tenants. -
They could not have remained as such more than
one or two years, as will be seen by the letter which
follows. Bernon now complains against Dudley's
I For this agreement, see Addenda O.
^ Oliver Coller was one of the thirty English settlers.

BERNON COMPLAINS AGAINST HAGBURN. 99
agent, Hagburn, and charges him with serious inter
ference with his interests.!
[G. Bernon to Gov. Dudley.}
Providence, ist March, 1710.
[Translation.}
" Mr. Dudley your son told me the last time I had the honour
to see him, that it was your Excellency's design to re-establish
New Oxford : as it also appears through the public news.
" I hope your Excellency will be so good as to take into con-
sidei^ation the fact that Mr. Hoogborn has done his utmost to
ruin my interest in the said Oxford.
" He has caused Couper to abandon the old mill, and Thomas
Allerton [to leave] my other house, threatening that he would
hinder them from haying, and [declaring] that I had no power
to settle them. When I madfe complaint of this to him he told
me that he would drive me from the place, myself. Thus it is
' Samuel Hagburn was one of the thirty English settlers, and
was the first named in the deed of Dudley, etc., to them. In
1726 an entry was made of an extract from his will, on the rec
ords of the Congregational Church, by which, although not a
member of it, he bequeathed to it the sum of fifty pounds. For
a period of one hundred and ten years his name was as familiar
as household words, in the church, in connection with this gift.
In 1836 it was voted to apply it toward the expense of building
a church chapel. This building was afterward sold, and the pro
ceeds applied towards the finishing of the lecture-room as it now
is, in the basement of the meeting-house, and no more is heard
of the " Hagburn Fund."

100 HAGBURN IN POSSESSION OF THE OLD MILL.
that 1 have been treated, after spending at the said Oxford
more than fifteen hundred pistoles [and] the better part of my
time during more than twenty years possession. '
" Should it please your Excellency to examine the case you
will find that I have chiefly had at heart the furtherance of
your Excellency's wishes. I have been found singularly
attached to your person, more than to all else that I have had
in the world.
" It is notorious that the said Mr. Hoogborn your brother,
has caused the planks of my granary to be torn up ; that he
has conveyed them elsewhere, and that by his orders the oxen
that I was reserving to be fattened, have been put to work."
From this document we learn that notwithstanding
Dudley's censure of Cooper, he remained in the
place, and had lately been in possession of the farm
called the " Old Mill," and that he, as well as the
Collers, had been induced to leave it by Hagburn,
acting probably under instructions from Dudley,
whose aim evidently was to prevent Bernon's hold
ing by possession, a property so important to the
prosperity of the town. This farm had, no doubt,
been granted to him as builder and owner of the
' In several instances in his papers we find Bernon laying
stress upon the fact of his possession, from, which it is evident
that he was relying upon it to establish his proprietorship in
the lands which he occupied, which were not conveyed to him
by deed.

BERNON YIELDS TO DUDLEY. lOI
mill, on conditions of which we have no knowledge.
But Hagburn, we find, was now in possession. The
positive raanner of his treatraent of Bernon's tenants,
his ordering affairs concerning the granary and oxen,
his declaration that Bernon had no' power to settle
these men, and his threat that he would drive him
from the place, show clearly his intention.
Bernon seems to have been wanting either in the
courage or the tact requisite to contend success
fully with this opposition. With what grace he
yielded, appears from his reply to Dudley, who, in
answering the above letter, had intimated that there
was a prospect of disposing of a part of the Oxford
property. [G. Bernon to Gov. Dudley.}
"Providence, 19 Apr. 1710.
" Your Excellency, always benevolently disposed, informs me
that you purpose to obtain for me a good price for one-half of
that which I own in the village of Oxford. I wish to defer
entirely to your counsel. Accordingly I will proceed to Boston
as soon as possible to pay ray respects to your Excellency. " '
These expectations were never realized.
In 1715, two years after the settlement by the
English, he gave the stones and irons of the grist-
I Bernon Papers. — Dr. Baird.

I02 MILL STONES GIVEN TO ELLIOT.
mill to Daniel Elliot, one of the settlers, on condition
that he should build a mill in a specified time.^
[Gov. Dudley to G. Bernon.}
"Roxbury, Apr. 6th, 1715.
" Sir :
" We are now in a way to thrive at Oxford, and I par
ticularly thank you for what you have done toward a grist-mill
in the village, by giving the mill stones to Daniel EUiot, condi
tionally that the mill should be built to serve the town within a
prefixed time, which is now past and nothing done. I desire
you to write to him to go forward immediately, so as to finish
the mill presently to the satisfaction of the Inhabitants, or that
you will order the said mill and irons to be given to such other
person as will go forward in the work, that they may not be
starved the next winter.
" I pray you take effectual order in the matter.
" I am your humble servant, J. Dudley.
" To Mr. Gabriel Bernon, Narragansett."
In his reply, Bernon says he has "ordered Daniel
Elliot to finish the crist-raill at Oxford or to let the
town have the two mill stown, to set the mill in a
convenient place," adding significantly — pathetically,
almost — "it will be a great blessing to strive [thrive]
after so much distorbance."^
I Addenda D.
* Holmes, 66. The mill having been built twenty-five years,

BERNON S LETTER TO DUDLEY S SON. IO3
In October, 1720, the following letter was written :
[G. Bernon to the Son of Gov. Dudley.}
" Sir ;
" I would entreat you to assist rae in petitioning his Excel
lency and the General Assembly, inasmuch as the inhabitants of
New Oxford oppose my rights to lands.
" The Court and Government can confirm my title, and then
I can dispose of what I have there, and pay my debts and have
wherewithal to help rayself; and thereby ease ray raind and
body — which is now more than the Pope can do.
" The above said inhabitants oppress me, as I can make it
had at this time become unserviceable from disuse and decay.
The clause referring to its being set in another place, indicates
that its location was not convenient. The " convenient place "
was at the lower site, where it was afterwards built. That
there was a grist-mill at that place in the early history of the
town, is proved by tradition. — Mrs. H. Daniels, on the authority
of her father, born near the spot.
Mr. Larned Davis, who lived to old age near the upper mill
site, and who died in 1869, said : " I have an impression that
the grist-mill was removed from the upper to the lower site."
January 15th, 1715, Ebenezer and Jaraes Elliot were voted
into the right of their father, Daniel Elliot. This was the "old
mill right," — " said lot being where the saw-mill is." [Town
Rec] This was three months before Bernon gave the stones
and irons to Elliot, and ordered hira to go on and build a mill.
The upper mill was on land claimed by Bernon. There is not
the least probability that the town would grant rights there. We
take this as evidence that the saw-mill was at the lower site.

I04 BERNON IN PERPLEXITY.
appear by Maj. Buor, who would have bought ray plantation.
The inhabitants told him not to do it ; — that my title was
nothing worth, that they also pretended that they would dispute
my title with Mr. Dudley and Mr. Thompson. They also
abused me in a very outrageous manner in Maj. Buor's pres
ence ; as he states in his certificate, which I raake bold to send
to you enclosed in this.
"Ephraira Town, John Elliot, and John Chamberlin, for
whom I have advanced considerably to uphold ray said planta
tion, will not pay me what they owe rae. Besides, the loss of
ray servant, who was drowned, was fifty pounds loss to me. '
These raen, and one Josiah Owen, my last tenant, hugger-mug
ger together to cheat me of a hundred pounds in cattle and
movables that I had upon the place, so that I am not able to
advance any more.
" I see myself about ruined by this oppression and malice.
Sir — you are perfectly acquainted with the affairs at New
Oxford, and I do not understand things as well as I would.
Therefore I intreat of you, Sir, to help me. Your charity and
generosity are (so to speak) interested in it.
" I am so hard driven by my dunning creditors — the masons
and carpenters and others that I employed to build ray house
in Providence, that I know not what to do : and, besides my
wife now lying in, six or seven children implore my compas
sion, which makes me implore that of Government, and yours,
Sir, that my title may be confirmed, after a possession of 36
years, so that I raay sell it. Within 30 years I have laid out on
it ^200, for which reason my family did slight me, as well as
' This is the first record we have of a slave in Oxford.
Was this the negro Tom ?

BERNON HOLDING THE FORT IN I72O. IO5
my best friends. I have always been protected by Mr. Dudley ^
your honored father, who always thought as I did, that I might
sell it, and not be in any wise molested. But I don't know
whether it won't be a mistake. Indeed, one cannot always
foresee the events of things, often hid from the wisest But
this I see, — the Evil one still reigns, and God suffers it, to try
his children.
" My great desire is to keep myself in the fear of God, and
to love my neighbor, and to seek lawful means to maintain my
family. My great age of nearly eighty years does not dispense
me of this duty. I address myself to you with all humility to
assist rae, that I raay be assisted by the Governor. Such a
testimony of your love and favor will rescue me, to terminate
my days in America, or to return once again to Europe.
Surely my staying or going depends upon the action of the
Assembly. But be it as it will. Sir, as an honest, well-minded
man ought, I pray for the Government, and all the faithful in
Christ. "Gabriel Bernon.
" From my chambers at Mr. Harper's,
"adjoining unto Judge SewaU's, Oct. 1720." "
From this letter it is evident that at its date he
was still retaining possession of improved property
here — ^probably the fort and surrounding lands, — upon
which he had employed men, to " uphold " it. Town
was one of the thirty English settlers, and there
' Bernon Papers. — Dr. Baird.

I06 REPRESENTATIONS TO GOV. SHUTE.
were five families named Chamberlin and two named
Elliot among them.
In Noveraber, 1720, he made his application to
Gov. Shute for reimbursement of money spent upon
the colony. This petition is printed in the "History
of the Narragansett Church," and also in substance
in Holmes' Memoir. In it he says he came to Boston
" allured " by his agent, Du Tuffeau, who wrote him
exciting letters ; that
" on his arrival he was granted an additional seventeen hundred
and fifty acres of land, making twenty-five hundred acres in
aii^ # * # « fQj. more authentic security his * * *
Excellency and Honor was pleased to accompany [him] to
Oxford and to put [him] in possession of said land, * * *
[and he] spent above two thousand pounds to defend the same
from the Indians who at divers times have ruined the planta
tion, and have murdered men, women and children. [That he
had] built a corn miln, [from the French, moulin} a wash leather
miln and a saw miln, and laid out some other considerable
expenses to improve the town of New Oxford."
This petition was accompanied by certificates
signed by some of the prominent men of Boston,
and also by some of the former residents in Oxford,
attesting the correctness of its statements.
We have no record of the result of this applica
tion.

OXFORD CONCEDES BERNON S RIGHTS. IO7
The peculiar conditions under which Bernon held
his property in Oxford made his claim liable to
dispute, and, perhaps, with an honest belief that he
had no legal rights, "unlicensed settlers began to
occupy and claim his forest lands," thus causing him
much annoyance. ' But as a town, Oxford never
questioned his right to the original grant. Among
the first matters which came before their public
meetings, was that of the settleraent of the lines
between his property and the Village. In Sept.,
1 7 14, it was voted that "the coraraitty shall take
care to notify Mr. Gabriel Bernon to corae and
join us in settling division lines between us and
him."" Again in Oct., 1718, a similar vote was
taken. '
But there was a good reason why this matter was
not attended to by Bernon. The complicated nature
of the case is shown in his deed from Dudley and
company. Du Tuffeau, at the beginning of the set
tlement had " elected" seven hundred and fifty acres,
which were deeded to him and Bernon jointly.
Afterward, to Bernon, seventeen hundred and fifty
acres were granted, which were deeded to him in his
own right, and also to Bondet were deeded two
I Allen's Mem. ^ Prop. Rec. 3. 3 Ibid, 27. — Addenda J.

