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HISTORY

104tli Pennsylvama Regiment,

August 22nd, 1861, to September 30th, 1864.

BY
W. W. H. DAYIS,
LATE COLONEL.

PHILADELPHIA:
JAS. B. RODGERS, PRINTER, 52 & 54 NORTH SIXTH STREET.
1866.

Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1866,
By W. -ST. H. DAVIS,
In the Clerk's Offlce of the District Court of the United States, in and for the
Eastern District of Pennsylvania.

Cclb^ Vilfe

;t^iCEti0H.

HENRY M. NAGLEE, OF SAN JOSE, CAL.,
ESQXJIRK,
LATE BRIGADIER GENERAL IN THE VOLUNTEER ARMY OF THE
UNITED STATES,
THIS VOLUME IS RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED,
AS A TRIBUTE OF RESPECT TO HIS PATRIOTISM
AND GALLANTRY, BY THE
AUTKOR.

ILLUSTRATIONS.

G-ENERAL Henet M. Naglee,  Frontispiece.
Major John M. Geies,  85.
Lieutenant Ed-ward S. McDowell,  109
Head-Quartees,  185
Camp on Moeeis Island,  265
Lieutenant Philip Burke,  325

CONTENTS

PAGE
CHAPTER I.
Organization of Regbient  9
CHAPTER II.
Regiment ordered to Washington  22
CHAPTER III.
In Winter Quarters  35
CHAPTER IV.
On the Peninsula  ii
CHAPTER V.
Enemy pursued from Yorkto-wn  60
CHAPTER VL
On the Chickahominy  72
CHAPTER VII.
Advance on Richmond  85
CHAPTER VIII.
The 104th at Fair Oaks  99
CHAPTER IX.
Flask Movement to the Jambs  113
CHAPTER X.
March to Harrison's Landing  126
CHAPTER XL
The Army withdra-ws from the Peninsula  140
CHAPTER XIL
The Regiment at Gloucester Point  153
CHAPTER XIII.
Embark for the South  166

vu CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XIV. Page.
Arrive at Port Royal  178
CHAPTER XV.
Iron-Clad Attack on Sumter  192
CHAPTER XVL
In Camp at Beaufort  206
CHAPTER XVn.
Operations against Charleston.  218
CHAPTER XVIII.
Expedition to James' Island  231
CHAPTER XIX.
Attack on Morris Island  244
CHAPTER XX.
Batteries open on Sumter  257
CHAPTER XXL
Fort Wagner taken  271
CHAPTER XXII.
Morris Island put in a State of Defence  283
CHAPTER XXIIL
Operations during the Winter  296
CHAPTER XXIV.
Expedition to Jons's Island  310
CHAPTER XXV.
Regiment rbtur:^.s North, and is mustered out  ;.... 323

Appendix  337

PREFACE.
This volume contains the history of the One Hundred and
Fourth Pennsylvania Regiment.
When I re-entered the military service, in the fall of 1861, I be
came possessed of t-wo hobbies j one, that of -writing the history of
my regiment, and the other, to have a monument erected to the
memory of those -who might fall in action, or die of wounds or dis
ease, which I hope to be able to carry out some time in the future.
The former has been accomplished in the following pages ; while
nearly enough money has been raised to build the latter.
This work needs no apology. It contains no wonderful exploit;
but a simple narrative of the campaigns of the regiment, which has
been written without passion or prejudice, and with a sincere desire
to do justice to all. No doubt, many other regiments performed
more brilliant service; but none bore more faithful allegiance to
the great cause of the Constitution and the Union. In the qualities
that make good soldiers, — discipline, respect for superiors, perfection
in drill, cleanliness, steadiness under fire, freedom from pillage, and
manly endurance under all the trying vicissitudes of war — the men
ofthe 104th Pennsylvania regiment had no superiors. With this
preface, the work is given to the public.
W. W. H. Davis.
Doylestown, Pa., Octoher \st, 1866.

THE

OIVE HUNDRED AID FOURTH
PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT.

CHAPTER I.

Authority to raise a Regiment.— Commence to Recruit. — Union Meetings.— Camp-ground
Selected.— Recruits go into Camp. — Supplies Arrive. — Military Instruction.- Field
and Staff-ofBoers Appointed.— Pun and Pets. — Excursions, to Danioro' and Harts
ville.— Blag Presentation. — Visit of the Governor.- Death in Camp.— Contributions to
the Soldiers. — Female Nurses Selected. — Orders Arrive to go to Washington. — Strength
of Regiment.
ON the 21st of August, 1861, after my return home from the cam
paign on the upper Potomac, I was authorized, by the Secretary
of War, to raise a regiment of infantry and a six-gun battery, to serve
for three years or during the war. The instructions given were of
the most liberal kind. I was authorized to form a camp of instruc
tion at Doylestown, and the respective departments were directed to
furnish me with every thing necessary to equip and make the men
comfortable. The work of recruiting men commenced immediately.
The war-feeling ran high, and the disposition to sustain the govern
ment against armed rebellion was universal. I issued an appeal to
the young men of the county to rally around the flag, and they re-
9

10 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FOUETH
sponded nobly to the call. A meeting was advertised to be held in
the court house, on Friday evening, the 30th instant, for the pur
pose of raising recruits. It was well attended. After the object
of the meeting was stated, a roll was laid on the table, and the
young men present were requested to enrol their names. Before
the adjournment forty had volunteered. When it became known
that authority to raise a regiment in Bucks county had been granted
me, numerous applications for permission to raise companies or parts
of companies, were received. Many of these were from young men
who had already served under me three months, and had obtained
a little practical knowledge of the duties of a soldier. In less than
a week's timfe the roll of the first company was full, and I mustered
it into the service of the United States at Clemens' hall, the 6th of
September. Edward L. Eogers was appointed captain, and the
company called the " Young Guard." The business of recruiting
was carried on so briskly that in ten days four hundred men were
enrolled. I had several offers of companies from a distance, but re
jected all but two, one from Eeading and another from Philadel
phia, as I desired to make mine a Bucks county regiment. The
whole ten companies could have been raised in the county with the
greatest ease.
Eecruiting the regiment created considerable excitement through
out the county, and others than those who intended to enter the
service helped along the enterprise. Citizens of all parties tendered
their assistance, and labored with a will. Public meetings were
called in various parts of the county. Some of these were known
as "Union mass meetings" and others "War meetings." They
were generally held in the open air, in a wood or grove, and were
well attended. The one which was holden near Addisville, in
Northampton township, was the largest and most enthusiastic of the
series. It was believed there were eight thousand people present
a very large proportion being ladies. General Davis, of Bucks,
presided; and patriotic speeches were made by the honorable Wil-

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 11
liam D. Kelley, Lewis C. Cassiday, esq., of Philadelphia, the reve
rend Jacob Bellville, and George Lear, esq., ofthe county.
The place selected for the camp was the exhibition ground, half
a mile south-west of Doylestown. It was a pleasant location, ahd
combined several advantages. It was named "Camp Lacey," in
honor of the gallant brigadier general John Lacey, of Bucks
county, of the Revolutionary army. Camp and garrison equipage,
and quartermaster's and commissary stores, were on the ground by
the 12th of September. Tents were pitched for three hundred
men on the 14th, and by the I7th there were enough up to accommo
date the whole regiment. Enlisted men began to arrive by the 13th.
That evening the train brought up a number of men for the battery,
and a detachment of recruits unassigned. They quartered at the
hotels for the night. The nest morning a portion of captain Dun
can's company came up from the city; and before evening all who
had arrived were placed under canvas. On the 15th, forty men of
captain Walter's company arrived from Eeading. Camp duties
were now commenced, and a few simple regulations established to
govern those who were as yet unused to the harsher rules of the
service. There was difficulty at first in procuring blankets, on ac
count of the great demand for the Army ofthe Potomac, and the men
suffered during the cold rains of September, but in a short time
an abundant supply was received. The tents were floored, and each
company had a little frame kitchen. The encampment was laid out
with regularity, and in accordance with the rules of the service.
Before the arrival of arms, guard duty was done with clubs.
Eecruits poured in rapidly after the camp was established. By
the 24th of September there were six hundred men present, and
beibre the month had expired, the whole ten companies were in
camp. The quartermaster commenced issuing clothing on the 19th,
and by the following Saturday, the 21st, all the men were supplied
with a complete outfit, except drawers, caps, and overcoats, which
could not be procured until October. The uniform made a

12 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FODETH
wonderful change in the appearance of the men, and gave them at
once the characteristics of an organized body. The regiment was
supplied with flour from the borough mill, and the bread baked at
the bakery of Mr. Hahl, Doylestown. Beef was furnished on con
tract by Messrs. Barber and Hoff, while the remainder of the com
missary stores was brought from Philadelphia. While the regiment
was in camp, two hundred and fifty-four barrels of flour were con
sumed. For the accommodation ofthe men, four refreshment stands
were established inside the grounds, allotted to the highest bidder,
the rent for which was placed in the regimental fund. The deputy
quartermaster general at Philadelphia furnished the quartermaster
with an army wagon and harness, and authorized him to purchase
two horses, with which he did the necessary hauling for the regi
ment. The arms and equipments were received about the first of
October, and were distributed to the men on the 9th. The two
flank companies were armed with the rifle-musket, and the eight
battalion companies with the old smooth-bore. Many of these guns
were thirty and forty years old, and of various patterns. They were
only uniform in caliber. Now we were able to perform military
duty legitimately. However well a club may become a constable or
policeman, every instinct of a soldier rebels against being armed
with such a weapon. The men grasped their fire-locks with pleasure,
and soon learned to handle them with ease and skill.
A strict and pretty thorough system of instruction was now es
tablished in camp. The commissioned officers were formed into a
squad and drilled two hours in the morning, who in turn drilled
their non-commissioned officers, and the latter drilled the privates
in squads of eight or twelve. By this system the men soon became
familiarized with the rudiments of the soldier's drill. In due time
company drill was commenced and continued until they were quali
fied to be consolided as a regiment and exercised as a battalion. So
far as practicable the instruction was conveyed in a regular series
of lessons, and the officers and men obtained a tolerable knowledge

PENNSYLVANIA EEGIMENT. 13
of one branch before another was attempted. This course was con
tinued the six weeks we lay in camp, and by means of it the regi
ment was well grounded in all the essential movements and duties
that belong to the schools of the soldier, company and battalion.
But few, if any, regiments which entered the service in 1861, were
as well drilled before leaving their camp of instruction as the 104th.
The chaplain held religious services in camp daily, and on Sunday
there was preaching in morning and afternoon. The camp now be
came a place of great resort. Large numbers of people visited it
daily, and some days the visitors numbered several thousand. They
came many miles. Independently of the feeling which prevailed
every where in favor of the volunteer movement, there was a great
desire among the people to see soldiers and witness their manoeuvres.
But few of the present generation had ever seen five hundred men
under arms at any one time in a body, and the sight was a novelty.
Visitors were not permitted in camp, on Sunday, before 3 o'clock
in the afternoon. At this time the law authorized each regiment
of infantry to have a band of twenty-one musicians, with a leader-
The demand was so great that it was somewhat difficult to obtain a
good band ; but I engaged one at Emaus, Lehigh county, composed
of young Germans, which soon became quite skilled in playing. It
joined us on the 23rd of September and the members were mustered
into service the same day. Our numbers increased every day. On
the 25th of October the aggregate strength was a thousand and
seventy, officers and men, and ten days later it had risen to eleven
hundred and thirty-five. By this time the battery numbered about
a hundred and forty men. The 8th of October, the day of the
State election, polls were opened in camp, and the men voted for
candidates of their choice without let or hinderance.
At the proper time, I appointed the field and staff officers. I
offered the position of lieutenant colonel to my neighbor, George
Lear, esquire, who declined. It was next offered to captain John
W. Nields, of the 1st regiment Pennsylvania Eeserves, then in the

14 the one hundeed and fourth
field, who accepted, and soon after reported for duty. Mr. John
M. Gries, of Philadelphia, architect, was appointed major, and
lieutenant Thompson H. Hart, adjutant. James D. Hendrie, a
lieutenant in the first company recruited, was appointed quarter
master. The post of chaplain was tendered to the reverend Wil
liam E. Gries, pastor of Saint Paul's Episcopal church, Doyles
town and accepted. He immediately entered upon his duties, and
likewise was active and useful in the general work of recruit
ing. Doctors William Allen Peck and William T. Eobinson,
of Montgomery county, were assigned to the regiment as surgeon
and assistant surgeon. For sergeant major I had Edmund A.
Wallazz, of Philadelphia, a pupil of the renowned Stonewall Jack
son, at the Lexington military academy, Virginia. He was partly
reared in the family of Edmund Ruffin, who fired the first gun of
the rebellion, at Sumter, and afterward blew his brains out from
chagrin at the failure of the cause. With Robert Holmes, for
quartermaster, and James M. Rogers for commissary, sergeant, and
John Hargrave and Joseph Winner for principal musicians, the
organization of the staff was complete. The leader of the band was
John Z. Jobst, who received the pay of second lieutenant. It was
much the custom of the times to give regiments some name by which
they might be known independently of their number as designated
by the State. I therefore selected the name of the gallant artil
lery officer who was killed at the battle of Resaca de la Palma, and
called it the " Ringgold Regiment." The number, 104th, was not
given to it until some time after its organization.
Soldiers are fond of fun the world over, all the more, no doubt
because they are debarred from the general pleasures of society and
so many of the sex confined in one body. Amusement was oro-anized
before the regiment, and the campaign of camp Lacey was as success
ful in this respect as any the regiment afterward made in the field.
The men soon collected about them a fine array of pets to cheer the
solitude of their tents. The affections of one company were lav-

PENNSYLVANIA EEGIMENT. 15
ished upon a large Newfoundland dog, which stepped around the
company street with great pride ; another had a comic coon, to the
training of which the men devoted their leisure time. This little
animal went into the field with us, but its career was closed with that
of many of its admirers on the bloody field of Fair Oaks. A cat
-was the pet of another company. It made the campaign of the
Peninsula on the knapsack of its owner — survived the famous re
treat to the James, and died in peace in camp at Gloucester point
at the end of a year's service. The pleasures of music predomi
nated, but it was more noted for diversity of tune and noise in exe
cution than artistic skill. One could hear at any hour of the day
and until tattoo in the evening, as he walked through the camp, any
number of songs tuned in beautiful discord, embracing almost every
thing in the category of popular airs from " Carry me back to old
Virginny," to "Uncle Ned had no wool on the top of his head," &c.
One of the best jokes that took place in camp occurred at the
guard-house, and the hero of it was a private in company I, named
Wesley Peake. Upon one occasion he had indulged too freely in
bad whisky, and was sent to the guard-house for punishment. He
was sentenced to walk post with a placard on his back containing
the word "Drunk" in large letters. While thus expiating his of
fence, a woman came in at the gate and was struck with the letters
on his back. She stopped to look at them, and tried hard to make
them out, but not being very well versed in English, she found her
self at fault. She spelled the word as far as the letter "u," but
could get no farther, and, after repeating it several times, she was
about to give up the task in despair. Peake overheard her trying to
decipher the rude, and not complimentary, inscription on his back,
and resolved to help her out to his own advantage. He said to her,
"Madam, the letters are d-r-u-m, and they spell drum. — I'm the
drum-major of the regiment." Not being particularly well versed
in military matters she accepted his explanation, and turned away
entirely satisfied.

16 THE ONE HUNDEED AND FOUETH
The regiment made two excursions while encamped at Doyles
town. The first to attend a Union mass meeting held in a grove near
Danborough, five miles from camp, on the 5th of October. It left
camp at noon, eight hundred strong, with the band playing lively
airs, and marched up the turnpike to the place of meeting. The men
had not yet received their caps, but were otherwise in uniform, and
made a very handsome appearance; they were without arms and
equipments. The reception was cordial. We returned to camp at
sun-down covered with dust. The next day the major conducted
the men to the Neshaminy creek after divine service, where they
rid themselves ofthe dust of the march by bathing. On the 17th
the citizens of Hartsville and vicinity held a union festival, gotten
up partially on account of the regiment, and which it was cordially
invited to attend. We left camp at 8 o'clock and took the road by
Pebble hill and Bridge Valley. The appearance of the regiment
was very fine as it marched by the fiank over the hills and through
the valleys. As the sun played upon the bright muskets and
shining equipment.s, it had the appearance, when viewed from a dis
tance, of a huge serpent clad in glittering scales winding his way
through the country. The field and staff were mounted, and the
baggage wagon accompanied us. At Jamison's corner we were met
by a committee of fifty horsemen, headed by Mr. Robert Beans,
with a beautiful banner, which came out to escort us to the place of
festival. We reached Hartsville about 11 o'clock, and were re
ceived bythe very large concourse of people with shouts of welcome.
Arms were stacked in a large field in the rear of the hotel. Ample
preparation was made for the entertainment by the ladies, who were
the moving spirits in the feast. On the west side of the field eleven
tables, each forty-eight feet in length, were erected, covered with
cloths of spotless white, -and loaded with almost untold luxuries
and substantials, the contributions of some two hundred families of
that vicinity. The hundred pounds of roast beef, veal, mutton, pigs,
chickens and boiled ham, delicate white bread, and butter the color

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 17
of gold, the quantities of fresh pies and cakes, and numerous other
edibles were almost marvellous to behold. At 12 o'clock the regi
ment was marched to dinner, each company occupying a single ta
ble, where the- men were bountifully helped to the inviting repast
prepared by the hand of affection and patriotism. After dinner a
meeting was organized in the field. The regiment was drawn up in
close order immediately in front of the stand. After a prayer, the
Eev. Jacob Bellville delivered a brief but eloquent address, in which
he thanked the soldiers in warm terms for their promptness in re
sponding to the call of the country. Among those seated on the
stand were nine veterans of the war of 1812, men who had come
down from another generation to witness the martial scenes of the
present. We returned to camp before dark delighted with the trip,
bearing several baskets full of delicacies to the sick and others who
remained behind. The reception of the regiment, wherever it ap
peared, was equal to an ovation. The citizens flocked to the side of
the road and cheered the men as they passed.
Soon after I commenced to raise the regiment, a few patriotic ladies
in the county put on foot the project of presenting it with a standard
of national colors, and a committee was appointed to collect money for
the purpose. The whole amount raised was one hundred and forty-
one dollars, of which seventy-five were collected in the borough of
Doylestown. The flag was made by the Messrs. Horstmann & Co.,
Philadelphia, of the best quality of silk, and of regulation size. On
the middle stripe were the words " Einggold Eegiment," beautifully
wrought in silver, with the number on. the next stripe below. It
was presented to the regiment at the encampment, on the 21st of
October, in the presence of a large concourse of people. The num
ber was estimated at five thousand, at least one half of whom, were
ladies. A platform had been erected on the parade ground, and the
regiment was drawn up in front of it tinder arms. The committee
of ladies having the matter in charge had invited the Eev. Jacob
Bellville to present the, flag in the name ofthe fair donors. He de-
2

18 ONE HUNDEED AND FOURTH
livered an impressive discourse on the occasion. I received the
flag in the name of the regiment, and delivered it into the hands of
color-sergeant Laughlin, who was charged to preserve it as the ap
ple of his eye.
The regiment received a second flag from the State. The Legis
lature had made an appropriation for the purpose of purchasing a
stand of colors for each regiment of volunteers raised in Pennsylva
nia, which the governor was authorized to deliver to them before
they took the field. Governor Curtin was invited to come to
Doylestown and present the flag to the One Hundred and Fourth
in person, which he promised to do, and the 21st of October was
the time fixed for the ceremony. In view of a visit from the execu
tive of the State, a public meeting of citizens was held in the
court house, and a committee of fifteen, composed of men of both
political parties, was appointed to make the necessary arrangements
for a civic reception in connection with the military. The day was
one of the finest of the season. At an early hour the citizens of
Bucks and the neighboring counties came pouring into town, until it
seemed that the entire population had made the occasion a grand
gala-day. The camp ground was fairly alive with visitors. Amono-
the soldiery all was bustle and preparation, and every thin" from
top to toe, was put in the most complete order. The governor and
staff left Philadelphia in the morning train, and were met by a com
mittee several miles down the road. The train came in at 11 o'clock.
The right wing of the regiment was drawn up at the depot to re
ceive him. When he stepped upon the platform arms were pre
sented, the drums saluting and band playing "Hail to the Chief."
He was escorted to his quarters, at the Cowell house, through the
principal streets of the town. The troops were then marched back
to camp for dinner. At 1 o'clock P. M., the governor and suite
and committee of arrangements, in carriages, were escorted by the
military to the encampment. As on the former like occasion, a
platform was erected on the parade groun^, in front of which was

PENNSYLVANIA EEGIMENT. 19
the regiment, and around them on every side the thousands who
had been attracted thither by the ceremony of the day. After the
band had played " Hail Columbia," the governor arose with the flag
in his hand, and delivered a patriotic speech to the people. He
then handed the flag to me, which I accepted in the name of the
regiment, and delivered it to sergeant Slack, who had been chosen
to bear it. At the conclusion of the ceremony the citizens and mi
litary loudly cheered the governor, the flag and the regiment.
When silence was restored, the Eev. Dr. Andrews, on behalf of the
Bucks County Bible society, presented to each officer and soldier a
copy of the New Testament. The regiment then broke into com
panies and marched in review before the governor, after which he
was escorted back to the Cowell house. He returned to Philadel
phia by the afternoon train.
The regiment lost the first man by death while it lay at camp
Lacey, and while there it also had the first blood drawn. Private
Joseph B. Smith, of company D, died of epilepsy, at the house of
Charles Selser, near the encampment. He was ill about a week.
His parents lived in Eichland township, whither his body was ta
ken for burial. The blood was drawn from the person of a private
of company A, in an attempt to run the guard under cover of dark
ness. He was shot by a vigilant sentinel of the battery, but the
wound was not at all serious. On Sunday morning the 3rd of No
vember, there was a baptismal ceremony in camp. Privates Mus-
selman, Godshall and Shelly, of company D, offered themselves as
candidates for baptism on profession of religion. A drum, covered
with a small American flag, was the improvised chancel around
which they knelt while the rite was administered.
The people of the county were liberal in furnishing the enlisted
men with articles necessary to their comfort. In various locali
ties societies were organized for the purpose, which laid the
foundation of the future "Aid Societies," which did such effectual
work during the war. Contributions came in daily. Considerable

20 ONE HUNDEED AND FOURTH
money was collected, which was expended in the purchase of useful
articles for them which the government did not supply, such
as towels, combs, warm gloves, etc. The surplus money from the
flag-fund was thus appropriated. Chaplain Gries received one hun
dred and sixty-one dollars, which he laid out for rubber blankets,
and prayer-books stamped with the name of the regiment. Among
the contributions was a well assorted field-library and case. Bishop
Stevens gave twenty-five dollars from his private purse for this
purpose. The people of Eeading were liberal toward the men who
were enlisted in that town. Mrs. Catharine Price, a lady eighty
years old, presented me a pair of fine wool stockings, which she knit
with her own hands. In this, as in all other matters pertaining to
the soldier, the mothers and daughters of the county gave unmis
takable evidence that their warmest affections went out toward those
who perilled life and limb for the Union. In this regard, the wo
men of Bucks county were the equals of their sisters in other parts
of the country. While at Doylestown two female nurses for service
in the hospital, joined the regiment; — Mrs. Leedom and Miss Emi-
line Sibbitts, both of Buckingham township. One had a husband,
and the other a brother, in the ranks. They accompanied us to
Washington, and reniained until we were ordered to take the field,
in the spring. They rendered valuable service in nursing the sick,
and assisting to prepare the dead for the grave. Their conduct was
such as to merit and receive the respect of both officers and men.
While we lay in camp several of the officers were presented with
handsome swords, by their friends. Upon one occasion the ceremony
took place in the Court House, where music and the smiles of wo
men gave animation to the scene. An officer and several men were
married on the eve of our departure, and left behind them weeping
wives in the place of disconsolate sweet-hearts.
The days of camp Lacey were now numbered. Soon the soldiers
of the One Hundred and Fourth were to leave this pleasant place,
and the spot which had known them so long, would know many of

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 21
them no more forever. When the governor was in Doylestown, I
received verbal instruction to hold the regiment in readiness to pro
ceed to Washington, as soon as I received notice that transportation
was ready. Quartermaster Hendrie was sent to Philadelphia to
makte the necessary arrangements with the roads over ^hich we
must pass on our way to Washington, and upon his return he re
ported that transportation would be ready on the 6th of November,
Wednesday. On Monday evening I received an order by telegraph,
I'rom the governor, to proceed as soon as practicable to Washing
ton. I announced the order at dress parade, Tuesday evening, and
directed the camp to be broken at daylight in the morning. It
was received with lively satisfaction, and after the parade was dis
missed, the men made the camp echo with their shouts. Could
they have read the future, and foretold the deaths, wounds, disease
and hardships that were in store for them, they would have been
less boisterous in their gladness. The strength of the regiment
when we marched, was ten hundred and forty-nine, including the
battery.

22 ONE HUNDRED AND FOUETH

CHAPTER II.

Regiment leaves Doylestown.— Ride to Philadelphia.— Arrival at Washington.— Go out to
camp.— Cold night.— Our location.— Washington a great camp.— Brigade formed.— Re
view of army of Potomac— A grand scene.- Life in camp.— Health of regiment.— OfB-
cers detailed to recruit.— Peter Wykoff.- Receive permission to build barracks.— A
description.— On court martial.— Company savings.- Reception at White House.— Move
into barracks. — Color guard appointed.
THE 6th of November, 1861, was an eventful day in the lives of
the untried soldiers in camp Lacey. The reveille sounded at
3J o'clock, A. M., and by sun rise the tents were struck and the
baggage ready to be hauled down to the cars. In another hour the
regiment was in march to the station, where a train of twenty-five
cars stood ready on the track to receive it. Without unneces
sary delay the men and baggage were put aboard. Notwithstand
ing the early hour a large number of people had come in from the
surrounding country to witness the departure ofthe regiment, and
bid a last farewell to their friends. In many cases the parting was
affecting in the extreme, and with a large number of the men the
greeting with the loved ones left behind was the last on earth. A
little after 7 o'clojk the great locomotive Cheltenham stretched its
traces and the train moved off amid the plaudits of the multitude.
The day was made unpleasant by a drizzling rain. The regiment
was saluted with cheers at every station, cross-road and farm house
on the line between Doylestown and Philadelphia, which were an
swered by returning shouts from the men and music by the band.

PENNSYLVANIA EEGIMENT. 23
Disembarking at Master street, we marched down Fourth street to
the Volunteer Refreshment Saloon. The march through the city
was a continued welcome. The street was every where crowded with
citizens; and while the men made the welkin ring with their shouts
below, the ladies waved their handkerchiefs, and smiled down their
greetings from the windows above. We dined at the Saloon ; the
ladies and gentlemen who managed it waiting upon us with a grace
and politeness that greatly increased the pleasure of eating. Thence
we marched up Washington street to the Baltimore depot, where at
4J o'clock, P. M., we took the cars for Washington. The night
was cold and raining, but the weather cleared before morning. We
reached Baltimore before daylight, and marched through the streets
of the monumental city while its inhabitants slumbered. The musie
of the band now and then brought a drowsy waker in night cap and
gown to the window to see whence came alLthe noise that disturbed
their slumbers. At the Camden street depot we found a train ready
to convey us to the Federal capital. One more start and a six
hours' ride and we were landed in Washington, almost under the
shadow of the dome of the marble senate house. Along side the
depot was a " Soldiers' Rest," where the regiment got dinner. We
were immediately reported to general Casey, who received all
the new troops on their arrival and assigned them to camping
ground. It was nearly sun down when I received an order to march
the regiment to Kalorama heights, on the western border of the
city and go into camp. A guide was sent to point out the way. It
was some time after dark when we reached the ground. As the
baggage did not arrive until much later, we did not wait for the
tents, but bivouacked on the cold ground wrapped in our blankets.
The cold was so severe that water froze in the canteens.
The return of daylight enabled us to determine our location —
just back of Georgetown, and before the war one of the loveliest
spots in the vicinity of WaAington. About ten acres of cleared
land lay contiguous to a beautiful grove that bounded it on two

24 ONE HUNDEED AND FOURTH
sides, and the other two sides were skirted by a copse of bushes
with a few large trees intermingled, and a straggling fringe of small
er trees that completed the circuit until they joined the woodland
again. An abundance of clear spring water was close at hand.
The situation was high, overlooking the city and the Potomac river
in the distance.
We arose at sunrise stiffened and chilled with the cold; but the
sun soon put warmth and animation into our bodies. We went to
work immediately. The camp ground was laid out and cleared off;
and the tents pitched with regularity and precision. They were
placed on a ridge which shed the water in opposite directions. The
hospital tents were pitched in the edge of the timber on the left of
t"he encampment, and the medical officers made comfortable arrange
ments to accommodate the sick. The battery encamped on the
right of the regiment within the chain of sentinels. A week after
ward it was detatched and sent to the Artillery camp and never
rejoined us. A few days after our arrival, Mr. Lewis B. Scott, who
had been appointed sutler, arrived with a stock of goods, which he
opened in camp for the accommodation of officers and men. A
rigid system of drills and camp duty was established at once and
continued while we remained in camp. There were drills morning
and afternoon six days in the week and inspection on Sunday when
the weather permitted.
At this period Washington and the country for several miles
around was one vast camp. The proclamation of the President call
ing for five hundred thousand men met a hearty response in the
North and the loyal youth of the country literally flocked to the
capital. They came in regiments, but were generally an unorgan
ized mass of brave and true-hearted men. The defeat at Bull Run
left Washington almost defenceless. When general McClellan ar
rived and assumed command, the 26th of July, the force stationed
there hardly deserved the name of an army. The three months
regiments were being rapidly mustered out, while those that remain-

PENNSYLVANIA EEGIMENT. 25
ed, were yet too much demoralized by recent defeat to be of much
service. The defensive works were improperly located, and imper
fectly constructed, and the troops were not placed in advantageous
positions. The new commander devoted all his time and energies
to reorganizing the army and completing the fortifications. Gra
dually the task was accomplished; the new levies were transformed
into well-drilled soldiers, and the forts so far completed that the
federal capital was considered safe from attack. When this was
done the nation took new hope. By the last of December the army
of the Potomac numbered one hundred and eighty thousand men.
The great bulk of it occupied the south bank of the river, extending
from about Drainsville to some distance below Alexandria. We
held undisputed possession of the north bank, but the major part of
the troops on this side was between Ball's bluff and Budd's ferry.
One could not fail to notice the great change in the appearance
of Washington since the good old times of peace had been usurped
by a state of war. Warlike preparations were seen every where.
Tents were pitched on all the plains and hill-sides, and troops were
seen drilling on every hand. Long trains of ammunition, commis
sariat, and baggage wagons, travelled the streets and roads ; officers
in gay uniforms ; mounted orderlies bearing dispatches to and from
the outposts; soldiers lounging about off duty; and regiments
newly arriving and marching to camp. Here comes a squadron of
cavalry, with gingling sabres and prancing horses, escorting the
General in Chief on his return from a visit to the defences ; there
a battery of artillery rumbling through the streets; next heavy guns
on their way to the fortifications on the Virginia side of the river.
These were the daily and hourly scenes of war-like preparations
going on about Washington any time during the fall of 1861 or the
winter of 1862. How marked the contrast!
On the 11th of November the 104th and 52nd Pennsylvania, the
56th New York, and the 11th Maine regiments were organized into
a Provisional brigade, of which I was placed in command as the

26 ONE HUNDEED AND FOUETH
senior colonel. The increased duty and responsibility gave me
neither additional pay nor rank, but the order conferred on me the
high-sounding title of " Provisional Brigadier General." A few
days afterwards the same regiments were organized into a permanent
brigade by general McClellan, and I was continued in command.
I was now glad to drop the bombastic "Provisional" and to com
mand by virtue of my rank as colonel. A modest substance is
always to be preferred to a grander shadow.
On the 20th instant the first grand review of the army of the
Potomac was held on the Virginia side of the river, about ten miles
from the city, between Munson's hill and Bailey's cross roads. The
spot selected was a basin-like plain encircled by a rim of hills of
moderate elevation, and about a mile in diameter. The fences had
been pulled down, the ditches filled up and banks levelled, that there
might be no obstructions to the movements of the troops. There
were nearly a hundred thousand well-drilled and well-disciplined
troops present, consisting of infantry, artillery, and cavalry, with one
hundred pieces of cannon. I obtained a pass and rode out to thS
field. The concourse of people that thronged the road, in carriages.
on horse-back and afoot, was so great that I had some difficulty in
getting there. As each one was determined to arrive as quickly r,s
possible there was actual danger from the rush of carriages and
horses. When I reached the ground the army was already in posi
tion. As I passed down the slope in front of Munson's hill and
looked upon the martial array before me it struck me as grander
than any thing I had ever seen in all my life before. The troop.*
were drawn up in two lines of battalion masses and swept nearly
around two thirds ofthe circumference of the plain. Where I then
was the whole army was under my eye without changing my po
sition, and the spectacle was by all odds the finest military display
that had ever been seen in America. I doubt whether, during: the
whole war, so many troops were seen at a single glance as on that
occasion. The review was announced to begin at 11 o'clock, but it

PENNSYLVANIA EEGIMENT. 27
did not take place until two hours later. The signal was the firing
of a single cannon. General McClellan, accompanied by the Presi
dent and attended by a numerous and brilliant staff, passed along
the front and rear of each regiment, the men standing at "Present
arms," the officers saluting and the bands playing. After he had
thus reviewed the whole army, he took a position near a large tree
to receive the marching salute as they passed in review. I was
temporarily attached to the staff of my division commander, and
with him, formed part of the suite of the General in Chief. Thus
I had an opportunity to see every thing, and observed it well. The
army commenced to march in review about IJ o'clock, and for seve
ral hours continued to sweep by their general in all the pomp and
circumstance of war. The regiments marched by division front,
closed in mass, mounted officers alone saluting. The music from
a hundred bands and the shouts of the soldiery cheering their
beloved chieftain fairly made the Virginia hills resound. I left the
ground at 4 o'clock when thousands were yet to pass. During all
these hours the young General in Chief sat on his horse beside
the President, patient and unmoved. The troops every where receiv
ed him with great enthusiasm, evidence of the strong hold he had
upon their affections. As I passed through the country going and
returning I was struck with the wide-spread desolation that prevail
ed, and the general destruction a few months of war had made. It
was almost as destitute of inhabitants as though it had never been
peopled. The houses had been pulled down; fences burned; barns
relieved of their contents and then destroyed; and mills gutted.
The country presented a sad but truthful picture of the desolating
effects of war. '
The reader must not be disappointed in finding so faw things of
interest transpiring during the winter we passed at Washington.
The duty was simply routine, to prepare the troops for the field in
the spring, and none of the stirring eVents of war marked that por
tion of our history. The regiment was not exempt from any of the

28 ONE HUNDRED AND FOUETH
calamities that are sure to wait on fresh troops in camp. The
beginning of December both the small-pox and the typhoid fever
made their appearance. At first they created a little panic, but it
soon subsided. The former disease was, no doubt, contracted from
the eruptive hospital situated within a few hundred yards of the
camp, and whither I had to send a small guard every morning.
Immediate measures were taken to prevent the spread of these dis
eases. The whole regiment was vaccinated, and the most thorough
system of policing was established. The tents were frequently
struck, and the leaves and other rubbish that had collected in them
burned, while the ground was well fumigated and cleansed. The
blankets and clothing were hung out to air daily. A hospital for
small-pox patients was established in the woods several hundred
yards from camp. These precautionary measures, and the sudden
change in the weather, prevented the disease spreading to any great
extent, although it had a lingering existence among us until spring.
In all there were thirty cases in four months, and one death. But
two officers, captain Orem and lieutenant Kephart, took the disease,
but both recovered. The typhoid fever was of an equally mild char
acter, with only a few bad cases. Three officers, lieutenants Heany,
Hinkle, and McDowell were attacked with it, the two former very se
verely. Notwithstanding these two diseases made their appearance
the regiment was in a very healthy condition the whole winter. From
the 15th of November until the 13th of December, twenty-nine
days, the average number of sick, both in camp and hospital, was
but twenty-five. This is a small per-centage in the aggregate num
ber of nine hundred men present. At this period there was a
remarkable contrast in the health of the different regiments of the
brigade. On the 19th of December the surgeon's report showed
but twenty men of the 104th on the sick list, while on the same
day the 11th Maine had two hundred and sixteen sick; the 52nd
Pennsylvania one hundred and forty, and the 56th New York one
hundred and twenty. There was no visible cause for this great
difference in point of health.

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 29
The last of November captain Harvey, lieutenant Albertson, and
sergeants O'Connell and Dyer were detailed on recruiting service,
and immediately started home and opened recruiting offices in the
county. Later in the season the number was increased by the addi
tion of sergeant White, corporal Lehnen, and privates Smith and
Cadwallader. Lieutenant Hinkle, who went home on sick leave,
relieved lieutenant Albertson. The whole detail was relieved the
beginning of May and rejoined the regiment on the Peninsula. In
that time seventy odd men were recruited, of whom sixty-throe
joined the regiment at Washington and three after it had left. A
few were rejected because of disability and two or three deserted.
Companies H. and I. not being yet full, most of the recruits were
assigned to them to fill them up. One of these men had such a
talent for running away that it is worth while to mention him. His
name was Peter Wykoff, and I believe was a Jerseyman. He
was recruited by captain Harvey in January, 1862. He was sent
to the regiment and detailed as clerk and nurse in the brigade hos
pital. He won the confidence of the men, and they intrusted con
siderable money to him for safe keeping. Watching his opportunity.
he deserted and went to Allentown, New Jersey, where he located
himself as a school teacher. Captain Harvey hearing of him sent
an officer there, who arrested and brought him to Doylestown. He
escaped on his way to Harrisburg and returned to Allentown. He
was again arrested and sent to Harrisburg under guard. Before
he reached the regiment he deserted the third time, and was gone
several months before he was heard of. In February, 1862, lieute
nant McCoy saw him one evening in Chestnut street, Philadelphia,
followed him to a concert room, and had him arrested and sent to
Fort Delaware. We never heard of him afterward.
The regiment was paid for the first time the 4th and 5th of De
cember, down to the 31st of October. I have no means of knowing
with entire accuracy how much money the men sent home to their
families, but believe it was about ten thousand dollars. Thirty-

30 ONE HUNDEED AND FOURTH
eight hundred dollars of this amount was sent to the Doylestown
bank to be paid on checks.
As cold weather approached, and it became evident that the army
must spend the winter in Washington, I determined, if possible, to
have my brigade under cover. The 5th United States cavalry were
building barracks for themselves near our camp, and I could see no
reason why regulars should be more comfortable than volunteers.
A simple calculation convinced me that it was more economical to
put troops in board huts for the winter, than keep them in tents.
I broached the matter to general Casey, who requested me to place
it on paper, with plans for the buildings and estimates for materials.
The plan I fixed upon was that of a Mexican town, the huts to be
built around a large open court yard, or plaza, each regiment to
occupy one side of the square. In the matter of estimates I availed
myself of the experience of major Gries, an architect, and lieutenant
Carver, a practical builder. I requested to be furnished with the
necessary materials and tools and pledged the men to do all the
work. General McClellan approved the plan and ordered the quar
termaster to issue the requisite amount of lumber and other mate
rials upon proper requisition.
I selected Meridian Hill, on Fourteenth street, immediately in the
rear of Columbia college, as the site for the barracks. It was two
miles from Washington, and a healthy location. They were built
around a court yard seven hundred feet square. Each company
hut was eighty feet long, sixteen wide and twelve high, with the
end to the square. The roof had the ordinary pitch, was covered
with felt and pitched, with projecting gable and eaves, to improve
the finish. In front was a room partitioned off for the commission
ed, and a similar one in the rear for the non-commissioned, officers.
Bunks were put up, and windows and doors enough for light and
ventilation. In the rear of each hut was a convenient cook-house.
Each regiment occupied ten company huts, one for the field and
staff, and another for the non-commissioned staff and band. A hut

PENNSYLVANIA EEGIMENT. 31
of equal size was erected on the north side for the accommodation
of brigade head quarters. One row of huts was on the east side
of Fourteenth street which ran through the barrack yard. Before
the work was commenced each regiment was assigned its side of the
square, and carpenters <}etailed to build the huts. Guard houses
were erected at the north-west and south east angles. The barracks
consumed a million feet of lumber. The 104th commenced work
the 5th of December, and the regiment occupied its huts on Christ
mas day. Sergeant Mattis was detailed to attend to the delivery of
the lumber and other materials. The erection of the quarters was
superintended by lieutenant Carver, and after him the establish
ment was called " Carver Barracks.'' When we vacated them in
the spring the government fitted them up for a general hospital, for
which they were well adapted, with a slight alteration. They were
then called " Carver General Hospital." How easily was the name
of an unknown lieutenant made historic !
In addition to other duties, I was detailed on general court mar
tial the 5th of December, which continued in session for about sixty
days. It was composed of five general officers and eight colonels,
with general Casey as President. The first case tried was that of
colonel Kerrigan, 25th New York volunteers, on the charge of
holding intercourse with the enemy. He was ably defended by
judge Hearne and the honorable Reverdy Johnson, and acquitted
of the most serious charge, but convicted of other offences that jus
tified his dismissal from the service. While the court was in session,
the members were obliged to be present daily, in spite of mud and
rain, some of them riding several miles from the Virginia side of
the river.
One of the lessons I endeavored early to instil into the regiment,
was that of economy in all things, in which, with the assistance of
the officers, it achieved a commendable success. The order from
general McClellan placing volunteer troops on the same footing with
regulars, as regarded company savings, had a beneficial influence in

32

ONE HUNDRED AND FOUETH

teaching economy to the enlisted men. The order provided that
the rations drawn, but not consumed, as well as those undrawn, and
to which the troops were entitled, should be purchased by the sub
sistence department for cash, which was to be applied to the forma
tion of a company fund for the purchase .of extra articles for the
men. Under this system the men had a direct interest in econo
mizing, because they knew that every dollar's worth of rations saved,
came back to them in money to purchase other and more desirable
articles. It was also an advantage to the government, for it saved
the cost of transportation on every pound of pork or beef, coffee,
sugar or hard tack that was bought of the troops. Subsistence
officers sometimes refused to pay company savings, but an appeal to
the chief of that bureau always set the subordinate right. In De
cember the 104th made considerable savings, how much in the ag
gregate I have no means of telling; but I know that those of com
pany A for that month were $117,54. The entire savings of the
ten companies for January, 1862, were $665,55, of which company
E had S105,26, or nearly one-sixth of the whole amount. The re
gulations also recognized and allowed regimental savings, which arc
a saving in flour where regiments bake their own bread. In such
cases the saving was about thirty-three per cent., which went into
the regimental fund. Regiments very seldom baked their own bread
in the field, but where stationed at a post for any length of time
bakeries were generally erected.
War, with its attendant miseries, was not allowed to trench on
the gayeties of Washington city. The levees at the White House
were held as in the most peaceful times. I attended the first of the
season, the 19th of December. A crowd was present, composed
principally of officers of the army, among whom was general McClel
lan, with his wife. Mrs. Lincoln did the honors of the evenin"-
The newspaper correspondents pronounced it a success. They were
correct in their estimation of the evening, if to achieve success it
requires a great crowd, squeezing and pushing, smashing of hoops,

PENNSYLVANIA EEGIMENT. 33
and treading on tender dresses, all sorts of people in all sorts of cos
tumes, and homely women with sharpshoulder-blades and low-necked
dresses. The levee was all this. There was a marked disregard of
form and ceremony, and the etiquette of the occasion was simple
enough to satisfy the straightest republican. The most pleasant fea
ture of the evening was the Marine band stationed in a vestibule,
which played delightful music. It was made very apparent to my
mind, that the President is the servant of the people, and that the
house he lives in belongs to them.
We broke camp at Kalorama Christmas morning, and before eve
ning the regiment, with its baggage, pets, etc., was housed in the new
barracks. Officers and men soon adapted themselves to the changed
mode of living, and learned to be more comfortable under tight
boards and felt roofs than canvass. The huts were whitewashed,
which vastly improved their appearance. The quarters of the offi
cers were generally papered with wall-paper, while those of the men
were covered with Harper's Weekly and other pictorials, which pre
sented them with an illustrated history of the rebellion as far as it
had progressed. Contributions from home enabled many of the
man to add a few delicacies to the government ration. A plump
turkey, a present from a lady of Bucks county, graced the table of
the commanding officer at Christmas dinner. By about the middle
of January the whole brigade was in quarters.
We passed a quiet New Year's day. Many of the regiments
across the river had a gay and happy time. In some of the camps
the demonstration began the night before by the firing of cannon
and small arms. The German regiments were the merriest. Their
camps were handsomely decked in evergreens, and lager flowed in
inviting streams. On the Washington side there was more quiet
ness. In the city, according to a time-honored custom, the officers
of the army, in full uniform, paid their respects to the President;
and afterward the foreign ministers and their wives made their ac
customed visit of ceremony to the Executive. The first death in
3

34 ONE HUNDEED AND FOUETH
the regiment, after our arrival at Washington, was private Tunis
K. Smith, of company C, who died of small-pox. When I came to
appoint a permanent color-guard for the regiment, twenty-seven non
commissioned officers volunteered for this dangerous and honorable
duty. The eight selected, were corporals Widdifield, McGraudy,
Tyson, Bridegroom, Lex, Carter, Purcell and Nicholas, who always
stood by their colors, as their wounds will testify. The forepart of
January, lieutenant Holmes was appointed acting brigade commis
sary of subsistence by general Casey. The commissary general was
so much pleased with the manner in which he discharged the duties,
that he recommended his appointment as commissary of subsistence,
with the rank of captain, which was made. He was confirmed by
the Senate, and served to tho end of the war in this capacity. He
entered the regiment as private, and was promoted to a lieutenancy
before we left camp Lacey. While the regiment was in cjimp at
Doylestown, orderly sergeant Schindle, of company A, was appointed
a second lieutenant in the 6th regiment. United States army, but
did not leave us until the 104th reached Washington. He served
through the war with great credit. Soon after we reached Wash
ington, I appointed Chapman Carver, company B, my orderly, in
which position he served through his term of three years with great
fidelity.

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 35

CHAPTER III.

Unpleasant winter. — Brigade hospital established. — Regiment newly armed. — Recruits for
gunboat service.— -Whisky. — General Stone. — News of fort Donaldson's surrender. — Ge
neral Lander's funeral. — 104th the escort. — Brigade drills. — Dress parades. — Corporal
Everett baptized. — Marching orders. — Countermanded. — Our division. — We march for
the Peninsula. — Bivouac at Alexandria. — We embark for Fortress Monroe.
IN some respects the winter of 1861 and '62 was the most unplea
sant that had been known at Washington city for many years.
It was mild in temperature, and wet, and almost the whole country
in the vicinity of the army was reduced to a state of mud. The
roads were in such condition, that at times travel was almost im
peded. Some days it took six mules to draw an empty wagon out
Fourteenth street and up Meridian hill. It was with difficulty my
command could be supplied with rations and fuel. The troops iu
the distant camps were sometimes in want of supplies. Notwith
standing the bad weather and terrible condition of the roads, we
spent a pleasant winter. Several of the officers, and some of the
men, had their wives with them to cheer up the dulness of the time
passed in barracks. The bad weather was against the drill and
discipline of the army. For weeks at a time there was no drilling.
Our barracks yard became almost a sea of mud, and for a week or
two at a stretch we could not even have dress parade. During the
winter a number of visitors, from Pennsylvania, came to see their
friends and relatives in the regiment, who generally brought with
them some delicacy or luxury to add to the soldier's larder.

36 ONE HUNDEED AND FOUETH
After some little delay, the country house of Mr. Stone, near the
barracks, was rented for a brigade hospital, and early in January it
was fitted up for the reception of patients. It was at first put in
charge of Surgeon Peck, of the 104th, and privates Nice and Rush
were detailed as nurses. The sick had better accommodations, and
more care taken of them, than in their regimental hospitals. The
beginning of January, lieutenant McCoy was appointed division
•ordnance officer -on the staff of general Casey, in which capacity he
served during the campaign on the Peninsula. He then for a time
was regimental quartermaster; was afterward appointed acting aide-
de-camp on the staff of the brigade commander, in which capacity,
and as acting-assistant adjutant general, he served the balance of
his term. He was a good officer, and reliable in the discharge of
all his duties. He died the year following his discharge from ser
vice. During the winter, companies G and I were detached a short
time from the regiment and placed on duty at the Soldiers' Rest, in
the city, to guard some returned prisoners of war, until they could
be distributed to their homes. About this time the regiment was
newly armed. The muskets they had been furnished with at camp
Lacey were pronounced unfit for service, on close inspection, and
application was made for new arms. It was now armed with the
Austrian rifle, a rough, but good and reliable arm, which the men
carried the remainder of their three years. On the 5th of February,
a flag-staff, seventy-five feet high, was erected in the middle of the
barracks yard, and the first clear evening afterward, the stars and
.stripes were run up and unfurled amid the cheers of the troops, and
the music of the bands playing the " S tar-Spangled Banner" in
concert. About this time a flag of truce was received from the rebel com
mander at Manasses, which caused considerable speculation in mili
tary circles. Colonel Harrison, of the second Virginia cavalry, came
to our lines Sunday night, the 1st of February, and announced to
the officer in charge of the pickets, that he had a communication

PENNSYLVANIA EEGIMENT. 37
from general Johnston to general McClellan. After the usual
forms had been gone through with, he was conducted to the quar
ters of general McDowell, at Arlington Heights. His communica
tion was forwarded to the head quarters of the army at Washington.
The contents were deemed of sufficient importance for a cabinet meet
ing to be called to consider them, but their nature never transpired
beyond confidential official circles. No doubt the secrecy maintained
about them, was the reason of the speculation.
In organizing the gunboat service on the Mississippi and its tri
butaries, there was great need of sailors to man the boats, and de
tails had to be made from the army to make up the deficiency.
Several hundred were sent from the army of the Potomac. The
detail from my brigade was one man from each company, those who
had previously been sailors or watermen, preferred. The 104th
furnished ten, viz., sergeant Darling, and privates Brierly, Wyn-
koop. Smith, Tomah, Saylor, Garner, Gay, Hogeland, and Hawk.
The order was received the 18th of February, and the men selected
were to be ready to go the next morning. It created considerable
excitement. Volunteers were called for, and the requisite number
soon made up. Those who offered largely exceeded the number
required, and so anxious were the men to go on this honorable and
dangerous duty, that some of those who had been accepted were
offered premiums as high as fifty dollars for their places. The re
giment also furnished two commissioned officers, lieutenants Kephart
and Groff, to assist in conducting the entire detail to Cairo, Illinois,
the place of rendezvous. They left the barracks the next morning
in a violent rain storm, and amid the cheers of their late companions.
These men never rejoined the regiment, but finished their enlist
ment in the gunboat service on the Mound City. They were in
numerous engagements on the Western rivers, and experienced
much vicissitude of hardship and danger. Wynkoop, Gay and Say
lor were killed by an explosion of the Mound City while in action,
on the White river, in Arkansas, June, 1862. A shell from the

38 ONE HUNDEED AND FOUETH
enemy penetrated the steam-chest. Sergeant Darling died of disease
in the hospital, the following November.
Whisky was the most troublesome enemy the army had to fight
during the winter. The proprietors of groggeries were almost le
gion in number, and were found located on every side. Through
the instrumentality of "red eye" and "tribulated tanglefoot," many
a good fellow was brought to grief. Arm*d parties were now and
then sent out to put an end to these intolerable nuisances in the
vicinity of the camps, and not unfrequently the barrelS and kegs
were rolled out of the shanties, and the contents turned into the
gutter. I was told, that on one occasion the officer in charge of the
party detected some tin-cans of whisky protected by the enormous
hoops of a woman, who stood over them in the middle of the room.
When she saw that she was detected, she exclaimed, almost with
tears in her eyes : "Ah, dear captain, you are not going to take away
the livin' of a poor lone woman, with six small children, and three
of them blind !" The pathetic appeal had no effect on the hard
hearted officer, who emptied the contents of the cans into the street.
Friends at home sometimes sent the men whisky in boxes that con
tained pies and cakes. To break up the practice, all boxes were
ordered to be opened and searched in the presence of an officer be
fore delivery to the owner. But the most watchful care could not
entirely prevent whisky being smuggled into barracks. One day
a private in company D, received a box, which was duly inspected
by an officer and pronounced all right, and turned over to the owner.
He had no sooner received it, than he cut open a loaf of bread, and
took therefrom a square tin-box filled with whisky. Parents were
even known to send whisky to their children in this clandestine
way, and sometimes got them into trouble.
No event during the winter created more surprise in Washington
than the arrest of general Stone and his confinement in fort Warren
Boston harbor, where he was imprisoned fifteen months. No other
charge was ever made against him than the sweeping one of " disloyal

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 39
ty," which no one believed who knew Charles P. Stone. Washing
ton was his home, and there he was popular as an officer and a gen
tleman. When the troubles broke out no man was more active than
he in raising troops to sustain the government, and none had been
more faithful and zealous in the field. He was never brought to
trial, but at the end of a year and a quarter he was discharged and
ordered to report to general Banks for duty. Such treatment was
cruel in the extreme. I served under him in the summer of 1861 ,
on the upper Potomac, and formed a high estimate of his soldierly
qualities. The news of the surrender of fort Donaldson created the most
lively joy throughout the army of the Potomac and the citizens of
the federal capital generally. It came at a time when there was
great gloom in the country, caused by previous reverses, and it was
one of the first clouds with a silver lining that appeared in the hor
izon. There were hilarious rejoicing at the barracks, in which both
officers and men participated. Information of this important victo
ry reached us about! the middle of the afternoon, and soon after
ward Regan's battery came into the barracks yard and fired a nation
al salute. The reins of discipline were somewhat loosened and the'
soldiers were allowed to give vent to their patriotic impulses in their
own way. In the evening the barracks were handsomely illumi
nated, and the men indulged in bon-fires, torch-light processions
and transparencies. The regimental bands made the air vocal with
their patriotic strains, and in response to serenades a few patriotic
speeches were made. Our readers will remember how much the
victories of Drainsville, Mill Spring and Donaldson cheered the
popular heart during that dreary winter. On the few pleasant days
the winter furnished we generally had visitors from Washington, or
strangers from a distance, who came to view the army. Our ex
tensive barracks were then considered worth seeing, as there was
nothing like them in the country. Among the distinguished per
sons who visited us was Mr. Hawthorne, the author, in company

40 ONE HUNDEED AND FOUETH
with a party of ladies from Boston. We also had a visit from Miss
Kate Dean, who visited the army of the Potomac on a joint mission
of patriotism and money making. She sang several popular airs
for the men ofthe 104th from the door of brigade head quarters, but
her lip-service had to be paid for at the rate of about ten dollars
the song. Nevertheless they were a pleasant change to the dulness
of winter quarters.
The funeral obsequies of general Lander, who died at Winches
ter, Virginia, the 1st of March, were celebrated in Washington on
the 6th instant. The pageant was solemn and attractive. The
troops selected for the escort were the 104th Pennsylvania regi
ment, a section of Tidball's regular artillery, and a company of
Eush's lancers, the whole being placed under the command of the
writer. One regiment of the brigade, the 11th Maine, was detailed
to march in the procession with side arms. The body was at the
house of Mr. Chase, whence it was escorted to the church of the
Epiphany, where impressive religious services were held. Most of
the dignitaries of the government, civil and military, were present,
with a large number of friends and strangers. From the church
the remains were escorted through the city to the Baltimore depot,
where they were put on board the cars for Salem, Massachusetts,
his native place. They were accompanied by a guard of honor,
composed of commissioned officers, and a small detail from his corps
of favorite sharp-shooter.s. Captain Eogers and W. W. Marple
were among the officers sent with the remains. On that occasion I
felt more than usual pride in the appearance and performance of
the 104th. The men appeared to fine advantage. With full ranks
and martial bearing, bright ar-ms, clean uniforms and equipments
and white gloves, they attracted great attention. Their march up
Pennsylvania avenue, in column by company, with the band playing
a solemn dirge, I do not believe was ever excelled, hardly equalled,
in the streets of Washington, at least by volunteer troops.
March brought more pleasant weather. The mud now began to

PENNSYLVANIA EEGIMENT. 41
dry up, and a few days of warm sun upon it made the ground dry
enough to drill upon. In the simple matter of drill, the troops
were hardly as efficient as they were when they went into barracks.
But the winter had not been passed entirely without profit. In the
intervals of mud, when the ground was hard enough, there was oc
casional target practice. Two or three times a week the officers
recited tactics, going through the various schools, and explaining
the movements on the black board. The field officers also held
weekly meetings to recite, discuss and explain movements of the
line. Our drill ground was on what had been the old Washington
race course, out Fourteenth street, just beyond Columbia college,
and within a few hundred yards of the barracks. As soon as the
ground was dry enough the brigade drill was commenced and con
tinued twice a day, •when not engaged in other duties, until the
army took the field. Casey's tactics had recently been adopted
for the use of the army, and mine was the first brigade to drill in
accordance to his system, which was an improvement over those
heretofore in use in the service. I am vain enough to believe that
the ceremony of dress parade, as performed by the brigade about
this time, was not excelled by any similar body of troops around
Washington. The four regiments in barracks were drawn up for
parade in the square in front of their respective quarters, and went
through the different parts of the ceremony in concert at a signal
given on the bugle. The men were in full uniform, and clean, and
the bands played charming music. The display attracted a number
of visitors, and at times several carriages, filled with ladies, were
congregated around the flag staff.
Chaplain Gries made himself useful during the winter. He held
religious services in his own quarters every evening, and when the
weather permitted, preached on the parade ground on Sunday
morning. But one person was baptized at the barracks, corporal
David Everett, of company F, which took place the 10th of Feb
ruary, in the presence of a large number of officers and men. He

42 ONE HUNDEED AND FOUETH
was the first man who made a profession of religion after the regi
ment left camp Lacey. He was equally a consistent Christian and
good soldier during his term of service. For the convenience of
officers and men, privates Barnhill and Shuman were detailed as
regimental cobblers, and set up in business. The officers sub
scribed money to purchase an outfit, and while we remained in bar
racks they did a thriving business. They lost their entire kit
during the campaign on the Peninsula. From the time the regi
ment reached Washington until it took the field, it lost, by death
and discharge, thirty-seven men. Of course, among the enlisted
men, there was an abundance of amusement and quiet fun. It is
related that on one occasion a captain in the regiment was making
complaints to quartermaster Hendrie, that the shoes furnished were
so enormously large, that he could get none small enough to fit his
men. The quartermaster-sergeant, a humorous fellow, was standing
by, who, after listening to the complaint of the captain, said to him,
"I tell you what to do, captain, put them on some small boy and let
them shrink awhile." We were not informed, however, whether
the expedient was resorted to. During the winter a general court-
martial, of which lieutenant Yardly was Judge Advocate, assembled
at the barracks for the trial of offenders in the brigade, and such
others as might be brought before it, but I do not remember who,
if any, of the men of the 104th were arraigned.
On the 18th of March, Casey's division received an order to
march the next morning at ten o'clock. It prescribed that the men
were to carry forty rounds of ammunition in their boxes, three
days cooked rations in their haversacks, and each commissioned
officer was permitted to take a small carpet-bag. A good many
things were to be done before the brigade would be in a condition
to march. The tents and surplus stores of all kinds, and baggage
that could not be taken along, must be turned over to the respective
departments, or stored until they could be claimed. The men too
sick to march must be placed in hospital. In fine, everything must

PENNSYLVANIA EEGIMENT. 43
be disposed of in some manner, that we could not carry with us
into an enemy's country. The accumulations of the winter were
numerous, and a number of surplus articles were now found on hand
that we did not bring with us from home. The order was received
with great satisfaction by the men. The parade ground rang with
their shouts and boisterous mirth, which they kept up after it
was dark, with tho addition of bon-fires. The reveille sounded a
little earlier than usual the next morning, and before the hour
named in the order had arrived, the brigade was under arms. The
division was composed of three brigades — the first commanded by
the writer, the second by general Palmer, and the third by general
Keim. It numbered fourteen regiments, several of which had just
reached Washington and received their arms, and were not in a
condition to take the field. The effective strength was about twelve
thousand men, with twenty-two pieces of cannon. Shortly before,
another regiment had been added to my brigade, the 100th New
York, colonel Brown, which made the effective strength a little
rising four thousand men. Until v/e marched, they encamped on
Fourteenth street, opposite Columbia college. While we were
waiting for the call to "fall in," a mounted orderly came up with a
dispatch, announcing a suspension of the marching orders for the
present,' as I afterwards learned because the transportation was not
ready. We returned to barracks, many down in the mouth because
the march was suspended, and relapsed again into our old routine.
It gave us the benefit of ten days more of drilling, before leaving
for the seat of war on the Peninsula.
The order to march, which all had been waiting for with so much
anxiety and impatience, came at last. Our division marched the
29th of March. The brigade had been out drilling all the morn
ing, as we did not expect to receive the order that day, and the
regiments had been dismifssed for dinner, and were returning to
their quarters, when an order was put into my hands for us to be
ready to march that afternoon at two o'clock. This created great

44 ONE HUNDEED AND FOUETH
enthusiasm among the troops, and in a moment all was hurry and
bustle to get ready. Dinner was swallowed in a twinkling, and the
small quantity of surplus baggage still on hand quickly disposed of
The regiments, in full uniform, were in line soon after two, but the
wagons did not arrive until about four. At this hour we were
under arms, and at the bugle-signal from head-quarters, took up the
line of march down Fourteenth street, followed by the artillery and
baggage. The 104th led the division. As the troops marched
down this broad avenue to the sounds of martial music from nu-
merpus bands, and the rays of the declining sun reflected back from
the glittering bayonets and polished equipments of twelve thousand
men, the spectacle was unusually fine. The men had put on their
best uniforms to march through the city, and appeared clean and
neat in every particular. A large crowd of persons had assembled
at Willard's, and along the street elsewhere, to witness our passage.
We continued down Fourteenth street to the Long bridge, which
we crossed, and passing the fortifications which cover it on the Vir
ginia side, turned to the left into the road that leads to Alexandria.
We now marched more at leisure. The night was dark and chilly.
The men, weighed down with their loaded knapsacks, well-filled
haversacks and equipments, and unused to marching, soon became
wearied and began to straggle, which increased as we advanced.
We reached the outskirts of Alexandria about ten o'clock, and
bivouacked in an open field on the road side. The other two bri
gades came in some time afterward, but it must have been long
after midnight before all had got into camp. The men lay down
along side the stacks of arms, wrapped in their blankets, but the
cold wind drove sleep away from almost every weary lid.
Transportation was not quite ready, and there was another wait
ing spell. In the morning we changed our location, each brigade
by itself. In the absence of tents, the men made very respectable
shelter of their rubber blankets, which they buttoned together and
put upon a frame of sticks. The middle of the forenoon a cold

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 45
storm of rain and snow set in, which continued two days. In two
hours the camps were one expanse of slush, mud and water. The
change from the barracks was marked and sudden. Division head
quarters were in a comfortable house in town, while brigade com
manders, at least it was the case with myself, shared with the men
the discomfort of the field. That evening I was sitting in my cold
tent, looking out upon the dreary scene, and chewing the cud of
sweet and bitter fancies, when a tall and rather spare, but gentle
manly, young officer, with captain's straps upon his shoulders, en
tered and announced himself as aide-de-camp of general McClellan.
He inquired, in broken English, whether my brigade was ready to
embark, when, receiving an affirmative answer, with a polite bow
he withdrew. My visitor was the Duke de Chartres, the Bourbon
heir to the throne of France. The brigade was to embark the next
morning at six o'clock, on the steamer Constitution, for Fortress
Monroe. We were in line at four, and marched into town about day
light to go aboard. The vessel was not yet ready, and the men had
to stand several hours in a drenching rain, with the mud shoe-top
deep. The whole five regiments were got on board during the af
ternoon, four thousand men on one vessel. She was aground, and
could not move. The 104th occupied the upper, or hurricane
deck, and entirely without shelter, except the protection their rub
ber blankets, fastened to the rigging and the sides of the vessel,
afforded. The rain fell in torrents through the night, and all were
soaked with water. They had been more comfortable amid the
slush and mud on shore. The steamer was pronounced top-heavy
by the captain, and the 104th was disembarked and placed on the
State of Maine, wheJe it had better quarters. When the Con
stitution pulled out into the stream, we left the regiment, under the
lieutenant-colonel, standing on the wharf in a drenching rain,
waiting for the steamer to haul in. They embarked that after-

46 ONE HUNDEED AND FOUETH
noon, and reached their destination in advance of the rest of the
brigade. Before we left the barracks, I appointed lieutenant Hendrie,
quartermaster of the 104th, brigade quartermaster, in which capa
city he acted to the close of the siege of Yorktown.

PENNSYLVANIA EEGIMENT. 47

CHAPTER IV.

" On to Richmond." — ^The sitaatiou. — ^The enemy leave Manasses. — Army of the Potomac
marches. — We leave Alexandria. — Run aground.— Pulled off by tug. — Land at Newport
News. — Encamp. — ^Division marches. — Arrive before Yorktown. — Position of the enemy.
— Casey's division. — Model camp. — Siege operations.— l^ain and mud. — Alarms. — Smith
attacks. — Naglee takes command of brigade. — Lee's mills reconnoitered. — Our batteries
to open the 6th of May. — Enemy evacuate Yorktown. — Casey's pickets first in enemy's
works.
OUE readers cannot have forgotten the loud clamor raised soon
after the meeting of Congress, in December, 1861, for an on
ward march of the army. "On to Eichmond" was heard on every
hand, and was particularly advocated by those who did not intend
to do any of the fighting, nor would have to bear the responsibilities
of defeat. The way to Eichmond was a hard road to travel, as was
demonstrated by three subsequent years of fighting, and experience
had not yet taught politicians the impossibility of making a winter
campaign through the mud of Virginia. To have done so at this
period, with raw troops, and suffered defeat, might have endangered
the whole cause. While the army of the Potomac was organizing,
subsequent to the defeat at Bull Eun, the enemy had completed the
blockade of the river, and assembled a force at Manasses and other
points in front of Washiiigtdn, estimated at 115,000 men, A strong
pressure was made to induce general McClellan to attack this force
in the winter,- and fight them on their own ground, but was success
fully resisted. He might possibly have driven the enemy from

48 ONE HUNDRED AND FOUETH.
his position at heavy loss, but he subsequently accomplished this
without the loss of a man. His refusal to give up the plans which
met his own judgment, as well as that of his most experienced offi
cers, engendered against him a hostility which finally cost him his
command. The President, unfortunately, gave way to these in
fluences. Without experience or knowledge, he took into his own
hands the direction of military operations. On the 31st of January
he issued an order from the Executive mansion, directing that all
the disposable forces of the army of the Potomac should move for
ward and seize a point on the railroad south-west of Manasses junc
tion. They were to start not later than the 22d of February. Ge
neral McClellan wrote an elaborate protest against this mo^ment,
and argued in favor of the route by the way of Fortress Monroe, or
the line of the Eappahannock. and he induced the President to
change his mind. Early in February, the general called a council
of war consisting of twelve general officers, which decided, by a vote
of eight to four, in favor of a movement down the Chesapeake from
Annapolis, up the Rappahannock to Urbana, and thence across the
country to Richmond. By some means the enemy had become in
formed of the proposed operations, and, fearing a flank movement,
they evacuated Manasses the beginning of March. A general move
ment of our army was immediately made in that direction, as much
to occupy the troops during the preparations for the Peninsular cam
paign, now fully resolved upon, as for any other purpose. The bulk
of the army proceeded to Fairfax court house. Here a council of
war was held on the 13th, attended by the corps commanders, when
it was unanimously agreed that operations against Richmond could
be best undertaken from Fortress Monroe, by moving up the Penin
sula between the York and James rivers. General McClellan had
already ordered the transportation from Annapolis to Alexandria.
The retreat of the enemy had caused the evacuation of the batteries
on the river, and navigation was now unobstructed. The army im
mediately returned to Alexandria, and began to embark. The com

PENNSYLVANIA EEGIMENT. 49
mand of general Heintzelman was the first to leave, and landed at
Fortress Monroe the 23d of March. The remainder of the army
followed as rapidly as transportation could be furnished.
The steamer Constitution, on which my brigade, with the excep
tion of the 104th, was embarked, left Alexandria Monday morning,
the 1st of April, and steamed down the river. When opposite
Maryland point, at noon, she ran aground, and no effort on the
part of the captain and crew could get her afioat. Her situation
was deemed critical. She was the largest vessel in the world, next
to the Great Eastern, and lay fast embedded in the mud with her
broadside to the shore, half a mile from it, with thirty-five hundred
men on board. She was but twelve miles from Fredericksburg,
where rebel troops were stationed ; and there was just cause of alarm
that the enemy might run a battery down under cover of the night,
and sink us. General Casey, who was on board with division head
quarters, thought it advisable that we should have some protection
through the night. The gunboat Freeborn lay ten miles up the
river, and lieutenant West of the general's staff, and myself, volun
teered to go in quest of her, and if possible get her to come down
and lie by us until morning. We rowed two miles to a small steamer
at anchor, which took us up the river to the gunboat, which we
found near Budd's ferry. The captain and all the men, except the
watch on deck, were turned in, but they immediately got up steam
and ran down to the Constitution. As soon as it was daylight, new
efforts were made to get her off. Two regiments were temporarily
transferred to another steamer, which mean while had come up the
river, and water was started in three boilers. The tug then pulled her
off the sand-bar. The two regiments were now re-transferred to our
decks, when we steamed away for Fortresss Monroe, where we ar
rived that evening, and dropped anchor between the fort and the
Rip Raps. Near to us lay the little Monitor, which had just
achieved a success over the iron-clad Merrimac, and was an object
of great interest. She looked not unlike what the rebels called her,
4

50 ONE HUNDEED AND FOUETH.
"A cheese-box on a raft." The dentation of the shots on her tur
ret were plainly to be seen at the distance we lay from her, and ap
peared about the size and depth of an ordinary saucer. The regi
ments on the Constitution were transferred to small steamers, and
taken up to Newport News and disembarked, whence they marched
about two miles below and went into camp. The 104th landed on
the pier at the fortress, and marched to the camp ground by the way
of Hampton.
Couch's division of our corps, the 4th, had preceded us some
days and was already in camp in the same vicinity. The 104th
pitched their tent in a beautiful peach-orchard, now in full bloom,
and near the spot where had formerly been a large farm-house,
barn, and outbuildings, which had been burned by the enemy.
The destruction was complete ; the hearth-stones were removed,
and the wells filled up. The dwellings had generally been burned
in that vicinity. My men preserved the peach-trees from destruc
tion. The division remained encamped here ten days, the weather
being very wet and exceedingly cold most of the time. There was
but little opportunity of drill, and the men were principally em
ployed in fatigue and picket duty. The division was reviewed
once by general Casey. One afternoon, the rebel ram, Merrimac,
came down from Norfolk and cut out some small craft that lay in
Hampton creek, which we were obliged to witness without the
power to prevent. The Monitor lay opposite the fortress watching
her operations, but she kept at a respectful distance from this
doughty little Goliath, and gave us no opportunity to witness a com-
')at between these mailed monarchs of the sea. The location of
our camp was unhealthy and the men rapidly sickened. Some of
the newest regiments brought tho measles with them from Wash
ington, and by the time the division marched the disease had
spread to such extent, that the second and third brigades were
obliged to leave several hundred sick men behind.
General McClellan arrived at Fortress Monroe the 2nd of April.