I08 LAND NOT DEEDED, OCCUPIED.
hundred acres. ' These grants were all embraced in
one plat and conveyed as a whole. We have no inti
mation of a mutual division, and without this, no
power but a court could give to either of the
grantees an indisputable right to a single acre which
should be set off and located.
Another point which is shown in the deed, added
to the complications, namely ; that a very valuable
portion of the land taken up and occupied by Du
Tuffeau and Bernon, jointly, was not included in the
conveyance. This was a long triangular tract of
nearly five hundred acres, lying between Bernon's
land, as deeded, and the land of the village propri
etors. Its westerly line ran over the high land
between the site of the fort and Bondet hill, and
continuing in a course north, thirteen degrees east,
crossed the present Sutton road at the fork, about
three-fourths of a mile easterly of Main street. This
line is called in the town records, "Bernon's line,"-''
and has been marked on the western boundary of the
estate now known as the Ebenezer Rich farm, by
permanent division fences to the present day.

' We have no proof that Bondet ever had possession of this
grant or received any benefit frora it.
2 Addenda F and G.

BERNON, DU TUFFEAU S ADMINISTRATOR. IO9
On this tract were the fort and the grounds around
it, where Bernon had expended considerable money,
and the upper mill site. It also enclosed some of the
best farming lands within the limits of the town. Of
course Bernon was anxious to retain it, but he could
plead possession only, as ground of ownership. In
conveying his property he followed the deed he had
received from Dudley and company, and did not
include the disputed tract. >
Du Tuffeau having died before the autumn of
1720, Bernon applied to the probate court of Suffolk
county for a letter of administration on his estate, as
chief creditor. 2 This was granted Dec. 5th, 3 and
he was enabled in due course of law thereby to take
possession of the twenty-five hundred acres as sole
owner. Negotiations with Thomas Mayo, Samuel
Davis and William Weld, all of Roxbury, soon
followed, and a sale of the tract was made to them

" There is among the Bernon papers a plan of his Oxford
property. In it the boundary at the southern part of the west
line as deeded, is indicated by a dotted line. Westward of this,
running obliquely, so as to enclose the disputed triangular tract
is a full line, purporting to run N. 13° E., but which is plainly
wrong in drawing. Here we have additional evidence that he
claimed the land as originally taken up by Du Tuffeau.
2 Bernon Papers. — Dr.'Baird. 3 Suffolk Prob. Rec.

I IO DEED TO MAYO, DAVIS AND WELD.
early in the Spring of 1721, for twelve hundred
pounds, current money of New England, i
On March 27th, 1721, at a meeting of the Village
proprietors to hear what the " Gentlemen which
signifie that they have bought Mr. Bernon's farm
have to be communicated to the inhabitants and
proprietors of Oxford village," and to " act as shall
be thought best to come at their own rights :" —
' The quantity of land sold was twenty-five hundred acres,
and the description in the deed is as follows : " Beginning at a
walnut tree marked S. D., standing at the south west corner of
Manchaug, and thence running west, fifteen degrees south,
three hundred and fifty-two perches, from thence to be set off by
a line to be drawn parallel to the utmost easterly line bounds of
the said Oxford village and township, as far as will complete the
full quantity of twenty-eight hundred and seventy-two acres."
Of this were reserved one hundred and seventy-two acres of
meadow in one piece, which Dudley gave to the village. But
the two hundred acres for Bondet's farm are not mentioned.
A provision in it required the annual payment of forty shillings
quit-rent to Dudley, etc. This deed was dated March i6th,
1 720-1, and is recorded in Suf. Co. Rec XXXV. 119.
It is said that Weld, coming to see the premises in the spring
after the snow had gone, was dissatisfied, and soon after sold
his share to Davis.
" Thomas Mayo never came to Oxford, but his son John
did, and Samuel Davis came in 1728 or 9, probably the latter." —
Letter of Hon. George L. Davis, of North Andover.

JOHN MAYO AND SAMUEL DAVIS. 1 1 1
"Voted and chose Dea. John Town, Benoni
Twichel, and Isaac Larned " to act as a committee
to establish the line between the said farm and the
village, and instructed them to " improve " John
Chandler, Esq., as surveyor.
The report of this committee, dated Apr. nth,
1 72 1, was accepted at a meeting of the proprietors,
Sept. 2 1st, 1 72 1. 1 In accordance with its terms, a
portion of land at the north end of the Bernon
tract was released to the Village, and the triangular
plat which had been in dispute was yielded to the
purchasers. 2
John Mayo, son of Thomas, made a home on the
height near the fort, and died there, and his descend
ants continued to occupy the premises until within
about twenty-five years. Davis chose for his dwell
ing, a spot nearly half a mile northerly from the fort,
on the farm now known as the Nathaniel Davis
place, where he died, and his descendants have had
possession to the present time. 3
The facts in connection with the delivery of the
I Prop. Rec. — Addenda I.
^ See dotted line on the map.
3 Persons now living in Oxford well recollect the leaden sash
and the small diamond panes of glass of the old windows of this
house, which many years ago gave place to more modern ones.

112 BERNON S TITLE WITHHELD.
deed to Bernon are remarkable. It will be remem
bered that it was drawn May 24th, 1688, probably
upon the completion of the contract to settle the
thirty farailies. There was in it, however, a consid
eration which had not been rendered, namely, the
building of a grist mill, for which reason it was not
at once delivered. A little less than two years
passed, the mill was built, and Bernon had Church's
receipt for the sarae. Two days after the date of
this receipt, we find two of the grantors acknowledg
ing the deed before a magistrate — but still it was
not delivered. Years passed ; the first colony flour
ished a while and became extinct — the second
colony began and continued five years and was
abandoned- — for nine years afterward the plantation
lay waste. Then the thirty English families carae in
and laid the foundations of a permanent settlement.
Bernon gave up his right in the mills, and gave the
valuable stones and irons for the benefit of the new
colony. At last, after his hopes and expectations
had been again and again disappointed, and he had
grown old, and becorae unable for lack of means
to assist the settlement further, on Feb. 5 th, 1716,
nearly twenty-eight years after the deed was written,
it was acknowledged by Dudley, and passed over
to him.

SALE TO JAMES BOWDOIN. II 3
Six days afterward, Feb. nth, 1716, he conveyed
the property for a thousand pounds to James Bow
doin, I who held it until March i6th, 1720-1, when
he re-conveyed it to Bernon, 2 who the sarae day
executed the deed to Mayo, Davis and Weld.
Whether Dudley did not consider hiraself author
ized to complete the conveyance until a permanent
settlement was made, or Bernon declined to accept
a deed which did not embrace valuable lands which
he held in possession, — or whether it was withheld
as a means of influencing Bernon, or some other
reason existed, does not now appear. But in review
ing the transactions in the partial light of the present,
we can hardly withhold our sympathy from Bernon,
nor avoid the conclusion that in business matters
he had, in Gov. Dudley, more than his equal.

I Suf. Rec, XXXI., 79-
2 This conveyance was made by returning the deed he had
received, with an endorsement upon it in legal form, signed,
sealed, and witnessed by John Mayo, Samuel Tyler, Jr., and
acknowledged before John Chandler, Justice of Peace. — Ibid.

CHAPTER X.
BERNON.  BONDET.  SIGOURNEY.  DU TUFFEAU.- 
LABORIE.  MARTIN.
"Our knowledge of the men who were actively
engaged in this enterprise is exceedingly limited,
with the exception of Bernon. A considerable col
lection of his papers reraains, to this day, in the
possession of his descendants, extracts from which
have been published in several historical works, i
He was of an old and honorable faraily in
Rochelle, where he was born in 1644. "He was
possessed of a large property there, and was heredi
tary registrar of the city." - He was imprisoned two
years for his independence in religious matters, and
after the revocation of the Edict of Nantes left his
' Rev. Dr. Holmes had access to them repeatedly, and pub
lished, in his meraoir of the Huguenots, many interesting facts
gathered from them. The History of Narragansett Church
also contains extracts from them, and Zachariah Allen, L.L.D.,
Bernon's great grandson, prepared from thera a manuscript
memoir of hira.
2 Potter's Hist Narragansett, 314.

BERNON HELD IN ESTEEM. II5
country and the greatest part of his estate, i and fled
to London, from whence he carae to Araerica. He
had a large family of daughters, whose descendants
are among the first families in Providence. His
only son died young. " " His memory is respectfully
cherished in the hearts of his descendants." 3
Mrs. Lee calls him an excellent man, and says his
memorials are very interesting. The obituary notice
referred to, continues :
" He was courteous, honest and kind * * * and has left
a good name araong his acquaintances. He evidenced the
power of Christianity by leaving his country and his great
estate, that he might worship God according to his conscience."
However estimable he raay have been as a friend
and a citizen, as a business raan he was not success
ful. He was not lacking in enterprise, for he

' Obit, notice, Boston, July 19th, 1736, in Hist. Nar. Chh., 60.
2 Hist. Nar. Chh., 59. 3 Ibid. — He had a brother, Samuel
Bernon, who was a wealthy merchant, doing business between
Rochelle and Quebec, where he owned large stores. [La
Hontan.] This man was a bigoted Roman Catholic, and
wrote to Gabriel in his old age, on religious and family
matters, a remarkable letter, full of censure and reproach.
— Mrs. Lee's Huguenots in France and America, IL, 122.

ii6 bernon's business schemes.
projected a variety of business schemes ; but it
would seem that in the novel and changed circum
stances in which he found himself in this new
country, his judgraent of affairs was faulty, and most
of his experiments proved failures. His investments
in New Oxford were the occasion of heavy pecuniary
loss to him, and were a source of rauch trouble and
anxiety in his old age.
According to his own representations to Gov.
Shute, he had engaged in ship-building, in nail
making, and the manufacture of stuffs and hats. One
project of his was the extensive manufacture of
naval stores from the pines which abounded in this
locality. ^ About the year 1693, he petitioned the
king of England for a royal patent, or order to supply
his majesty's ships with resin, pitch, tar and turpen
tine, representing that he had " spent seaven years
time and labour, and considerable sums of money, and
has attained to such knowledge and perfection as
that said commodities have beene bought for your
Majesty's stores." He also states that he had made

¦ We find from the records that in 1723 complaint was made
to the General Court by the people of Oxford, that trespassers
were" guilty "of bleeding trees for tar," on the adjacent province
lands. A law was passed prohibiting it

DANIEL BONDET. I 17
two voyages to London with express reference to
this business, i
He never lived in Oxford, but resided in Boston
during the existence of the first colony, and removed
in 1698 from thence to Newport, R. I., and soon
afterward to Narragansett, where he remained eight
or nine years. From that place he removed to
Providence, where he died in 1736, at the age of
ninety-two years. He espoused the cause of Episco
pacy soon after leaving Boston, and was very zealous
in promoting its interests, being a leader in the
organization of the first church of this denomination
in each of the three above named places.
While the colony at its commencement was
dependent for material subsistence upon Bernon, the
most influential man in it appears to have been
Pastor Daniel Bondet. From -his official position,
education, and the ease with which he acquired
the use of the English language, he is believed to
have filled a considerable place in the secular as well
as the religious affairs of the village. There is the
best of testimony to the fact that he discharged his
varied duties with faithfulness, and that in his life he
was pure and upright. He received from the society
under whose direction he labored, a salary of twenty-

I Bernon Papers. — Holmes, 68.

Il8 DANIEL BONDET.
five pounds per annum, ' and his people paid him an
annual stipend of forty pounds. -
He was descended frora a noble family, his mother
being a daughter of Philippe de Nautonnier, Sieur
de Castelfranc. Of him. Quick wrote : " This gen
tleman preaches in three languages unto three sev
eral nations — English, French, and Indians. " He
espoused a most virtuous lady of a ducal family in
France. ^
Dr. Baird in writing of him, says : —
"My impression of Bondet is that he was a worthy and well-
meaning raan, but by no raeans a raan of much strength of
character. The jseople of New Oxford seem to have had some
grievance against him in Connection with his removal from
them." The following unique letter, has, we believe, never
before been printed :
[D. Bondet to Lncrease Mather.}
"New York, the lo Jan., 1697-8.
" Dear Sir : —
" It is an old and innocent custom to use words of congrat
ulation at the revolution of the year : we are as travellers in the
I Heathcote's letter. ' Mrs. Lee, II. 62.
3 Agnew's Prot. Exiles from France, II. 164.

bondet's LETTER TO MATHER. II9
world, and the use * » * to the fellow-travellers » * *
quid ni in curriculo vitce. We are well come then so far, and
be the Almighty pleased to attend the remaining of your travel
with His protection and blessing. Grace be with you, and with
peace upon your family, and upon the land which you are serv
ing so graciously.
"Also the same I wish heartily to your fellow laborers in the
ministry at Boston, to whom I present my respect, commending
my person and labors to their Godly remembrances.
" I have writ to his Honor Mr. Stoughton for to receive the
annual subvention assigned to me from the corporation of
which your honorable court hath assured the continuation in
my need. I shall not repeat here that your * * reverence hath
already heard from me, if I have any kind and comforting word
to expect from your reverence, I pray you direct it to the Rev.
Mr. Selyns, your worthy friend the minister of York. I remain
with a true and sincere respect of your reverence the most
humble and obliged servant
" Daniel Bondet."
[Addressed, "For the Reverend Master Increase Mather,
President of the College and Mr. of Divinity, Boston.^''} ^
The delicacy and suavity of this letter are
marked, and it bespeaks a refinement which was
characteristic of the Huguenots. Its contrast in the
use of language with his representation to General
Court in 1691, before quoted, - is noticeable, and
I Mass. Arch., LVII. 59. = Page 76.

I20 BONDET S LETTER TO CORNBURY.
shows his proficiency in the mastery of a strange
language. Another letter, in which he gives us more informa
tion concerning himself than we get in any other
single document, is to Lord Cornbury, Governor of
New York. [D. Bondet to Lord Cornbury, 1 702.]
" My Lord.
" I raost humbly pray your Excellency to be pleased to
take cognizance of the petitioner's condition. I am a French
Refugee Minister, incorporated into the body of the Ministry
of the Anglican Church. I removed about fifteen years
ago into New England, with a company of poor refugees,
to whora lands were granted for their settlement, and to
provide for my subsistence I was allowed one hundred and five
pieces per annum, from the funds of the Corporation for the
Propagation of the Gospel among the Savages. I performed
that duty during nine years with a success approved and
attested by those who presided over the affairs of that Province.
The murders which the Indians committed in those countries
caused the dispersion of our company, some of whom fell by
the hands of the barbarians.
" I remained after that two years in that Province expecting
a favorable season for the re-establishment of affairs : but after
waiting two years seeing no appearance and being invited to
this Province of New York by Col. Heathcote who always
evinces an affection for the public good and distinguishes him
self by a special application for the advancement of religion

BONDET DEPRIVED OF HIS STIPEND. 121
and good order by the establishment of churches and schools,
the fittest means to strengthen and encourage the people, I
complied with his request, and that of the company of New
Rochelle in this Province where I passed five years on a small
allowance promised rae by New Rochelle, of one hundred
pieces and lodging, with' that of one hundred and five pieces
which the Corporation continued to me until the arrival of my
Lord Bellomont, who, after indicating his wilhngness to take
charge of me and my canton, ordered me thirty pieces in the
Council of York, and did me the favor to promise me that, at
his journey to Boston, he would procure me the continuation of
that stipend that I had in times past. But having learned at
Boston through M. Nanfan, his Lieutenant, that I annexed ray
signature to an ecclesiastical certificate which the churches and
pastors of this Province had given to Sieur Delius minister of
Albany, who had not the good fortune to please his late lord
ship, his defunct Excellency cut off his thirty pieces which he
had ordered me in his Council at York, deprived me of the
Boston pension of twenty-five pieces, writing to London to
have that deduction approved and left me during three years
last past in an extreme destitution of the means of subsistence.
" I believe, my Lord that in so important service as that in
which I am employed, I ought not to discourage rayself, and
that the Providence of God which does not abandon those who
have recourse to His aid by well doing, would provide in its
time for my relief.
" Your Excellency's equity, the affection you have evinced to
us for the encouragement of those who employ themselves
constantly and faithfully in God's service, induce me to hope
that I shall have a share in the dispensation of your justice, to
relieve me from my suffering, so that I may be aided and

122 ANDREW SIGOURNEY.
encouraged to continue my service in which by duty and grati
tude I shall continue with my flock to pray God for the
preservation of your person, of your illustrious family, and the
prosperity of your government.
"Remaining your Excellency's humble and most respectful
servant " Daniel Bondet." '
This letter was favorably received, and through
the intercession of influential friends, his wants were
relieved, and he continued his labors with the church
at New Rochelle, with success, and died there in
1722, greatly lamented by his people.
His raeraory has been preserved araong the peo
ple of Oxford, in the name of the beautiful meadow
in the southerly part of the town, which was owned
by him while living here. 2
Another man of influence in the colony, was the
constable, Andrew Sigourney. This office, in those
days, was raore important than it is in our country
towns at present. The constable was the right arm
of the law, and its only executive under the magis
trate. He was also collector, and all public moneys
passed through his hands.
Sigourney was a man of mature age, being forty-
' Documentary Hist. State of New York, III. 929-931.
2 Addenda B and H.

PROF. BUTLER ON ANDREW SIGOURNEY. 1 23
eight at the time of his coming to New Oxford.
Of his family, we learn that a daughter, Mrs. John
son, and one son, (Andrew,) and probably two, were
here, i Mrs. James Butler, in her reminiscences
given to Dr. Holmes, says the Huguenots were in
Oxford eighteen or nineteen years. 2 This state
ment, frora one of the family descendants, would
lead us to conclude that the Sigourneys were of the
second colony as well as the first. If so, they
evidently had a large interest in the place, and,
considering their sad experience in the first
attempt, showed strength of character and courage
in returning.
In the introduction to the " Genealogy of the
Sigourney family," by H. H. W. Sigourney, Prof.
J. D. Butler says : —
" Andrew Sigourney, the first of the narae of whora we have
any record or knowledge, is said to have been comfortably
settled at or near Rochelle, in France, when the Edict of
' There are in New England other families of this name who
do not trace their descent to Andrew, son of the constable.
From this fact, and also from the tradition that other children
came from France with Andrew, senior, it is highly probable
that there were here with him, two sons, at least — Sigourney
Genealogy. 2 Holmes, 77.

124 ISAAC BERTRAND DU TUFFEAU.
Nantes was revoked, Oct. 22d, 1685. That report came to his
knowledge when absent from home, to which he immediately
hastened, and informed his wife that she must choose at once
conformity to Papal Canons, or forsake all at a moment's
warning ; his determination he declared to be not to submit or
bow to Baal. He found her ready to say, ' Thy God shall be
my God.' Two suits of clothes were put upon each of their
(four ?) children, and the whole family, without preparation or
attempt to secure their property — without even waiting to par
take of the dinner which was preparing for them — hurried on
board a friendly vessel, and were conveyed to England. Under
the auspices of Gov. Dudley and others, proprietors of Oxford,
Massachusetts, they were assisted to proceed to America,
arriving at Fort Hill, in Boston, late in the autumn of 1686." '
Du Tuffeau, after the first breaking up, went to
New Rochelle. We find his narae in a list of
inhabitants there in 1698, and his age given as
fifty-two years. He seems to have been in good
standing, as he was chosen the recorder of the
town, and the first twenty-three pages of the
records are of his writing. He resigned his office
March 13, 1702, when the book was "found cor
rect," and he was " discharged with thanks for his
administration." 2

' For account of Sigourney family, see Addenda M.
^ Dr. Baird.

WILL OF JEAN MARTIN. 1 25
Bernon, in his petition to Gov. Shute, says of him :
" being through poverty obliged to abandon said plantation, [he]
sold his cattle and other movables for his own particular use,
went to London, and there died in a hospital."
He also states that he had' at different times
advanced money to Du Tuffeau, so that he now
owed him more than one thousands pounds, which
he counted as lost. He is styled " Gentleman " in
the deed from Dudley and company, and also in
the letter of administration on his estate.
Laborie, who went from Oxford to New York as
successor to Rev. Pierre Peiret in 1704, continued his
labors there until 1706, when he was discharged by
the Consistory. '
The researches of Dr. Baird have brought to light
the record of the will of Jean Martin, of New
Rochelle, and formerly of New Oxford. It is dated
"New Rochelle, Oct. 5th, 1700."
[ Translation.}
" I Jean Martin, laborer, * * * declare that whereas it is
the pure truth that my said wife and I having arrived in this
place, New Rochelle, naked and having nothing but our arms
I Dr. Baird.

126 ADMIRABLE TRAITS.
to gain oifr bread with, we have toiled in the sweat of our brows
to build and furnish the house we now live in and to clear and
enclose the lands pertaining thereunto. * * * Wherefore I
deem it right and reasonable and it is my will that when it shall
have pleased the Lord to withdraw me to Himself, my said wife
Anne Martin shall enter into full possession of all that belongs
to me, as well here as in the place of New Oxford, where we
formerly lived in New England."
This quaint and curious document gives some in
sight into the character of Martin, and is interesting
in itself. But a greater interest attaches to it from
the fact that it shows us one who was typical of
raost of the raen who first settled New Oxford. In
their hurable sphere they wrought and endured as
true raen, to their own honor, the- honor of God, and
of the religion they professed.
While we sympathize with them under their great
^trials and misfortunes, their loyalty to the truth and
to each other, and their fortitude and constancy
under adversity, cannot fail to awaken our admira
tion, and a regard which is almost a reverence,
for their memory.