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 51
The army commenced its march toward Yorktown on the 4th, and
the next day the advance appeared before the enemy's lines. By
the 7th instant, 35,000 men had come up. The march of Casey's
division Was delayed by the badness of the roads and the want
of transportation. On the 9th, the 11th Maine, of my brigade,
with a section of artillery were sent up to Young's mill on the
James river, which was threatened 'by the rebel gun-boat Teazer.
The division marched on the morning of the 15th for Warwick
court-house. The day was warm, and the roads, in many places,
exceedingly bad. My brigade was in the advance. It was in
tended the whole command should bivouac at Young's mill, as
that Was a good day's march for young troops, but when I arrived
there, at 4 P. M., I was ordered to hurry forward, with all possible
speed, to re-enforce general Couch at Warwick ; who was reported
to have had an engagement with the enemy and needed assistance.
We reached him about sunset, and bivouacked in an open field,
in line of battle. Without rations or camp equipage I was ill-
conditioned to pass a comfortable night. By chance I met lieuten
ant, now colonel, Fisher chief signal officer of the United States
army, whose quarters were near at hand. Acting the part of a
good Samaritan, he treated me to a ham and egg supper, which
fortified me against the inclemency of the night. At a late hour
I crept into an unoccupied tent and slept, with my overcoat for
bed and bedding. In the morning, the two other brigades of the
division came up, and that afternoon we marched to our assigned
position in the lines before Yorktown.
When the army reached its position, the enemy was found to oc
cupy the line of the Warwick river, which stretched almost entirely
across the peninsula from the York to the James, and was strongly
defended by detached redoubts and other earth works mounted
with light and heavy guns. Immediately around the village of
Yorktown strong bastioned works had been erected, which enclosed
the remains of the old revolutionary works, and were connected

52 ONE HUNDEED AND FOURTH
with the head waters of the Warwick river by means of strong rifle
pits. A large earth work had been thrown up on Gloucester Point,
across the York river, which was mounted with heavy guns on the
water fronts. Upon a careful reconnoissance of the enemy's defences
they were pronounced too strong for assault, and siege opera
tions were considered necessary for their reduction. General Bar
nard, chief Engineer of the Army of the Potomac, whose opinion is
entitled to great weight, did not think these formidable works could
be assaulted with any reasonable hope of success, and his judgment
was against the attempt. General Keyes, commanding the 4th corps,
writes from Warwick court house, under date of the 7th of April,
to Mr. Senator Harris, of New York, that " The line in front of
us, in the opinion of all military men, who are at all competent to
judge, is one of the strongest in the world, and the force of the ene
my capable of being increased beyond the numbers we now have to
oppose him." The same officer, in his report ofthe 16th of April,
ofthe reconnoissances made to that period, says, — " No part of the
enemy's lines, so far as discovered, can be taken by assault without
enormous loss of life." The troops occupied the following relative
positions in line. Heintzelman's corps was on the right, extending
from the mouth of Wormley's creek down the Warwick river to a
point opposite Winn's mill; Sumner occupied the centre, and Keyes
the left, facing Lee's mill, the one gun battery, and other works,
and extending all the way to the James river. The enemy had
made good use of the little river that flowed in his front. He
had built dams across it at several points and so arranged sluice
ways as to enable him to inundate an attacking party. The stream
was made more valuable to his earth works than an ordinary wet
ditch. The enemy's works at most points could only be approached
through dense woods and thickets and across swamps.
Casey's division occupied the centre of the 4th corps — Smith
being on the right, and Couch on the left. My brigade held the
centre of the division. Our camps were at that point known as

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 53
Yorktown four corners, four miles from Yorktown and one from
Warwick court house. No pains could have given us a more disa
greeable position. The late rains had converted the country there
abouts into a quagmire, and we lived in the mud to all intents and
purposes. The 104th pitched its tents in an old tobacco field at the
forks of the road. The ground was dry when the camp was located,
but the first rain changed it into a vast mud hole, and so it conti
nued while the regiment occupied it. It was impossible for the men
to keep their clotting or equipments clean. There were swamps on
every side, and of evenings the frogs made the air vocal with their
croakings. The regiment remained in this mud hole ten days, when
the location was changed to a beautiful grove of small pines near
us, on a dry sandy ridge. Here a model camp was formed. Broad
streets were cut through the pines, leaving trees enough standing
for shade and ornament, and a wide space in front, which dropped
down with a gentle slope to a small creek, was cleared up for a pa
rade ground. The tents, which were pitched in a fringe of pines
left standing for that purpose, were raised high enough from the
ground to secure the men from dampness. Bowers and arbors
were constructed about the tents, and some companies built tasteful
arches over their streets where they debouched on to the parade.
Rustic seats were erected in shady places where the occupant could
sit and think of home, or reflect on the campaign that lay before
him, in quiet seclusion. Sweet singing birds lived in the trees,
whose songs of peace and sweet harmony were in delightful contrast
to the sounds of war that saluted us on every side. In the rear was
dense pine timber, with here and there a clearing. The contrast in
comparison with our former camps was so great that officers and
men looked upon it as almost a little Paradise. It was known as
the Pine Grove camp, and how often, in the after hardships of the
Peninsula campaign, did the mind turn back to this quiet and plea
sant spot!
From the time the army set down before Yorktown until the

54 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
defences were evacuted by the enemy, the siege was carried on
actively. The plan of operations for the reduction of the enemy's
works, as agreed upon by the engineers, was to establish bat
teries along his whole front from the York river on tl^e right,
to the Warwick on the left, a chor<^ of about a mile in length.
Our principal approaches were directed against the east end of
the main work, where his heaviest guns were mounted, which
bore on the land as well as the water. The severest labor in
the matter of building batteries, digging approaches, and mount
ing guns, devolved on Heintzelman's corps, as it held the ground
immediately in front of the town, where the strongest of the enemy's
works had been erected. The corps of Keyes, and afterwards the
entire left wing under Summer, composed of the two corps of these
officers, was principally occupied in ascertaining the nature of the
obstacles of the Warwick river, with a view, if possible, of over
coming them. It was part of McClellan's plans to break through
the defences on the enemy's left and seize the Williamsburg road
which would cut off Yorktown from its supplies and support. The
force under general Heintzelman was engaged in a similar effort
on the enemy's works between the extreme right and Winn's mill,
but on careful reconnoissance it was found that their line could not
be broken in that quarter, as the only place of passage was across
a dam swept by artillery, and protected by heavy intrenchments
constructed in the timber. It was designed to complete the bat
teries as rapidly as possible and open them simultaneously upon
the enemy's works, to silence his guns that swept the neck of land
between the head of Wormly's creek and the Warwick ; and while
their fire was kept down, to push forward the trenches and assault
his works. The labor on the batteries, the approaches to them,
bridges, and re-opening roads for the movement of troops along the
whole line was continued without cessation. The work was labo
rious and much of it was done in swamps. A good corduroy road
was constructed from Yorktown, four corners to the extreme right,

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 55
strong enough for the passage of the heaviest artillery. From
time to time strong reconnoissances were pushed against the enemy's
lines to discover their strong and weak points ; and they retaliated
by trying to drive in our pickets and take our rifle-pits.
The troops on the left had a full share of the fatigue and picket
duty to do. The building of the corduroy road to Cheeseman's
landing, where our supplies were delivered, was a work of great
labor. It was constructed through the wood and swamp nearly
the whole distance, and the men worked constantly in mud and
water. Many of the logs cut down for this purpose were a foot in
diameter. Drilling was out of the question as the men were all
occupied on picket and fatigue. We had a long picket line to
maintain, and this duty was rendered doubly severe by the state
of the weather. Our lines were not more than two hundred yards
apart on the left, but our camps were nearly a mile from the ene
my's works and hid from them by the intervening timber. In going
to and returning from the picket lines, the men were often obliged
to wade through water half-leg deep ; and while on duty, had to
lie out day and night in the rain, watching the enemy from a fence
corner or a brush-heap. Mounted officers floundered through the
mud and mire belly-deep to their horses, and when the poor
animals sank down in the stiff clay soil, it was painful to see
them struggling to regain their footing. Our pickets were fre-
quentty fired upon, and often the first salute the new officer of the
day received on visiting the lines, was a shot from one of the
enemy's batteries. On two occasions lieutenant-colonel Nields and
major Gries were fired at by a gun mounted on a large redoubt
below Lee's mill, and in both instances the shot was a very good
one, and came near sending these officers to their final account.
Now and then our men made a raid across the picket line into
the territory of the enemy, and upon one occasion they returned
with several head of cattle. At another time they brought off from
in front of a rebel battery, an old sulky, an ambulance and^i Cones-

56 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
toga wagon. These raids were made more in the spirit of fun than
otherwise. On the night of the 16th, general Smith, whose division
held the right of O'ar corps, made an assault on the works of the
enemy across the Warwick river, and was repulsed with consider
able loss. Not only was there a heavy force at hand to oppose him,
but they opened the sluiceways of the dam and drowned many of
our wounded, and prevented others returning who had crossed over
in safety. Alarms were frequent, and the troops were called out at
the most unseasonable hours, caused by the scare of some affrighted
soldier or inexperienced officer. On the 23d of April I was relieved
of the command of the brigade by general Naglee, whom general
McClellan ordered to report to general Casey for duty. As I
was the only colonel in the division commanding a brigade, I had
to give way for a general officer. General Naglee had been com
manding a brigade in Hooker's division, but he and the general had
had a quarrel, which led to the arrest of Naglee and his being per
manently relieved from command in the division. I felt great pride
in the brigade, and naturally resigned the command of it with some
regret. It was by all odds the best in the division. I had taken
the regiments on their first arrival at Washington, the fall before,
organized, drilled and disqjplined them, and when I gave up the com
mand, I do not believe the brigade was second to any in the army of
the Potomac in efficiency. I now had time to devote all my atten
tion to my own regiment. General Naglee was as gallant an officer as
could be found in the army, impetuous, and sometimes rash, but just
to his officers and men. He soon became proud of the brigade, and
thought there was no duty so hard that it could not perform it.
In the last days of April, the enemy was strongly suspected of
preparing to evacuate his works, and on the 28th, general Keyes di
rected general Casey to cause a reconnoissance to be made toward
Lee's mill, to discover his movements, if possible. Naglee's bri
gade was assigned to this duty, and the reconnoissance was made on
the afternoon of the 29th instant. The 104th occupied the rit^ht

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 57
of our line, which was formed in a wood along the Lee's mill road,
and about twelve hundred yards in front of the enemy's works.
Companies A and B were thrown forward in an open field, and de
ployed as skirmishers, with company E as a support. The regi
ment was then advanced two hundred yards to a fence, on the edge
of the timber. The brigade rested on this line, while the skirmish
ers were pushed forward to feel the enemy. Captain Orem, with
his company, advanced to within about a hundred and fifty yards
of the works, where he found a force drawn up. A few shots
were exchanged, by which one of the skirmishers of the 11th
Maine was mortally wounded. When his company retired, he was
left where he had fallen, at the mercy of the enemy. Captain
Orem, with the assistance of three men, brought off the body at
great risk. The conduct of the officer who commanded the com
pany of the 11th was such that he could stay in the regiment no
longer, and was permitted to resign. The 104th had no casualties;
two shells burst close to the regiment, but nobody was hurt. We
returned to camp after dark, hungry, cold and muddy. Drummer
Somerdyke was so anxious for a fight, that he seized a rifie and
went into the ranks. The reconnoissance accomplished the desired
object, and demonstrated that the enemy still held his lines in
force. It was a small affair, but well conducted, and was a lesson
that added to the confidence of the troops.
The siege works had been pushed forward with such commenda
ble activity, in spite of storms and other obstacles, that it was ex
pected the batteries would be ready to open on the enemy on the
6th of May, at the latest. The whole army was in expectation of
the assault that would succeed the bombardment. But the enemy
did not give us an oppportunity to try the range of our heavy guns
upon them, but evacuated on the night of the 3d, and retired up
the Peninsula. A citizen of Yorktown, who remained there during
the siege, stated to me in the fall of 1862, that he often heard the
rebel officers, who boarded at his house remark, that McClellan

58

ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH

could drive them out whenever he opened his guns. From obser
vation, they knew his batteries were nearly completed, and there
fore showed great prudencp in leaving in good season.
There were indications for two or three days before, along our
part of the line, that some movement was going on among the ene
my, but no reliable information of what it was could be obtained.
On the 3d, general Naglee made a personal reconnoissance. After
a careful examination of their works, from the tops of the highest
trees in the woods, and from the lookouts, he was satisfied he had
evacuated his lines from the Warwick to the James, and he did
not believe there were then a hundred men in front of Casey's
division. He reported the result of his observations to general
Casey the same day, but I do not know whether it was transmitted
to higher authority. At all events, it was not acted upon. He
had evacuated this part of the line undoubtedly before the exami
nation by general Naglee, but the works immediately about York-
town were held until some time during the night of the 3d, or it
was probably the morning of the 4th before the rear guard left.
The first positive information that the enemy had evacuated, came
from the pickets pf our division. About daylight on Sunday morn
ing, some of them carefully approached the works on the right
of the defences at Lee's mill, and seeing nobody about ventured
nearer and nearer, until at last they stood within the much coveted
intrenchments of the enemy. They were silent and deserted, with
nothing but the debris of their late camps to tell the story of their
occupation. Soon after the arrival of the regiment at Yorktown four cor
ners, lieutenant Carver, sergeant Ryan, and several enlisted men of
the 104th, were detailed to erect towers along the line for the use
of the signal corps. Lieutenant Carver had charge of the work,
and accomplished it with great success. The towers were built in
the timber, and one of them was a hundred and fifteen feet in
height. From their top, one could look down into the enemy's

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 59
works and observe their movements. When they appeared above
the tree tops, the enemy shelled them, but it did not interfere with
their completion. When the regiment moved forward, it was so
sudden that lieutenant Carver and his party were left at work in the
woods, but they rejoined us a few days afterward.

60 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH

CHAPTER V.

Evacuation suspected. — We march in pursuit. — Accident. — 104th to Grove's wharf. — We
return and join in general pursuit. — ^Join our division. — Bivouac. — Found supper. —
Country alive with troops. — Rainy night. — March in morning. — Halt. — Go to support
Hooker. — Return. — March to support Hancock. — Bivouac on battle field.— Cause of fail
ure at WiUiamsburg.— Alarm in night. — Field of battle next morning.— 104th marches
to fort Magruder.— A wounded enemy. — Light baggage reaches us.— The regiment.
THE suspicion that the enemy had evacuated his works was so
strong at general Keyes' head quarters on Saturday night
that arrangements were made for pursuit next morning, in case it
should turn out to be true. He directed general Casey to send a
brigade of infantry, battery of artillery and a squadron of cavalry,
in the direction of Grove's wharf, on the James river, to reconnoitre
the country well, and try and discover whether any of the enemy
had withdrawn by that route. When it was known at head quar
ters, that the enemy had gone, immediate pursuit was ordered.
About 8 o'clock I received a verbal order to get the regiment under
arms as soon as possible. In a few minutes it was in line and moved
off through the wood and swamps toward the enemy's lines. We
did not then know that he had evacuated. Our camp was left
standing, with every thing in the tents as though we were going
out for drill. Neither officers nor men took overcoat or blanket,
except the thoughtful few, who were always prepared for an emer
gency, We little thought we were bidding a final adieu to the
pleasant Pine Grove camp. When the regiment fell in, drummers

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 61
Hurtig, Hunter, Smith and Griner, too plucky to be left behind,
seized the rifles of sick men and went into the ranks of their com
panies. Company A, which had just gone on guard, was left to
take charge of the camp.
Uniting with the other regiments of the brigade, we hurried for
the enemy's works. Company B. was in the advance as skirmish
ers. The enemy had planted torpedoes in the road that led up to
their intrenchments, and care was required to prevent the men
treading upon them. One was exploded by a soldier of the 52nd
Pennsylvania regiment, which literally tore the poor fellow to pieces
and wounded six others of the same company. One of his toes
was found in the haversack of his comrade. We found the
fortifications entirely deserted, with evidence of hasty departure.
The first flag raised over this part of his works was by lieu
tenant Fisher, of the signal corps. Other brigades came streaming
on and soon thousands of men stood in and about the works of our
foe. As there was uncertainty what route the enemy had taken,
I was ordered to make the reconnoissance toward Grove's wharf,
where there was a good place to embark, and go up the James river
in boats. Not less than a brigade of infantry was to be assigned to
this duty, but I was only allowed to take my own regiment, with
two pieces of artillery, and a squadron of regular cavalry. The en
emy was not found in that direction. 1 learned from a negro that
a body of troops had taken that road, but the last of them had em
barked in steamboats the day before. Having carried out my or
ders, I returned. Quartermaster Hendrie was now sent back to the
camp to make arrangements for getting up our baggage and camp
equipage. In the mean while our division had been replaced by strange
troops, and there was no one to whom I could report the result of
my reconnoissance. I therefore turned into the Williamsburg road
and followed the march of the army as I had been instructed. It
was now near the middle of the afternoon, and as my men had been

62 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
keeping up for several hours with the cavalry, they were considera
bly fagged, nevertheless they marched with spirit and ' enthusiasm.
In places the road was fearfully bad, and every where filled with
dense masses of troops hurrying forward. At intervals we passed
the wreck of a wagon or cart, sticking in the mud, abandoned by
the retreating enemy, but very little was left behind that could be
carried away. When we reached the road that comes from York-
town, we encountered another body of troops, the men of Heintzel
man and Sumner; whose officers would not permit us to enter their
column, and we had to wait for an opening before we could continue
the march. We came up with our division about sun-down, which
was found bivouacked in a large fleld four miles below Williams
burg. The regiment was marched to an orchard, where the men
stacked arms and lay down to sleep, with no other protection than
that afforded by the branches of the trees. As I had not even a
cracker in the locker, before I turned in I went out to hunt supper,
and instinct directed me to Regan's 7ch New York battery, as the
most likely place to find it. I was not mistaken. Seated under a
tarpaulin stretched from a gun carriage wheel to a tree, I found the
captain, his lieutenants and surgeon Van Ettan of the 56th New
York regiment, eating a sumptuous meal. The bill of fare consisted
of fresh butter, soft bread, milk, fried meat and canned fruit, to say
nothing of a little flask of commissary '^B," administered at inter
vals, on the surgeon's certificate, to keep out the dampness. As
these gentlemen were my friends, I was cordially welcomed to ths
mess-chest, and the inward man was made to laugh with gladness.
If a hungry officer desires to find good cheer on the march, let him
get on the warm side of the light artillery, for there it is always to
be found. I spread my friendly old watch coat, which had shelter
ed me in many a bivouac in the Mexican war, at the roots of a tree,
where I snatched a few hours' rest in spite of cold and rain. The
country hereabout was alive with troops and wagons, and during the
night tho air resounded with the neighing of horses and the still

PENNSYLVANIA EEGIMENT. 63
harsher voices of mules. A few prisoners had been picked up and
. brought to division head quarters, but no information of import
ance was obtained from them.
As soon as I had been detached toward James river, the balance
of the division marched in pursuit of the enemy up the Williams
burg road, Naglee's brigade leading. He led the extreme advance
of the infantry. About 2 o'clock in the afternoon he was met by
governor Sprague returning from the front, who informed him of
the situation of things there, and how necessary it was that infantry
should be sent forward immediately. He was already pushing on
as rapidly as possible under the orders of general Keyes. In a little
while general William F. Smith came up and stopped his march by
order of general Sumner. After considerable delay Naglee found
Sumner, who, with much hesitation, consented that the troops of
Casey might follow Smith's brigade. He was just getting under
way again, when Heintzelman came up and ordered him to halt un
til the whole of his division had passed. When these extraordinary
interruptions of the pursuit of the enemy were reported to general
Casey, he saw that it -was entirely fruitless to attempt to get the ad
vance, or keep it when obtained, and ordered his division to go into
camp, where I found it. Because of this interruption in the pursuit
no infantry reached the front that day, and our artillery and cavalry
were repulsed for want of support. Had Naglee been allowed to
push forward, he would, in all probability, have reached Emory in
time to intercept the enemy's rear-guard, but which, for want of
infantry, was permitted to escape by a circuitous route along the
James river.
It rained during Sunday night, and we arose from the ground
the next morning, wet, cold and hungry. Our division was under
arms at sunrise, and moved out into the main road. Troops, ar
tillery and wagons had been coming up all night, and the road was
so much crowded with them, that we were obliged to turn out into
the fields and woods to get along. The rain fell in torrents. The

64 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH.
soft soil was cut up into mud shoe top deep: the wagons stuck fast
every few rods, and the men labored painfully to drag their sinking ¦
feet after them. The brigade was halted in a wood and stacked
arms j.ust beyond Cheesecake church. Hereabouts, were a number
of brigades of infantry and several batteries of artillery. We
had heard the sound of cannon for some time, and knew that a
battle was going on in front; and after awhile messengers brought
in word that the enemy had turned back, and was engaged with our
forces at Williamsburg. Naglee made a few impromptu dispositions
to stand on the defensive, should it become necessary. The bushes
were cut down, and two pieces of cannon placed in position at the
turn in the road. While we lay here, some of my men were
able to forage a few chickens, pigs and corn bread from the neigh
boring farms, for rations had not yet come up, and hungry soldiers
in an enemy's country are not apt to be profound respecters of the
rights of meum and tuum.
It was now noon. It had rained all day, and there was hardly a
dry soldier, or satisfied stomach in the brigade. Word was now re
ceived from the front, that Hooker was hard pushed, and re-enforce
ments were needed. Naglee's brigade was ordered forward. The
men seized their arms, and moved off with alacrity, for any change
was preferable to standing in the timber and fields in the rain.
Passing by the old church, we struck across the country, through
thickets and marshes, over hills and valleys and across water courses,
the mud and mire being every where deep. How far we marched
I don't know, for I kept reckoning of neither distance nor time, but
we were almost within supporting distance, and would soon have
debouched on the field of battle, when we were overtaken by a
staff officer, with orders to return and go to the support of Hancock,
who was engaged with the enemy's left. It was intended, in the
first place, that our brigade should re-enforce Hancock, but some
body's stupidity sent us on a wild goose chase several miles out of
our way. On facing about, I found that the 104th was alone, the

PENNSYLVANIA EEGIMENT. 65
only regiment that had made this fatiguing march. I received no
other order than to return, and therefore marched back to the woods
we had started from, where the men were ordered to stack arms.
I expected every moment to be joined by the remainder of the bri
gade, as I did not then know that the other regiments had been
halted at the old church, and had some time ago been sent off to re-
enforce our right. I was in ignorance of what was expected of us.
After waiting some time, and hearing nothing of general Naglee or
the other regiments, I rode up the Williamsburg road to 'find
some body who could give me orders. I met an aide-de-camp of
general Casey, who was hunting us, and by him was ordered to
hasten to our extreme right, to the support of Hancock, whither
the rest of the brigade was marching. A few moments saw. us
under way.
The marching, by this time, was more than bad — it was execra
ble in the extreme. We kept the main road until we reached the
Adam's house, where we turned into the fields to the right and
struck across the country, following in the track of those who had
preceded us. General McClellan, with staff and escort, had come
up a little while before, and was near the house giving directions.
The troops cheered him loudly as they passed. The out-buildings
had been taken for hospital purposes, and a number of wounded
had already been brought in and placed in them. Night came on
before we reached the front. We had no guide, and our course
was directed by stragglers we met coming from the field. The
darkness was intense, the mud deep and still raining hard. The
other regiments of the brigade were ahead of us so far that we
could not overtake them. We reached the field of battle two hours
after dark. The battle had ceased, and all had become quiet — the
weary soldier had sunk to rest, and the wounded lay down to die. We
were lucky in reaching our destination at all that night, for never
were tired and hungry soldiers marched over a more infamous road.
General Naglee and the four regiments made their appearance at
5

66 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH.
a critical moment, and while they were not actually under fire, their
coming so much inspirited Hancock's men, that they were enabled
to make the final charge which gave us the day.
Every great battle is said to be the result of a blunder on the
one side or the other, and that of Williamsburg is not an exception.
But in this instance there was a double blunder. That of the
enemy consisted in not making better time and getting out of the
way of our pursuing columns, while ours was in not crushing the
entire force sent back to oppose us.
When general McClellan discovered that the enemy had evacuated
his lines between the York and James rivers, he ordered the cavalry
and four horse batteries in immediate pursuit, with the promise of
an infantry support. He directed the divisions of Kearney and
Hcoker to march on Williamsburg by the direct road from York-
town, and those of Smith, Couch and Casey by the road from War
wick Court-house. The divisions of Eichardson, Sedgwick and
Porter were moved up to the immediate vicinity of Yorktown, while
that of Franklin, which was on board transports below the town,
was got ready to steam up the xiver and land at West Point and
intercept the retreat of the enemy. General Sumner was ordered
to proceed to the front and take charge of operations until such
time as the Commanding-General should arrive.
Stoneman moved rapidly and overtook Hampton's legion, the
rear guard of the enemy, four miles from Williamsburg, where a
running fight took place for a couple of miles. Our advance guard
was repulsed and fell back to a clearing a mile and a half this side
of the enemy's works. Hooker did not march until about two
o'clock in the afternoon, and was detained two or three hours by
reason of Smith's division blocking up the road before him. I have
already detailed how Naglee was prevented supporting Stoneman,
and how the rear guard of the enemy escaped. Hooker resumed
his march about dark, and turning to the left at Cheesecake church
made a detour of three or four miles to endeavor to turn the ene-

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. QJ
my's right. He marched that night until eleven o'clock, when the
depth of the mud and the fatigue of his men compelled hiin to halt.
He started early the next morning, and at six and a half o'clock
had come up with the enemy's advanced outposts, half a mile
from fort Magruder. When the retiring enemy found himself so
hard pushed, several thousand men were recalled to fight us at
Williamsburg. This became a necessity, to allow the great bulk of
the army to escape. Their commander was willing to sacrifice a
part to save the remainder.
General Hooker became engaged early in the day, and the battle
lasted until evening. It was fought with great stubbornness oa
both sides. He made urgent requests of the commanding officer
on the Yorktown road for re-enforcements, but none were sent him
except Keim's brigade and a few other troops. Late in the day
Kearny, who was the last to leave Yorktown, came up and relieved
Hooker and took command. All this time Sumner was within two
or three miles of the field, with thousands of tro,ops at his command,
yet it seems that he ordered up only Naglee's brigade to the sup
port of Hooker, and the march of that was countermanded before it
reached him. The blundering of the commanders, and the conflict
of their orders, well nigh cost us defeat, and will remain one of the
marvels of the campaign. The road was fairly choked up with ar
tillery and infantry that should have been hurled upon the enemy,
and crushed him before he could have escaped, instead of doing
nothing all day.
The Prince de Joinville was with the advance. Seeing how
things were going, he rode back to Yorktown about ten o'clock in
the forenoon to see general McClellan, who had not yet left there.
He said to the general, "You have three old women in the advance
who refuse to re-enforce Hooker, who is heavily engaged, and it is
necessary that you go to the front.'' He started as soon as he could,
and reached the Adam's house about the middle of the afternoon.
In speaking of the battle afterward, I heard general Casey remark

68 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
that there was great occasion for a controlling mind on the field;
that general McClellan, immediately upon his arrival, saw the weak
point of the enemy, and consequently pushed reinforcements to
Hancock — ^that his coming probably saved the day. But for the
presence of the rebel ram Merrimac, the battle of Williamsburg
would have been made a crushing defeat to the enemy, instead of
a victory of doubtful advantage. At this point, the Peninsula is
quite narrow, and with gunboats in the James and York rivers, our
shells would have overlapped this neck of land, and probably
prevented the retreat of the enemy. As it was, he held us in
check long enough to enable the main body, with the baggage and
heavy guns, to get beyond our reach. He retired during the
night, leaving their dead and wounded on the field,
The 104th joined the bivouac of the brigade on the field of bat
tle where we passed the night. The regiments were formed in
division columns. The men sat down in their places in ranks in
the mud, with their accoutrements on, and held their rifles between
their knees. The horses of the mounted officers were kept sad
dled, and in some instances the riders passed the night in the
saddle. Both officers and men were ordered to keep awake, but it
was a hard thing to do, and was not always observed. During
the night the ear was often saluted by the groans of the wounded
enemy who lay near us, by no means a pleasant sound to waiting,
expectant soldiers. Toward morning the report of a gun was
heard in the wood to our left, which had the effect of a galvanic
battery on the strained nerves of the men. The brigade sprang
to arms as one man, without command, with a sound like a rushing
wind, and was ready for action in a moment. The alarm was
caused by some affrighted picket discharging his rifle at an imagin
ary foe, and as there was no danger at hand, the men were permitted
to sit down again. The battle was expected to be renewed in the
morning, but when the day dawned, and it was discovered that the

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 69
enemy had retired during the night, all concerned were most agree
ably disappointed.
The sun arose bright and clear, which, added to the retreat of
the enemy, gave a cheerful aspect to the situation. We lay at the
head of a plain, flanked on either side by dense wood, extend-
iug in a gradual descent t^^o miles to fort Magruder. Near us
was a square redoubt, which the enemy had not occupied, in
which lay ninety-six of his dead and wounded, mostly North
Carolinians. They were lying in the mud just as they had been
carried in from the field. Their heart-rending groans, and pitiable
condition, added to the unsympathizing gaze of the lookers on, did
not present a pleasing picture of war. A short distance from the
redoubt a burying-party was collecting the enemy's dead, and
preparing to consign them to the narrow trench that shortly re
ceived their mortal remains. My men had now been two days
without rations, except the little some of them were able to pick
up on the road, and the stomachs were in a rebellious condition.
Some commissariat wagons come upon the field early in the morn
ing, and I was fortunate enough to procure a few boxes of hard
bread, and a little sugar and coffee.
It was yet quite early when I was directed to move with the
104th toward fort Magruder, halt in that vicinity and await further
orders. We marched the entire length of the field on which the
enemy's left fought the battle of the day before. None ofthe rebel
dead had been removed, except those near the redoubt already men
tioned, and their bodies were seen every few yards — in the road,
along the sides of the road, in the grass and grain, in the ditches
and along the fences. They lie stark and stiff, a ghastly commenta
ry on a nation's quarrel. We halted in a strip of bushes near the
fort, where the men stacked arms and lay down to make up the sleep
and rest they had lost the night before. We were the advance of
the infantry that morning, but numerous other regiments were de
bouching on to the plain from the openings in the hills and

70 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
through the timber, and followed close after us. In the bushes
near our bivouac sergeant Widdiefield came across a young South
Carolina soldier badly wounded by a musket ball in the groin. He
was a pale, delicate-looking, youth. He told the usual tale, that he
was left there to die after he was of no further service. He had
been wounded out on the plain, but had managed to drag himself
to the bushes for shelter. My men gave him something to eat
from their scanty store, and water from their canteens, as he had
had nothing to eat or drink since the day before. He was then
turned over to the kind attention of assistant-surgeon Eobinson,
who dressed his wounds and caused him to be taken to the enemy's
hospital at Williamsburg.
Quartermaster Hendrie reached us with the light baggage and
rations the next day, but the whole of our baggage did not arrive
until the day of the battle of Fair Oaks, the 31st of May. Com
pany A joined us here. The sick men left behind at Pine grove
camp were sent to the general hospital at Yorktown; some died,
others were discharged, and the remainder rejoined the regiment
after a long absence. One of these men deserted, but was afterward
apprehended. Private Elias Wolf, company H, was too ill to be
removed and died in camp, where he was buried under the shade
of the young pines. Another man was reported to captain Eogers
as lying at the point of death, for whom he caused a coffin to be
made, but he recovered and afterward rejoined the regiment.
The last morning report of the regiment before we marched from
Yorktown four corners was rendered the 4th of May, the morning
we left. Then we had present thirty-five officers and eight hund
red and ten non-commissioned officers and privates. Since we left
Washington down to this time eleven had been discharged, one
died, and two reported as deserters. The one who died was private
Bertols,' company A, who had been left behind at Warren hospital.
Some of those discharged were absent, sick in hospital, at the time.
The day the regiment landed at Fortress Monroe private Garner,

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 7]
company B., was placed in the hospital there, whence he was dis
charged, and died at home soon afterward. A few men were sen
to the Newport News hospital from the Peach orchard camp
some of whom rejoined us in front of Yorktown. Others died O!
were discharged.

V2 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH

CHAPTER VI.

Williamsburg. — The battle-field. — Burying the dead. — Stoneman continued pursuit. — Army
advances. — Bivouac. — Mrs. Pickett's. — Prisoner escapes. — March from Roper's church. —
English ofQcer at dinner. — " Pater." — New Kent court house. — Prisoners brought in. —
Reconnoissance to Chickahominy. — Army^bivouacSjnear Bottom's bridge. — ^104th crosses
over for picket. — Keyes' corps crosses. — Reconnoissance to Savage's station.
WILLIAMSBUEG, in appearance, is still a colonial town. As
such it was built in colonial times, and has so remained
through all the generations that have passed away since its corner
stone was laid, down to the time our army entered and took posses
sion of it the morning after the battle of the 5th of May. The
buildings have a very antiquated look, but comfortable, and the hand
of the spoiler, modern improvement, had been laid upon it with a
very gentle touch. It is the seat of William and Mary college, next
to Harvard, the oldest institution of learning in the United States.
Principal among the other public buildings, are the residence of
Lord Dinmore, while Royal governor of Virginia, a quaint structure,
a beautiful and well-arranged Insane Asylum, and the court house.
At a later period in the war the college was burned down, its second
destruction by fire; the first time being burned by the British during
the Revolutionary war. Many of the inhabitants had gone away,
while those at home mostly remained within doors. But one man
in the whole population publicly announced himself faithful to the
old flag, whom neither threats nor persuasion could turn. This was
Lemuel Bowden, a distinguished lawyer, who was afterwards elected

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 73
United States Senator from the State of East Virginia, but died
while a member of that body the third year of the war.
In its day and generation, Williamsburg was an important place.
It was once the centre of all that was fashionable and polished and
aristocratic in the Old Dominion. Here the Royal governors of
Virginia held court with more regal form than any where else this
side the Atlantic; when Washington, then a young man, used to
ride from Mount Vernon by the way of White House, down the
Peninsula, to mingle in the elite society attracted to the colonial
capital. Here the great men of the State met at a later period and
promulgated ideas that went far toward forming the public opinion
that carried our ancestors through the Revolutionary struggle. But
its glory hath departed. The town is in decay, and a new popula
tion seems needed to save it from ruin.
To the victors was left the duty of burying the dead, and taking
care of the wounded of both armies, and it was a sad task, that of
going over the battle-field and collecting them together. The for
mer were put into trenches digged near where they fell, and the
latter were taken to the townf and placed in public and private build
ings. Near fort Magruder were several cabins which the enemy
had used for barracks, where many of the wounded were carried in
the first instance. A rich harvest of dead was gathered there.
They were lying in every conceivable position, and in some places
so thick on the ground as nearly to touch each other. A consider
able portion of the battle field was covered with slashed timber, and
bodies were found well-concealed in the bushes, as if the men, after
being wounded, had dragged themselves there for shelter. Some
of the wounded were not discovered until after the lapse of two or
three days, and many, no doubt, died from sheer exposure. One
rebel soldier was shot while in the act of ramming a cartridge into
his musket, and there he stood, stiff in death, with his ramrod half
inserted in the barrel, and the hand raised to force it home. Near
a dead rebel officer were lying the bodies of three Federal soldiers,

74 ONE HUNDRED AND FOUETH
whom he had apparently shot with his pistol, and was afterward
killed himself Both armies fought in mud half-leg deep. Many
incidents of the field were related. It was told me, that one rebel
regiment advanced with a white flag, calling to our men not to fire,
as they were coming in; but when they had approached near our
line, they poured a volley into our men which killed and wounded
a number. The white flag was borne by a fat officer, whom a boy
in our ranks determined to shoot for his treachery. He snapped
his gun at him two or three times, when he sat down and put fresh
powder in the cone, fired and killed him.
The next day after the enemy evacuated Williamsburg, general
Stoneman, with a force of cavalry, some horse batteries, and two
regiments of infantry, went in pursuit, and established himself fif
teen or twenty miles from the main body. The army did not move
until the morning of the 9th, as it was necessary to wait until the
baggage and supplies came up, and the wretched state of the roads
somewhat delayed the wagons. In this time the 104th had been
rejoined by all the men fit for duty, who had been left behind at
camp Scott, and quartermaster Hendrie had brought up a supply
of rations. While we lay here, general Naglee seemed apprehen
sive lest his brigade should have too much rest, and to prevent it,
he drilled us in the plain near Magruder.
We marched at 7^- o'clock in the morning. As we filed through
Williamsburg the bands played inspiring airs, and many of the in
habitants came to the doors and window's to see the troops pass.
General McClellan and staff stood on a porch and received the salute
of the army. That day we marched ten miles, and toward evening
our division encamped on the farm of a Mrs. Pickett, sister of Mr.
Bowden. The roads were bad in places and our long trains cut
them up so as to make them almost impassible. We met a number
of prisoners, who had been picked up by the advance, going to the
rear without a guard. They expressed themselves as already tired
of the war, and from their conduct appeared to be willing captives.

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 75
McClellan had sent word to Mrs. Pickett that he would quarter with
her for the night, and she was making ample preparations to accom
modate him. A guard of twenty-four men, in charge of a commis
sioned officer, was detailed for him from the 104th, and the regi
mental band was sent over to the house to welcome him on his arri
val. He was detained on the road by some engagement and did
not arrive that evening. The band serenaded the mistress of the
mansion and her daughters, with whom the officers present took a
glass of wine. The regiment bivouacked in a field at the edge of a
large wood. The negroes of Mrs. Pickett did quite a thriving busi
ness in selling corn dodgers to the men, and for that night hard
tack was at a discount. The next day we marched to Roper's
church, ten miles further. As the bulk of the army moved by the
main road, it was completely blocked up with artillery, cavalry, in
fantry and trains, and the progress was very slow. Our division
lay in a large wheat field on the farm of a Mr. Timberlake, whose
house accommodated general Casey and staff. The tents of the
Commanding-General were pitched in a pleasant grove near the
church, and the country around was alive with troops. The army
remained here the eleventh and twelfth, waiting for stores and am
munition to be brought up. Arrangements had been made to hang
a free negro, named Lightfoot, the morning of the 13th, who had
been convicted at Yorktown of having committed a rape upon two
white women, but the rascal escaped the night before and saved his
neck. He was the servant of an officer on general McClellan's
staff. While lying here several officers were arrested for violating
the order prohibiting the taking and carrying off private proper
ty. Among others was a colonel of our division, who came into
camp with two yokes of oxen hitched to an old wagon, loaded with
various kinds of plunder, including a considerable quantity of corn
meal, the result of his individual foraging on the road. Some of
the soldiers were uncharitable enough to say that he had been
tauo-ht bad habits while sitting as a member of a celebrated con-

76 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
gressional committee to investigate frauds, and that we had no right
to expect any thing better. The commission of lieutenant Holmes,
as assistant commissary of subsistence, with the rank of captain,
arrived in the mail on the 12 th, and he was mustered in as of that
date. Orderly sergeant Fretz was promoted to fill the vacancy thus
created in company/ A. Regimental headquarters were in the shade
of a friendly apple tree, where a tent was pitched. The last day of
our stay we had as guest, at dinner, lieutenant-colonel Fletcher, of
the English Fusileer Guards, serving on the staff of the command
ing general.
While we lay at Roper's church we had the last arrival from
Pine grove camp, in the person of Peter, a German boy, private
servant to major Gries. His adventures on the way were almost
as numerous as those of Don Quixote. While the regiment was
encamped in the old tobacco field at Yorktown four corners, a
very dilapidated vehicle, the remains of a former cart, fell to his
possession by reason of the want of an owner. Soon afterward he
also fell heir to a mule that was in keeping with the cart ; and he
picked up enough scraps of leather and pieces of rope about camp
to rig a harness and complete his team for the road. After the
regiment had marched, Peter loaded the baggage of the major and
chaplain into the cart and started toward Eichmond. His turn-out
attracted great attention. The army produced nothing like it ; it
was the observed of all observers. His mule was only able to
travel a very few miles when he was obliged to stop and encamp.
At every halt he set up public-house on the road-side and fed the
hungry. A number of soldiers received rations at his board. He
stuck fast in the mud an innumerable number of times, but on
each occasion, the forlorn appearance of himself and team attracted
sympathy and a helping hand. He swore quite equal to uncle
Toby in Flanders ; but when too mad to give vent to primitive
oaths, in a mixture of German and English, he sought refuge in
crying. When that failed to bring relief, he was quite in despair.

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 77
Messengers from the rear frequently gave notice of Peter's where
abouts, and the tribulations that were his. He finally drove into
camp the afternoon before we marched from Eoper's church, and
he had reason to congratulate himself and the mule in having made
the thirty miles inside of a week. "Pater," as the soldiers called
him, was quite a character in his way, and was the subject of maiiy
a hearty laugh in camp and on the march. He entered on his mili
tary career at Washington, but by the time the army reached Har
rison's landing he became disgusted and left for home. While
we lay here, lieutenant Carver was sent home sick, and assistant-
surgeon Eobinson was detailed for duty in the general hospital at
White House.
The next march was to New Kent court house, a distance of
twelve miles. It was one of the most fatiguing the army made on the
Peninsula. The men were under arms from 7 o'clock, on the morn
ing of the 13th, until 2 A.BI. of the 14th, nineteen hours, without
taking off their equipments. There was a halt every few minutes,
and it was not a rare thing to keep the men standing in the road
an hour at a time. When we moved, it was at an exceedingly slow
pace. The delay was said to be caused by the pontoon trains and
supply wagons which had got into our front. When we reached
our destination, our division was turned into a wheat field at the
edge of a wood, where the men lay down and were asleep in a few
minutes. It was my iU luck to be division officer of the day, and
the pickets and guards had to be looked after before I could turn
in; when I made my bed on the ground at the lee side of a brush
heap which broke off the wind. New Kent is a hamlet of twenty
houses, and hardly presented an attractive feature. The court house,
a small and antiquated building, is noted as having been the scene
of some of Patrick Henry's forensic displays in early life. The
army remained here three days to get up stores from West Point,
at the head of York river, whither they had been sent in boats. It
will be remembered, that when we moved from Yorktown, two divi-

78 ONE HUNDEED AND FOUETH
sions, under Franklin, were sent up the river in transports, under
convoy of gunboats, to that point, to endeavor to intercept the re
treat of the enemy. A landing was effected, and a spirited action
took place, but the enemy was in such large numbers that the gun
boats only saved us from a defeat. A depot of supplies was esta
blished there until the Eichmond and York river railroad was put
in running order, when the base of supplies was removed to White
House on the Pamunky. The next day after we encamped at New
Kent, two rebel officers came in under a flag of truce, under pre
tence of obtaining permission for a lady to visit her wounded hus
band at Williamsburg. They were not blindfolded when they came
through our lines, and as their object may have been to obtain in
formation, they were detained. When the army moved they were
taken to the front, blindfolded, and put outside our lines. They
pretended to be highly indignant at this treatment. By this time
several officers and men had become too sick to continue the march.
Captain Marple and lieutenant Eobinson, of company C, were of the
number. They were sent down to West Point in ambulances, and
thence to hospitals. The latter officer never rejoined his regiment
but was compelled to resign through long-continued illness.
Company C was thus left without a, commissioned officer, and
lieutenant Groff, of company H, was assigned to it. He retained
command until subsequently wounded on the 24th inst., at Savao-e's
station. Captain Marple and lieutenant Carver rejoined tbe regi
ment in June, on the Chickahominy. Lieutenant Hinkle rejoined
us at New Kent, from the recruiting service. While here, a gene
ral court martial, which had been assembled before we marched from
camp Scott, and of which I was a member, was called together to
complete some unfinished business.
The march was resumed at short notice on the afternoon of the
17th, and that evening oui- division pitched its tents near Balti
more cross roads, seven miles beyond. I was detained with the
court martial, and did not reach the regiment until_ it had encamped

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 79
To-day we passeil through some beautiful country, and saw a few
fine farms, with good improvements, lying some distance off the
road. Within a few hundred yards of our own camps stood the
residence of Dr. Tazewell Tyler, son ofthe ex-President, and now a
surgeon in the rebel army. The family had fled at our approach,
and left the premises in charge of an old black man, with the fur
niture undisturbed and the books and papers in their customary
places. In the office, some one picked up a letter, written in 1839,
by Henry A. Wise to John Tyler, in which the rebellion of the
slave States was foreshadowed. Here we remained over Sunday,
the 104th spending twenty-four hours of their stay on picket, which
included all the Sabbath. At sundown, Sunday afternoon, the few
men in camp turned out to listen to a discourse by chaplain Gries,
which concluded, the regimental band played a few appropriate
airs. The troops not on duty had a day of rest. We marched
from Baltimore cross roads on Monday morning, the 19th, in a
rain, with heavy roads. That afternoon we encamped near the
York river railroad, two miles below Dispatch station. Our brigade
lay in a wheat field, on the edge of a pine forest, while the army of
the Potomac, generally, covered the country south and west of us.
General McClellan passed us on the march, and cheer after cheer
went up from the boys as they recognized their Commanding-
General. By this time, the weather had cleared off and become
pleasant again. It was a bright, spring afternoon.
In the evening, I received an order to have my regiment under
arms early the next morning, for a reconnoissance toward the
Chickahominy. The force detailed was composed of the 104th, one
hundred picked men of the 52d, and two companies of the 11th
Maine. We marched up the railroad to within a few hundred
yards of the river, which is here twelve miles from Richmond, and
is crossed by a trestle bridge. The enemy occupied the opposite
bank, and had fired the bridge, which was still burning. The part
spanning the stream, about sixty feet in length, was destroyed. A

80 ONE HUNDEED AND FOUETH
halt was ordered to reconnoitre the position of the enemy and as
certain his probable strength. The river is bordered by a deep
swamp, covered with a heavy growth of timber and an almost im
penetrable thicket. The detachments of the 11th Maine and 52d
Pennsylvania, and companies A, B, E, F, and K, of the 104th,
were sent forward in the swamp and deployed as skirmishers along
the stream between the railroad and Bottom's bridges, while the
other five companies were conducted by their flanks through a
swamp and bushes into an open meadow, where they were formed
as a support to the skirmishers. In a few minutes the occasional
crack of the rifle announced that our men were engaged with the
sharpshooters of the enemy. Captain Orem marched his company
directly up the railroad to the edge of the swamp and deployed it
along the bank. After captain Marple had taken his company into
the swamp, a rebel shell ranged along the ranks so close to the
heads of the men, that it would probably have killed most of them
had they not been ordered to sit down a few minutes before.
The enemy had the advantage of occupying higher ground, where
his guns were stationed. When the little battalion I led into
the meadow took up its position, the guns opened on us from the
opposite side of the river and kept up the fire most of the day.
Two of our batteries came down and replied; four pieces occupied
the hill in our rear, three to our right, on the edge of the railroad,
and two just to our left and rear, in the road that leads down to
Bottom's bridge. There we were obliged to stand for hours, our
own guns firing over us, and the enemy at us, without a chance of
replying. The situation was rather an embarrassing one for young
troops, but the boys behaved well. We were very fortunate in
escaping casualties. The troops returned to camp about dark, with
only the loss of one man of the 52d, wounded. From Williams
burg up, our encounters with the enemy had not been any more
serious than small cavalry affairs, with little loss on either side. At
the crossing of the Chickahominy, and afterward, we were prepared

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 81
to meet with a more stubborn resistance. All the way up the
Peninsula, we had heard much of what we might expect when we
reached this historic stream. The citizens told us the enemy in
tended to make a stand there, and some of the rebel prisoners whom
we encountered threatened us with total defeat on its banks. So
much had been said on the subject, that many began to look upon
it as another fierce "Bermootha," that Shakspere wrote about.
The march of the army had been so directed that the corps of
Keyes and Heintzelman should approach the Chickahominy at
Bottom's bridge, and holding the left, while Porter and Franklin
should occupy points higher up the stream, and form the right
wing of the army, Sumner marched his corps from West Point
direct to Baltimore cross roads, between which and the river he
took up his position, with his head-quarters in Dr. Tyler's house.
He was so situated as to be able to support either the right or the
left wing as the occasion might require. Bottom's bridge had
been fixed upon as the place of crossing, and the demonstration
of Franklin was only a feint to distract the attention of the enemy.
The left wing moved again on the morning of the 21st, the 4th
corps leading and halted within a mile and a half of the bridge.
Our brigade encamped in a level field skirted by a beautiful pine
wood. The men of the 104th had just got their shelter tents
pitched, and were congratulating themselves on the prospect of
spending a quiet day in camp, when I received an order to march
the regiment down to the bridge immediately, and report to the
engineer officer in charge. It was received with some grumbling
but was obeyed with cheerfulness. Ou the way down, I overtook
general Keyes who told me that general McClellan was in advance
and wished me to cross the river and place my regiment on picket.
When we arrived at the bridge we found it had been destroyed by
the enemy, and our engineers were busily employed rebuilding it.
We crossed over in two files, one walking a line of logs, and the
other a foot-way of planks connected with the remains of the old
6

82 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
bridge, which had just been thrown across. The horses forded
it, the water being deep enough to swim them part of the distance.
We advanced about a mile and took up a position to watch the
main road comming down from Richmond. Company B was
thrown forward a few hundred yards as pickets. The regi
ment was divided and posted so as to command and enfilade the
road where it debouched into the bottom. There was no alarm
during the night and we returned to camp in the morning. The
104th was the first entire regiment that crossed the Chickahominy,
but a few detached companies, as skirmishers, preceded it over the
same afternoon. The next day we again crossed over with con
siderable force, and made a reconnoissance toward White Oak
swamp, but discovered no evidence of the enemy. We were thus
engaged until toward evening, when I received an order to return
to the old camp for the knapsacks and recross the river the same
night, to be at hand for the operations of the morrow. We reached
camp about 8 o'clock, when the cooks were put to work to cook
rations. This done, we lay down and slept until 2 o'clock, when
we packed up and crossed the river for the sixth time. We had
left our arms in charge of a guard on the south bank the night
before, on our return from the reconnoissance, and we reached the
stacks on our return about daylight.
All our sick we left on the north side of the river. The build
ings in the neighborhood were taken possession of for hospital
purposes ; but beyond a roof to shelter them, the accommodations
were of the meanest kind. The 104th was obliged to leave several
sick men behind. Among the buildings used for their accommo
dation was an old frame, situated in the midst of the camps, on
the Williamsburg road. It had been a tavern in its day, and was
now so much dilapidated as hardly to be able to hold together.
Into this shanty we carried lieutenant Duncan, sick of typhoid
fever, where be was left, with many others, lying on his blanket
on the dirty floor. A few miles back a pleasant farm-house, owned

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 83
by a widow lady, and known as Rose cottage, was used for a
hospital. Not only the house itself, but the barn, the stable, and
all the other out-buildings were filled with the sick officers and
men. On the night ofthe 23rd, general McClellan telegraphed orders
for a reconnoissance to be sent out the next morning up the Wil-
liamsport road toward the Seven Pines. It had already been at
tempted by Gregg, Russell and Neil, but they found the enemy in
too much force to make headway against him. General Keyes,
who was entrusted with this matter, selected Naglee's brigade for
the duty. The instructions received from the head quarters of the
army of the Potomac were " To advance, if possible, to the Seven
Pines, or the forks of the direct road to Richmond and the road
turning to the right into the road leading from New bridge to
Richmond, and to hold the point if practicable." The country was
to be well reconnoitred on both flanks; pickets stationed on all the
roads branching off in our rear, and a chain of cavalry sentinels es- "
tablished to communicate with corps head quarters. The gen
eral was authorized,, generally, to push the reconnoissance as far
toward Eichmond as practicable, without incurring too much risk.
The road referred to, as " turning to the right into the road leading
from New bridge to Eichmond," was afterward known in the mil
itary operations in that vicinity, as the "Nine Mile " road. " Seven
Pines " is the point where it comes into the Williamsburg road.
Naglee was able to use only two regiments of his own brigade on
this reconnoissance, the 52nd and the 104th Pennsylvania, the place
of the absent ones being supplied by the 85th Pennsylvania and the
85th and 98th New York regiments. The remainder of the force
consisted of battery H., and Regan's 7th battery. New York artil
lery, and Gregg's Pennsylvania cavalry. My men had barely time
to boil and drink their coffee when an aid-de-camp rode up and or
dered us to get under arms. We led the advance up the Williams
burg road, and were soon joined by the other troops. The first

84 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
pickets of the enemy were encountered near Mile run, who fell
back before us. About 10 o'clock a deserter was brought in, who
gave information that the troops in front of us were Hatton's bri
gade, of five Tennessee regiments, two batteries of artillery and a
portion of Stuart's cavalry, the whole being under the command of
general Stuart. It commenced to rain soon after we marched, and
in a short time the roads were deep with mud. The enemy was
found in force just beyond Savage's station, partly concealed by tim
ber, Naglee immediately -made the proper disposition to engage
him. The 52nd Pennsylvania was formed on the right ofthe road,
with some ofthe companies deployed, and the 104th in line of bat
tle on the left, covered by a wood in front. Eegan's battery was
unlimbered on the edge of a piect of timber on the right of the
road. ^Two companies of the 52nd, and A and F of the 104th,
under captain Eogers, were thrown forward as skirmishers to clear
a grain-field and some farm buildings of rebel sharp shooters on
the right ofthe road; while companies B and D, under command
of major Gries, were ordered to clear the wood on the left. The
regiment was now moved forward near the wood which the skir
mishers entered. The enemy's line of battle was formed behind
this wood, three quarters of a mile from the Seven Pines corner,
extending across the road, with their artillery partly concealed be
hind a farm house. The 85th Pennsylvania was pushed up the
rail road; the 98th held to support the batteries, and the 85th New
York kept in reserve.

U^J^z/r /^7^ f Z^*?^.

PENNSYLVANIA" REGIMENT. 85

C H A P T E E VII.

Skirmish at Savage's station.— Corp'l. Thompson.— Private Brown kUled.— Went into camp.—
Advance to Fair Oaks.— Firing between the pickets.- Camp changed to Nine Mile road.-
Position ofthe army.— Casey fortifies.- Storm of May 30th.— Companies go on picket.-
Camp of the 104th.— Aid of Gen. Johnston captured. — Enemy determined to attack.— Our
pickets driven in. — Eegiment gets under arms.- Battle commenced.— Position of Na
glee's brigade.— Battle becomes general.— Movement of troops.— Battle closed for the
day. — Our loss of ground. — Battle renewed Sunday morning. — Enemy driven from tho
field. — Conduct of Casey's division. — What the enemy said of it.
THE foregoing was the position of the force at the time this spir
ited little affair, near Savage's station, commenced. Our
skirmishers were no sooner deployed than the enemy opened upon
them. On the right they had advanced several hundred yards
across intervening fields and an orchard to a wood, which he held in
some force. Several of his sharp shooters were collected about the
farm buildings, whence they fired on our men as they advanced ;
but they were driven from the shelter and closely pursued to the
wood. These skirmishing operations were in full view from where
the six companies of the regiment stood in line, and the gallant con
duct of our men was loudly applauded. It had the appearance of
a hunt for game. On the left our skirmishers were concealed from
view by the timber, but the receding spund of their rifles told us
they were driving the enemy. The voluntary had now been well
played and it was time for the dancing music to strike up. It was

86 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
not delayed. The report of a cannon was heard to the front, and
at the same moment, almost, a shell dashed among us, but no one
was hurt. Eegan's battery replied and shelled the wood and the
enemy's position, and with a little practice became quite effective.
Major Gries, who by this time had advanced to the front of the
wood with his skirmishers, kept the artillery advised whether their
shells fell short or went beyond, by sending men to the rear, which
enabled the gunners to correct their range. A lively cannonade
was maintained for several hours. The heaviest fire of the enemy
seemed directed where my six companies were formed, as if they
supposed, we had a large force drawn up behind the wood. The
men stood the shelling admirably. There was a little dodging now
and then when an ugly piece of iron came too near one's head to
leave much windage, but that is pardonable. The enemy was pro
vided with a great assortment of projectiles, even down to wrought
nails. As his batteries had annoyed us considerably it was found
necessary to drive them from their position. About half past four
our artillery was advanced, supported by cavalry and infantry.
Mink's battery, supported by the 104th and 52nd Pennsylvania,
and 85th New York, was brought into action within four hundred
yards of the enemy's lines, which threw him into confusion and
caused him to retire from the field. Naglee was preparing to follow,
when an aid from general Keyes came on the ground with an order
that there be no further pursuit, lest it "should bring on a general
engagement." This closed the action and left the victory with us.
Our loss in the skirmish was slight. That of the whole command
did not amount to more than a dozen killed and wounded, of which
the 104 th had one ofthe former and four of the latter. The first
man hit was corporal Thompson of company D., while engaged with
the skirmishers in the wood. A rifle ball struck him in the stomach
and ranged round to the back where it was taken out. On receiv
ing his wound his conduct was that of a hero. Stepping out of
janks he leaned his rifle against a tree, and remarked to his com-

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 87
rades, " Boys, I am done for, hut you stand up to it." After suffer
ing eighteen months he died in hospital at Philadelphia. I heard
and saw a shell coming through the wood, taking off the tops and
limbs of trees in its way. As it appeared to be coming directly to
ward the spot where I stood I was a good deal interested to know
where it would alight. The regiment was then drawn up behind a
fence that ran along near the wood. It struck a top rail in front of
company C, whence it ricoched, hit private Brown in the head,
killing him instantly, and then struck lieutenant Groff, command
ing the company, full in the right breast, contusing him severely,
besides breaking a rib or two. He was knocked down almost sense
less, and the shell fell at his feet. He fully recovered. There were
many narrow escapes. Lieutenant Yardley moved his head to one
side just in time to prevent a shell, that passed along, taking it off.
The rifles were hit in the hands of the men, and one had his mouth
filled with dirt by a fragment of a shell that struck near him. The
enemy had a man stationed in the top of a tree, at the upper corner
of the wood, to direct the fire of their artillery. One of our batte
ries trained a gun on the tree and at the first fire brought him down.
From the information given by the inhabitants, the loss of the ene
my must have been quite severe. General Naglee had two horses
killed by the enemy's sharp shooters.
After the skirmish we went into camp in the edge of a piece of
timber and bushes, and remained there until the next afternoon.
It rained from early morning until nearly evening, and the ground
was completely saturated and trodden up into mud. Exposure and
fatigue had put a number of men on the sick list. Sunday after
noon we moved up the road about a mile and lay all night in the
timber, the pickets being advanced several hundred yards. We
were under arms again at 3 A. M., Monday morning, the 26th, to
continue the reconnoissance, the 104th leading. Captain Davis, of
the 52nd, with his skirmishers felt the way in front. An enemy's
force of cavalry, infantry and artillery approached the picket line.

88 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
but retired without opening on it. They were evidently reconnoi
tering our position. Our picket line was now advanced to a point
five miles from Richmond, and the 104th, the most advanced regi
ment at the time, was stationed at the Fair Oaks farm house, where
there was a large wood pile on the left of the road. The rest of
the brigade was but a short distance in our rear. The same day
the whole division moved up and established itself at the Seven
Pines. Later in the day the other four regiments of Naglee's bri
gade were brought to the front and encamped on a line with us, the
104th being the only regiment on the left of the road. We did not
pitch our tents. The rifles were stacked in a lane that ran between
the house and barn. The first twenty-four hours the men remained
day and night by their arms and*did not take off their equipments.
Two bras3 six pounders were stationed in the road on our right.
We occupied this situation three days, furnishing details for
picket, and supporting the line. As it was much exposed, we were
frequently under arms day and night. There was] constant firing
between the pickets of the two armies, and the casualties frequent.
A number of the enemy was brought in, deserters and prisoners,
some of the latter wounded. During the night of the 27th, there
was some unusual stir among the enemy in our immediate front.
The rumbling of wagons and artillery carriages, and the word of
command of officers could be distinctly heard, and lasted several
hours. Prisoners who came in the next day, reported that it was a
change of the brigade on picket. He was probably then getting
his troops on the field for the battle which was fought on the 31st.
On the night of the 28th, I was sent to the lines to receive, and
escort to division head quarters, a commissioner appointed by the
legislature of Virginia to visit the Insane Asylum at Williamsburg.
The night was intensely dark, and the recent heavy rains had ren
dered the roads almost impassable. A day or two after we came to
the front, we were ordered to send all baggage across the Chicka
hominy, in order to have it out of the way in case of an attack.

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 89
Those who disobeyed, were rewarded by losing all their effects in
the engagement that followed. On the morning of the 29th, the
camp of the 104th was moved over to the Nine Mile road, a quarter
of a mile to the right of our old position, and on the same ground
where the 52d had been encamped. The day before, general Keyes
had ordered Casey to move forward the other two brigades of his
division to the clearing around Fair Oaks, which was the occasion
of our change of location. Couch's division at the same time was
ordered to move up and occupy Casey's old ground at Seven Pines.
The regiment was encamped in the bushes, with head quarters in
an old log cabin that stood on the road-side. A space twenty feet
wide was cleared in front of the camp for the color line, and an open
ing made through the bushes to the left, to enable the regiment to
march out by the flank to the Williamsburg road. The other regi
ments of the brigade were encamped in our vicinity, and our picket
line extended past Garnet's house down to the Chickahominy.
The position of the troops on the south bank ofthe Chickahominy,
on the 30th of May, was as follows, viz. : Casey's on both sides the
Williamsburg road at Fair Oaks; Couch's division at the Seven
Pines, half a mile in the rear; Kearney's division was stretched along
the Richmond and York river railroad, from near Savage's station
back to the bridge across the river. Hooker's division was posted
on the edge of White Oak swamp, to watch the crossing. The rest
of the army of the Potomac was on the north bank, Sumner's corps
lying about six miles above Bottom's bridge. Naglee's brigade held
the advance of the army. As soon as Casey was in position, he went
to work to fortify. He threw up a redoubt on the left of the Wil
liamsburg road, with rifle-pits on either side, and a heavy abattis
was formed by slashing the timber in front of the camps. The
troops were kept hard at work strengthening the position down to
the very moment the action began. General Naglee was engaged,
with a strong detail from his own command, building a bridge over
the Chickahominy at a point opposite where Sumner lay. The pio-

90

ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH

neer corps ofthe 104th was at work on it when the firing commenced,
and were obliged to remain there a couple of days before they were
able to return. This was called the Grapevine bridge, but when
afterward rebuilt by the engineers, was named the Woodbury. The
country around Fair Oaks and Seven Pines is level, heavily tim
bered, with a dense growth of underbrush, and swampy. On the
left of our position, the picket line extended to the White Oak
swamp. The march up the Peninsula, and the hardship and exposure in
cident to it, had a telling effect on the physical condition of the
regiment. The morning report, on the 27th of May, showed 31,
officers and 665 enlisted men for duty, a reduction of 151 men
in less than seven weeks, all by disease, except about half a
dozen. Between the 3rd and 19th, 103 men were sent to the rear,
sick. Besides the officers already named as having fallen sick on
the march, lieutenant-colonel Nields was disabled by a sunstroke
on the 27th, and went north. He returned for duty the 16th of
June. We were in too close contact with the enemy to remain long with
out a battle, but it came sooner than was expected. The night of
the 30th of May will long be remembered by the old army of the
Potomac on account of the fearful storm that prevailed. The rain
fell in torrents; the lightning flashed with unusual vividness, and
the thunder was fearful. It would have required no great stretch
of the imagination to belive a great battle going on between the op
posing armies. The storm seemed prophetic of the terrible engage
ment that followed. The country was flooded with water, and the
low swampy ground was converted into an almost impassable quag
mire. The Chickahominy overflowed its banks, and threatened the
destruction of all the bridges. Bottom's bridge, the reliable con
nection between the two wings of the army, was considerably da
maged. Friday afternoon company F, under command of lieutenant Hibbs,

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 91
went out on picket, and relieved company H. Saturday morning
company B, under captain Harvey, relieved B, and company K
was detailed to go out to relieve F. It was ready to leave camp
when the regiment was formed for action, but fell into line with the
other seven companies. The sun rose clear that morning, and the
day was warmer than usual for the season. The forenoon was un
usually quiet. We had no suspicion of an engagement at our head
quarters. The chaplain was engaged most of the morning reple
nishing the mess chest of the field and staff, which, during the late
operations, had become much reduced. He filled it with a supply
for several days. Little did he imagine at the time that none of
the rations he wag providing with such care would be eaten by the
mess. He was laying up a store of good things for the enemy.
The evening before, captain Duncan and lieutenant Artman ob
tained permission to visit the field hospitals across the Chickahominy,
and went down the railroad in the morning train. The captain
removed his brother, who had been left sick on the march, to White
House, whence he was sent north to recover. Mr. Artman went
down to look after a sick man of his company who had been left on
the road up. He was found too sick to be removed and died before
night. His name was Joseph Heist, of company D. Captain
Duncan did not return until the next' day : but lieutenant Artman
returned to the front some time in the afternoon and joined a
Michigan regiment.
About 10 o'clock, a. m., some of the pickets of our brigade cap
tured and brought in a rebel officer, who proved to be an aid-de
camp of general Johnston. He was conducted to the rear, through
the camp of the 104th, down the Nine Mile road. A staff-officer
of the enemy's commander-in-chief being found inside our lines,
connected with the fact that the cars were running out of Rich
mond all the night before, was a suspicious circumstance. The
enemy was about to attack us. Taking advantage of the unfavora
ble situation of our army, communication between the two wings

92 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
being apparently cut off, by the rapid rise in the river and the
partial destruction of the bridges, he determined to fall upon and
crush the left wing before reinforcements could arrive. For this
purpose the grand divisions of generals Hill, Huger, Longstreet and
G. W. Smith were to be hurled upon Casey's weak division on the
31st of May. ' Before noon on that day the conviction at head
quarters that the enemy would attack us became so strong, that all
the troops of the 4th corps were got under arms and the artillery
horses harnessed. About half past 11 o'clock three shells fired
from his lines fell within our camps, the signal, as we afterwards
learned, for his movement to begin. An hour afterward his troops
commenced driving in our pickets on the Williamsburg road. A
regiment was sent out to reinforce them, but that was soon com
pelled to retire and the enemy came crushing through the woods
and bushes to our first line of battle.
In the camp of the 104th we had no expectation of a battle.
The men were lolling about in the shade of the forest trees after
dinner. At regimental headquarters the mess were sitting in front
of the cabin they occupied, discussing the events of the campaign.
Shortly after 12 o'clock, an aid of general Casey came galloping
across to my quarters with an order for the regiment to get under
arms immediately. The line was formed in a few minutes. The
alarm was supposed to be caused by an ordinary daily attack on the
pickets. In a few moments another order was received for the
regiment to march out by t)he left flank and support Spratt's bat
tery, near the Williamsburg road. We formed on the right of the
artillery on the edge of the timber, and a little in the rear of the
battery. In our immediate front was a clearing of considerable extent
affording us a good opportunity to fire upon the enemy as he ad
vanced. The battery consisted of six ten-pounder rifie Parrott's.
It was my intention to cause the regiment to lie down in the timber
for protection until the enemy should advance within close range,
but they were not permitted to remain where I placed them. The

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 93
line was hardly dressed when an aid directed me to advance the re
giment about two hundred yards into the clearing and move to the
right, which was done as quickly as possible. We were now about
one hundred yards in front of the battery we were sent to support.
Our position was unfortunate as it prevented the guns playing on
the enemy, except directly in front, and exposed us to a concen
trated fire.
The battle commenced about 1 o'clock. At this time, the divi
sions of Casey and Couch were the only troops at the front in a
position to offer immediate resistance to the advance of the enemy.
These were posted as follows : — Naglee's brigade on the right of
the Williamsburg road extending to Garnett's field, with one regi
ment across the railroad; Wessel's brigade was on the left of
the Williamsburg road, a portion of it in the rifle-pits; while
Palmer's brigade was in the rear of Wessel's, in reserve. The
batteries were harnessed and occupied favorable positions. The
division of Couch was on the left, posted at the Seven Pines, more
than half a mile in the rear, and extending along the Nine Mile
road, and across the railroad near Fair Oak's station. Besides
these, the nearest supporting troops were Hooker's division between
Bottom's bridge and White Oak Swamp, several miles in the rear.
The action became general as soon as the pickets were driven in.
Casey was attacked by an overwhelming force in front and on both
flanks at the same time, and after more than two hours' severe
fighting, was oblige to give way. Couch was sent forward to his
support, but was not able to resist the superior numbers of the
enemy. General Keyes sent to Heintzelman for reinforcements,
but his leading brigade did not arrive until 5 o'clockj P. M., too
late to recover the ground already lost. General Sumner crossed
the Chickahominy with two divisions at half-past 2 o'clock, and
hastened to the front as rapidly as possible. It was late in the day
when he reached such position as enabled him to paticipate in the
battle. A large column of the enemy attempted to turn our right

94 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
flank on the right of the railroad, and which had overpowered a
brigade of Couch's division sent to stop its advance, now met Sum
ner coming upon the field, and was checked and turned back
with large loss. Couch, meanwhile,* had turned upon his pur
suers, and was gallantly holding them at bay when Sumner's columns
came up. Naglee's brigade, on the right of the first line, fought
unaided, and troops never made a better defence against overpower
ing numbers, but he was obliged to fall back, and for the balance
of the day, his regiments united with those of the second line.
Sumner opened communication with our forces on the Williams
burg road, and maintained a bloody contest with the enemy until
night put an end to the battle. The enemy pushed a large force
round our left flank but was partially cheeked. The brigades
of Jameson and Berry, which had been pushed forwad up the
Williamsburg road, one on the right, and the other on left, so as
to check the advance of the enemy in that direction, were cut off
from our army, and were only able to regain our camps by a night
march toward White Oak swamp. General Hooker was ordered up
from White Oak swamp, but it was dark before he arrived at Savage's
station, three miles from the field of battle. The badness of the roads
greatly retarded the march of his and Sumner's column. When the
battle closed for the day, our advance was at the rifle-pits, in rear of
the Seven Pines. The result of the struggle was, that the enemy
occupied all the camps of Casey's division, and the greater part of
those of Couch. Our line on the Williamsburg road, from where
the extreme picket rested in the morning, to that occupied now, had
been forced back full three quarters of a mile ; and at other points,
a greater or less distance according to the shape of our line.
During Saturday night, dispositions were made to renew the Ibattle
the next morning, should the enemy show a desire to continue it. The
troops which had borne the brunt of the fight on the 31st of May,
many of the regiments and brigades being much shattered, were
collected together and reorganized. Some of them occupied the

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 95
rifle pits near Seven Pines that night, many of whom, after being
driven from the field re-entered the action later in the day and di^ o-ood
service. Fresh troops were ordered up. Hooker's division bivou
acked about Savage's station. Richardson's division came upon the
field between sunset and dark, arriving from the north bank of the
Chickahominy, which he had much difficulty in crossing. The mud
was so deep that he was compelled to leave all his artillery behind,
but it was brought up during the night. Sedgwick's division, of Sum
ner's corps, held substantially the same position he occupied across
the railroad, when the battle of Saturday had ceased. Richardson
was placed on his left' to connect with Kearney. French's brigade
was posted along the railroad, while Howard and Meagher formed
the second and third lines. This disposition was mainly on the
right of the railroad. On its left, and between it and the Wil
liamsburg road, and on both sides of the latter, were the remains
of the divisions of Casey and Couch, Hooker's division, and other
troops whose designation I do not remember. The enemy com
menced skirmishing with Richardson's division shortly after day
light on Sunday morning, and soon afterward he opened a heavy fire
of musketry along the whole line, and advanced in column of attack.
The firing continued for an hour when he was repulsed. When
Hooker heard the firing he advanced up the railroad with his
division. The enemy made a stout resistance, but was pushed back
and finally driven from the field, ihe loss was light compared with
that of the day before, and the fighting by no means of so sangui
nary a character. The greater part of the battle-field of Saturday
was again in our possession, and our lines re-established, but some
way inside of those we held before the attack on the 31st ultimo.
The conduct of Casey's division, at Fair Oaks, has been severely,
and most unjustly, criticized. The telegraphic report of the battle
to the war department, by general McClellan, stated that it "gave
way unaccountably and discreditably." This report was made on

96 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
the strength of information furnished by general Heintzelman, the
evening of the battle. He sent a dispatch about 9 o'clock to
McClellan, stating that when he got to the front, " the most of
general Casey's division had dispersed," and that he "saw no rea
son why we should have been driven back." So far as general
Heintzelman is concerned, it may be asked whether he was in a
position to judge of the conduct of Casey's division ? I do not
think he was. He was not on the field where the heavy fighting
was done that afternoon. His head-quarters were several miles
in the rear, toward White Oak swamp, and by reason of delay, the
request for reinforcements did not reach him until about three
o'clock, and it was five o'clock when his advance arrived at our then
front. The battle had then been progressing four hours, and was
nearly over; the enemy was in possession of the camps of both Ca
sey's and Couch's divisions, and the troops of Heintzelman did not
get nearer than half a mile of the ground on which Casey fought
for two hours before he was driven back. By five o'clock he had
his head-quarters established in the yard at Mr. Savage's house,
three miles from the field, where a part of his staff, at least, re
mained the afternoon; and admitting that he went as far toward
the front as his troops, which is nCt often the case with corps com
manders, he was not in a very good position to judge why Casey
"was driven back.'' Neither he nor his troops saw the most stub
born fighting of the day.
Heintzelman has the reputation of being the enemy of general
Casey, a reason with many why he could not see how he came to be
"driven back." The official report tells why. It says: "The
enemy came on in heavy force, attacking general Casey simultane-
ously_in front and on both flanks. General Naglee's brigade, with
the batteries of general Casey's division, which general Naglee di
rected, struggled gallantly to maintain the redoubt and rifle-pits
against the overwhelming masses of the enemy. They were rein
forced by one regiment from general Peck's brigade. ' The left of

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 97
this position was, however, soon turned, and a sharp cross-fire
opened upon the gunners and the men in the rifle-pits: some of
the guns in the redoubt were taken, and the whole line was driven
back upon the position occupied by general Couch." McClellan
very clearly answers the question: Casey's division "was driven
back by the overwhelming masses of the enemy." If general
Heintzelman had made proper inquiry of those who knew, he would
not have had occasion to send that unjust dispatch. General Mc
Clellan corrected his first erroneous impression of the conduct of
Casey's division, but so far as I am informed, Heintzelman never
has. If more testimony were required on the point, we have it in
the return of the casualties on that day. The total loss is five
thousand, seven hundred and thirty-seven, of which Keyes' corps,
consisting of the divisions of Casey and Couch, sustained three thou
sand, one hundred and twenty, while the loss of all the rest of the
army was but two thousand, six hundred and seventeen. Casey's
weak division alone sustained a loss of about seventeen hundred, one-
third of the entire casualties on that bloody day. These facts speak
for themselves, and an unprejudiced public can determine whether
there was a reason for the division giving way. General Heintzel
man "saw no reason," because he was not in the proper place to
see it. The losses are evidence that the division did not retire
without making proper resistance. That night Heintzelman took
a train at Savage's station and went down to Cold Harbor to visit
the General-in-Chief.
If other evidence be wanting, it is fortunately at hand. It comes
from those who were then our enemy, and their testimony is supposed
to be at least disinterested. Colonel Switzer, of McClellan's staff, who
had charge of the exchange of prisoners on James river, in the fall
of 1862, says, that in a conversation with major-general Hill, who
commanded the rebel advance at Seven Pines or Fair Oaks, he
asked that general's opinion respecting the conduct of general Ca
sey's troops there. General Hill said:
7

98 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
" I know general Casey's division has been censured, but we are
surprised at it. The division fought as well as I ever want to see
men fight, and after it gave way before our superior numbers, we
had nothing more to fight."
What further testimony can one desire ? I cannot close this chap
ter without paying a just tribute to the gallantry of generals Casey
and Naglee. The former sat on his large, iron-gray horse, on the
Williamsburg road, in the thickest of the fight, encouraging his troops.
He was right up at the front, where division commanders do not always
go. I particularly noticed his exposed situation, and do not see how
he escaped the storm of bullets. Naglee was every where. He is a
sort of thunderbolt in battle. He was away on the extreme right
of our lines when the volley of the 104th announced that the battle
had begun on the left. He came dashing toward us through field
and wood to be with his brigade. In the warmest of the contest
he dashed by the regiment, cap in hand, the men giving him three
hearty cheers, and passed toward the left. He was now seen di
recting a battery, now rallying a regiment, and until the battle
ended, he was in the midst of it wherever he could be of service.
These two officers retain in a large degree the confidence and esteem
of the men who served under them.