CHAPTER XI.
THE " CHAMOISERIE " — DESCENDANTS OF HUGUENOTS 
PETER SHUMWAY — ¦ RELICS.
Of the industries of the place the records give us
very little information. Here, as in all new places,
necessarily the first and chief business was subduing
and cultivating the land ; and it has been seen that
the aim of the settlers in coming here was to gain a
living chiefly from the soil. Yet it appears that the
active mind of Bernon was on the alert, to seize
every business opportunity which promised a profit
able return. We have seen with what zeal he entered
upon the scheme for the manufacture of ship stores
from the forests here. We learn further, from his
papers, that he took up another raore promising line
of manufacture, which was the making of glove or
wash leather from the deer skins which were
abundant then in this region, and which, when
dressed, were made use of by both the colonists and
natives, for a great variety of purposes. Associated
with him in this business were Rene Grignon and

128 THE "CHAMOISERIE."
Jean Papineau. The manufacture was carried on as
late as 1704. i
According to the statement of Dea. Ebenezer
Humphrey, there lived, about the coramencement of
the present century, near the " old mill place," a
Frenchman named Bourdine or Bourdille, believed to
have been of Huguenot stock, but it is not known
that he left any descendants. 2 With this exception
we have no evidence that any of the Huguenot
' One process in this manufacture, was beating the skins with
heavy hammers in a mill. The mystery of the " wash leather
mill" is here solved. The "chamoiserie,'' or tannery, contained
some kind of apparatus similar to a fulHng mill, used in the
manufacture. The location of the tannery is not positively
known, but the indications are that it was at the upper mill
site. " It is clear that Grignon was then living in Oxford. Deer
skins are mentioned in Bernon's accounts, in connection with
the tannery." — [Dr. Baird.] In 1707, Grignon was with Bernon
in Rhode Island. , From the fact of his having been an Elder
in the French Church, in Boston in 1700, and also from the man
ner in which he is referred to by Governor Dudley in the post
script of his letter to Bernon, — page 98, — we judge him to
have been a raan of considerable influence.
^ We can account for the manner in which Dea. Humphrey
spoke of this man, both to Andrew Sigourney and Dr. Holmes
[Holmes, 80, 81] only on the supposition that he knew or
believed him to be of Huguenot origin.

DESCENDANTS OF HUGUENOTS IN OXFORD. 1 29
colonists returned to Oxford after its final desertion
in 1704. Some seventy -five or eighty years after
that tirae, two members of the Sigourney faraily, of
the fourth generation from Andrew Sigourney the
constable, carae here and took up a perraanent resi
dence. The descendants of these two persons are
all of the Huguenot lineage known to be in Oxford
at the present time, i
It has been claimed by some historians that Peter
Shumway, who settled in Oxford in 171 3, came to
America with Sigourney and others, and was one of
the original French settlers. This belief has been
entertained in the faraily, and, generally, among
Oxford people. But the testimony of the records is
against it. We find a petition of Peter Shumway of
Oxford, presented to the State authorities in 1750, in

' They are Mr. Archibald Campbell, his sons and grandchildren,
Mrs. A. W. Porter, Mr. Charles A. Sigourney and children and
grandchild, Mr. George W. Sigourney and daughter, the wife
and children of Rev. W. F. Lhoyd, Mr. George W. Sibley and
Mr. R. Nelson Sibley, with their children, and Mrs. Clara Wat
son and daughter.
Hon. Jaraes B. Campbell, of Charleston, S. C; Prof. Jaraes D.
B.ut!er, Madison, Wis.; Peter Butler, Esq., of Boston ; Colonel
J. W. Wetherell, of Worcester; Richard Olney, Esq., of Boston,
and Peter B. Olney, Esq., of New York, are of the same lineage.
9

130 PETER SHUMWAY.
which he says his father, Peter Shumway of Tops-
field, was in the service of the country in the
Narragansett war, and was at the taking of the
Indian Fort, in 1675. i We find also, in the records,
that the Peter Shumway who came to Oxford in
1 71 3 was born in Topsfield in 1678, so that he
was only eight years of age at the time of the
settlement. We have, by tradition, evidence which
cannot be discredited, that Peter the soldier came
from France. It becomes, then, a question of much
interest as to the origin of the present form of the
narae. It carries in itself evidence that it is
not French, and search in the principal lists of
English surnaraes fails to identify it as English.
The direct conclusion is, that it is a corruption of a
French name. A clue , to the settlement of the
question, seeras to be given in the Essex county
records. Here — among the earliest entries it will
be observed — it is spelled " Sharaway," which is
so nearly a correct expression in English of the
French name " Chamois," as to lead to the belief
that this was the original name. -

I For this petition, see Addenda P.
2 An exaraple of a similar change, of recent date, familiar to
the people of Oxford, is that of " Benoit " to " Benway.''

ORIGIN OF THE NAME. I3I
On this point Dr. Baird writes as follows : —
"My Dear Sir:
" In view of the tradition regarding the French extraction of
the Shumway family, I can only offer the conjecture that the
name may have undergone a transformation similar to that
which has befallen many Huguenot names in England and
America. If French, the name ' Chamois ' ' offers a probable
solution. The transition from this to 'Shumway' would be
very easy. A Protestant family bearing this name is mentioned
in a list of fugitives from the neighborhood of Saint Maixent,
in the old province of Poitou, (in the present department of
Deux-Sfevres,) France, at the period of the Revocation of the
Edict of Nantes. A nuraber of Huguenots found their way to
New England at an earlier day ; and a Chamois, the founder of
the Shumway faraily, may have been one of these.
" Very truly yours, " Charles W. Baird. ^
" George F. Daniels, Esq."
The existing relics of the colony are few. We
learn from people now living, that seventy-five years.
ago, near the sites of the dwellings, which were
easily traced by the cellars, many apple trees of large-
¦ Pronounced Shamwah.
2 For extracts from Essex county and Topsfield records, and
other matters relating to the subject, see Addenda Q.

132 HUGUENOT RELICS.
growth and apparently of great age, existed, and
within fifty years past, decaying remains of orchards
were standing in positions that indicated that they
were set by the hands of the Huguenots, i In the
record of the doings of the selectmen of Oxford,
we find that in February, 17 14, the year after the
settlement by the English, a road was laid out from
the " eight-rod road," easterly, near the " old mill
place," " on the south side of an orchard." 2 That
orchard is well remembered by persons now living,
and was directly between the old mill site and the
raain street.
The locations of the larger portion of the Huguenot
houses could be traced, forty years ago, by the hollows
in the earth, but to-day very few of them can be
found. Fortunately we have one meraento worthy of pres
ervation, which by tradition has been marked for
many years as genuine — the chimney stone of the
Johnson house. This is a straight, smooth, unham-
mered stone about six feet long, sixteen to eighteen
' Addenda E. and G. 2 Addenda G.
3 A few years since, Mr. E. D. Rich filled two of these hollows
which were near the upper mill site, and which probably marked
the location of the dwellings of those who had care of the
mills.

THE FORT  ITS PRESENT ASPECT. I 33
inches wide, and six inches thick. It may now be
seen near the entrance of Memorial Hall.
The best known relic is the ruin of the large fort.
This place was examined by Dr. Holmes and Prof.
Brazer in 1819, when they "traced the lines of the
bastions of the fort." i
In 1846, Mr. Allen, before named, visited it,
made some measurements, and projected a plan of
it which was published in the " History of Narragan
sett Church," page 61. He says "sufficient, how
ever, remain of the foundation stones and of portions
of the walls of a salient angle, to indicate to the eye
of a visitor the military design of the only remaining
fortification of masonry that still serves to perpetuate
recollections of the bloody scenes of the Indian wars
among the now peaceful hills of New England."
Many years ago the walls of the structure were
removed, down to the foundation stones, excepting on
the south line, where parts of the original wall may
be seen, but which is mainly a confused raass three
or four feet high, overgrown with wild grape vines and
bushes, among which may be seen cinnamon roses,
currants, and asparagus, believed to be relics of the
garden which flourished in the vicinity at the time of
the occupation. ' Holmes, 80.

134 THE FORT  BUILT BY BERNON.
No change, other than that which time inevitably
brings, has been made in these remains for the last
fifty years. The outline of the southern wall indi
cates that a sraall portion of it at the southwestern
angle projected a few feet, and formed what might
have answered the end of a "salient angle." But
no signs of bastions are now to be seen. So far as
can be judged by its present appearance, it was little
more than a strong enclosure, built without mortar, of
the rough surface stones, and perhaps, in parts, of
timber. Its dimensions were about seventy-five by
one hundred and five feet, and the foundation indi
cates a wall from four to five feet in thickness. The
southern wall extended westerly beyond the corner,
about forty feet ; apparently as a cover to the
entrance at the southwestern angle.. John Mayo,
aged eighty-one, who lived near the place, said " there
was a very considerable house, with a cellar, well,
etc., within it." ' The place of the well is now dis
tinctly marked.
This does not appear to have been in any sense a
public work, but was built at Bernon's expense, and
was under his control, as a necessity to his interests
as well as those of the colonists. As he does not
mention it when making specifications to Gov., Shute,
' Mrs. Lee, II. 64.

SURROUNDING GARDEN. 1 35
in his application for reimbursement, we conclude
that it was a work of comparatively small cost.i
Mrs. Lee, quoting from the manuscript of John
Mayo, says : " There was a garden outside the fort,
on the west, containing asparagus, grapes, plums,
cherries, and gooseberries. There were more than
ten acres cultivated around the fort." Such a garden
in the wilderness, when we consider circurastances,
seems a strange thing, but doubtless a refined taste,
and the desire to perpetuate in this new Western
home sorae of the sweet meraories of sunny France
had much to do with its existence.
Mrs. L. H. Sigourney, in speaking of the plants
growing on the ruined wall, says : " They were
living tokens of the loved clime whence they
were exiled." She adds : —
" Peculiar sacredness adheres to this spot Hither they
turned with their wives and little ones for a refuge, in a strange
land. When the dread of a savage foe fell upon thera, it was
hallowed by their prayers to the God of all power and might." -
The most complete memento of the extinct colony
is at the site of the upper mill, one mile easterly
' In the title of his plan of the fort, Mr. Allen says, "Built
by Gabriel Bernon.''
2 Manuscript, December 20th, i860.

136 RELICS AT THE UPPER MILL SITE.
frora the main street. This relic has not been men
tioned by any writer on the Oxford Huguenots, and
is but little known in coraparison with the other
historic places. It is in the midst of a small
meadow which is skirted by wooded uplands, and in
midsuramer is so overhung and shut in by trees
and wild undergrowth as to be hidden from the
casual observer. Here the substantial dam, some
sixty feet in length, both wall and embankment,
stands almost entire, — a deep trench to convey the
water from the pond to the mill-wheel, a distance of
seventy -five feet, is distinctly to be seen — the
position of the mill can be fixed — and the waste-
way, running from the wheel about one hundred feet
to the stream below, seems to have been but recently
made, so little has it been obstructed.
In this retired spot, the kindly hand of nature has
protected and preserved the handiwork of the
Huguenots, as it has been kept in no other locality
in Oxford. The place is full of interest to the anti
quary, and is well worth a visit, not only for its
associations, but for its quiet, picturesque beauty.

HUGUENOT FAMILIES SETTLED IN OXFORD. 1 37
The names of the Huguenot families who settled
New Oxford, so far as ascertained, are as follows :

 Montel,

Ober Germon,

J. Dupeu,

I.

Jean Maillet,

Capt Jermon,
Andrd Segournd,
Peter Cant^,
Jean Millet on, *
Bureau I'aine,
Peter Canton,
Elie Dupeu,
4-
I. Bertrand Du Tuffeau,
2
•Jean Martin,
5-
M. Alard,
3
M. Bourdille,
6.
Ren^ Grignon.
In addition to these. Barber gives, p. 593 His. Col.:
M. Germaine, M. Boudinot,
Jean Baudoin, Benj. Faneuil.
Mr. Olney in his Address gives :
Paix Cazeneau, and "perhaps" Jean Beaudoin and Benjamin
Faneuil.
' These signed Bernon's certificate, declaring themselves to
have been inhabitants of New Oxford. ^ Extract of whose
will we give. 3 Spoken of by Dea. Humphrey to Dr. Holmes,
? Bernon's agent. 5 Children taken away by Indians. ^ In
"chamoiserie" in 1704.
* i. e., Jean Millet, or Maillet, anc. [ancien. Elder.] It
seems there were two of the name, perhaps father and son, and
the one was an Elder in the French Church.
138 PROCLAMATION OF THE PROPRIETORS.

On April 12, 1712, the original proprietors issued
the following :
[From a copy of the original in the Town Clerk's Office.}
PROCLAMATION.

" We the under written with other owners and proprietors of
the lands at Oxford in the neepmug country granted to us by
the general assembly of the Massachusetts colony, and since
otherwise ratified and confirmed to ourselves in the Kingdom
of Great Britain, having long time determined and surveyed
ten or twelve thousand acres for a village and settlement of
inhabitants and accordingly established a number of Frentch
Famalyes, Refugees, who have since deserted the place whereby
all improvements are lost which is a detriment to the province
as well as to ourselves in the hope of our own private advan
tage, by our other lands — do hereby agree and offer to thirty
English families that shall settle there to give grant and confirm
to them all the lands of the said village containing the said ten
thousand acres, except what is already granted to Mr. Bernon
which is  ¦ acres, to be laid out to them, first a quantity of
it in house lots not exceeding forty acres a family, and after the
rest in proper divisions as they may agree among themselves
always provided they be thirty families, and in the meantime if
ten families or more shall proceed forthwith within a year to
settle there, they shall have their house lots set out to them,
and they as they have the use of the other land meadows until the
number be thirty, and then they have liberty to divide the whole.

VILLAGE PLAT DEEDED TO SETTLERS. I 39
If any of the French families choose to come thither we do
hereby save to ourselves liberty to establish them with other
inhabitants, and Capt. Chandler the surveyor is hereby allowed
to lay out lots accordingly, taking care always that he do not
intrench upon the land of the proprietors.
Signed J. Dudley,
William Taylor,
Peter Sargent, ( Heirs and Exec-

Sargent, y utors of

John Danforth, i Wm. Stoughton.
Eliza Danforth, J

In May, 1713, the surveying of house lots to those
who had made choice of them with a view to settle
ment, began. By July the requisite number was
complete, and on the eighth day of that month a deed
from the proprietors to the thirty English colonists
was executed, conveying to them the plat called the
Village. Thus commenced the perraanent settlement of
Oxford.

Upon the first page of the eairliest existing records
of Oxford there stands alone a word of deep signifi
cance, placed there by one of the fathers of the town,
as a charge to the coraing generations. That sug
gestive word may fitly close this iraperfect recital of
the experiences of
The Huguenots in the Nipmuck Country.

ADDENDA.

village proprietor s records.
We learn from the Oxford records, that there were here
when the English settlement began, improvements, [A.]
orchards [E. and G.] and in one case a building [A.] left by
the Huguenots — which were valuable, and for which
those who came into possession of them were required
to pay the Village Corporation. It appears that each
man in the settlement chose his forty acres for a home
lot wherever he saw fit, and the balance of the lands was
divided by lot.
Joseph Chamberlin's choice of a house lot is the first
recorded, and it pay be presumed that, at least in his
estimation, it was the best. [A.]
A.
Pages 68, io8.
"may 13th, 171 3. Surveyed for Joseph Chamberlin sen"'
Round the great house 40 acres being a home lott in oxford :
and four acres and one Rood in it being allowed for a highway
going through. * # * surveyed by John Chandler Jun.
Approved and Established by order of the original proprietors

142 ADDENDA.
provided he pay for the bettering his lott by former Improve
ment and building.
" By John Chandler, who made such an agreement at the
beginning." — Village Rec. 13.
"Oxford the 4 of february 1714 Joseph Chambbarline siner
House loute bein upoun boundet hel so caled, bounded on the
nourest with a stake and a hape of stons rouneing a hundred
and twenty rodes sovurly on burnnun line to a black oke run
ning westerly sixty rods to a stack and a hepe of stones than
rouning nurarly on hundred rods to a stack an Hepe stones
foust named * * * provided he pays as tow men shal
judge is beater than other lots in sd village." — Ibid. 2.
The highway which ran through this lot, was Woodstock
"great trail," which ran from Johnson's plain, northeast
erly over Bondet hill, and near the "great house," which
stood on its eastern slope. A large hollow in the earth
now marks the place of a building which Mr. John Mayo
who was born and lived to old age, near the place, said
t
was kept as a tavern, early in the town history. Whether
it was the "great house " is a matter of conjecture. There
is much room for speculation as to what this building
was. Its being called a house would indicate that it
was a dwelling, and if so, it probably was that of Bondet.
B.
Pages 51, 122.
" It was voted * * * in Nov. 30, 1714 that the committy

main street laid out. 143
shall begin to lay out meddow att East End of the great med
dow, from thence to the meddow on Ellat's mill brook, from
thence to the croth of the Reveir so down strame the Reveir :
to the line from thence to bundit's meddow." — Ibid. 4.
The fact that the committee were directed to pass the
Village line into Dudley's land, and go on to the "crotch"
of the river, etc., shows that on some conditions, he had
released to the Village a portion of his meadows, perhaps
to make up for the deficiency in the Bernon grant.
C.
Pages 70, 83.
"A way laid out by the selectmen beginning att a white oake
tree on Jonson's plain near Woodstock path running north
wardly marked on the west sid to neland's feald on the great
plain by the old mill place, from thence marked on the East sid
by staks and trees tel it coms to the brooke on the Northwardly
sid of peter Shumway's frame of his house, from thence on the
West sid of the swamp to and by the ends of the houselots of
John town and Israel town and Daniel Eloit Juner sd way being
Eight rods wide laid out febeuary the sixt 171 3-4." — Ibid. i.
This "way" included the present Main street.
D.
Page 102.
Jan. 25th, 1714. "Voted at a lofel town raeten that Danel
Elaet shauld buld a greust mel for the town yuse." — Ibid.

144 ADDENDA. E.
Page 69.
Jan. 25th, 1714. "Voted that Ebbenzar Humphry should
have the orchard Joyning to the Southwest corner of his home
lot making allounce to the Town in money to full of what tow
men shall judge it to be worth." — Ibid.
F.
Page 69.
"A way laid out from the four rod way to benieman nelands
home lot, begining att a wihite oake tree on the lowlands on
y" Southwardly Side of the frinch burying place, from thence
marked on the North sid to nelands home lot, said way is tow
rods wide, febeuary the sixt on 1713-4." — Ibid.
The conformation of the land on the southerly side of
the reputed location of this burying place, agrees with this
description. G.
Page 132.
"a highway laid out by the Select men beginning att the
Eight rod way on the southwardly sid of an orchard neer the
old mill running over the old mill brook to a rock on the East
of said Brooke, from thence marked on the northwardly side
with mark trees tel it coms to barnon's land neer the North
East corner of Joseph Chamberlin seneor's home lot said way
being four rods wide." Feb. 6th, 1714. — Ibid.
This was the road from the main street to the fort.

report ON BERNON TRACT. I45
H.
Page 122.
In tlie description of Nathaniel Chamberlin's lot,
"Bundet" meadow is referred to. — Ibid. 48.
I.
Page III.
Apr. nth. 1721. The report of the committee of the
Proprietors, chosen to act with Thomas Mayo, Joseph
Weld and Samuel Davis, to settle the lines of the Bernon
land, gives the following description : —
"begins at a heap of stones on a cleeft of Rock westward of
a certain meadow commonly called the great meadow and from
said heap of stones to extend N. one degree ten minutes E.
140 perch to a heap of stons, thence E. at right angles, 100
perch to a heap of stons, from thence northwardly at right
Angles 112 perch to a heap of stons, thence Easterly at right
angles 252 perch to a heap of stones [Oxford line,] thence
southerly [on said town line] at right angles 280 perch to a heap
of stons, thence S. 15" east 674 perch [on said Oxford line] to
a heap of stones [Manchaug corner] thence westerly at right
angles 474 perch to a heap of stons, thence Northerly at right
angles 120 perch to a heap of stons, thence W. 4° N. 154
perch to a heap of stons, thence N. 13° E. 464 perch to a black
oak tree, thence Northerly 56 perch to a heap of stones, thence
E. 6° S. 104 perch to aheap of stones, thence N. 12° E. 120
perch to a heap of stons, thence W. 12" N. 148 perch to the
heap of stons first raentioned." — Ibid. 16.

146 ADDENDA.
Sept 2ist, 1721. " Y' quistion was put whether y" return of
y= coraraitte chosen Mar. 27th 1721 to settel and make bounds
between the proprietors and those who bought Mr. Bernon's
Farm as it was set forth by the plat and wrighting which was
voted in the affirmative." — Ibid. 44.
J.
Page 107.
The following votes show that the town conceded
Bernon's rights in the deeded land : —
"Att a lawful! town meeting held in Oxford Oct 15 1714 it
was aggreed upon and voted that the 172 acars of meddow
which is to be taken out of gabrel barnons farm shall be taken
up at the great meddow."
"was voted at the same meeting that Nathaniel Chamberlin's
lot should be layed to the land taken up in barnons farm for
want of a mesuer of meddow which we were to take in one
piece if it can be done." — Ibid.
There were not, " in one piece," 172 acres of meadow
in Bernon's tract. The dotted line on the map shows
what was taken from the " farm " at the great meadow.
Bernon was taxed. Sept 4, 17 17, for the support of the
gospel in Oxford. His name is first on the list, and the
amount is larger than that of any other landholder.
An entry occurs as follows : —
"Sept 12 1720. Voted and chose Ebenezer Learned and

DEED, DUDLEY, ETC., TO BERNON. I47
Isaac Larned to act in our behalf in making demand of what is
due from Mr. Bernon to us according to his deed or lease, and
receive the same."
We know of no reasonable explanation of this vote,
except the supposition that Dudley and Company had
made over to the village their claim of the annual quit
rent due from Bernon.