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 99

CHAPTER VIII.

Battle of Fair Oaks. — ^104th Fires First Volley.— Position of Regiment.- Hard pressed.- A
Charge made. — Flag in danger. — How rescued. — Major Gries wounded. — ^Wagons sent to
rear. — Regiment retires.— 23dPonnsylvania. — Chaplain Gries and wounded. — Companies
E and F on picket. — Regiment reformed. — Continued fighting. — Loss of camp equipage. —
Men captured. — Lieut. McDowell. — Burying the dead. — Gloomy time after battle. —
Regiment inspected.
I DO not profess to give a detailed account of the military opera
tions on the Peninsula, as I am not writing a history of the
campaign, but that of a single regiment of the Army of the Po
tomac. The 104th opened the battle at Fair Oaks and was the
first to receive the overwhelming shock of the enemy. It was
drawn up in advance of the rest of the division, and was the only
regiment on the right of the Williamsburg road within sight at the
time the action began. It stood quite alone. When we moved out
into the clearing, the new line was dressed with almdst the same
precision as at an evening parade, and the guides had hardly been
called to their posts before the bullets of the enemy began to fall
into our ranks. It delivered the first fire on that eventful day,
which was a general volley that sent four hundred rifle bullets
whistling among the enemy. This announced to the army that the
battle was begun. The wood in front, within good range, was filled
with the enemy and the execution must have been considerable. —
The action immediately _became general, both parties loading and

100 ONE HUNDEED AND FOUETH
firing as rapidly as possible. My men began to fall, killed and
wounded — the former, of course, remaining where they fell, while
most of the latter were taken from the field. The fire grew
hotter and hotter, but the men stood up to the bloody work firmly,
and were as cheerful as on parade. The line had been dressed
in a clear up furrow, where cartridge papers lay by the basket full.
The right rested on the timber. Seeing the enemy was making a
movement to outflank us in that direction, companies A and B were
pushed into the "wood to prevent it. Mean while he had come out
of the timber in front of us into the clearing in great force, and
was reforming his broken ranks rapidly without slacking his fire.
At this time a large white flag, with a black square in the middle,
was observed in his ranks. My men supposed it to be a flag of
truce, and some of them asked what should be done, when they
were directed to fire at it as rapidly as possible. A volley brought
down the bearer, when it was imfnediately seized and raised by an
other. Soon afterward they raised their new national fiag, a white
cross with stars, on a blue field. Many of the men had white mus
lin tied around their hats.
The regiment had now been under fire for an hour and a half,
and a large number of men had fallen. The line had been main
tained unusually well, and the men fought more like veterans of an
hundred battles than being under fire for almost the first time.
The enemy was pressing us in front and flank, and his fire had be
come so warm as to endanger the battery we were supporting. He
approached within a short distance of our right. At this crisis, I
determined to order a charge, thinking it might check his advance.
I had no expectation of crossing bayonets with the foe, a thing
which is rarely done on the field of battle, but I hoped to gain
time. After consulting with major Gries, whose judgment agreed
with mine, the men were ordered to cease firing and fix bayonets,
which was done with great promptness considering their excited con
dition. The command was then given, " Charge I>ayonets ! forward.

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 101
douhle-quiclc! march!" when the men sprang forward toward the
enemy, with a tremendous yell. Wo advanced about a hundred
yards over a piece of ground covered with dwarf bushes. In the
way was an old worm fence that had not been observed before,
which cut the old line of battle at an angle of about thirty-seven
degrees. The men sprang over this obstacle into the clearing
where the enemy was, and immediately began to reform and open
fire. Both fiags were carried over the fence by their bearers, who
stuck the staffs into the ground and lay down by them. This
movement had the desired effect. It was fool-hardy under the cir
cumstances, but it staggered the enemy, and the heavy fire at once
re-opened kept them in check. Seeing we must relinquish the
ground unless soon re-enforced, I dispatched lieutenant Ashenfelter
across to the Williamsburg road to request general Casey to send a
regiment to support us. He passed twice between the fire of both
armies and returned unharmed. The general desired us to hold on
a few minutes longer when re-enforcements would be sent us. It
must be understood that at this time the 104th was engaged single-
handed in front of the line of the army with a greatly superior
force. Three hours had now elapsed since the regiment went into action
and more than one-third of the men had fallen; — our promised re-
enforcements did not arrive, and we could hold the ground no longer.
There was no order given to retire, but we were literally pushed
back by the superior force of the enemy pressing against us. In
dividual soldiers came almost near enough to strike my men with
the musket. The regiment retired slowly and sullenly, not an offi
cer or man running. The enemy made a bold effort to capture our
colors. In the excitement and confusion of retiring one flag was
left on his side of the fence, the staff still sticking in the ground.
Those nearest to it were ordered to rescue it, when major Gries,
orderly-sergeant Myers, and color-sergeant Purcell sprang for it.
Purcell had already secured his own standard, and with it in his

102 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
hand he jumped over the fence and seized the other. The enemy
saw the movement and several of his men rushed for it at the
same time, while they kept up their fire, but they were not
quick enough. Purcell reached it first, seized the staff and sprang
for the fence with both flags in tis hands. As he mounted the
fence he was struck by a bullet and knocked over, carrying the
colors with him. When he got up he handed one flag to sergeant
Myers, and started to the rear with the other, but becoming faint
from loss of blood, he gave it to corporal Michener who brought it
off in safety. Both flags were delivered to the regiment that eve
ning after the battle. It was in the attempt to save the flag that
major Gries received the wound of which he afterward died.
When the firing commenced quartermaster Hendrie loaded up
the regimental wagons and sent them to the rear, under charge of
sergeant White, who conducted them to near Savage's station. Sur
geon JPeck, with the medical department, retired early to the same
place, more than three miles to the rear ; and as assistant surgeon
Robinson did not rejoin the regiment, from detached duty, until
next day, we were left without a medical officer at the front. Chap
lain Gries, who had some previous knowledge of the healing art,
remained at the camp, which was under fire, and rendered valuable
services in dressing the wounded. When the regiment retired
from the field, the enemy was pressing us on both flanks, and in a
few minutes our retreat would have been cut off. He was already
shooting down the horses of our battery, which was some way in
the rear of our line of battle. All the pieces had been hauled off
before this and one caisson only fell into his hands. A number of
our men were left on the field, and about twenty of them were found
the following Monday in a small house just to the left of our last
line of battle. They had crawled, or been carried, there after the
battle. Many of the men emptied their cartridge boxes, and they
obtained a fresh supply from the boxes of their dead and wounded
companions, lying around them. The rifles had been discharged

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 103
so often that the barrels were hot enough to burn the hand. The
grooves had become furred up, and I noticed some of the men place
their ramrod against a tree to force the cartridge home.
When I reached my own camp, which was not more than three
hundred yards from where the battle had been fought down to this
time, I found some fifty of my men, and a few officers there. The
others had gone down the Nine Mile road, and captain Rogers
was dispatched to halt them. Our little cabin was filled with
wounded, and chaplain Gries was sending them to the rear in am
bulances as fast as he could. The 23rd Pennsylvania regiment,
under major Ely, was drawn up in my camp, and I directed cap
tain Walters to collect the men of the 104th, and cause them to
fall into ranks on his left. The fire of the enemy soon became so
warm at this point that our force was obliged to retire, as we were
completely flanked, and sought a securer position further to the
rear. An hour before I had received a wound from a rifle ball in
the left elbow joint, which now becoming very painful, I went to
the field hospital where it was examined and dressed by surgeon
Van Ettan, of the 56th New York, and assistant surgeon Stavely,
of the 103rd Pennsylvania. I did not rejoin my regiment again
that day until near sunset, when the battle had ceased.
Many of the wounded are indebted to chaplain Gries for being
taken to the rear and escaping falling into the hands of the enemy.
When he heard the regiment was falling back, he seized three am
bulances that stood near our camp, and putting his brother, the
major, and the worst wounded men into them, hurried them, and
such other men as could walk, down the Nine Mile road. He came
out on the Williamsburg road near the Seven Pines, and continued
down it to Savage's station, through the mud and the crowds of
wounded hurrying to the rear. Surgeon Peck had already arrived
there. Mr. Gries asked a staff officer of general Heintzelman some
question as to the disposition of the wounded, and received in reply,
" Don't know. Sir, we have nothing to do with that, Sir." Satis-

104 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
fied that he could expect no assistance from that quarter, he acted
on the authority of necessity and humanity, and seized the kitchen
and other out-buildings, which were soon filled with wounded. The
barn and carriage-house were next filled— when he caused the cows
to be turned from the stable, which was bedded with clean corn
fodder to receive the stream of disabled men. The chaplain was
engaged until 11 o'clock dressing wounds. One train of cars, filled
with the wounded, had already been sent off to the White House,
and its return anxiously awaited to carry others down. It returned
about midnight, and the worst wounded were carried down to the
station and put aboard. They were ordered off, and the locomo
tive was taken to convey general Heintzelman down to see general
McClellan. The woundeJi, who could not be carried back to the
barn, were obliged to lie in the rain until day-break, when the train
returned to take them down. It was a night of agonizing pain to
many, and before morning dawned, a number had died. The ac
commodations for the wounded were of the most meagre kind, scarce
worthy to be called such. Captain Holmes, who was on duty at
the commissary depot, at the station, was exceedingly kind to the
wounded, and assisted the chaplain in taking care of them.
As has been already mentioned, company F went on picket Friday
afternoon. It was under the command of lieutenant Hibbs, the
captain remaining in camp. The company was stationed as a re
serve on the left of the railroad, about five hundred yards from
where it is crossed by the Nine Mile road. At noon, lieutenant
Albertson came from the front and reported a brigade of the enemy
as crossing the railroad and moving toward the Williamsburg road,
half a mile beyond our lines. About the same time they heard the
report of the three guns, the enemy's signal for the attack to begin.
Shortly afterward, company F and two companies of the 11th Maine
fell back and joined the 56th New York, under lieutenant-colonel
Jourdan. They moved down the Nine Mile road, the enemy open
ing upon them mean while with artillery, and killing one man of

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 105
the 56th. Lieutenant Hibbs met captain Johnston, of general Na
glee's staff, and by him was ordered to support a battery he pointed
out. He marched to obey the orders, but when near the old camps
of Couch's division, captain Marple came up and took command of
the company. They continued to fall back until just in rear of the
23d Pennsylvania, when a halt was ordered, and a line formed just
behind a natural swell in the ground. The command was composed
of men of the 56th New York, 104th Pennsylvania, and from such
other regiments as could be collected at that point. In numbers it
made a respectable battalion. Company F was on the left, and ex
tended across the Nine Mile road; the battery still further to the
left. Soon they were joined by captains Rogers, Corcoran and
Swartzlander, and lieutenants Heaney, McCoy and Ashenfelter, and
quartermaster Hendrie. Major Sharp, of the 56th New York, being
the ranking officer present, assumed command. Just before this
time, Corcoran and Hendrie had collected a few men to make a
stand, which general Keyes had placed in command of the captain.
About the time Sharp's battalion was formed, general Kearney
rode up and assumed their direction. He ordered them to advance
to the top of the knoll, and lie down to await the enemy. Soon the
rebel column made its appearance coming through the timber, turn
ing their right flank. He now poured into our troops a warm fire,
which made their position untenable. The firing lasted about twenty
minutes before the line gave way, our men having but little oppor
tunity to reply. Here Swartzlander and Corcoran were both badly
wounded. It was not far from half-past 5 o'clock. Our force
now broke and retired. Hendrie and McCoy went to the rear in
company, taking the direction of some old buildings that stood near
the Nine Mile road, and about a hundred yards in rear ofthe place
where the last stand was made. Hendrie passed round the right of
the buildings to attempt to reach the Williamsburg road, where he
met a volley from the woods, which wounded him badly in the left
arm. He managed to walk until he met an ambulance, which took

106 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
him to the hospital. Lieutenant McCoy escaped unhurt. Lieu
tenant Ashenfelter was wounded in the ankle in getting off the field,
and was carried to a hut in the wood, where he spent the night.
Here he met two young sprigs of the surgical profession. While
feigning to be in a doze, he overheard them planning to cut off his
foot, on the ground that it would be such a "nice operation" for
them. The lieutenant informed them that he must be a party to
that affair, and that they could not peform any such operation on
him while he could handlehis sword. This put a stop to their pro
fessional aspirations in that direction.
Company E was on picket on the right of F, between the Nine
Mile road and the railroad. A rebel brigade which came down the
Nine Mile road got in their rear, and headed them off near the
oyster station, as they retired down the railroad, and captured lieu
tenant Crowell and fifty-three men. They had skirmished with the
enemy on the picket line most of the afternoon, and this was well
toward sun-down. Captain Harvey and the few men who escaped,
reached the rear in safety. The prisoners were taken to Richmond
that evening, and confined in Libby prison. The enemy was ena
bled to get in the rear of the company, because the pickets on its '
right and left had fallen back. Sergeant Coar announced to cap
tain Harvey the situation of things, as he could not see the enemy
on account of the bushes and timber. The captain was sitting on
an old chair at the time the sergeant approached, and he had hardly
arisen from it to accompany him, when a shell exploded by it and
threw it several feet in the air. Near sun-down the regiment, about
a hundred and fifty strong, arrived at the rifie-pits near the field
hospital, and not far from a mile in rear of where the battle began.
Its organization had been maintained, but the officers and men were
nearly dead with fatigue. Here the flags were again delivered to it
by those who had rescued them from the enemy. The battle was
now over, and both armies were preparing to make their respective
positions safe for the night. At the request of a staff officer, I sent

PENNSYLVANIA EEGIMENT. 107
the 104th to the front to occupy a rifle-pit, when I went to the hos
pital at Savage's station, where I passed a night of pain.
The regiment lost all its camp equipage and baggage, and the
officers most of their personal effects. That night the enemy
occupied my head quarter cabin, which was filled with their own
and our wounded. Among the occupants was general Roger A.
Pryor, who treated our wounded with great kindness. A box of
nice wines and brandy was found in the cabin, some of which he
gave to each wounded soldier; and our well-filled mess-chest sup
plied them with rations until they were removed from the field the
following Monday. All the concurrent testimony proves that the
enemy was kind to our wounded which fell into their hands. They
carried a number of the men of the 104th to the shade of an old
building that stood near the left of the regiment, and supplied them
with crackers and water. Corporal Solly, of company "I," says he
was carried off the field by order of a rebel colonel, and that the
only harsh word he received was from a surgeon. When the regi
ment went out to fight, the pet coon was left in camp, which the
owner secured by running a sergeant's sword through a ring in his
' chain to the hilt in the ground. It is not known what became of
him, as he was never seen afterward. A pet cat survived the day
and lived to expire in peace in its master's tent at Gloucester
Point. The regiment had drawn a ration of whiskey that morning,
which had not been issued. As a cook of one of the companies
was thought to be over-fond of the article, a drummer boy was left
in camp to watch it. When the bullets began to whistle about
his ears, the cook thought it would be safer in the rear, and started
in that direction on a double-quick. The drummer boy followed
suit, as the whiskey needed no further watching, a bullet having
pierced the bucket and let it all run out. In the forenoon, Ed
ward S. Whalen, of company I, and one of the drummer boys were
repotted for fighting. As punishment, they were both tied to a
tree where they were when the regiment was ordered under arms

108 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
to go into battle. They were released and sent to their company.
Both went into action, and Whalen was one of the first men killed.
Drummer Hunter, company D, shouldered a rifle and went into
the ranks, where he served during the day. Captains Corcoran and
Walters both used rifles, which they loaded and fired repeatedly.
Captain Orem was wounded early in the action, and sat down on
the field until the regiment retired, when he was borne off by his
men. Mean while, he used the rifle of a dead soldier while sitting
on the ground. There was but one officer killed, lieutenant Mc
Dowell, company K, who was shot as he was coming off the field.
Major Gries, who died a few days after the battle, was much re
gretted. General Naglee, in his letter to adjutant-general Wil
liams, of the 20th of June, says: "Again should mention be made
of the cool daring and gallant manner in which major John M.
Gries sustained his regiment when charging into the very face of
the enemy. The major died from his wounds, then and there re
ceived, and will long be remembered by all who knew him." At
the time lieutenant McDowell was killed, he was talking with cap
tain Pickering. He fell upon his face where he was left lying,
and was afterward stripped by the enemy. The 104th had ten offi
cers and one hundred and sixty-six enlisted men killed and wounded
and sixty-one captured, which make nearly fifty per cent, of the
whole number engaged. The wounded were generally sent home
to the hospitals for treatment. Fair Oaks was the first of the se
ries of bloody battles in front of Richmond, for its possession. The
enemy was completely foiled in his attempt to crush the left wing
of our army and pierce our lines.
We left the regiment as it was being conducted to the front by
a staff officer to hold a rifie-pit the night of the battle. When it
reached its destination, fresh troops were found at hand to perform
this duty, and as the 104th was very much fatigued and had suf
fered severely during the day, it was sent some little way to the
rear. It bivouacked in the wood through which major Gries and

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 109
companies B and D skirmished on the 24th instant. It is a mile
in the rear of the Seven Pines, on the left of the Williamsburg
road, and in front of it ran a long rifle-pit. The condition of the
men was forlorn in the extreme, and that of the officers was but lit
tle better. Scarcely an officer or man had saved a blanket or over
coat, or an article of clothing, except what they had on. They had
nothing but tin cups to cook their rations in, and many did not
possess one of these. The loss of so many comrades in battle, and
the reaction after the great mental and physical excitement of Sa
turday, tended greatly to depress their minds, and it required con
siderable of an effort to be cheerful. To these causes may be added
tho wretched state of the weather. During Sunday a few men,
who were supposed to have been killed or wounded, reported for
duty, and the regiment, recovered its tone to some extent. On
Monday morning a detail of two men from each company was
called for, to go to the battle-field to identify and bury the dead.
The day was hot and sultry. Among the officers who accompa
nied the party, were captain Pickering, chaplain Gries, and adju
tant Hart, who gave interesting accounts of what they saw upon
the field. Adjutant Hart, speaking of his visit there, says : "Never
can the recollection of that field be effaced from the memory of
those who witnessed it on that day. The weather being extremely
hot, with frequent showers, the dead had become bloated and swol
len, until their clothes could scarcely contain them ; the blood still
oozing from gaping wounds; the ground saturated with gore. Flies,
in myriads, swarmed around; dead horses, with saddles and har
ness still on; broken guns; remains of camps, with the food cooked
for Saturday's dinner, untouched; the air polluted with stifling
odors arising from decomposing bodies; wounded men in the ago
nies of death — all tended to make the heart sick and the soul shud
der at the sight. I visited the late head quarters of the 104th, on
the Nine Mile road. Here I found the log house filled with
wounded and dead soldiers. Some were our own men. The

110 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
wounded had been refreshed from the stock of provisions left by
the field and staff. Here the rebel general Pryor had assisted in
the amputation of the limb of a member of the 104th. At the
door the bloated carcass of a dead horse yet lay, while under our
shelter tents were numerous dead rebels. The knapsacks of our
men having been left in their tents, were rifled, and their contents
strewn around."
Chaplain Gries, in a note to the author, on the same subject,
says : — " On Monday, hearing that the rebels had retired in the
night, and that our old camp and battle ground at Fair Oaks was
clear, I started to search for the wounded, and to bury the dead.
When I reached the regiment, adjutant Hart accompanied me with
a fatigue party. We separated at the fork of the Nine Mile and
Williamsburg roads, and divided the party. Close by the house of
Seven Pines I found States, of company F, lying dead. His brother
who was with me, recognized, if he did not see, him first. We
buried him as decently as possible, and then began to look for more.
Close by we found a rebel still groaning, with the maggots swarm
ing in and out of the wound in his head. In a tent were two dead
rebel officers, and outside was a captain of a Michigan regiment,
with his name pinned on his breast. In the road were two Union
soldiers, regiment unknown, and a number of miscreant shysters
loafing under the shelter of an old barn, and looking on coolly whilst
wagons were passing over the leg of one of the dead heroes. I
dragged the body out of the way of the wagons, and directed a stu
pefied captain, who was looking on, to put the men to work burying
them. At the old log-house we found a sad sight, as well as along
the road to it: — dead soldiers. Union and rebel; horses, and broken
wagons. In the camp of the 23d Pennsylvania lay the fresh meat
which had been issued to them the morning of the battle. In the
old house were dead and wounded packed close together, some of
the living hardly showing signs of life. We ministered to them,
and got them off to the rear. We then struck through the wood

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. HI
toward the line the regiment occupied in the battle, searching for
the wounded, but found none except of other regiments. When we
got to the Fair Oaks building, we rested by the wood pile, and in a
few minutes a party of our own men who had gone that road with
captain Pickering, came up to us, carrying some of our wounded.
I procured an ambulance for their relief, when we started for the
regiment. The road was lined with dead horses, and in the fields
were dead rebels lying in rows like the win-row work of a reaper.
The air was loaded with stench, and the sun was almost overpowering.
What with this, and the sights we had seen, and the work we had
done, we just managed to drag ourselves back to the rifle-pits."
Captain Pickering says: — "The 2d of June the enemy left us in
possession of the battle field. I felt very anxious to learn the fate
of lieutenant McDowell and the other missing ones of company K,
and I obtained permission to go with the detail to bury the dead.
I was accompanied by lieutenant Artman. Arriving upon the
ground, we found but few of the detail of our regiment, the most
of them having gone back, or were looking after trophies. Quite a
number of ambulances were removing the wounded to the station.
We found several of the wounded of the regiment, and after seeing
them safely put into the ambulances, we commenced a search for
the dead. We found the greater number on our first line, and from
there to the fence against which we made the charge, and from
there to the log-house on our left. Lieutenant McDowell lay about
fifty yards from the house. It was impossible to recognize many of
the dead, the hot sun and rain had so disfigured their countenances.
Many of their faces had swollen up and burst. I happened to find
one man of my company near there, and he and I commenced to
dig a trench for the company's dead. I sent word to captain Rogers
for a new detail, which arrived about noon under lieutenant Kep
hart, by which time I was ready to bury those belo^hging to the
company. We then buried all the dead of the 104th we could find.
The names of those we recognized, were out on a board and put at

112

ONE HUNDRED AND FOUETH

the head^f the srave. While thus engaged, we were within a few
yards of the picket lines, and there was constant skirmishing with
the enemy."
The regiment lay in this wood until Wednesday, the 4th of
June, recuperating and re-organizing its shattered ranks. On Mon
day evening a severe storm came on. So much did the peals of
thunder resemble the firing of artillery, that the troops were got
under arms and formed in line of battle, on the supposition that the
enemy had renewed the attack. After standing in the drenching
rain some time, they were dismissed to the friendly shelter of the
bushes and trees. The remains of the brigade were collected at this
point. It was inspected on Tuesday, when it was found, that of the
men who went into action the Saturday before, more than one-third
was still missing. Occasionally stragglers came in, and a few ofthe
slightly wounded returned from hospital. The same day the 104th
was inspected by colonel Niell, of the 23d Pennsylvania. That
night it again rained violently, and the thunder and lightning were
terrific. The regiment was turned out in the storm at 3 o'clock
A.M., and remained under arms until daylight. Only those who
have tried the life of a soldier, can know how trying to men is this
kind of exposure, particularly when they are possessed of none of
the comforts and conveniences of a campaign.

PENNSYLVANIA EEGIMENT. 113

CHAPTER IX.

Division marches to the Chickahominy.— Camp of regiment. — Crosses the river. — Battle
of Gaines' Mill. — Naglee and Heintzelman. — Regiment re-crosses the river— Heavy rain. —
Preparation to march to James River .^Q eneral movements. — Naglee holds Bottom's
Bridge. — Train of ammunition exploded. — Troops withdrawn. — March to White Oak
swamp. — The enemy pursues.^Battle. — The army continues the march to the James.
—The Rebel Army.
ON the 4th of June, the whole division was ordered down to the
Chickahominy, in the neighborhood of Bottom's bridge.
It marched in the afternoon. It had rained hard since morning,
and seemed to increase toward evening. The roads were fearfully
bad and it was almost impossible for the men to make their way
throut^h the deep mud. The streams were swollen into foaming
torrents. Half way down the road is crossed by a modest rivulet
which in ordinary times, will not much more than wet the soles
of one's shoes. Now, it was waist deep, and ran with the swift
ness of a mountain stream. Officers and men waded through.
The current took some off their feet, and carried them several
yards before they regained them. Here was a squadron of the 8th
Pennsylvania cavalry under captain Craven. The horsemen formed
a line across the stream on the lower side, to prevent the infantry
beino- washed down. The drummer-boys, too small to wade, were
carried across on the horses. The regiment reached its destination
8

114 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
before dark and bivouacked in a piece of timber on Wade's farm
overlooking the railroad bridge. The brigade was stretched from
here down to Bottom's bridge. The men lay down to sleep without
a particle of shelter from the storm that was descending, except
such as the bushes and trees afforded. There was neither murmur
nor complaint. They exhibited a spirit of fortitude alike creditable
to the service and the regiment.
Captain Rogers was in command in the absence of field-officers.
The next morning he moved the regiment to a dry ridge near by,
in the open fields, and took possession of some farm-buildings to
shelter the men. In a day or two it cleared off, warm and pleasant,
and things took a more cheerful turn. New camp-equipage was
drawn, and the men received a new outfit of clothing. A pleasant
camp was laid out, and order and regularity began to assume their
wonted sway. Two companies occupied a small redoubt in the
vicinity, and every night a few men were placed in the rifle-pits
near by. There was no rest for the men, as every one fit for duty
was on fatigue daily, rebuilding Bottom's bridge, digging rifle-pits,
or throwing up other works to command the crossing of the river.
The paymaster made his welcome visit about the 12th, and paid
the regiment for two months; the flrst pay'they had received since
landing on the Peninsula. The chaplain carried the money home
to the families of the men. While here, general Keyes visited the
regiment and made a speech to the men. He complimented them
on their gallantry at Fair Oaks, and promised to stand by them,
and see that full justice was done them. While at 'Wade's farm,
the first complete morning report was made up since the battle.
On the 9th of June, the return ^showed 19 officers and 451 enlisted
men present, giving a loss of 12 of the former, and 214 of the
latter, in two weeks. This aggregate includes a number of the
slightly wounded who had returned to duty. Several absent offi
cers, .among whom was lieutenant-colonel Nields, rejoined the
regiment, and others went home on sick leave.

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 115
Immediately upon the raid on Tunstall's station, the IMth was
ordered across the Chickahominy to guard the railroad. It ciojsed
over on the 17th, and encamped in a field of timber near Dispatch
station, three hundred yards to the rear. One company was kept
constantly on duty guarding the approaches to the station and the
railroad in that vicinity. Subsequently, another company was
detailed to guard it as low down as Tunstall's. The regiment had
a pleasant location, and there was a visible improvement in the
health of the men. One cavalryman was on duty at regimental
head quarters, to carry dispatches across the river to general Naglee.
Lieutenant Yardley was taken violently ill, the last of the month,
of fever, and was carried home by some friends who were on a
visit to the regiment. He never rejoined again; when sufficiently
recovered he was placed on the recruiting service, but was subse
quently appointed provost marshal of the 5th district, in which
capacity he served during the remainder of the war.
The battle of Gaines' Mill was fought the 27th of June, and was
disastrous to our arms. On the afternoon of that day captain Pick
ering was sent out with his company on picket, on the road that
leads toward the battle field, and about a mile from camp. He
could hear the rattle of musketry very plainly. About dark the
road was filled with stragglers coming from the battle field, who be
longed to all the regiments engaged, regulars and volunteers. They
came with the usual story of cowards and shysters, that their regi
ments had been cut to pieces. From the fact that there were no officers
with them, and very few wounded, it was evident the greater part
of them had run away. A few of them had arms. Some rode artil
lery and cavalry horses and among them were seen a few horses wca-
rino- the trappings of mounted officers. With the assistanceof a pickit
of the 8th Pennsylvania cavalry the captain succeeded in halting the
greater part of the fugitives. They appeared much alarmed, and
were very anxious to continue to the rear. The next morning they
were conducted to Dispatch station. Captain V/. W. Marple, who

116 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
was in command at the station, sent word to general Naglee that a
legion of stragglers had arrived from Gaines' mill, and enquired
what should be done with them. He replied, " Send them to
Heintzelman, and tell him they are not Naglee's men this time."
Lieutenant Carver conducted about 1500 to Savage's station and
turned them over to the commanding officer. This message to
Heintzelman was in retaliation for the report he made to general
McClellan that Casey's division behaved badly at Fair Oaks.
It was evident that we could not hold the left bank of the river
long after our repulse at Gaines' mill, and arrangements were made
for an early withdrawal from the posts held on that side. There
was a large quantity of commissary stores at Dispatch station,
which lieutenant colonel Nields loaded on the cars the afternoon
and evening of the 27th, and sent up the road to Savage's station,
where stores had been collected for the whole army. The regiment
left the next morning and crossed at Bottom's bridge, which was
destroyed as soon as it was over. It should have crossed the even
ing before, but the order was delayed. As it was, a few stores, with
a small guard, were left in camp until the wagons could return.
But before they got back the enemy's cavalry skirmishers made
their appearance and drove the guard out of camp. Some of them
made a narrow escape, and Matthew Gibney, of company E, was
wounded in the hand, slightly. Joseph Pearson, of company K,
came very near being captured. He ran into an oats field near by
but the rebel cavalrymen discovered his hiding place by the motion
he gave the grain, and pursued him. He was fortunate enough to
reach the swamp first, where he concealed himself. They kept up
the search some time, riding very near him, but finally relinquished
it and rode off. A few stores fell into their hands, and also the
books and records of company K. All the men reached the regi
ment during the night, in safety. This was the last communication
between the two banks of the river while we held the line of the
Chickahominy, and the 104th was the last regiment to re-cross to

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 117
the right bank preparatory to the great flank movement to tho
James. For a period of nearly two weeks subsequent to the battle of Fair
Oaks, the constant rains almost, put an end to military operations.
The Chickahominy was so risen as to flood the bottom three and
four feet in depth ; the face of the country was reduced to a bog,
and impassable for artillery, except on the main roads. Meanwhile,
however, the work on the bridges was pushed forward as rapidly as
possible, and by the 25th was so far completed as to afford safe and
easy communication between the two wings of the army. On the
18th of June two squadrons of regular cavalry, stationed at Ha
nover old church, were overpowered by 1500 of the enemy's cavalry,
under general Stuart, which afterward passed round the right and
rear of our army and re-crossed the Chickahominy at Long's bridge.
On the 25th our pickets were advanced preparatory to a general
advance of our whole army ; but about the same time the enemy
commenced a series of movements against our right wing, which
changed, entirely, the direction and nature of our operations. Our
advance cavalry pickets on the left bank of the river were driven in
toward noon on the 26th. The same afternoon the battle of Me
chanicsville was fought by general Fitz John Porter. The enemy
was repulsed, but our forces retired under cover of the night. Mc
Clellan now losing all hope of assistance from McDowell, whose
army had been diverted from its legitimate line of march, and sen
sible of his inability to defeat the enemy's combination against him,
single handed, resolved to change his base to the James river by a
flank march across the Peninsula. From the moment this resolu
tion was taken every energy was bent toward making the movement
a success. The cars were loaded with provisions and ammunition at
White House and run to Savage's station to the last moment; and all
the wagons were loaded and sent up. The troops that fought at
Gaines' mill on the 27th crossed the river that night and destroyed
the bridges after them. During the night before, and that morning.

118 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
all the wagons were concentrated on the right bank of the river. On
the evening of the 27th general McClellan called a meeting of the
corps commanders at his own head quarters, when he explained to
them the movement he was about to make and the reason of it. On
the day and night of the 28th the supply and baggage trains were
withdrawn from Savage's station and sent off toward the James.
Keyes' corps, with the exception of Naglee's brigade which was held
as rear guard, crossed the White Oak swamp bridge and took a posi
tion near it, by noon ofthe same day. The same day and night he
was followed by Porter's corps, which was ordered to cover the roads
leading from Eichmond toward the Swamp and Long bridges. Mc
Call's Pennsylvania Eeserves crossed the same night. General
head quarters camp at Savage's station was broken up early on the
morning of the 29th and moved across the Swamp bridge. Gene
ral McClellan spent the day examining the country, directing the
posting of troops, and making arrangements for the secure passage
of the trains to James river.
By noon of the 28th, Naglee had the whole of his brigade con
centrated on the right bank of the Chickahominy from Bottom's
bridge up to the railroad crossing. At midnight of the day before
general McClellan had telegraphed general Keyes to direct general
Peck "to guard the railroad and Bottom's bridges." He directed
Naglee to " attend to the prompt and exact execution of the above
order," instead of sending it to Peck. Naglee was now, as it may
be termed, standing at bay between the victorious enemy and the
retiring federals. He did not forget his fallen braves of the 31st of
May. On Sunday, the 29th, he assembled his brigade on the banks
of the now historic Chickahominy, at 11 a. m., as the order ex
pressed it, " for the purpose of uniting in the last sacred duty due
by us to the memory of our brave comrades who sacrificed their
lives at the battle of the Seven Pines." It was his business to de
fend the crossing, which he was to hold at every hazard. All the
planks had been removed from the railroad bridge and dry fagots

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 119
placed conveniently for firing it. Such temporary defensive works as
were thought necessary were hastily constructed. An epaulment to
protect the pieces, with a line of rifle-pits extending six hundred yards
to the left, had been thrown up in the rear of Bottom's bridge. The
following was the position of the brigade at that time. Eight compa
nies of the 104th were stationed near the old tavern, in reserve, as a
support to Morgan's battery, and two companies, C and I, in a rifle-pit
covering the bridge; the 11th Maine was at the railroad bridge; the
sharpshooters of the 52d Pennsylvania and the 11th lined the bank
of the river between the two bridges; while the 56th and lOOtli
New York occupied the redoubts and rifle-pits. Naglee had with
him Miller's, Brady's, and Morgan's batteries and a squadron of
cavalry. General Casey had been down to White House to control
matters there, and general Peck was placed in command of the
division. Immediately upon the battle of Gaines' Mill, the enemy in large
force moved down toward the railroad, and on the 28th appeared in
front of Bottom's bridge. They planted a battery within a thou
sand yards of the bridge and opened upon us, the infantry manoeu
vring at the same time as if about to attempt a crossing. A well
directed and concentrated fire from our three batteries silenced his
guns and compelled the infantry to withdraw into the timber. He
had felt our pickets along the river bank before this and learned to
respect the sharpshooters that stood waist deep in water. On the
29th, large bodies of the enemy were seen hovering about on the
hio-h ground in front of the bridge, but our preparations to receive
him and the accuracy of our fire prevented him making a serious
attempt to cross. The battle at Savage's station was fought on the
29th and lasted until dark. The enemy had repaired the upper
bridges soon after our troops had crossed over and destroyed them,
and now gave us battle on the right bank. The battle at Allen's farm
was fouo-ht the same day but commenced and ended at an earlier
hour. In both actions the enemy was repulsed, but our army was

120 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
not then in a condition to take advantage of a success. As soon as
darkness covered their movements the troops that fought these bat
tles took up the line of march for the James ; Sumner and Heint
zelman crossing the swamp at Brackett's ford, and Franklin at the
White Oak bridge.
Meanwhile Naglee stood on the defensive and interposed between
a victorious enemy and the retiring trains and troops. The road
that leads to the swamp crossing was not much over a mile from the
river bank. The railroad bridge had already been destroyed by the
men of the 11th Maine. At Savage's station a train of cars was
being loaded with ammunition, to be run down the river at the last
moment. This was done at 7 o'clock, p. m., on the afternoon of the
29th. Slow matches were applied so that the train would be ex
ploded as it fell into the river. The signal to run the ill-fated
cars down the road was given just before sundown. It was started
with a full head of steam, and no hand to guide it down a de
scending grade. The foremost cars were all aflame. Eushing
along with accelerated speed, the whole train plunged through the
break in the bridge into the river below, with an explosion that
shook the earth and filled the air with pieces of the wreck. The
rear cars were filled with tons of powder, in barrels, and an im
mense quantity of fixed ammunition and loaded shells for the siege
guns. For hours, the explosion of shells from this tremendous
battery was incessant. The explosion of the train threw up a
magnificent column of white smoke hundreds of feet into the
air. The sound drowned the noise of artillery and musketry, which
sinks into insignificance in comparison. At dark the general si
lently withdrew his regiments to the high ground overlooking the
river, leaving but a fringe of pickets along the stream. The 104th
had already retired into a wood two hundred yards to the rear with
instructions to wait until the other regiments should close up. It
was some time after dark, but not until the last wagon, and the last
regiment had passed, that the pickets were called in, and the brigade

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 121
put in march for the James river. It was now the rear-guard of
the Army of the Potomac.
The road was crowded with wagons, and the march necessarily
slow. The brigade crossed the White Oak swamp some time after
midnight and bivouacked on the rising ground, a few hundred
yards in front of, and commanding, the crossing. On the right,
skirmishing could be distinctly heard between the rear guard of
our retiring columns on the road from Eiobmond to Charles city
and the advanced guard of the enemy. It was continued to a late
hour. Keyes, who was the first to cross the swamp, was relieved
on the 28th, and with his baggage and artillery marched for Turkey
bend, where he arrived on the morning of the 30th. General
Franklin had relieved him, and was ordered to hold White Oak
swamp crossing with his own corps and Eiohardson's and Naglee's
brigades. As soon as the trains and artillery were over, details of
men were sent out to destroy the bridge. When morning dawned,
a large force was found to be in the immediate vicinity, and an im
mense number of wagon and several pontoon trains encumbered the
fields and roads. The pickets were skirmishing in the swamp across
the creek that runs through it. A great effort was made to get the
wagons out of the way, and as rapidly as possible, train after train
was pushed into the road and started off for James river. At
10 o'clock, a. m., the brigade was got under arms, and attached
to Smith's division. It was placed in position by general Naglee,
about half a mile from the crossing, and was the last of several
lines. It was formed on two sides of the open field, along the edge
of the wood, the right resting on the James river road, and facing
the enemy, or where he was supposed to be, the left parallel to and
fronting the road. A portion of the 52d was deployed into the
swamp. Included between the angle formed by the two lines, were
acres of wagons, pontoons, &c. Everything being in readiness for
action, the men were allowed to staok arms and withdraw to the

122 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
shade of the neighboring timber. Here they kindled fires and
cooked dinner. The scene resembled a great pic-nic.
The enemy pushed after us immediately from the Chickahominy,
and were close in our rear. Our engineers had hardly destroyed
the swamp bridge and retired, before his skirmishers came up to
reconnoitre. For several hours the swamp only divided the op
posing forces. The action began about noon. Without a note of
warning, the enemy suddenly run his artillery forward from behind
the opposite hills and opened several batteries on our army while
the men were lounging on the grass eating their dinner. The
shock was so sudden that everybody seemed stunned for a moment.
One division broke for the wood — the officers leaving their horses
tied to the trees in the open field — but was rallied again. The
teamsters, especially those of the pontoon trains, cut the traces, and
away went the mules, by fours and sixes. When the trains got
started, the teamsters were threatened with instant death if they
drove faster than a walk, and guards were placed at short intervals
along the road to prevent a stampede. A New York regiment
broke and was leaving the field, when it was charged with the
bayonet by another regiment and stopped. For a few moments
there was a scene of great confusion. Our guns had been placed
in battery early in the day. The gunners stood ready, and soon
they thundered at the enemy in reply. The distance was hardly a
mile, and they had our exact range. Their shells burst constantly
over and among our troops. The air seemed filled with their pro
jectiles.. The official report of the action states that the guns on
both sides did not number less than a hundred. It was one of the
most furious cannonades of the war, and continued through the
day. The infantry was obliged to endure this severe shelling that
hot afternoon without an opportunity to reply, an ordeal more try
ing than any other to a soldier. Naglee's brigade, occupying the
last line, had few casualties. The 104th had none killed or
wounded, but many narrow escapes. Dead and wounded were car-

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 123
ried to the rear every few moments — the former were buried near
by, while the latter were taken to a neighboring house which had
been converted into a hospital. Some of the batteries had to fill
their ammunition chest three times, so rapid was the firing. The
men serving the batteries were almost worn out, and one faithful
gunner stood to his piece until he was entirely deaf. The enemy
made repeated efforts to cross the swamp while this cannonading
was going on, but in each case was prevented. The suddenness of
the attack created considerable confusion among the trains, and
there was danger of a general stampede. An Irish camp woman,
belonging to a New York regiment, made herself quite conspicuous
during the action. She remained close to the side of her husband,
and refused to retire to a place of security. She was full of pluck.
Occasionally she would notice some fellow sneaking to the rear,
when she would run after him, seize him by the nape of his neck
and place him in the ranks again, calling him a "dirty, cowardly
spalpleen," and other choice epithets. The flying shells had no
terrors for her. During the hottest of the cannonade, this cou
rageous woman walked fearlessly about among the troops, encou
raging them to stand up to their work. Her only weapon,
offensive or defensive, was a large umbrella she carried under her
arm. In one instance she shamed a commissioned officer into re
turning to his duty. She belonged to the Irish brigade, and her
stout person, full, red face and broad language betrayed her un
doubted origin. About the middle of the afternoon, heavy firing
was heard on the left where the troops of Sumner and McCall were
fio-hting the enemy at Glendale. He had succeeded in crossing the
swamp higher up, and was making an effort to fall upon our rear.
This firin"-, so close on our left, caused considerable alai'm, for
should the enemy succeed in his attack, it would enable him to cut
off our retreat. A brigade was sent off to re-enforce our troops.
Naglee became so much interested in the progress of events in that
quarter towards evening, that he rode in that direction to endeavor

124 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
to obtain information. In a short time he returned at a gallop,
shouting, as he came up, "All's right; we've repulsed them."
The cannonade ceased soon after dark with the exception of two
of our guns which continued to fire, at intervals of ten or fifteen
minutes, until after midnight. A pontoon train and several caissons
that could not be hauled- away were burned to prevent them falling
into the hands of the enemy. Franklin gradually and silently
withdrew his troops in the early part of the evening, leaving only
Naglee's brigade and the two field pieces to watch the crossing of
the swamp. Again his little command became the rear-guard and
interposed between our retiring columns and the pursuing enemy.
He was ordered to follow at 10 o'clock. At that hour he took up
the line of march, with his whole brigade, as he supposed, but he
took with him only part of it, viz: the 11th, 52d and a portion of
the 100th regiments, leaving the 56th, remainder of the 100th and
the 104th on the field. He gave the command at the head of the
column, in a low tone of voice, and the order was not repeated
throughout the line. Some who saw him move off were not aware
that it was a general movement, but supposed him to be taking part
of the brigade into the swamp to put it on picket. His assistant-
adjutant-general, who did not notice the movement, was left behind.
The general did not discover that part of his brigade was missing
until he had marched several miles and it was then too late to
remedy the mistake, for the road was blocked up with troops and
teams, and to return was impossible. Colonel Van Wyck was now
the senior officer present and should have assumed command, but
declined to do so. Captain Johnston, the assistant adjutant-general,
was then appealed to to conduct the remainder of the brigade off
the field and follow the march of the army, but he declined to move
without an order from the general, who was not present to give it.
Thus, through sheer incompetency, two regiftients and a half and
two guns came near falling into the hands of the enemy. •
Immediately the fight commenced at White Oak swamp bridge.

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 125
surgeon Kittinger of the 100th New York established a hospital in
a dwelling on the New Market road about half way to Brackett's
ford. Two hundred wounded were received there for treatment, a
part of which,? was brought down from Glendale. The wounds
were generallyftrery severe. During the afternoon and evening four
hundred abla4)odied men collected around his hospital and spent
the night Mere. With great difficulty the doctor prevailed upon
one hundred and fifty of them to leave at sunrise the next morning
for James river; but the remainder positively refused to march any
further, and remained and gave themselves up to the enemy. —
Among them were two commissioned officers. It was a shameful ex
hibition of cowardice and demoralization on the part of troops.
The rebel skirmishers made their appearance at 7 o'clock in the
morning and two hours afterward the main body, under Stonewall
Jackson, came along. They marched by the fiank, closed up, and
were five hours passing the hospital. Such was the discipline main
tained that the men were not even allowed to leave ranks to get a
drink of water at the well. The doctor remained with the wounded
and was made prisoner. The enemy offered no assistance to the
wounded until the 4th of July, nor did he send food to the hos
pital until the 5th, when some bacon, a little flour, and hard bread
were received. On the 11th they were removed to Eichmond.
When Stonewall Jackson arrived at the hospital he expressed as
tonishment to see so few stragglers and asked the doctor what had
become of them. He did not know that they reached the James
in advance of the army. With a victorious enemy thundering at
our heels the rear was no place for them. Jackson was in plain
clothes, with a sword and sash as the only signs of rank about him.
He led his meu on foot.

126

ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH

CHAPTER X.

Situation at White Oak swamp. — Lieutenant McCoy. — The rear guard marches. — Lose their
way. — The "Mule charge." — Malvern Hill. — The battle. — Fatigue of the army. — 104th
gOQS to Haxall's. — March, to Harrison's Landing. — The rear guard. — The roads. — ^The
enemy still pursues. — Wagons abandoned. — Harrison's Landing. — Intrenched camp
there. — Reyoin the regiment. — Nigiit attack by the enemy. — The army to be with
drawn from the Peninsula. — McClellan's campaign.
THOSE who were with the rear guard that night at the White
Oak swamp crossing will long remember it. The situation
was extremely critical for that portion of Naglee's brigade left be
hind. There was not a sentinel between the two armies to announce
the approach of the enemy. Our two guns threw an occasional
shell to give notice that we still occupied the ground. He was al
ready busily at work rebuilding the bridge to cross over. The dis
tant sound of the drum of his infantry, and the rattle of his gun
carriages could be heard as the enemy came up on the opposite side
of the swamp. He appeared to be massing his forces for a desperate
assault at daylight, under the supposition that our army would
again dispute his advance at that point. Captain Johnston still
maintained the fiction that general Naglee was in the swamp, and
believing such to be the case would not consent that the troops
should be removed. At last he was convinced of the danger of de
lay, and agreed to send a man into the swamp to hunt for him.
Sergeant Laughlin was sent, but returned in a little while and re-

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 127
ported that he could not be found. Lieutenant McCoy then vo
lunteered to make a search. He rode into the swamp some distance,
and down to the creek, calling in a loud tone of voice for the pickets
and the general. There was no answer returned. Every thing
was silent through the swamp but the axemen of the enemy felling
trees to repair the crossing. When at the creek he could not have
been more than two or three hundred yards from the enemy's pick
ets. No doubt this bold act of Mr. McCoy deceived him as to our
position and strength. Although the result of this reconnoissance
was positive evidence that neither the general nor the missing regi
ments were in the swamp, no one was disposed to order the troops
to move off. It is hard to tell how long they might have remained
in this critical position had not a staff officer of general Franklin at
this time come upon the ground. He expressed great surprise at
finding troops still there, and said that the general supposed they
had left four hours before, and that other troops had been with
drawn on that supposition.
It was now 2 o'clock on the morning of the 1st of July. Colo
nel Van Wyck finally assumed command and the march was com
menced. He did not know what road to take. Those whose busi
ness it was to know the route taken by the retreating army, had
remained on the ground all day without informing themselves. The
head of the column was directed toward the right, contrary to the
conviction of the most intelligent officers present, and the troops
took the direct route for the enemy. After marching some distance
they passed the pickets of another portion of our army, and were
ao-ain outside the federal lines. The road was filled with stragglers
coming from the^ field of Glendale or Nelson's farm. They were
much demoralized, and many had thrown away their arms. Lieu
tenant McCoy was ordered to collect them together, but he could do
nothino- with them. Continuing the march, in a little while colo
nel Van Wyck came to where the road again forked. Plere another
body of stragglers was met, who came down the right hand road.

128 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
A halt was ordered. In a few minutes colonel Ward approached
with the rear guard from Glendale, and of course was much aston
ished to see troops marching toward the enemy, who he said was in
pursuit of him. The column was now countermarched and followed
colonel Ward down the Charles City road.
During this march there occurred what is known to the mem
bers of the brigade as the "mule charge," which, for a short
time, caused an unaccountable panic among the troops. While
standing in the road, 'half asleep, they were startled by a noise like
that which accompanies charging cavalry and artillery. At the
same time there was seen a flash, and then an explosion was heard
when some one raised the cry that the enemy's cavalry was coming.
In a moment the road was cleared of troops, who rushed into the
adjoining wood for safety. Those who were present describe the
scene as a fearfully exciting one while it continued. For an instant
of time the whole command seemed paralyzed and bereft of reason.
In the rush from imaginary danger officers and men tumbled over
each other. Some lost their caps and articles of clothing ; while
others, when the fright had subsided, found themselves in posses
sion of articles that belonged to their neighbors, without being able
to tell how they came by them. Many threw away their guns with
out knowing it. The panic was complete while it lasted. The in
nocent cause of it was soon discovered. A couple of mules which
had escaped from the teamsters, with the harness on, came running
down the road with the chains and straps rattling and flapping about
them. About the same time a soldier discharged his musket. The
troops were simply the victims of a delusion, which their physical
and mental condition in some measure invited, for they were greatly
prostrated in body and mind. When they heard the voices they
were accustomed to hear, calling upon them to " fall in," they obey
ed with alacrity, and immediately the ranks were re-formed. The
panic subsided almost as soon as it arose.
The reader must not take this as evidence of the want of disci-

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 129
pline and steadiness in these troops, for they were among the best
regiments in the army of the Potomac. There are occasions when
the best troops in the world are liable to panic and stampede. A
notable and singular instance of this is recorded in Napier's " His
tory of the Peninsula War." The night before the battle of Busaco,
a brigade of English soldiers suddenly sprang from their sleep,
around the bivouac fires, and without any perceivable cause, ran
panic-stricken and bewildered in every direction. Yet even in their
fright they retained the instinct of veterans, for when the cry arose
that the enemy's cavalry were on them, they immediately began to
form in knots and groups to defend themselves ; when their delu
sion vanished. The cause of this panic was never discovered;
while that of Naglee's brigade was palpable.
The regiments being reformed filed to the left and resumed the
march to the rear at as rapid a gait as the men could make. Part
of the time, they moved in a slow trot — as near a " double-quick "
as their fatigued bodies would permit. — The column was over
taken by a mounted officer, who advised them to " hurry up," as
the enemy was not far off, and was expected to make an attack
when daylight appeared. — Scarcely a word was spoken, except now
and then a whispered command to the men, to " close up." — The
road was still filled with stragglers, through which our men had
to force their way — and it was often with much difficulty our
wearied fellows could be prevented mingling with the throng of
fugitives going the same way. Several of the officers and men
were really too sick to march, and all their physical strength was
taxed to keep up with the command. But the law of necessity
compelled them to it, for to fall behind was to ensure almost cer
tain capture. Consequently there was no straggling among Naglee's
men. The command reached the field of Malvern early in the
forenoon, where they stacked arms and lay down to rest, as they
had marched fifteen miles since leaving White Oak swamp. The
enemy was not far behind, for within an hour the fire of his ad-

130

ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH

vance could be heard as he drove in our pickets. The great bulk
of the army of the Potomac was concentrating here to make
another stand, and the field presented a grand sight that clear morn
ing, as the thousands of infantry were moved to and fro to take
up their ground, and the batteries galloped to their assigned posi
tions. As the army approached James river, Malvern hill was seen to
be the key to our position in that region, and it was determined
to make another stand here against the enemy. A reconnoissance
of the surrounding country had been made before the troops
arrived, and general McClellan had given instructions as to their
posting. The rear of the supply-trains and the reserve-artil
lery reached there late in the afternoon of the 30th of June.
The troops took up their position as they arrived. The left and
centre rested on the Malvern, while the right curved backward
toward James river. Keyes' corps, in which was the 104th, be
longed to this wing of the army, and acted as a reserve. The
regiment lay in a wood, in such position that the shells from the
gun-boat Galena passed directly over its head into the ranks of
the enemy. The battle began between 9 and 10 o'clock, and con
tinued, with intervals of cessation, until after nightfall, but the
heaviest fighting took place late in the afternoon. The enemy
made the most persistent efforts to carry our position ; charging
up to the very muzzles of the guns, and often not receiving a check
until the infantry poured volley after volley into him. Form
ing under cover of the wood, he charged upon our batteries at a
run across the open space and up the slopes, determined to carry
them. In each instance his columns of attack were hurled back.
The firing did not cease until about 9 o'clock at night, but the
fate of the day had been decided an hour before. The result of
the battle was a victoij to us ; but it seemed necessary to fall back
further, in order to establish a depot 'where the supplies could be
'brought up with safety. A few thousand fresh troops could have

PENNSYLVANIA EEGIMENT. 131
enabled us to open the way to Eichmond. The constant fighting,
and marching, and exposure for the last seven days, had com
pletely fagged out the army, and greatly demoralized it. Thou
sands of men could not be held to their organizations, but strag
gled to the river in crowds, and more than one officer deserted his
command, and marched in advance of their men to the river:
Marching by night, and fighting by day for a week, will use up
the best army in the world, and none ever excelled the army of
the Potomac in its historic period in 1862. In the evening, the
104th and 100th N. Y. were marched down to Haxall's, a mile
further, where they rejoined the remainder of the brigade under
general Naglee, who was much rejoiced to see his lost troops.
That night they bivouacked by the side of a creek in the imme
diate vicinity of some houses. A load of rations was procured, ,
and, for the first time in three days, the men had a comfortable
meal. At evening, companies A, D, and H, under lieutenants
Fretz, Lehnen, Artman and Markley were detailed to report to the
officer of the day for picket duty; and soon afterward the rest
of the regiment under captain Eogers was likewise sent out. He
returned to Haxall's at daylight with the seven companies, but the
other three were withdrawn too late to march with the regiment,
and fell in with the 87th New York. They did not report again
to the 104th until after their arrival at Harrison's landing.
When general McClellan determined to withdraw from Malvern
hill, and continue his march to Harrison's landing, he selected
Keyes' corps to cover the movement, and the brigades of Wessel
and Naglee were detailed for the rear-guard. After marching about
three miles below Haxall's, these brigades were formed in line of
battle, supported by artillery, where they remained while the dis
ordered army poured down in a living stream toward the river. The
moment the retreat was resumed, organization, in a great measure,
appeared to be at an end, and the troops swept over the country
without regard to roads or order. They made short cuts across

132 ONE HUNDEED AND FOUETH.
fields and through wood to the place of destination, and the inces
sant discharge of muskets and rifles resembled a fusilade with the
enemy. There was a mingling of companies, regiments, brigades
and divisions. It began to rain in the morning, and continued for
several hours to pour down in torrents, at which time the rear-guard
stood in line, or manoeuvred to protect the retreat. The movement
o!f so many thousand men and wagons over the roads and neighbor
ing fields, after the rain had fallen, converted them into an almost
impassable quagmire, and to march was literally to wade through
the mud. The troops and wagons having all passed by the middle
of the afternoon, the rear-guard followed, destroying the bridges
behind them. After marching a few miles they were halted for
the night, officers and men being fagged out with fatigue, wet to
the skin, and covered with mud. The bivouac of the 104th was
near a wheat-field, and the men set to work gathering the sheaves
for bedding. The rain held up in the afternoon, but it commenced
again near sun-down. The men had hardly lain down when a de
tail came for part of them to go on picket, an order which appeared
harsh in the extreme after all the fatigue they had undergone the
last three days. About this time some fresh troops, which had
landed that morning at Harrison's bar, came to the front and were
sent out on picket instead of the tired men of the 104th. Never
theless, the latter were not permitted to pass the night on their
sheaves of wheat, with whatever degree of comfort they could com
mand. Their location was changed two or three times before mid
night, and at last they found themselves amidst bushes and coarse
grass, the ground cut up in holes filled with water. Here they sank
to rest more dead than alive.
The enemy pursued as rapidly as the nature of the roads would
permit. In the night he placed a battery in position, and shelled
our bivouacks. Several shells fell among the 104th, but fortu
nately no one was hurt. The regiment was aroused and got under
arms, but no further attack was made. The battery and its sup-

PENNSYLVANIA EEGIMENT. 133
ports were afterward captured by the rear-guard. In the morning
the 104th was sent to re-enforce general Wessel, to whose brigade
it was temporarily attached. The last of the troops, except the
rear-guard and the trains, arrived at Harrison's landing after dark
on the evening of the 3d of July. The condition of the roads the
last two days, was such that the trains were got through with much
difficulty. Many wagons were abandoned and destroyed, and a
number were unloaded to enable the mules to draw them empty.
The last day's march lieutenant McCoy was directed by an engineer
officer to station himself on the main road, and cause all wagons to
be unloaded that could not get through without it. Every kind of
baggage was thrown into the* mud. Officers' trunks were broken
open and rifled of their contents by soldiers who were too much fa
tigued to carry their knapsacks, but who could bear a few pounds
of plunder. Cases of expensive surgical instruments were cast away,
to be picked up by the first party that claimed them. At one point
where the mud was too deep for the men to cross the road, a cross
ing was made of mattresses taken from a hospital wagon. In this
manner thousands of dollars' worth of valuable and useful baggage
was destroyed. The 104th, in these memorable movements, performed
a highly meritorious service. It formed part of the rear-guard from
the Chickahominy to the James, a duty as arduous and dangerous
as honorable, and is so held by all military authorities. Dufour
says: — "In retreat the rear-guard becomes the most important body,
and should be composed of the best troops, or those which have suf
fered least. No other service can give more fame to a body of
troops, where it exposes itself to danger, privation and toil, less for
itself than for the remainder ofthe army."
The 104th was probably as well kept together as any other regi
ment in the army, and yet did not reach Harrison's landing with more
than half the men in ranks. It was fortunate in meeting with so few
losses. The morning it fell back across the Chickahominy, William
Hart, of company F, was taken to the hospital at Savage's station.

134 ONE HUNDEED AND FOUETH
and as he was never heard of afterwards he probably died in the
hands of the enemy. Orderly sergeant Cadwallader, of company
K, was taken there sick about the same time, and would have fallen
into the hands of the enemy, but for the kindness of lieutenant
Yardley, quartermaster of the 3d Pennsylvania Eeserves, who car
ried him away in an ambulance. Sergeant Haney, of company B,
was made prisoner at Malvern hill. He had fallen behind the
regiment and laid down to rest,' and while asleep the army passed
him. When he awoke and was on the point of following our
troops, a rebel soldier stepped up and secured him. In the loss of
public property it fared better than most other regiments. Some
lost everything — the 104th very little. One drum of the corps of
twenty, only, reached the James, and that not in a very serviceable
condition. It was carried by drummer Straube, of company A, a
boy of fourteen years. He rode in the sutler's wagon part of the
way, which, no doubt, helped him to save the drum. He found a
better drum than his own on the field at White Oak swamp and
made an exchange. Two drums had survived the battle of Fair
Oaks, the one of Straube, already mentioned, and another carried
by little Smally of company F, which was broken up on the Chicka
hominy when the retreat began. The men lost some of their
personal effects. The first morning report after the army reached
Harrison's landing was rendered the 8th of July, which gave 20
commissioned officers, and 433 men present, showing a falling off
since last report of 43 enlisted men. These were mainly stragglers,
most of whom came into camp in a few days.
Harrison's landing, or bar, is about twenty-five miles below Eich
mond, and within easy communication with Fortress Monroe.
Berkeley, the seat of the Harrison family, and the birth-place of
the late President of that name, was within the lines of our army.
The army occupied a line of heights about two miles from the river
with a length of front of nearly three miles. The intermediate
space was mostly a level plain. The engineers were immediately

PENNSYVANIA EEGIMENT. 135
set to work laying out defensive works, and for three weeks the
whole force was employed constructing redoubts, intrenchments
and rifle-pits. The men were not permitted to rest until the posi
tion was rendered entirely secure. The army of the Potomac then
occupied a strongly intrenched camp with the two flanks resting on
the river. The position assigned Naglee's brigade was on the left
extending part of the way from the front line down to the river.
It occupied a piece of timber well grown up in bushes, on a bluff
overlooking a deep and swampy ravine. It held that portion of the
intrenched camp that was most advanced toward Eichmond. A
breastwork was constructed of logs three feet high along the brink
of the ravine, extending the whole front of the camp, and uniting
with the defences on the right and left. The camps were pitched
in the timber, all the brush having been cleared away. That
of Ihe 104th was laid out with regularity, and the location was
pleasant. I rejoined the regiment on the evening of the 31st of July, al
though not entirely recovered of my wound. I found Captain
Eogers' in command. The regiment looked much better than I
had a right to expect after the hardships it had lately passed
through. The camp was clean and well-regulated, the men neat
and orderly, and the usual discipline was fast being restored. Lieu
tenant-colonel Neilds had resigned and gone home a few days be
fore my arrival, on account of disability from a sun stroke during
the campaign. Surgeon Peck had also resigned. His vacancy was
filled by the promotion of assistant surgeon Eobinson. Congress
had lately added one assistant surgeon to each regiment, and these
two positions now vacant in the 104th were filled by the appoint
ment of Dr. W. Scott Hendrie of Doylestown and Dr. Willis Cad
wallader of Pineville. They accompanied me to Harrison's landing
and immediately entered upon the discharge of their duties. As I
passed through the company streets the next morning, and looked
aloDo- the line at dress parade that evening, I missed a number of

136 ONE HUNDEED AND FOUETH
familiar faces. Some lay under the sod around Fair Oaks and
Seven Pines, and other places on the Peninsula, while others were
in hospital, maimed for life, or sick.
While the army lay at Harrison's landing but little transpired of
any interest. After the position had been rendered secure, atten
tion was turned toward a restoration of the organization and disci
pline of the army. A rigid system of drills was instituted, and
maintained with as much frequency as the weather would permit.
Part of the time the heat was so oppressive that the men fainted in
the ranks. The country round about was well picketed, and in the
direction of Eichmond our lines extended nearly to Malvern hill.
The enemy now and then showed himself in our vicinity, but the
demonstrations were not of a serious character. There was quite
an alarm in camp the night of the 31st of July. The enemy
brought a battery or two down to the opposite bank of the river,
and opened upon our camps and shipping about midnight. Our
gunboats replied, and his guns were soon silenced. We lost a few
men killed and wounded. Three days afterward a considerable
body of troops was thrown across the river, and some defensive
works erected, to cover a landing in force, should it be deemed ne
cessary. The few buildings the enemy made use of were burned.
On the 4th of August, general Hooker was sent out with his divi
sion to make a demonstration to Malvern hill. He succeeded in
flanking the enemy's position and compelled him to fall back. The
hill was occupied by our troops, which was considered an important
point gained in case a forward move on the rebel capital should be
made from our present position. The band of the 104th was mus
tered out here, under an act of Congress, which provided that all
legimental bands, enlisted as such, should be discharged. This
was done on the plea of retrenchment. As a measure of economy
it was contemptible, while the substance of the government was
daily wasting away at so many leak holes. It seemed like grudg
ing the soldiers the pleasure of music. The President visited the

PENNSYLVANIA EEGIMENT. 137
army on the 4th of July and reviewed it, but the men were in a
sorry condition to receive their Commander-in-Chief.
As early as the 12th of July, there was an intimation that the
army would be withdrawn from the Peninsula. General McClellan
was opposed to it, and protested against it. He was anxious to re
main and complete the campaign begun. He maintained that to
be the road to Eichmond where lay the heart of the rebellion, and
urged the government to send him re-enforcements to accomplish
the desired object. He asked for twenty thousand additional troops,
which he thought were all that would be required. His general
plan was to move on the rebel capital in three columns, of thirty-
five thousand each. Soon after the army had reached Harrison's
landing, Burnside was ordered from North Carolina with seven
thousand men, who were landed at Newport News. Soon after
ward a division came up from the department of the South, which
increased his force to eleven thousand. They were intended
to be sent up to McClellan, but they never reached him. Mean
while, general Halleck visited the army of the Potomac and had a
conference with the leading general officers. He was accompanied
to Washington by Burnside, to get instructions to take the re-en
forcements to Harrison's landing, as it was then understood.
While he was at the capital, it was decided to withdraw the army
from the Peninsula.
No campaign during the war caused more or severer criticism
than the one of which I am writing. That it was unsuccessful, I
do not think was the fault of the army or its comihander. Since
it was concluded, and many things have come to light which then
were not only unknown but not suspected, we can see errors com
mitted on our side. These things were undeveloped while the
operations were pending, and the movements had to be governed
by the then existing circumstances. I believe general McClellan
acted according to his best judgment, however much that may have
led him into error; and it is doubtful whether any other com-

138 ONE HUNDEED AND FOUETH
mander of that period, and surrounded by the same circumstances,
would have done better. Many might have done worse. He saved
the army, which others might have lost. Many things worked
against him, the blame of which is not his, though charged to his
account. He undertook the campaign with the distinct under
standing that McDowell's column, moving down from Fredericks
burg, was to strike the enemy in flank, which would have given us
immense superiority in numbers and position. Had this plan been
carried out, Eichmond would have been ours by the 1st day of
June. Jackson was sent to make a demonstration up the valley, in
order to draw off McDowell, and he succeeded. This disarranged
the plans of the campaign, and compelled almost an entire change
of movement, always difficult in a large, and particularly new, army
in the presence of a powerful and watchful enemy. The rains and
mud of the last days of May and beginning of June, were worth
thousands of men to the enemy, as they compelled our army to rest
astride the Chickahominy, unable to move either way. It gave
him time to concentrate, while we were compelled to remain sta
tionary, and let our men sicken in the swamps. Great fault is
found because our army did not march into Eichmond immediately
after the battle of Malvern hill. That was undoubtedly a defeat to
the enemy. We stood on the defensive, and their attack met a
bloody repulse. The feeling cf common danger had much to do
with the manner in which our troops fought on that occasion.
They could not have accomplished so much had they been the at
tacking party. After this battle our army was very greatly de
moralized, and in many respects in not much better condition than
the enemy. After marching seven nights and fighting seven days,
it was not in a condition to change its movement and become the
assailant. The flank movement to the James, always a dangerous one, and
not often performed, was a success. Whether it was justified under

PENNSYLVANIA EEGIMENT. 139
the circumstances will be determined by impartial history, into
whose realms all the movements of the war have passed.
While we lay at Harrison's landing the following promotions
were made, viz : Adjutant Hart to be lieutenant-colonel, vice
Nields, resigned; captain Eogers to be major, vice Gries, died of
wounds received in action ; orderly-sergeant Cadwallader to be
second lieutenant, vice McDowell, killed in action; orderly-sergeant
O'Neill to be second lieutenant, vice Beans, resigned; orderly-ser
geant Fretz to be second lieutenant, vice Holmes, appointed com
missary of subsistence. About the same time private Marcus Hol-
back was appointed commissary sergeant, in place of James M.
Rogers, discharged.

140 ONE HUNDEED AND FOUETH

CHAPTER XI.

Army ordered to withdraw from Peninsula.— March of army. — Bivouac at Charles City court
house.— Cross the Chickahominy. — Reach Williamsburg. — Arrive at Yorktown. — Army
embarks for Alexandria.— 104th sent to Gloucester Point.— The fort.— A reconnoissance.
— Ride to Eagle Point.— Dinner. — Return to Gloucester. — Mrs. Dobson. — Cattle captured
^Prisoners of war returned. — Health of regiment. — Experience of the prisoners. — Pro
motions.
ON the 4th of August, general McClellan received a telegram from
general Halleck, directing him to withdraw the army to Ac
quia Creek, leaving the execution of the order entirely to his judg
ment and discretion. He was directed to cover the movement from
the enemy the best way he could, and to conceal the real object
from his own officers and men. Preparations for the withdrawal
were begun immediately. The sick and heavy material of the army
were sent off by water as rapidly as they could be shipped. Mean
while, reconnoissances were pushed in several directions, to lead the
enemy to believe that a forward movement was contemplated. To
enable the army to move in light marching order, the knapsacks
were placed on divers water craft to be towed round by water.
Those of Naglee's brigade were put on board a canal boat, which
sank before it had an opportunity to leave Harrison's landing. The
knapsacks were fished up, and in their wet state put on board ano
ther boat, and towed round to Yorktown. By this time they and
their contents were ruined, and were condemned by a board of sur-

PENNSYLVANIA EEGIMENT. 141
vey. Many officers lost all their baggage. It was the second time
the men were stripped of every thing but what they stood in, in
four months. Congress had clothed the quartermaster-general with
power to replace the clothing of enlisted men lost under such cir
cumstances; but notwithstanding frequent application was made,
and all the rules of the department complied with, nothing was re
covered. The order for the army to move was issued on the 11th, but
countermanded until the 14th. The corps of Porter and Heintzel
man marched on the 14th, and Keyes on the 15th. The wagons
were sent off the afternoon before. A few intrenching tools and
other articles of little value were destroyed. The men of the 104th
made several stuffed paddys, which they placed on the breastwork,
with clubs in their arms, to watch over the destinies of the deserted
camp. One of these dummies was fastened on the back of an old
mule that was left running in the woods. We marched at 4 o'clock
in the morning, and united with other divisions ofthe corps beyond
the intrenchments. We bivouacked at sun-down near Charles City
court house, Naglee's brigade in a corn-field, with the ears fit for
roasting. By morning there was a slim crop for the owner. The
road was blocked up with trains. We resumed the march at day
light in the morning. In a few miles we intersected a heavy column
that had taken the river road, and we were obliged to wait a long
time to enable it to pass. We reached the Chickahominy near its
mouth, at Barrett's ferry, about noon, and crossed on a pontoon
bridge twenty-two hundred feet long. The long column of infantry,
with mingled batteries and wagons sweeping down to, and across
the brido-e, was a fine military spectacle. Just below lay two gun
boats to protect and cover the removal of the bridge. On the north
bank there were acres of wagons in park, hitching up and moving
off. One wing of the army crossed, higher up the stream at Jones'
ford. The whole army, with the trains, artillery, &c., were safely

142 ONE HUNDEED AND FOURTH
over on the 17th, except the rear-guard, which crossed the next
morning, when the bridge was taken up.
The night of the 17th our division lay within four miles of Wil
liamsburg, and the next afternoon bivouacked six miles this side.
We remained here the 19th to enable the troops to be mustered and
inspected under a recent order from the war department. The
104th spent the twenty-four hours on picket near the York river,
and rejoined the division on the morning of the 20th in time to re
sume the march. We reached Yorktown before noon, and encamped
near Wormley's creek, three miles below the town. The movement,
for so large a body of troops, was well arranged. The army had
withdrawn from the presence of the enemy without let or hinderance,
and no doubt without his understanding the movement until it was
too late to interfere with it. The trains when drawn out extended
forty miles. The columns were directed on the three points of York-
town, Fortress Monroe and Newport News, where transports were
waiting to convey the troops to Alexandria, their place of destina
tion. The embarkation commenced as soon ag the troops arrived,
and by the 23d the whole of the army of the Potomac had sailed,
except Sumner's corps and Peck's division of Keyes' corps. The
former followed in a few days, while the latter remained on the
Peninsula. On the 18th of August general McClellan telegraphed general
Halleck in the following terms, urging him to say something com
plimentary to the achievements of the army on the Peninsula*
viz : —
" Please say a kind word to my army that I can repeat to them
in general orders, in regard to their conduct at Yorktown, Wil
liamsburg, West Point, Hanover court-house, and on the Chicka
hominy, as well as in regard to the seven days and the recent
retreat. " No one has ever said any thing to cheer them but myself.
Say nothing about me. Merely give my officers and men credit for

PENNSYLVANIA EEGIMENT. 143
what they have done. It will do you much good, and will strengthen
you much with them if you issue a handsome order to them in re
gard to what they have accomplished. They deserve it."
As no reply was made to this, nor order issued in compliance
with the request, it is probable the General-in-Chief was opposed
to complimenting the army of the Potomac for its achievements on
the Peninsula.
On the 23d general McClellan and staff embarked for Alexan
dria, and arrived there on the 24th, to find himself not only with
out an army but without a command.
As already mentioned, Peck's division remained on the Penin
sula, the rest of the 4th corps accompanying the Army of the Po
tomac. Two brigades of the division were shortly sent down to
Suffolk, while that of Naglee, now under command of brigadier-
general Emory, remained about Yorktown. The headquarters of
the 4th corps was established at this place. During the opera
tions in Maryland and Virginia against Lee's army, general Mc
Clellan twice requested the secretary of war to re-enforce him with
Peck's division, but it was refused.
General McClellan ordered a force sent over to Gloucester point
to hold that place, which would give us the control of the Peninsula
between the York and Severn rivers. I was selected for this com
mand, and the same afternoon of our arrival at Yorktown I received
an order from general Emory to take the 104th Pennsylvania and
the 98th New York regiments to that point and hold it. The men
had had no rest from the march of the day, but they obeyed the
order cheerfully. We crossed from Yorktown in a small steamer
about dark, and bivouacked on the plain in the rear of the fort. A
few rations were taken along for immediate use. As there was no
transportation at hand, the men were obliged to roll the barrels of
beef and carry the boxes of hard bread through the sand to the
plain, nearly half a mile from the landing. The gunboat Chocura
lay off the point for its protection, and soon after landing captain

144 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
Pattison came ashore and introduced himself. He is a native of
Louisiana. I breakfasted with him next day, and partook of a
more inviting meal than I had sat down to for some time. Our
camp equipage did not arrive that night, which being damp, with
a heavy dew falling, the men were chilled through before morning.
In the morning the 104th was moved into the fort. On the 22d
the 100th New York was sent over to replace the 98th, which was
returned to Yorktown. I was re-enforced by a battery of four three-
inch rifle guns, under command of lieutenant Mink, a gallant
young officer. It was encamped inside the fort and the guns
placed in the bastions. The 100th regiment encamped outside.
The picket line was established nearly a mile in front of the fort,
and extended across the Peninsula from Sarah's creek to York
river. The day we reached Yorktown from Harrison's landing,
William Worthington, of company F, died, and was buried in the
soldiers' cemetery just below the town.
The fort at Gloucester point was a regular pentagon, and probably
the largest earthwork ever built in this country. Following the
exterior slope of the ditch the distance around it was about a mile.
The enemy commenced its erection soon after the war began, and
it is said a thousand negroes were occupied upon it for about
twelve months. It occupied nearly the site of the old Eevolutionary
works erected by the British in 1781, and near it were the ruins
of the brick house general Tarleton used for a hospital during the
siege of Yorktown, by Washington. The fort had all the appliances
of a first-class, regular work, and was planned by skilful engineers.
At the angle of the river was a strong water battery, from which
the enemy had removed the guns. When the fort was evacuated
in May, the guns were left in it, but had since been burst. I
was ordered to put it in thorough repair. We commenced work a day
or two after we occupied it, which was continued for about three
months, several hundred men being engaged on it daily. The
amount of labor done on and about it was very great, for it was

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 145
very much out of order. Among other repairs, one sala-porte was
closed up, and the other- two narrowed to the proper width for
gates; the ditch, which was nearly filled with sand in several places,
was cleaned out; portions of the parapet newly sodded; all of the
slopes dressed up, and some of them graded. A bomb-proof run
ning across the parade, and large enough to accommodate a thou
sand men, was finished. As the enemy had not completed the
work, a large part of the surface of the parade required grading.
Most ofthe platforms were re-laid. When done, it presented a neat
appearance, and all agreed it paid for the labor expended on it
All the timber within a thousand yards was cut down ; and as the
country round about was level, an enemy approaching in the face
of a determined garrison would not have had a pleasant time in the
encounter. The ramparts were high above the river, and com
manded the stream as far as guns could carry. The position at
Gloucester point was commanded by that at Yorktown, and the party
that held the latter controlled the former. The fort had five large
bastions. We remained at this post over four months, during which time
very little of interest took place that is worth recording. The reali
ties of war were rolling around us, leaving us in a state of compara
tive peace. During this period we saw few of the hardships incident
to a campaign in an enemy's country.
On the 25th of August, in command of the 104th and a squad
ron of cavalry, I was ordered to accompany lieutenant Bowen, To
pographical Engineers, in a reconnoissance a few miles into the
interior. We marched at 3 o'clock, p. m. on the main road to
Gloucester court house, and bivouacked for the night at Hickory
fork eio-ht miles out. We passed through a beautiful agricultural
country, yet untouched by the hand of war. The farms were large
and well-cultivated, and generally owned by men of wealth. The
whole region was so peaceful and tranquil that it hardly seemed
possible that the country was torn by the agonies of civil war. —
10

146

ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH

Herds of cattle and flocks of sheep were browsing on the broad
meadows, while poultry strutted about in the security of the most
peaceful times. We found a few farms deserted by their owners,
who had either joined the enemy in the field, or placed themselves
under his protection at Richmond. On the way up we passed the
Abingdon Episcopal church, a fine old edifice, built more than a
century ago of bricks imported from England. It is situated in a
beautiful oak grove in the midst of a rich and populous neigh
borhood. Near our bivouack was the plantation of one Willie T. Eobinson,
who had fied his home and left his estate to the management of his
slaves, who had not as yet turned contraband. The buildings and
surroundings indicated wealth and position in the owner. His barn
was filled with hay and grain, his fields covered with flocks and
herds, and poultry and fruit were abundant. The men learning
that Mr. Eobinson was in arms against us, asked permission to make
a raid on his poultry-yard, which was granted, and that evening
many a chicken, duck and goose gave up the ghost.
The next morning chaplain Gries and myself accompanied lieu
tenant Bowen, with an escort of cavalry, across the country to Eagle
point, where it was agreed the gun-boat Chocura should meet us by
steaming up the Severn. The regiment was conducted back to
camp by major Eogers. We rode about twelve miles in an east-
south-east course, and arrived at the point about noon and stopped
at the house of a Mr. Bryan. The country we passed through was
still more beautiful and productive than the region we traversed
yesterday. The well-stocked and well-cultivated farms made a de
lightful impression on the mind. Blooded cattle, well-filled barns,
and fruit every where abounded. On the way we halted at the
plantation of a BIr. Clark, who lived at an old-fashioned Virginia
homestead, such as we were wont to see in the palmy days of the
Old Dominion. BIr. and Mrs. C. very politely invited us to dis
mount and enter tbe house, which we declined to do for want of

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 147
time. The servants brought us delicious peaches, figs and pears,
fresh from the garden, which we ate with a relish as we sat on our
horses, and chatted with host and hostess of war and politics. We
found Mr. C. a stanch rebel, with three sons in the army, while
Mrs. C. was no less warm in the cause. They complained bitterly
of the blockade, which they admitted hugged them very closely in
its embrace and deprived them of many useful and necessary arti
cles. They stood more in need of brandy and salt than any thing
else. They were both much alarmed when they saw us approach
ing, and Mrs. Clark remarked that the sight of the blue coats gave
her a pain in the back. With a promise to call again and take din
ner, we rode away.
The mansion at Eagle point stands in a beautiful oak-grove and
looks out upon a wide expanse of water abounding with the finest
oysters and water fowl. The broad hall was ornamented with deer
antlers and other articles that reminded one of "ye olden time." The
wife of the overseer prepared us a dinner of chickens, bacon, greens
and corn bread, to which -we did ample justice and paid full price.
We went on board the gunboat at 2 p. m., and dropped anchor at
Gloucester point at 6. The return trip was exceedingly pleasant
At first it was the intention of the authorities to place a heavy
armament in the fort at Gloucester point, but the idea was aban -
doned. At one time a few 100-pounders, with their carriages were
landed and with great labor were hauled up by the men, but it was
afterward discovered that they were intended for Yorktown, and
they had to be hauled back with equal fatigue. While we were repair
ing the fort general Viele, who commanded at Norfolk, told me tha^
there were several hundred idle contrabands at that place, and that
a number could be had to work on the fortification. I made requi _
sition for two hundred, but never received a man. While I re_
mained in command the heaviest guns mounted on the fort were
the 3-inch rifles of Mink's battery.