K.
Page 75.
This deed in substance is as follows : —
" This indenture made the 24th day of May A. D. 1688
* * * between Joseph Dudley of Roxbury, William
Stoughton of Dorchester * * * Esqs. Robert Thompson
of London * * * Merchant, Daniel Cox of London afore
said, Doctor in Physick, and John Blackwell of Boston * * *
Esq. on the one part and Gabriel Bernon of Boston aforesaid,
Merchant on the other part — Witnesseth
" Whereas Isaac Barton, [Bertrand,] Gentleman, hath hereto
fore had the allowance [of said parties of the first part] to elect
and make choice of 500 acres of land » * * within * * *-
the southeast angle of [a tract of land called New Oxford;
village] to and for the use of him the said Barton and the said'
Gabriel Bernon, * * * and whereas since the electing of
the said 500 acres, he [Bertrand] hath proposed that he may-
have 250 acres more of said land * * * to the use afore
said ; and he the said Gabriel Bernon that he may have 1 750

148 ADDENDA.
acres raore of the said lands, * * « adjoining to the said
500 acres to and for the use of said Gabriel Bernon, his heirs
and assigns —
" Now these presents witness that [the above named parties
of the first part] as well for and in consideration that the said
Gabriel Bernon hath undertaken and by these presents doth
undertake and engage within twelve months after the day of the
date of these presents at his own proper cost and charges to
erect build and maintain a Corn or Grist Mill in some conven
ient and fitting place within the said town of Oxford for the use
of the Inhabitants of said town and village [unto which mill
* * * said inhabitants shall be obliged] at all times forever
hereafter to make their suit as also for and in consideration of
the sum of 5 shillings * * * paid by said Bernon * * *
and the rents and covenants hereafter mentioned * * *
[the parties of the first part] do grant bargain sell and confirm
to the said Isaac Barton and Gabriel Bernon * * * all that
tract * * * of 500 acres * * * elected as aforesaid
by said Isaac Barton, to hold to them the said Isaac Barton and
Gabriel Bernon *- * * and all that and those 250 acres
more desired by said * * * Barton as aforesaid, and 1750
acres raore desired by the said Gabriel Bernon adjoining to the
said 500 acres » * * within the southeast angle of Oxford
village * * * as followeth * « *
" Beginning at a walnut tree marked (S. D.) standing at the
west angle of Manchaug — and thence running W. 15° S. 352
perches, and from thence to be set off by a line to be drawn
parallel to the utmost easterly line and bounds of the said
Oxford village * * * as far as will complete the full
quantity of 2872 acres * * * so that if the said line shall
not extend unto and include and take in the utmost westerly

DEED, DUDLEY, ETC., TO BERNON. I49
part of the said 500 acres * * * said Barton elected for
himself and the said Gabriel Bernon * * * the said 500
acres shall nevertheless be included * * * within the
* * * 2872 acres aforementioned * * * the whole
quantity of 2872 acres shall be set out accordingly whereof the
forementioned 500 acres and 250 acres more desired by the said
Isaac Barton to be jointly held and enjoyed by them the said
Isaac Barton and Gabriel Bernon * * » also 1750 acres
raore thereof to be held and enjoyed by him the said Gabriel
Bernon [his heirs and assigns for their use and behoof] and 200
acres more thereof to the use of Daniel Bondet, his heirs and
assigns forever.
" Excepting and reserving to [said parties of the first part] 1 72
acres of meadow land * * * jn one entire parcel and
adjoining unto the lands of Manchaug aforesaid [in such place
as they may choose.]
"And providing [the parties of the first part or any two or
more of them resident in New England raay lay out over such
lands] such common paths or ways * * * as they shall
judge necessary or commodious for the said [township or vil
lage.] Yielding and paying therefor yearly ,and every year on
the 24th of March at or in the Town house of Boston afore
said, unto [said parties of the first part] or to their certain
attorney deputy or agent by thera * * * appointed to
receive the same, the annual rent of 40 shillings current money
of New England. * « * And the said Gabriel Bernon for
himself his heirs and assigns * * * doth covenant, grant
and agree with [the parties of the first part] that he [or his
heirs or assigns] will well and truly pay or cause to be paid to
the said [parties of the first part] the said yearly rent [as afore-

150 ADDENDA.
said] and that in case of non-payment thereof or any part
thereof [it shall be lawful for the parties of the first part to]
enter said premises and distrain and the distresses there found
from time to time to lead carry away sell or dispose at such
rates as they can get for the same * * * and with the
proceeds iraburse and satisfy themselves [for all arrearages and
charges] rendering the overplus (if any be) to him the said
Gabriel Bernon » « *
"And that in case of his the said Isaac Barton and Gabriel
Bernon deserting or relinquishing the said lands [or there shall
not be found on said premises sufficient goods] for satisfying
within any twelve months after the same shall grow due, this
present grant and all the matters and things therein contained
shall thenceforth cease, determine, and be utterly null and void,
and the lands * * * shall revert * * * unto [the said
parties of the first part] and shall and may lawfully be by them
entered upon, possessed and enjoyed as in their former
estate * * *
" [The parties of the first part] covenant and agree with said
Isaac Bartron and Gabriel Bernon their heirs and assigns [that
they the said Bartron and Bernon performing the afore named
acts faithfully as specified, may] have hold and enjoy the
premises hereby granted against [said parties of the first part]
or any other person or persons lawfully claiming or to claim the
same or any part thereof * * * by, from or under thera or
any of them.
"In witness whereof the said Joseph Dudley, William
Stoughton, Robert Thompson, Daniel Cox and John Blackwell
have hereunto set their hands and seals the day and year first
above written. Joseph Dudley and a seal, William

CONTRACT TO BUILD A MILL. 151
Stoughton and a seal, John Blackwell and a seal. Feb.
6th 1690 William Stoughton Esq. and John Blackwell Esq.
acknowledge this Instrument to be their voluntary act and deed.
Before Sam^ Sewall Ass'it
" Signed sealed and delivered in presence of us by Joseph
Dudley, William Stoughton and John Blackwell. Daniel
Allen, Richard Wilkins, Jno. Herbert Howard, Suffolk
&c. Boston 5th of February 1716. The Hon. Joseph Dudle)
Esq. personally appeared before me the Subscriber one of His
Majesty's Justices of the Peace in Said County, and did
acknowledge this Instrument to be his free act and deed —
Samuel Lynde — February 5th, 1716.
" Received and accordingly entered and examined.
"John Ballantyne Reg"^."
—Suffolk Co. Rec, XXX. 268.

L.
Page 76.
[" contract De Mr Cherch pour Le Moulin de Neiv-oxford."}
"Articles of Agreement had made concluded and agreed
upon by and Between Caleb Church of Watertown Millright
and Gabriel Bernon of Boston Merc' this Day of March
Anno Domini One Thousand six hundred Eight Eight Nine.
" Imp' The said Caleb Church doth Covenant and Agree
with the s* Gabriel Bernon that he shall and vill att his own
Proper Costs and Charges Erect Build and ffinish a Corn or

152 ADDENDA.
Grist mill in all Poynts workemanlike in Such Place in the
Village of Oxford as shall by the s'^ Bernon be Directed the
s* Mill House to be Twenty two foot Long and Eighteen foot
Broad and Eleven foot stud Substantially and Sufficiently
covered with a Jett to Cover the Wheele and a Chamber fitt for
the Laying and Disposing Corn Bags or other Utensills
Necessary for the s^ Mill and the s'' Church doth Covenant to
find att his Own Proper Costs all the Iron Worke Necessary
for the s* Mill and all other Things Except what is hereafter
Expressed " Item, The said Gabriel Bernon doth Covenant and Agree
with the said Caleb Church that hee will bee att the Charge of
searhing Preparing and Bringing to Place the Mill Stones for
the s* mill and that he will by the Oversight and Direction of
the s'l Church Make Erect and finish the Earth of the Dame
that shall bee by the s'* Church adjudged necessary for the
s'^ Mill and also will dig and Prepare the Place where the Mill
shall be Erected and also will allow to the s"^ Church five
hundred foot of Boards and Persons to help for the Cutting
Down of the Timber and will bee att the Charge of Bringing
the Timber to Place and further doth Covenant to Pay to the
s* Church for his Labor and Pains herein the Sume of forty
Pounds two thirds thereof in money the Other Third in goods
att money price in Three Equall Payments One Third att the
ffalling the Timber One Third att the Raising and the Last att
the finishing the s'l mill
" Lastly The s^ Church doth Covenant and Promies to finish
the s^ Mill all sufficient and workemanlike and Sett her to

CONTRACT TO BUILD A MILL. 1 53
Worke by the Last day of Aug'- next after the Day of the Date
hereof In Wittness whereof they have hereunto sett their
hands and seals the day and Year first above written
" Caleb Church. [Seal.}
" Sealed and Delivered
" in Presence of
" I. Bertrand Dutuffeau
"Tho Dudley."
Endorsed on the back of the original paper is the
following :
" Within named Caleb Church do ingage and promis to find
the stones and laye them on to make mele at my one costs and
charge for the which m' Bernon doth ingage and promis to
paye for the same one and twenty pounds in corent mony for
the same to be concluded when the mile grinds
"Boston May: y" 20: 1689
" Richard Wilkins Caleb Church
" Edmond Browne Gabriel Bernon."

[Seal.}

Next follows this statement :

£ ^:
" ffor the mill in first the sum of forty pounds 40 : 00 :
secondly for the stones of the said one and
twenty pounds 21 : 00 :
forthely for an addition to the house six pounds 6 : 00 :
(sic)  67 : 00 : '

154 addenda.
Then follow two receipts from Mr. Church :
" Received one third Part of the within mentioned sume of
forty wch is Thirteen Pounds six shillings and Eight Pence two
thirds in money and one third in Goods by rae
" Caleb Church."
"More I have received fifty three pounds tirteen shiUings
wich the above said sum are in all the sura of sixty and seven
pounds in full following our s* bargain Boston : 4 february
1689-90 received by ray " Caleb Church."
" Peter Basset in witness
" Gabriel Depont present" — Bernon Papers. — Dr. Baird.
M.
Page 124.
Andrew Sigourney, the constable, died in Boston, April
i6th, 1727, aged eighty-nine years, and was interred in the
Granary burial ground, near the grave of Pierre Daillfe.
His children were — Andrew, born in France in 1673, and
Susan, also born in France, who married, first, John
Johnson, who was killed by the Indians, and, second,

THE SIGOURNEY FAMILY. I 55
Daniel Johonnot, her cousin, of Boston. Andrew married
Mary Germaine, who was born in France, 1680. He was
a distiller, and one of the proprietors of the French
church, and" executed, with others, a deed conveying it,
May 7th, 1748. He died in 1748. Andrew and Mary
Germaine Sigourney had nine children, the fifth being
Anthony, who married, first, Mary Waters of Salem,
and, second, Elizabeth Breed, m. n. Whittemore. An
thony and Mary Waters Sigourney had three children,
the first being Mary, who married James Butler. They
came to Oxford to live soon after the revolutionary
war, and from them descended the Butler and Camp
bell families, well known for fifty years past in Oxford.
Anthony and Elizabeth Breed Sigourney had two chil
dren the second being Andrew, born Nov. 30th, 1752.
He married, July 26th, 1787, Elizabeth Wolcott, daughter
of Josiah Wolcott, Esq., and granddaughter of Rev. John
Campbell, the first English minister of Oxford. From
them descended all of the name since living in the town.
" He was apprenticed to a sail maker in Boston, went to
Newfoundland and worked at his trade till the revolu
tionary war broke out, and came then to his uncle
Holman (?) in Sutton, Mass. He, with his brother
Anthony, and cousin (.') Jonathan Holman, entered the
army * * * were in the battle at White Plains and
other engagements. He obtained a commission as com
missary, with the rank of Captain. In 1784 he settled in