148 ONE HUNDEED AND FOURTH
Our lines being limited in extent, there were included in them
but few of the inhabitants. With a single exception they were quiet,
orderly, people and gave no trouble. Mr. Dobson, one of the parties,
was connected with some of the leading families of the county, and
his wife was a daughter of colonel Hayes, a wealthy gentleman who
lived a few miles up the country. She was rebel to the back-bone,
and very bitter. General Dix ordered their house to be taken for a
hospital, which made her furious, and she threatened to burn it
down before the hated Yankees could get possession of it. It was
seized, however, before she could put her threat into execution, and
a strong guard placed over it. There were found in it a quantity
of arsenic, which it is said she threatened to throw down the well,
part of a k^g of powder and two loaded guns. She told the sur
geon in charge that when she met him in h — 1 she would scratch
his eyes out. She and her husband, with their effects, were placed
outside our lines. Our picket lines were strictly maintained, and
no person was allowed to go beyond without a pass from the general
officer in command at Yorktown. All were allowed to enter who
claimed the protection of the government, and some days there
was a large number of negroes who came in to eat rations under
the protecting care of good-natured Uncle Samuel. Sometimes
these colored fugitives came with irnmense bundles that contained
the wardrobe of master or mistress, with the latter following closely
upon their heels. In such cases "American citizens of African
descent" would be -made to disgor.ge their contraband property.
A contraband camp was formed at Yorktown, where some of the
men worked in the quartermaster's or commissary's department.
The first expedition into the enemy's country from Gloucester
point, for the purpose of making reprisals, was on the night of the
16th of September. During the day it was reported that cattle
were being collected at the house of one Jarret, said to hold a ma
jor's commission in the rebel army, to b-e driven to Eichmond the
next morning. I determined to capture them. I detailed compa-

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 149
nies F and G, 104th, and one company of the 100th New York,
and placed them under command of major Eogers, who was or
dered to proceed to the place where the cattle were said to be, and
seize them. He left camp about 9 o'clock, p.m., but on reach
ing the picket line he was delayed by the guide a considerable
time. On reaching Jarret's house thirty-one head were found in an
adjoining field, which a member of the family admitted were to be
driven to Eichmond. He returned to the fort at 2 o'clock in
the morning with the cattle, which were turned over to the post
commissary at Yorktown for the use of the army.
On Saturday, the 26th of September, there was an important ar
rival at Gloucester point. On that day the men who had been
made prisoners at the battle of Fair Oaks rejoined the regiment.
They were forty-seven in number, of which forty belonged to com
pany E. They had been confined in the rebel prisons at Eichmond
and Saulsbury, N. C, nearly four months. Their arrival created
quite an excitement among their old companions. Many ran down
to the landing to greet them as they came ashore, and as they
crossed the ramparts into the fort the whole regiment received
them with a shout of welcome. Their forlorn appearance was a
silent relator of the hardships they had endured. They were im
mediately furnished with new clothing, which they put on as soon
as they had bathed their bodies in the cool waters of the running
river. A number of them were turned over to the kind attention
of surgeon Eobinson, while all were excused from duty for a couple
of weeks to give them time to recover their strength. Several were
left behind, sick in hospital. The men spoke of their treatment,
while prisoners of war, as harsh in the extreme. At the same time
we received twenty recruits, and sixteen convalescents from hospi
tals some of whom had been wounded on the Peninsula.
The first month's residence at Gloucester point had very mate
rially improved the health of the regiment. The men had lost that
sickly appearance which they had while campaigning on the

150 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
Chickahominy. They had access to an abundance of fish and
oysters, and fine salt water bathing which, added to the salubrity
of the situation, worked the marked change in their personal ap
pearance. For the month of September the surgeon's report shows
the number excused' from duty, at the sick call in the morning, to
vary from two on the 8th, the lowest, to twenty-one on the 15th,
the highest, but which had dropped down to thirteen on the 23d;
which exhibits a good sanitary condition in a regiment five hun
dred strong, in a sickly month, and while engaged in heavy fatigue
duty. The returned prisoners gave a somewhat interesting account of
their experience while in the hands of the enemy. Company B
was captured about six o'clock in the evening by the 1st South
Carolina volunteers as it was falling back down the York river rail
road, near Fair Oaks station. The enemy had been lying in am
bush. The prisoners were conducted through the swamp and bushes
to the Nine Mile road, which they struck near the headquarters of
general Naglee. This was close by the camp of the 104th, but the
men were not permitted to go to their tents to get their knap
sacks. The camp was filled with rebel soldiers, who were helping
themselves to clothing. They were then conducted over the ground
where the 104th had fought, on which they saw many of our men
lying. Passing to the rear, they soon came up to the main body of
the enemy. Here their reception was amusing. The first saluta
tion they received was, "What are youens come down here to fight
weens for? Youens are going to Richmond, are you? We expect
you will get there before you want to. We expect you will stay at
home and mind your own business, and not come down here to in
vade our soil." They were then marched about a mile to the rear,
where the enemy's reserves were stationed. Here they remained
all night.
The next morning they were conducted to Richmond under a
gaard of cavalry, distance some four miles. The road was filled with

PENNSYLVANIA EEGIMENT. 151
stragglers and wounded soldiers, and every house they passed was
a hospital. They arrived at 8 o'clock, a. m. As they were marched
through the streets to the prison, they were saluted by females, cry
ing: "Well, you got to Eichmond; you'got here sooner than you
expected." They were put into the Libby tobacco warehouse for a
few days, when they were transferred to Saulsbury, North Carolina,
where they arrived on the 5th of June. This was a decided change
for the better, as they were treated with much less severity. They
were confined in an old cotton factory with a shaded yard attached,
the whole surrounded by a high board fence. The prisoners were
allowed the privilege ofthe yard from 6 a. m. to 6 p.m., with two
meals a-day.
To amuse themselves during the weary hours of their confine
ment, they initiated games and amusements of divers kinds. A fa
vorite occupation was manufacturing articles of ornament from their
meat bones, some of which were prettily made and fashioned with
commendable skill. Many of them were sold to the citizens, which
enabled the men to purchase little necessaries for themselves; while
others were brought home as mementoes of their prison life. Their
only tools were their pocket-knives, or old case-knives made into
saws. On the 4th of July the prisoners were allowed to celebrate
our National Independence. It was quite a festive occasion. The
officers formed the men into procession and marched them to a
platform, where the Declaration and the Farewell Address of Wash
ington were read, which was followed by singing several patriotic
songs. The afternoon was devoted to amusements, among which were
embraced a wheelbarrow race, a bag race, followed by a chase
after a well-greased and well-shaven pig. He was a slippery cus
tomer to handle, and the one who caught him was to be paid his
value. The fortunate captor was corporal Christian Bickel, com
pany E, 104th. The exercises of the day were concluded by a
game of base ball among the officers for a silver cup. There were
confined there, also, several citizen prisoners. One dark, stormy

152 ONE HUNDRED AND FOUETH
night, several of them made an attempt to escape. They were dis
covered by the sentinel, who cried out to the corporal of the guard
that the Yanks were getting out. The corporal ordered the senti
nel to shoot them, but this functionary replied that his "gun would
not push." A few prisoners escaped, and the lieutenant of the
guard was shot by accident by one of the sentinels. The prisoners
were transferred to Eichmond about the middle of August, prepa
ratory to being discharged. They were confined on Belle island
until the 12th of September, when they signed their paroles. The
next day they left Richmond for Aiken's landing on the James
river, where they took steamboat for Annapolis, and thence to the
convalescent camp at Alexandria, and Gloucester point. Of those
captured at Fair Oaks, two are known to have died at Richmond —
Lewis H. Eckhart, of company B, and sergeant Erwin, of company
— . They were both wounded, and were taken to-Belle island. The
former died on the island,. and the latter on a fiat-boat, which was
conveying him to a hospital over in the city. General Naglee re
sumed command of the brigade on the 28th of September, after an
absence of nearly three months. General Emory, who was relieved,
accompanied general Banks on his expedition to New Orleans. He
is esteemed one of the most intelligent and best informed men in
the army, and was well liked by the men.
During the month of September the following promotions were
made in the regiment, viz. : lieutenant Henry W. Harvey to be cap
tain, vice Rogers promoted to the majority; orderly sergeant Laugh
lin to be first lieutenant, vice Harvey promoted; first lieutenant Kep
hart to be captain, vice Orum resigned; second lieutenant McCoy
to be first lieutenant, vice Kephart promoted; and orderly sergeant
William P. Haney to be second lieutenant, vice McCoy promoted.

PENNSYLVANIA EEGIMENT, 153

CHAPTER XII.

Regiment made comfortable.— Drills begin —Soldiers tried for murder.— Search for rebel
mails.— Fine oysters. — Arrival of ladies.— Regimental mess. — Picket lines attacked. —
Our loss.— Retaliation.— {Target firing.- Promotion.— Contraband  Command in
creased.— Armorer appointed.— Cold weather.- Expedition to Matthews county.— Its
result.- Whiskey left behind.
AS soon as the repairs to the fort were finished, attention was
turned to making the garrison comfortable, each regiment
managing its own improvement in this particular. The 104th and
the battery were still encamped inside the fort and the 100th regi
ment outside. It was now presumed we would remain here all
winter, and the arrangements were made accordingly. A large
supply of fuel was cut and piled up in the fort. For some time a
detail of two companies was made daily to go into the slashing and
cut timber, which in good weather averaged twenty cords a day.
The party was in charge of sergeant Jonathan White. New Sibley
tents with stoves were issued to the troops. A new camp for the
104th was laid out with the greatest regularity along the curtain
connecting the north-west and south-west bastions. The tents were
stockaded about five feet from the ground with split pine logs, and
floored with pine boards. This raised them high enough from the
ground to allow a door through which a man could walk upright.
The stockades were whitewashed. This arrangement added greatly
to the comfort 'and convenience of the tents, and one would now
accommodate a dozen men quite comfortably. A log kitchen.

154 ONE HUNDEED AND FOUETH
twelve feet square, covered with shingles or boards, with brick
fire-places, was built for each company. To economize space, two
kitchens were built under the same roof, divided by a stockade par
tition. By order of general Keyes a commissary store-house, forty-
five by twenty-five feet, capable of holding rations for the garrison
for thirty days was erected. It was also stockaded, but the logs
were hewn so as to make close joints. It was bossed by sergeants
Ryan and Fox, and was a building that would do credit to me
chanics any where. A comfortable guard house with officers' quar
ters attached, was also erected. A portion of the lumber for these
buildings was issued by the quartermaster at Yorktown, and the
rest obtained in the neighborhood outside our lines. Sutler McCarty
built a large store-house, and captain Duncan, in anticipation of
his family spending part of the winter with him, erected a comfort
able little dwelling in the south-east bastion. In connection with
these improvements and to further the comfort of the men for the
coming winter, a complete outfit of warm clothing was drawn and
issued to them.
When the fatigue was finished, the attention of the officers was
turned to regular and systematic drills. Neatness and discipline
were strictly enforced. In a little time so great emulation was
established that it was a difficult matter to select the cleanest man
at guard mounting to be excused from duty for the nest twenty-
four hours. To Ibster a greater spirit of emulation in the matter
of cleanliness, a beautiful medal of gold and blue enamel was pur
chased, which was awarded at Sunday merning inspection to the
cleanest and most soldierly-looking man in the regiment. The one
who got it carried it for a week and was excused from all duty for
this period. The regiment was inspected by an officer entirely dis
interested, and the award was the recognition of merit. During the
period of which I write, that portion of the brigade encamped on
the Yorktown side of the river had not been reposing in idleness.
The works there were much enlarged and strengthened, and hun-

PENNSYLVANIA EEGIMENT. 155
dreds of men were kept at work on them. The timber within
cannon range was cut down, while the intrenchments that the army
of the Potomac threw up during the siege of the spring before,
were levelled, to prevent an enemy using them for any offensive pur
pose. A new and much heavier armament was provided for the
works, among which were several large rifled pieces.
In October several soldiers of the 1st Pennsylvania artillery were
tried before a military commission at Yorktown for committing a
brutal murder near that place. It appeared from the evidence that
on the 4th of September a number of them left camp, without
permission, and went down the river on a plundering expedition..
They entered the premises of a Mr. Dawson, and while robbing his
orchard one of them was badly beaten by some person about the '
farm. The next day they returned with several others, to have
revenge. While passing along the road toward Cheeseman's land
ing, they overtook a Mr. Stokes, a harmless citizen of the neigh
borhood, returning home in his cart from Yorktown. Without
previous acquaintance, or the least provocation, they attacked him,
knocked him out of the cart, and beat and stabbed him in such a
manner that he died of his wounds. The two most guilty were
hanged, and the others punished more lightly. The example was a
good one, and no doubt had a salutary effect upon that class of sol
diers who think themselves privileged to maltreat the inhabitants
of the country where they are stationed. Our army was continually
disgraced by the evil deeds of such characters.
It was strongly suspected that the enemy had a mail route from
the head of Mobjack bay through a region of country known as
Guinea, and thence through Gloucester court house to Richmond.
Understanding that a mail was to leave for the rebel capital on the
night of the 8th instant, from the house of one Alexander Glass,
near the mouth of Severn river, I despatched Captain Payne, 100th
New York with his company, to endeavor to intercept it. The
house was surrounded and thoroughly searched, but no mail was

156 ONE HUNDEED AND FOUBTH
found, yhere was evidence of an early intention to visit Eichmond,
however. In one room was a basket filled with cakes, jellies, and
other delicacies, and a valise packed with new shirts and many other
articles of wardrobe labelled for an officer of Wise's legion. When
it was too late, it was learned that the mail was to start from a neigh
boring house, and no doubt it reached its destination in safety. This
was a region of country through which considerable illicit trade
was carried on with the enemy. Boats would land their cargoes in
the quiet waters that bordered it, when the goods would be loaded
into wagons ready to receive them, and hurried off into the interior.
Subsequently a gunboat was stationed in Mobjack bay and the trade,
in a great measure, broken up. Captain Payne, who led this little
expedition, afterward became quite distinguished as a scout in the
operations before Charleston, where he was made prisoner in a boat
reconnoissance in August 1863.
Our command was fortunate in being located near the finest oys
ter beds in the country, and as the height of the season was at hand,
officers and men indulged without stint in the luxury of these deli -
clous bivalves. York river has long been celebrated for its fine
oysters, and for many years the Virginians made their transporta
tion to New York a lucrative business. It employed a number of
vessels. As the owners were not allowed to carry them away since
the war began, they had accumulated in immense numbers. The
bottom of Sarah's creek was literally one great oyster bed, and in
the river they were found clinging to the rocks in great clusters.
Those that were planted and cultivated were esteemed superior to
those that grew where nature deposited them. For the conve
nience of the garrison, a citizen living inside the lines was permit
ted to open an oy.ster house, where they were to be found at all
times, "roasted, fried, or on the shell." The companies were per
mitted to go oystering in turn and sometimes they returned with
several bushels. In addition there were fine water fowl, and fish ()f
several varieties in the river and creeks. One or the other of these

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 157
delicacies graced the mess of the officers and men daily, and not
only contributed to the luxury of living, but were beneficial to
health. To prevent imposition, a tariff of prices was fixed to govern
the sales of oystermen to the garrison. Several officers who ex
pected their wives to spend the winter with them had prepared
comfortable quarters just ouside the fort, between it and the camp of
the 100th New York. The location had given to it the name of
" Quality Row." Among the ladies who came down to cheer up the
camp life of her husband was Mrs. Harvey, wife of captain H. of the
104th. Blrs. Holmes also made a visit to her husband, who was
post-commissary at Yorktown. Later in the season the wife of cap
tain Duncan arrived, and remained for a few days. These domestic
arrangements were sadly broken in upon just before New Year, by
the troops being ordered south to engage in active operations. The
latter part of October sixteen additional recruits arrived for the
regiment, which, with those who had joined before and the return
ed prisoners of war, increased our strength about one hundred men.
One of the useful institutions of the post was a regimental mess
established by the officers of the 104th. They clubbed together
and employed a couple of colored men to open the establishment,
where reasonably good board, and at a moderate price, could be ob
tained. A large hospital tent served as a dining room, and a wall
tent in the rear was used for a kitchen. With a cow, a plentiful
supply of fish and oysters, frequent water fowls, with the privilege
of purchasing the more substantial articles of the commissary of
subsistence, the proprietors were enabled to keep up a very respect
able table. The patrons were well pleased with the arrangement, and
regretted when a change of location compelled them to give it up.
When the regimint left the fort the establishment was inherited by
the garrison that succeeded us. Our army should follow the example
of that of Great Britain in regard to messes, and compel the officers
of each regiment to maintain one when stationed at a post or occupy-
in^ other locality that affords the proper facility. The influence is

158 ONE HUNDRED AND FOUETH
every way beneficial to the service. It improves the social qualities
and good feeling among the officers, and besides looks more Chris
tian-like to meet face to face at meal time around a well-spread
board, than to sit in one's tent and munch the ration alone like a
hermit. The first week in November captain W. W. Marple was
sent to Harrisburg to bring on the drafted men required to fill
the regiment to its maximum number. After waiting several days
he returned without them, as it had been determined, mean while,
that they should be formed into regiments. For the month of Oc
tober the average of sick was a little over four per cent, of the
whole number, showing a remarkable condition of health compared
to the troops on the other side of the river, where in some regi
ments it went up as high as twenty-five per cent.
One night a stranger came to the picket and represented himself
a Union man who lived down the river a few miles; that he desired
to come within our lines for the protection of himself and family.
He stated that his political sentiments had made him obnoxious to
his neighbors. Lieutenant Lehen, with company E, was sent down
in a light-draft steamer, which brought him and his effects up to
Yorktown, whence they were furnished with transportation to Bal
timore. While we were at Gloucester point, captains Swartzlander
and Corcoran, both badly wounded at Fair Oaks, rejoined the regi
ment. Our first and only conflict with the enemy while at this post was
an affair that happened on the morning ofthe 16th of November at
the Hook store, a mile from the fort, between a small party of the
104th, under lieutenant Markley, and a company of the enemy's
local cavalry, known as the King and Queen rangers. That after
noon two squadrons of our cavalry, with a piece of artillery, under
major Hall, had crossed the river on their way to make a recon
noissance to Gloucester court-house. They bivouacked for the night
in the edge of the timber near the fort. Just before midnight I
received information that the enemy's cavalry was on its way to

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 159
attack our lines. A messenger was sent to major Hall to put him
on his guard and to request his assistance, but he had already left.
Company D, 104th, and one company of the 100th New York, were
sent out to strengthen the pickets, with directions for lieutenant
Markley to take ten or fifteen mon and place them in ambush in a
wood a few hundred yards outside the lines.
He advanced his party of seven men nearly a mile from the
lines and placed them behind a fence at the Hook store. Between
two and three o'clock cavalry were heard advancing, and when
they came within seventy-five yards lieutenant Blarkley cried
'¦'Halt." After the interval of a few minutes sergeant Leather-
berry called out "Who goes there?" The enemy responded
"Friends." The sergeant then asked "Who do you call friends?"
To which they replied " Federals." Another of the party then
asked to what regiment they belonged. To which they replied
"105th Pennsylvania cavalry." Sergeant Eosenberger then cried
out that would not answer, and called to the approaching party to
"Stand." Lieutenant Markley immediately gave the order to fire,
which his own men and the enemy did almost simultaneously.
Four of the little party fell, one killed and three wounded. The
enemy then charged upon them and captured the three who re
mained unhurt. He then rode off with his prisoners toward
Richmond. Lieutenant Markley reported his disaster to the field-
officer of the day on the picket line, when a party was sent out to
bring in the body of the one killed and the wounded man who could
not help himself. The other two found their way to camp by day
light. The party attacked consisted of sergeants Rosenberger,
Leatherberry and private Shelley, captured; privates Baltz killed,
and Heller, Geary and Trumbower wounded. After several weeks'
confinement the prisoners were sent home under parole. All re
joined the regiment except Shelley, who deserted.
Lieutenant Blarkley was censured for his conduct on this occa
sion, and to determine his responsibility he requested a court of

160 ONE HUNDRED -iND FOUETH
inquiry. It was granted and met a few days afterward. Colonel
West, chief of artillery of the 4th corps, was president. After an
examination of the circumstances they submitted the following re
port, which was approved, viz :
"Lieutenant Markley 's errors on the occasion mentioned were
those of inexperience and not of inattention, and that a proper re
gard for the public interest would not warrant further proceedings
in the case."
For this unprovoked attack on the pickets the neighborhood was
made to suffer a severe retaliation. Two white men and a negro
were arrested and taken to Yorktown, one, the young man who was
clerk in the store before which the men of the 104th were shot
down, and the other a physician of the hamlet. They were put to
inconvenience by being detained some time, but suffered no per
sonal injury. The tide mill on the creek at the picket line was
taken possession of and run for the use of the troops. Heretofore
persons living on^both sides of the line had been permitted to take
grists there to be ground, but this privilege was now entirely pro
hibited. It was placed in charge of corporal Perry and private
Ellis, who gave it a complete overhauling and run it to grind flour
and corn meal for the garrison. The order was afterward so far
relaxed that the citizens living within the lines were permitted to
patronize the mill. A small wind-mill on York river was also
seized, and as they were the only two in that section of country
the inhabitants were put to great inconvenience by not being
allowed to use them. The grain and flour in both mills were con
fiscated. The Hook store was ordered to be burned, and on the
following Friday night lieutenant-colonel Hart, with two companies
of the 104th, H and I, were sent out to put the order into execu
tion. Being frame, and old and dry, it was soon in flames and re
duced to ashes. The country was lighted up for miles around, and
it served as a warning to others. Mr. Scott, our sutler, resigned on
the 24th, and Michael H. Jenks, late quartermaster-sergeant, was

PENNSYLVANIA EEGIMENT. 161
elected in his stead. Great offence was given to the troops the lat
ter part ofthe month by the inadguration of brigade drills on Sun
day. It was the custom of the general Naglee, to send two or
three regiments across the river from Yorktown, which, united with
tho'se stationed at Gloucester, made a full brigade, which was
drilled on the beautiful plain for severalliours. As the President^
order had set the Sabbath apart as a day of rest, the officers and
men went to the field with reluctance. There was no necessity for
such military display in the absence of active operations.
Our occupation of Gloucester point was an advantage to the men,
in point of discipline and instruction, which could not have been
enforced in the field. It gave us an opportunity to practise the new
system of target firing established by the War Department. Each
soldier was permitted to expend ten cartridges a week in this prac
tice, and the result of the firing was duly reported at head quarters.
A few preliminary lessons were given to the commissioned officers, in
estimating distances, and the method of aiming, which in turn they
communicated to their men. A little practice enabled them to es
timate a given distance in yards or feet with a great deal of accu
racy. The targets were made of canvas, stretched on frames, and
crossed by a vertical and horizontal stripe, two inches wide. A
correct record was kept of each shot, and at the end of the month
a return was made up showing the number of shots, the number of
hits, and the ratio of hits for each hundred shots fired. The dis
tance commenced with was one hundred and fifty yards. The men
improved under this practice, but the best firing made did not show
much over one third hits in proportion to the shots fired, which
was probably the average firing of our regiiftents. If only one shot
in three hits, when fired at a target, it can easily be understood why
so many cartridges are wasted in action when there is little oppor
tunity to take aim. The European armies are far ahead of ours in
rifle-practice, where schools are established and firing with the rifle
taught as a science. Our regimental library received quite an ad-
11

162 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
dition of books while at this post, the contribution of Mr. S. A.
Nichols, of Reading. They numbered between two and three hun
dred volumes. Books were in great demand among the men, and
all that the little library contained were in constant use.
In the month of November the following names were forwarded
¦i
to Harrisburg for promotion, viz : — First lieutenant Groff to be
captain, vice Walters, resigned : second lieutenant Ashenfelder to
be first lieutenant, vice Groff, promoted : orderly sergeant Bitting
to be second lieutenant, vice Ashenfelder, promoted : orderly ser
geant Scarborough to be second lieutenant, vice Robinson, resigned.
At the same time sergeant-major Wallazz was appointed adjutant of
the regiment, vice Hart promoted to lieutenant-colonel. Assistant
surgeon Hendrie resigned his commission after serving with the
regiment three months and a half.
The contraband system gave us considerable trouble. During
the fall the practice had grown up of permitting crowds of negroes
to cross from Yorktown to Gloucester on Sunday morning. They
were allowed to visit the picket line, and the officers and men on
duty there found it impossible to prevent them holdihg communi
cation with their friends outside. Market was held on the line,
Sunday morning, and it was quite evident the meetings were ar
ranged in many instances for the purpose of conveying information
back and forth. Nearly every negro came with a well-filled bag to
pass over the line. One was detected smuggling through a knap
sack filled with clothing, and another a pair of new government
shoes. Five contrabands whom we had fed at Yorktown made their
escape to the enemy, a^d were, no doubt, employed spies. These
visits became a source of so much annoyance, and promised to be
. so fruitful of mischief, that they were prohibited, when the trouble
ceased. Hereafter all negroes within our lines at Gloucester were
registered and furnished with passes, which gave them restricted
privileges. The 104th employed twenty-four as private servants,
and the 100th had about .an equal number.

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 163
About the first of December several militia regiments, a portion
of the new levies, arrived at Yorktown and reported to general
Keyes. They were mainly from Pennsylvania, and mustered in for
nine months. The 169th was assigned to my command, and was
placed in camp on the river bank just to the east of the fort. It
was composed of as fine material as I had ever seen, and when pro
perly drilled and disciplined, made excellent troops. At the re
quest of the commanding officer, I detailed two commissioned, and
several non-commissioned, officers, from the 104th, as drill masters,
namely, captain Groff, lieutenant Laughlin, and sergeants Porter,
Tyson, Purcell, Mitchener, Spangler, Strawbridge and Bissey, and
corporals McGraudy and Houssam. They set about their work with
diligence, and there was a marked improvement from day to day.
The instruction was continued while we remained at the post.
By virtue of general order No. 189, from the war department,
each regimental commander, whose regiment was armed with any
other arms than the Springfield rifled muskets of the years 1855-
'61, was authorized to appoint an armorer, who was required to be
a competent and skilful mechanic. He was to receive forty cents
a-day in addition to his pay as soldier. I appointed corporal Quimby,
of company H, to this position. The ordnance department furnished
him with a chest of tools and spare parts, which enabled him to re
pair our Austri.-in rifles whenever they required it. It was found
to be a great convenience in the field, and many a rifle that would
otherwise have been thrown aside as worthless, was saved to the
o-overnment. The chest of tools included a small forge and a peck
of coal.
During a portion of the time the weather was bitterly cold. The
duty on the picket line was very severe, and at times all the endu
rance the men possessed was called for. They, with their officers
were required to perform the full term of twenty-four hours without
beino- relieved or seeking shelter, in spite of rain or cold. The
darker and stormier the night, the greater the vigilance require

164 ONE HUNDEED AND FOUETH
Fire was not allowed under any circumstances, and oftentimes it
was far from a pleasant occupation to stand silently on post and wait
and watch for the morning to dawn. Our line to be guarded was
a mile and a half long. In all my experience I have never known
the duty to be done with more fidelity. The best evidence of the
manner in which it was discharged, is the fact that nothing was
molested outside the line, where a state of quiet reigned. A faith
ful sentinel is a jewel in the service. One gunboat lay opposite the
point all the time, and frequently two. In October the Chocura
was relieved by the side-wheel steamer Mehaska, commander Fox-
hall Parker. A code of signals was agreed upon, so as to direct her
fire in case the fort should be attacked in the night, and also to keep
the commanding general at Yorktown advised of wh^ was going on
at the front. The gunboats occasionally made excursions to the
neighboring waters to look after contraband trade.
The last of November an expedition went up into Mathews county
to destroy salt works that had been supplying the enemy. The
land force consisted of three hundred men of the 52d Pennsylvania
and the 11th Maine, under command of Major Conyngham. They
were embarked on the Mehaska, and a small tug, at night, steamed
up the east river and landed two miles from the Mathews court
house. The infantry was accompanied on its march by a boat
howitzer, drawn by forty sailors from the gunboat, in charge of
master Blake. They marched ten miles, and in all broke up be
tween thirty and forty kettles, and destroyed some three thousand
bushels of salt. Our loss was one officer and two men, who strag-
gled away from the command, and were picked up by the enemy's
cavalry. A few of the leading citizens were seized, but were re
leased. After the return of the troops, an officer remarked to the
writer that the expedition was a complete success, except in one
particular — their failure to bring with them three barrels of fine old
whisky wbich was found in the house of one Sandy Smith. The

PENNSYLVANIA EEGIMENT. 165
only excuse for this neglect was, that they did not appreciate how
good it was until it had been left behind.
The following additional promotions were made in the regiment
the 3d of December, viz : — second lieutenant Kessler to be first
lieutenant, vice Hinkle resigned; orderly sergeant Myers to be se
cond lieutenant, vice Kessler promoted; orderly sergeant Taylor to
be second lieutenant, vice Albertson resigned. Lieutenant Kessler
was on recruiting service when promoted, and never rejoined his
company. He was commissary of subsistence at the recruiting de
pot, Harrisburg, Pa., a considerable time, and afterward served in
the same capacity on the staff of general Couch, during the rebel
invasion of the summer of 1863. He resigned in August of that
ye«r, on account of bad health,

166 ONE HUNDRED AND FOUETH

CHAPTER XIII.

Reconnoissance to Gloucester court house. — Visit home. — Troops leave Gloucester. — Sail
with sealed orders. — Land in North Carolina. — Rejoin the troops. — Our location. — ^Final
destination unknown. — Placed in command of brigade. — Camps dull. — Glee club Mid
concert. — Joined by other troops. — We sail South. — Our strength. — How troops lived on
board. — Transports at sea. — Destination known. — ^Destined for Charleston.
IN the absence of general Keyes general Naglee made a recon
noissance in force to Gloucester court house and the surrounding
country. The column consisted of four regiments of infantry of
his own brigade, a battery of artillery, and two squadrons of ca
valry. They marched on the morning of the 11th of December, at
6 o'clock, and bivouacked at the court house that afternoon. The
general overtook them at 6 o'clock p. m. At the time the column
marched, ninety men of the 6th New York cavalry and one com
pany of the Independent battalion embarked on board a steam ferry
boat, and were conveyed round into tho Piankatunk river, by the
gunboat Mehaska, and landed near Matthews court house the next
morning. They marched across the country and joined the main
body tho same afternoon. They encountered a party of mounted
rangers, but met with no serious opposition. Reconnoitring parties,
horse and foot, were sent out in all directions from Gloucester
court house to beat up the enemy and intercept contraband trade.
On the morning of the 13th the 5th Pennsylvania, and a detach
ment of the 6th New York cavalry, accompanied by the general,

PENNSYLVANIA EEGIMENT. 167
pushed a reconnoissance in the direction of Buena Vista, the head.
quarters of the King and Queen rangers. The enemy retreated on
the approach of our forces, and were pursued to Centreville, two
miles beyond. On the return of the cavalry the enemy's barracks
were burned and some subsistence stores destroyed. The 14th, the
cavalry was sent into Bliddlesex county, to destroy a large tannery that
was manufacturing leather for the rebel army. The buildings, ma
chinery, and two thousand hides were destroyed, and several wagon
loads of finished leather brought away. The proprietors were made
prisoners and carried to Yorktown. The same afternoon the force
marched back to Gloucester point and that evening crossed over to
Yorktown. They returned loaded with plunder, in the shape of
horses, cattle, sheep, hogs, and corn, which were turned over to the
proper officers. Fifteen or twenty prisoners were fetched along,
among whom was a captain 'Sewell, a member of the convention
that forced Virginia out of the union. The expedition was marred
by disgraceful pillaging on the part of some of the troops, which
was of such a shameful character as to receive the public condem
nation of the commanding general.
At this time our most advanced pickets on the Peninsula were a
short distance beyond Williamsburg, which town was held by our ca
valry. Occasionally there was skirmishing between the opposing
forces, and once the enemy drove our troops out and seized the
town, but only held it a few hours. The State Insane Asylum lo
cated here, fell into our care and was given adequate protection. —
A surgeon of the army was assigned To manage it, and at one time
the commissary of subsistence at Yorktown sent to it 3000 prepared
rations for the inmates. The rebel troops on the Peninsula at this
time were in part Wise's legion.
On the 23rd of December I left Gloucester point to go home on
a seven days' leave of absence, from the War Department. Before
the expiration of the leave I learned that the brigade was under
marching orders. Not wishing to be left behind, I hurried south

168 ONE HUNDEED AND FOURTH
as rapidly as possible to join my command. I reached Fortress
Monroe the morning of the 31st of December, to find that the
104th had sailed two days before, with sealed orders, for an un
known point.
This movement was sudden and unexpected. The first intima
tion received of it was on the 24th, when a circular was sent to
regimental commanders, directing them to have their commands
ready to move by water at short notice. Two days' rations were
cooked and kept on hand, and the other necessary preparations made
for embarking. Some of the regiments embarked earlier, but the
1 04th did not get aboard until Sunday the 28th. The baggage
and camp equipage were shipped the night before in a rain storm.
To this regiment was assigned the William Woodbury, a fine sailing
vessel of twelve hundred tons burden, and with it was embarked
the Independent battalion. New York volunteers, making in all, on
board, an aggregate of eight hundred and ninety-one officers and
men, the whole under the command of lieutenant-colonel Hart. —
Ten days' uncooked rations were put on board each vessel, which
sailed with sealed orders not to be opened until twenty miles south
of cape Henry. The strength of the brigade at this time was four
thousand three hundred and thirty-eight officers and men, and
consisted of eight regiments. They were embarked on seven
transports. The regiment left the fort at Gloucester with some regret, and
as the transports sailed down the river, many a longing, lingering,
look was cast behind at the pleasant quarters that should know them
no more forever. And then there were visions of oysters, and fish,
and canvas-backs, and other comfortable things that were left be
hind. The prospects of active service, however, cheered up the
men, and they took their departure for unknown parts in fine spirits.
The transport reached Fortress Monroe Monday afternoon, and as
soon as the sailing orders were received, she stood out to sea.

PENNSYLVANIA EEGIMENT. 169
When I arrived at the fortress, the steamer Expounder, with the
52d regiment on board, was still at anchor in the harbor, and was
to sail that afternoon. By the politeness of colonel Dodge, this com
mandant, I was provided with transportation and a state room and
went on board with my luggage. We steamed out the harbor at 3
p.m., in a strong gale from the north-east, and a heavy sea runnino'.
The wind increased, and the billows rolled higher and higher every
hour since we hove up the anchor, and when we had got a few miles
outside the capes, he considered it most prudent to return. He
therefore steamed back and dropped anchor near the fortress until
morning. The gale was a severe one, and we were fortunate in
putting back, for the frail river steamer on which we were could
hardly have weathered Hatteras. It was in this storm that the
iron-clad Monitor foundered off this stormy cape, and went to the
bottom with several of her officers and crew. The storm had mode
rated considerably by the next morning, when we again put to sea,
this time not to return.
Twenty miles outside of the capes the sealed orders were opened,
when it was found that our destination was the harbor of Beaufort,
North Carolina. The short voyage was made without accident or
incident, if I except the jumping overboard of a mule off Hatteras,
which it is to be presumed was taken immediately to the bosom of
Neptune, the ruler of the seas. We dropped anchor on Friday
morning, the 2d of January. As we ran in, we passed the Wood
bury, with the 104th on board, anchored two miles outside the bar
waiting for a steam-tug to tow her over. The 52d disembarked the
same afternoon at Morehead city, the port of Beaufort, and pro
ceeded out to camp. The 104th was landed the next morning. All
the other regiments of the brigade had preceded us, except the 56th,
which arrived on the 4th.
The place selected for the camps was on the railroad three miles
in the interior, and is known on the map of North Carolina as Caro
lina city. It is made up of a small depot and two or three dwellings.

170 ONE HUNDEED AND FOUETH
Beaufort contained some two thousand inhabitants before the war,
and is an unattractive village of cheerless-looking houses and sandy
streets. Morehead is the terminus of the Atlantic and North Caro
lina railroad, and contained some twenty or thirty frame houses.
The wharf and depot on it are among the finest structures of the
kind in the country; built on cast-iron piles, with a double track
running out to the end of the wharf, one on each side, with suffi
cient water for vessels of fifteen hundred tons burden to lie along
side to receive or discharge cargo. This road did a heavy business
in peaceful times in bringing down naval stores for shipment to the
Northern States or Europe. On the southern side of the harbor
stands fort Macon, an old work. It fell into the hands of the enemy
when the war broke out, but was re-taken in the spring of 1862, by
general Parkes. It is built of earth, but revetted with masonry,
and casemated. It mounts about fifty guns. At this time it was
garrisoned by four companies commanded by a lieutenant of regular
artillery. The camps were pitched on both sides the railroad, and barring
the general barrenness of the country, the situation was not an un
pleasant one. It was sandy and healthy. The country is covered
with pine timber, with an occasional opening where a family of poor
whites were making a precarious living. As nothing but sweet
potatoes could be bought, it was concluded this article was the staple
of that part of the Old North State. The horses and transportation
of the regiment had a more eventful trip than the men. They were
left behind at sailing, and followed in the steamer John Brooks,
w'hich ran aground entering Hatteras inlet, and could not be got off.
A sailing vessel took off her load, and carried it up the Neuse river
to New Berne, whence they arrived at camp by rail on the 7th.
One mule jumped overboard, but was recovered again. Chaplain
Gries, who was at home when the regiment sailed, returned by
another route and rejoined us on the 6th. From Fortress Monroe
he went to Norfolk, thence by the Dismal Swamp canal and Curri-

PENNSYLVANIA EEGIMENT. 171
tuck sound to Roanoke island, thence up Albemarle sound to New
Berne, and down by railroad. A few sick men were left behind at
Yorktown, and assistant surgeon Cadwallader was detailed to take
charge of the hospital. He never rejoined us, but was soon after
ward promoted to full surgeon of one of the new regiments.
The same uncertainty, as when we sailed, as to our final destina
tion, still attended us, and madame Rumor sent us to all points on
the coast down to the mouth of the Rio Grande del Norte. Two
points, Wilmington and Charleston, were most in favor. This un
certainty, if any thing, added interest to the situation.
Soon after we landed, the troops were re-organized. On the 3d of
January I was placed in command of the brigade, and general
Naglee repaired to New Berne to take command of the Department
during the temporary absence of general Foster. On his return he
placed Naglee in command of a division in the 18th corps, of which
general Heckman commanded one brigade and I the other. From
my present brigade three regiments were taken, the 56th, 81st and
98th New York. The two latter, the 9th New Jersey and the 23d
Massachusetts formed Heokman's brigade; while mine consisted of
the 11th Maine, 52d and 104th Pennsylvania, 100th, and Inde
pendent battalion. New York volunteers. The 56th New York was
transferred to the brigade of colonel Joshua B. Howell.
We remained at Carolina city, waiting to embark, for we didn't
know where, until the 21st of the month. The principal duty done
was that of picket, and there was so little excitement that the ennui
of camp began to be felt pretty severely. To break this monotony
the Glee club of the 104th announced that they would give a mu
sical entertainment to the officers of the brigade in the depot ware
house. This announcement attracted more attention in the camps
than that of a first-class opera in New York or Philadelphia. The
room was arranged with considerable taste. The stage was formed
by laying boards on pork barrels, while other pork barrels, in two

172 ONE HUNDEED AND FOUETH
tiers on end and covered with shelter tents for drapery, prevented
inquisitive eyes from peeping behind the scenes. Our handsome
garrison flag was draped over the stage. Cracker boxes placed in
rows, with a broad aisle running through the middle of the room,
were the seats. The brigade band did duty as orchestra. The
boys laid themselves out in getting up the entertainment. The
programme, consisting of three parts, was made up of choruses,
comic, sentimental and operatic songs, and was concluded with a
comic "After Piece," called "The Barber." The managers were
privates Halback and Tool. The occasion was provided with door
keepers, ushers, directors, stage managers and the other necessary
et cetera. The large room was nearly filled, and this pleasant effort
of the enlisted men to amuse and entertain was fully appreciated.
At the conclusion of the performance a collection was taken up for
the performers, which netted twenty-eight dollars.
About the time of our arrival in North Carolina general Ferry
arrived at New Berne, with his brigade, from Suffolk, Virginia.
General Wessel, with his brigade, had re-enforced general Foster in
the early winter, and accompanied him on his expedition to Kinston
and Goldsboro. They were designed to form part of the expedi
tionary force. It was announced in orders that the troops intended
for the expedition were to embark soon, and mean while the brigade,
regimental and company commanders were putting them in the best
possible condition for the severe service it was expected they would
be called upon to perform.
Naglee's division was the first to embarkj Heokman's brigade
leading, mine following. The 104th and 11th regiments having
been assigned the same vessel, the steamer Cahawba, broke camp on
the 21st of January and marched down the railroad to Carolina
city, where they took a tugboat, which carried them out to the
steamer, which could not come into the wharf on account of the
wind. The baggage and camp equipage were put on board and
stowed away in hold before the troops were assigned to quarters.

PENNSYLVANIA EEGIMENT. 173
The high wind made the process of embarkation tedious and dan
gerous. One man of the Independent battalion fell overboard and
was drowned. Three brigades came down by rail from New Berne,
and as the gale prevented the vessels getting round in time to re
ceive them, there was a delay of a few days. They were all on
board by the afternoon of the 27th, and the vessels drew out and
anchored in the harbor. The entire force consisted of five brigades
of infantry and one regiment of artillery, numbering in the aggre
gate about ten thousand men. There were also embarked several
heavy guns and considerable material necessary for siege operations.
Among the troops was the 174fh regiment Pennsylvania militia,
mostly composed of drafted men from Bucks county, and which
formed part of Howell's brigade. Ferry's division.
When I assumed command of the brigade on the 3d instant, the
following staff officers were appointed, viz :
Captain William Kreutzer, 98th New York, acting assistant
adj utant-general.
Lieutenant Daniel T. Eix, 81st New York, and Lieutenant John
McCoy, 104th Pennsylvania, aid-de-camps.
Captain Eobert Holmes, U. S. V. commissary of subsistence.
Lieutenant Charles E. Walbridge, 100th N. Y., a. a. q. m.
Lieutenant John P. S. Weidemaul, 52d Pennsylvania, chief of
ambulance corps.
These gentlemen were all present and immediately entered upon
the discharge of their duties except Mr. McCoy, who was absent,
sick. He joined in South Carolina. They all survived the war
but BIr. Rix, who was afterward promoted to a captaincy, and was
killed at the head of his regiment in the campaign of 1864, in
Virginia. He was a most excellent gentleman and gallant officer.
Previously to sailing, general Naglee, who was in immediate com
mand of all the forces embarked, made his headquarters on board
the small steamer Secor, but when we put to sea they were trans
ferred to the Cahawba. On one occasion he invited the field-officers

174 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
of his division to an excursion down the bay in his little steamer.
The day was pleasant, the company agreeable, and the trip re
lieved the tedium of ship board. We ran down to the cape Look
out light, twelve miles, where the company went ashore. The light
house is a circular brick tower one hundred and fifty feet high, fif
teen in diameter at the base and eight at the top. The enemy
removed the Fresnel, which the government had purchased in Paris,
but left the machinery uninjured.
Our transport was a fine steamer of seventeen hundred tons bur
den, and was commanded by captain Baker, an experienced seaman.
She ran between New York and New Orleans, and was in the latter
city when the troubles broke out. While lying at the dock she was
seized by a party of Texans, but was released by the governor of
Louisiana. She was chartered by the government to carry troops,
and at the period of which I write she was getting eight hun
dred dollars per day. She was estimated to carry fifteen hundred
troops, but the eleven hundred now on board filled up all the avail
able space, consistent with health and convenience. Before the
troops were put on board she was supplied with thirty thousand ra
tions, fifteen thousand gallons of water and coal for twenty, days. —
Bunks for three hundred men were put up between decks, and the
balance were quartered on the upper and lower decks. The cabin
was large and afforded accommodation for the officers.
The Cahawba was considered one of the best and safest trans
ports in the service of the government. The arrangements for
cooking could not be surpassed. Two large copper boilers had been
put up in the forward pantry of capacity to boil eighty gallons of
coffee or cook five hundred pounds of meat at one time. This ena
bled the troops to be served with rations at regular hours. Every
thing was cooked by steam, by means of a pipe connecting with the
engine boiler. A few minutes sufficed to boil coffee for a regiment.
The cooking, likewise, was done by steam. The meats were boiled
the night before, but the coffee was not put on until daylight. By
9 o'clock, a. m., both regiments had been served. The officers

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 175
took their meals at the ship's table in the cabin and paid one dollar
a day, transportation bein^ furnished them by the quartermaster's
department. As far as practicable the same daily routine was ob
served on ship board as in camp. The calls, by bugle or drum, were
sounded at stated hours from reveille to tattoo. The quarters were
cleaned daily, and the decks sprinkled with fine white sand, under
the superintendence of the surgeon. The men were assembled on
the upper deck every morning. Great care had to be taken to pre
vent fire, and open lights were never allowed between decks. Water
was served out as a precious article, which it always is on ship-board
at sea, and the greatest care was taken to prevent it being wasted.
The allowance for each man was a gallon a day, but the actual issue,
including coffee, very rarely reached that quantity. The men soon
adapted themselves to the discomforts of the steamer, but neverthe
less became very tired of their floating camp long before they dis
embarked. The fieet put to sea on Thursday the 29th of January, before
the effects of the gale had entirely passed away. The commander
of the troops on board each transport was furnished with sealed in
structions which were not to be opened until off Wilmington, North
Carolina. In the morning general Naglee transferred his head
quarters to the Cahawba, which he made the flag-ship of the expe
dition. The signal to get under weigh was made about noon, and
immediately the transports hove up their anchors and stood down
the harbor. The sailing vessels took the lead, and it was an un
usually fine sight to see them hoist their sails like birds spreading
their wings, and glide away over the glittering waters. The
steamers followed in the wake of the flag-ship, which passed out
over the bar at 5 p. m., and turned to the southward. When fairly
over the bar I counted thirty vessels in sight, deployed in a semi
circle of several miles in extent.
When it became dark there was presented one of the most charm-
in"- sights I have ever witnessed, at sea. Each steamer carried at

176 ONE HUNDEED AND FOUETH
the mast-head a signal lamp that she might be distinguished in the
darkness ; and the many colored lights tlus displayed behind us re
sembled an illuminated avenue lit up by fairy hands. The motion
of the vessels as they were swayed to and fro by the moving waters
added greatly to the picturesqueness of the scene. This watery
avenue of variegated lights folio ived us through the night, now and
then a vessel dropping so far astern that the glimmer of her lamp
could hardly be distinguished from the twinkle of the most distant
star. Our course was parallel with, and about twenty miles from,
the coast. In the morning there was only five or six steamers of the
whole fleet iu sight, all the sailing vessels having been left far be
hind in the night. When off the mouth of Cape Fear river, on
which Wilmington is situated, the secret instructions were opened,
and our destination made known for the flrst time. This was found
to be Hilton Head, on Port Royal bay. South Carolina. It was
then announced that our ultimate destination was Charleston, against
which there was to be a combined attack, by land and sea, as soon
as the preparations were completed. The iron-clads which had
been sent down the coast were for this work. The announcement
of the point to be attacked created considerable enthusiasm among
the men, who appeared anxious to have a hand in capturing the
city where the rebellion first broke out. Their subsequent experience
taught them that Charleston was a very hard nut to crack, and
none on board were fortunate enough to be in at the death. We
passed the Charleston bar the night of the 30th, and heard heavy
firing, which we afterward found proceeded from an attack of the
enemy's iron-clads on our blockading fleet.
When we embarked at Morehead city transportation was refused
for all horses, except those of brigade commanders and their staff
officers, and the wagons. The consequence wag, that those of the
104th and the teams were left behind to await the first opportunity
to send them down. They did not rejoin us until some time in
May, while encamped at Beaufort, S. C.

PENNSYLVANIA EEGIMENT. 177
While we lay in the harbor of Beaufort, North Carolina, general
Naglee issued an order for the formation of a battalion of sharp
shooters in my brigade, each regiment to furnish two commissioned
officers, twelve sergeants and corporals, and fifty privates. The
officers detailed from the 104th, for this duty, were captain Groff,
and lieutenant Hibbs. The enlisted men selected were the most
trusty in the regiment. The battalion was placed in charge of
lieutenant colonel Hoyt, 52nd regiment.

178 ONE HUNDEED AND FOUETH

CHAPTER XIV.

Anchor in Port Royal.— The harbor.— Blockaders off Charleston attacked. — Hilton Head. —
Steam up to Beaufort. — Negro troops. — We land. — Take in coal and water. — Beaufort. —
When abandoned. — Our destination now known. — Return to Port Royal.' — We land on
St. Helena island. — Go into camp. — Trouble among the generals. — Naglee relieved. —
OiBcers take leave of him. — Negroes conscripted.
WE dropped anchor in the harbor of Port Royal on the morning
of the 31st of January. As we stood in, we passed the
monitor iron-clad Passaic, in tow of a gunboat, going down to War
saw sound to assist the monitor Montauk in her attack on a rebel
battery. It is not a matter of wonder that the first discoverers of this port
and harbor were so struck with its magnificent proportions that
they named it Port Royal; for in the eye of the mariner it is royal
in every sense of the word. It is one of the finest harbors in the
world, and the best on the southern Atlantic coast. The bar has a
depth of water to float the largest vessel; while inside there opens
a broad estuary, with capacity to contain the navies of the world,
with a good anchorage. Two rivers, the Broad and Beaufort, pour
down through it a large volume of fresh water to the sea, and fur
nish navigable highways a short distance into the interior. There
are two headlands at the entrance which the enemy had strongly
fortified at the opening of the rebellion — one on Hilton Head island.

PENNSYLVANIA EEGIMENT. 179
called fort Walker, and the other across the harbor at Bay point,
called fort Beauregard. They were strong earthworks, and mounted
with heavy guns. In the fall of 1861, admiral Dupont made a
brilliant attack ou the forts, with the fieet under his command,
which resulted in their capture and securing the possession of the
harbor and the neighboring islands. The manner in which the ad
miral handled his ships gained great applause. The harbor was
made the naval station for the South Atlantic Blockading Squadron,
and was so continued to the close of the war. On this bay should
have been built the commercial metropolis of the South, and it is
cause of astonishment that its advantages have never been appre
ciated. A city may yet spring up somewhere on these waters that
will absorb both Charleston and Savannah. The island of Saint
Helena affords an admirable site for a great mart.
Soon after we dropped anchor, general Naglee went ashore to re
port our arrival to general Hunter, as regulations require. General
Foster had not yet arrived, but was expected shortly. Mean while
we could but await his coming. On our arrival, we learned the
occasion of the firing we heard the night before, as we passed
Charleston bar. It was caused by an attack made by a rebel iron
clad on our blockading fleet under cover of the darkness and fog.
She was first discovered near the Mereedita, which she ran into
with her ram, breaking two holes through the planking near the
stern, one on each side, at the same time discharging her heavy
guns into her. The captain struck his colors and surrendered; the
crew was paroled, but the enemy had no time to secure the gunboat.
The monster then made for the Keystone State, which had been
alarmed by the firing, and was better prepared to receive her. Quite
a severe fight took place between them. The iron-clad was able to
approach very near before she was discovered, when she fired on
the gunboat, nearly every shot taking effect. The latter fired nine
teen shots in reply, which were heard to strike the armour of the
ram with a loud, ringing noise. The approach of a sloop-of-war

180 ONE HUNDEED AND FOUETH
caused the ram to haul off, otherwise the gunboat would have met
the fate of the Blercedita.
The day of our arrival the Keystoiie State came down to Port
Royal and anchored within a short distance of the Cahawba. In
company with general Naglee I went on board to note the damage
she had received in the encounter. She had been badly handled.
Thirteen shot and shell went into, or through her, killing and
wounding forty-two of the officers and crew. Some of the shot had
been very destructive. One, after entering the side of the ship and
passing through some of the heaviest deck timbers, passed through
both boilers and let all the steam escape, which scalded a number
of the crew. At this time the surgeon, with the assistance of the
hospital steward, was amputating the limb of a sailor. They were
all scalded to death. Several men were killed while asleep in their
hammocks. The bursting shells had torn up considerable of the
planking of the lower deck, and the beams and ceiling were spat
tered with blood and brains. One solid shot, for better employ
ment, went into the armory, where it made almost as wild work as
a bull in a crockery shop.
Hilton Head is the name of a coast island, the extreme eastern
point of which is a headland that juts into the sea. The single
house that stood on this headland before the war belonged to the
Drayton family; the owner commanded the fort erected on it, while
a brother commanded a vessel in the attacking squadron of admiral
Dupont. W hen this point was made the headquarters of the De
partment, as well as the naval station of the blockading squadron, a
large number of buildings to contain stores and materials for the
army and navy was erected,' which gave it the appearance of quite
a considerable village. A long pier and wharf were built out into
the harbor, alongside of which the largest ships could lie and dis
charge their cargoes. For convenience in repairing naval vessels,
a machine shop was erected on Skull creek, that separates Bay point
from Saint Helena island, across the harbor from the Head. Two

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 181
old whalers were moored to the shore, and fitted up with such ma
chinery as was found necessary to repair iron and wooden vessels,
where a large number of workmen were kept employed. All the
injuries received by the monitors during the protracted siege of
Charleston were repaired here. Otherwise it would have been ne
cessary to have taken them to a northern navy yard, which could
only have been done at much trouble and expense, with the risk of
losing them at sea. The constant presence of more or less men-of-
war in the harbor, and a number of troop-ships, and vessels trans
porting supplies, gave the waters an animated and lively appearance.
The morning of our arrival a valuable prize to one of our blockading
squadron off Savannah was brought in and anchored near us. She
was an English screw steamer, called the Princess Royal. She had
been fitted out as a regular blockade-runner. She was laden with
gunpowder and other munitions of war, besides three propellers and
armor for iron-clads, and machinery for steel-pointing shot. She
was a valuable prize, and her freight would have been most welcome
to the rebel navy department.
Our steamer, the Cahawba, remained anchored in Port Royal
harbor until Monday afternoon. On Sunday evening I received
an order to steam up to Beaufort, ten miles from the Head, to take
in a supply of coal and water. We did not leave until late the
next day, and reached Beaufort about sundown. The river flows
among islands, on the left washing Lady's and Saint Helena. We
passed but few buildings, and saw little evidence of cultivation. A
few miles below Beaufort we passed the camp of the 1st South
Carolina volunteers, a negro regiment being organized by colonel
Thomas W. Higginson, under the auspices of general Saxton.
These African defenders of our national honor were lounging about
camp and shore, clad in their blue dress coats and scarlet
breeches. Our men gazed at them with strange interest, as it was
the first time they had ever seen negroes equipped as soldiers.
This sight carried me back to an earlier period in the history of

182 ONE HUNDRED AND FOUETH
the war, when arming the negroes to make soldiers of them dared
not be talked about aloud. The first official person connected
with the administration of the government who broached this
policy was the honorable Simon Cameron, then Secretary of War,
but neither the cabinet nor President at that time dared avow it pub
licly. One evening, the last of December, 1861, or the beginning
of January, 1862, I was a guest at the house of colonel Forney, in
Washington city, on the occasion of a complimentary supper to
George D. Prentice, editor of the Louisville Journal. At the sup
per table, in response to a toast, Mr. Cameron made a few remarks,
in which he took ground in favor of arming the negro and putting
them into the field as soldiers. This idea, at that time, met with
no favor, and there is no better way to judge of this than the fact
that the reporter was requested not to mention it in his notice of
the occasion. In what was said in the newspapers about the enter
tainment, there was not a word in reference to the Secretary's pro
ject of arming the negroes. I have a distinct recollection of the
effect it had upon the company. It produced a chilling sensa
tion upon the festive scene, and was received with a feeling akin
to disgust. The mind of the most radical was not prepared for
such a change in our military system. It required some time to
educate them up to this point.
The men were disembarked and went into camp the next morn
ing at the edge of the town, while the ship was cleared and the
supply of water and coal was taken on board. They spent the
time in camp, washing their clothes and cleaning up generally.
The water was received from a condenser the quartermaster's de
partment had put up on shore, near the wharf; and no sooner was
the steamer made fast than the hose from the condenser was carried
on board and the water run into the casks. It was condensed from
the salt river water and ran through the hose almost burning hot
to cool in the casks. It was worked by steam, and about five thou
sand gallons were manufactured every twenty-four hours. It re-

ONE HUNDEED AND FOURTH 183
quired two days and two nights to take in our supply of coal and
water, in which time we had shipped one hundred tons of the
former and twelve thousand gallons of the latter. The troops were
again taken on board Wednesday afternoon, and the next morning
we steamed down to Port Eoyal harbor and came to anchor abreast
of Saint Helena island.
I found Beaufort a beautiful town even under the adverse cir
cumstances of war. It was considered the Newport of the South,
and families of wealth resorted to it from the main land of South
Carolina, and from the adjoining States, to spend the summer
months. It was the seat of elegance, refinement and hospitality.
The town is laid out with regularity; the streets of good width;
generally crossing each other at right angles, and shaded with
magnificent live oaks and other ornamental trees. The houses are
mostly frame, with grounds attached planted with orange and
lemon trees, and fiowers and shrubbery which, in their dilapidation,
gave evidence of having been tastily laid out and ornamented.
The "Green," of several acres, was shaded with live oaks that are
venerable enough in appearance to have sheltered the first Euro
pean who landed there. The town had been but little injured by
military occupation.
The sound of admiral Dupont's guns at Hilton Head gave great
alarm to the inhabitants of Beaufort. Its fall was wholly unexpect
ed, for they had been led to believe that the forts were impregnable.
Therefore, when they learned they had been taken, they were panic-
stricken, and fled the place in dismay. Their departure was hur
ried. They did not take time to pack up, but left every thing standing.
The needle-work was found lying on the table where it was thrown
when the alarm first sounded ; dresses and other articles of wardrobe
in closet and drawer; silver plate and elegant china in the side
board and books on their shelves. Every appliance of domestic
and social life was abandoned. The stampede was greater than the
route of an army. They haatened across the island to Port lloyal

184

PENNSYLVANIA EEGIMENT.

ferry, where they crossed over to the main land, and were safe for
over three years — until the conquering legions of Sherman came
thundering down from the mountains to the sea, and from hence
through the Carolinas to the late confederate capital. They left
much plunder behind, the most valuable of which fell into the hands
of the troops. The negroes commenced the pillage before the army
arrived, and when it landed the victorious heroes were received
by wenches dressed in silks and satins that had adorned the beau
tiful forms of Carolina's fairest daughters. The plunder was not all
obtained by soldiers, but officers received a fair share. Their con
duct in this particular was disgraceful, and should have cost the
offending ones their commissions. Some of them sent north pianos,
elegant furniture, silver-ware, books, pictures, &c., to adorn their
New England dwellings. Most of the troops that formed the Du
pont — Sherman expedition were from that section of the country.
Beaufort was a garrison town the rest of the war, and the point
where the general hospitals of the department were located. It is
said to be one of the healthiest spots on the southern coast. I was
agreeably surprised to meet, at this place, captain Ingham Coryell,
of Lambertville, New Jersey, but now assistant quartermaster, and
an old friend. He was on duty at Hilton Head, but resided with
his family at Beaufort. The town is situated on Port Eoyal island,
one of the chain that extends almost the whole distance from Hat
teras to Key West, and in South Carolina and Georgia produce the
celebrated "Sea Island Cotton," so valuable in commerce.
The victory at Port Eoyal harbor created great consternation
throughout the neighboring regions of the South, and hSlh Charles
ton and Savannah were ready to fall into the hands ofthe victorious
admiral and general. When the news reached, the latter city the
inhabitants began to pack up and leave, expecting to hear the sound
of OUT guns every moment. Savannah would then have fallen with
out a contest. The two commanders wished to advance against it,
but from some unknown cause were refused permission, and time

BRIGADE HEAD-QUARTERS, ST. HELENA ISLAND, S. C.

ONE HUNDRED AND FOUETH 185
was given the enemy to place that whole coast in a good state of
defence. One of the most powerful fleets we had ever fitted out,
and a well appointed army, were compelled to lie idle in the sand
for months, almost within sight of the enemy which was building
works we assaulted in vain the coming year.
When we arrived at Port Eoyal I found there was no secret made
of our destination. It was Charleston. It was talked about pub
licly by every body, and of course the enemy soon learned all about
it. The iron-clads were already assembling in the harbor, and an
immense amount of war-like stores was being collected. The ad
miral, or somebody else, that was to play a leading part in the drama,
was not ready, and the promised delay of only a few days when we
arrived was prolonged into seven weeks befone the expedition sail
ed. This necessitated the landing of the troops until the authori
ties were ready to commence operations. The place selected for
the encampments was the island of Saint Helenaj sixteen miles iu
length and from one to three in width. The location was exceed
ingly healthy. The soil is of a light sandy nature, but of a mar
vellous richness. A singular feature was the entire absence of
stones. A large portion was covered with pine timber. It is divided
into about eighty plantations averaging some three hundred acres
each when the war began, but the owners fled and left them in.
possession of the negroes. I was told that this land will yield as
high as three hundred pounds of cotton per acre, which brought
over two dollars per pound during the war. As was the case on the
other islands, these plantations were in the hands of Uncle Sam,
and through the management of a resident agent the old fellow wa,^
doing his best to become a farmer.
My brigade landed on the 11th of February, after a confinement
of about four weeks on transports. The steamer was anchored
within half a mile of the shore, and the men went off in a scow and
small boats, and only reached the hard beach after wading some
distance in the mud and water leg deep. The baggage and stores

186 PENNSYLVANIA EEGIMENT.
were taken ashore in the same manner. Itwas a tedious and labori
ous operation. We were all day landing the two regiments and
baggage and stores from the Cahawba.
At night the men lay down to sleep beside their arms, which were
stacked in line of battle, being too much fatigued to pitch tents, if
they could have done so. In the morning locations were assigned
the different regiments, which went to work with energy to put
things in shape. The camps were pitched on an old cotton planta
tion, then well grown up in bushes and scrub oaks. In many places
they formed a dense jungle. But the free use of the axe and grub
bing hoe soon cleared the ground, and before night the camps were
all up and in tolerable order. The location was healthy and plea
sant, and close to the shore of the wide-spreading bay. Water was
obtained by digging wells a few feet into the sand, which were tubed
with empty flour barrels to prevent the sand falling into them.
The troops appeared as much delighted to get on shore again as
a flock of eager children to escape from an irksome school. The
camps in order, a drill ground, several acres in extent, and large
enough to manoeuvre the whole brigade, was cleared up. The tents
were raised, on a frame work of poles a foot from the ground. After
the camps v^re pitched, the men devoted a couple of days to washing
their clothes and cleaning arms and equipments, and on Sunday fol
lowing the surgeons inspected their respective regiments. In the
army one learns to have faith in the saying of Jeremy Taylor, that
cleanliness is next to godliness. Down to this time the regiment lost
but two men by death since leaving Gloucester point. Private George
W. Marlin, company C, died on board the Cahawba in Port Eoyal
harbor the' 7th of February, and William Maulsbury, company A,
in hospital at Beaufort on the 12th. The regiment was unusually
healthy. The strength was six hundred, and the number reported
on the sick list the first day of February was eleven, and nine on the
last day of the month.
Our detachment of the 18th corps which came down from North

PENNSYLVANIA EEGIMENT. 187
Carolina, and was known as the " Expeditionary Forces," remained
encamped on Saint Helena until the es;pedition was ready to sail for
the attack on Charleston, the first week in April. The interven
ing time was spent in drilling, disciplining and otherwise putting
the troops in the best possible condition for the undertaking.
As though there were not other sufficient causes to delay opera
tions, the apple of discord was eaten by the generals, and the har
mony of things broken for a time. The contemplated attack upon
Charleston was arranged in Washington, in December, between
generals Hunter and Foster, with the approbation of the President.
General Foster was to go down early in the new year to Port Eoyal
with as many troops as he could spare from his department, and as
soon after as they could get ready, he and general Hunter were to
make a combined land and naval attack upon Charleston. They
separated without reducing any thing to writing, each one under
standing that he was to have command of the land forces. When
they came to operate together, neither was willing to give up to the
other. General Hunter was the ranking officer, and had the advan
tage. This, no doubt, was the origin of the difficulty that took
place. When the expedition sailed from Morehead city, general Foster
was not able to leave, but remained to complete some official busi
ness in North Carolina. General Naglee was in the immediate
command of the forces brought down. We had not been long en
camped on the island when general Hunter issued an order incor
porating Foster's 18th Army corps troops with the 10th corps and
breaking up our distinctive organization. At the same time our
transportation, which embraced nearly all that belonged to the de
partment of North Carolina, was ordered to be turned over to the
chief quartermaster at Hilton Head. Naglee, who was always ready
for a fight, with pen or sword, took up the cudgels for his absent
chief and much time was consumed in correspondence that had bet
ter been spent in forwarding the expedition. The fight waxed ex-

188 ' ONE HUNDRED AND FOUETH
ceedingly warm, and both parties appealed to headquarters. Naglee
got a little the start of Hunter. His messenger took the steamer for
Morehead city and thence by rail to New Berne, where he reported
to general Foster, who hastened to Washington city. He was not
willing that the flower of his troops should be turned over to an
other commander. Assistant adjutant-general Townsend was sent
down to Hilton Head to arrange the matter between the conflicting
generals. The result was, that the order of general Hunter was
revoked, and our forces were permitted to remain part of the
18th corps.
'This was a triumph for Foster and Naglee, and so it was con
sidered on all sides. In the mean time the good feeling between the
two corps had not been improved by general Hunter, who placed
the staff officers of general Foster under arrest, and subsequently
ordered them to leave the department. The old sore was re-opened
at a later period, when a spicy correspondence took place between
Naglee and Hunter, which resulted in the former being sent to
New York, with orders to report from there to the adjutant-general
of the army. This is a sample of the quarrels which interfered
with the efficacy of the army during the war. In this case the ser
vice lost one of its most gallant officers, without cause. He was
the life and soul of the expedition, active and energetic, and had the
entire confidence of the troops.. On the contrary, general Hunter
was disliked, and neither officers nor men had the least confidence
in his abilities.
This shabby treatment of general Naglee incensed his command
to a high degree, but there was no outward expression given to
their feelings. On the eve of the general's departure his com
mand paid him the respect due to him. He sailed on the 11th of
March. On the morning of the 9th the commissioned officers of
the old brigade he commanded on the Peninsula waited on him in
a body, accompanied by the band. He received them on the
steamer at the wharf, where he quartered. An address was pre-

PENNSYLVANIA EEGIMENT. 189
sented him, expressing confidence in his gallantry and patriotism,
regretting his departure, and tendering him the personal and pro
fessional respects of the officers and men. He replied in eloquent
terms. The occasion was enlivened by several patriotic tunes by
the band. That afternoon the officers of Heokman's brigade paid
their respects to him, and in the evening he was serenaded by the
fine band and glee club of the 10th Connecticut. The next morn
ing the officers of Ferry's division called on him and paid their re
spects. • General Ferry, the next in rank, was placed in command
of the troops.
On the 2d of March the 104th was thoroughly inspected by
captain Lambert, an officer of the English army, but now serving
on the staff of general Hunter, as acting inspector general. Nothing
escaped his attention, not even a bottle of "B" that stood in the
tent of the regimental commander. His report was highly com
plimentary. Soon after we landed on the island some of the New
England troops committed an unwarrantable assault on the negro
fiimilies living near their camps. Their shanties were burned down
and the inmates much abused. On the 6th of March general Hun
ter issued an order conscripting all the negroes in the department,
between the ages of eighteen and fifty years, into the military ser
vice, except such as were already in the employ of the government,
and the servants of officers. This raised quite an excitement among
the contraband population of the islands, who did not understand
that the gift of freedom carried with it the condition of military
service. At this time two negro regiments were being raised
in the department, Montgomery's and Bennett's, and the order was
the means of recruiting a few hundred men for them.
Occasionally we heard from the two monitor batteries, Montauk
and Passaic, which had been down in the Ogechee several weeks,
and of late had tried their hand against fort McAlister, a strong
earth work. In the duel between them and the fort their power
of resistance was demonstrated to be nearly perfect, as the enemy's

190 ONE HUNDEED AND FOUETH
projectiles made no visible impression upon them beyond slight in
dentations in their armor. The Montauk was hit seventy times
On board the Passaic the crew sat down to their meals under heavy
fire, a disregard for shot and shell hitherto unknown in naval war
fare. A shell exploded on the deck of one of them and made a
cup-like indentation, in which a piece of the projectile remained
and spun round several minutes bythe force of its own momentum.
At the same time the iron clads were watching the steamer Nash
ville, a famous blockade runner, which was loaded with cotton and
ready to put to sea. One dark night she attempted to run out the
Savannah river, when the Montauk fired a fifteen-inch shell into
her, which blew her up. She went down with all her cargo on
board. The object of the iron-clads in attacking fort McAlister
was more to try their batteries than any expectation of re
ducing it.
The preparations for the sailing ofthe expedition progressed but
slowly. From time to time a new iron-clad made its appearance in
the harbor until they numbered eight, besides the Ironsides, which
we found there on our arrival. The latter had gone up to the
Charleston bar to strengthen the blockade immediately after the
rebel ram had attacked our wooden vessels. To accustom the troops
to land with facility from the transports, they were practised in it
for two weeks in the harbor, each regiment taking its turn. They
disembarked from steamers in surf-boats and landed upon the
island. In smooth water the operation was not a difficult one; but
when the wind was strong and a heavy swell came into the harbor
and broke upon the beach, it was both difficult and dangerous.
Upon two occasions general Hunter reviewed the troops encamped
on Saint Helena, the first time in February and then again in
March. The command turned out in fine order, and both looked
and manoeuvred well. The 10th corps was encamped on the
neighboring islands or occupying forts down the coast. While we
lay there I believe there was but one attack from the enemy

PENNSYLVANIA EEGIMENT. 191
within the department. About the 20th of March a small party
attacked the signal station on Hilton Head island, capturing tho
officer and some of the guard. Toward the close of the month sut
ler Jenks returned to the regiment, and re-opened his establish
ment in camp after an absence of nearly three months.