156 ADDENDA.
Oxford, and became wealthy in trade." — [Sigourney
Genealogy.] He commenced business with Mr. Butler,
the husband of his half sister, and continued with him
about ten years. Their store was at the place known as
the "Butler tavern," near the old common. About 1794
he removed to the centre of the town, and was in trade
alone until about 1825, when he gave up his business
to his eldest son, William. N.
Page 92.
As illustrative of the Indian character, we give two inci
dents which occurred in the early history of Oxford, which
come to us well authenticated.
A town meeting was assembled on a certain day at the
old tavern on the Plain, which stood at the corner where
the Post Office now is. In that meeting was a party of
noisy, drunken Indians, who became so annoying that the
moderator called upon Col. Ebenezer Learned, one of the
first English settlers, — a courageous and powerful man, —
to have them removed. Learned approached the ring
leader, and, stooping, placed his head between the legs of
the intruder, and raising him up, lifted him upon his
shoulders. Then calling upon the rest of the company to
follow, he marched across the hall, down the stairs, and
out into the middle of the street, where he deposited his
burden in a sitting posture, and there left him.

col. learned and THE INDIANS. 1 57
A few days afterward, as he was at work in his sawmill
at the " upper falls " — now the site of the " Huguenot
Mill " at North O.xford — looking westward into the
woods, he saw a large number of Indians filing down
the hillside toward the mill. As they approached the
open ground, he took his gun in hand and walked out
to reconnoitre. Upon seeing him they at once laid down
their guns and other weapons, and came towards him in a
friendly manner, and after saluting him, asked him to
stand still a little while, as they had something to give
him. They then returned to the woods, and soon re-ap
peared, bringing with them a quantity — an armful, as the
story goes — of valuable furs, which they presented to him
as a token of their gratitude for his considerate and kind
treatment of the drunken members of their tribe who had
disturbed the late town meeting.
The other incident relates to an experience of Learned
in his own house at North Oxford.
At candle light one cold evening, an Indian came to
his door and asked for food and shelter. He was kindly
received, and after supper was allowed to camp before the
large open fire-place in the old-fashioned kitchen. Some
time during the night the Colonel became conscious of a
presence stooping over him as he lay in bed. The Indian,
perceiving that he was awake, said to him in a scornful
tone, " You, pale face ! " Learned was out of bed in an
instant, and with a well-directed blow laid the fellow upon

158 ADDENDA.
the floor, and in a few seconds had him outside the house
and the door shut upon him.
He saw no more of his visitor for about a year, when he
again made his appearance, at evening, as before. He
had in his hand a roll of valuable furs, which he presented
respectfully to Learned, with the laconic remark, " You
brave," and left without ceremony. O.
Page 98.
[Agreement between Gabriel Bernon a7id Oliver and Nathanael
Coller.}
" Know all men by these presents that I Gabril Bernon hath
bargind with and let vnto Oluer Coller and Nathanel Coller my
howse and farme at new oxford Called the olde mill ; with four
Cowes and Calfes the which said farm and Cowes I have let for
five years upon the Conditions as foloweth  that they brake
up and monnure and plant with orchod two Acers and half of
land with in the s'' Term of Fiue and also to spend the remain-
part of their time to work upon the other lands ; and all .that is
soed dow now to ly to English grass and at the end of fiue years
for s* oluer Coller and Nathanel Coller for them to resine up
peceble posestion of the s'^ hous farm and four Co-sves and
Calves and half the increes to the s* Gabril Bernon or his heirs
or asigns the s* two Acers and half of land ly a boue the spring
on the side of the hill ; and for thare in Courigraent I haue let
them one pare of oxen for one year, the which s* oxen they
must Deliuer to me at s'^ term ; and in case the oxen be lost
they must make thera good ; Exsept by the enemy.

PETITION OF PETER SHUMWAY. 159
" to the performence of this our bargin we have heer unto set
our hands in the presents of us 
memerandom they have
ingaged to brak up half
one Acer of land evere
year and to pay the three
first yers six shilling p year
and two last years to
pay tweny shilling p " The mark of X Oluer Coller
year and we have " The mark of — Nathanael Coller
ualled the s* four
Cows at tw pounds
"Joseph Twichels
"Thomas Allerton" P.
Page 130.
"To the Honorable Spencer Phips Esq Lieut Gov
ernor and commander in chief in and over his
Majestie's Province of the Massachusetts Bay
IN New England : The Honorable Council and
House of Representatives in General Court
Assembled :
" The Memorial of Peter Shumway of Oxford most humbly
sheweth that whereas your humble memorialist did many years
ago prefer a petition to the Honorable General Court of this
Province praying that as he is the legal heir and representative
of Peter Shumway of Topsfield who was a long time in the

l60 ADDENDA.
service of this Country and particularly in the Narragansett
war, and taking the Indian fort there which he in said petition
proved by living testimonies and which he believes the Honor
able John Chandler and others worthy members of this
Honorable Court do yet remember,
" And whereas your aged, decrepid and poor memorialist hath
never yet received any gratuity, or reward in land or otherwise
for his said father's services and sufferings as many others have
done, your most humble memorialist again most humbly prayeth
this Honorable Court in their wonted goodness and compassion
would raake him a grant of some piece of Country land for said
services, or otherwise as in their great wisdom they [see] fit :
which will oblige your raost humble memorialist- — as in duty
bound will ever pray.
"(Signed) Peter Shumway.
" March 23, 1 749-50.'' — Mass. Arch., XLVI. 212.
This paper is in the handwriting of Rev. John Campbell,
Minister of Oxford from 1721 to 1761.

Page 131.
[Extracts from the Records of Essex County.}
births IN topsfield.
" Peeter sonn of Peeter Shumway borne the 6th of June 1678.
"John, son of Peter Shamway borne the 20th January
1679-80.

extracts from records. i6i
" Samuell Shamway son of Peeter Shamway borne 2th Novem
ber 1681.
"The birth of Dorcas Shumway daughter of Peter and
Francis Shumway y" 16 Oct 1683.
"Joseph son to Peter and Francis Shumway Octo. 13, 1686."

[From Topsfield Town Records.}
" Peter Shumway and Mariah Smith both of Boxford ' ware
married on y'= nth day of February 1 700-1."
[" She was daughter of Robert and Mary, B. 1677, Dec. 18."]
— Letter of John H. Gould. — Topsfield.

[From Congregational Church Records, Topsfield.}
"Valentine Butler and Dorcas Shumway married 1711
November 26." baptisms.
" Peter Shumway, his
"Oliver — May 10, 1702. Jeremiah — Mar. 21, 1703.
" David — Dec. 23, 1705. Mary — May 9, 1708.
"Samuel — April 22, 1711. John — Aug. 15, 1713."
[These children, if living, probably came to Oxford with

- Boxford joins Topsfield on the west, and while they lived in
Boxford they still continued their connection with the Topsfield
church.

l62 ADDENDA.
their parents in 1713. Three others — Jacob, Hepzibah, and
Amos — were born in Oxford.]

[Extract from a "Book of Accounts" of John Gould, Tops-
field, selected from twenty-four entries of accounts with
" Goodwife Shomway, ' from 1699 to 1708.]
" Goodwife Shomway Crd Six days of John and one day of
Samuell to thrash, and a pair of oxen one day.
"The 29 november 1699 goodwife Shomway Dr
"to weaving fortty three yeards of cloth at 4d y* yeard
money, 14 — 4
" Reconed with Goodwife Shomway the Sixt day of July 1700
and there Rest dew to me the sum of Sixteen ShiUings and four
pence in money in another place. o — 12 — 6
" Goodwife Shomway Dr. to weaving a peas of yd. wide cloth
sometime in the begingin of the winter 1702 and I have forgot
how much it was. I have found it in another place to be 33
yeards at 4d the yard three yeards of it was striped at 6d. the
yeard. "July the 23 1705 paid to goodwife Shumway 16 shillings
there is 12 shillings due to her in this Reconing of money that
I had for her cloth and I had 3 quarters of a pound of linnin
yearn of her to strick my slay Credit is of Linsywoolsi cloth one
year[d] & half.

Evidently the wife of Peter, the Soldier.

EXTRACTS FROM RECORDS. 163
" Goodwife Shomway Cr't to half a bushel of wheat 2s 6d
one peck of beans o — i — o one pound and a half of flax i — 2
to twelve shillins for Intrast money.
"October 12 1708. Cozen Shomway Credit to 87 pounds of
beefe at 2d per pound o — 14 — 6
"Noveraber 1708. Cozen Shomway Dr to weaving 29 yerds
cloth 14 — 6
" Reconed with Goodwife Shomway the 23d day of desem-
ber 1807 in two other places in this book and there is that pease
yt mary wove I hant found how much it was yet but all other
Reconings cleared to this day and I owe her 16 shillings and
six pence the pease that mary wove above sd was thirty-seven
yeards 4 d. the yeard."

INDEX.

AUard, lost children, 8i.
Allen, Daniel, representative, 78.
Allen, Zachariah, L.L. D., 114,
133-
Allerton, Thos., Bernon's tenant,
99.
Animals, wild, 52.
Annawon, death of, 29.
Augutteback, pond, 49.
Baird, Chas. W., D. D., 125.
letter on Shumway, 131.
letter on Bondet, 1 18.
Bay-path, 54.
Bellomont, Earl of, 90, 91, 121.
to Lords of trade, 91.
Bernon, in London, 65.
to settle Oxford, 65.
grant to, 65.
pays emigrants' passage, 67.
appointed Captain, 93.
sends agents to Oxford, 97.
agreement with Coller, 98,
158.
yields to Dudley, loi.
letter to Dudley's son, 103.
his title doubted, 104.
rights conceded by Oxford,
107, 146.
appeal to Gov. Shute, 106.
deed from Dudley, etc., 107.
owns land with Du Tuffeau,
108.
" line," 108, 142.
plan o£ land, 109.
sells to Mayo and others, 109.
new lines established, m,
145.
his land title withheld, 112.

sells to Bowdoin, 113.
papers, 114.
antecedents, 114.
Mrs. Lee, on, 1 1 5.
brother Samuel, 115.
business schemes, 116.
ship stores, 1 16.
death, 117.
makes wash-leather, 127.
taxed, 146.
Bible, given to Indians, 22.
Blackstone river, 35.
Black James, 36, 37.
deed, 37.
black coat, 37.
Blackwell, John, 40.
pond, 46.
new grant, 47.
Bondet, Daniel.
removes books, etc., 66, 88.
in Oxford in 1687, 74.
statement and petition on
rum traffic, 76.
missionary to the Indians, 76.
forsakes the colony, 82.
influence, 117.
descent, 118.
Dr. Baird, on, 118.
letter to Mather, 118.
letter to Cornbury, 120.
joins English church, 120.
at New Rochelle, 121.
death, 122.
meadow, 122, 143, 145.
hill, 49, 6S, 142.
Book of accounts, 162.
Boston, French in, 67, 73.
gardens in, 74.