192 ONE HUNDEED AND FOURTH

CHAPTER XV.

Religious revival in regiment. — Baptism. — Regiment paid. — Amount of money sent home. —
Lieutenant McCoy returned.- Deaths and discharges. — Expedition to Charleston organ
ized.— Troops embark and sail.— Place of rendezvous.— Troops land ou Folly Island. —
Iron-clads attack Sumter. — Xhey retire. — Injury done them. — Expedition retm-ns. — Sail
to Beaufort. — Poetry on the iron-clads.
ONE of the most interesting events that took place while we re
mained on Saint Helena island was the religious revival in the
regiment, in March. It had been the practice with the chaplain to
hold daily religious exercises for the benefit of those who saw pro
per to attend. After we landed on the island the number of his
hearers increased, and a new interest appeared to be awakened. The
first person baptized was private Benjamin S. Bennett, company
K, on the 15th instant. The following Sunday there were nine
more baptized, thJee of whom were from the 52d regiment. The
congregation this morning was unusually large and the services in
teresting, the brigade band being present and playing church music.
A chancel was improvised near regimental headquarters, while a
drum, covered with one of the battle-torn flags, answered the
purpose of a communion table. The Lord's Supper was adminis
tered to twenty-two communicants, all privates but one. The meet
ings were well attended through the coming week, and the interest
was still on the increase. Several additional candidates for baptism
were announced for the next Sunday, the 29th, but the weather was
so stormy that the meeting could not be held in the morning, and

PENNSYLVANIA EEGIMENT. 193
was postponed until evening. It was still wet and unpleasant, but
the attendance was very large. The congregation numbered at
least six hundred soldiers, from all the adjoining camps. There
were likewise several officers present. After an appropriate discourse
eighteen candidates came forward and received the rites of baptism,
and thirteen others were baptized on profession before they entered
the service. The effect was beneficial ; it lessened the packs of
cards in daily use and reduced the number of oaths.
About this time the regiment was paid for the months of Novem
ber, December, January and February. The 104th never took ad
vantage of the allotment system established by act of Congress, and
only to a limited extent made use of Adam's express in sending
money home. As a general thing the chaplain was the financia
agent of the men, and carried home and distributed their money to
their families. He deposited the money in the Philadelphia, Eead
ing and Doylestown banks, on which he drew checks in favor of
the parties to receive it. These were given to the soldiers to be
forwarded by letter, and by the time they arrived the chaplain had
placed the money in bank to be drawn against. The system was a
convenient one, worked well, and to my knowledge there was never
a dollar's loss. The chaplain provided the blank checks and re
venue stamps, and the men paid him enough to cover these expenses.
The amount sent home on this occasion by the regiment was $25,-
819, distributed among the companies as follows: company A,
$1,836; B, $2,844; C, $3,321; D, $2,620; E, $2,844; F, $2,848;
G, $2,046; H, $1,996; I, $1,585; K, $2,557, and the field and
staff, $1,730. A portion of this amount was sent by express
and letter. The men averaged nearly $40 each, a very creditable
remittance. We were abundantly supplied with good rations while
on Saint Helena— fresh beef three days in every ten, and nice fresh
bread was received daily from the government bakery at Beaufort.
Andrew Enders, of company E, had been detailed as one of the
bakers there. After the regiment was paid off the" members of
13

194 ONE HUNDEED AND FOURTH
company G did a most commendable act. One of their number,
John A. Daniels, lost an arm at Fair Oaks which, in a great mea
sure, disabled him from labor. The company, learning that his
family was in a destitute condition, raised thirty-eight dollars for
them, which outside friends increased to forty-four. After an ab
sence of three months lieutenant McCoy rejoined the regiment on
the 30th of March. His absence was caused by sickness. Several
enlisted men returned about the same time, having been absent from
sickness or other cause. Among these was James Dungan, company
C, who refused a discharge tendered him in the hospital at York-
town, believing there was yet a little more* service in him for the
country. He was afterwards discharged during the siege of
Charleston. The regiment maintained its healthy condition at this period. — ¦
During the month of March the average number on the sick list,
per diem, was a fraction over twelve, which is a very good showing
in an aggregate of 548. In point of health no regiment in the de
partment was equal to it. On the 18th Clement C. Whipple, ser
geant major, was discharged because of disability, and sergeant
Julius B. Tyson, of company C, was appointed in his stead. After
the March payment the members of companies C and K, presented
their respective captains with a handsome sash and sword, as
a token of their good will and esteem. Since the regiment first
arrived in South Carolina, now only two months, the commanding
officer had received notification of the death and discharge of forty-
one men. With few exceptions they occurred at a distance, and
seventeen of the number took place at Davis's island hospital. New
York. As the month of March wore away there were indications that the
time was not distant when the long expected expedition would sail.
One by one the iron-clads quietly left the harbor and proceeded to
Stono inlet where the naval force, as well as a portion of the land
forces, was to rendezvous. On the 23rd, the 100th regiment was de-

PENilirSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 195
tached from my brigade and sent up to take possession of Cole's
island, at the mouth of Stono river. This was done to make the
place of rendezvous secure. On the 30th inst., general Hunter
issued a confidential circular to the respective commanders, which
designated the troops for the expedition and their organization.
They consisted of three divisions of infantry, a brigade of artillery,
a light battery and a battalion of engineers. The whole numbered
over sixteen thousand men. An immense quantity of material of
all kinds had been provided to be taken along. All the naval ves
sels that could be spared from the blockade and other duty were to
take part in the enterprise, although the iron-clads were principally
relied upon to batter Sumter's walls about the enemy's ears.
The troops embarked in the order they were named in the circu
lar, which made our division, Heokman's, the last to go on board.
On the morning of April 3rd, 'I was ordered to cook four days'
rations for my command, and be prepared to embark at a moment's
notice. In the afternoon the vessels were designated on which we
were to embark, viz : steamer Cahawba, for the 104th, 11th, and
Provost guard ; barque Milton, for the 52nd, and the propeller,
George C. Collins, for the Independent battalion. Our strength
was 1980. The steam propeller United States was designated as
the flag ship of the division. A signal officer was assigned to the
head quarters of each brigade commander, and lieutenant Pierce,
5th Massachusetts, reported to me for duty. We commenced em
barking that evening, and the Independent battalion was on board
before midnight. The balance of the brigade embarked the next
day. By evening the whole division was on board, and the vessels
hauled out 'and anchored in the stream. Ten days' rations in bulk
were put on each vessel. I received sealed orders at dark from a
staff officer, but there was no necessity for this pretended secrecy,
for the destination of the expedition was well known to every body.
The division was ordered to sail for North Edisto, where the troops
were to remain on board the transports and await further orders.

196 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
The vessels were to keep together, but in case of separation, each
one was to steer for the place of rendezvous. The latter part of
March general Stephenson had been sent up to the North Edisto
with the 24th Massachusetts, 10th Connecticut and 56th New. York,
which landed on Seabrook's island, and secured the bridge which
leads across to John's island. The time fixed for the sailing of
Heokman's division was 7 o'clock on the morning of the 5th of
April. The proposed attack on Charleston had been well advertised. No
expedition of the war had been moire talked and written about, in
advance. Editors and newspaper correspondents had done their
best to give publicity to all the arrangements, and if the enemy did
not have full knowledge of what was going on, it was not their fault.
The number of iron-clads, with the caliber of their guns, and the
number and size of the wooden war vessels, were as accurately set
forth as though the records of the department had been inspected
with this object in view. The whole thing was made public in the
most approved American manner. Of course the enemy knew just
what they had to expect, and during the month we were preparing
for the attack, they had been laboring to strengthen their position.
We sailed the morning of the 5th as soon after daylight as the
anchors could be hove up, following the lead of the flag ship, with
the union jack at the fore, the signal to get under weigh. The
bark Milton was taken in tow by the propeller City of Bath. We
made the Edisto bar at 1 o'clock, and run in on a flood tide and
anchored before sundown. On the way up we passed the Erricson
having in tow two torpedo catchers, familiarly called " devils,"
intended to be festened to the bows of the Monitors to prevent them
being blown up by the torpedoes, which it was feared the enemy
might send down against them. In the harbor we found a number
of vessels, principally loaded with supplies, and a few sutler schoon
ers. There were also two gun boats and as many mortar schooners
for the protection of the transports. All the other transports, iron-

PENNSYLVANIA EEGIMENT. 197
clad and gun boats had gone to the mouth of Stono inlet, where the
final preparations for the attack were to be made.
The harbor of Edisto is about twenty miles from Charleston, by
land, and is where the British army landed to attack that city in
the Eevolutionary war. The neighboring islands contain valuable
plantations, and in plain view were several handsome dwellings,
long since deserted by the inhabitants. Brookville, about two miles
distant, had the appearance of a pretty village, with large buildings
and well-kept shrubbery. Cole's island, where the 100th New York
regiment had landed two weeks before, and where they had thrown
up some slight defences, was situated at the confluence of the Stono
and Folly rivers ; and was separated from James' island by a marsh,
traversed by a causeway. This position was taken up because it
was necessary to hold it to secure the harbor of Stono, and Folly
island, in case the latter should be made the base for operations
against Charleston. Captain Payne, heretofore mentioned in this
volume, made several reconnoissances among the neighboring islands
and gained much valuable information.
On the evening of the 5th colonel Howell's brigade, consisting of
the 100th New York, 85th Pennsylvania, 39th Illinois, and the
62d Ohio, was landed on the south end of Folly. Under cover of
the darkness the troops felt their way up the island, with skirmishers
in front, through jungle and bushes almost thick enough to stop the
passage of a rabbit. Three regiments halted at the point where the
lookout was afterward erected, but the 100th New York went for
ward to the head of the island, then covered with a dense thicket.
Not an enemy was to be seen. These troops were joined in a day
or two by the 67th Ohio, but none others were disembarked during
the present operations.
Mean while the preparations for attack having been completed
on board the iron-clad fleet at the Stono, the vessels ran out, each
one being towed by a wooden gunboat. The New Ironsides was
then on the blockade and joined the monitors off Charleston bar.

198 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH.
In point of strength this was the mightiest Armada the sea had
ever borne upon its surface, and these few mailed ships could have
vanquished in combat the proudest wooden navy the world had ever
seen. They crossed the bar on Monday, and anchored safely in
side. Tuesday forenoon the iron-clads ran in and opened the bom
bardment, the wooden gunboats keeping out of reach of the enemy's
shot. The Ironsides anchored at the distance of a thousand
yards from Sumter, but the monitors within about six hundred
yards. The enemy was fully prepared, and replied immediately.
The firing, while it lasted, was of the most terrific kind, probably
never equalled in the annals of naval warfare. The iron-clads had
to stand a concentrated fire from forts Sumter, Moultrie, Gregg,
Johnson and Bee, and every other battery that could bring a gun
to bear. The rim ofthe harbor was literally bristling with cannon.
The shot and shell fairly made the water foam and boil around these
pigmy vessels. They stood this hammering about two hours, when,
being signalled to withd'faw, they retired to their anchorage below.
The damage done to the iron-clads, except the Keokuk, was not
serious. The latter was pierced through and through, both in hull
and turret, by steel-pointed bolts, and sunk at her anchorage abreast
of Morris island the next morning. The vessels fired about a hun
dred shots, most of them at Sumter. The fire from Moultrie was
the severest. In going in, one of the iron-clads struck a torpedo,
which did no damage. They were principally damaged in the smoke
stacks, wliich were riddled like a sieve. The turrets were struck a
number of times, and indentations left in the iron plating about the
size and depth of an ordinary saucer. A few bolts were started,
and heads knocked off which wounded a few of the men. The break
ing of the bolts is said to have been caused by their being screwed
up too tightly.
There has been considerable speculation as to the amount of
damage done to Sumter during the bombardment. Some of the
naval officers are confident they saw large breaches in the walls.

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 199
which was confirmed by rebel deserters who came in a day or two
afterward. Captain Eddy, of the 47th New York, was captured
in Ossabaw sound a few days before, and at the time was a prisoner
in Charleston jail. He formerly resided there, and had many friends
in the city. They told him that a breach was made in the wall that
a horse and wagon could be driven through. He saw six hundred
bushels of lime coming down the railroad as he was on his way up
to Columbia, which he was told was to be used to repair the damage
done to the fort. He was also told by a leading secesssionist of
Charleston, that the artillerists in the fort mutinied during the bom
bardment, and that soldiers from the Charleston battalion stood over
them with fixed bayonets to make them work their guns. His in
formant was a gentleman of respectability, and the captain believes
he told the truth. The enemy denied this; but whether true or
false, can now be easily determined by an inspection of the fort it
self. That it was very severely handled we have evidence from
themselves. On the 26th of April, nineteen days after the bom
bardment, one F. H. Harleston, who was on duty in Sumter at the
time, wrote a letter to lieutenant James Thurston, of the rebel ma
rine corps, stationed at Savannah. It was cut from a newspaper
found on board the ram Atlanta after her capture. He says :
" There was no breach made in the fort at all. Two of their
shots — a fifteen inch shell and an eleven inch shot, did come through,
but they hit in weak places. The greatest penetration in good
sound masonry was three feet; but then everything around was
cracked and started more or less. The most severe blow, I think,
was about three or four feet below the crest of the parapet, where
two or three balls struck, and just loosened every thing clear through
for a space of about six feet in length."
I was told by captain Eogers, executive officer of admiral Du
pont, that wh,en the iron-clads were signalled to retire it was not
the admiral's intention to abandon the attack. He intended to re
new it in the morning. It had become too late to attempt to run

200 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
the rebel forts and batteries that night, which he contemplated
doing the next day. He and the admiral stood on the deck of the
Ironsides as the iron-clads came down, and inquired of each one
the amount of damage she had sustained. The Keokuk answered
that she had been riddled through and through — the 15 inch gun
of one was disabled — the rifle gun of another was injured, and the
turret of a third would not revolve. This condition of things in
duced him to abandon the contest. The vessels might have run
past the batteries but for the obstructions, but in this event would
have been in a worse situation than before. Captain Rogers re
marked that an attempt had been made to take Charleston by ma
chinery, but it would be found that it could only be taken in the
old-fashioned way, by a regular siege.
The withdrawal of the fleet from before Sumter was an abandon
ment of the famous attack which had been noised through the
world for months. General Hunter would not permit the land
forces to make a combined attack with the fleet. The army did not
strike a blow or flre a shot. General Seymour, chief of artillery
on Hunter's staff, was very anxious to make a night assault upon
Morris island, which then was almost without fortifications and
defenceless. His general plan was the same as that adopted and
carried out in July by Gillmore. Under cover of darkness batteries
were to be erected within less than a mile of Sumter. The time
fixed upon was the night of the day the iron-clads made the attack.
The troops were selected and organized and the consent of the com
manding-general only was wanting to put it into operation. When
Seymour went to consult general Hunter on the subject, he thought
the attempt too hazardous, and it had to be abandoned much to the
regret and disgust of the gallant projector of it. This attack must
have succeeded, and it would have expedited the siege operations
that afterward took place, by three months.
Heokman's division remained on the transports at Edisto, morti
fied that they had to remain inactive so far away from the scene

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 201
of the real operations. Of the bombardment we knew nothing
at the time, except that occasionally we heard the sound of a heavy
gun. On Wednesday evening a steamer arrived from off Charles
ton with an unsatisfactory account of it, but sufficient was known
to determine the entire failure of the attack. The admirers of
Hunter endeavored to fix the responsibility of the failure upon ad
miral Dupont, but in this they signally failed in face of the well-
known facts of the case. He was charged with not co-operating
with the army. The truth is the navy did all the fighting that was
done, and the army did not lose a drop of blood in its bastard at
tempt on Charleston. The fifteen thousand well-disciplined troops
sailed up and then sailed down again. The good old admiral risked
all in the attack, and because he could not accomplish an impossi
bility he was relieved of his command. He did all the fighting
that was done in that fleet.
The present operations were now entirely abandoned, and the fleet
and army withdrawn, except the ordinary blockading vessels, and
four regiments left on Folly island to keep watch and ward. The
troops were generally distributed to their old stations. My brigade
was sent to Beaufort, where it arrived and encamped on the 11th.
All the North Carolina troops were retained in the department ex
cept Heokman's brigade, which was returned to New Berne, on an
urgent request for re-enforcements. Our going to Beaufort was
caused by a stampede the military authorities of that place got into on
account of the rebels burning the armed steamer Washington. She
had attempted to run round Port Royal island and got aground,
when the enemy brought a light battery down within shelling dis
tance, and burned her. This created so much alarm at the post that
another brigade, in addition to the four regiments, and two bat
teries already stationed there, was required to quiet their fears.
After the bombardment of Sumter a wag, said to be an officer of
the United States artillery, in a desire to hit off the Navy depart
ment, and the management of Uncle Gideon, Fox, Stimer & Co.,

202 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
perpetrated the following, which will be understood, if not appre
ciated, by officers of the navy generally. They are published as part
of the history of the times, and not because they contain any intrinsic
merit. "BRAY-MORE," OR THE WELLES-IAD.
AN EPIC IN TWO BOTTLES,
A long way after Ralph Waldo Emerson's "Brahma."
Lines from a manuscript picked up in
A Green-sealed Bottle,
Off Edisto Bar, South Carolina, May 14th, 1863.
(Bottle the Fikst.)
If the Torpedoer's torpedes
Knock the Torpedoed high iu air,
Won't Uncle Oideon, as he reads,
Look solemn through his silvery hair !
Vague or forgot the navy seems
To Oideon, slumbrous in the dark,
Stroking his heard in happy dreams,
Or studying plans from Noah's ark.
Vainly we labor hard an(i long
To paint the errors of the ships,
Entranced hy Stimer's syren song,
Gid's judgment lieth in eclipse.
Rifles and smooth bores are the same.
He cares not for a turret jammed: —
Prompt to avert from Fox all blame.
He muttereth mildly — "That be — rammed."
The strong men of the navy pine,
But pines not Stimer, and the crew
Of those who, (in the contract line,)
Proclaim "what iron-clads can do!"

PENNSYVANIA REGIMENT. 203
We hoist our bottoms from the sea.
To show why slow and wild we steered, —
Coated with polyps dull as he,
And grasses lengthy as his beard; —
But this in him no terror breeds,
He muttereth: — " Spite of all the shocks,
Of storms, and battles, and torpedes
I must protect my darling Fox."
Though foul their bottoms as the heart
Of Toucy or Fernando Wood, —
Though plates are cracked and stanoheons start
And every pilot-house runs blood ; — ¦
Although the pendent grasses drop
On rocks a dozen fathoms down ; —
Though polyp and though oyster crop
Be large enough to feed a town ; —
Though turrets jam and won't reyolve.
Though guns kick off the track within, —
It still is Gideon's grim resolve
On Stimer's word his faith to pin: —
"And woe to him who, on his cuff
Weareth gold lace, or round his cap.
If, by expostulations rough,
He waketh Oideon from his nap !
Thus Oideon muttered, half awake,
Thinking the iron-clads a bore, —
Then turning, a fresh snooze to take,
Fox, entering, heard the Great Man snore !
¦ JE Plurihus Unum.
A Blub Jacket.

204 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
Bottle the Second.
Picked up ou Seabrook Island, same day.
Chorus by the American People.
We would that to your anchors tied
WeUs were dropped down your wells — ' Od rot him !
Or that his beard were tangled tight
In the long grasses on your bottom !
We wish that Fox, — who comes of those
With fire-brands swinging to their brushes, —
Had found his long and last repose
In the cold tide that 'neath you rushes !
We wish that Stimer, — who aspires
And doesn't mind to stick at trifles, —
Were used as fuel to your fires
Or blown from out your heaviest rifles !
"And last, we hope you'll not be slack,
(Now here's the moral of the ditty) —
Try Charleston in a new attack,
And sow with salt that cursed city !"
I Them's my sentiments. A Blue Belly.
The 104th was encamped on the village green at Beaufort, with
shade and water convenient. It was a most delightful location.
Soon after our arrival the regiment lost two of its officers, lieu
tenants Carver and Markley, who were given commissions, at their
request, in the negro regiment being raised at that place by colonel
Montgomery, of Kansas fame. The inducement was an increase of
rank, both being made captains. A few weeks later captain W.
W. Marple, of company C, was appointed lieutenant-colonel, and
sergeant Ryan and -corporal Perry, of that company, were made
lieutenants in the same regiment. In the following October private

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 205
llliott was discharged by order of the Secretary of War, to enable
im to accept the appointment of sergeant-major in that organiza-
¦on. He was subsequently advanced to a lieutenancy.
The surgeon's report for April exhibited the same favorable sani-
wy condition of the regiment-^the number daily excused from duty
n account of sickness being only a fraction over two per cent.
'he smallest number on the sick list being one on the 12th, and
tie highest being twenty-two on the 3d instant. What troops can
how a cleaner bill of health ?
The beginning of May twenty-seven enlisted men were allowed
0 go home on furlough, under a recent act of Congress, which per-
aitted five per cent, of the enlisted men to be furloughed at a time
.s " a reward of merit for good conduct in the line of duty." Mar
led men were given the preference in the 104th. As there was
lot likely to be much doing for a few weeks, lieutenants Artman,
?retz, Cadwallader, Scarborough and Myers were granted leave of
ibsence for thirty days, at the same time.

206 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH

CHAPTER XVI.

The ifllth at Beaufort. — The camp. — Gideonites.— The Freedmen. — Fortifications built. —
Montgomery's expedition. — Negro Praise Meeting. — Kebel ram Atlanta taken. — Visit to
her. — Company A detached. — Attend a pic-nic. — In command of Post. — Pennsylvania
nailitia go to Hilton Head. — Case of captain Schadd. — Hospitals at Beaufort. — Mrs. Lan
der.' — Two regiments -detached.
THE regiment was never more comfortable than while at Beau
fort. As already mentioned, the camp was on the village
green, and within a hundred yards of the river bank. The location
was delightful and healthy. New tents were drawn soon after our
arrival. They were raised a foot from the ground on a framework
of poles to escape the dampness, and allow a free circulation of air
under them. Each one contained two double bunks, to accommo
date four men, and was provided with mosquito nets to keep away
this troublesome insect. The men took great pains to ornament the
camp and make it attractive, and they succeeded admirably. Over
each row of tents an arbor was built to shield them from tho sun.
The edges of the company streets were sodded, which gave a re
freshing green border on either side, and in front of the tents.
Some companies erected a neat railing along the street, and laid
brick walks up to the tent-door. Others enclosed a little yard in
front of their respective tents, to separate their domain from their
neighbors, and planted it with wild fiowers, which they watered and

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 207
watched over with tender care. A number of cages suspended
through the camp contained mocking-birds and other feathered
songsters, which enlivened the scene with music, and claimed the
attention of the men in their idle moments. During the day the
walls of the tents were looped up throughout the whole encamp
ment; which, with shade, ornamentation, music of birds, and evi
dence of comfort on every side, presented really a charming picture.
No phase of a soldier's life could be more inviting. The neatness
and taste displayed exhibited a sense of refinement that is highly
creditable to the regiment.
Beaufort was the headquarters of the humanitarian side of the
war, for the department of the South. It was the centre of the
operations ofthe "Freedmen's Society," an institution organized in
New England for the ostensible purpose of ameliorating the condi
tion of the negroes. Schools were established on all the islands
within our lines, where Yankee school marms taught the young
African idea how to shoot. While the men fought the master,
the women tried to civilize the slave, and with but indifi'erent suc
cess. The institution brought a considerable number of civilians to
the department, and the "wrinkled front of grim-visaged war" was
smoothed by the presence of female society. The laborers in this
vineyard were known as Gideonites, whose head and front was the
Rev. Mr. French, who found that war paid him better than peace.
He was a sort of king among the Gids, and had great influence at
headquarters. Several of the female teachers deserted the band of
Grideon for the arms of a husband, but their places were quickly
filled by new candidates for the double honors of matrimony and
philanthropy. General Saxton was nominally at the head of the
organization, and sported the high-sounding title of civil and mili
tary governor of South Carolina. In spite of this " father," French
was the moving spirit, and the negroes looked up to him as a second
Moses. The deserted plantations were given to the Gideonites,

208 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
black and white, to work, which arrangement turned out more to
the advantage of the latter than the former.
In the town the negroes were crowded together without regard to
cleanliness, and but for stringent police regulations would have wal
lowed in their filth month in and month out. While it appeared evi
dent that the greater part of the people who came into South Carolina
to look after the interests of the poor negroes were but serving their
own selfish ends, there were a few most estimable persons who only
labored to improve the temporal and spiritual condition ofthe blacks.
They were as easily distinguished from the other class, as goats are
known from sheep. The real philanthropists did not make money
bythe operation; did not deal in furniture, pictures or souvenirs
that belonged to the late inhabitants, nor persuade simple-minded
darkies to give them pieces of old family plate on the pretence that
it was a contribution to the Lord. They simply gave their time
and their services to endeavor to make the negro wiser, better and
happier. The negroes were petted and made much of, and the doc
trine of social equality between the races was openly taught by
theory and practice. The mentioning of two incidents will show
the fruit this doctrine was bringing forth. A white man, who had
formerly been a soldier in a Pennsylvania regiment, made love to a
likely young negro wench in Beaufort, and married her with the
approbation of the authorities. The knot was tied in the African
church in presence of a large crowd of negroes and Gideonites, who
smiled their approbation of the act. The lieutenant-colonel of the
1st South Carolina Volunteers, a white man, did not hesitate to
walk about publicly with a black woman. Neither this circum
stance, nor that of a white man marrying a negress, appeared to .
provoke any comment, as they were rather expected to follow the
teachings of Gideon's band.
Although not engaged in active operations in the field the brigade,
by no means, was permitted to enjoy a season of repose. The en
gineers, before our arrival, had laid out extensive work to command

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 209
the approach to the town on the side of the Port Royal ferry, which
were only partially completed. My brigade was called on at once
for details to cairy on the work, and for a considerable time it fur
nished four hundred men daily, and that during some of the hottest
weather of the season. Exposure to the heat while working in the
sand, or other cause, brought on ophthalmia, which broke out in the
regiment in June. There was a number of cases, but I believe it
was entirely confined to those who had been prisoners of war the
year before. The returned prisoners of war were mustered on the
10th of June for their commutation of rations while in the hands of
the enemy. Of the whole number captured only fifty answered to
their names, the other seventeen having died in captivity, died
since their return, or been discharged. They were allowed com
mutation for one hundred and eight days. Jeremiah Matlaek,
company I, returned that very day, in time to be mustered. He
was captured the 1st of July, 1862, between White Oak swamp
and Malvern hill, and had been so long absent that his name had
been dropped from the roll of his company.
The 1st of June colonel Montgomery, with his negro regiment, made
a raid up the Cumbahee river on to the main land to get recruits.
They embarked on two armed steamboats at Beaufort. So far as
recruiting was concerned the expedition was quite a success. He
brought back some eight hundred darkies of all ages and conditions,
and of both sexes, about one hundred of whom were put into the
regiment. They appeared to be much better fitted to hoe cotton
than carry a musket. When they marched through the streets
from the wharf they had more the appearance of walking rag-bags
than human beings. There may fee a difference between stealing
neo'roes from their home on the Congo, in Africa, to hoe cotton and
cane and stealing them from the Cumbahee in South Carolina,
to compel them to perform an involuntary and disliked service, but
many people are not able to see that difference.
Considerable damage was done to the enemy, but the good effect
14

210

ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH

of the raid was marred by wanton pillage. Some cotton and rice
were destroyed, and several rice mills burned. They did not stop
here. They burned thirty-four private dwellings, without a shadow
of excuse. The families, mostly women and children, were sum
marily turned out of doors, and their homes destroyed before their
eyes. Colonel Montgomery told the negroes that the country would
belong to them after the war, and as they would have no use for
the large houses they might burn them, but must not injure the
cabins. What license to give to a parcel of half-civilized negroes !
The operation was a disgrace to our arms. How often they were
disgraced during the war by men higher in rank than colonel Mont
gomery, and the acts applauded instead of being censured and the
guilty officer dismissed the service ! War is bad enough even when
its known rules are rigidly observed.
While stationed at Beaufort I was invited to go into the country
to witness a negro praise meeting and wedding, on a warm Sunday
morning in June. A ride of a few miles brought us to the place —
a plantation that belonged to a clergyman of the name of Walker
who fled the island on the approach of our army. It was now occu
pied and worked by a Mr. Heacoek from Montgomery county, Penn
sylvania. The dwelling was an ordinary-looking frame, and the
surroundings exhibited none of the thrift that we look for about
northern dwellings. Several ladies and gentlemen were assembled
some from adjoining plantations and others from town. The reli
gious services were held in the cotton house, conducted by a Mr.
Conant, an ex-officer of a Maine regiment. They were simple and
adapted to the capacity of the black hearers. A chapter was read
in the Bible, followed by a few words of comment — then two or
three prayers by negroes, hymns sung and the exercises were con
cluded. The congregation entered into the worship with great
earnestness. Then the marriage took place. The bride was a plan
tation girl, and the groom a soldier of Montgomery's regiment. He

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 211
appeared much confused, and had some trouble disentangling his
hands so as to give the right one to the bride.
The room was now cleared for the praise meeting, in which
church-members only participate. They formed themselves in a
circle around the room, all standing. Thre§^ men, seated on a
bench at one side, now commenced a chant which increased in vo
lume as they proceeded, when the worshippers began to move
around the room, keeping hold of hands. They kept time to the
music with their bodies and limbs and repeated the words of the
refrain. Sometimes they moved backward — sometimes forward,
and sometimes sideways, all the while wriggling and twisting their
bodies into many attitudes, shuffling their feet to time, and beating
the cadence with their hands. The music of the chant was wild,
melancholy, and monotonous, but not entirely devoid of harmony.
Sometimes the voices would swell into a loud and full chorus, then
sink again almost to a whisper; but at no time did they reach the
shouting pitch. The leader of the three singers changed the words
and the tune at pleasure, apparently impromptu and without me
thod. His hands were kept in lively motion and his actions re
minded one of a darkle beating .Tuba. At one time the refrain had
some application to boating, when the negroes as they swept round
the room in measured cadence worked the arms as though pulling
at the oar. The dances of some of our western Indian tribes is not
unlike what I witnessed. It was evidently a heathen ceremony
handed down from their African ancestors, somewhat modified by
their Christian training. We now adjourned to the mansion where
Mr. Heacoek and his sisters had prepared refreshments for their
guests. After dinner we had a pleasant chat in the shade of the
piazza until the sun on the dial marked the hour of 4 o'clock, when
lieutenant-colonel Hart and myself mounted our horses and rode
back to Beaufort.
On the 17th of June we were cheered by the intelligence that
the rebel ram Atlanta had been captured by one of our Monitors

212 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
off the mouth of Savannah river. Two of them had been watch
ing her to prevent her coming out and running a muck along the
coast among our blockading fleet. It is said that the captain noti
fied his crew the day before that it was his intention to go out and
hook on to one of the Yankee vessels and tow her up to the city. —
This morning he came out to put his threat into execution, followed
at a safe distance by two steamboats loaded with citizens, who
desired to see the sport. He did nothing in the hooking on and tow
ing up business. The ram had hardly got out the mouth of the
river, when the Weehawken let fly a fifteen inch shell which car
ried away the pilot house and killed the pilot. This disconcerted
the crew, but nevertheless she opened her ports and returned the
fire. The contest was a short one, for at the eighteenth shot the
Atlanta struck her flag and surrendered. She was really a formi
dable vessel, with a crew of one hundred and sixty-three men, and
carried four heavy Brooke's guns. She had one man killed and
sixteen wounded. One shot from the Weehawken, which struck
her on the side, produced such a shock that forty persons were
knocked prostrate. She was originally the iron steamer Fingal,
built on the river Clyde, Scotland, but was converted into a ram at
Savannah, at the expense of the ladies of Georgia. She turned
out to be a magnificent failure when pitted against a Monitor. The
two steamers with their passengers who had come down to witness
a Confederate victory must have returned up the river very much
chagrined. She was brought to Port Royal harbor the next day,
and the officers and crew were transferred to the receiving ship
Vermont. I went on board and examined her. She was in a most
filthy condition, but not much damaged. She was afterwards pur
chased by the United States, refitted and put into the navy.
Lieutenant Bitting with fifteen men was sent over to Saint He-
lenaville, ten miles from Beaufort, on Saint Helena island, aboutf
the middle of the month. It was a point where persons could easily
cross over from the main, and it was made his especial business

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 213
to see that there was no forbidden intercourse between the mainland
and the island. About the same time company A was sent to a
plantation, a few miles in the interior of the island of Port Royal,
to relieve a company of the 55th Pennsylvania. Numerous small
posts of this kind had to be maintained to stop contraband trade
and prevent spies coming over from the enemy. It could not be pre
vented entirely, and we knew full well that all our movements were
made known to him almost as soon as contemplated. It was al
ways believed that most of the contraband information was carried
by negroes. They were allowed to enter our lines any where, and
knowing the whole labyrinth of water courses that surrounds the
islands, it was an easy matter for them to slip back, in a canoe, unseen.
The young ladies living at one ofthe Barnwell plantations, a few
miles from Beaufort, gave a pic-nic to their friends one fine summer
afternoon, where I was invited to be a guest and help enjoy the
fun. The spot was delightful. The dwelling was situated far
within the embrace of the pine wood, and near one of the numer
ous water courses that divide the islands. Around it was the finest
grove of venerable live oaks that I have ever seen. The place se
lected for dancing was under a natural arbor formed by the inter
vening branches overhead. It seemed to me more than passing
strange that a man could be willing to relinquish such a home as
this and join his fortunes to a rebellion against his government and
country. Such men must have been earnest in their course and be
lieved themselves in the right.
Upon two occasions I was placed in command of the post of
Beaufort, which I retained until ordered to take part in the attack
upon Charleston. At one time the garrison numbered six thousand
men, infantry, cavalry and artillery. General Saxton was in com
mand when general Gillmore came to the department, but he relin
quished it on the ground that he outranked the former, and there
fore declined a command under him. I relieved him at his own
request. During this period, the 54th Massachusetts, colonel Shaw,

214 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
the first regiment of negroes that came South, reported to me. —
They remained but a few days, when they accompanied colonel
Montgomery on an expedition to Amelia island, Georgia. The time
of the two Pennsylvania militia regiments was about expiring, and
they were ordered down to Hilton Head, preparatory to being sent
North to be mustered out of service. They had been manning the
batteries in the defences of the post, and when they left their places
were supplied by the 104th. Companies C and H, under captain
W. W. Marple, were placed in battery Taylor, and company B, cap
tain Kephart, in battery Brayton. The changes that were taking
place in the garrison made necessary a new detail for provost guard,
which was taken from the 104th, and placed in the command of
lieutenant Duncan. The religious revival which had marked the
stay of the regiment on the island of Saint Helena was not renewed
to any considerable extent while we remained at Beaufort. The
chaplain held his usual meetings for preaching and prayer, and a
few members were added to his little flock. Six men were baptized
from the regiment and one from the 52d. Besides his meetings in
camp, Mr. Gries frequently preached in the Episcopal church,
and nearly every Sabbath held service in one or another of the hos
pitals. About this period the resignation of captain Heany and
lieutenants Artman, Haney, Croll, Yardley and Ashenfelter was ac
cepted. Mr. Yardley, who had not rejoined us since he was taken
sick on the Peninsula, was appointed provost marshal of the 5th
Pennsylvania district, and Mr. Artman, while home on leave, applied
for and was appointed a deputy under him. Doctors Brush and
McAlear, two new assistant surgeons, joined us for duty at Beau
fort. One was appointed to fill the vacancy caused by the promo
tion of assistant surgeon Cadwallader, and the other was appointed
under a late act of Congress, which authorized an additional assist
ant to each regiment.
While I was in command of the post of Beaufort a somewhat
peculiar case came before me, and which is mentioned merely to

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 215
show how subordinates are sometimes treated by their superiors. —
In a regiment of Pennsylvania volunteer militia was a quiet, clever
gentleman, who bore a captain's commission. As an officer he was
attentive to his duties, and possessed as much military knowledge
as was expected under the circumstances. Late in the winter his
colonel got up a petition, which most of the officers of the regiment
were induced to sign, asking general Hunter to dismiss the cap
tain from the service, on the broad and not well defined charge of
disloyalty. It was taken to the general, who thereupon, without
any examination into the merits of the case, issued an order dis
charging him dishonorably, subject to the approval of the Presi
dent. Thus disgraced he went home. Instead of pocketing the
injury he went straightway to President Lincoln and laid his case
before him. Without any hesitation the President restored to him
his commission and directed him to report to general Hunter.
About the 1st of June he arrived at Hilton Head and reported
to Hunter, who ordered him to go back to his regiment at Beau
fort and report to the commanding officer of it. He did so. He
stated the orders under which he returned, but the colonel de
clined to receive him and ordered him out of camp. He left, and
took refuge in the camp of the 174th regiment Pennsylvania mili
tia. In a day or two his colonel sent an armed party over into the
camp of the 174th, and by force arrested him, had him taken to the
camp of his own regiment and placed in close confinement in a tent,
with a sentinel at the door. When this was done general Saxton
was post commander, but there was no authority from him which
gave any sanction to this unwarrantable conduct.
When the matter was brought to my notice, as post commander,
the captain had already been in confinement seven days. To get a
full knowledge of the case I had both parties brought before me,
and on their statement and the orders ofthe President and general
Hunter I ordered the captain to be released, and restored him to

216 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
duty with his regiment. It appeared like a case that had merit in
it. The only defence the colonel made was that the captain did
not show him the written orders on which he returned, but he ad
mitted that they were told to him. The captain was released on
Saturday. The next morning the colonel went down to Hilton
Head and made such statement to general Hunter as induced him
to direct me to arrest the captain again and send him down to head
quarters under guard. The order was covered by a sharp letter
from adjutant general Smith, in which I was censured for my action
in the premises. The unfortunate captain was re-arrested and sent
down to general Hunter, accompanied by my own views of the case
in reply. He was kept there two or three weeks and then restored
to duty. It was a case of great hardship, and there was not a sha
dow of excuse for the treatment the captain received, unless malevo
lence and spite can excuse a bad act. This same colonel was one
of those intensely loyal officers who was charged with making it his
business to tamper with the mails that came to his regiment, and
before newspapers were delivered to his officers and men, he satisfied
himself that they contained such reading matter as would not dam
age their patriotism.
It has been mentioned elsewhere in these pages that Beaufort
was the seat of the general hospitals of the department. Thev were
several in number, and were maintained in as good order as any that
could be found in the service. Skilful surgeons had charge of
them, and the men were not only provided with the best nursing,
but all other things necessary to their comfort. In some there was
one or more female nurses. At one time Mrs. Lander, widow of the
general of that name, who died in service in the winter of 1862, had
charge of the corps of female nurses in the department. It was
found, however, that male and female did not work in harmony in
the wards of a military hospital, and after a time the whole ma
nagement of the sick and wounded was left to the care of the sur-

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 217
geons and their male attendants. While at Beaufort two regiments
had been detached from my brigade and sent elsewhere, — the 11th
Maine, transferred to Fernandina, in Florida, and the Independent
battalion sent to Saint Helena's island, where it was incorporated
into a command organizing there.

218 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH

CHAPTER XVII.

Operations on Polly island begun. — Batteries erected. — Oeneral Gillmore arrives. — He visits
tbe island. — His plan of campaign. — Batteries erected against Morris island. — Colonel
Higginson's expedition. — We land on Folly island. — A ride round the island. — Assigned
to Terry's division. — We land on James island. — A night alarm. — March up the island*
— The enemy reported. — -4. reconnoissance to the front.
IN the mean time matters had not come to a stand-still on Folly
island and vicinity. Operations against Charleston from that
quarter had not been entirely abandoned. A force was still main
tained there, so that the island could be used for this purpose, should
it be deemed advisable. The five regiments named as having been
left there when the attack was abandoned in April were still kept
there, together with the one on Cole's island and Stephenson's bri
gade on Seabrook. This latter force distracted, somewhat, the''at-
tention of the enemy, who believed the attack, if any should be
made, would come from this quarter. The force on Folly was in
creased by detachments of the 1st New York volunteer engineers,
1st United States, 3d Rhode Island, and 3d New York artillery.
The command was given to general Vogdes.
Folly island is about seven miles long, and not over one wide in
its broadest part. On the west it is separated from the marshes
that stretch across to James island by the Folly river, a narrow, but
deep stream. The eastern side is washed by the Atlantic Ocean.

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 219
Light-house inlet, about six hundred yards wide, separates it from
Morris island. At this time, throughout nearly its whole extent,
the island was covered with pine timber and impenetrable tangled
under-brush. The jungles of India cannot be much more dense.
I have never seen such a mass of briers and thorns any where else.
There was not a road of any description, and the only way to pass
from one end of the island to the other, was along the beach, which
was not always practicable at high tides.
General Vogdes immediately sot the troops to work to cut roads.
The principal one traversed the dense interior from north to south,
while other lateral roads ran across it, thus affording convenient and
secret communication between its different parts. The island was
thoroughly picketed in all directions. At the head overlooking the
inlet and the adjacent shores of Morris island from the jungle they
occupied, was a picket of ten men, under the immediate command
of colonel Dandy, 100th New York. This party was increased by
a detail from the marine artillery, with two Wiard guns. On the
night of the 10th of April, a party of sixty men of the South Caro
lina artillery, under lieutenant-colonel Durgan, came through the
marshes in boats and made an attack on this picket, mortally wound
ing one man and capturing another. It was a surprise. They re
tired almost immediately, and without discovering the two guns,
which they might have taken.
At the south end of the island a strong battery was constructed,
which commanded the approach down Stono river. A mile and a
half above, at the Campbell house, on the Folly river, another bat
tery was erected, whose guns pointed in the direction of Secession-
ville on James island. At Pawnee landing, a small redoubt for
two licht pieces was thrown up to command the approach by a
creek that emptied into Folly river near there. A mile from the
head of the island, where it is not more than two hundred and fifty
yards wide, a strong intrenchment was thrown up across the neck,
with a redoubt at each end.

220 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
This was the situation of things when general Gillmore, the new
department commander, arrived. He reached Hilton Head the
12th of June, in the steamer Ben Deford, and immediately super
seded general Hunter. There was great rejoicing at the change in
commanders. We parted with one who was notoriously incompe
tent, a martinet without ability to excuse it. He was entirely void
of feeling toward the enemy. In his stead we got a young, active
man, a soldier of talent, and confessedly one of the best engineers
in the service. We expected that his coming meant work, which
we found to be the case. General Gillmore knew that we had re
tained a footing on Folly island since the attempt in April, and he
hardly waited to have the command turned over to him, before he
went up there to take a look at the situation of affairs. He tra
versed the island from one end to the other, and from the jungle at
the north end he looked across to the sand hills of Morris. He
saw every thing with the practised eye of a skilful engineer, and
at a glance he decided where he would erect his batteries, and the
use he would make of them. From where he stood Sumter was
plainly in view, looming up, and no doubt he then doomed it to de
struction, and foreshadowed it the heap of dust and mortar it after
ward became.
His plan of campaign was immediately marked out. He deter
mined to approach Charleston on the side of Folly and Morris islands,
and took immediate steps to have operations begun. He gave or
ders to have strong batteries erected on the north end of Folly, un
der the thunder of whose guns he would throw his battalions across
the inlet of t.he sea and seize the opposite sand hills. His inten
tions were communicated to general Vogdes, who was kept in com
mand, with instructions to have the batteries erected. He asked
Gillmore his opinion of the batteries he had already erected at the
south end, feeling pr^ud of them himself, to which the engineer re
plied that they were all very well and very nice, but were on the
wrong end of the island. In the erection of the new batteries on

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 221
the head of the island, two important things were to be achieved —
to construct formidable works within a few hundred yards of a
watchful enemy, and to conceal it entirely from his knowledge. It
was a difficult task to accomplish. One additional regiment, the
4th New Hampshire, was sent up to assist in the labor.
Work was commenced on the batteries the 15th of June. On
tho night of that day a thousand men, as guards and laborers, were
sent up to the head of the island and began operations. Under the
cover of the thick bushes and timber the work was continued day and
night, the men being relieved from time to time. The enemy had a
high tower at Seeessionville, which enabled him to overlook the land
and water ibr miles around, and the greatest care had to be used
to prevent our works being discovered. Every thing that was
needed in the erection of batteries was taken to the front at night,
and neither men, teams nor material were permitted to pass up in
day time. Part of the time the work was performed under heavy
fire from the enemy's batteries on Morris island, which killed and ,
wounded several men. While they had no knowledge of what we
were at, it was suspected, and they opened fire on the head of the
island to drive us away if we were doing any mischief there. No
reply was made on our part, which probably disarmed suspicion.
It was deemed of the first importance to secure the construction of
the batteries. The official report states that at least two thousand
rounds were fired, and no doubt our silence gave the enemy the
impression that he had driven us from the island. The fire was
continued through several days and nights, but the work went
steadily on without interruption. About this time .the English
steamer Ruby in an attempt to run the blockade, ran on shore on
the bar that makes in opposite the head of the island. While the
enemy was securing the cargo, his batteries opened a heavy fire to
prevent our interfering, but although a sore temptation our fellows
made no attempt.
By the 3d of July the batteries were essentially completed and

222 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
ready for use. In the period of twenty days there were placed in
position twelve 10 inch and four 8 inch mortars; twelve 30 pounder,
four 20 pounder and ten 10 pounder rifled Parrott's; and three 12
pounder Wiard guns, making in all forty-four guns and mortars.
The batteries were all well embrazured and revetted, with magazines
and splinter-proofs; and each gun and mortar was supplied with
two hundred rounds of ammunition. So well had all our move
ments been concealed from the enemy, that down to the time of
our opening fire he had not the slightest idea of the existence of
our batteries. The engineering work was done under the immediate
supervision of lieutenants Suter and Michie, by the New York
volunteer engineers, while captain Mordecai, of the ordnance de-
partme.nt, superintended mounting the guns and supplying them
with ammunition. Colonel Dandy, 100th New York, was in com
mand of the north end of the island while the works were being
erected. When we consider the importance of these works, and
the secrecy, dispatch, and circumstances under which they were
erected, they refiect great credit on the parties engaged. During
this period captain Payne, 100th New York, assisted by corporal
Yocum, 62d Ohio, rendered very valuable services in collecting in
formation as to the enemy's position, strength, &c. In a light boat
they traversed the numerous creeks that run through the marshes,
and even ventured into the immediate neighborhood of Sumter.
Mean while we remained in garrison at Beaufort, pursuing the
dull routine of life that prevails at a post. We were waiting for
Gillmore's batteries to open on the enemy, and hoping that some of
us at least might have a hand in the active operations that were
about to be inaugurated around Charleston. About the last of
June general Gillmore and his chief of staff made a visit to Beau
fort to inquire into the condition of things there. His inquiry was
particularly directed to the number of troops that could be spared
from the garrison to assist in the operations against Morris island.
He was furnished with the desired information. During the inter-

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 223
view I made a formal request to be permitted to take an active part
in the campaign about to open, in command of the brigade I had
brought into the department. He gave me a promise that my wishes
in the matter should be complied with, and a few days afterward
I received a letter from colonel Turner, his chief of staff, saying
that general Gillmore would send me orders shortly to embark for
Folly island, and that as many of my old regiments would be re
turned to me, and as soon, as the service would permit.
As auxiliary to the attack on Morris island from the head of
Folly, colonel Higginson, commanding the 1st South Carolina vo
lunteers, negroes, planned and organized an expedition to destroy
the bridge of the Savannah and Charleston railroad that crosses
the Pon Pon river. The plan was to run up that stream from the
South Edisto in armed steamers, land at a practicable point and by
a short march attack the bridge, which had a small guard, and burn
it before re-enforcements could arrive. The colonel had received
considerable information about the situation of affairs in that region
of country through contrabands which had been sent up there as
spies. The plan appeared entirely practicable, and was submitted
to general Gillmore. He approved and sanctioned it, leaving all
the details to colonel Higginson. If successful, it would be of great
service to the contemplated operations, and would in almost equal
degree damage the enemy. The attempt was to be made about the
time our batteries opened on Morris islanii, and if he succeeded in
burning the bridge, it would prevent the enemy sending re-enforce
ments up to Charleston in time to be of service to him. His force
consisted of about three hundred men, all negroes, and two guns
belonging to captain Rockwell's Connecticut battery, and were con
veyed in two armed steamboats. The attempt was made at the ap
pointed time, but failed, with the loss of the two guns and a few
men killed and wounded. There is no doubt that information had
been conveyed to the enemy, for he was prepared to receive the

224. ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
boats with artillery on the bank of the river and on the causeways
leading down to it.
On Sunday night the 5th of July, I received an order to em
bark the next morning for Folly island with the 52d and the 104th
regiments and report to general Seymour, in command. We were
to move in light marching order, with ten days' rations and 100
rounds of reserved ammunition per man. The tents and heavy bag
gage were directed to be left behind in charge of a few men. Some
general instructions were given about the disposition that should
be made of the troops remaining at Beaufort to secure the safety
of the island, and I was directed to turn the command over to the
next in rank. General Saxton, however, had signified his willing
ness to accept the responsibilities of the post again, and according
ly the command was surrendered into his hands. The orders to
move were embodied in a confidential note from colonel Turner. An
order was immediately issued to the troops to hold themselves in
readiness to embark at an early hour the morning of tbe 6th instant.
The detached companies, some of them a considerable distance from
town, were directed to report to their regiment at daylight. An
arrangement had been made to have the troops paid on Monday,
but an order from headquarters postponed all payments for the pre
sent; yet special permission was afterward given to pay the regi
ments before they embarked, in case it caused no delay. The pay
master was on the ground at sunrise the next morning, and by eight
o'clock the work was completed. The 104th received pay for four
months, down to the 30th of June, and permission was obtained
ibr chaplain Gries to take the money home to the families of the
men. He accompanied us to the Stono, whence he took the steamer
for the North. General Gillmore was concentrating all the dis
posable force in the department on Folly island as rapidly as pos
sible. Transports, the steamers Boston and Delaware, arrived at Beau
fort early on Blonday morning, and the embarkation of the troops

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 225
commenced immediately. I was instructed to start at such time as
would enable the boats to reach the Stono, disembark the regiments,
and put to sea again before daylight. All the troops and materials
that were landed were put on shore under cover of the darkness to
conceal our movements from the enemy. We left the wharf at 3
o'clock, p. m., and ran up without accident, and before it was light
enough for the enemy to distinguish what was going on, the men were
ashore concealed by the bushes, and the steamers on their return to
Port Royal. We inarched three or four miles up the eastern beach
and encamped among the sand hills, where the bushes were nearly
thick enough to strip the hide from a rabbit. The stores and bag
gage were hauled up during the day. In obedience to orders I
reported to general Seymour, who was quartered in the Campbell
house on the opposite side of the island. About noon colonel Dan
dy called at my quarters, and politely offered to escort me over
the island to show and explain the general situation of things. I
accepted the invitation and accompanied him, although suffering
from a burning fever. The ride was one of interest and gave me a
good knowledge of the island and the defences. All the troops
were encamped or bivouacked under shelter and cover of the tim
ber and bushes which completely hid them from view. The works
at the north end were of a very formidable character, and gave evi
dence of great labor. The gunners were ready at any moment to
open on the enemy across the narrow inlet that separated the two
combatants. The 10th of July was fixed upon to open the campaign, by which
time it was hoped all things would be in complete readiness. Gen
eral Gillmore had determined to send a column to James' island,
separated from Morris by two or three miles of marsh, and lying to
the west of it, to make a demonstration on Charleston by way of
Seeessionville in conjunction with his attack on the South end of
Morris island. This latter was to be the real point of attack,
while the former was intended to be only a feint. This was made
15

226 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
openly in the hope of drawing off part of .the garrison from Morris
island. This expedition was placed under command of brigadier
general Alfred H. Terry, afterward distinguished as the captor of
fort Fisher. My brigade was to compose part of this column. The
balance of the troops was the brigade of general Stephenson, to
come up from North Edisto, and the 2nd South Carolina and the
54th Massachusetts, both negro regiments, under the command of
colonel Montgomery. The whole column consisted of but seven regi
ments, and could not have numbered three thousand effective men.
General Terry came to my quarters on the afternoon of the 8th
and exhibited the order assigning me to his command, and at the
same time directed me to leave camp at 8 o'clock that evening, and
march down to the south end of Folly, to embark for James' island.
We were to go up the Stono river in steam boats under convoy of
several gun boats. We reached the wharf about 11 o'clock, and
found that none of the rest of the command had arrived, which
compelled us to remain there all night. A gale was blowing, with
some rain, and as there was no shelter to be had, the situation for
an agreeable night was not very fiattering. The troops lay down
to sleep in the sand on the beach, a few favored ones being able to
repose on the baggage that was lying about.
Stephenson and Montgomery arrived about noon on the 9th.
With them came my 56th regiment, which had been stationed at
Seabrook since April. Of the 52nd and 104th there were only
seven companies each to embark, companies A, D and B, of the
former, and A, F and C, of the latter, having gone on picket the
day before and were not yet relieved. We embarked that afternoon.
The baggage was left behind in the care of a guard. We were di
rected to run up the river to what was then known as Stevens' land
ing, where my command was to go ashore that night and seize and
hold the causeway which led down to it. The balance of the
troops were to land in the morning. The sun was pretty well
down when we started, but the day-light lasted until we reached

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 227
our destination, for it was but two or three miles from the end of
Folly island. Our convoy consisted of one monitor, three wooden
gun boats and a mortar schooner. As we advanced they shelled
the woods along James' island to drive away any parties of the ene
my that might be lurking there to oppose our landing.
It was dark when we reached the landing, and the tide was pret
ty well down. Immediate arrangements were made to go ashore.
This was a slow process, as there were only three boats that could
be used for the purpose. It was disagreeable business. We were
obliged to jump out of the boats into mud a foot deep and wade
through it to the firm ground. Being dark we floundered into
more mud holes than would have been necessary in the day time.
But the officers and men took it in good humor, knowing there was
no royal road to James' island. The flrst men ashore were thrown
out as pickets on the roads leading down to the landing. The
knapsacks were piled up together with a guard over them, and the
companies were formed as fast as they came ashore.
The troops being all ashore the two regiments were formed for
an advance, the 104th leading. Their effective strength was less
than six hundred. The night was very dark, the localities entirely
unknown, and we had not the most remote means of knowing what,
if any, force the enemy had to oppose us. The present object was
to seize and hold the bridge at the head of the causeway, for unless
that was in our possession we could not advance into the interior of
the island. The order to march was given, general Terry placing
himself at the head of the column. We marched along the dyke
built up through the marsh to the bridge, which we reached and
seized without opposition. The column was halted a little way from
it, and remained standing while the bridge was examined. Captain
Groff, with his company, was detailed as pickets and sent across it.
It was not our intention to advance beyond this point until we had
day-light for our operations.
Captain GroflF, while putting his men on duty, stirred up a rebel

228 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
picket, whi^oh fired a volley across the bridge toward our column.
It came unexpectedly. The regiments were resting on their arms,
and everything being shrouded in darkness they could not compre
hend the situation. At the time, I was standing on the bridge with
general Terry, major Rogers and other officers, discussing the
probability of the enemy being near us. At this moment he let us
hear from him. The bullets whistled very close to the ear and cut
short the conversation, though neither of us was hurt. They fell
among the men, who supposing there was an attack, opened fire in
the direction whence the shot came, and at^ least a hundred rifles
were discharged before the firing could be stopped. The shots from
our own men swept across the bridge also, and placed us between
two fires. The refiection that we were in greater danger of being
killed by our own men than by the enemy, was not a pleasant one.
A bridge was never cleared in quicker time. The alarm was quiet
ed almost as soon as it had arisen, and on examination we found
nobody had been hurt, although two or three claimed to have been
struck. It came near being a stampede. The troops were now
placed in position for the night behind the embankment of the
causeway and opposite the bridge, affording a safe protection to the
men in front, the only direction whence an enemy could come. The
general and staff now returned to the steamer.
The night passed away quietly, and in the morning no enemy was
to be seen. As soon as it was light enough to discern objects I
made arrangements to advance without waiting for orders from
head-quarters. A party of skirmishers, consisting of parts of com
panies A, C and F, 104th, and captain Davis' company, 52d regi
ment, the whole under command of captain A. Marple, were sent in
advance to clear the bush of sharpshooters, should any be lurking
therein. The column followed them closely, keeping closed up
and prepared for any emergency. There were a few cavalry pickets
on the watch, who fell back before us and galloped away to give
notice of our approach. Our skirmishers pushed them so closely

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 229
through the timber that they were obliged to abandon their ready-
cooked breakfast of beef and rice. It had been cooked in an old
iron pot, in which were sticking wooden paddles in lieu of spoons.
The men picked up a few blankets and other articles which the
cavalry had left behind in their hasty fiight, but were afraid to ap
propriate the breakfast to satisfy their appetites. From the bridge
our route lay through timber for a mile, with a creek on our right,
and on our left was some open country, with the remains of the
camps of the year before. We halted at the old house used for a
signal tower in the former occupation of the island by our troops,
the main body resting in the edge of the timber. Captain
Harvey, with his company, was thrown forward and occupied the
head of the main causeway which leads across the low, marshy
ground toward Seeessionville. He was supported by a small force
in reserve, and pickets were stationed to watch the approaches.
The island between these points and the place of landing was fairly
in our possession.
General Terry landed and came upon the ground about noon.
Just as he arrived word was sent in from the front that a body of
infantry and cavalry was advancing down one of the causeways, ap
parently to attack us. Considering our force too weak, and our
situation too much exposed to meet any considerable number of the
enemy, I was directed to draw in my pickets and fall back toward
the landing. He turned about and rode back to look after the
troops which had not yet come up. Captain Kreutzer, my adju
tant-general, remarked to me that the enemy ought to be recon
noitred before the ground was abandoned, and asked if he might
ride after the general and get his permission to do so. I agreed to
it and he at once put spurs to his horse and overtook him a few
hundred yards away. The general consented that the two regi
ments might be taken to the front and a reconnoissance made. We
marched in the direction of the reported enemy, and when we
reached the causeway found it had been a false alarm. A small

230 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
party of cavalry was found at an old house they had used as a sig
nal station, but they all made their escape and rode for their lines
toward Seeessionville. We captured their signal rockets. We now
returned to our bivouack in the edge of the timber, where we found
the brigades of .Stephenson and Montgomery, which had come up
mean while. The 56th New York regiment now reported to me for
duty. My pickets were relieved by the fresh troops.

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT, 231

CHAPTER XVIII.

Attack of Morris heard on James' island.— Our situation  The enemy attact us and are re
pulsed. — The gunboat Pa-wnee. — Unlocked for support on tbe right. — Strength of ene
my. — D&termine to withdraw. — Our evacuation. — Return to the Stono. — Visit Morris
island. — Assault on Wagner.^Situation on Morris isSand.^Enemy's works.— Wagner.
— Gillmore. — ^Plan of attack on Morris. — Enemy reconnoitre.
AT daylight on the morning of the 10th of July, the heavy can
nonade at the head of Folly island announced that Gillmore
had made the anticipated attack on Morris. We listened to the guns
with great satisfaction, and longed to hear the result of the bom
bardment. Before night we received information that it had been
an entire success, and that our troops were in undisputed possession
of Morris island below the beacon house. The demonstration on
James' island had answered the purpose intended. The enemy was
deceived into the belief that ours was the main attack and with
drew some of his forces from Morris island to meet it; which so
reduced the supports to their batteries that they fell an easy con
quest to our troops after they were across the inlet.
Our stay on James' island was undetermined and was to be govern
ed by circumstances, although the main purpose of our landing had
already been accomplished. As long as we could hold James' and
threaten the enemy's defences at Seeessionville, it divided the forces
required to defend fort Wagner and their other batteries on Morris
island. Our stores were landed in the Stono and brought up, and

232 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
other necessary things done to make the troops comfortable and se
cure while we remained. Our force was encamped in three lines.
Stephenson and Montgomery occupied the open fields, while my
brigade was in the timber at right angles to them and retired be
hind their right fiank. A strong picket line was established about
a mile in front, extending nearly across the island. The gun-boats
mean while had advanced a little way up the Stono, the Pawnee
lying a short distance below Grimball's house, and just out of reach
of the enemy's battery established there. She lay in a position to pro
tect our left flank, and sweep the low ground across which an attack
ing force must march. A vigilant watch was maintained in all direc
tions, as a considerable body ofthe enemy could be seen at Seeession
ville. When we left Folly island we had no light artillery with us,
but a steamer was sent down to Beaufort which brought up captain
Rockwell's Connecticut battery, which was landed and came into camp
on the 14th instant. It was afterward found to be of the most es
sential service to us. The night of the 13th two spies were
seen lurking within our lines to discover the location of our camps,
and this and other causes gave us reason to apprehend an attack.
There was an alarm the next day, but it proved to be a false one.
From Cole's island there was a communication with James' at a
point near our camp, by means of causeways and foot-bridges across
the swamps, but now somewhat broken up. As an uninterrupted
passage by this route might be very useful in time of danger, the
engineers were set to work to repair it and make it practicable for
infantry. It was done by the time we had occasion to use it. One
bridge across the creek that runs along the eastern edge of the
island, and near our camps was fifty feet long and strong enough for
artillery or cavalry.
With the exception of an alarm now and then we were not seri
ously troubled until daylight the morning of the 16th instant. The
enemy had placed his troops in position during the night of the

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 233
15th, hoping to take us by surprise and overwhelm us by the sud
denness and strength of his attack. He brought down a light
battery and stationed it within seven hundred yards of the Pawnee
supported by a considerable body of infantry. It was placed in a
corner of a wood so that it could not be discovered until it opened
fire. This was the right attack. He hoped to be able to crip
ple the Pawnee, which would enable him with his heavy force
to turn our left and prevent us falling back to the river. On his
left he massed a considerable force of infantry, cavalry and artil
lery close up to our picket lines.
Our camps were alarmed about the break of day by a heavy can
nonade on our left, which we soon learned was directed at the Paw
nee. At the same time there was a sharp rattle of musketry in
front of our right, where the enemy's left came -crushing through
our picket line. This was our first intimation of the attack. The
54th Massachusetts, a negro regiment, was on picket, and against
this the enemy hurled his force, which was compelled to give way,
after a brave resistance, falling back to the main body followed by
the enemy. The Pawnee was taken by surprise, and came near
falling a victim. She was aground and could not move until the
rising water lifted her from the mud. For nearly an hour she lay
almost helpless with her broadside to shore, while the battery pour
ed a terrible fire into her. But when she was able to swing round
and bring her heavy battery to bear on the enemy, she made quick
work of his 6 pounders. She compelled them to leave without
ceremony, followed by the infantry. The Pawnee was struck fifty
times in hull and rigging, but strange to relate she had but one man
killed and three wounded.
While this active work was going on on our left, the column
formed to attack our right was advancing against us. I was sleep
ing soundly at the foot of a large oak tree, when I was awakened
in the gray of the morning by an orderly from general Terry, who

234

ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH

announced that our pickets had been driven in, and ordering my
brigade to be got under arms immediately. As soon as awake,
the noise of the battery firing into the Pawnee was tho first thing
to salute my ears. The whole command was under arms in a very
few minutes, for it does not take old soldiers long to put themselves
in an attitude of defence when their safety depends on their celerity
of movement. The troops were formed in two lines: Stephenson's
brigade and the 54th Massachusetts forming the first, and mine,
with the 2d South Carolina} forming the second. The interval be
tween the two lines was about a hundred yards. The artillery was
on the right flank of the first line. Both flanks rested on timber
with a few skirmishers in it, and were well protected.
The enemy advanced until within about six hundred yards of our
front line, when he halted, unhmbered the artillery, and opened
fire. He evidently expected to take us by surprise and find us
asleep in camp, for the first few rounds from his guns were directed
along and through the strip of timber where our tents were pitched.
In a few minutes the mist lifted and revealed to him our two lines
of infantry and the position of our guns, when the direction of the
fire was changed. The 104th was on the right of the second line,
and directly in range of the artillery. The shell flew over and
about them in a storm. I ordered the men to lie down flat on the
ground, which was never hugged by a more fraternal embrace, and
thus many lives were saved. Our artillery opened about the same
time as that of the enemy, and for an hour a hot fire was maintained
on both sides, when the enemy, failing to accomplish his object, re
tired from the field. It took us but a moment to comprehend the
situation of things on our left. How we listened to catch the deep-
toned notes of the Pawnee's guns, and we longed as anxionsly to
hear them as did Wellington wish that night or Blucher were come.
Presently we heard the voice of a 100-pounder Parrott, the sweetest
sound, to us, that ever struck upon the ear, and we knew the day was

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 235
ours. This turn in the tide of affairs is what sent the column that
attacked the right so suddenly from the field.
The enemy met resistance, and we received support, from a source
least expected. The evening before, the armed transport John
Adams came up into the creek on our right, after dark, without the
knowledge of the enemy. Neither did we know that she had ar
rived. She was armed with a 30 pounder Parrott, and on board
were lieutenant McCoy and commissary sergeant Halback, of the
104th, and a few negro servants who had been left behind on Folly
island. She lay about opposite our right flank. When the firing
commenced in the morning, McCoy and Halback seized rifies and
rushed to the bows of the boat, but seeing nothing within their
range they turned their attention to the 30 pounder Parrott. Hal
back, with the assistance of the negro servants, manned and fired
the gun, while lieutenant McCoy passed up ammunition. They
fired twelve or fifteen rounds into the enemy's left flank, keeping it
up until the battle was over. The enemy retired about six, and the
troops were dismissed in time for breakfast.
The enemy numbered about four thousand men, including one
brigade of Jackson's old corps that came down from Richmond after
we landed on the island. There were several regiments of Georgians
and some North Carolinians. Our loss was about fifty, which was
mainly sustained by the 54th Massachusetts, which met the first
shock of the enemy. One of my mounted orderlies, a soldier of the
1st Massachusetts cavalry, was wounded, as well as his horse. The
battery had two horses killed. A man of the 10th Connecticut
complained of not feeling well, and asked to be permitted to go to
the hospital. He received a wound there, of which he died. He
was the only man in the regiment that was injured. The 104th
had no loss. That of the enemy must have been considerable.
Several dead bodies were found on the field; and we took six prisoners.
A good many arms and accoutrements were left behind when they
retired. In the pocket of a rebel soldier captured afterward on

236 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
Morris island, was found a memorandum of the loss in two North
Carolina regiments in this action, which amounted to one hundred
and twenty-five. Ambulances and stretchers came on the field and
bore the enemy's dead away. General Gillmore afterward remarked
in the presence ofthe writer, that we had punished the enemy much
more severely than we had been aware of. His evident intention
was to capture our whole force, and had he turned our left flank,
his superior numbers might have enabled him to accomplish his
purpose. During the forenoon, and as soon as it was known that we had
had an engagement with the enemy, general Gillmore sent over a
staff officer to confer with general Terry on the most prudent course
to be adopted. The situation was felt to be a critical one. Al
though we had repulsed the enemy that morning, we had good rea
son to believe that it would not be long before the attack would be
renewed in greater force than before. Moreover, our mission had
been accomplished, and at this time the army had no men to hazard
in operations of either doubtful utility or success. The brigade
cjmaianders concurred in recommending a withdrawal from the
island. During the afternoon an order was received from head
quarters ordering the troops on James' island to be withdrawn and
return to Folly. As soon as it was dark enough to conceal our ope
rations, the movement began. To be successful, required both care
and secrecy. The picket line was maintained with the same order
as though we intended to remain. Steamboats had been directed to
be at the landing at dark, at which time we commenced to haul
down the baggage and stores. It was arranged to withdraw by two
routes. The difficulty of embarking troops on boats on the Stono
was so great that the larger portion of them were to march by the
causeways and bridges across to Cole's island. The engineers had
examined the route and pronounced it practicable for infantry.
Trusted guides were selected from among those who had passed
over the route.

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 237
The night was one of the darkest I ever saw, and the rain fell in
unceasing torrents. Every thing combined to render it a period of
gloomy uncertainty. My brigade was required to furnish a regi
ment for picket that night, and the 52d was detailed for this un
pleasant duty. It fell to my lot to be field-officer of the day.
Nearly all the baggage had been hauled down to the wharf by one
o'clock, and several of the regiments put en route across the marshes.
At this hour I was ordered to ride to the front and draw in the
pickets. They were in close proximity to the enemy. I was
guided by the vivid flashes of lightning which accompanied the
loud thunder and pouring rain^ as I fioundered into ditches and rode
through briers and thorns. Several times I stopped, completely
lost, and had to wait for a new lightning fiash to direct me on my
course. After considerable difficulty I found the line and ordered
it withdrawn. Lieutenant-colonel Hoyt and major Conyngham
were both on duty with the regiment, whom I found watching with
their men in the bush, wet to the skin. They will call to mind
how, when they came to look for their picket posts, some of them
could not be found, and the men did not know the regiment had
been withdrawn, until daylight informed them that they were alone.
They reached the landing in time to embark with the rear guard.
I was directed to take the causeway route with the 104th, 56th,
10th Connecticut, 54th Massachusetts, and 2d, South Carolina.
The 56th was the last to move, and left the island about one
o'clock on the morning of the 17th. As soon as the bridge that
connected James' island with the causeway was crossed, it was de
stroyed to prevent pursuit. The march was exceedingly slow, dif
ficult and unpleasant. The distance is not more than four miles,
yet we were about as many hours traversing it. Except when on
the narrow foot bridges we were most of the time in mud and
water, and often knee deep. Without trusty guides we could never
have followed the route in the night. It led across numerous
water courses, deep, sluggish streams that separate the islands.

238 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
spanned by narrow and insecure bridges; passed broad swamps by
dykes and causeways just wide enough for two men to march
abreast, and as slippery as though they had just been smeared with
a fresh coating of soft soap. At times it was impossible for the
men to keep their footing, and a number, of them slid off into the
ditches, on either side filled with a filthy mixture of mud and
water. The engineers brought up the rear and destroyed all the
bridges. This had been an old route to pass from James' island down to
the mouth of the Stono, and with a little labor the engineers made
it answer a very good purpose. We reached Cole's island a little
after daylight, fatigued, wet and muddy, with all the "pomp and
circumstance" of war completely knocked out- of officers and men.
A few such marches take the buckram out of soldiers. During
the day the balance of our troops arrived down the Stono, with the
baggage and artillery. General Gillmore afterward remarked to
general Terry, while conversing on the subject, that the night of
our withdrawal from James' island was to him the most anxious
one in his military experience.
In the afternoon I accompanied general Terry over to Morris
island to report for orders at headquarters. General Gillmore had
his tent pitched close to the eastern beach, and the troops were col
lected about among the sand hills, without order or comfort. It
was, to all intents and purposes, living out of doors, for they had
neither tents nor other appliances of camps. We also called to pay
our respects to generals Seymour and Strong. In the tent of the
latter we were shown a large solid shot which had lit there the day
before, having been thrown from Sumter. This was at a point
not half a mile from the inlet. General Terry was ordered to move
forward his whole division as rapidly as he could. It was taken up
Folly river in boats to Pawnee landing, where the regiments were
disembarked and marched thence to the head of the island. Durin"- O
that evening and the next day the brigades of Stephenson and

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 239
Montgomery were transferred to Morris island and reported to
general Strong. When I reached the look-out, a mile from the head
of the island, I was ordered to halt there and not move forward un
less the order came from, or through, general Terry himself. This
was on Saturday, the 18th, and the next day our camp equipage
and baggage came up, when we went into camp. Terry was con
siderably nettled because four of his regiments had been taken from
him and given to general Strong, and he was now absent to see
Gillmore on the subject. In less than twelve hours, however, the
fortunes of war reconciled all difficulty, imaginary or real, on this
point, and placed general Terry in a better military position than
he had ever been in before, and probably better than he had ex
pected to occupy. That evening, the 18th, had been fixed upon
for the second assault on Wagner-^— this time a night attack. I
reached the old intrenchments about sundown, where I made my
camp on the sea-side. Learning that the assault on Wagner would
be made at dusk, I ascended the look-out in the hope of being able
to distinguish something of it. It was too distant to hear the sound
of artillery, and too dark when the movement began to distinguish
any thing of it ; but I could plainly see the flashes of the enemy's
guns along the parapet of the fort, like a streak of fire. The
musketry of the two parties appeared like a confused mingling of
myriads of fire bugs, as they fly about in the darkness of the
night. In less than an hour the flashes ceased, evidence that the
struggle was over. Then we waited the arrival of intelligence
from the front, and it was not long coming, for bad news quickly
reaches those who do not want to hear it. Soon a rumor reached
us that we had met with a bloody repulse and heavy loss, which
was confirmed ere long by the arrival of general Terry. That was
a gloomy night for the army before Charleston.
Morris island, the scene of the siege operations against the de
fences before Charleston, lies directly north of Folly, and is a
narrow bed of sand on the west side of the outer harbor. The

21:0 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
length from Cumming's point to Light House inlet is about three
miles, while the breadth varies from a few hundred yards to a
hundred feet in its narrowest part. At a few points the highest
tides sweep across it. A considerable ridge of sand hills runs along
the beach, washed by the tidal waves, while on the opposite side it
slopes off into salt marshes, more than two miles wide and inter
sected by numerous deep creeks, which separate it from James'
island. When our army first landed the sand hills made the sur
face so uneven that there'was difficulty in pitching tents, but dur
ing our occupancy the face of the island underwent great change.
To prevent an approach on Charleston in this direction the ene
my had erected considerable fortifications on the island. The old
work on Cumming's point, known as battery Gregg, and which was
used in the reduction of fort Sumter in April, 1861, had been re
paired and strengthened, and mounted with four 10 inch Colum-
biads and one 10 inch mortar. These guns pointed down the
island and their shot and shell reached more than half the distance
to the inlet. At the narrowest point of the island, where Vincent's
creek approaches the sea, he had erected battery Wagner, a very
strong work, on which were mounted seventeen guns and mortars
some of them of heavy caliber. The bomb proof would accommo
date fourteen hundred men and so strongly built that neither shot
nor shell could penetrate it. The work was flanked on the west by
Vincent's creek and the marshes, and on the east by the sea, and
had a wet ditch. It could only be approached in front along a nar
row neck of land completely swept by its guns. In the rear it was
protected by a simple musketry parapet. The guns of Gregg took
it in reverse, and the batteries on Sullivan's and James islands in
flank as well as in reverse. In addition to these the barbette guns
of Sumter commanded battery Wagner, and not only could throw
plunging shot into it but down the island a mile beyond. This con
dition of things served to render the battery a place of unusual
strength, and when taken somewhat difficult to be held. A more

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 241
difficult problem than its reduction has seldom been presented to
the engineer for solution. It has rarely occurred in military ope
rations that a strong place has been besieged by regular approaches
along a neck of land of less width than one half of the front of the
work. The siege of Wagner differed from most others in the fact
that the communication of both parties was open and unobstructed
to the rear.
When general Gillmore had been selected to relieve general Hun
ter he was at the head of a division in Kentucky, and had recently
gained a victory over the enemy at Somerset. The skill he dis
played as an engineer in the reduction of fort Pulaski in the spring
of 1862, recommended him as the proper person to command the
proposed attack on the defences before Charleston. He was called
to Washington and put in possession ofthe views of the government.
The experience of the iron-clads in their attack upon Sumter the
previous April rendered them a little timid of that renowned fort
ress, and it was desirable, if practicable, to have it placed hors du
combat by operations on the land side. The navy department said
to the general, if he could silence the barbette guns on the sea and
channel faces of the fort, the iron-clads would be able to go into
the inner harbor and finish the work. After listening patiently to
the plan that was laid before him, and all the Administration had
to say on the subject, he pledged himself to accomplish the following,
if placed in command of tbe land operations, viz : to take and hold
Morris island, reduce fort Wagner, and render Sumter powerless for
offensive purposes. It was clearly understood that the navy was to
finish whatever remained to be done in the capture of Charleston,
after Gillmore had accomplished what he promised.
I have already narrated how and when general Gillmore arrived
in the department, and the quietness and celerity with which he
commenced operations; how he accumulated his forces on Folly
island and erected powerful batteries almost within speaking dis
tance of the enemy without his knowledge. It now becomes my
16

242 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
duty to relate how and when these batteries were opened upon Mor
ris island, how it was assualtcd by the land forces, and what fol
lowed. The attack was arranged for the morning of the 9th of July,
but circumstances postponed it until the next day. The infantry
attack was to be made in boats by the way of Folly river, which
were to land on the south-west point of the islfmd, which was pro
tected by a heavy rifie-pit. TI' e batteries were to shell the enemy
some time before the landing of troops. For this purpose a large
number of boats had been bollected in the river near the Campbell
house, twelve of which were from the navy, under the command of
lieutenant McKensie of the Wabash. He left Charleston bar at 9
o'clock the night before in the tug Dandelion with the boats in tow,
and arrived in the Stono before midnight. The troops selected
were Strong's brigade, composed of the 3d New Hampshire, 6th and
7th Connecticut, 9th Maine, 76th Pennsylvania, four companies of
48th New York, and a battalion of sharpshooters. They embarked
in the boats in the early part of evening. They started about 11
p. m., and under cover of the darkness pulled round into Light
House inlet, and when day dawned they lay behind the point of the
creek which comes down from Seeessionville.
The enemy had imperfectly fortified the south end of Morris
island, not supposing that we could make a serious attack from that
quarter. There were no regular works, but batteries had been
excavated in the sand hills in which single guns were mounted, four
of which were from the old gunboat Isaac Smith. At the south
west point of the island and near what our troops called Oyster
point there was digged a pretty formidable rifie-pit to protect the
beach where a landing could be made. His force on the island was
about fourteen hundred men. Down to the minute when our guns
opened, the enemy was in profound ignorance of the contemplated
attack, so well had all our operations been concealed. It was known
that we had some troops on Folly island, which we had never at-

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 243
tempted to conceal, and that some slight works were being thrown
up, but they did not dream that we had massed quite an army
among the briers and thorns of that desolate island and constructed
powerful batteries. A rebel officer who was captured on the morn
ing of the 10th, told major Campbell of the 85th Pennsylvania, that
they had a suspicion all was not right on Folly island for several
days, and to satisfy themselves on the subject a reconnoitring party
of three hundred were to land upon it that night. Two of their
spies were on it the night before. They came ashore at Pawnee
landing, and passed up through the then deserted camps as far as
the look-out, and then returned to their own lines. They reported
that they saw a number oftents, but no men, which confirmed them
in the belief that we had but few troops on the island, and that the
display of camps was a sham. At this time the troops were either
on board the boats on their way to Light House inlet, or had
marched up to the head of the island to support the batteries. A
delay of twenty-four hours might have endangered the whole en
terprise.

244 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH

CHAPTER XIX.

Batteries open on Morris island. — Troops land. — The enemy retreat. — Pursuit. — Wagner as
saulted, and repulse. — Siege operations begun. — Guns in position. — Second assault. —
Again repulsed. — Plan of operations modified. — The brigade on Folly. — Situation and
importance of the island. — Breaching batteries against Sumter. — Their distance and
weight of metal. — Swamp Angel. — Second parallel against Wagner opened. — Head
quarters of trenches.
MEAN while the forty-five guns and mortars in position at the
head of Folly island were ready to open on the unsuspect
ing enemy. The brush left in front of the batteries to conceal
them from view was cut down and the embrazures opened on the
night of the 9th, and the gunners stood by their guns waiting for
the word to fire. General Seymour came into the batteries just as
day was breaking, impatient for the bombardment to open. He
pointed across to Morris island, and asked captain Strahn, of the
3d Rhode Island artillery, who had charge of the three 30 pounder
Parrotts on the right, if he could see a certain gun mounted among
the sand hills. The captain replied that he could not yet see it
plain enough to take aim at it. The general then called to some
engineer soldiers and directed them to shovel the sand away from
before the embrazures. They sprang to the work with a will, but
day broke so rapidly before they had finished he was afraid they
would be discovered, and ordered the shovelling to stop, remarking,
" it will never do to let them have the first shot." He then directed

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 245
the attention of captain Strahn to another gun, and receiving from
him an affirmative reply to the question, " are you ready?" told him
to " blaze away." In an instant the stillness of the morning was
broken by the roar of artillery, and the siege of Charleston was
fairly begun.
The batteries opened on the astonished rebels shortly after day
light. The reveillie had just sounded in their camps, and many
officers and men were killed and wounded while attending roll call.
About the same time five navy launches, with howitzers on board,
in charge of lieutenant commander Bunco, executive officer of the
Pawnee, moved up from Folly river and opened on their rifle-pits.
They were followed by the boats containing the troops, which came
out into the inlet and formed in line with the left resting toward
Black island. While resting on their oars and waiting for the
word to advance, the enemy's sharp-shooters opened on the boats
and wounded one man who died soon afterward. He then turned
some of his heavy guns on the howitzer boats and disabled all but
one. General Strong now gave orders for the boats to advance and
the men to land. It was now about half past six o'clock. The boats
were immediately pulled to the shore as rapidly as possible and
beached. The men jumped out and formed line instantly, and with
a yell dashed into the enemy's rifle-pits, which were taken without
much opposition. The 6th Connecticut pulled a little to the right
and landed about where the wharf was afterward built.
General Strong was much excited at the scene, and cried out at
the top of his voice, " See the rebels run." In his haste to get on
shore he stepped overboard in seven feet of water. The enemy
routed from the rifle-pits and batteries at the south end of the island,
it was a race between him and our men among the sand hills up
to the Beacon house, more than a mile. Some one caught a rebel
horse for general Strong, which he mounted, without a saddle, and
barefooted, and thus led the troops to the front.. When they reach
ed the Beacon house they came within range of the guns of Wag-

246 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
ner, and a halt was ordered. A captured gun was turned upon the
fort at once, but without any effect. The flags of the 6th Connecti
cut were placed on the Beacon house, but they drew the fire of the
enemy and were soon shot down. They were replaced by those of
another regiment. The iron-clads crossed the Charleston bar about
daylight, and after our troops had made a lodgement they moved
up abreast of the island and rolled their ponderous shells across its
surface to hasten the flight of the enemy. They had this effect.
The fire of our batteries continued two hours before the troops
were landed, and was very destructive in its effect. The enemy
was completely routed, leaving behind, in our hands, eight guns
and two mortars, with their tents and camp equipage, and two
hundred prisoners. The balance of the troops on Folly had been
moved up to the head of the island and were in readiness to cross
over in case their services should be needed. As soon as Strong's
brigade had landed the boats were sent across the inlet and took over
the 100th New York, 7th New Hampshire, and six companies of
the 48th New York, which joined the advance at the Beacon house.
It had been the original intention to follow up these operations with
an immediate assault upon fort Wagner, but the men had became
so much exhausted with the work of the morning, on account ofthe
great heat, that it was impossible for them to proceed further. It
could probably have been taken on the 10th without much loss, but
the attack was postponed until the next day. The troops bivouack
ed among the sand hills and threw up some light defensive works
against an assault by the enemy.
The assault was made on Wagner the next morning, the 11th, at
daylight, and failed. The troops detailed for the occasion were the
76th Pennsylvania, 48th and 100th New York, 3d New Hamp
shire, 9th Maine, and the 6th and 7th Connecticut, composing the
brigades of Seymour and Strong. The latter led the advance.
The enemy expected the attack, and was prepared to give the
column a warm reception. Additional preparations to repel the

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 247
assault had been made since yesterday. The guns of the fort
swept every foot of ground our troops had to pass over, neverthe
less they rushed on and reached the parapet, where they made a
lodgement, but for want of proper support were obliged to retire,
leaving many killed and wounded in the hands of the enemy. The
attack being repulsed, the troops fell back to the Beacon house,
where they began to intrench, and whence the siege operations
which followed were carried on.
By the failure of this attack it was clearly seen that a siege, of
greater or less duration, would have to be prosecuted against Wag
ner. The necessary preparations to begin the work were made at
once. Engineering operations were commenced on the 13th.
That night ground was broken near the Beacon house, and the
work was pushed with such vigor, in spite of the enemy's shelling,
that the first parallel was completed on the 17th, at the distance of
thirteen hundred and fifty yards. The batteries at the head of
Folly island were dismantled, and the guns and mortars taken over
to Morris and mounted there. By the morning of the 18th we had
the following pieces in position, viz : — Commencing on the right
were four 3-inch ordnance rifles; next, six 10-pounder Parrotts;
then, two 30-pounder Parrotts, with two or three 8-inch siege
mortars, mounted on the left of the parallel. In what was known
as the "Left Batteries," were four 20-pounder Parrott's, four
8-inch siege mortars, and two or three 30-pounder Parrott's.
General Gillmore determined to try the effect of another assault,
not having yet fairly tested the strength of Wagner. It was
thought that a sudden attack, following a heavy bombardment,
might be able to place the work in our possession. The time fixed
for the assault was at twilight on the evening of the 18th of July.
Re-enforcements to the extent of two small brigades, under Stephen
son and Montgomery, which had just arrived from James' island,
and were then lying at the head of Folly, were ordered over to Mor
ris in the afternoon, to support or participate in the attack, as

248 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
might be required. The guns of the land' batteries had kept up an
uninterrupted fire from sunrise until sunset, firing with deliberation
and accuracy. General Gillmore had arranged with admiral Dahl-
gren to have the navy join in the bombardment, and in consequence
the iron-clads and wooden gunboats moved up and opened fire
about noon, at the distance of a thousand or twelve hundred yards.
By 4 p.m., the fort was silenced; the fire having become so hot that
the enemy could not stand to his guns, and after that time not a
man was seen about the works, nor a gun fired from it until the
assault was made.
The troops selected to make the assault were the brigades
of Seymour, Strong and Putnam, the whole being under the
command of general Seymour. The brigade of general Stephenson
was held in reserve. The troops moved up the beach about sun
down, and advanced upon the work in deployed, regimental lines.
It was not so dark but what the enemy could see them forming,
and they were expecting the attack. He opened on them before
they reached the Beacon home, at the distance of a mile, but the fire
was not very destructive. As they approached the shot and shell
were changed to grape and cannister and musketry, which mowed
our men down by scores. The troops steadily advanced in spite of
the intensity of the fire, cheered on by their officers. The fort ap
peared like a mound of fire. A portion of our men entered the
ditch, mounted the parapet, and seized and held for a considerable
length of time a part of the work near the salient, but for want of
support was obliged to retire. Some of them reached that part
of the parapet where they could fire down into the body of the
work, and into the outlets of the bomb-proof Here we have the
old story, that somebody, whose duty it was to support the advance,
failed to come up in time, and in consequence the hard-earned ad
vantage was lost.
I have heard all the pros and cons of the question who was re
sponsible for the failure to support the advance when the lodgement

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 249
was made upon the parapet, but it is impossible to arrive at the
truth. Strong's brigade, as already mentioned, was leading, at the
head of which was the 54th Massachusetts. It had arrived and re
ported to Strong that afternoon about six o'clock. He went to the
bi?ouack in the sand and informed the men of the contemplate* at
tack upon Wagner; that they had been assigned the post of honor,
and asked if they were willing to lead the assault. They re
sponded in the affirmative, and when the hour came to move up the
beach they marched at the head of the column. The assault was a
direct one, the situation of the work being such that there could be
neither feint nor diversion. When the troops left the ditch for the
parapet they were met by the bayonet and every other weapon that
could be used to oppose their advance. The enemy was driven
from the guns on the curtain, and many of them retired to the
bomb-proof for security. I was afterwards told by a deserter that
the garrison was in great alarm, and that the fort was on' the point
of being taken. Among our killed were colonels Putnam and
Shaw who fell on the crest of the parapet. All our killed, many
wounded, and a large number of prisoners, were left in the hands of
the enemy. The total reported loss was fifteen hundred and seven
teen. It was a dear defeat to us.
The failure of the assault caused a modification in the plans of
general Gillmore. Had he obtained possession of Wagner by this
means, the rest of the works on Morris island would have become
untenable, and would have fallen by their own weight, without fur
ther bloodshed. This would have placed him within close range of
Sumter, and greatly facilitated his operations against that renowned
fortress. But in this his calculations failed. He was now con
vinced that Wagner was too strong to be taken by assault, and that
it could only be reduced after a protracted siege. As the guns of
Sumter would be a great annoyance to the men in the trenches,
he determined to silence them before he proceeded with the opera-
rations against Wagner. This was contrary to the usual course in

250 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
military engineering, but the necessity of the occasion demanded
that it should at least be attempted. The distance at which the
breaching batteries were erected was unprecedented, and none but
a bold and skilful engineer would have dared risk his reputation
in tie attempt. Beauregard, who commanded the defences 'of
Charleston, assured his troops that Sumter could not be breached
until after Wagner was reduced, but Gillmore believed differently,
and set about doing it. How well he succeeded will be told in the
following pages.
I took leave of my brigade, in the previous chapter, on the eve
ning of the 18th of July, the day it had arrived from James' island,
at the upper end of Folly. The regiments bivouacked in the tim
ber, and passed a gloomy, unpleasant night. It rained in torrents,
and the defeat at Wagner, the news of which reached us imme
diately afterward, fell with crushing weight upon officers and men.
The casualties at the assault changed, somewhat, the relative situa
tion of parties. Generals Seymour and Strong being both wounded
and rendered unfit for duty, general Terry was placed in command
of the troops on Morris island; while general Vogdes, who had com
mand of Folly island, was ordered over to take command of Strong's
brigade. This disposition left me the senior officer on Folly, and
the next day, Sunday the 19th, I was placed in command of all the
troops on the island. They consisted of the 52d and 104th Penn
sylvania, the 47th, 56th, and Independent battalion. New York
volunteers, and three light batteries, numbering in the aggregate
about two thousand men.
Folly island lies immediately south of Morris, and partakes of the
same general features, except that it was well timbered. It is seven
miles long, and from a hundred yards to half a mile in width. Two-
thirds of its western border is washed by a small river of the same
name, while all beyond to James' island is a stretch of swamps and
creeks, with a few inconsiderable islands of firm land. This being
our base of supplies and operations, it was of the first importance

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 251
to render it entirely safe from the inroads of the enemy, and such
disposition was made of the forces as was thought would best accom
plish this end. Three regiments, of which the 104th was one, were
encamped near the look-out,a mile from the head of the island, and
strong pickets were maintained on Long and Black islands, which
flanked Folly in the direction of Seeessionville. Captain Marple,
with his company, was stationed at Pawnee landing, the most im
portant point along Folly river. A line of pickets was stationed all
along the western side of the island, on which side alone was there
any danger of attack. One regiment was placed at the north, and
another at the south, end of the island, where there were several
heavy guns in position. The force was kept busily employed day
and night. In addition to their other duties, they supplied the
troops on Morris island with fire-wood, and the engineers with all
the timber required to construct batteries, magazines, stockades,
friezes, and for other purposes. The wood and timber were hauled
in wagons two and three miles to the inlet, where it was loaded into
scows and taken to the other side, and thence again placed in wagons
and distributed to the points where it was required. This labor em
ployed a large number of men and teams. For a week after the
assault of the 18th, there was but little firing between the coatend-
ino- parties, but both were hard at work strengthening themselves
for the coming struggle.
The engineers broke ground for the erection of breaching bat
teries against Sumter on the night of the 25th of July, and the work
was pushed forward with the utmost vigor day and night. Nothing
was allowed to interfere with this labor, neither the heat of an al
most tropical sun, nor the shells and balls of a watchful and gallant
enemy. The work was terribly exhausting to the men, and the
duty of standing guard in the trenches was not much less so. These
batteries occupied three positions, viz. : in the first and second pa
rallels and on the western edge of the island close to the marsh,
and known in all the siege operations as the Left Batteries. Most

252 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
of the work was done under fire. At the first parallel was a naval
battery manned by sailors from the fieet, and commanded by
commander Foxhall A. Parker. It mounted two 200-pounder
Parrotts, and two 84-pounder Whitworth guns. In addition,
there were five 8-inch, and five 10-ihch siege mortars, two 30-
pounder Parrotts, and a Requa battery manned by soldiers. The
distance of these batteries from Sumter was four thousand yards.
In the second parallel were mounted two 200-pounder, and five
100-pounder Parrotts, in three batteries, named Brown, Rose-
crans and Meade, at the distance of thirty-four hundred yards.
The left batteries, forty-two hundred and thirty-five yards from
Sumter, were four in number. Hays, Reno, Stevens and Strong, and
mounted one 300-pounder, two 200-pounder, four 100-pounder,
and four 20-pounder Parrotts. In rear of the first parallel, and
near the Beacon house, were five 10-inch siege mortars. At various
times all the breaching batteries were used against Sumter.
The most famous battery used by our forces in the operations be
fore Charleston was that which has since become historic under the
name of the "Swamp Angel." There was never ;a reality for the
reputation it achieved except in the fact that shells from its guns
were thrown a greater distance than ever before from a battery on a
level, or nearly so, with the point of attack. It was determined
early in the siege to build a battery out in the marsh between Mor
ris and James' islands in the hope that shells from it could be thrown
into Charleston. I believe the idea originated with colonel Serrell,
commanding the New York Volunteer engineer regiment. The
spot selected was about a mile from Morris, and south of a line
running from our left batteries to the city, on the edge of a deep
creek which made a good wet diteh. It was in the midst of the
marsh and a pole could be run down sixteen feet before coming to
bottom. It could only be reached by water along the winding
creeks which led there, or on a foot bridge across the swamps.

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 253
Fortunately the enemy had not entirely destroyed the foot bridge
that used to lead over to James island, which our engineers repaired,
and built up anew out to the spot.
The active part of the work was assigned to a lieutenant of en
gineers, who, upon being shown the place where the battery was to
be erected, said that the thing was impossible. The colonel re
plied that there was no such word as "impossible" in tbe matter
and that the battery must be built where he had pointed out. To
encourage the doubting lieutenant he was told he had permission to
call for any thing that might be required for the work. The next
day this officer made a requisition on the depot quartermaster for
one hundred men eighteen feet high to wade through mud sixteen
feet deep. After making the requisition he went to the surgeon of
his regiment to inquire whether he could splice the eighteen feet
men if they were furnished him. This piece of pleasantry cost the
lieutenant his arrest which, however, did not last long, and the
battery was constructed by men of ordinary stature.
It was built entirely of sand bags laid on a heavy foundation of
timber sunk several feet into the mud. The bags were filled with
sand oa the island during the day, and taken round to the place in
boats at night. I was told by general Gillmore that the sand bags
alone, and by this is meant the material and making, cost the gov
ernment five thousand dollars. The enemy judged we must be at
some mischief so far out in the marsh, but could not divine what it
was, for they did not imagine we would be rash enough to attempt
to build a battery there. One bright morning they looked across
the marshes and saw something that had grown since the last sun
went down, which was soon discovered to be the far-famed "Swamp
Angel." It was begun on the 4th, and finished on the 19th of
Aucust, which was rapid work considering the obstacles to be over
come. A 200 pounder Parrott was mounted in it, and great labor
and exertion were required to get it into position. It was hauled
oa a slin" cart through the deep sand from the inlet to a creek at

254 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
the edge of the swamp, where it was embarked on a raft of pine
timber, and floated down to the battery at night and mounted.
As soon as the enemy was satisfied what we were at, some of his
batteries on James' island opened on it with shell, but did no dam
age. The distance from Charleston, in a straight line, was eighty-
eight hundred yards, and for the projectile to reach its destination
the gun had to be fired at an elevation of thirty-five degrees.
Three shells filled with pieces of port-fire fell in the streets of
Charleston; but the strain on the gun was so great that it burst at the
thirty-fourth or thirty-fifth discharge. The " Greek Fire," so much
talked about at the time, was a military myth, and had no other
existence than in the fancy of( newspaper correspondents. It was
one of the grandest humbugs of the war. Several preparations
were tried, but none of them would answer, and I believe in each
instance the shells that were filled with them exploded soon after
leaving the gun. Two mortars were afterward mounted in the bat
tery and remained therethrough the winter. Sergeant Felter, com
pany A, New York Volunteer Engineers, has the honor of suggest
ing the historic name this battery bears.
In the mean time the engineers were pushing the approaches to
ward Wagner, and labor on them was never slackened for a mo
ment. The second parallel was opened on the night of the 23d of
July, six hundred yards nearer the fort. Here was our strongest
position, both offensive and defensive. Great labor was consumed
on the works erected in this parallel, and the best skill of the en
gineers was brought into requisition. In addition to the heavy
guns already mentioned as intended to bo used against Sumter,
there were also mounted here four 12-pounder howitzers, two
12-pounder Napoleons, two 30-pounder Parrotts, three Wierd
steel guns, one boat howitzer, three Cohoon mortars, and a Requa
battery. They make twenty-two pieces in all, which, with the
breaching guns, show a greater weight of metal at one parallel than
most modern sieges exhibit. Here was built a large store maga-

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 255
zine which contained a supply of powder for all the contiguous
batteries. Adjoining it was a small splinter-proof, in which was
an army telegraphic instrument, used to communicate with post
and general headquarters. It was designated as headquarters of
the trenches, and here the general and field officer on duty at the
front during active operations took up their quarters.
A man was kept stationed on the top of the supply magazine to
watch the firing of the enemy's batteries, and give warning when
a shell was coming that way. When he pronounced the significant
words, "Johnson" — "Cover," or "Simpkins" — "Cover," every
officer and soldier within the sound of his voice made the best pos
sible time to seek the shelter of the neighboring sand bags. One
day a shell from James' island passed through the sand-bag roof of
the headquarters of the trenches and exploded inside, kicking up a
very unpleasant rumDus among the inmates, the instrument and
other fixtures. Lieutenant Cross, the operator, was pitched out
heels over head, and colonel Howell, 85th Pennsylvania, general
officer of the day, was so badly stunned that he did not recover for
several weeks. In entering the trenches to guard them at night,
the details that went further to the front were distributed at the
second parallel, and thence conducted, under guides, to their re
spective stations.
On the right of the parallel, as far out as low-water mark, was
constructed what was known as the surf battery, in which was
mounted two 12-pounder howitzers to sweep the beach. In im
mediate front was a line of frieze work, and between that and the
batteries was an extensive wire entanglement to trip up assailants
in the dark. Our works were well provided with appliances to pre
vent the enemy entering them in a sortie from Wagner. Firing
between our own and the enemy's batteries was resumed on the 24th
of July, and was continued almost without intermission until the
siege was over. Casualties, day and night, were frequent. That
night colonel Leggett, 10th Connecticut, lost his leg in the

256 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
trenches. The next night an enemy's shell exploded in the midst
of a fatigue party mounting a two hundred pounder, and wounded
twenty-one men. The second parallel was at the narrowest point of
the island. About this time the enemy opened a new battery on
James' island, which partially enfiladed our works and annoyed us
considerably.

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 257'

CHAPTER XX,

Our batteries open on Sumter. — Projectiles fired.— Situation in the fort. — Situation on Folly
island. — Brigade goes into the trenches. — Captain Payne taken. — Third parallel open
ed. — A sand ridge captured. — Fatal shot.—Wagner gradually approached.' — Brigade en
camp on Morris island. — The trenches.— Flag of truce. — Death of lieutenant colonel Pur-
viance. — Death of Shaddinger. — The 104th goes into advanced trenches. — Boat infantry.-^-
Oflicers sent home for recruits.
IT was important to have Sumter powerless for offensive purposes
before the siege against Wagner could be prosecuted with
success, and therefore the completion of the breaching batteries
was hastened as rapidly as possible. Heavy details worked on them
constantly, day and night, in spite of the heat and shells of
the enemy. On the 12th of August the range of one of the 200
pounders in the left batteries was tried on the fort. The first shot
was a successful one. The shell struck the parapet on the side to
ward the city and knocked down several cart loads of bricks, which
fell on a steam boat lying at the wharf and crushed down the smoke
stack. By the 16th all the guns were in position and ready to open
except the 300 pounder. This was found to be a troublesome cus
tomer to get into its resting place. It had to be transported more
than a mile from the dock, where it was landed, through deep sand
and semi-marsh overfiowed by the tide. The labor was immense,
and its o-reat weight broke down three sling carts before it reached
the battery. It could only be worked at in the night to prevent
being seen by the enemy, and during the day it was covered up by
17

258 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
a paulin or long grass. A chance shell might have disabled the
monster. All the guns and mortars were mounted at night.
The batteries opened on Sumter on the 17th of August. At the
same time the iron-clads moved up to take part in the bombard
ment. The monitors Patapsco and Passaic directed their fire on
the fort, while the other vessels engaged Wagner to prevent her
guns annoying our batteries. The fire of the land batteries was
continued through the day without cessation, and by night the
parapet presented a very battered appearance. The great holes in
the wall made it look as though pitted by a strong attack of small
pox. The firing was renewed every morning, from day to day, and
ceased at sun-set until the close of the 23rd, when the fort for all
offensive purposes was destroyed. All the barbette guns were dis
mounted and buried up in the debris. The gorge wall and sea face
were so badly shattered that in many places the arches of the case
mates were exposed. So far as could be observed, all the lines were
destroyed, and what was once a beautiful fortress presented the ap
pearance of a shapeless mass of brick and mortar. The enemy re
plied feebly and did but little damage. Oooasionally our batteries
opened on Sumter between the 28rd of August and the 1st of Sep
tember, when the first bombardment may be said to have ceased.
During the period 6250 projectiles, of the following caliber, were
fired at the fort, viz :
300 pound Parrott. Solid shot 5. Percussion shell 286.
200 " " " 697. " " 1108.
100 " " " 1463. " " 2691.

Total, 2165. 4085.
The bombardment was in plain view from my quarters, and I could
see with the naked eye whenever a shell struck the walls, as it in
variably threw up a cloud of dust. The sight was an interesting
one, and the accuracy of the aim at such long range was remarka-

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 259
ble. From time to time the fleet assisted in the bombardment, but
the men shut up in the iron-clads could only stand it a few hours at
a time, when tho vessels were compelled to retire. The fire of the
land batteries was continuous, with reliefs for the guns. Some time
afterward the correspondent of the Mobile Tribune gave the fol
lowing interesting account of the situation inside the fort during
the last day's bombardment, when the Ironsides and monitors moved
up to the attack, taken from the official report of the rebel inspec
tor general. He says : " The Ironsides and seven monitors com
menced a terrific bombardment. A fog protected them from the
guns of Moultrie. Sumter having only two 10 inch and one 11
inch guns left in barbette could only fire an occasional shot to show
life. For seven hours, at close range, the fleet hurled shot and shell
into the work. Striking the wall near the parapet, loose bricks were
thrown up in columns and fell in showers around the gunners and
about the work. Walls were ploughed through, casemates were filled
with sand, and the shells passed across the parade, striking the in
terior wall of the west magazine, containing powder enough to de
stroy fort and garrison. One shell struck the ventilator and ex
ploded. It filled the magazine with smoke. Another more success
ful shot, and all would have been lost. It was an anxious moment,
but the fort was held. Gradually the morning dawned. The fog.
lifted, and fort Moultrie opened fire on the ships. Instead of con
tinuing their fire at this critical p^riod, the fleet withdrew and tJte
dangci- was removed. The object was now, in the unsafe condition
of the fort, to get rid of the powder. It depends on time, and the
movements of the fleet. Had the fleet renewed the attack, the busi
ness might have been done. The fleet delayed! Night after night
the powder was moved in barrels, under the enemy's guns. Only
800 pounds were left ; the crisis loas passed! The fort was now
safe from the explosion of the powder in its magazine." When the
bombardment began there were a hundred and thirty-one thousand

260 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
pounds of powder in the magazine, which was removed and shipped
to Charleston. The enemy was now allowed a resting spell of fifty
days, in which time he constructed within the fort bomb-proofs of
timber and sand that made it as strong as before for purposes of
defence. Mean while let us glance at the situation of things on Folly
island. Two deserters came in on the 27th of July and reported
that the enemy contemplated an attack on the south end of the
island that night. To give the necessary directions to the troops
in case an attack .should be made, and to be sure that the pickets
were vigilant, I rode round the entire island and visited every post
after dark. It was an unpleasant ride of fifteen miles through
bushes, across swamps, and in the sand. No attack was made. I
was relieved of the command of the island on the 31st instant, by
general Vogdes. This was occasioned by the anticipated arrival of
considerable re-enforcements from the North, and as they were to
be accompanied by several brigadiers it was necessary to have an
officer higher in rank than a colonel in command on their arrival.
One brigade landed the 1st of August, and others followed until
the re-enforcements reached ten thousand men. Among them were
two regiments of negroes, one from North Carolina, and the other
from Massachusetts. The former regiment was commanded by a
brother of Henry Ward Beecher. The white troops came from the
army of the Potomac, and formed part of the 11th corps, which
was badly cut up when surprised at Chancellorsville.
My brigade went into the trenches the night of the 3d of August
for the first time, when it furnished a detail of four hundred and
seventy-five men, under a field officer, for a twenty-four hours' tour on
guard. On the night of the 5th it furnished another detail of four
hundred and fifty men, of whom one hundred and fifty assisted the
engineers in the erection of batteries. From this time forward
while operations continued the brigade furnished heavy details for
duty in the trenches for guard and fatigue, in addition to the large

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 261
amount of labor done on Folly island. There were periods when
the same men went into the trenches two nights in succession. The
heat was excessive, and but for the sea breeze they could not have
endured it. The 104th did its full proportion of labor of all kinds,
and shared all the dangers ofthe siege. The first casualty the regi
ment met in the trenches was on the night of the 12th of August,
when Gotleib Hartfelder, of company D, was struck by a piece of
shell on the inside of the leg just below the knee. The wound was
not dangerous. Later in the siege this soldier was again wounded,
and died a few days afterward. During the same tour of duty when
Hartfelder was wounded the first time, a shell burst under Henry
Halderman and Elias Keeler, of company C, which threw them up
two or three feet, but without doing them any injury. The rifle of
Halderman was struck by a splinter and bent into a semi-circle, and
the stock shattered to pieces. Samuel Taylor's rifle at the same
time was sticking in the ground, bayonet down, when the butt was
struck by a piece of shell and broken off at the handle. There
was some apprehension of a sortie on our works, the morning of
the 13th, and in consequence the whole brigade was ordered over
to Morris island the night before. The regiments crossed the inlet
at 11 o'clock, p. m., and marched up the beach to near the Beacon
house, where they stacked arms and remained until nearly noon,
when they returned to Folly island. On the night of the 4th of
August the army met quite a severe loss in the eaptwre of captain
Payne, 100th New York, who had become famous as a scout during
the operations. While on a reconnoissance iu a boat he was met by
a superior force of the enemy at a place then known as Paynes'
dock near where several creeks empty into the harbor of Charleston.
He was wounded, and overpowered, and with some of his party,
made prisoner. He was confined in the Columbia jail several
months. He had charge of the boat scouts down to the time of
his capture, and obtained much valuable information of the water
annroaches to the harbor.

262 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
The third parallel, at the distance of four hundred and fifty yards
from Wagner, was opened by the flying sap on the night of the
9th of August. The work continued to be pushed forward as ra
pidly as possible, sometimes by the flying, and at others by the full
sap, as the condition of things permitted. The fourth parallel was
opened on the 22d at the distance of three hundred yards from the
fort. A short distance in front of this was a sand ridge where the
enemy's sharpshooters were stationed, who annoyed our men in
the trenches considerably, and it became necessary to seize and
hold it before the approaches could be carried forward beyond
it. An assault was arranged for the night of the 2Gth, when the
24fch Massachusetts, under colonel Osborn, made a dash at it with
the bayonet, which was successful, and seventy odd prisoners were
captured. When the alarm was sounded tbe enemy's guns opened
a brisk fire, which killed and wounded a few of our men. Shovels
were placed in the hands of the prisoners, who were compelled to
dig to protect themselves from the fire of their own friends. This
was an important point gained, and here the fifth parallel was open
ed the same night, within two hundred yards of Wagner. Mortars
from the parallels in the rear were now moved forward and estab
lished here as soon as practicable. The next day the enemy made
one of those fatal shots that occur now and then in military opera
tions. The 85th Pennsylvania was on guard in the trenches, and
as there had not been much firing during the day the men became
a little careless. Towards evening, a mortar shell, fired from James'
island, fell and exploded in a little area where nine soldiers were
sitting. Seven were killed ou the spot, and the two others were so
badly wounded that they died in a short time. The parts of their
body, clothing, equipments, and broken guns were scattered in all
directions. The fifth was the most advanced parallel. Beyond this point the
approaches were simply zig-zags, making very sharp angles, as there
was not sufficient front to develop a parallel. In this manner tbe

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 263
engineers continued to creep up to Wagner, until they crowned the
counterscarp on the night of the 6th of September. The nearer
they approached the foit, the more difficult and dangerous became
the work. The enemy kept up an almost constant fire of shot and
shell and small arms, and the low trenches afforded indifferent cover
to the troops guarding them. The engineers and fatigue parties
were almost entirely without protection. The enemy had planted
the ground immediately in front of the fort with torpedoes, which
increased the dangers of engineering operations. A number of
them were digged out and destroyed, while several exploded with
fatal effect to our men. Their presence in such numbers, no doubt
prevented the enemy making sorties to attempt to destroy our works
and spike our guns.
On the evening of the 22d of August, I was ordered with my
whole brigade to Morris island, with two days' cooked rations, for a
tour of that length in the trenches. We crossed the inlet about
midnight and, upon reportingjtt post headquarters for orders, were
assigned a position for bivouac on the beach just below the Beacon
house, where a trench had been thrown up as a slight protection
against tbe shells from James' island. Here we stacked arms and lay
in the saiid and burning sun that night and the next day. In the
afternoon I received the detail of general officer of the day, and
major Rogers that of field officer of the trenches, and toward eve
ning we went to the front to get a knowledge of the localities before
going upon duty. While passing the hundred pound battery in the
second parallel, we came near running against a shell thrown from
James' island, which struck near enough to throw the black mud
of the marsh into our faces and over our clothing. It was a warn-
ino- that did not go unheeded, and afterward we kept well covered.
The troops went upon duty just at dark. Entering the trenches at
the first parallel, they passed along them by the flank to the ex
treme front, where the engineers were at work, men being sent into
all the intermediate parallels and batteries as they went up. In

264 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
some places the trench was deep enough to aff'ord protection whgn
walking upright, while in other parts they had to stoop to get cover.
Up to the second parallel there were splinter-proofs to protect the
men from the fragments of bursting shells, but above that there was
only the usual trench. Every few minutes a shell from James' island
or Wagner, or the ball of a sharp-shooter, came in close proximity,
when there would be an involuntary seeking of cover.
The officers and men lay in their trenches and slight splinter-
proofs for twenty-four hours, when they were relieved by a new de
tail. The situation was most trying, to say nothing of the danger,
and particularly so during the day, when they were obliged to lie
close to avoid the sharp-shooters, with the sun pouring down upon
them in burning rays. The 104th occupied the most advanced po
sition, and consequently was more exposed than the other troops.
We were fortunate not to have any casualties in the regiment, al
though there were several narrow escapes. A fragment of a shell
covered the sergeant major with sand. While captain Kephart was
lying asleep on his rubber blanket, it was struck by a piece of shell
within a few inches of his head, and torn into several pieces. The
captain was not injured. At noon on Sunday, lieutenant- colonel
Hall, provost marshal general of the department, went inside the
enemy's lines near Wagner, with a flag of truce, to receive the an
swer of Beauregard to general Gillmore's demand for the surrender
of the city. He passed up the beach to near the fort, where the
enemy had a small picket stationed. During the conference white
flags were raised on both sides, which was a signal for the opposing
parties to show themselves upon their works. The officer, a lieu
tenant, who received colonel Hall, said he was tired and disgusted
with the war, and expressed the wish that we would make haste to
take the fort. The brigade was relieved at dark on Sunday, when
we returned to our bivouac on the beach, where we lay until Tues
day evening, when we returned to Folly island, having made a tour
of duty of one hundred hours. Monday night was one ofthe stormi-

CAMP OF THE ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH, ON MORRIS ISLAND.

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 265
est I ever experienced, and the officers and men lay about in the
sand in pools of water. It was an occasion that tried the patience
and endurance of soldiers, yet there was not a murmur of complaint.
While we were there, the "Swamp Angel" threw the three shells
into Charleston which created so much stir among the inhabitants,
and caused so much indignation on the part of Beauregard. We
could distinctly hear the bells ring, as though the fire department
was called out.
On the 29 th of August my brigade was transferred to Morris
island to relieve that of general Ames, which returned to Folly.
We reached the inlet at midnight, but not finding a boat there to
take us across, we lay in the sand until morning and crossed over
by daylight. When the baggage and camp equipage arrived, we
went into camp on the eastern beach, about a mile from the inlet,
and just below the look-out. That afternoon a battalion of the
104th was detailed as funeral escort for the remains of lieutenant-
colonel Purviance, 85th Pennsylvania, who was killed in the
trenches the night before by the premature explosion of a shell
fired from one of our own guns. The body was taken to Hilton
Head, and thence sent home for burial. On the night of the 3lst
the brigade sent seven hundred men into the trenches for the usual
tour of twenty-four hours, of which the 104th furnished two hun
dred, with the proper number of officers. I was requested to fur
nish a detail of one lieutenant and forty men, who could at all
times be relied upon for fatigue with the engineers in the advance
trenches. They were taken from the 104th, and composed of volun-
''eers from companies A and C, in equal numbers, and placed in
charge of lieutenant Laughlin. The situation was one of great ex
posure and danger, and of those who were on this duty the r:ight of
the 31st, one was killed and six wounded, viz: — -Shaddinger killed,
Martindale, Naylor, Whitecraft, Swartly, Fryling and Horn
wounded, all of company A. Of those on guard in the trenches
three were wounded: — Jones, company D, McEwen, company F,

266 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
and Enochs, company H. Poor Shaddinger had been at work only
a little while when he was killed. A shell from Wagner burst near
the party, a small fragment of which struck him, passing through
the body, killing him instantly. I saw him leave the second paral
lel to go to the front, and it seemed that he had hardly passed from
niy sight before he was brought back on a stretcher and laid down
before me, dead, with a hole through his chest. He had assisted
to floor Kiy tent that morning, and my attention was more particu
larly called to him on this account. The wounds of the others
were not of a dangerous character.
The next day the 104th was selected, in place of one of the
chosen three regiments which had been doing that duty, to occupy
the advance trenches. The evening of the 3d of September a part
of the regiment was sent into them. The detail consisted of two
hundred and fifty men, with the following commissioned officers,
viz: — Captains Marple, Swartzlander and Kephart, and lieutenants
Laughlin, Scarborough, Bitting, Duncan and Myers. The party
was under command of captain Marple, the senior officer of the
regiment present. This tour of duty was more than usually trying.
The advance trenches were shallow and afforded only a slight pro
tection from the guns of the enemy. Wagner opened on them
soon after they went on duty, and continued to fire until late the
next afternoon, when our batteries opened and silenced it. I be
lieve this was the last occasion on which Wagner fired upon us in
day time. The men lay within one hundred yards of the fort the
twenty-four hours, and during the day the enemy could see them
from the parapet. Only those who have been placed in a similar
situation can appreciate it. The 104th met with six casualties
during this tour of duty, viz: — Buderwack, company D, killed;
and Horn, company A; Spering, company F; Thomas, company D;
McCall, company B; and Wright, company D, wounded. The lat
ter was stunned by a bursting shell. Horn was a second time
wounded, both times slightly. Buderwack lived to be taken to the

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 267
hospital, whore he died in about two hours. He was injured fatally
in the back by the bursting of a shell, although the skin was not
broken. In his last moments this good soldier thought of his com
rades in arms and the poor of his adopted borough. A few minutes
before he died he made a verbal bequest of all his worldly wealth.
The thirty-six dollars in his pocket he directed to be expended for
tobacco for the company, and the one hundred and twenty dollars
deposited in the Doylestown bank he wished distributed among the
poor of Quakertown borough, where he formerly resided. He wa.3
a foreign German, and without relatives in this country. When
the men returned from the tienches on the night of the 4th they
found prepared for them several gallons of ioed-leraonado, enough
for a drink all round, than which they could not have received a
more welcome treat.
Immediately upon our lodgement upon Morris island general Gill
more organized a boat infantry party, consisting of about two hun
dred and fifty men, with the proper officers, detailed from the various
regiments. It was placed under command of major Sanford, 7th
Connecticut, and the officers and men were relieved of all other
.duty. They used boats that carried about twelve men each, one
half at the oars. The place of rendezvous was iu the creek near
the left batteries, and at a later period their permanent camp was
established there. They made nightly reconnoissances through the
creeks that empty into the harbor of Charleston, and after the fall
of Wagner they picketed the harbor itself. Such a force was neces
sary to watch the water courses that intersect the marshes that lie
between Morris and James' islands to prevent the scouts and spies of
the enemy from landing. The enemy employed a similar force, and
occasionally there was a collision between the boat pickets. The
last of September major Sanford was relieved from the command, and
captain Ferris, Independent battalion, appointed. He directed the
operations of the boat infantry until the beginning of December, when
captain John Hennessy, 52d Pennsylvania Volunteers, was placed in

268 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
command, which he retained until the last of April, when the bri
gade left Blorris island. His regiment returned to Morris island in
June. He was on duty there when Charleston was evacuated by
the enemy, and was the first man in fort Sumter, for which he re
ceived the brevets of lieutenant-colonel, colonel, and brigadier-gene
ral. This service was both dangerous and arduous, and subjected
the officers and men to great exposure. The first detail from the
104th for this duty was made on the llth of September, when
twelve men were ordered there to replace others who had been re
lieved. They were taken from the four companies A, B, F, and G,
company E furnishing about one half of them. About the same
time one lieutenant, one sergeant, five corporals, one bugler and
thirty privates were detailed from the 104th to man and take charge
of four Requa batteries, which were used in connection with the
boat-infantry. Lieutenant Bitting, of company H, was placed in
command. These batteries consisted of an ingenious arrangement
of twenty-five rifle barrels, mounted upon a light field carriage for
land service, and on a centre pintal in the stern of a boat when used
on water. They load at the breach with metallic cartridges, at a
single manipulation, and are discharged by a percussion cap exploded
by a hammer and a lanyard. The whole twenty-five barrels can be
discharged twelve times in a minute. The barrels can be elevated
or depressed, and thrown apart or contracted laterally so as to en
able them to command greater or less front. They would be a de
structive weapon against infantry. Two of these batteries were
afterward used with the boat infantry, lieutenant Bitting and his
detail reporting to captain Hennessey for duty. They shared in all
the hardships and dangers of the water service during the winter,
and until the brigade left the island. One battery was in the re
connoissance to Sumter the night of the 19th of November, and
on the nights of the 21st and 22d of the same month one battery
was sent out into the harbor with a small party to capture a rebel
picket boat. One battery was in the harbor every night the entire

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 269
winter. On the nights of the 2d and 3d of February two batte
ries accompanied the boat infantry and naval expedition in their at
tempt to capture the relief for Sumter. Not unfrequently the most
dangerous part of tbe duty was assigned the Requas, and sometimes
it fell to their lot to be stationed within a few hundred yards of the
enemy's batteries on James' island. Those engaged in these duties
will always have a lively recollection of the long winter nights they
spent in their boats, in cold and storm, patrolling Charleston har
bor watching for the approach of the enemy.
When Sumter was rendered harmless for offensive purposes on
the 23d of August, there was great expectation that the iron-clads
would go in and complete the work which the land forces had so
successfully and gallantly commenced. This was understood to be
the offer of the Navy Department when Gillmore undertook the
siege of Charleston, but the iron monsters, which had cost the gov
ernment so many millions, and on which so many.hopes were based,
seemed no more willing to enter the inner harbor than before Sum
ter had been bombarded. At this time it was believed they could
have made a successful entry and have silenced the shore batteries,
but after the lapse of a few weeks the enemy had added so much
to their strength that the success of any such attempt would have
been extremely doubtful. Without intending to cast reflections
upon admiral Dahlgren, I am convinced that had Farragut been
in command of our fleet off Charleston, the city would have been
in our possession by the 1st of September. This opinion was con
curred in by the whole army operating there.
Toward the close of July and while yet on Folly island, general
Gillmore directed three commissioned officers and flve enlisted men
to be detailed from each regiment in his army, to proceed to the
draft rendezvous of their respective states to receive and conduct
drafted recruits to camp to fill up their regiments. The detail from
the 104th consisted of lieutenant-colonel Hart, captain Corcoran,
and lieutenant Hibbs, and sergeants Craven, Garron, Widdifield,

270 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
Ball and Wyatt and Corporal Everett. The number of men re
quired to fill up the regiment to its maximum strength was 341.
The detail sailed in the steamer on the 1st of August, and were ex
pected to return in two or three weeks at the farthest, but their ab
sence was prolonged several months waiting for recruits at Phila
delphia, and the last of them did not return to the regiment until
the middle of the following January. While encamped on Folly
island we lost one man by drowning, private Levi Walter, companj'
A, who while bathing in the sea off the eastern beach on the 23d
of July, went down in presence of his comrades. He had been a
good soldier, and was wounded on the Peninsula.
Before we left Folly island quartermaster Hendrie was trans
ferred to the Invalid corps, for which he had made application some
time before, on the ground that his wound received on the Penin
sula incapacitated him for active service in the field. He went
North about the same time as the officers detailed to conduct draft
ed recruits to the regiment.

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 271

CHAPTER XXL

Camp on Morris island.— Condilion of regiment.— Kight attack in boats ou b.ittery Gregg.—
Wagner to be again as.saulted.— Plan and preparations.- Troops selected.— Bombiird-
ment kept up.— We move up to the assault.— Fort evacuated.— Troops march to head of
island.— Condition of the fort. — Prisoners taken by boiit infantry.— Naval assault on
Sumter. — Bombardment of Moultrie.
THE camp of the regiment on Morris island was not in a pleasant
location. The whole brigade was encamped on the beach be
tween the ordinary high water line and the sand hills. The troops
had the benefit of the sea breeze, but occasional tides overflowed the
camps to the depth of a foot or two, when the tents were flooded
with water. The officers escaped by having their tents pitched on
the sand ridge. One of the first acts of quartermaster Lehnen,
wlio had succeeded lieutenant Hendrie in that office, after the regi
ment had been transferred to Morris island, was the erection of
ovens, which supplied the regiment with good fresh bread, daily.
This added greatly to the health of tho men, and the saving on the
flour at the game time considerably increased the funds in the regi
mental treasury. I believe all the regiments of the brigade, from
time to time, had bread baked in the ovens of the 104th. During
the extremo heat the Sanitary commission supplied the regiment
with one hundred pounds of ice daily, and more or less vegetables.
The men kept remarkably healthy. At no time more than ten
per cent, were reported on the sick list, while some regiments ran

272 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
up to forty and fifty. This good sanitary condition was the result
of discipline, cleanliness, bathing at proper hours, and the proper
cooking of food. In the absence of lieutenant colonel Hart the
command ofthe regiment devolved on major Rogers, who conduct
ed it through the operations against Wagner in a very creditable
manner. Only those who have tried the experiment know how
hard a thing it is to lie still all day and night in a narrow diteh,
with the thermometer at 100°, subject to a heavy fire; or while
thus exposed to use the shovel. The casualties were numerous — the
sick list was largely on the increase — some regiments having more
than half their number unfit for duty. The burial of the dead was
almost of hourly occurrence, and at one time it became so frequent
that an order was issued prohibiting music being used on such oc
casions. About this time surgeon Hamlin, the medical inspector
of the department, made a tour of the camps, and after a careful
inspection reported that unless Wagner should soon fall the troops
would not be in a condition to longer prosecute the siege, and that
a third assault would be more economical of life than the continu
ance of operations for any length of time, with present losses.
The attention of general Gillmore was now called to the probable
success of a night attack, in boats, upon battery Gregg. It was
immediately resolved upon. If successful, the retreat of Wagner's
garrison would be cut off, and that work would necessarily fall into
our hands. The execution of the plan was intrusted to major San
ford, of the 7th Connecticut, and a force of five hundred men was
detailed from four of the most reliable regiments. Of this number
the 104th furnished one hundred and fifty. The time fixed was
the night of the 4th of September, and it was intended to be a sur
prise. During the day a number of boats were hauled across the
island and launched in the creek near the left batteries, whence
there was an unobstructed passage into Charleston harbor. The
plan was to approach quietly and land under cover of the darkness,
and then rush upon and overpower the garrison. The original in-

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 273
tention was to spike the guns and blow up the magazine, but it was
afterward determined to hold the battery, if taken. When the men
came to embark it was found that the boats would not hold them
all, and about two thirds were left behind. Before they started
major Sanford called for a volunteer to blow up the magazine — one
who feared neither man nor the devil. None responding, captain
Swartzlander replied that he had such a one in his company, and
presented sergeant Rosenberger, who volunteered to apply the
match. When the advance drew near the battery a sentinel was
discovered on the beach, when the boats retired. The next night
another attempt was made with no better success. The enemy opened
on the boats with a field piece and small arms and drove them offi
Major Sanford reported that the boats retired without orders,
while officers who were along, stated that they returned by his
express command. The loss was slight. The 104th had two men
wounded, corporal Housum, company II, and private Nice, company
D, tbe former quite seriously, by grape shot, and the latter by a
piece of shell. The conduct of corporal Housum was highly credit
able. He retained his oar and said nothing about his wound until
after they had returned, for fear it might alarm the other men in
the boat. The officers of the regiment, who accompanied the expe
dition, were captains Swartzlander and Kephart, and lieutenants
Scarborough, Laughlin, Myers and Bitting.
The enterprise failed and Wagner must be taken by other means.
It now became evident that another assault would have to be made,
and it was determined upon without delay. I was told by general
Terry, early in the week, that the work would be stormed in a few
days, and that most probably my brigade would form part of the
force for that purpose. This was not a pleasant subject to reflect
upon several days in advance, as the former experiments of this
kind led me to believe it would be a very serious business. As the
information was given me in confidence, I was denied the privilege
of sharino- the reflection with others, by telling them what was to
18

274 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
take place. It gave me ample time to make the preparations which
are customary before one enters the "imminent deadly breach." I
had a suspicion of what was to be done before any thing was told me
on the subject. One night about this time, when being relieved
from duty in the trenches, I had occasion to go to the extreme front
to explain the situation of things to the new general officer of the
day. As I passed along I noticed the engineers hard at work deep
ening and widening the trenches, which I knew would only be done
to enable them to receive and conceal large bodies of troops prepara
tory to an assault. The officer in charge of the work dropped a
remark which strengthened my suspicion, which was confirmed a
day or two afterward.
The time of assault was fixed at 9 o'clock on Monday morning
the 7th of September, and it was not made public until the day be
fore. Soon after dinner an orderly was sent round to the respective
brigade commanders, with a request for them to report at the quar
ters of general Terry at five o'clock in the afternoon, and probably
none of them suspected the purpose of the meeting, except myself.
When we were assembled, he announced that a third assault on Wag
ner had been resolved on, which would be made the next morning
with a hope of seizing the work and capturing the garrison, and that
he had sent for us to notify us of the part we were respectively to
take in the operations. The matter was well discussed, the troops
designated, and such verbal instructions, as were deemed necessary,
given to the respective commanders. Each one was handed a draw
ing of the work. The conference being, concluded, we were dis
missed to our quarters, with instructions to re-assemble there at
8 o'clock in the evening, bringing with us our regimental com
manders. Mean while we gave the necessary directions to have our
troops placed in a condition for the work before them. We were
punctual at the hour in re-assembling at headquarters. Upon this
occasion general Gillmore, and his chief of artillery, colonel Turner,
were present. The plan of the assault was further discussed, and

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 275
each commanding officer, impressed with the particular duty that
devolved upon him, and the important relation it bore to the success
of the whole. Written instructions were promised to be sent us
before midnight. All present concurred in the feasibility of the
plan, and we looked forward to the morrow with hope and con
fidence to the capture of the great stumbling-block in our road to
Charleston. To give encouragement, general Gillmore said to the
officers present, that when he was at the war department Mr. Stan
ton told him he would promote any officer whom he should recom
mend for good conduct in operations against Wagner, in just two
minutes by the clock in the office. But after the work was done,
the Secretary forgot his promise. We now bade good-by, and
separated to our respective quarters.
The troops selected for this important and serious work, were the
brigades of general Stephenson and colonel Davis, and the 97th
Pennsylvania and 3d New Hampshire regiments, numbering in all
about three thousand men. These two latter regiments were to
form the storming party. Montgomery's brigade of negroes was to
be held in reserve on the beach near the Beacon house. The plan
for the attack was this: — The troops were to be taken into the
trenches during the night, the two storming regiments in advance,
where they were to lie concealed until the hour arrived for the at
tack. The signal for the assault was to be the displaying the Ame
rican fiag on the surf battery at the second parallel. The head of
the storming party would rest only a few feet from the ditoh of the
fort, and consequently have but a very short distance to go to mount
the work. At the signal they were to rush out of the trench and
swarm over the parapet, seize and spike the guns in the water bas
tion that raked the beach, and secure the entrances to the bomb-
proofs. At the same time the two brigades were to leave the trenches
by the nearest parallel, and form quickly upon the beach. That of
Stephenson was to move up, right in front, pass the end of Wagner
next the sea, file to the left and mount the rear of the work. My

276 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
brigade was to move up the beach left in front, and when about
midway between Wagner and Gregg file across the island to pre
vent re-enforcements coming down. It was supposed a battery was
established somewhere here, which I was directed to seize. The
104th, in addition to their arms and equipments, were to carry two
hundred shovels to intrench with, should it become necessary. The
shovels were deposited "near the quarters of major Rogers during
the evening. The troops were ordered to be under arms at half-past
1 o'clock in the morning. The batteries were to continue their fire
until the moment of assault.
Mean while operations were pushed most vigorously against Wag
ner, and the garrison was harassed day and night by fire from
land and sea. I have already mentioned that the counterscarp of
the ditch was crowned on the night of the 6th, when captain
Walker, of the volunteer engineers, pulled up some of the pali
sading that protected it; and that the trenches were widened and
deepened to hold the troops. The light mortars were moved for
ward and placed in position in the most advance parallels. To
prevent the enemy repairing at night the damage done to the fort
through the day, a powerful calcium light was turned upon it,
which lit up the works almost as light as day, enabling our men to
see every thing that was going on, while it blinded the enemy.
The number of our sharpshooters was increased and the enemy were
kept from his guns day and night. On Saturday morning, the
5th, all the land batteries were opened on Wagner, and at the same
time the Ironsides moved up within a thousand yards and com
menced a rapid discharge of her heavy broadsides. This was con
tinued over forty hours without cessation. In all this time the air
was filled with shells bursting in and over the fort, which drove
away every living thing from sight and compelled the garrison to
bury themselves in their impenetrable bomb-proofs. At night the
spectacle presented was grand and sublime.
When the officers separated at the quarters of general Terry

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 277
they repaired to their respective camps to make such personal and
professional arrangements as the occasion required. There was a
good deal to be done to get ready for such a serious undertaking.
There were orders to issue to the troops to get under arms at the
time fixed upon; boxes to be filled with ammunition and the can
teens with water, beside other necessary preparations. Then there
were matters of private business to be arranged and farewell letters
written to the loved ones at home, for there was too much uncer
tainty in the morrow to neglect the fulfilment of any of these little
offices. It was an anxious night, no doubt, to all, and many had
moments of serious reflection. At a late hour major Rogers came
to my tent and announced that he was all ready, and only waited
the hour to have his command under arms. I asked him if he
had "put his house in order." He did not seem to understand my
meaning, and asked me to explain. I replied, in substance, that in
all probability some of us would get our heads knocked off in the
morning, of which number he might be one; and if he had auy
farewells to write to family or friends now was the time to do it, as
the troops would soon be in motion. The explanation seemed to
strike him, and he immediately returned to his quarters.
The written instructions arrived about midnight, and were full
and explicit in every particular. After all my preparations were
completed, I went down to the camp of the 104th to have a last
word with chaplain Gries and other friends, leaving with him my
watch and keys, and gave him some personal directions to be car
ried out in the event of my not returning alive. The troops were
aroused soon after midnight to prepare for duty. Most of the men
put on the haversack with a few crackers in it, and those who had
before neglected it filled their canteens with water. In a little
while the regiment reported at the point indicated on the beach and
the brigade was formed. It was the first in readiness, and was
obliged to wait a considerable time for the other troops. It
was a bright moonlight morning, with hardly a breath of wind

278 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
stirring, and the surf beat in gentle murmurs on the sandy shore.
While waiting with impatience to move forward, an undefined ru
mor reached us that a deserter had come in with intelligence that
the fort was evacuated; but as it could not be traced to a reliable
source it was considered a camp story. It was nearly 2 o'clock
when we moved up the beach to what every one believed would be
a bloody morning's work. We were halted at the Beacon house,
where all the troops assembled and where they were kept standing
in line some time. Tbe delay gave strength to the rumor of evacua
tion, for it could only be explained on this ground, as daylight was
rapidly approaching and there was hardly time to get the troops
arranged in the trenches before it would be light. Presently
general Terry joined us and announced that the fort had- been
evacuated between 10 and 11 the night before, and that we were
marching to a bloodless victory. Convinced of the hopelessness of
longer defence, and knowing that an assault would not be long de
layed after our trenches were opened to the ditch, the enemy
adopted the prudent course of evacuating, and left the island in
boats from Cumming's point. The information was received with
satisfaction, and three thousand hearts beat several pounds lighter.
Had the enemy remained a few hours longer no doubt the whole
garrison would have fallen into our hands; but the officers and
men were willing to forego the pleasure of their capture for the
sake of the valuable lives that were saved. The deserter had come
in and given himself up to the engineers at work in the advance
trenches ; but they received his story with some grains of allow
ance and approached the work with great caution. There were
suspicions of a trap of some kind or otlier. The presence of torpe
does planted on the slopes rendered it dangerous to travel over
them. The first man to enter the fort was a sergeant of the 39th
Illinois, who, it is said, volunteered to go alone and see if the work
was evacuated. Upon his return and announcement that there

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 279
was no enemy there, a few troops entered and took undisputed
possession. After some delay the march was resumed toward the head of the
island, in hope that the rebels had not all succeeded in making their
escape, and that we might pick up a few. They took for granted
that we would follow close upon the heels of the retiring garrison,
and before we reached Wagner their batteries upon James' and
Sullivan's island opened with shot and shell. Their range was
excellent, but only a few men were struck. In spite of the good
schooling of the men in this kind of amusement, whenever a large
shell came uncomfortably near, there would, be an involuntary bob
bing of heads. The advance was halted near Gregg, while a small
party was sent forward to reconnoitre the battery and take possession
of it in case it had been evacuated. Before it was light enough for
the enemy to see our troops we returned down the beach, leaving
a small force at each of the works. We were under fire all the
time after we passed the second parallel going up, and until we
reached it returning, yet our casualties were astonishingly few.
On our return, I went into Wagner to take a look at the place
that had lived through so much hammering. Except being knocked
out of all shape, the fort itself was not materially damaged, but every
thing about it that could be injured, was pretty well used up. Several
of the guns were dismounted, and gun-carriages and wagons smashed
to pieces. The commissary store-house was literally reduced to
splinters. Their main reliance, the bomb-proofs, were scarcely in
jured at all, as the many feet of earth that covered them, and the
double layer of heavy pine logs that supported it, prevented our
shells penetrating. While they kept under cover they were safe from
our projectiles, but tbe heat must have been almost to suffocation.
The garrison had arranged wires to explode the magazine, and other
infernal contrivances to blow up our men when they should enter
the fort but they were discovered in time to prevent serious conse
quences. Near the covered way, on the side toward Gregg, was a

280 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
pile of rebel dead, the bodies appearing to lie as they were thrown
out after beino; killed. I believe all the bodies had the head off.
One poor fellow, who had been wounded three days before, and his
wounds not yet dressed, was found in a bomb-proof. He received
kind treatment at the hands of our men, but died before he could
be takeil to the hospital. From the appearance of things, it must
have been impossible for the garrison to live outside the bomb-proofs
during the bombardment of the last three days. As we marched
down the island from Gregg, it appeared practicable for the iron
clads to have raked that narrow tongue of land in such manner as
to prevent the escape of the garrison of Wagner. The stench arising
from the fort was very offensive. The troops reached their camps
about sunrise. Thus ended one of the most memorable sieges ever
undertaken on this continent.
In connection with the contemplated assault on Wagner, and in
view of a possibility of the garrison evacuating the fort at the time
of the attack, it was arranged with the boat infantry that they
should endeavor to prevent them leaving the island. In the event
of evacuation, the enemy would only be able to withdraw by the way
of Cumming's point, and cross the harbor of Charfeston in boats.
On the afternoon of the 6th, two hundred men were detailed from
my brigade, of which fifty came from the 104th, under captain
Duncan, and ordered to report to major Sanford, for this service.
They embarked at dark, but they were so much delayed in getting
out of the creek, that they were too late to intercept the retreating
garrison. Several of the boats grounded on account of the low stage
of the water. The boat in which were captain Ferris, Independent
battalion, and captain Duncan, 104th, overtook two of the enemy's
boats in the harbor that had grounded off Cumming's point, and
captured them with the assistance of a navy launch, with a small
howitzer on board. They had a surgeon and fifty-five men on
board. Another boat, in charge of sergeant Carroll, Independent
battalion, gave chase to what turned out to be the launch of the

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 281
rebel ram Chicora, which he succeeded in capturing under the walls
of Sumter. The crew consisted of an officer and seven sailors. Not
over half a dozen prisoners were captured on the island.
On tbe 7th, the same day that Wagner fell into our hands, ad
miral Dahlgren sent a fiag of truce to the enemy and demanded the
surrender of fort Sumter. The demand was refused. He then de
termined to take it by assault, and the next night was the time fixed
upon. In the mean time he made his preparations. He organized
a force of four hundred sailors and marines from the fieet, which
were placed under the command of commander Thomas H. Stevens,
of the navy. The boats moved up to the attack about 10 o'clock,
p.m., and as soon as they came within range, fire was opened on
them from the fort with small arms, and with shot and shell from
the neighboring batteries. The attempt was of course a failure.
The enemy was expecting the attack and fully prepared to meet it.
They had noticed the assembling of boats in the fleet during the
afternoon, and had good reason to expect the attack that night. A
number of our men succeeded in landing, and some scaled the walls,
but all were killed or captured. Our loss was about a hundred and
fifty. Lieutenant Harris, who commanded the marines on the oc
casion, states, in his official report, that he could "see nothing but
the utmost confusion." Had the army and navy made a joint at
tack after proper arrangements, success would probably have fol
lowed, for the garrison was strengthened only the afternoon before
to meet this naval attack. General Gillmore would gladly have joined
the admiral in the enterprise, but as he was not consulted on the sub
ject he had no suggestions to make. He had invited the navy to
joiia him in his previous night attempt to capture battery Gregg,
but the boat attack on Sumter was a naval affair entirely.
On the afternoon of the 7th the monitor Weehawken, returning
from off Cumming's point, whither she ran as soon as the island
was entirely in our possession, grounded opposite fort Moultrie, and
within food r»nge of her guns. During the night every effort to

282 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
get her off was made in vain. Her coal and most of her shot were
taken out but she would not float. When the enemy discovered
her the next morning she was in a critical situation. She was flat
on the bottom, with her overhang nearly out of water. The ene
my's batteries immediately opened upon her a most tremendous fire.
The other monitors and the Ironsides moved up to her a.ssistance
early, and stood by their consort. This brought on a general en
gagement between the iron-clad fleet and the Sullivan's island bat
teries, which was continued several hours. Just such a fight was
never witnessed before, and it was the best test the mailed vessels
had been put to during the war. The whole army took to the sand
hills and was an anxious and interested spectator of the combat
which was only a couple of miles distant across the outer harbor.
The Weehawken was not idle although she was aground. She
poured her 15 inch shells into fort Moultrie, near which she lay,
with good effect. The second one entered a magazine which blew
up with a loud report, killing and wounding a number of the garri
son. Several wooden buildings were fired and burned. The Iron
sides drove the enemy from his guns in Moultrie by the hotness
of her fire, and before the fleet retired nearly all his guns- were
silenced. The batteries opened in the morning with about one
hundred pieces. The Weehawken floated off at the turn of the
tide in the evening and returned to her anchorage. She was hit
twenty-four times without being seriously injured, and had only
three men wounded. Had the iron-clads returned to the attack
next morning the island would probably have fallen.

PENNSYLV-4.NIA REGIMENT. 283

CHAPTER XXII.

New works built on Morris island.— Amount of work done.— Singular accident.- Lively fire
by the enemy.- First deserters to come in.— Gillmore promoted.— Attempt to blow up
the Ironsides.— Long island reconnoitred.— Boat nearly swamped.— New batteries
open.— Reconnoissance to Sumter.— Fire opened on Charleston.- A Parrott gnn bursts.-
Damage done to city.— The monitor Weehawken sinks.— Soldier shot for desertion.—
Christmas gayeties.

N'

TO sooner was the whole of Morris island in our possession than
-.y the engineers commenced to place it in a proper state of de
fence. The thorough completion of the works projected occupied
the fall and winter, and the men had but little respite from fatigue.
Wagner and Gregg were remodeled and rebuilt and made much strong
er than before. They were armed with heavy guns. The enemy left
the former in a very filthy condition and several days were occupied in
cleaning out the dirt. This was attended with considerable danger.
Torpedoes and other infernal contrivances had been planted about the
slopes and immediately in front of the work, and great care was requir
ed to avoid stepping on and exploding them. In spite of every precau
tion several men were killed and wounded by them. A few hun
dred yards below Cumming's point was erected a scries of gun and
mortar batteries, armed with the heaviest ordnance in service, and
bearing on Moultrie and Sumter. Half a mile above the inlet, a
fort was built on the sand hills and called after colonel Shaw, who
fell in the second assault on Wagner. A battery was constructed

284 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
at Oyster point, called after lieutenant-colonel Purviance, 85th Penn
sylvania, who had been killed by a shell fired from one of our own guns.
Its guns commanded the water approaches toward Seeessionville. —
Defensive works were erected on the north and south ends of Folly
island, and at Pawnee landing. With the aid of the iron-clads, and
probably without them, these works rendered Morris island impreg
nable to any force the enemy could send against us. Our guns at
Cumming's point were within a mile and a half of forts Johnston
and Moultrie, and less than a mile from Sumter. The distance from
Charleston as the bird fiies was a trifle more than three miles.
The fatigue and other duties performed by the army during the
active operations against Charleston were enormous and no other
troops worked harder at any time during the war. My own brigade
may be instanced as a fair average. The greater part of the time
it had less than fourteen hundred men for duty and yet it perform
ed 27,128 days of fatigue and 46,824 days duty on guard in the
trenches. This does not include permanent details for boat infantry
and many other details made from all the regiments. The 104th did
a full share of both duties. The records for this period give the
regiment a credit of 6,445 days of fatigue oa the batteries and
forts, and 14,285 days in the trenches and other military duty at
the front. A tour of duty in the trenches was always twenty-four
hours in length, which makes the number of days double compared
with the fatigue. The greater part of the time the regiment num
bered less than four hundred men for duty. The trenches, paral
lels, splinter proofs and batteries constructed during the siege
measured nearly eight miles in length.
The night ground was broken for the erection of one of the bat
teries between Wagner and Gregg, afterward known as Chatfield, a
singular but fatal accident happened to two of the men on fatigue
The detail was in charge of an officer of the 55th Massachusetts
and was divided into two reliefs, which worked alternate half hours.
He suspected that some of the men intended to shirk duty, and after

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 285
he had placed the first relief on he walked round to examine. He
found two men sitting in a large hole made by a shell in the sand
on the edge of the beach. On being questioned they replied that
they belonged to the second relief and would go on duty in a half
hour. He said nothing but walked away, convinced that the men
had told him a lie. After the second relief had been placed on
duty he returned to the beach and found the same men sitting in
the hole in the sand where he had left them. They now answered
that they belonged to the first relief that had just come off duty.
They had not recognized him as the officer in charge of the work
ing party, for the night was quite dark. Just as he turned to walk
away he observed a mortar shell rise over Moultrie, a mile and a
half distant, which he watched as it circled through the air and de
scended near him. He returned and found that it had struck and
burst in the hole where the two men were sitting. One was dead
with his head cut oft' as clean as though done with a knife, and the
other was so badly mangled that he died before he reached the hos
pital. Their death seemed like the judgment of a just Providence
to punish them for cowardice and lying. The path of duty is the
safest even in time of war.
For several weeks after the fall of Wagner the enemy kept up a
lively fire on our working parties and men were killed and wounded
daily and nightly. Nevertheless they worked cheerfully and with
out complaint. At times the accuracy of the enemy's fire was won
derful when we consider the distance. In one period of twenty-
four hours, out of two hundred and thirty-five shells fired at Wag
ner, one hundred and eighty-five burst inside the fort, killing and
wounding sixteen men. Another day one hundred and fifty shells
struck inside the same work. Now, when we consider that the guns
which fired these shells were at the distance of about two miles,
and that the space they were dropped within embraced an area of
less than an acre, we must come to the conclusion that the shoot
ing was remarkable.