INDEX.

165

Bourdine, 128.
Bowdoin, James, 113.
Brazer, Prof., 86, 133.
Brookfield, 24.
Bug swamp, bears, 53.
Buor, Major, 104.
Butler, Prof. J. D.
on Sigourney, 123.
Burying ground, 6g.
Calvin, John, 60.
Campbell, Hugh, grant, 31.
Campbell, John, 160.
Certificate, Bernon's, 106.
Chamberlin, John, 104.
Joseph, 141, 144.
Nathaniel, 145, 146.
Chamoiserie, 128.
Chandler John, John, jr., 57, iii,
141, 142.
Charlton, 50.
city,' 45.
Chaubunagungamaug, 29.
signification of, 37.
Black James, at, 37.
fight at, 27.
Children lost, 81.
Church, Capt., 28.
Caleb, millwright, 76.
contract to build a mill, 151.
Church, Huguenot, 6S.
Coller, Oliver, Nathanael, 98, 100,
158.
Colony, prospects of, 41.
history hard to trace, 65.
when founded, 67.
papers referring to, 72.
sends representative, 78.
prospers and is taxed, 79.
crops destroyed, 80.
decline of, 81.
broken up, 85.
a body politic, 93.
traced to 1703, 95.
final abandonment, 96.
business in, 127.
relics of, 131.
Common way, 45.
Connecticut path, 53, 55.
line, 33.
Constable, 122.

Cooper, Bernon's agent, 97, gg,
100.
Cornbury, Lord, 120.
Cox, Daniel, 40.
Danforth, Thomas, 2g.
Davis, Samuel, log, 11 1.
Deeds, Indian land, 35.
reservation in, 38.
Deed of division, 47, 75.
Dudley, etc., to Bernon, 75,
107, 112, 147.
Bernon to Mayo, etc., 1 10, 1 13.
Deer, 52.
Delius Sieur, 121.
Departure for Boston, 86.
Descendants of Huguenots, 128.
Disasters to early colonies, 24.
Dudley, Jos., public services, 40.
acts for proprietors, 47.
Oxford and Woodstock, 55.
chairman of committee, 56.
letter to Bernon, 97, I02.
Du Tuffeau, I. B., grant to, 65,
107.
at New Rochelle, 124.
Bernon on, 125.
Edict of Nantes, 61.
Eliot, John, ig, 22.
in Nonantum and Natick, 20.
labors suspended, 29.
pleads for Indians, 29.
Elliot, Daniel, mil], 102.
mill, brook, 143.
John, 104.
English in first colony, 79.
settle permanently, 139.
Families, thirty settled, 75.
Huguenots traced, g6.
names in Oxford, 137.
Fitch, Capt., 56.
Forest, source of food, 94.
Fort, site of, 68.
ruins, 133.
plan, 133.
Mrs. Sigourney on, 135.
built by Bernon, 135.
the small, 6g.
Freak, Thomas, 41.
French houses, 48.
river, name, 49.

1 66

INDEX.

Congregation, Boston, 92.
burying place, 69, 144.
French-town River, 53.
Game and fish, 52, 73.
Garden at fort, 135.
Garrisoned three months. So, 82.
Gookin, Daniel, magistrate, 22.
pleads for Indians, 29.
estimate of Manchaug, 51.
Gore, John, surveys Manchaug,
34
Gorham, Capt., 27.
Gould, John, Book of Accounts,
162.
Grafton, 21.
Great house, 68, 141, 142.
Grant to Hugh Campbell, 31.
Robert "Thompson, 3g.
Woodstock, 42.
Oxford, 43.
Bernon, Du Tuffeau, 65.
Graves in French cemetery, 86.
Grignon, Rene, g2, g8, 127.
Hagburn, Samuel, gg, 100.
Hassanamesit, 21, 26.
Heathcote, Col., 120.
Henry of Navarre, 60.
History of colony obscure, 66.
Highway from Boston, 68.
Hodges village, 46.
Holland, Dr., bay path, 54.
Holmes, A., D.D., 58, 114, 133.
Holmes, Dr. O. W., 84.
Houses, location, 70.
traced, 132.
Huguenots, traits, 62.
artisans. 62.
in London, 63.
agriculturists, 63, 71.
settle in America, 64.
Humphrey, Ebenezer.
homestead, 69, 86, 144.
Huntington's address, 55.
Hutchinson, Edward, 24.
Indian bible, 22.
corn, 51.
Indians and rum, 76, 77, 8g, g3.
described by Miss Larned, ig.
hostile appeared, 80.
fear ot, 81.

sell meat to Ingall, 89.
leave for Pennacook, 91.
menace Oxford in 1702, 94.
Canadian, 84.
and Col. Eb. Learned, 156.
Ingall, John, complaints, 89.
brings news to Boston, 89.
chief trader at Oxford, 8g.
James, the Printer, 26, 28.
Jesuits seduce Indians, 91.
Johnson, massacre, 83.
Johnson, John, 84.
grave, 86.
house a tavern, 84.
chimney stone, 132.
plain, 83, 142, 143.
Laborie, James, petition of, 88.
letter to Bellomont, 90.
preaches in Oxford, 91.
salary, 92.
called to New York, 96, 125.
Lancaster, 24.
Land to each family, 73.
Lawson on Huguenots, 94.
Learned, Col. Ebenezer
and the Indians, 156.
Lee, Mrs., 53, 115.
Letter of Refugee in Boston, 72.
Sigourney to Prof. Brazer, 86.
Laborie to Bellomont, 90.
Bellomont to Lords of Trade,
91. Dudley to Bernon, 93, 97, 102.
Bernon to Dudley, 99, loi.
same to Dudley's son, 103.
Bondet to Mather, 118.
same to Lord Cornbury, 120.
Location, its advantages, 50.
London, Bernon in, 65.
Maanexit, 38.
river, 49.
Main Street laid out, 143.
Manchaug, grant at, 34.
farm, 34.
pond, 45.
corner, 45.
good land, 51.
Matoonas, 25.
executed, 28.
Mather on, 25.

INDEX.

167

Massacre of St. Bartholomew, 61.
Martin, Jean, will of, 125,
Maquas, 84.
Massachusetts, first Missionary Society, 19.
Mashamoquet hill, 50.
Mayo, Thomas, log, no.
Mayo, John, 53, in, 134, 135, 142.
Meadow, Mendon, 52.
Bondet, 122.
Meadows, 51.
divided, 143.
great, 143.
Mendon, 24.
meadow, 52.
Mills, location, 6g, 103.
Mill, old, old mill place, 70, 144,
158.
built in i68g, 76.
contract, 76, 151.
stones given Elliot, loi.
old, Hagburn holding, 100.
corn, wash-leather, saw, 106.
upper site, relics, 135.
grist, vote of town on, 143.
Nanfan, M., 121.
Nantes Edict, 61.
Names of families, 137.
Neland's field, 143.
home lot, 144.
New Oxford and New Roxbury,
55, 57-
New Roxbury grant, 56.
Nipmuck Country, 17.
signification of name, 18.
Indians, 19.
join Philip, 23.
attack Wheeler, 24.
Palfrey, on, 26.
kindly treated, 27.
chiefs hanged, 28.
results of war to, 2g.
lands, purchase of, 33.
Oxford, grant for, 43.
name, 43.
grant described, 44.
and Woodstock, Eng., 44.
Village set off, 46.
plains and meadows, 50.
county seat, 58.

certificate to Bernon, 106.
concedes Bernon's rights,io7,
146.
Orange St. chapel, London, 63.
Orchards, 132, 144.
Owen, Josiah, 104.
Pakachoag, Matoonas at, 25.
Papers, Bernon, 114.
referring to colony, 72.
Papillon, Peter, 46, 47.
Papineau, Jean, 128.
Peiret, Pierre, 125.
Petition of Hugh CampbeU, 31.
D. Bondet, 76.
selectmen of Woodstock, 77.
Sigourney the constable, 80.
James Laborie, 88.
French Elders, g2.
Peter Shumway, 159.
Pennacook, gi.
Peter pond, 45.
Philip, 23.
sheltered by Nipmucks, 24.
war closing, 28.
death, 28.
Plantation Genera], 46.
Plantations, locations of, 70.
Plan of settlement, 70.
Praying towns, 21.
Proclamation of owners, 138.
Proprietors' lands divided, 46.
Records, Proprietors', 141.
Reformation in France, 5g.
Refugees, number, 62.
Refugee, letter of, 72.
Relics, 131, 136.
Representative, 78.
Report on Bernon land, 145.
Re-settlement, 88.
Reservation, Indian, 38.
Revocation of Edict, 62.
Road, first wagon, 74.
French, 74.
to fort laid out, 144.
Rochelle, 65.
Rockwood, Joseph, 53.
Sabin, Lieut.,
trouble at Woodstock, 95.
Salem, collection in, 67.
Sandersdale, 45.

1 68

INDEX.

Sargent, Daniel, 74.
Scene at leaving, 86.
Settlers, demand for, 42.
Scotch emigrants, 31.
Settlement time extended, 59.
beauty of, 70.
Ship stores, 116.
Shomway, Goodwife, 162.
Shumway, Peter, 129, 143.
petition of, 129, 159.
name, 130.
Shute, Gov., 106.
Sigourney, Andrew, 122.
reply to order, 80.
Mrs. L. H. on ruins, 135.
Susan, 84.
letter to Prof. Brazer, 86.
famil)', 123, 129, 154.
Society for christianizing Indians,
20.
Soldiers in Oxford in 1703, 95.
Snow, Dr., 67.
Springfield road, 35, 53.
Stoughton and Dudley
move for grant, 32.
report on lands, 33.
lands bought, 34.
they compensated, 34.
intimate, 40.
Stoughton, William, 39.
Streams, 52.
Sturbridge line, 45.
Talcott, Major, 27.
Taxes ordered, 79.
remitted, 80.
Thompson, Robert, 38.
Mass. grant to, 39.

Conn, grant to, 39.
Tom, the negro, 97.
Topsfield records, 160, 161.
Town, Ephraim, 104, 105.
Jolin and Israel,
home lots, 143.
Uncas, 23, 52.
Vandenbosch Laurent, 73.
Village set off, 46.
"Line," 46.
Proprietors' meeting, no.
Waban sells land, 35.
deed from, 36.
justice of peace, 37.
Wagons, 74.
Wash-leather, 127, 128.
Watertown, settlers from, 18.
Wattascompanum, 22.
false, 25.
executed, 28.
injustice to, 30.
Water power, 52.
Weld, William, 109, no.
Wethersfield, 18.
Wheeler, Capt., 24.
Wigwams built together, 27.
Winthrop, John, 17.
Wolcott, Josiah, 47.
Woodstock, settlement of, 42
soldiers in Oxford, 58.
selectmen, petition, 77.
made a " frontier," 87.
Indians leave, 91.
great trail, 142.
Worcester, 24.
county formed, 57.

\ K ^

r,.

•SiJ-