286 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
Portion^ of companies D and F were at the front the night of the
21st of September, and while they were off duty, and asleep in the
bomb proof at battery Gregg, a shell from James' island entered the
door and burst among the men. Seven were wounded, viz: Lilly,
Hartfelder, Godshall, Wambold and Miller, of company D, and
Stone and Stevens of company F. The wounds of Lilly, Hartfelder
and Stevens wei:e of a frightful character, and proved mortal. The
latter died the next day, while the two former lived a week. On
the 26th William Gray, of company G, while on fatigue at Gregg,
was slightly wounded by a fragment of a shell.
A party of deserters, the first since the fall of Wagner, came in
and gave themselves up to lieutenant Scarborough, who was on
duty at Cumming's point on the night of the 20th. They stole
the boat of the commanding officer on Sullivan's island and made
their way across the mouth of the harbor to Morris island, without
being discovered either by the rebel or our own picket boats. The
deserters were seven in number. General Gillmore received his
commission as major general, the promotion for his services on Mor
ris island, the last of the month. It was the occasion of a grand
parade and review, and rejoicing among the troops. A commission
was never better earned or more worthily bestowed. One officer
and several men were wounded at battery Chatfield, on the 1st of
October, by splinters of shells thrown from James' and Sullivan's
islands, viz : captain Kephart, corporal Eastburn and privates
Stiner and Titus, of company C, Stroup, company I, and Elf, of
company E. The wound of Eastburn, which was in the arm, was
so severe as to disable him from active service, and he was afterward
transferred to the Invalid corps.
We had an alarm the night of the 5th of October, when all the
troops were turned out under arms. It was caused by the discharge
of musketry among the fleet in the outer harbor. In the morning
we learned that an attempt had been made by the enemy to blow up
the Ironsides. About 9 o'clock the officer of the deck saw a small

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 287
object on the water approaching the vessel, and as it gave no re
sponse when challenged, the sentinels fired into it. A moment
afterward the vessel received a severe shock, followed by a loud ex
plosion that threw a column of water on the spar deck and into the
engine room. The object that caused the alarm proved to be a
cigar-shaped torpedo steamer, fifty feet long and five feet beam,
nearly submerged in the water. The explosion threw such a quan-
ty of water on the little vessel that the fires were put out, and it was
supposed she sunk ; but it was afterward learned that she succeeded
in getting up steam again and returned to Charleston. The torpe
do was fastened on a spar which projected from the bow under the
water. She was commanded by lieutenant Glassell, formerly of the
United States Navy. He, together with the fireman ¦ and pilot,
jumped overboard and were picked up and made prisoners. The
torpedo was exploded under the Ironsides, but did not damage her
in the least. It made no impression on this monster beyond starting
a beam. The officer in charge of the deck was mortally wounded
and died a few days afterward. To prevent such attacks in the
future spars were rigged around the iron-clads in the water, from
which was hung a strong rope netting that extended several feet
under water and kept down by weights.
To the east of Sullivan's island, on the opposite side ofthe outer
harbor from Morris, and separated from the former by Breach inlet,
lies Long island, several miles in length, narrow, and partially cov
ered with timber. It was thought to be a practicable approach to
the enemy's works on Sullivan's island, and at one time the idea
was entertained of making that the basis of operations for a new
attack. The beginning of October general Gillmore thought of land-
inw a force upon the island to hold it for any operations that might
subsequently be determined upon. My brigade was mentioned in
connection with this enterprise. It was afterwards determi-ned to
have only a reconnoissance made to see if a landing might be effect
ed without the knowledge of the enemy. I was requested to make

288 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
the attempt, which I did on three occasions. In each instance we
were foiled by the watchfulness of the enemy. Pickets were station
ed on the shore and armed boats patrolled the water. I was ac
companied by a party of seven men, three of whom, Overbeck,
Leibler and Hoffman, belonged to my own regiment. Taking a
boat in Light House inlet we pulled out to the fleet when the admi
ral sent us in a propeller to a gun-boat lying further out. She ran
out over the bar at dark and anchored within a convenient distance
of the shore until the moon went down, when she ran in and the
boats were sent off. The enemy was always on the alert. On one
occasion three men succeeded in landing, but they had hardly step
ped ashore when a strong picket showed itself, which compelled
them to return to their boat. On these occasions I passed the night
on the gun-boat and was treated with that hospitality and kindness
so characteristic of the navy. When the first attempt was made
our whole party came near meeting a watery grave. It was a windy
afternoon and the surf on the bar at the mouth of Light House inlet
was heavy. In passing through it our boat came within an ace of
going down. For some minutes every wave dashed over us, and
the boat was filled with water almost to the benches. For want of
something better, I used my felt hat to bail out the water. After
struggling for some time in the trough of the sea we succeeded in
passing through the breakers into smoother water. ' Our escape was
mainly attributable to the strong helmsman and good oarsmen. I
was wet to the skin, and when we reached the admiral's flag-ship
a dry suit of clothes was furnished me by a member of his staff. I
was dressed from tip to toe in naval uniform, which was the only oc
casion in my life when I felt that I belonged to the naval service.
During the winter a party of deserters, two in number, came in to
Morris island from Mount Pleasant, passing round behind Sullivan's
island and through Breach inlet. They reported to me, and I ob
tained considerable information from them not before known. They
had not encountered any picket boats of the enemy on their way.

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 289
which led me to believe that that approach was unguarded. I re
commended that an attempt should be made to capture Sullivan's
island by that route. My plan was to pass through Breach inlet
and back of Sullivan, and land on the peninsula about two miles
above Mount Pleasari|| move down the peninsula, surprise the
guns parked in the timber near the village, and fire the bridge that
connected it with Sullivan's island. The plan was thought to be of
too doubtful a character to be entertained. I was afterward told by
a gentleman in the confidence of the enemy, that it was feared an
attack would be made from that quarter, which would probably
have been successful.
Our new batteries, at the head of the island, were so far com
pleted by the 26th of October as to be ready to open, and on that
day they were tried on Sumter. The fire was continued for several
days. The weight of the projectiles thrown from the 300-pounder
Parrott, mounted in battery Chatfield, in a single day was fifteen
thousand pounds. One shell from this gun broke the iron girder
of a casemate in the fort, which let the arch fall, by which fourteen
men were killed. This fact was stated in the Charleston Mercury
of 2d of November.
On the 28th of October general Gillmore announced in orders
from department head-quarters that "Medals of Honor, for gallant
and meritorious conduct during ,"he operations before Charleston,
would be awarded to three per cent, of the enlisted men who had
been present in action." The candidates were to be nominated by
the company officers, and the names forwarded through interme
diate commanders to post commandants, with remarks of approval
or disapproval. In each instance the particular act of gallantry or
good conduct of the soldier was to be specified. In many instances
it was a difficult matter, to determine who was the most deserving
when all had behaved so well. The following are the names ofthe
men to whom medals were awarded in the 104th, viz:— Commis
sary-sergeant Halback ; Williams, company A; corporal Stover, com-
19

290 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
pany B; Keeler, company C; sergeant Rosenberger, company D;
Farrell, Hargins and Overbeck, company B ; corporal Eastburn
and private Regan, company F; corporal Gaddis and private Cur
ly, company G; sergeant Strawbridge and corporal Housum, com
pany H; corporal Seneca Beal, company |^ and corporal Jarrett,
company K. This selection met the approval of the enlisted men
of the regiment.
On the night of the 2d of November captain Ferris, commanding
the boat infantry, volunteered to make a reconnoissance to Sumter
to endeavor to learn the condition it was in. It was supposed our
last bombardment had rendered it untenable, and our look-out gave
it as his opinion that the fort had been evacuated. Soon after
dark the captain, in a small boat with two men, pulled over to the
fort and landed with one man at the southwest angle. He climbed
up the battered wall and had got within a few feet of the top, when
the boat was discovered and challenged. The man in it had the
good sense to parley with the sentinel a few minutes, which gave
the captain and the other man time to get down into the boat be
fore they were fired upon. The report of the gun alarmed the gar
rison and a number of shots were fired, but only one of the party
was wounded. Our guns at Gregg opened on Sumter and assisted
the boat to make good its retreat.
A few nights afterward general Terry, commanding the forces
on the island, ordered a reconnoissance in force to be made
to the fort. It was commanded by major Conyngham, of the
52d P-ennsylvania regiment. The force consisted of two hun
dred and fifty men with rifles and one Requa battery in charge
of lieutenant Bitting. Of these the 104th furnished fifty men and
lieutenants Laughlin and Scarborough. The instructions were to
make such demonstration against Sumter as to induce the garrison
" to use their musketry fire on the boats," and thus ascertain its
strength. An assault was not to be made upon the fort unless it
was evident that it could be easily taken. The boats lay in one of

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 291
the creeks until the moon went down, when they pulled out into
the harbor. Under cover of the darkness they were able to ap
proach within a few hundred yards of the fort before they were
discovered, when they were fired upon. The garrison appeared to
have been on the wateh. This was followed by a shot from a
steamer, probably a ram, that lay behind the angle of the fort to
ward Charleston, and soon the batteries on James' and Sullivan's
island opened a cross fire on the boats, the shot and shell ricocheting
very lively across the water. The object of the reconnoissance being
accomplished, in developing the probable strength of the garrison,
the boats withdrew with the loss of only three men wounded. The
affair was well managed by the officer in command.
Batteries had been erected with a view of throwing shells into
Charleston, and by the 17th they were so far completed as to enable
us to open fire. That day nineteen shells were thrown into the city
from battery Gregg, and the next day a 100 pounder was opened
from battery Chatfield, which threw fourteen shells into Charleston
before night. From this time forward, during the winter and spring,
the firing was continued with a good deal of regularity. There was
more or less every twenty-four hours. At periods a shell was
dropped into the city every five minutes for several consecutive
nights. The firing was principally done with two 30 pounder Par
rotts, one of which had been used through all our operations, and
been fired a great number of times. At the piuzzle the rifling was
worn down smooth on the under side. This gun was removed to
Folly island in January, and tte firing was continued by its mate.
It was fired at an elevation of forty-two degrees, and the strain upon
it was enormous. Down to this period a 30 pounder Parrott had
not been known to burst; but this treatment was too much for any
metal to stand, and it gave up the ghost on the 19th of March, at
the 4 615th round. The endurance of this piece was considered re
markable by the ordnance and artillery officers. The fragments
were very carefully collected and drawings made of them to be

292 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
sent to West Point. There were fired from this gun 133,450 pounds
of iron, and it consumed one-sixth as much powder. Down to this
period in the operations against Charleston, twenty-three guns in
all had burst, one of which was a 300 pounder, five 200, and seven
teen 100 pounders. In only one instance was injury done to an
artillerist. Deserters kept us informed, from time to time, of the injury our
shells did to the city. Every body who could get away went into
the country, and only the poorer classes remained in town; They
removed to the upper portion to avoid our shells, leaving that part
below John and Calhoun streets nearly depopulated. A number of
public and private buildings were destroyed, and others damaged.
The Mills house had several shells through it. On Christmas night
a large cotton press was set on fire and burned. The debris from
the ruined buildings obstructed the streets, and by spring this beau
tiful city wore a very dilapidated appearance. It suffered terribly
for the political crime of its inhabitants. The poor people who re
mained must have had a hard winter of it. With bacon at four
dollars per pound, corn eighteen to twenty dollars per bushel, and
flour one hundred and fifty dollars a barrel, all prime necessaries of
life, it is a wonder that they lived at all.
Mean while but little of regimental interest transpired. In Oc
tober the regiment was completely clothed in a new dark-blue uni
form, with blouses instead of dress coats; and dark-blue jackets and
light-blue caps for the drum corps. The men presented an un
usually fine appearance, and at a review shortly afterward attracted
the marked attention of the commanding general. On the evening
of the 5th of November, while assistant surgeon McAlear was on
duty at the front, he was thrown from his horse and had his leg
broken. The next day the other assistant. Brush, was sent to saint
Augustine, Florida, to recover from a violent attack of fever. This
left surgeon Robinson without assistance in the medical department.
Captain Marple about this time was detailed as a member of a board

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 293
of officers to determine the case of officers who had overstaid their
leave of absence. He served in this capacity until the llth of
February, when he was relieved to take his seat as member of a
general court-martial. The regiment was doing its full share of
duty on all occasions, and participated in all the dangers and fa
tigues of the operations.
On the 28th I left camp on a visit home, and returned after an
absence of thirty days. I carried with me the regimental flags to
have the names of actions inscribed upon them, which had been
awarded for services in the army of the Potomac in 1862. They
had become so tender from long exposure to the weather, that they
would hardly bear the weight of the inscriptions. In my absence,
major Rogers and the chaplain came north on leave — the former to
recover from illness which detained him two months at home, and
the latter to convey the money of the enlisted men to their families.
The absence of both lieutenant-colonel Hart and major Rogers left
the regiment in command of captain Marple. General Gillmore
had detailed captain Pickering for acting assistant inspector general
of my brigade, in place of captain Hennessey, who had been placed
in command of the boat infantry at his own request. New tents
had been drawn, and the location of the camp changed from the
beach to behind the sand-hills, where it was better protected from
the cold east winds.
After long delay the drafted recruits assigned to the regiment
began to arrive at camp. The first batch, thirty-five in number un
der lieutenant Hibbs, arrived on the 2d of December and were at
once placed under instruction. The order from the war depart
ment authorizing the re-enlistment of men who had less than one
year to serve, was promulgated some weeks before this time, but
only a few recruits were obtained. With a view of a more active
enlistment of veterans, a recruiting officer was appointed for each
regiment which had served over two years. Captain Swartzlander
was selected for the 104th. The time of re-enlistment was first ex-

294 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
tended to the 1st of January and then to the 1st of March. One
hundred and ten of the old men re-enlisted for another term of
three years, and were re mustered into the service on the 23d of
March. On the 6th of December a sad calamity happened to one of the
monitors lying at her anchorage off Morris island. The Wehawken
foundered in a gale within a few hundred yards of the shore, in
full view from the camps, carrying down to a watery grave twenty
petty officers and seamen. All the efforts made to save them were
in vain. The cause of her sinking was never ascertained to en
tire satisfaction, but it is supposed to have been caused by the
water running in at the forward hatch and filling the compartments
below before the pumps could be set going. This was the first se
vere gale of the season, and considerable injury was done to the
eastern bastion of Wagner.
On the 16th of December a private of the 3d New Hampshire
was shot for desertion. He had lately joined the regiment as a
drafted recruit. He attempted to escape across the marshes to
the enemy on James' island, but not being able to get over he re
entered our lines and gave himself up as a deserter from him.
On his being taken to the Provost guard-house he was recognized
by a member of his regiment on duty there and the trick exposed.
He was tried and sentenced to be shot, which was done in the
presence of all the troops on the island. One other man attempted
to desert during the winter, but he perished in the marshes from
the effects of the severe cold weather, where his body was found.
He had tied empty canteens on his breast to buoy him up while
crossing the creeks, and fastened strips of boards to his arms and
legs to prevent his body sinking in the mud as he crossed the
marshes. Christmas eve was the occasion of much gayety at Hilton Head.
The officers of the post gave a grand military ball, which was held
in the large building on the beach used for department head-quar-

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 295
ters. The numerous rooms were tastefully decorated and a large
and gallant company assembled. Seventy ladies graced the scene.
As all the officers could not be allowed to leave their commands in
presence of the enemy, each brigade in front of Charleston was au
thorized to send three representatives. Surgeon Robinson and
captain Pickering represented my command. The ball was con
sidered a very fine affair in army circles.
The enemy gave us another kind of a ball in the Stono river, at
which the navy was present without cards of invitation. On
Christmas he brought down four guns to Legareville, and at day
light the next morning opened on the gunboats Pawnee and Mar-
blehead, lying at anchor in the river. There was a brisk cannonade
for a couple of hours, when he was driven off with the loss of three
guns. A few men were killed and wounded and the vessels were
slightly damaged.

296 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH

CHAPTER XXIII.

Opening of new Year. — The troops supplied with wood. — Deserters come in. — Recruits
arrive. — Regiment filled up.— Wagner completed. — Colonel Davis placed iu command of
Morris island. — Garrison reduced. — Shakspeare reading. — Blockade runner destroyed. — •
Attempt to cut off relief for Sumter. — Gun boat Housatonic destroyed by torpedo. — Ex
pedition to Florida. — Hard work daring winter. — Party of citizens desert from Charles
ton. — ^Morris island wears away. — Visit by English officers. — Veterans of 104th go
north. — Put in command of Hilton Head district.
THE new year opened in a state of comparative quiet between
the opposing forces. The enemy's batteries fired on us very sel
dom, and our heavy fatigue parties, which were still kept at the front,
day and night, worked in much greater security than before. All
arrangements necessary for the comfort of the troops during the
winter were made in season. The army was put to great inconve
nience to obtain a supply of fuel, which was limited in quantity. It
will be remembered that Morris island is only a sand bank, entirely
destitute of timber, so that all the fuel required had to be transport
ed from neighboring islands. During the siege operations of the
summer and fall the supply on Folly island had been pretty well ex
hausted, and we had now to look to other points. The business of
supplying the garrison during the winter was intrusted to my bri
gade quartermaster, lieutenant Weidensaul, 52nd Pennsylvania regi
ment. He found a well-wooded little island down Folly river, about
eight miles from Morris island. A wood-chopping party of three

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 297
companies was detailed, which encamped on the island, with teams
to haul the wood to the landing. It was then brought up the river
into the inlet, in light draft steamboats, and delivered at our wharf.
This .supply gave out before spring, when the chopping party
was moved down the Stono river five miles further to another
island. The allowance to each regiment was two wagon loads a day,
a supply so limited that it created the necessity for the greatest
economy. At no time was there enough to build up the old-fash
ioned camp fires, which soldiers so much delight in on a cold
night; around which they congregate to relate their "hair-breadth
scapes by flood and field," and fight their battles o'er again.
On the morning of the 7th of January seven deserters from the
enemy came in. They belonged to the receiving ship in the harbor
of Charleston. Five of them landed on the beach just below Wag
ner. The other two formed part of a boat's crew that was on duty
in the harbor. During a heavy rain storm the middle and five of
the men went ashore at fort Johnson, leaving the other two in
charge of the boat. Seeing this was their opportunity to come into
our lines, they pulled for Cumming's point. They got lost in the
darkness and were obliged to lay to all night in the mouth of a creek.
When day-light came to their assistance they pulled down to fort
Gregg and landed. They brought with them the arms, lanterns
and glasses belonging to the crew. They surrendered to an officer
of the 104th on, duty there at the time. Being sailors they were
turned over to the custody of the admiral. A few days before, one
of the spies of general Gillmore was caught on James' island, but
we never heard what disposition was made of him. On the after
noon of the 10th a new 30 pounder Parrott battery was tried upon
Charleston and a few shells thrown into the city.
The remainder of the conscripts and substitutes for the 104th
arrived in camp on the 16th instant, 289 in number, under com
mand of lieutenant colonel Hart. They were immediately assigned
to companies and placed under military instruction. As a whole

298 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
they were a respectable body of men, as much so as could be obtain
ed in this manner. The officers had considerable difficulty with a
few of them on the passage down. Sixteen escaped from the cars
between Philadelphia and New York and were not apprehended.
One concealed- himself on board the steamer and could not be found.
Another was shot by an officer on the vessel, through mistake, it is
alleged, on the way down, who was left in the hospital at Hilton
Head, where he died in March. Before they left Philadelphia the
commanding officer at the draft rendezvous placed eight thousand
dollars in colonel Hart's hands belonging to the substitutes, which
was paid to them after their arrival on Morris' island. The colonel
was sick when he arrived. He had been relieved from duty in
Philadelphia in December, by order of the secretary of war, but it
was so near the time the recruits would leave that he was detained
to come down in command. The remainder of the officers and men
detailed for this duty, who had not rejoined the regiment before,
came down with the detachment. In filling up the regiment the
strength of the companies was equalized. This raised it to almost
the maximum number. After the men were assigned to companies
there was a good deal of trading among the captains who wished to
get rid of bad men and receive good ones in their stead. It is told
that one company commander took considerable painj with a lout of
a fellow whom he wished to trade, to make him appear to good ad
vantage. He was taken out behind the camp and drilled privately,
and was provided with a shirt-collar to give him a more youthful ap
pearance. The trade was made about twilight when the defects of
the man cculd not be so readily seen.
Fort Wagner was finished about the middle of the month and
turned over to a garrison commander, captain Strahan, a gallant
officer of the 3d Rhode Island artillery, who retained the command
during the winter. The raising of the stars and stripes over the fort
was made the occasion of a jollification, accompanied by music and
a salute from the big guns. The head-quarters of the departmen

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 299
were removed about this time from Folly island to Hilton Head.
Before his departure general Gillmore had formed what was called
the Northern District, composed of all the points and islands on
the coast held by our troops from Charleston harbor down to St.
Helena sound. Brigadier-general Terry was appointed to this com
mand, with his head-quarters on Folly island. This change left me the
senior officer on Morris island and I was placed in command of the
troops there on the 17th of January. The garrison at that time
consisted of three brigades of infantry, two white and one negro,
and some artillery and engineers, with nearly one hundred guns in
position. I moved down to the old post head-quarters on the lower
part of the island, turning the command of my brigade over to col
onel Hoyt, 52d regiment. Lieutenant McCoy went with me as
acting assistant adjutant general, the duties of which he discharged
until the return of major Rogers from sick leave, in February
who was then appointed to the place. The former remained on
the post staff as A. D. C. At a later period, when general Terry
called home the balance of his staff, other appointments wore made
at post head-quarters to fill their vacancies. Drummer Johnson, of
company D, and private Campbell were detailed as clerks in the ad
jutant general's office.
The last of the month the garrison was reduced by sending the
negro brigade to Hilton Head; and two white regiments were with
drawn in February. This reduced the strength to some five thou
sand men, force enough to hold the island and carry on the operations-
On the 30th of January we had three more deserters from the
enemy to come in. They made their way from James' island across
the intervening swamps and creeks, wading the former and swim-
mino- the latter. They were nearly exhausted when they reached
our lines. They told the same story that we received from all de
serters, of great suffering in the Confederacy and disgust with the
war. They expected, however, they were called upon to say some
thing that would be pleasing to their captors. On the evening of

300 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
27th the dull routine of siege operations and garrison life was en
livened by a literary entertainment of no mean merit. Chaplain
Hudson, of the New York Volunteer engineer regiment, was invited
to come over from Folly island, where he was quartered, and lec
ture on the Othello of Shakspeare before the officers. The lecture
was delivered in the ordnance building before a large and appre
ciative audience. The 4th New Hampshire band was present and
played several delightful tunes. Other lectures of a kindred char
acter would have followed, but the chaplain soon afterward changed
his quarters to Hilton Head.
Occasionally during the winter a blockade runner succeeded in
running the gauntlet of our fleet and getting into Charleston; and
occasionally one ran out to sea. On the night of the 1st of Feb
ruary an English steamer attempted to run in. She succeeded in
passing through the entire fleet in the fog that prevailed, but ran
aground on a bar near Sullivan's island, abreast of fort Moultrie.
She was discovered at daylight when our batteries at the head of
Morris island opened upon her. Between 8 and 9 o'clock two
monitors moved and opened fire also. The fire was continued
until she was destroyed. Our shore batteries threw at her seven
hundred and sixty-nine projectiles, ranging in size from a 30 to a
300 pounder. The greatest distance thrown was 3,600 yards, from
Wagner. The enemy's batteries opened on us in return and wound
ed two artillerymen. The vessel was a Clyde steamer, side-wheeler,
long and low, called the Presto. She was from Nassau, loaded with
blankets, salt beef and shoes. I was afterwards informed by de
serters that the rebel soldiers on Sullivan's island got at the whiskey
in the steamer, and that nearly the whole garrison was drunk the
next day after she grounded.
Now and then the enemy would open upon us without any pro
vocation whatever. Such was the case on the 12th, when all their
batteries on Sullivan and James' islands opened a most furi
ous cannonade, which continued several hours. They threw more
than four hundred shells, but not a man of ours was injured.

ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH 301
During the winter several hundred re-enlisted men returned home
from the command to spend their veteran furlough. The absence
of colonel Hoyt, of the 52d, left my old brigade in command of
lieutenant-colonel Hart for four or five weeks. Mean time the
104th was commanded by captains Harvey and Corcoran. The
men of the regiment assisted chaplain Gries to erect a rude
"Bethel,'' or place for religious worship and other kindred pur
poses within the limits of the camp. It was built on poles and
covered with an old paulin; a high sand-bank protected it from
the east winds. It was provided with a rough desk for the speaker
and seats for the congregation. A lyceumwas organized under the
supervision of the chaplain, and after evening prayer-meeting some
time was spent in the discussion of questions, reading essays, &c.
Some of the exercises would have done credit to a more pretentious
assemblage. On the night of the 2d of February an attempt was made to in
tercept and cut off the relief for the garrison of Sumter. Deserters
who had recently come in gave information that the enemy was in
the habit of relieving the garrison every twelfth night. They em
barked in boats at the wharf at fort Johnson and pulled across the
harbor under cover of the darkness. According to our calcu
lation the time for the garrison to be changed fell on the night of
the 2d instant. The attempt was made in conjunction with a party
from the fleet. Our boats were on the line between .Johnson and
Sumter soon after dark and watched until near daylight, but nothing
whatever was seen. It may have been that the relief passed over
before our boats took up their position, or that the enemy saw some
movement on our side that put him on his guard. I do not think
we were mistaken in the information received.
Next to the foundering of the Wehawken, the destruction of
the steam gun-boat Housatonic was the most unfortunate occur
rence of the winter. On the night of the 17th of February she
was blown up at her anchorage by a torpedo sent down from Charles-

302 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
ton. It was attached to a small cigar-shaped boat, nearly submerged
in water and propelled by steam similar to the one that struck the
Ironsides. It was seen to approach, but could not be kept off. —
The steamer was struck in the stern; there was a dull report, when
her bottom literally dropped out and she sank in twenty-eight feet
of water. The captain was thrown several feet into the air by the
concussion, and was considerably injured. Three lives were lost.
The tenacity with which the enemy held on to Sumter was won
derful. In the interval of our firing he was constantly engaged in
repairing damages and clearing away the rubbish from the battered
walls. He erected new bomb-proofs made of heavy frames of tim
ber, covered with several feet of sand and debris. On the top of
these were mounted four brass guns to use against an assaulting
party, while in the lower tier of casemates, on the channel face,
were mounted four 10 inch Columbiads. We could plainly see the
men at work during the day, and at night the boat infantry could
hear them actively engaged. Before spring the ruins of Sumter
had been converted in a strong defensive work, probably stronger
than ever before for this purpose. He was constantly adding to
the strength of all the forts and batteries that encircled the har
bor. Two men were kept daily in the tower on the Beacon house
with a powerful glass to observe any thing that was going on around.
At evening they reported at head-quarters all the movements that
had been seen within the enemy's lines during the day. If a bat
tery was strengthened or a new gun mounted, it was known at post
head-quarters before we retired for the night. We were near enough
Charleston to tell the time of day by their clocks on the church
steeples, and people could be seen walking in the streets. The
workmen on a new iron-clad at the wharf were plainly to be seen
with a glass.
The only offensive movement undertaken in tlie department dur
ing the winter was the expedition into Florida in February which
culminated so unfortunately for our army at Olustee. It was

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 303
charged at the time that it was put on foot for political purposes,
and was never satisfactorily denied. If such was the case, it is an
other instance where disaster follows the attempts of politicians to
manipulate armies in the field. Immediately after the defeat at
Olustee two brigades were sent down from' Folly island to re-enforce
Seymour. In conjunction with his movements a reoonnoissatLce in
force was made on Kiowah and John's islands to distract the at
tention of the enemy. On the 8th of March general Terry sent a
thousand men up to Bull's bay for the same purpose. The weather
was very stormy and but few were landed. I furnished one
half the force from my command, of which the 104th supplied one
hundred and fifty men, under command of captain Groff and lieu
tenants Glase and Tyson. The enemy understood these demonstra
tions and paid but little attention to them.
No portion of the army during that winter performed more labor
than the troops stationed on Morris island. The force was inade
quate to the duty to be done, and it was of that kind from which no
glory could be gained. After the re-enlisted veterans had gone
home and the other regiments left that had been ordered away, the
garrison was reduced to less than fifteen hundred men for duty, one
half of which were conscripts and substitutes lately arrived. Five
hundred men were sent to the front every night, which with the
usual camp guard and other necessary details placed about one half
the entire garrison on duty at a time. Often the same men went to the
front two nights in succession. Then the fatigue duty was still very
heavy, and the men seemed to be constantly changing from the
rifle to the shovel all winter. Several hundred were still daily em
ployed on the fortifications. On the 9th of March adjutant Wal
lazz, sergeants Mollis, Rohr and Cromme, and corporal Jarrett, left
the reo-iment under orders to report for duty at the draft rendezvous
at Philadelphia. The detail was made by direction of the secretary
of war. On the 12th captain Pickering was appointed inspector
for Morris island, by general Gillmore. In consequence he was

304 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
relieved from duty at brigade head-quarters and became a member
of the staff of the post commander. After the 3rd New Hampshire
left the island, a detail for mounted orderlies, was made on the
104th. For this purpose the regimental commander furnished
privates McCall, Oliver, Edwards, Thomas, Wannop, Eastburn and
Probst. They were placed in charge of corporal Rice, a neat and
reliable soldier of company K. They continued on this duty while
we remained on the island, and discharged it with great fidelity.
We were remarkably free from casualties during the winter, not
withstanding the firing at times was very heavy between the bat
teries. One case of killing, that of an artilleryman at battery
Gregg, was very unusual. He was standing at his gun during the
interchange of shots with some of the enemy's batteries on Sulli
van's island. A shell buried itself in the sand under his feet and
he was tripped up. He fell across the spot the moment it exploded
and was blown to pieces. Some of his members were never found.
Occasionally there was a narrow escape. One evening major Ames
chief of artillery, rode to the front to learn the cause of the sudden
opening of the enemy's batteries. He had barely dismounted at
battery Gregg when a fragment of shell struck his horse in the
neck and killed him instantly. Another artilleryman was killed in
this wise. He took cover from a shell from Moultrie in a splinter
proof that was open to the rear. It burst behind his shelter several
yards in the air, and according to the law of projectiles the frag
ments should have continued on their course. They all did but
one, which turned back, Boomarang fashion, flew straight into his
place of concealment and killed him on the spot.
On the night of the 10th of March a party of eight citizens came
down from'' Charleston and landed on Morris island. The leader of
the party had charge of the lines of military telegraph around the
city and five of those who came with him were his boat's crew. He
brought with him one soldier, his assistant. The night was so in
tensely dark that they were not intercepted by the picket boats of
either army.

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 305
Since we landed on the island in July, 1863, the encroachment
of the sea was quite evident to every one. By April, 1864, the
high water line at the south end was at least two hundred feet fur
ther landward than it was nine months before. The sand ridge on
which the head-quarter tents were pitched at the first landing had
long since been swallowed up by the sea and was now covered by sev
eral feet of water. Major Brooks, engineer officer on the staff of gen
eral Gillmore, told me that during the period of fifty days in the earlj'
part of the siege the sea had encroached that number of feet on the
island. When the coast-,survey officers surveyed the island in 1849
they had a station on a sand hill about two hundred and fifty feet
seaward from where Wagner now stood, and which must now have
been covered by ten or fifteen feet of water at low tide. At this
rate it cannot be many years before the island will be swallowed up
by the' sea, unless the tidal waves shall change their vocation and
form a new sand ridge on the beach.
The troops managed to pass the winter in comparative comfort.
The camps were in part shielded from the cold winds by the sand
hills behind which the tents were pitched. The government refused
to furnish lumber to the men to floor their tents, but many of them
picked up enough pieces of boards and parts of cracker-boxes to use
instead. Some raised their tents from the sand, while others ex
cavated the ground inside to the depth of a couple of feet, making
a pretty good basement to their canvas homes. It was quite a pro
tection in time of high wind. A few of the tents had fire-places,
built of old bricks taken from the ruins of the lighthouse, and most
of them were provided with doors. The commissioned officers were
dealt with more generously. They were provided with lumber,
both to frame and floor their tents, and each one had a fire
place or stove. There was not a chimney 'on the island that did
not do some terribly tall smoking during the winter at some stage
of the wind. Rations were abundant and good, and there was a
plentiful supply of clothing. The weather was not unpleasant, ex-
20

306 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
cept when the high east winds prevailed. Some of the time it was
warm and pleasant. The equinoctial storm, which was the heaviest
of the season, continued more than two weeks. In this time the
sea encroached upon the island twenty feet.
During the winter several subalterns were raised a grade, which
made room for the promotion of a number of worthy non-commis
sioned officers. Among these were sergeants Tyson, Shaffer, Glase
and Williams to be first lieutenants, and sergeants Craven, Widdi
field, Heckler, O'Connell, Fox, Wiatt and Michener to be second
lieutenants. Sergeant Rosenberger, of company D, was also pro
moted, and received his commission, but there was so much delay
in its coming, that he declined to receive it, on the ground that
his enlistment was too near out, to enter upon another term of three
years. Sergeant Tomlinson, of company E, who had been discharged
during the winter on account of disability, also received the com
mission of second lieutenant, but he was not able to rejoin the regi
ment. The promotion of Tyson made a vacancy in the warrant of
sgrgeant-major, which was given to sergeant Johnson, of company E.
On the 1st of April Morris island was visited by lieutenant-colonel
Galway and captain Alderson, of the British army, and captain
Goodnough, of the Royal navy, who came down, by permission of
the secretary of war, to take a look at the siege operations. As they
came accredited to me by both generals Gillmore and Terry, it be
came my duty to extend to them what little hospitality the post af
forded. They were taken to the front in an ambulance, and had
explained to them all the operations which led to the fall of Wagner.
From the top of the bomb-proof they looked across to the battered
walls of Sumter, and had pointed out to them the batteries that bore
on Charleston, and the enemy's works contiguous. Mean while the
cooks at head-quarters had been put at work, and by the time we
returned, a state dinner was prepared, where additional welcome was
given to our English cousins over the smoking platter and the flow
ing bowl. They expressed themselves delighted with their reception

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 307
and treatment, as well they might, for they not only received the
best edibles and drinkables the island possessed, but we also gave
them our best manners.
The veterans of the 104th, one hundred and ten in number, left
Morris island for home, on the 10th, in command of captain Marple.
About this time the garrison was further reduced by the withdrawal
ofthe 9th Maine and the 100th New York, which left with me only
the 52d and 104th regiments, and some artillery, a force entirely
inadequate to hold the island, should an attack be made upon it
in force. These two regiments received orders to be ready to em
bark at a moment's notice, but they did not leave for a couple of
days. The post was re-enforced by the arrival of the 54th Massa
chusetts, a negro regiment. This movement of troops was made in
obedience to orders from Washington. General Gillmore, with the
10th corps, had been ordered to re-enforce the army of the James,
under Butler, then about to operate against Richmond. It con
sisted of three divisions, and numbered about 18,000 men. They
had all been drawn from the department of the South, which was
weakened in troops to this extent. Captain Harvey was appointed
provost marshal of the island, and lieutenant O'Connell post com
missary of subsistence, to replace officers who had left with the
troops going north. On the afternoon of the 13th, with my staff
and band, I visited the Wabash, the flag-ship of the South Atlantic
blockading squadron, to pay my respects to the commodore and
other officers of my acquaintance. Just before dinner was ready to
be served up, I was called ashore by a telegram to execute an order
received from department head-quarters. The rest of the party re
mained aboard, and were detained all night by a violent storm that
arose. The withdrawal of so many troops was evidence of itself that
active operations in that section would be mainly suspended the
coming summer, which subsequent events proved to be the ease.
On the 20th of April I received an order from general Gillmore

308 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
to turn over the command of Morris island to the officer next in
rank and report immediately at department head-quarters. At the
same time the 52d and 104th regiments were ordered to Hilton
Head. The command of the post was turned over to colonel Hal-
lowell, 54th Massachusetts, and the same afternoon I embarked on
a steamer awaiting me at the south end of Folly island. I arrived at
Hilton Head the next morning. On reporting at headquarters I
was directed to relieve colonel Howell, 85th Pennsylvania, in the
command of the Middle district, extending along the coast from
Saint Helena sound to the mouth of Savannah river, and embrac
ing the important coast islands of Saint Helena, Hilton Head, and
Tybee, with fort Pulaski. The 52d and 104th arrived two days
afterward. I spent three days in traversing the district and be
coming acquainted with the location of the troops and the points to
be defended, and on the 26th I took formal command. The dis
posable force at my command was about 2,500 men, with three
small armed vessels to patrol the waters under ensign Cecil C. Neil>
U. S. Navy. My old brigade was now divided. It was to have gone
north with the 10th corps, but at the solicitation of general Hatch,
who succeeded to the command of the department, the 52d and
104th were detained, with orders to follow as soon as they could be
spared. But that time never came and the old brigade was never
again united. General Gillmore's whole force had sailed for Virginia
by the 1st of May, and on that day himself and staff em
barked on the steamer Arago for Fortress Monroe. The force
left in the department numbered some 16,000 men, more than
the general found there when he took command ten months
before. It was ample for defensive purposes, but the troops
were too much scattered to attempt any very important offensive
operations. While the regiment lay on Morris island, company K did a

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 309
generous act. Corporal Chalkley Neeld had lately died of con
sumption, leaving one child. When the enlisted men of the
company heard of it, they raised one hundred dollars to be
invested for the use of the orphan child of their deceased com
panion.

310 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH

CHAPTER XXIV.

The new command. — Excursions to Pinckney and Dafuskee islands. — Returns home on
leave. — ^lu comnfiind of regiment. — ^White men detailed to cook for negroes. — Execu
tion. — ^In command of new brigade. — Attack on Charleston. — Expedition sails. — ^Land
on Seabrook's island. — Cross to John's island. — Surgeon Eobinson captured. — Our troops
halt and take position. — General Hatch comes up. — Colonel Davis wounded. — Taken to
hospital.
MY new command was an honorable one. The district was large
and important ; the duties sufficient to keep the mind actively
employed, while pleasant quarters enabled me to live comfortably.
All important points in the district were accessible by water, and
the transports at my command enabled me to pass from one to
another conveniently. The enemy was much in the habit of alarm
ing our pickets, and a strict watch was kept by land and water to
prevent him entering our lines. Now and then an expedition was
made to beat up the neighboring islands. At daylight on the 5th
of May I landed on Pinckney island with two hundred men of the
52d and 104th and skirmished over it, while the armed transports
shelled the wood. The armed steamer Thomas Foulk entered the
Colleton river and shelled the enemy's pickets on the main land.
One man was left behind, who I believe was recovered a few days
afterward. On the 9th I visited and inspected fort Pulaski, and
dined with major Bailey, the commandant. The fort bore nu
merous indications of the severity of the bombardment in March

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 311
1862, when it was taken. It had only been partially repaired.
The walls retained the shot and shell holes which, at a distance,
gave it the appearance of being pitted with small-pox. A complete
breach was made in the walls, and when the fort was surrendered
our projectiles were reaching the magazine on the opposite side of
the parade. Our batteries were erected on Tybee island, the near
est oLe being a mile off. The siege was directed by captain, since
major-general, Gillmore, who first taught the world in these opera
tions that it was not necessary for American guns to be brought
within six hundred yards of walls of masonry before they could be
battered down. He won promotion and reputation by the skill he
displayed there.
On the llth, with two hundred men under lieutenant-colonel
Hart ofthe 104th, I made an expedition to Dafuskee island, which
lay outside our lines. No enemy was to be seen, but about four
thousand pounds of fine sea-island cotton were found and fetched
away. It was turned over to the agent of the treasury department
at Hilton Head, and I suppose was sold and the proceeds paid to
the government. The island was well skirmished over.
I was absent from the 14th of May to the 3d of Junfe on a visit
home on account of sickness in my family. General William Bir
ney, who was on his way to Folly island, was placed in temporary
command of my district in my absence. As soon as he was in au
thority he broke up my brigade organization, which had been
formed by the commanding general of the army, and consolidated
the district and put in one command. Mean while general Foster
had come down to take command of the department, when general
Hatch was assigned to the district. On my return I asked to be ¦
sent back to my regiment, and on the 6th I relieved lieutenant-
colonel Hart, the first time since November, 1861, that I had had
so small a command. I found the regiment much scattered, and
not over a hundred men were in camp subject to my control.
There were large details doing duty as provost, post and dock

312 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
guards. Company I was on Saint Helena, G in garrison at fort
Beauregard, Bay point, F on picket at Braddock's point, and part
of company K was stationed at Spanish wells, on Hilton Head
island. Major Rogers, captain Pickering and lieutenant Fretz re
mained on duty at district head-quarters, lieutenant Shaffer was as
sistant provost marshal, and lieutenant Wiatt in command of the
dock guard. The two details of post guard were respectively under
the command of captains Groff and Laughlin. For the few days
that I remained in charge of the regiment I enjoyed a sinecure, as
I had neither men to command nor duties to perform. This thing
did not last long, however. In a few days a new brigade was
formed for me, consisting of the 41st and 157th New York and my
own regiment.
On my return I found the men ofthe 104th very much incensed
against general Birney. Soon after he assumed command of the
district he issued an order to compel the negroes to come in from
the neighboring plantations to work on the fortifications being
erected at Hilton Head. At the same time he ordered a detail of
six men from my regiment to cook for these negroes while engaged
in this fatigue duty. They reported at his head-quarters in obedi
ence to the order, but as the laborers could not be procured there
was nothing for these white men to do in the way of preparing
the meals for their black brothers. This detail was made from a
white regiment at a time two negro regiments were encamped near
where the work was to be done. There could have been no other
motive in this than to degrade the white soldier and insult the
regiment. That these men of the 104th were not obliged to cook
the victuals of the South Carolina negroes was no fault of general
Birney. Is it then a cause of wonder that he was heartily de
spised by the white troops ?
On the 13th of June the 52d regiment was embarked for Folly
island. That and the 104th had served together since the beginning
of November, 1861, and its removal was the separation of old

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 313
friends. In this time many attachments had been formed which
will last as long as the parties live. Side by side the two regiments
had marched, encamped and fought for two years and a half On
Sunday, the 19th, a private of the 41st New York was shot for de
sertion. The execution took place just outside the fortifications,
and in the presence of the whole garrison. The shooting party was
detailed from the 104th. Among the improvements erected at
Hilton Head, since I first saw it in January, 1863, was a theatre,
which was mainly built through the efforts of the officers and men
ofthe 48th New York regiment. A company, composed mainly of
enlisted men, played there from time to time, to relieve the dulness
of garrison life. The music was furnished by the post band, all its
members being fine performers. These performances were always
well attended. While on duty at this post, the 104th organized a
troupe called the "Star Minstrels, which performed a few times in
the theatre. On the first occasion, the evening of the 21st of June,
the house was much crowded, and the receipts amounted to two
hundred dollars. Just outside the lines was a negro settlement
called Mitchelville, inhabited by several hundred contrabands, and
which had grown up within the last eighteen months. The govern
ment furnished them with lumber to build houses, and many of
these darkies received rations from the subsistence department.
Hilton Head being the seat of department head-quarters, the pre
sence of troops on shore, and more or less men-of-war in the harbor,
gave it considerable life and activity. There were always ladies
enough sojourning here to form a pleasant female society. The
post band played several airs every evening on the square, while
regimental or brigade bands played at stated times each day. ' There
were attractions enough to make it pleasant to civilians who admire
that kind of life. While stationed at Hilton Head, on this occasion,
several of the drafted men and substitutes who had been sailors,
were transferred to the navy by order of the war department.
The latter part of June general Foster received instructions from

314 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
Washington city to make an attack on Charleston with all his dis
posable force, as soon as it could be got ready. This movement had
a two-fold object in view — to direct the attention of the enemy from
Sherman, who was marching on Atlanta, and to prevent re-enforce
ments being sent from the Southern Atlantic coast to general Lee.
It soon leaked out that active operations were to be renewed, but
we could not learn the destination of the expedition being fitted out.
On the 30th instant I was ordered to hold my brigade in readiness
to embark the next morning at a moment's notice. The 144th New
York had been assigned to me for this'occasion, instead of the 41st.
The men were to carry three days' cooked rations, and six days of
hard-bread, sugar and coffee were to be carried along in bulk. The
necessary preparations were made immediately, and by the morrow
we were ready to go aboard. I organized a battalion of sharp
shooters, one hundred and fifty strong, which was placed under the
command of captain Laughlin. The officers and men were to go
in light marching order. The 104th embarked the afternoon of
the 1st of July, on the steamer Cosmopolitan, which also carried
general Foster and staff. The balance of the brigade embarked on
other steamers. Troops were taken from all points along the
coast, wherever they could be spared; and those from all places
south, and from Beaufort, assembled in the harbor of Port Royal.
We got under weigh about sunset, without knowing our destination.
After running 30 minutes south-east of the light ship, I opened the
secret instructions that had been given me before going on board,
when I found that our place of landing was to be North Edisto, and
that the point of attack was Charleston.
The attack was to be made by four separate columns, moving
from as many points. On the right a thousand men were to be
thrown from Morris island on to the head of James, in boats, to as
sault fort Johnson. Another column of about 2,500 men, under
general Sohemmelphinneg, were to move up the Stono river, land
on the south end of James' island and attack the enemy's works near

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 315
Seeessionville. A third column, under general Hatch, composed
of the brigade of general Saxton and my own, was to land on Sea
brook's island from the North Edisto, thence march across that
and John's island, and thus approach Charleston to advantage by
flanking the heavy batteries on James' island. The fourth column,
under general Birney, and composed wholly of negro troops, was to
ascend the Dawhoo in boats to the main land, where it was to dis
embark and cut the Charleston and Savannah railroad at a point
where it crosses the Rantoul's creek by an important bridge. This
would prevent re-enforcements reaching the enemy from Savannah,
the nearest point whence they could be drawn. This column was
to be accompanied by the engineers who marched prepared to de
stroy the track of the railroad and blow up the bridges in a very
short time. The whole force was about eight thousand men. The
naval force on that station acted in concert and rendered every pos
sible assistance. The plan was well conceived, and had the direc
tions of general Foster been observed and carried out, I believe that
Charleston would have fallen into our hands. As I have chiefly to
do with the column of general Hatch, I will proceed to narrate its
operations. His division was about three thousand strong, of which two were
regiments of negro troops of Saxton's brigade. We made the Edis
to bar about 2 o'clock a. m., on the 2nd of July, but as we could
not find the buoy in the dark, were obliged to lay to until it was
light enough to see to run in. I commenced disembarking my men
at 5J o'clock and in an hour all were on shore. The 144th New
York, colonel Slidell, was sent forward four miles to seize the bridge
at Haulover cut, which separates Seabrook's island from John's.
I followed him shortly afterward with the balance of the brigade.
He found that the bridge had been burned some time before, and as
the water was deep when the tide was in it, it had to be rebuilt before
wagons and artillery could pass over. Lieutenant Lehnen, quarter
master of the 104th, with the regimental pioneers, was assigned to

316 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
this duty. In two hours a bridge was completed, sixty two feet
span and strong enough to bear artillery and cavalry. The brigade
bivouacked on John's island, with pickets well thrown out. The
mounted scouts of the enemy were in sight, who watched all our
movements closely. Before dark a squadron of the 4th Massachu
setts cavalry reported to me and bivouacked with us. General
Hatch joined us the next morning and assumed command of the
column. The two negro regiments of Saxton's brigade, the 9th and
26th, came up during the night, while the remaining regiment, the
56th New York and the battery, which had been delayed by their
steamer grounding on Port Royal bar, joined us the morning of
the 3rd, just before we marched.
My brigade marched at 8 o'clock, a. m. After marching four
miles the column was halted, to await the coming up of Saxton's
brigade. The point was Parker's, near a large white farm house.
The infantry was formed in line of battle on each side of the road,
with a piece of artillery unlimbered in the road. The island here
abouts was heavily timbered, with some cleared fields in front. Close
to where we bivouacked a road turns off that leads down to the
Stono river. Soon after we halted an officer reported that there was
a re-enforcement of four pieces of artillery, thirty cavalry, and two
hundred infantry within four miles, on the Stono road, which had
been sent from general Schemmelphennig's column. They were
ordered to report to me. They were not able to unite with us, how
ever, until the next day. The artillery had been sent back to the
Stono to get forage for the horses, as they had had none for two
days, and we had not a pound to spare them. Toward evening I
sent a small party of cavalry to the front to reconnoitre the country,
which advanced up the main road three miles. Here they found a
force of the enemy's infantry deployed in a wood, and as they had
no orders to engage him, they returned to camp and reported.
Saxton's brigade arrived at sunset. As the day was now spent, and
the country and force in our front entirely unknown, general Hatch

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 317
determined to pass the night here. Pickets were thrown out on all
sides, and the men lay down to sleep, in line of battle, with their
equipments on, and their arms by their sides.
The night passed away quietly. The troops were astir before
daylight preparing for an early march. It was resumed at 5 o'clock.
It had been the original intention of general Hatch to contine on
the main road until we struck the Wadmelaw, when turning to the
right, march up the island, with our left fiank covered by that river.
But there was now reason to change our direction. Since we had
disembarked, the base of supplies had been transferred from the
North Edisto to the Stono, and by continuing on the road we were
then on, we would have left our rear exposed and given the enemy
an'npportunity to cut off our retreat to our transports. Our situa
tion became apparent on examining the map, and it was resolved to
change our route by making a flank march from our then position
so as to strike the Stono, and thence march direct on Charleston.
The order to march to the front was countermanded, and I was di
rected to lead the column to the right.
This was the 4th of July, and the day was intensely hot. I do
not remember to have marched a hotter day during my service, not
even in Mexico. The road on either side was hedged in with
bushes or wood, and as there was not a breath of air to carry off the
dust raised by the column, it settled down upon and completely
enveloped the troops. This march, short as it was, was a good trial
of the endurance of the two races. While all the troops suffered
greatly, the two negro regiments suffered much more than the
white ones. The poor blacks dropped down by scores from exhaus
tion and heat of the sun, and could not stand, in their native clime,
the same amount of fatigue as white men. The march was not
more than six miles, and yet the two negro regiments did not reach
our bivouac with one third their numbers. We halted about 9
o'clock on a plantation at the head of^he road which comes up
from Legareville. Here we met the re-enforcements from the co-

318 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
lumn of general Schemmelphennig. My little battalion of sharp
shooters did excellent service. They led the column and skir
mished over the country on both flanks for some distance. With
such troops in advance it was impossible to be surprised.
We were unfortunate in losing surgeon Robinson, who was cap
tured by the enemy. He was not informed of the change in the
route, which was determined on but a short time before tho column
took up the march. On my return from the quarters of general
Hatch I stopped at the doctor's bivouac to explain to him the
change of direction; but I was not able to see him, as he was out
among the troops treating them to their quinine and whiskey. —
Captain Corcoran had been on picket with his company over night
and his men had not finished their breakfast when the column
marched. He was directed to follow as soon as ready and overtake
us. He did not observe that we turned short to the right soon after
we left the bivouac, and when he came to march he continued on
the main road up the island. Dr. Robinson, who had been detained
with the sick, accompanied him. After going about two miles the
captain was convinced that he had missed the road and halted his
company. The doctor feeling certain that the column was not far
ahead said he would ride on, overtake it, and have it to halt for
him to come up. He had ridden but a short distance when he saw
two horsemen ahead, whom he supposed to be our videts. When he
overtook them, in the edge of the timber, they presented their rifles
and ordered him to dismount and approach. As he drew near he
saw the Confederate gray, and found himself a prisoner of war in
the hands of the Stono rangers. He was carried to the command
ing officer, major Walker, thence to the head-quarters of the dis
trict, whence he was taken to Charleston and confined in the jail
with a number of other prisoners. He was kept a prisoner
about three months, when he was unconditionally released. He
speaks of the treatment of the enemy as universally kind and re
spectful. At the time of his capture the doctor was riding what

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 319
was known in the regiments as "Fred's mule." This was a splen
did little animal that private Lefler had found in a dying condition
on Folly island, the year before, and which he had taken care of
and cured. As he was the mail boy of the brigade the mule did
considerable service, and the men had become much attached to
him. It is said that when some one informed him of the capture of
the doctor, Lefler said, "What do I care for doctor Robinson?
Hav'nt I lost my mule ?"
Captain Corcoran marched no further on that road, as he was
convinced the troops had not passed that way. Soon the shirmish-
ers of the enemy appeared in his front and engaged him. He sent
a man to hunt the column while he fell back gradually, driving
in the enemy as he retired. A force was sent back to relieve
him, with an ambulance to bring in the broken down men. They
reached our camp with the rear-guard without any loss. We saw
a few of the enemy's videts, who succeeded in wounding one of our
¦ cavalrymen in the ankle. We remained at this bivouac all night.
In the afternoon we had a heavy shower of rain which cooled the
atmosphere and made the heat much more bearable. The surgeons
prepared soup for the whole command, from desiccated vegetables,
and each officer and man was served with a tin-cup full. It did
much toward recovering the troops from the effects of the heat and
fatigue. We resumed the march on the morning of the 5th, my brigade
leading. Before we left camp the sick, of which there was a con
siderable number, were sent in ambulances down to the Stono to be
shipped for Hilton Head. General Hatch and staff marched with
the second brigade. I was directed to advance to a certain swamp,
which the road crossed on a bridge, six or eight miles in front, where
I was to halt and await further orders. I reached this point, which
we learned was afterward called the " Huts," about 8 o'clock, a. m.
Nearly the whole distance lay through a timbered country, traversed
now and then by a swamp. We saw no enemy until we approached

320 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
our destination, when our cavalry came upon two mounted videts
on the bridge, who scampered off under a volley of rifles. Here I
halted my command. I secured the crossing and then sent a party
of cavalrymen and sharp-shooters to take possession of the timber
and open country half a mile in our front. Here the picket line
was established, and until other arrangements could be made its se
curity was intrusted to captain Laughlin and his trusty corps of
sharp-shooters. Two pieces of artillery were placed in position at
the bridge to command the approaches to it and the crossing, one in
the fleld and the other in the road. A guard, in addition, was sta
tioned there, while the balance of the command was a few hundred
yards to the rear.
In the afternoon a force of the enemy, estimated at one hundred
and fifty or two hundred, was seen advancing across the fields in
our front. I sent out captain Laughlin with his sharp-shooters to
meet them ; who drove them back and established his lines on the
ground they had occupied. Towards evening I caused some rifle-
pits to be thrown up to protect our position and pickets were thrown
out in every direction, and the men were ordered to bivouac in line
of battle with their equipments on. General Saxton's brigade joined
us about dark. On his way up he had left six companies of ne
gro troops at a point where a by-road comes into the main one, to
prevent the enemy getting into our rear. In the afternoon they
were attacked by some infantry, with a piece of artillery, driven
back toward Legareville and cut off from the main body. When
this was known, general Saxton was ordered back to their relief.
Mean while the enemy had retired and we did not have an oppor
tunity to engage him. The detatchment had a few men killed and
wounded. He did not reach the front again until the next fore
noon. General Hatch joined us about dark and took the immedi
ate command. At different times during the afternoon the enemy
threw shells among us from a field battery a mile in front, and a
few were thrown from some of their flanking batteries on James'

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 321
island. Our position was so well concealed by the surrounding
timber that they could only guess at it, and their firing was with
the hope that our guns would reply and expose it. About 9 o'clock
word was brought from the front that the enemy was advancing,
and the proper disposition was made to receive him, but no demon
stration was made beyond firing a few shots and making consider
able noise. Head-quarters were moved into an old frame house that
stood near the crossing of the swamp. The night passed without
further disturbance.
The next morning, the 6th, the enemy opened upon us with a
six, twelve, and twenty-four pounder and shelled us for an hour.
Two men only were wounded. After breakfast, with general Hatch
and staff, I mounted my horse and rode to the front. I was re
quested to assist in making a reconnoissance with the view of the
possible erection of batteries to enfilade those of the enemy on
James' island. When we reached the front, we found he had
brought down a field battery within about half a mile, which was
firing quite briskly. This was an unfortunate morning for me. I
got on an embankment at the side of the road which ran through
our picket line and was examining the battery with a field glass.
One piece was directly in front of me, and I was looking into the
muzzle while the gunners were loading it. I was standing, at the
time, with the left hand resting against a small tree and the body
thrown forward on the right leg. The enemy saw me very distinct
ly and trained this particular gun on me. I did not notice them
in the act of firing, but hearing a soldier near me call out " cover,"
I drew myself up near the sapling just as the piece was discharged.
It was fortunate that I did, otherwise I had been killed. The shell
exploded a few feet in front, the largest piece burying itself in the
tree, and another fragment passing through my right hand carrying
away the fingers and lacerating the limb. The glass was not in
jured nor did the shock cause me to let go my hold on it. Imme
diately afterward the battery commenced to fire canister, which
21

322 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
swept our position. I was carried on a stretcher to the head-quar
ter house where the fragments of the fingers were cut off with
a dull knife in cold blood, and thence in the same manner two
miles down to the Stono and placed on board the steam boat Peco-
nia. That afternoon the necessary amputations were made by a
surgeon of the navy, assisted by the assistant surgeon of the New
York volunteer engineers. I was partially under the influence of
chloroform at the time, but nevertheless could hear the bones crack
without feeling any pain. The next day I was sent to Beaufort in
the revenue cutter Omaha, and placed in the officers' hospital, where
my wound was most carefully attended by surgeon Burton of the
3rd Rhode Island artillery.

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 323

CHAPTEE XXV.

Attempt to take rebel battery. — Battle of John's island. — Enemy repulsed. — Our forces
withdrawn. — Plan of attack on Charleston. — Reason of failure.— Colonel Davis comes
north. — Men kept in service over their time. — The regiment goes to Florida. — Ordered
to Washington. — Money to erect monument. — Regiment mustered out of service. —
Sketch of battalion that remained in service.
DURING the next two days the enemy kept up a brisk can
nonade upon our position, but with little loss on our side.
As our guns were not permitted to go to the front to silence his
pieces, it was deemed advisable to attempt their capture. The 26th
regiment, negro troops, was selected for this duty, and the attempt
was made on the afternoon of the 8th. The effort failed with con
siderable loss. The attack was badly planned and worse executed.
There was courage enough displayed to have made it successful, but
there was a great lack of judgment in handling the troops. Several
were killed, more wounded, and some were made prisoners.
From the tops of the trees about head-quarters the movements of
the enemy could be overlooked. Several boat-loads of troops were
seen to land upon the island from the main land, and other indica
tions that led to the belief that an attack upon our forces would
not be long delayed. While we held our present position the enemy
was in danger. Our .gunboats were in the Stono river shelling
his batteries, and the troops threatened to turn his works on
-James' island. The evening of the 8th we were re-enforced by the

324 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
arrival of the 8th and 34th negro regiments, under colonel Mont
gomery, from James' island. This was Friday. That night our
pickets were strengthened and other ordinary precautions taken to
prevent surprise, as it was believed that an attack would be made
in the next twenty-four hours. About 4 o'clock the next morning,
under cover of a heavy fog, the enemy surprised our pickets by a
large force and drove them in to the main body. Several of our
men were killed and wounded. The enemy followed them closely.
The noise and firing at the front alarmed the camps, and the troops
were soon aroused and in line. Our position was the same as that
taken up on the morning of our arrival on the ground. Two guns
were stationed at the bridge which commanded the road, while the
infantry was in rifle-pits on both sides of it along the edge of the
swamp. The remainder of the guns was stationed at convenient
positions for shelling.
The enemy came down the road in a great mass, running and
yelling, in pursuit of our flying pickets, and did not discover our
guns at the bridge until they opened, at the distance of less than a
hundred yards, with a double cbarge of canister. Our men were
so hard pushed that they did not have time to remove the plank
from the bridge. The enemy was immediately cheeked with great
slaughter, but deployed in the timber, on the right and left, and
commenced a general attack. The action lasted two hours, when
he retired, being repulsed at all points. His loss must have been
heavy, as his men fought desperately and at close quarters. He
made a great effort to drive us from our position. All that day he
was seen from our look-out in the tree-tops carrying off the killed
and wounded in ambulances and on stretchers. A particularly fine
shot was made during the action by lieutenant Wildt, commanding
a New York battery, with one of his pieces. A sharp-shooter of
the enemy had fixed himself in the top of a tree, within close range
of our pieces at the bridge, and his balls were annoying our gun_
ners without knowing where they came from. Presently he was

y^o^ 4^

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 325
pointed out. The lieutenant caused a gun to be loaded nearly full
of canister, and elevated so as to strike the tree about where the
man sat. It was directed with accurate aim and fired. The tree
was cut off just below him and they came to the ground together.
Our loss was not over a hundred in killed and wounded. During
the operations on the island the loss of the 104th was one officer
killed and two officers and nine men wounded. The one killed was
liutenant Burke, of company G. His was a hard case. He had
just been promoted after nearly three years' faithful service. His
commission had been handed him the day before, and he had not
had an opportunity to be mustered in. He was placed on duty as
an officer, and was killed while on picket. A rebel soldier mounted
a bank near where Burke was rallying the men, and seeing his ac
tivity took deliberate aim and shot him through the head. His
body was not recovered. That night the island was evacuated.
The troops were quietly withdrawn after dark to the Stono, where
they embarked on transports under cover of gunboats. The expe
dition was abandoned. It had resulted hke all previous attempts to
take Charleston, in failure, and mainly because the orders were not
carried out.
As already mentioned, it was intended that the attack should be
made in four columns. Commencing on the right, colonel Gurney,
commanding on Morris island, with assistance from the navy was
to throw a thousand men, in boats, across to the head of James'
island and capture fort Johnson under cover of the darkness. In
place of this only one hundred and fifty men of the 52d Pennsylvania
regiment, under colonel Hoyt and lieutenant-colonel Conyngham,
were landed on the island just before daylight. They attacked with
great gallantry, but after a partial success were all made prisoners,
with some loss in killed and wounded. Colonel Gurney, himself,
did not accompany his command, and I am informed by officers en
gaged that he did not consult the navy as to the tide and channel as
he should have done. This was the most important point of attack

326 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
in the operations, and failed. Success here would have given us
success elsewhere. This took place on the morning of the 4th of
July. The conduct of colonel Gurney was afterward investigated
before a court of inquiry and he was censured.
The column of general Sohemmelphinneg landed on the lower
end of James' island from the Stono river__at the time agreed upon,
and attacked the enemy's lines. He captured a small battery with
two guns, and took a few prisoners, but failed to force the main
works. His force remained on the island until operations were con
cluded, and annoyed the enemy from time to time. The force
under general William Birney went in transports up the Dawhoo
to White's point, where he landed under cover of some light draft
gun-boats which accompanied him. General Foster went with this
column. The landing was not opposed. After the column was
formed it took the road to Rantoul's bridge, on the main, crossed
by the Charleston and Savannah railroad. After marching a short
distance their progress was arrested by a battery which the enemy
had built across the road. After making a feeble effort to silence
it, general Birney retired to his transports and embarked his forces.
A naval battery, manned by sailors from the gunboats, accompanied
the column. When the retreat was ordered the sailors were not no
tified, and kept their ground. They drew their pieces back by
hand, some two miles, and embarked in safety. The column was
composed of negroes, the favorite troops of general Birney, and yet
the reason he gave general Foster for retiring was that he had no
confidence in his men. Poster was very much displeased at the
conduct of Birney, so much so that he was relieved of his command
and sent back to Florida. Colonel Montgomery was placed in com
mand of his brigade, which was withdrawn to James' island. The
failure of the supporting columns was the occasion of the withdrawal
of Hatch's division from John's island.
This expedition should have been a success. I have no doubt
that Charleston would have fallen, had the orders of general Foster

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 327
been carried out. If the John's Lsland column had been properly
pushed, it could have secured a position at the head of the island on
the 5th of July. The enemy was completely deceived by our flank
march from Parker's to the Stono, as they had made arrangements
to resist us with the small force at their command on the other road.
My brigade reached the Huts, on the morning of the 5th, about 8
a. m., only five miles from the city, where I was ordered to halt un
til the general came up, which was not until dark. At this time
there was no force in my front except two or three hundred mounted
men, known as the Stono rangers, and a four gun battery. Our
united force was full three thousand infantry, besides two four gun
batteries, and a small squadron of cavalry. It should have been
kept closed up and pushed on to the head of the island. My
own brigade, fifteen hundred strong, with four guns, was kept inac
tive twelve hours, and thus the golden opportunity was lost. Mean
while the enemy telegraphed for troops to oppose us, and we lay
there doing nothing until a brigade was brought from Atlanta,
Georgia, with which, and some additional troops from the neighbor
ing islands they attacked us on the morning of the 9th, Saturday.
During Friday re-enforcements from Charleston were seen coming
across the Ashley river, on steamboats, and landing on the head
of John's island. On abandoning the expedition the troops were
sent to their former location, the 104th occupying their old camp at
Hilton Head. I remained in hospital until the I7th, when I took
the steamer for New York on a thirty days' leave of absence. The
regiment was left in command of lieutenant-colonel Hart, which he
retained for the remainder of its enlistment. I did not again re
join it for duty. When sufficiently recovered from my wound to
do light duty, I was detailed on general court-martial at Philadel
phia where I remained until the regiment was mustered out of
service. In the 104th were a number of men who enlisted in the summer
of 1862, for the unexpired term of the regiment, expecting to be

328 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
discharged with it in the fall of 1864. They were recruited with
this understanding. As the time approached when it would be
mustered out, these men were anxious to knowwhat would be their
fate, as some question had been raised as to their right to discharge.
On the 18th of June I laid their case before the war department in
a respectful communication, in which I argued their right to be
mustered out with the regiment, inasmuch as they had only enlisted
for the unexpired term. I stated the whole case fully with the
previous decision of the department on the question. It was re
ferred to the adjutant general of the army for his final action. Two
months afterward the papers were returned to general Foster with
an endorsement that I had been guilty of insubordination in bring
ing the matter before him. This was the first occasion I ever knew
that an officer was guilty of an offence in laying the grievances of
his men before the proper authorities, and asking to have them cor
rected. Here the matter rested and the men served out their full
three years. A case precisely similar was presented from Massa
chusetts. In 1862 her regiments were filled up in the same way,
for their unexpired term, and when the question was referred to the
war department it was decided in favor of the soldier, and it was an
nounced that that State was the only one in whose favor an excep
tion had been made. This appeared like an unfair discrimination
in favor of New England.
The 104th remained at Hilton Head doing garrison and fatigue
duty until the last of July, when it was ordered to Florida to relieve
some troops that were being sent north. General Hatch, who had
been sent down to replace general Birney in command of the dis
trict, selected it to accompany him. The regiment was stretched
along the rail road guarding it from Jacksonville to Baldwin, where
three companies were stationed. The weather was warm, but the
duty was not particularly arduous, being principally engaged on
picket and fatigue. The last of August several regiments from the
department of the South were sent north, of which the 104th was

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 329
one. It was ordered to Washington city and landed from the
steamer at Alexandria, when it was assigned to the fortifications on
the south side of the Potomac. It was attached to the brigade of
colonel Heine. Here it remained until its term of enlistment
expired. There was some misunderstanding with the war department as to
the time the regiment was entitled to its discharge. The commis
sary of musters at Hilton Head had received notice that it was not
entitled to be mustered out until the 16th of October, twenty-four
days after the expiration of the term of service for which the men
had enlisted. This caused much dissatisfaction and created an angry
feeling toward the department. I addressed the adjutant general
of the army on the subject, but could not get the order rescinded.
A subsequent personal application was more successful, and an
order was obtained for its muster out on the 23rd of September.
Ten days before this time I visited the regiment and carried the
order with me, which gave great satisfaction to both officers and men.
Preparatory to being mustered out the fragments of the ten compa
nies to remain were consolidated into a battalion of five companies,
numbering about four hundred men, consisting principally of the
conscripts and substitutes who had joined on Morris' island. They
were placed in command of lieutenant-colonel Hart, while the com
pany officers were selected from among those who had not served
three years in their present commissions.
On the occasion of my visit to the regiment at this time, the en
listed men did an act that reflected great credit on them. For a
long time I had been exceedingly anxious to raise the means to
erect a monument to the memory of the dead of the regiment. It
had been brought before a meeting of officers on Morris' island, but
was postponed for the present. During the last year of service, by
a system of economy in the management of our bakery, there had
accumulated a regimental fund of yearly two thousand dollars. This
money belonged to the enlisted men, must be divided among them

330 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
when the regiment should be mustered out, and could not be used
for any other purpose than that pointed out by Army Regulations
without their consent. I wrote to the war department to know wheth
er all, or a portion, of this money could be appropriated by the regi
mental council of administration to build the monument, if the en
listed men gave their consent, and in reply I was informed that it
could be done. While I was with the regiment on this occasion
the men unanimously adopted a resolution authorizing the council
to appropriate sixteen hundred dollars for this object. The money
has been invested in government securities, with some additions by
contributions, until the time it may be thought best to erect the
monument. The regiment left Washington for Philadelphia, to be mustered
out of service on the 23d of September, and arrived Sunday morn
ing, the 25th, and quartered at the Volunteer Refreshment Saloon.
The separation between those who were coming home, and those
who remained in service, took place at the depot in Washington,
whither the battalion of five companies had come, on their way to
join Sheridan in the valley of Virginia. On the afternoon of the
27th the city authorities gave the regiment a formal reception, and
under an escort was marched through various streets, which were
crowded by the citizens. On Saturday, the 1st of October, the old
organization of the 104th came to an end, for on that afternoon the
officers and men were mustered out of service, paid off and dis
charged from the military service of the United States. They se
parated immediately, and those who had been closely united for
three years amid dangers and hardships, bade good-by, many of
them never to meet again on this side the grave. A considerable
number came up to Doylestown in the evening train, where they
were handsomely received and took supper in the court house. Rich
ard Watson, Esq., made the speech of welcome. The entertainment
was mainly gotten up through the exertions of the ladies. The
night was very stormy, but nevertheless there was a large assem-

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 331
blage present to receive their friends and relatives who had returned
from the battle-field.
This closes the old organization of the 104th, but the history of
the regiment will not be complete without some notice of the battal
ion which remained in service. As I have none of the official records
of this period to refer to, the account of it must necessarily be brief,
as well as imperfect. For the information on which it is written, I
am indebted to lieutenant-colonel Hart, who remained in command
of the battalion, and lieutenant- colonel Kephart, who succeeded him.
As before mentioned, the men who remained in service were
formed into five companies, with a battalion organization. The offi
cers detailed to remain, because their then present commissions had
a greater or less time to run were, lieutenant-colonel Hart, surgeon
Robinson, assistant surgeon Brush and quartermaster Lehnen, as
field and staff, with the following company officers, viz. : captains
Kephart, Groff, Laughlin and Scarborough, and lieutenants Glase,
Williams, Tyson, O'Connell, Widdifield, Michener, Garron, Conner
and Walker. Lieutenant Widdifield was appointed adjutant, which
position he held until the close of the war.
Colonel Hart, with his battalion, left Washington city at noon on
the 24th of September, and reached Harper's Ferry the next morning,
Sunday, before daylight. On reporting to general Stevenson, the com
mandant, he was directed to march his command to Bolivar Heights,
on the opposite side ofthe river, and report to colonel Heine, 103d
New York. The battalion now numbered about two hundred men
and five company officers. Two or three days afterward colonel
Heine, with a brigade of four thousand men, started to escort a train
of six hundred wagons to general Sheridan's army at Harrisonburg.
The column marched from twenty to twenty-five miles a-day, passing
Charlestown, Winchester and other well-known places, and reached
the point of destination in safety. Along the road between Win
chester and Harrisonburg were seen many evidences of battle and

332 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
the hasty flight of the enemy. The last day's march, burning barns
were seen in every direction.
Heine's brigade was now assigned to the 3d division of the 6th
corps, general Ricketts commanding. Shortly the whole army fell
back toward Harper's Ferry. It rested a couple of days near Stras-
burg, whence the 6th corps was sent to Front Royal. Colonel Heine,
with the 10th New York Heavy Artillery, 103d New York, and the
104th Pennsylvania, were left to guard the pass through the moun
tains, while the army continued to fall back toward Winchester.
The same day an order was received from general Sheridan for the
brigade to be at Middletown the next morning at daylight, which
point was reached at that time. The 6th corps came up soon after
ward. Heine's brigade was again detached and placed in charge of
a train for Martinsburg. It left the army on the morning of the
17th of October, and reached Martinsburg about dark, a distance of
forty-two miles. While the train was loading, the battle of Cedar
creek was fought on the 19th, and at that distance the roar of the
artillery could be distinctly heard. A number of the men of the
104th, about enough to form a company, who had come up after the
regiment had left with the train, took part in the battle, under com
mand of captain Kephart. Five of them were wounded, but I have
not been able to learn their names. About the 1st of November
colonel Hart, with his battalion, was ordered to report to colonel
Bassitt, at Martinsburg, and get ready to proceed to Philadelphia, to
vote at the coming Presidential election. The 104th was incorpo
rated into a brigade, consisting of that regiment and the 84th, 92d
and 119th Pennsylvania. The march from Winchester to Martins
burg, thirty miles, was made in twelve hours. While the regiment
was in the valley, it was engaged in very arduous service, being
nearly all the time on the march. In many instances the men were
barefooted. The regiment reached Philadelphia in the night and was sent
out to camp Cadwallader, where no preparations had been made to

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 333
receive them. The camp ground was almost afloat and the tents
were pitched in mud and water. After the Presidential election
the brigade was ordered back to Winchester, where lieutenant.
colonel Hart was mustered out and honorably discharged from the
service by reason of having served out his full term.
On the retirement of lieutenant-colonel Hart, captain Kephart'
the ranking officer, assumed command of the battalion, on the 20th
of November, at Summit point. He was afterward promoted to the
vacant lieutenant-colonel's commission. On the 22d Heine's divi
sion, of which the 104th again formed a part, was ordered to join
the army of the Potomac in front of Richmond. It was stationed
on the Bermuda front, about the centre of the line between the
Appomattox and the James' rivers. Here it remained during the
winter, and participated in all the dangers and hardships incident
to the operations of the army. Picket duty was incessant and se
vere, and the soldiers of the two armies were engaged in almost
daily conflict. During the winter the battalion was raised to a full
regiment by the addition of five new companies, commanded by the
following officers, viz: — Captain Johnson, from Blair county; cap
tain Fredrick, from Armstrong; captain Kantner, from Schuylkill;
captain Rankin, from Dauphin; and captain McCanna, from Pitts
burgh. They were composed of good material. Lieutenant-colonel
Kephart was now commissioned colonel, but was never mustered in
his new grade.
The regiment was engaged in the operations on the 3d and 4th
of April, when the advance was made on Petersburg and Rich
mond which led to the route and surrender of the rebel army. On
the fall of Petersburg it was sent into that town and formed part of
the garrison until about the 20th of April, when it was ordered to re
port at fortress Monroe. After remaining there four days it was sent
to Norfolk, where it was in garrison until mustered out of service
This took place on the 25th of August, 1865. The men were then
sent to Philadelphia, where they were paid off and discharged. At

334 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
the time of the muster-out of the regiment the five companies that
had belonged to the old organization were commanded respectively
by the following officers, viz : — Company A, lieutenant Wigton ; B,
captain Glase; C, captain Scarborough; D, lieutenant Dyer; and
H, captain Bitting. When captain Kephart was promoted on the
muster out of lieutenant-colonel Hart, captain Laughlin was com
missioned and mustered as major. The other field and staff officers
remained the same as already mentioned. I am not able to give
the various changes among the commissioned officers during this
period, but I am informed that some forty new commissions were
issued during the nine months the battalion and regiment were un
der the command of lieutenant-colonel Kephart. The absence of
official records and other data prevent me giving many particulars
that would be interesting both to the members of the regiment and
the general reader.
Before I conclude I deem it necessary to say a few words about
the labors of chaplain Gries. The regiment was fortunate in
having such an excellent chaplain. Neither officer nor man was
more faithf'nj in the discharge of his duties. He served out his
full term of three years, and was very seldom absent from the regi
ment unless on duty. During this time he held more than a thou
sand religious exercises. He preached every Sunday in camp, with
prayer-meeting and a short address every evening when possible.
Besides these he held special service in the hospital. For a long
time he was the only chaplain on duty with the brigade, and he
alone held daily and continuous services among the troops. For a
considerable period during the operations on Morris island he was
the only chaplain in that army to officiate at the burial of the dead.
For a time he was engaged in this duty nearly every hour in the
day. While connected with the regiment Mr. Gries baptized and
received into the church fifty-nine soldiers and one officer : the lat
ter and one soldier belonged to the 52d regiment, but all the rest
to the 104th.

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. 335
My task is now done. The 104th Pennsylvania regiment will
live in history and in the memory of those who served in it. There
never was an organization that contained a finer body of men, and
no regiment in the Federal army bore truer faith to the great cause
it espoused, and is more worthy to be honored in the annals of the
Republic.

APPENDIX.

ROSTER
Oomraissioned and. Non-Oortimissioned
OFFICERS, MUSICIANS, AND PRIVATES
OP THB
104th PENNSYLVANIA EEGIMENT.

FIELD AND STAFF, NOH-COMMISSIOIfED STAFF, AND
BAND.
FIELD AND STAFF.
W. W. H. Davis, Colonel, Doylestown, Pa.
John W. Nields, Lt. Colonel, West Chester, Pa.
John M. Gries, Major, Philadelphia, Pa.
Thompson D. Hart, Adjutant, Philadelphia, Pa.
James D. Hendrie, Quarter Master, Doylestown, Pa.
William Allen Peck, Surgeon, Phcenixville, Pa.
William T. Robinson, Asst. Surgeon, Montgomery Co., Pa.
William R. Gries, Chaplain, Doylestown.
NON-COMMISSIONED STAFF.
Edmund A. Wallazz, Sergt. Major, Philadelphia, Pa.
Robert Holmes, Q. M. Sergt., Doylestown, Pa.
James M. Rogers, Com. Sergt., do
John Hargrave, Principal Musician, Doylestown, Pa.
Joseph Winner, " " Philadelphia, Pa.
Michael B. Jenks, Wagon Master, Newtown, Pa.
BAND
John Z. Jobst, Leader, Lehigh Co., Pa.
PRIVATES.

Albright, Stephen E., Lehigh Co., Pa
Dankel, Samuel, do do
Engleman, Sylvester, do do
Gorr, George H., do do
Lewis, Joseph M., Bucks do
Riohart, Jacob, Lehigh do

Cox, William, Bucks Co., Pa.
Druckenmiller, John J. W.,
Lehigh do
Gallagher, Henry H., New Jersey.
Knauss, Harman S., Lehigh Co., Pa.
Maun, John E., Bucks do

b4U

ONE HUNDREL

AND FOURTH

Seip, William S.,
Tool, Henry S.,
Tool, Eugene T.,
Widrig, James H.,

Lehigh Co., Pa.
do do
do do
do do

Rohs, William,
Spoenheimer, Lewis,
Tool Albert S.,
Peter, William,
Knauss, Harrison E.

Lehigh Co., Pa
do do
do do
do do
do do

COMPANY "A."
Edward L. Rogers, Captain, Doylestown, Bucks Co., Pa.
Henry W. Heaney, 1st Lieutenant, do do do
Robert Holmes, 2ud do Philadelphia, Pa.
SERGEANTS.
Jeremi.ahP.Schindel, Lehigh Co., Pa. 1 Edwin Fretz, Doylestown, Pa.
John McD. Laughlin, Bucks do | Charles Eekhardt, Germantown, do
CORPORALS.
Charles Toy, Montgomery Co., Pa. I Joseph M. Wiatt, Philadelphia, Pa.
Amos G. Hill, Bucks do | John J. Wigton, Bucks Co., Pa.
Thomas B. Widdifield, do do I Mordecai B. Smith, do do
Andrew, J. C. Terry, do do | Jacob Hanifius, Lebanon do
MUSICIANS.
William A. Nagle, Port Carbon, Pa. | Joseph H. Straub, Philadelphia, Pa.

Algard, Jeremiah,
Angeny, Abraham,
Arnold, Charles,
Bartleman, Fredolm,
Bartleraan, Francis,
Bauer, John,
Benson, Robert E.,

PRIVATES.

Bucks Co., Pa.
do do
do do
Germany. do
do
Bucks Co., Pa.

Bilbee, George W., Luzei'ne do
Brierly, James, ' England.
Brown, Wm., Montgomery Co., Pa.

Bertles, Jacob,
Campbell, Samuel A.
Cavanough, Wilson,
Charles, Jacob K.,
ClafiFey, Patrick,
Fryling, Isaac S.,
Fryling, Lawrence,
Fryling, Levi,
Fryling, Wilson,
Gallagher, Henry,
Gallagher, James,

Bucks Co., Pa.
, do do
Philada., Pa..
Bucks Co., Pa.
Ireland.
Bucks Co., Pa.
do do
do do
do do
Irel.md.
Ireland.

Gordon, George W., Bucks Co., Pa.
Good, Thomas, do do
Groom, Ramsey C, do
Gares, James, do
Hargrave, James, do
Hart, Joseph T., do
Hellyer, Jesse S., do
Horn, Pearson A., New. Hope, Pa.
Hoxworth, William, Doylestown, do
Hubbard, Nathaniel, do do
Hultz, John, Philadelphia, Pa,

do dododododo

Ireland

ucks Co

.,Pa

do

do

do

do
do
do
do
do
do
do
do
do
do
do
do
do
Kelley, Patrick,
Kile, Sylvester,
Loux, Mathias J.,
Layton, Lewis N. B.,
Lear, Thomas,
Leister, Edwin,
Lewis, Nathan,
Livezey, John D.,
Malsbury, William,
M.artind.ale, W. Yerkes, do
Mcintosh, Edward, Doylestown, Pa.
MoHenry, William, do do
McKinstry, Camillus do do
Morgan, William A., Bucks Co., Pa.
Naylor, Wm. H., Morristown, N. J.
Nice, Daniel, Bucks Co., Pa.
Nice, John, do do
Parsons, Robert, do do
Raisner, William A., do do
Reamer, Joseph, New York.
Recht, Sebastian,
Reynolds, Wm. A.,
Rice, James S.,
Ruth, John,
Sands, Joseph,
Sellers, Gilbert S.,
Shaddinger, HarveyG., do do
Slack, William P., Hunterdon, N. J.
Schlitt, Christian, Germany.
Solliday, Charles, Bucks Co., Pa.
Staloup, William H., Cecil Co., Md.
Stirk, Olifer J., Bucks Co., Pa.
France.
Bucks Co., Pa.
do do
do do
do do
do do
PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT.

341

Strouse, Jefferson, Bucks Co., Pa.
Seifert, Daniel, Germany.
Silvey, Joseph, Easton, Pa.
Stokes, John L., Burlington, N. J.
Terry, Andrew J., Philadelphia, Pa.
Titus, William, Bucks Co., Pa.
Torpy, Patrick, Ireland.
Wall, Willis, Bucks Co., Pa.

Walter, Levi, Bucks Co., Pa.
Walton, John, do do
Whitcraft, Andrew, Philadelphia, Pa.
Williams, Charles, Bucks Co., Pa.
Wisler, John, Montgomery do
Wright, Leonard, Bucks do
VVhitaker, Benj. R., Phoenixville, Pa.
Williams, Miles, Doylestown, do

VOLUNTEER RECRUITS.
Received after leaving Cam-p Lacey.

Cosner, George W., Bucks Co., Pa..
Ent, George 0., New Jersey.
Fryling, William H., Bucks Co., Pa.
Holcomb, Isaac, do do
Jacobs, John, Germany.
Janney Jacob, Bucks Co., Pa.

Privates.

Nice, John, Bucks Co., Pa.
Ruth, Harman Y., do do^
Sliaddinger, Lewis, do do
Shaddinger,,William J., do do
Swartley, Henry, do do

Adoock, George M.,
Bear, Henry,
Bewighouse, Abr.,
Clark, William,
Cole, James,
Duke, George,
Drinks, Diedrioh,
Donaldson, Andrew,
Frantz, Lyman,
Graves, Reuben,
Hundermer, Christian.
Harman, Paul,
Hoft'ey, Edward,
Johnson, George,
Jones, William,
Lonnon, Alfred W.,

CONSCRIPTS AND SUBSTITUTES.
Received at Morris Island, S. Q.

Tennessee.
Pennsylvania.
Bucks Co., Pa.
Utica, N. Y.
Pennsylvania.
Baltimore, Md.
Prussia.
Scotland.
Pennsylvania. New York.
Germany. Prussia. Ireland. do
Pennsylvania. do

Long, Patrick,
MoNeal, Wallace,
MoGinley, James,
Morgan, Nelson,
Mannion, John,
Malcolm, James,
Nary, Patrick,
Pembleton, Isaac,
Pembleton, Martin,
Silliok, William H.,
Sink, Cornelius,'
Sponheimer,Van Wagner, Joseph,
Whitecraft, Hamilton,
Walter, Jacob,

Ireland.
Pennsylvania. do do Ireland.
Denmark. Ireland.
Pennsylvania. do
New York.
Pennsylvania. do
Montreal, Can.
Pennsylvania. do

COMPANY "B."
James R. Orem, Captain, Doylestown, Bucks Co., Pa.
Theophilus Kephart, 1st Lieutenant, Warrington, Bucks Co., Pa.
John H. McCoy, 2nd do Doylestown, do do

Doylestown, Pa.
do

SERGEANTS.
William P. Haney, Doylestown, Pa. Edwin S. Millis,
Henry A. Widdifield, do Edwin S. Darling,
Charles L. Porter, Philadelphia, Pa.
' CORPORALS.
William Follis, Doylestown, Pa. I John Ault, New Britain, Pa.
Philip D. Swartly, New Britain, do | Nelson McGraudy, Warrington, do
William H. Ruth, Buckingham, do I Wittingham Livezey, Doylest'n, do
Oliver L. Clossen, Illinois. | Andrew J. Conuard,Btickingham, do
MUSICIANS.
Michael Corcoran, New York. | Lycurgus Bryan, Doylestown, Pa.

342

ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH

PRIVATES.

Allen, Reuben, Doylestown, Pa.
Brinker, Jacob R., Warrington, do
^ Bartley, Charles, Doylestown, do
Batchelor, Franklin, Horsham, do
Bothers, Moses, Solebury, do
Beal, Eleazar, Doylestown, do
Beal, Charles, do do
Bennett, Wm. S., Buckingham, do
Connard, William, do do
Carver, Chapman, do do
Carter, Benjamin, do do
Cox, Alfred, Warrington, do
Clymer, James, Plumstead, do
Delp, William, Montgomery Co., do
Dean, Henry C, Buckingham, do
Donahoe, John, Doylestown, do
Donahoe, Michael, Doylestown, do
Emery, Henry F., Warrington, do
Eckhart, George, Doylestown, do
Eckhart, Lewis H., Hilltown, do
Eckerman, Wm., New Britain, do

Flack, Harman,
Fell, Henry C,
Gault, William,
Garner, Amos,
Godshalk, Samuel,

Doylestown, do
Buckingham, do
Warrington, do
do do
do do

Gayman,Abr.,Gwynedd,Mtg'yCo.doGanzey, James B., Philadelphia, do
Garner, George W., Doylestown, do
Gill, Abraham, Buckingham, do
Haldemau, Philip, ^Warrington, do
Humphry, John, New Britian,^ do
Holmes, John, Buckingham, do
Johnson, William E., Solebury, do

Johnson, George W., Solebury, Pa.
Johnson, Edward R., Doylest'n, do
Livzey, James, do do
Leister, Michael, New Britain, do
Myers, John G., Doylestown, do
Mellick, William, Montg'y Co., do
McCall, John, Warrington, do
Maier, John, Hilltown, do
Oliver, William W., Gwynedd, do
Price, Frederick, Doylestown, do
Park, Samuel C, Buckingham, do
Radcliff, WiUiam, do do
Rapp, Markley, Warrington, do
Robinson, George W., Bensalem, do
Staver, Evan J., Buckingham, do
Silvey, Samuel, Doylestown, do
Silvey, James, Doylestown, do
Smith, Andrew J., do do
Stetler, R., Gwynedd, Mtg'y Co., do
Sweezy, Charles, Solebury, do
Thieroff, Adam, New Britain, do
Teiterman, Christian, Doylest'n, do
Tomlinson, David B., do do
Vanhorn, William, Southampton, do
White Jarvis, Doylestown, do
Wilkinson, John S., Warwick, do
Worthington, Wm. B., Buck'ghm, do
Worthington, Jeremiah, do do
Worthington, John J., do do
Worthington, William, Solebury, do
Whitaker, Abr., Buckingham, do
Wood, Joseph, Warwick, do
Wood, William, Warminster, do
Yeakle, John, New Britain, do

VOLUNTEER RECRUITS.
Received after leaving Camp lacey.
Miller, Samuel, Doylestown, Pa. I Overholt, Charles W., Plumstead, Pa.
Overholt, Simeon, Plumstead, do |
MUSICIAN.
Smith, Andrew J., Doylestown, Pa.
CONSCRIPTS AND SUBSTITUTES.
Received at JHorris Island, S. O.

Acker, Lafayette, Scranton, Pa.
Brown, John, Pottsville, do
Brown, William, do do
Cook, ,Iohn, do do
Comstock, Wm. H., Philadelphia, do
Delp, William R., Pottsville, do

Dorton, William,
Degraw, John,
Davenport, Jacob,
Grabill, John,
Gearey, John,

do do
do do
Scranton, do
Pottsville, do
do do

Geiler, John, Philadelphia, Pa.
Howard, Charles, do do

Hogan, William,
Henner, Brinkley,
Hager, David,
Hanhn, Isaac S.,
Kelley, Patrick,
Kepp, William,

do do
do do
Pottsville, do
do do
do do
Scranton, do

Klinesmith, Augustus, Pottsville, Pa.
Lane, George, do do
Mott, Frederick, do do

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT.

343

Matz, George,
Reider, Jacob,
Rathman, Daniel,
Smith, Edwin,
Swinton, John,
Smith, Charles,
Sarber, Isaiah,

Sheifler, Conrad H.,

Pottsville, do
Reading,
Philadelphia, Pottsville, do
Scranton,

do

Pa. do do
do do do do do

Taylor, William H., Philada., Pa.
Thomas, John S., Pottsville, do
Wilson, Thomas, Philadelphia, do
Whitaker, Ambrose, Scranton, do
Weaver, George, do do
Walter, Henry, Pottsville, do
Young, John, do do

'0.'

COMPANY
William Warren Marple, Captain, Warminster Bucks Co., Pa.
James M. Carver, 1st Lieutenant, Doylestown, Pa.
J. Cathefwood Robinson, 2nd Lieutenant, Philadelphia, Pa.

SERGEANTS.

William 0. Robins,
James S. Slack,

John S. Hartley, New Hope, Pa.
George T. Magill, Solebury, do
Thos.B. Scarborough, NewHope, do
CORPORALS.
Charles Michener, Carversville, Pa. I Samuel P. Ryan,
Julius B. Tyson, Montgom'y Co., do | Henry Hooven,
Sam'l S. Clayton, Philadelphia, do I Isaac Torbert,
Frederick Smith, Buckingham, do | William Watson,
MUSICIANS.
JonathanJ. Hellings, North'pton, Pa. | William Williams,
PRIVATES.

New Hope,
Richboro,

Pa. do

Doylestown, Pa.
Philadelphia, do
Richboro, do
Solebury, do
New Hope, Pa.

Baker, Zachariah, Lewisburg, Pa.
Bennett, John, Brownsburg, do
Bennett, Andrew J., Bucks Co., do
Bright, C, Horsham, Mtg'y Co., do
Bright, Edw., do do do
Br()wn, W. W. H., Plumstead, do

Bryan, William,
Buck, Charles H.,
Caffey, William,
Carver, Nathan,
Clark, Stephen,

Davisville, do
New Hope, do
Buckingham, do
Bucks Co., do
Doylestown, do

Clayton, Jonathan, Montg'y Co., do
Clayton, Richard, do do
Cooper, Jordan, Buckingham, do
Craven, Charles, Newtown, do
Dungan, James B., Bucks Co., do
Eastburn, Harrison, do do
Edwards, Augustus, Davisville, do
Edwards, William, Buckingham, do
Erwin, John B., Bucks Co., do
Ford, Samuel, Montgomery Co., do
Gano, Stephen, Bucks Co., do
Hamilton, Isaac, Ireland.
Hibbs, Harrison, Buckingham, Pa.

Hilbourn, John,
Jones, William S.
Keeler, Elias,
Keeler, William,

Bucks Co., do
Montg'y Co., do
Tinioum, Pa.
do do

Kendell, William, Philadelphia, Pa.
Kitchen, Harrison, Solebury, do
Lie, Casper, Germany.
Lippinoott, Samuel, New Jersey.
Lockhart, George, Philadelphia, Pa.
Magee, William, do do
Michener, Charles, Chester Co., do
Milliman, William, Bucks Co., do
Moor, Nathan, Montgomery Co., do
Morris, Crispin, Bucks Co., do
Moss, Mahlon, Montgomery Co., do
Mullen, Joseph, Valley Forge, do
MoCloskey, John, Ireland.
McGuigan, James, Philadelphia, Pa.
Naylor, Houston, New Hope, do
Nice, Peter,
OdendefFer, Jacob,
Oliver, William N.,
Parry, William,

Rice, George,
Robins, Henry
Roberts, Crispin,
Roberts, Joseph,
Roberts, William R.
Ross, Henry B.,
Ryan, Francis,

dododo dodo
do dodo
Selser, Samuel, Huntingdon Co., do

do do
Germany.
Bucks Co., Pa
Bridgeport, do
New Hope,
do
Bucks Co.
do
, do
do
New Hope

Scarborough, R. S., do-

344

ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH

Shaw, Moses R., Buckingham, Pa.
Shuster, Abram, Davisville, do
Silvey, Abram, New Hope, do
Sine, Harvey, Buckingham, do
Smith, Thomas J., Bucks Co., do
Smith, Tunis R. do do
Stackhouse, Samuel, do do
Stiner, William, do do
Tagney, James, Ireland.
Taylor, Samuel, Bucks Co., Pa.
Titus, Elias, do do
VOLUNTEER RECRUITS.
Received after leaving Camp Lacey.
Marlin, George, Philadelphia, Pa. I Engles, William H., Bucks Co., Pa.
Halderman, H., Montg'ry Co., do |
CONSCRIPTS AND SUBSTITUTES.
Received at Morris Island, S. 0.

Van Horn, Albert Bucks Co., Pa.
Watson, Sam'l A., Philadelphia, do
Weissman, Peter, Missouri.
Wetter, Ramsey, Bucks Co., Pa.
Willdoner, Frederick, do do
Wynkoop, Thos. H., do do
Stafi'ord, John, Ireland.
Elliott, William R., Philadelphia, Pa.
Campbell, John B., Bucks Co., do
Lovett, John, do do

Andrews, Reuben, Scranton, Pa.
Ackel, Augustus, do do
Ackel Hezekiah, Gloucester Co., N.J.
Ackel, Frederick, Germany.
Bellerney, Oliver, France.
Bohner, Lewis, Germany.
Bohrens, Henry, do
Braunon, John, Ireland.
Brownwell, Daniel, Pennsylvania.
Coddington, William H., do
Cool, Peter, do
Corby, Charles, Italy.
Davis, Charles S., Massachusetts.
Daubert, Jacob, Pennsylvania.
Detwiler, Tilghman, do
Dier, Yeodeon, Canada.
Ech, Nathan, Pennsylvania.
Fox, Thomas, England.
Fisher, Emmanuel, Pennsylvania.
Fitzgerald, Patrick, Canada.
Hinkle, George, Pennsylvania.

Horttenstine, Adam, Pennsylvania.
Horttenstine, Tilghman, do

Herbert, Charles,
Hampton, James,
Kelley, Thomas,
Lanzenbach, Edwin,
Lucas, Wilkins,
Larenz, Isaac,
Rausch, August,
Myers, John,
Seglin, Henry,
Smith, John,
Smith, William,
Steir, Bartlefred,
Stanton, Watson,
Tayman, James,

G ermany.
Missouri. Ireland.
Pennsylvania. do do
Germany. do
Pennsylvania. New York.
Indiana.
Germany.
Pennsylvania. Maryland.

Williams, Frank, WiUiamsport, Pa.
Wilson, James, Ireland.
Wagner, Henry E., Pennsylvania.
Yost, James, do

COMPANY "D."
Jacob Swartzlander, Captain, Doylestown, Pa.
Richard Roberts, 1st Lieutenant, Quakertown, Pa.
Enos R. Artman, 2nd do do
SERGE.4NTS.

Levi H. Markly, Line Lexington, Pa.
Jonathan White, Doylestown, do
Fenwiok, Leatherbury, Quakt'n, Pa.

James Hessler, Quakertown, Pa.
Wm. M. Schafi'er, Trumb'rsville, do

L. A. Rosenberg, Line Lex'gton, Pa.
Aaron Thompson, Quakertown, do
J.U.Bridegroom,Emmaus,Lehigh do
Samuel F. Ball, Quakertown, do

CORPORALS.

Charles E. Deihl, Richlandtown, Pa.
W. H. H. Antrim, Steinsburgh, do
William H. Morton, do do
John Rosenberger, Quakertown, do

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT.

345

' MUSICIANS.
Chas. B. Johnson, Philadelphia, Pa. | Casper Somerndyke, PhUada., Pa.
PRIVATES.

Arn, Jacob, Quakertown, Pa.
Anker, John, Philadelphia, do
Althouse, Henry, Quakertown, do
Ansley, George W., Bucks Co., do
Billger, Lewis, Quakertown, do
Baltz, Peter, do do
Brown, William, do do
Binder, Fr.M., Montgomery Co., do
Butterworth, Henry, Quakert'n, do
Breish, George C, do do
Booz, JohnW., Trumbowersville, do
Cressman, W. B., Quakertown, do
Conaway, Edward F., do do
Croman, Jacob, do do
Christ, W., Emmaus, Lehigh Co., do
Deihl, Edwin, do do do
Deihl, Jacob, do do do
Dilliard, H., Lightstown, do do
Dilliard, John, do do do
Faes, Jacob, Quakertown, do
Frank, William S., Bunkerhill, do
Franks, William D., Hilltown, do
Foley, John, Quakertown, do
Farran, William, do do
Flanegan, Henry, do do
Feshner, John, do do
Grossman, Christian, do do
Geary, George C, Steinsburg, do
Grainer, John G., Quakertown, do
Godshall, Levi S., do do
HuUt, GiUiam G., Bucks Co., do
Hallback, .Marcus Z., Philada., do
Haverstraw, William, Hilltown, do
Harfeter, Gottleib, do do
Holsword,G.,Emmaus,LehighCo. do
Heller, Nathaniel, Steinsburg, do
Heist, Joseph, Quakertown, do
Hacket, William, do do

Headman, David, Quakertown, Pa.
Kreader, Daniel, do do
Kreader, George, do do
Kerns, C. W., Trumbowersville, do
Kerns, Henry, do do
Kemmerer, Henry B., Quakert'n, do
Kleinsmith, Daniel, Bunkerhill, do
Keiser, Charles M., Hilltown, do
Lilly, Amandus, Quakertown, do
Miller, Francis, do do
Miller, Evan, do do
Mussleman, William, Steinsburg, do
Mussleman, John B., do do
Martin, Jonas B., Dublin, do
McNamee, Peter, Pennsylvania.
Naan, J.ames, Quakertown, do
Osback, Howard, Doylestown, do
Pressor, Daniel D., Quakertown, do
Roberts, Abraham, do do
Roberts, John, do do
Rohr, Henry, Hilltown, do
Rooks, Charles, do do
Steinberger, John, Quakertown, do
Spangenberger, Charles, do do
Snyder, W.,L. Lex'gton, Mtg'yCo. do
Shaw, Charles, Quakertown, do
Smith, Joseph B., Richlandtown, do
Sleight, Charles, Bunkerhill, do
Shelly, Henry, Steinsburg, do
Smith, Robert, Butfalo, N. Y.
Stillwagen, H., Line Lexington, Pa.
Traumbower, Hilary, Quakert'n, do
Thomas, Silas, Line Lexington, do
Weaver, P., Emmaus, Lehigh Co., do
Wambold, Jeremiah, Quakert'n, do
Williams, Charles, Gwynedd, do
Ziegenfoos, Josiah, Bunkerhill, do

VOLUNTEER RECRUITS.
Received after leaving Camp Lacey.

Wright, Samuel C, Philada., Pa.
Link, Michael, Quakertown, do
Brunner, Charles, do do
Cope, Elias, do do
Cope, David B., do do

Broadbeck, John W., Quakert'n, Pa.
Fisher, Henry, do do
Headman, Joseph, Bunkerhill, do
Pfender, Joseph, Quakertown, do
Nace, Samuel, Bunkerhill, do

CONSCRIPTS AND SUBSTITUTES.
Received at Morris Island, S. 0.

Brantly, George W., Georgia.
Clark, George W., PhUadelphia, Pa.
Clark, Thomas, do do
Chalton, John, Canada.

Colclough, James W., Pottsville, Pa.
Donnelly, John, do do
Edwards, James, do do
Edger, James W., Canada.

346

ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH

Gardiner, B. B.,
Green, George Z.
Hooper, James B.
Hawkins, James,
Kane, Michael,
Henry, John,
Koch, John,
King, Robert,
Kyle, Thomas,
Mullen, John,
Myers, Thomas,

Washington, D. C.
Baltimore, Md.
, PottsviUe, Pa.
Baltimore, Md.
do do
Maryland.
PottsviUe, Pa.
Philadelphia, Pa.
Baltimore, Md.
do . do
do do

Maiers, Henry,
McConnell, James,
Noonan, Edward,
Neiheiser, William,
Ryan, Michael,
Reed, WiUiam L.,
Son, John,
Scott, Charles,
Williams, James,
Williams, John,

PhUadelphia, Pa.
Pittsburg, do
Rhode Island.
PottsvUle, Pa.
Ohio.
PottsviUe, Pa.
do do
New York.
Baltimore, Md.
do do

COMPANY "E."
George T. Harvey, Captain, Doylestown, Pa.
Matthias Lehnen, 1st Lieutenant, Nockamixon, Pa.
Edward M. Croll, 2nd do Philadelphia, do

SERGEANTS.

Jacob W. Glase, Bucks Co., Pa.
Thos. F. Tomlinson, Doylestown, do
Charles W. Hofl:man, Bucks Co., do

Francis L. Coar,
William Walker,

CORPORALS.

Frederick Lehnen, Easton, Pa.
Jerome Buck, Bucks Co., do
Joseph H. Larrison, do do
William Sigafoos, do do

Adam Leibler,
Andrew Enders,
Jacob Krome,
William H. Lex,

Bucks Co., Pa.
do do

Bucks Co. Pa.
do do
Philadelphia, do
do do

MUSICIANS.
Frederick Lefler, Bucks Co., Pa. | Edward F. Magill, Philadelphia, Pa.

Apple, Frederick, Bucks Co
Beck, E. H., Montgomery do
Bean, Oliver W., do do
Bissey, John, Bucks do
Breoht, Harrison, Montg'y do
Brown, Francis M., Bucks do
Beans, Jonas do do
Buck, Augustus, do do
Bickel, Christian, do do
Biddle, Cephas R., do do
Clemens, Samuel, do do
Campman, Jacob, do do
Coyle, Patrick, do do
Campbell, Harrison G., do do
Darrah, Charles, do do
Devereux, James, do do
Daniel, John, do do
Dippenbrook, Adolph, do do
Deimer, Elias, do do
Elf, Conrad, do do
Engle, George W., Montg'y do
Ely, Watson F., Bucks do
Farrell, Aaron, do do
Fonash, John, do do
Fornerman, William, do do

PRIVATES. Pa. Fisher, John,
Gamble, Charles,
Gibney, Matthew,
Gill, George A.,
Gillmore, James,
Green, Aaron,
Greasamer, Henry,
Harvey, Francis H.,
Haywing, Jacob,

do

Bucks Co., Pa.
Philadelphia, do
Bucks Co., do
Philadelphia, do
Bucks Co.,
do
do
do

do
do
do
do
Hargins, Theodore G., Philada., do
Harr, David H., Bucks Co., do
Heisler, Elias, Montgomery do
Heun, Jacob, Bucks, do
Hilt, Joel C, Philadelphia, do
Hallowell, Thomas, Bucks Co., do
Hess, John, do do
.lohnson, John H., Bucks Co., do
Jordan, Jacob, do do
Knoll, Fred. C, Montg'ry do
Kohl, Henry H., Bucks do
Kramer, Elwood, do do
Kolbe, Charles, do do
Livengood, Joseph N., do do
Logan, George H., do do
Longenour, Josiah, do do

PENNSYVANIA REGIMENT.

347

Longenower, Levi, Bucks Co., Pa.
Montgomery, J., Montg'ry do
Morris, G. George, Bucks do
Martin, John, do do
McCuUum, Lawrence, do do
MoGlathery, C, Montg'ry do
Mclntyre, WiUiam, Bucks do
Nicholas, Tobias, do do
Oberpeck, Jacob, do do
Power, Thomas, do do
Price, John, Montgomery do
Ricketts, William, :Lancaster, do
Rush, John, Bucks Co., do
Race, Aaron, Montgomery do
Shaw, Christian, Bucks do
Sohlegle, Charles, do do
Schwartz, John, do do
Schellenberger, Levi, do do

Sine, Israel, Bucks Co., Pa.
Smith, Joseph W., Philadelphia, do
Schock, Henry, North'pton Co., do
Scarborough, Thos., Bucks do
Smith, EU, do do
Ticero, Casper, Montgom'y do
Tomah, Adam, Bucks do
Trauger, James, do do
Vanata, Samuel W., do do
Welsh, Elias, Bucks do
Weaver, John H., do do
Wentzell, Samuel, Montg'y do
Warness, Alfred, do do
Wireman, Isaac, do do
Worthington, John, Bucks do
White, Jacob, Montgomery do
Young, Samuel, Bucks do
Zimmerman, Michael, do do

VOLUNTEER RECRUITS.
Received after leaving Camp Lacey.

Black, Isaac, Bucks Co., Pa.
De Shaw, Francis, Philadelphia, do
Frederick, Wm. H., Bucks Co., do
Hutchinson, John, do do

Hill, Patterson,
Moyer, George,
Wood, Hile,
Wiley, James,

Philadelphia, Pa.
Bucks Co., do
dp _ do
do do

Adams, John A ,
Bayley, Edgar S.,
Barnes, Abraham,
Cornell, Sydney,
Cooper, David R.,
Hanley, James,
Hilgert, Jacob,

CONSCRIPTS AND SUBSTITUTES.
Received at Morris Island, S. O.

Easton, Pa.
do
dodo do
dodo

La Bar, Philip J., Easton, Pa.
Ramey, William, do do
Snyder, Daniel, Jr., Norristown, do
Shaffer, Brock, Easton, do
Stege, William H., do do
Stringfellow, Henry, Philada., do
Dunlap, Daniel, Easton, do

COMPANY "F."
Alfred Marple, Captain, Attleboro, Bucks Co., Pa.
David R. P. Hibbs, 1st Lieutenant, Middletown, Bucks Co., Pa.
Benjamin Albertson, 2nd do Falls, do do
SERGEANTS.

Joseph Taylor, Southampton, Pa.
James M. Fox, do do
Benjamin Wright, Falls do
S. C. Worthington, North'n Pa.
David Carter, Middletown do
Lewis J. H. Hellings, do do
W. L. Preston, Morrisville do

Thos. J. Brown, Southampton, Pa.
John Dyer, do do

CORPORALS.

John C. Nelson, Fallsington
David Everitt, Middletown
Paschal C. Hibbs, do
H. A. Martindell, Attleboro

MUSICIANS.
R. H. Krewson, Middlet'n Pa. | Wm. B. Small, Middletown
PRIVATES. Pa. j Barnhill, Wm., Middletown
do I Britton, H., Northampton

Burton. Anthony, • FaUs
Bise, Addis, Middletown

Pa. dodo do
Pa.Pa.
do

348

ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH

Bender, Jacob, Solebury Pa.
Comley, J. P., North'pton do
Crock, .John, do do
Davis, Willi.am, Solebury do
Davidson, Sam'l, Middlet'n do
Eastburn, Jos., South'pton do
Eastburn, Alfred, do do
Eastburn, Chas., Bensalem do
Erwin, James, Southampt'n do
Guie, George Q., FaUs do
Grimes, James, Frenchtown, N. J.
Hoff, Theodore, North'pton Pa.
Hains, J., Morrisville do
Hart, William, Philadelphia, Pa.
Headley, E. H., Fallington Pa.
Hibbs, S. G., Hulmeville do
Hickman, Jos., TuUytown do
Higham, Albert, Philadelphia. Pa.
Johnson, Isaac, Middlet'n Pa.
Kuoh, John F., Attleboro do
Kindey, Jacob, Buckingh'm do
Leach, Wm. W., Fallsingt'n do
Leach, Joseph J., Middlet'n do
Leach, Jacob J., do do
Leach, Henry L., do do
La Rue, Landrum, Byberry do
McNeal, James, North'pton do
McConnell, Manning, Pa'Us do
McEuen, Wm., Middletown do
Mershon, Henry, Falls do
Moon, David, TuUytown do
Minster, John, Middletown do
Merrick, Peter B., Falls do
Parsons, John, Attleboro do
Parsons, W. E., South'pton do
Potts, George, Falls do

Reading, John,'' FaUs Pa.
Reagin, William, Bensalem do
Seese, M. M., Southampton do
Saylor, Mathias, Middlet'n do
South, Merritt B., FaUs do
Severns Edward, Middlet'n do
Stokes, .iohn, FaUs do
Simms, Thomas, South'pton do
Stone, James, Solebury do
Stevens, T. T., North'pton do
Sanford, F. J., Buckingham do
Stackhouse, H. J., Bensalem do
Toy, Chas. T , Middletown do
Tomlinson, Geo., Attleboro do
Trencher, John, North'pton do
Vanzant, Benj. B., Falls do
Woodside, WiUiam, do do
White, James, do do
Waldron, Edw., Hulmeville do
Walker, Wm. B., Richboro do
WiUiams, Jas. H., Attleboro do
Wilson, Robert, Morrisville do
Worthington, F.C., Bens'lm do
Quiun, Mich'l, Buckingh'm do
Rickey, Wm. A., Morrisville do
Kenney, Simon, do do'
Harford, Jas., Northampt'n do
Doan, M., Attleboro do
Blutstine, Chr., Buok'gham do
Spearing, J., Morrisville do
Yeagler, Lewis, Hartsville do
Huliok, J. S.. Morrisville do
Donahoe, Jas., Middletown do
Rhoads, Garret, do do
Cook, John G., Taylorsville do
Cook, Chr. L., Montgomery Co., Pa.

VOLUNTEER RECRUITS.
Received after leaving Camp Lacey.

Murphy, A. D., Penn's Manor, Pa.
Crozer, William, Morrisville, do
English, Joseph, Falls, do

States, Ambrose, Byberry, Pa.
States, James, do do
Cheston, Washington, Bristol, do

CONSCRIPTS AND SUBSTITUTES.
Received at Morris Island, S.

AUabaugh, Madison, Scranton, Pa.
Bacorn, Nelson, do
Campbell, George W., do
Chappall, Robert, do
Collins, Enos, do
Coniway, James, do
Doolery, Patrick, Pottsville, Pa.
Duckworth, William, Scranton, do
Grisdale, George, Philadelphia, do
Hopkins, Judson, Scranton, do
Harkins, William, Pottsville, do

Hooven, Conrad,
Morris, Charles W.
Morgan, Thomas,
Mason, John,
O'Neil, Edward,
O'Connor, Hugh,
Porter, Addis,
PeUam, WiUiam M
Robinson, James,
Smith, John,
Smith, Patrick,

c. Scranton, Pa.
do do
Pottsville, do
do do
Frankford, do
Philadelphia, do
Scranton, do
do do
do do
do do
PottsviUe, do

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT.

349

Smith, WiUiam H.,
Reese, William,
Wilson, John,

Scranton, Pa.
do do
Pottsville, do

WaU, MUes, Scranton, Pa.
McDonald, Jamos, Philadelphia, do
McCartey, George, Pottsville, do

COMPANY "G."i
Jno. E., Corcoran, Captain, Upper Blacks Eddy, Bucks Co., Pa.
Philip Hinkle, 1st Lieutenant, PlumsteadviUe, do do
Harry C. Kes.sler, 2nd do Doylestown, do do

Jacob Myers,
Peter O'Connell,
PhUip Bulk,

Nockamixon, Pa.
Bridgeton, do
do do

SERGEANTS.

William Erwin,
Thomas Fries,

I Bridgeton, Pa.
Plumstead, do

CORPORALS.
Hiram PurseU, Bridgeton, Pa. I Chas. Donnatt, Buckingham, Pa.
Geo. S. Connor, ForrestviUe, do I Philip Wat-ford, Bridgeton, do
Henry Warford, Bridgeton, do I Geo. W. Mitchener, Forrestville, do
David Frankenfield, do do I Mahlon Lear, Solebury, do
MUSICIANS.
James Smith, Forrestville, Pa. | Morgan, John W., Fallsington, Pa.

PRIVATES.

Anderson, Joseph, Forrestville, Pa.
Burk, William, Bridgeton, do
Blaker, Joseph, Forrestville, do
Black, Zeanes, Plumstead, do
Boileau, William, Bridgeton, do
Beatty, James, do do
Carrol, Patrick, Limeport, do
Cochran, Alexander, Bridgeton, do
Cosner, Thomas, Forrestville, do
Curly, Timothy, New Hope, do
Davis, George, Forrestville, do
Eckh.'xrt, JoTin, do do
Ellis, Franklin, Brownsburg, do
Eichline, John, Tinicum, do
Feely, WiUiam, Bridgeton, do
Foust, Jacob, do do
Foust, Michael, do do
Frankenfield, Reuben, do do
Frankenfield, Frederick, do do
Frankenfield, William, do do
Gwinner, William, do do
Grey, Francis, do do
Grey, Wilson, do do
Ging, Charles, Point Pleasant, do
Garner, William, Philadelphia, do
Goodenow, WiUiam, do do
Harton, Farrel C, Bridgeton, do
Houseworth, Isaac, do do
Hutchinson, WiUiam, Allentown, do
Higgans, Lawrence, YardleyvUle, do
Hamerstone, And., Bridgeton, do
Hill, Jacob, Buckingham, do

Hofford, Martin,
Howard, Samuel,
King, George,
Kuhn, Adam,
Keeler, Henry,
Kohl, Charles,
Lear, Henry,
Lear, Jordan,
Lerch, John,
Leedom, Norris,
Lower, John,

Plumstead, Pa.
Bridgeton, do
Buckingham, do
do do
Tiuicum, do
Nockamixon, do
Bridgeton, do
Tinicum, do
Bridgeton, do
Buckingham, do
Philadelphia, do

Laubert, Amandus, Buckingh'm, do
Lawder, Benton, Plumstead, do
MeNally, James, New Hope, do
Murph, Wm. P., Yardleyville, do
Myers, Charles, Nockamixon, do
Mercelious, Henry, Buck'gliam, do
Morgan, John M., Forrestville, do
Munday, John, Plumstead, do
Nicholas, Matthias, Tinicum, do
Niblick, William, Buckingham, do
O'Daniel, John, Bridgeton, do
O'Connor, Michael, do do
Pursell, Frederick, do do
Pi,eynolds, Thomas, do do
Rose, Thomas, do do

Reily, George,
Reily, John,
Robinson, Benj.,
Robinson, Isaac,
Strouse, John,
Stafford, James,

Buckingham, do
Doylestown, do
Buckingham, do
do do
Bridgeton, do
Doylestown, do

350

ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH

Shockency, John,
Sibbitt, John,
Steidenger, Israel,
Sees, John,
Smith, Henry,
Schaffer, Gordon,
Traugher, Reader,

Bridgeton, Pa.
Solebury, do
Bridgeton, do
Plumstead, do
Tinicum, do
Plumstead, do
Nockamixon, do

Warford, Amos,
Warford, Isaac,
Weaver, William,
Walton, Oliver,
Watson, William,
Young, Michael,
Yeats, Ephraim,

Bridgeton, Pa.
do do
Tinicum, do
Solebury, do
Bridgeton, do
Plumstead, do
Solebury, do

VOLUNTEER RECRUITS
Received after leaving Camp Lacey.

Bill, Charles, Tinicum, Pa.
Bartles on, Sam'l V., Solebury, do
Dhiel, Martin, Tinicum, do
Gaddes, Jones, Philadelphia, do
Hanford, George W., do do
Hillpot, Hugh F., Tinicum, do
Hinkle, La Fayette M., Plumst'd, do

Kennedy, Wm. E., Phoenixville, Pa.
Kinsey, Simpson, Buckingham, do
Kohl, Joseph, Tinicum, do
Schiable, Solomon, do do
Shamp, David, Bridgeton, do
Whiticar, Wilmon W., Philada., do

Arnold, Stephen,
Angle, Mahlon L.,
Breeze, Frederick,
Coleman, Jacob A.,
Gulp, Daniel W.,
Carefield, Michael,
Davidson, John,
Ellis, John,
Green, Jamgs,
Garmon, Isaac,
Harris, Samuel,
Henny, George,
Heany, Aaron S.,

CONSCRIPTS AND SUBSTITUTES.
Received at Morris Island, /S. O.

Scranton, Pa.
do do
do do
do do
do do
Pottsville, do
do do
do do
Scranton, do
Lancaster, do
Scranton, do
Lancaster, do
Tinicum, do

Hartley, Vincent,
Hastings, Chas. A.,
Kramer, John,
Lutz, George W.,
Mitchell, Walter,
Norman, John,
Pursell, Isaac,
Ramsey, Frank A.,
Roberts, George W.,
Roberts, Robert,
Smith, James,
Swartz, George H.,
Vanhorn, Clinton,

Pottsville, Pa.
Philada., do
Pottsville, do
Scranton, do
Pottsville, do
Scranton, do
Bridgeton, do
Scranton, do
do do
do do
Pottsville, do
Scranton, do
do do

COMPANY "H."
WiUiam F. Walter, Captain, Reading, Pa.
Diller B. Groff, 1st Lieutenant, do
Geoge W. Ashenfelter, 2nd do do

Charles A. Bitting,
Charles A. Heckler,
Charles A. Spangler,
William Strawbridge,
Theodore Aker,
John Sheetz,
Clinton Seyfert,
James J. Fisher,

SERGEANTS.

Reading, Pa.
do do
do do

Joel Setley,
George M. Groff,

CORPORALS.

Reading, Pa.
do do
do do
do do

Henry G. Hauck,
David Aker,
John P. Housum,
James Toole,

Brobst, Daniel F.,
Bost, George,
Beohtol, Elhanen,

MUSICIANS.
Reading, Pa. | Joseph H. Housum,
PRIVATES.

Berks Co., Pa.
Lehigh do
Reading, Pa.

Bower, Henry,
Bower, Daniel M.,
Bower, Thomas,

Reading, Pa.
do do

Exter, Pa.
Reading, do
do do
do do
Eeading, Pa.
Reading, Pa.
Berks Co., do
do do

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT.

351

Bower, Anthony,
Becker, Reuben,
Brinzinger, Daniel,
Buderwack, Samuel,
Bragley, James S.,
Correll, Lewis,
Correll, Joseph,
Correll, Jonas,
Dippery, Nathaniel,
Enix, Charles
Fox, Leri R.,
Forbion, Charles,
Galligham, James,
Gioker, Albert,
Gay, Nathaniel,
Grew, Nelson, Montgomery
Hughes, William, Berks
Harner, John,
Helms, Aaron,
Hinman, John,
Hartz, Henry B.,
Heckler, Augustus,
Jackson, John J., Dauphin
Hissinger, James, Berks
Kennedy, J., Schuylkill
Leiby, Peter, Berks
Lutz, Henry, do
Miller, Benjamin, do

Berks do dododo do
dodo
do
do do dodo
do
do

dodo
do do
do

Co., Pa.
dodo dodo do
do do
dododododo
dodo dododo
dododododododo do
do
do

Maicks, Edward,

Berks Co., Pa.

Mirom, Charles,

do

do

Maurer, Aaron,

do

do

McDermott, William, do

dp

Moyer, George,

do

do

Nunnemacher,M., Schuy'kl

do

Nagle, Charles,

Berks

do

Paulus, John,

Lehigh

do

Roland, WiUiam,

Berks

do

Rhode, WiUiam B.,

do

do

Richards, William,

do

do

Rathman, Levi,

do

do

Ruth, Thomas,

do

do

Rowe, Joseph,

do

do

Renneberger, Henry, do

do

Quimby, James A.,

do

do

Saylor, George F.,

do

do

Schlegel, Charles,

do

do

Seiders, Solomon,

do

db

Shoppell, Samuel,

do

do

Shaffer, Charles,

do

do

Shirey, Joseph,

do

do

Steffy, Christian,

do

do

Strausser, Elisha,

do

do

Ward, John, Gloucester Co.,

N.J.

Worthington, John,

Bucks Ct

)., Pa.

Wolf, Elias,

Berks

do

Althouse, John W.
Crossly, Chester,
Dean, James,
Dilcamp, William,
Fisher, Henry J.,
Getz, Charles,
Leinbach, George,

VOLUNTEER RECRUITS.
Received after leaving Camp Lacey.

Reading, Pa.
Bucks Co., do
do do
Berks Co., do
Reading, do
do do
do do

Morris, James,
Potts, Aaron,
Reiff, Charles,
Rhoads, David E.,
Stackhouse, Amos,
Schlegel, Lawrence, Berks

Bucks Co., Pa.
do
Berks do
Bucks

do
do dodo
do

CONSCRIPTS AND SUBSTITUTES.
Received at Morris Island, S. 0.

Boyle, John,
Burns, George,
Bowdin, John,
Diener, Henry,
Dine, George,
Duffy, WiUiam,
Fogerty, Thomas,
Flyn, Peter,
Gray, Samuel,
Grigous, George,
Herron, Daniel,
Hunter, William,
Hieff, WiUiam,
Huff, Daniel,
Hartshorn, Barak,

Philadelphia, Pa.
Pottsville, do
do do
do do
Frankford, do
do do
Pottsville, do
Scranton, do
do do
Pottsville, do
Frankford, do
Pottsville, do
Easton, do
do do
Scranton, do

Hoggard, William, Philadelphia, Pa.

Howel, John,
Loeser, Thomas S.,
Long, Henry C,
Miller, John,
Millhousen, Charles,
Mease, Cyrus,
Murry, Charles,
Martin, John,
Nichols, Charles,
Reves, James,
Richards, Charles,
Shaffer, Jacob,
Simmons, James,
Shuey, Ephraim B.,

Scranton, do
Pottsville, do
do do
Easton, do
Philada., do
Pottsville, do
Philadelphia, do
Pottsville, do
Scranton, do
Easton, do
Pottsville, do
Easton, do
Pottsville, do
do do

352

ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH

Sweney, Patrick,
Sweney, William,
Stetler, Henry,
Valentine, Ira,
Witmer, Josiah,

PottsviUe, Pa.
do do
do do
Easton, do
Pottsville, do

Walter, Jonathan
Wagner, John,
Woodward, Thomas,
Youman, Nathaniel,

Pottsville, Pa.
do do
Easton, do
Scranton, do

"T"

COMPANY "I
Harry P. Duncan, Captain, Philadelphia, Pa.
Benjamin Duncan, 2nd Lieutenant, do
SERGEANTS.

William H. Franck, Philadelphia, Pa.
Charles T. Hart, Germantown, do

Francis M. O'Neill, Philadelphia, Pa.
Clement R. Whipple, do do
Joseph H. Williams, do do
CORPORALS.
Jagies McRae, New Hope, Pa. I W. B. Nicholas, Line Lexington, Pa.
Samuel Margerum, Sen., Phila., do | Willam SoUey, do do do
Joshua Anderson, do do I Cornelius SoUey, do do do
John Faroe, New York. | F. Ruby, Glennriddle, Del. Co., do

MUSICIANS.
George Hertig, Philadelphia, Pa. | Peter Hunter,
PRIVATES.

Philadelphia, Pa.

Adams, Lewis, Solebury, Pa.
Blake, Andrew, Philadelphia, do
Bradley, Hugh, do do
Boiles, Theodore, Newtown, do
Baiugalugo, Nicholas, Phila., do
Biddle, Joseph P., Warminster, do
Carttian, William P., Phila., do
Cropley, John S., do do
CampbeU, Robert W., Montg. Co., do
Capelle, Carlo, Philadelphia, Pa.

Dunn, Thomas,
Fries, Jacob,
Foxhole, Enoch,
Forsythe, David,

Doylestown, do
Philadelphia, do
Hilltown, do
New York.

Gamble, N., Glennriddle, Del.Co., Pa.
Hampton, Augustus, Pineville, do
Hinds, George, Solebury, do
Jobson, Henry, Philadelphia, do
Jones, W. C, Phoenixville, Ch. Co. do
Muir, James, Philadelphia, do

Matlaek, Jeremiah, Philadelphia, Pa.
McNeill, James, do do
MeCassey, Michael, Fallsington, do
McDonnell, James, Solebury, do
Margerum, Samuel, Jr., Phila., do
Ortt, J. H., Allentown, Lehigh co., do
Peak, John Wesley, Phila., do
Proctor, L., Glennriddle, Del. Co., do
Parmer, A. H., Point Pleasant, do
Russel, Enoch, Montgomery Co., do
Rizzo, Giamlatista, Philadelphia, do
Stroup, William, do do
Seller, Frederick, do do
Thompson, Hamilton, Rockf own, N.J.
Townsend, T., Glennriddle, Del. co. Pa
Wimen, Joseph, Philadelphia, do
White, Harrison, Point Pleasant, do
Wodock, Philip, Doylestown, do
Wodock, Jacob, do do

Baker,BertlesBeckleBeal, S
Beal, J
CarverCarter,
Devins,

Conrad,, Andrew F
Levi M.,
eneca,oseph,
, Henry,
David,
, George,

VOLUNTEER RECRUITS.
Received after leaving Camp Lacey.

Davisville, Pa.
, New Britain, do
Nockamixon, do
Doylestown, do
do do
Carversville, do
Bristol do
Nockamixon, do

Deitz, Amasa, Michigan.
EUenberger, J. Martin, Hilltown, Pa.
Glasshous, Hans, Doylestown, do
Gaddes, William, New Britain, do
Garron, Samuel N., Doylestown, do
F-lungrage, William, Nockamixon, do
Huver, Jacob, New Britain, do
Hays, William, Doylestown, do

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT.

353

Hall, Hiram,
Hogeland, Richard
Kney, George W.,
Kerr, John,
Lynch, Edward,
Moore, Charles,
Osborne, Charles,
Park, John,

Doylestown, Pa.
, Nockamixon, do
Connecticut.
New Britain, Pa.
Yardleyville, do
HiUtown, do
Nockamixon, do
Philadelphia, do

Roher, William, New Britain, Pa.
Roberts, Peter A., Wrightstown, do
Spence, James, Philadelphia, do
Wiggins, Charles R., Plumstead, do
Whalen, Edward H., Boston, Mass.
Williams, Charles, New York.
Wampold, Sassaman, Doylestown, Pa.
Wychoff, Peter G., Allentown, do

Armstrong, Thomas
Brown, William,
Barriger, William,
Boyer, Israel,
Betts, Peter,
Briant, Charles,
Bennett, Rossman,
Coleman, Charles H.,

CONSCRIPTS AND SUBSTITUTES.
Received at Morris Island, S. C.

Scranton, Pa.
Frankford, do
Scranton, do
Pottsville, do
do do
Scranton, do
do do
do do

Carter, William, Pottsville, do
Countryman, Philip, Easton, do
Daymen, Edmund F., Phila., do
Denney, George, Scranton, do
Devine, Michael, PottsviUe, do
Decker, George, Scranton, do
Flemings, George, Pottsville, do
Gleason, James J., Scranton, do.
Garman, Isaac, Pottsville, do
Harvey, William, do do
Hartman, Franklin, do do
Hillpot, Jonas F., Frankford, do
Howard, Jesse, Scranton, do
Hays, John, Philadelphia, do
KUngerman, Jacob, Pottsville, do
Knoblauch, Christiiin, do do
Lynn, John, do do

Moore, Augustus, Pottsville, Pa.
Miller, George, do do
Miller, Jonas, do do
Murphy, Thomas, Scranton, do
Minnig, Edward, Pottsville, do
Mooney, John, Philadelphia, do
Noll, William, do do
Odell, Thaddeus, Scranton, do
Person, David, Pottsville, do
Resseguie, John, Scranton, do
Richardson, Mason, do do
Sprague, Harrison, do do
Smith, Charles, do do
Smith, John C, Philadelphia, do
Strickler, Jonathan, Pottsville, do
Snyder, Jacob, do do
Stackhouse, Wm. E., Scranton, do
Schooley, Peter, do do
Sackett, Charles, do do
Shirk, WiUiam, PottsviUe, do
Schoonover, Daniel, Scranton, do
Tanner, Cyrus, do do
Tanner, Mordecai C, do do

Walker, Francis M.,

do

do

COMPANY "K."
Henry Y. Pickering, Captain, Newtown, Pa.
Mahlon Yardley, 1st Lieutenant, Doylestown, Pa.
E. Sayers McDowell, 2nd Lieutenant, Bucks Co., Pa.
SERGEANTS.

Thomas P. Chambers, Newtown, Pa.
Chas. G. Cadwallader, Dolington, do
Elwood Craven, Warminster, do

A. F. Mattis, Line Lexington, Pa.
Richard J. Lovett, Yardleyville, do

CORPORALS

Theodore Glasgow, Warminster, Pa.
Samuel Drebbs, Chester Co., do
Charles Brown, Bavaria, do
Andrew C. Reeves, Bucks Co., do

Benjamin S. Bennett, Newtown, Pa.
Charles P. Bissy, Bucks Co., do
Thomas C. Neild, do do
Josiah C. Hubbard, Newtown, do

MUSICIANS.
Morris Worthington, Bucks Co., Pa. | Joseph W. Griner, NewportviUe, Pa.

23

354

ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH

PRIVATES.

Arrison, Thomas R., Somerville, Pa.
Bennett, Moses, Bucks Co., do
Bennett, Charles L., do do
Beard, William, London, do
Bissey, John W., Bucks Co., do
Blaker, Lewis, Newtown, do
Bingham, Jonathan, Chester Co., do
Brown, Geo. DoUas, Bucks Co., do
Carr, William, Longford, Ireland.
Cadwallader, D. J., Bucks Co., Pa.
•Cadwallader, T., ' do do
-Cooper, John J., do do
Cutter, William, do do
¦Cummings, Michael, Ross., IreJand.
Cape, John B., Middleton, Pa.
Demming, Benj. S., Montg. Co., do
Detwiler, Henry,
Fugle, William,
Gilbert, Benjamin,
^Good, Silas A.

Hawk, Thomas,
Hare, George W,,
-Hare, William B.,
Hardex, John H.,
Hartly, George E.,
Harman, John,
Howell, William A.,
Howell, Joseph E.,
Hutchinson, Johm,
Jarrett, B. Frank,
Kramer., Charles,
Kinsey, WilUam,
Kinsey, Robert,
Kern, Christian,
Lambert, Alfred,
Lee, William,
Lee, John,
Lee, Joseph,

Lewis, Stockdale, Bucks Co., Pa.
Mann, Isaac K., Montgomery Co., do
Miller, Thos. M., Northampton, do
Myer, Peter, Germany
Mohr, Adolphus, Bavaria.
Parson, Joseph, Lumberville, Pa.
Randall, Andrew V., Bucks Co., do
Radcliff, Geo. W., Philadelphia, do
Raab, Barcley, Bucks Co., do
Rhodes, Tarlton A., New York.
Rice, Simpson, Bucks Co., Pa.
Ryan, John, do do
•Sand, B. Frank, Philadelphia, do

do do
Germany.
Bucks Co., Pa.
do do
do do
do do
do do
Philadelphia, Pa.
Bucks Co., do
do do
do do
do do
Ireland.
Montg. jCo., Pa.
do do
Bucks Co., do
do do '
Wertenberg, Pa.
Bucks Co., do
do do
do do
do do
VOLUNTEER -RECRUITS.
Received after leaving Camp Lacey.
Hill, Joseph H., Philadelphia, Pa. I Newbold, Tobias, Montg. Co., Pa.
Howell, Daniel R., Bucks Co., Pa. | Krouse, John J., Lehigh do
Vanhorn, Isaiah M., do do | White, Moses, Bucks do
Bornnman, Lewis, Philadelphia, Pa. | Cooper, Preston, do do

Sellers, Milton,

Bucks Co.

, do

Settle, Jacob,
Scofield, Joseph,

Germany
Bucks Co., Pa

Stapler, WiUiam,

do

do

Stringer, John,
¦Sherman, Christian,

England
Lanoas. Co.,Pa

Smith, Mahlon,

Bucks

do

Soott, WiUiam S.,

do

do

•Street, Benj. F.,
Street, Daniel,

Montg.
Bucks

do
do

Starkey, Wm. H. H.
Thomas, Daniel L.,

, do
do

do
do

-Tomlinson, Wm. P.,

do

do

'Tyndale, Alfred,
Thatcher, John,
Vanhorn, Charles D.

do do
New Jersey
, Bucks Co., Pa

Voorhees, Jacob S.,

PhUa.

, do

Walton, Ely K.,

Bucks Co.

Pa

Webster, Charles W

, do

do

Wagner, William,
Wildonger, John,
Worthington, Theo.,
Witham, John E.,

Montg. do
Bucks do
do do
HaUfax, N. S

Wiley, William,

Bucks Co.

Pa

Baker, James B,
Buchanan, Benj. H.,
Kramer, Lewis B.,
Cougle, Charles,
Cooper, John L.,
Collins, Jacob,
Chamberlain, William
J)arragh, Orphenia,

CONSCRIPTS AND SUBSTITUTES.
Received at Morris Island, S. C.

Pennsylvania. Scranton, Pa.
do do
Easton, do
Scranton, do
do do
do do
¦do do

Dart, Joshua,
Duncan, Thomas,
Fisher, Henry,
Fenton, George,
Grifath, WUliam,
Hines, Jacob,
Hoff, John,
Hinkley, Adalbert,

Honesdale, Pa.
Pottsville, do
do do
Philadelphia, do
do do
PottsviUe, do
Reading, do
Scranton, do

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT.

355

Jones, John,
Johnson, James,
Krum, David B.,
Knapp, Sylvester,
Lawrence, John,
McCann, David,
Ottleben, Franz,

PottsviUe, Pa.
Philadelphia, do
Scranton, do
do do
Philadelphia, do
Scranton, do
Philadelphia, do

Quick, James, Scranton, Pa.
Ransom, John, do do
Sanszenberger, Jacob, Phila., do
Stanton, Oliver, ' Easton, do
Stores, Russell, Scranton, do
Williams, John F., Philadelphia, do
Williams, John, Pottsville, do

Enlisted Men Killed in Action.

Co.
Shadinger, Wm. J  A
Silvey, Joseph  , A
Brierly, James  A
<GiU, Abraham  B
Hartley, John S  C
MagiU, Georges  C
Clayton, Samuel S..-..^   C
Watson, Samuel A  , C
Morris Crispen  ,  C
Shaw, Moses R  C
Wynkoop, Thomas  C
Brown, WiUiam W. H  „  C
Baltz, Peter  D
Butterworth, Henry  D
Diffenbrook, Adolphus  E
Hart, Charles S  I
Margerum, Samuel....^  I
Muir, James  .-. I
McNeil, James  I
Nicholas, Wm. B  I
Whalen, Edward S  I
Sailor, Matthias  P
Died of
Lear, Thomas  A
Ruth, William H  B
Eckhart, Lewis H  B
Bartley, Charles  B
Brinker, Jacob R  B
Whittaker, Abraham  B
Stackhouse, Samuel A,  C
Lambert, Isaac L  C
Lilly, Amandus  w.-. D
Harfeter, Gottleib  D
Erwin, William  G
Echline, John  G

Co.
Eastburn, Charles  F
States, James  F
Stevens, Thomas T  F
Rose, Thomas  G
Reilly, John  G
Sees, John....,   /  G
Gay, Nathaniel  H
Nagle, Charles  H
Lutz, Henrj'  .,..  H
Richards, William  H
Stackhouse, Amos  H
Seiders, Solomon  H
Cutler, William  K
Bissy, JohnW  K
Howell, Daniel R  K
Howell, William A  K
Lee, John  ,  K
Schofield, Joseph  K
Stringer, John  K
Fugle, William  K
Radcliffe, George W  :.."K
Wounds. Mundy, John..,v...  G
Hofford, Martin  G
Brinzinger, Daniel  H
Rhode, William  H
Bradly, Hugh  ,  I
Devins, George  I
Hasset, .Tohn .w  I
SeUers, Milton  ¦  K
Mohr, Adolph  ,  K
Kinsey, Robert  K
Lee, Joseph  ,  K
Baker, James  ...»  K

Died of Disease.

Slack, William P  A
Bertles, Jacob  A
Sellers, Gilberts  A
Fryling, Wilson  A
Angeny, Abraham  A
Arnold, Charles  A
Reynolds, William A  A
Malsbury, William  A

Widdifield, Thomas B  A
Smith, Mordecai B...  A
Gallagher, Henry  A
Darling, Edwin S  B
Fell, Henry  B
Baker, Zachariah  C
Smith, Tunis K  C
Hilborn, John..,,.  G

356

ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH

Silvey, Abraham  C
McGuigan, James  C
Mullen, Joseph  C
Marlin, George  ,  C
Smith, Joseph B  D
Slight, Charles  D
Haverstraw, William  D
Heiste, Joseph  D
Dilliard, Henry  D
Croman, Jacob  D
Naan, James  D
Thompson, Aaron  D
Beam, Oliver W  E
Clemens, Samuel  E
Gamble, Charles  E
Griesimer, Henry  E
Henn, Jacob  E
Schwartz, John  E
Scarborough, Thomas  E
Moyer, George  E
Bailey, Edgar S  E
Blutstine, Christian  F
Hibbs, Stephen G  F
Harford, James  F
Parsons, William E  F
Worthington, Frank C  F
Blaker, Joseph  G

Cosner, Thomas  G
Lerch, John  G
Merceleous, Henry  G
Bower, Anthony  H
Crossley, Chester B  H
Gallager, James  H
Harner, John  H
Kennedy, Jonathan  H
Morris, James  H
Roland, William  H
Wolf, Elias  II
Woodward, Thomas  H
Boiles, Theodore  I
Dunn, Thomas  I
Osborne, Charles  I
Ortl, Jackson H  I
Seller, Frederick  I
Shearer, Henry  I
Boyer, Israel  I
Wiggins, Charles  I
Kramer, Charles R  K
Lee, William  K
Street, Benjamin F  K
Webster, Charles W  K
William Hart  F
Johnson, George  —

Discharged on
Connard, Andrew 
Clymer, James 
Donahue, Michael 
Johnson, Edward R 
Wood, Joseph 
Campbell, John B 
Gano, Stephen 
Slack, James L 
Heller, Nathaniel A 
Martin, John 
Carter, David 
Stokes, John 
Anderson, Joseph 
Boileau, William  ...
Lear, Henry 
Lowder, Fenton 

Account of Wounds.

Frankenfield, William  G
Wiggins, Lawrence  G
Kuhn, Adam  G
O'Daniel, John  G
Warford, Amos  G
Blake, Andrew  I
Bickle, Levi M  I
Carman, Wm. P  I
SoUey, Cornelius.  I
Ruby, Fernandus  I
Detwiler, Henry  K
Stapler, William  K
Arrison, Thomas  ¦  K
Kern, Christian  K
Reeves, Andrew C  K

Discharged on Account of Physical Disability

Algard, Jeremiah  A
Bauer, John  A
Ent, George 0  A
Eekhardt, Charles  A
Fryling, Levi  A
Groom, Ramsey C  A
Hanafius, Jacob  A
Hubbard, Nathaniel  A
Jacobs, John  A
Morgan, Wm. A  A
Nice, John.. .2  A

Raisner, Wm. A  A
Reamer, Joseph  A
Stirk, Oliver K  A
Stalcup, Wm. H  A
Straub, Joseph H  A
Titus, Wm  A
Toy, Charles  A
Torpy, Patrick  A
Wright, Leonard  A
Walton, John  A
Bryan, Lycurgus  B

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT.

357

Batchelor, Franklin  B
Dean, Henry C  B
Donahoe, John  B
Flack, Harman  B
Garner, George W  B
Garner, Amos  B
Johnson, George W  B
Leister, Michael  B
Myers, John G  B
Donahoe, John  B
Price, Frederick  B
Humphrey, John  B
Parks, Samuel C  B
Smith, Andrew  B
Tomlinson, David B  B
Wood, Wm  B
Worthington, Wm. B  B
Clark, Stephen  C
Dungan, James B  C
Hellings, Jonathan  C
Kitchen, Harrison  C
Moss, Mahlon H  C
Naylor, Houston  C
Nice, Peter  C
Obendeffer, Jacob  C
Roberts, Crispin  C
Roberts, Wm. R  C
Ryan, Francis G  C
Bice, George W  C
McCloskey, John  C
Stafford, John  C
Scarborough, Rutlege  C
Althouse, Henry  D
Brown, Wm. M  D
Breiner, Charles M  D
Booz, John N  D
Diehl, Jacob  D
Farren, Wm  D
Franks, Wm. D  D
Hulit, Wm. C  D
MiUer, Francis  D
McNamee, Peter  D
Osbach, Howard  D
Rooks, Charles  D
Snyder, Wm. R  D
Tomlinson, Thomas F  E
Beck Harry  E
Biddle, Cephas R  E
Coar, Francis L  E
Deamer, Elias  E
Hilt, Joel C  E
Larrison, Joseph H  E
Frederick, Henry  E
(Longenour, Levi  E
Jordan, Jacob  E
Morris, George  E
Nicholas, Tobias  E

Race, Aaron  E
Rush, John  E
Brown, Thomas J  F
Burton, Anthony  F
Britton, Henry  P
Cook, JohnG  P
Chew, Benjamin  F
English, Joseph  P
Hickman, Joseph  P
Kinney, Simon  F
Hibbs, Paschal C  F
Leech, Wm. W  F
Leech Joseph J  F
Kains, John  F
Guie, George Q  F
Parsons, John  F
Tomlinson, George  F
Worthington, Samuel C  F
Walker, Wm. B  F
Connell, Hugh 0  F
Bartleson, Samuel P  G
Black, Zeauas  G
Donnatt, Charles  G
Davis, George  G
Faust, Michael  G
Hammerstone, Andrew  G
Kohl, Charles  G
Leedom, Norris  G
Lear, Jordan  G
Morgan, John M  G
Nibblick, Wm  G
Weaver, William  G
Brayley, James  H
Bower, Thomas  H
Buderwack, Samuel  H
Helms, Aaron  H
Hinman, John  H
Jackson, John J  H
Maicks, Edward  H
Mirom, Charles  H
McDermott, William  H
Nunnemacher, Moses  H
Potts, Aaron  H
Renneberger, Henry  H
Schlegel, Charles  H
Saylor, George  H
W^orthington, John  H
Walter, Jonathan  H
Adams, Lewis 
Campbell, Robert W 
Fritz, William 
Franck, William H 
Foxhole, Enoch 
Hass, Henry 
Henderson, Thomas 
Hogeland, Richard 
Hungrage, William 

358

ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH

Albright, Stephen E  Band.
Jenks, Michael E. , Non-Com. Staff.
Rogers, James M., " "
Hall, Hiram  I
Kleimer, Alfred  I
Moor, Charles  I
Peak, John W  I
Spence, James  I
Sands, Ezra  I
Thompson, Hamilton  I
Wampole, Sassaman  I
Modock, Philip  I
White, Harrison  I
Brown, George  K
Bennett, Moses  K
Boonmann, Lewis  K
Discharged hy Civil Process.
Bennett, Wm.S  B 1 Foley, John  D
Worthington, JohnJ  B | Sacks, Oliver  D
Wounded Returned to Duty.

Bingham, Jonathan  K
Chambers, Thomas P  K
Cooper, John J  K
Hill, Joseph H  K
Hutchinson, John  K
Miller, Thomas P  K
Neild, Thomas C  K
Newbold, Tobias  K
Raab, Barclay  K
Wagner, William  K
Winner, Joseph, Non-Com. Staff.
Whipple, Clement R., "
Tayman, James  —
Walden, Alexander  —
Fenton, George  —

Bartleman, Fredolm  A
Fryling, Isaac S  A
Gallagher, James  A
Gares, James  A
Horn, Pierson A  A
Martindale, William Y  A
Naylor, William H  A
Swartley, Henry  A
Whitecraft, Andrew  A
Widdifield, Thomas  A
Wigton, John J  A
Connard, William  B
Holmes, John B  B
Millis, Edwin S  B
Porter, Charles L  B
Rapp, Markley  B
Swartly, Philip D  B
Worthington, William B  B
White, Jarvis  B
Cooper, Jordan  C
Eastburn, Harrison  C
Stiner, William H  C
Titus, EUas  C
Antrim, William H. H  D
Geary, George C  D
Godshall, Levi S  D
Keiser, Charles W  D
Kreader, Daniel  D
Miller, Evan  D
Musselman, John B  D
Mace, Samuel  D
Thomas, Silas  D
Trumbower, Hilary  D
Thompson, Aaron  D
Rohr, John  D
Wright, Samuel  D

Wambold, Jeremiah  D
Lex, William  E
Wentsell, E.Samuel  E
Comley, Jackson P  F
Doan, Marmaduke R  F
Higham, Albert  F
McEuen, William  F
Toy, Charles T  F
Trencher, John  P
Stokes, John  F
Stackhouse, Hutchinson J  F
Spearing, Joshua  F
Rhodes, Garrett  F
Burk, Philip  G
Burk, William  G
Beatty, James  G
Conner, George S  G
Carroll, Patrick  G
Collins, J. A  G
Purcell, Frederick  G
Curly, Timothy  G
Feely, WUUam  G
Frankenfield, David  G
Ging, Charles  G
Gray, Wilson  G
Harton, Farrel C  G
Hammerstone, Andrew  G
Hofford, Martin  G
Howard, Samuel  G
Myers, Jacob  G
McNelly, James  G
Mundy, John  G
Nicholas, Martin  G
Pursell, Hiram W  G
Robinson, Isaac J  G
Strouse, John  G

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT.

359

Warford, PhiUp  G
Althouse, John W  H
Enix, Charles  H
Housum, John P  H
Loeser, Thomas  H
Moyer, George  H
Nichols, Charles  H
Bertles, Andrew F  I
Biddle, Joseph P  I
Hampton, Augustus  I
Deits, Amasa  I
O'Neil, Francis M  I
Parmer, Adolphus H  I
Korer, William  I
SoUey, William  I
Brown, Charles  K
Bennett, Benjamin S  K

Craven, Elwood  K
Cadwallader, Timothy  K
Blaker, Lewis  K
Dimming, Benjamin S  K
Hare, George W  K
Hartley, George E  K
Glasgow, Theodore  K
Hutchinson, John  K
Hare, William  K
Jarrett, B. Frank  K
Randall, Andrew V  K
Rice, Simpson  K
Sherman, Christian  K
Witham, J. Edward  K
Walton, Ely  K
Mattis, A.Frank  K
Wiley, William  K

Talcen Prisoners.

Eekhardt, Lewis H  B
Donahoe, Michael  B
Heaney, William P  B
Mair, John  B
Swartley, Philip D  B
Whittaker, Abraham  B
Eobbins, WiUiam 0  C
Ryan, Francis G  C
Leatherberry, Fenwick  D
Rosenberger, Levi A  D
Shelly, Henry M  D
Enders, Andrew  E
Bickel, Christian  E
Beck, Samuel H  E
Bissey, John  E
Brown, Francis M  E
Buck, Jerome  E
Core, Francis L  E
Sigafoos, William  E
Clemens, Samuel  E
Campman; Jacob  E
Coyle, Patrick  E
CampbeU, Harrison G  E
Darrah, Charles  E
De Shaw, Francis  E
Devereaux, James  E
Elf, Conrad  E
Fonash, John  E
Fornoman, William  E
Farrell, Aaron  E
Fisher, John  E

Glase, Jacob  E
Gamble, Charles  E
Harr, David  E
Heisler, Elias  E
Kohl, Henry H  E
Knoll, Frederick  E
Kramer, Elwood  E
Lehnen, Frederick G  E
Leibler, Adam  E
Livengood, Joseph  E
Logan, George  E
Longenour, Josiah  E
Longenour, Levi  E
Montgomery, John  E
McGlathery, Charles  E
Mclntyre, William  E
Price, John  E
Ricketts, William  E
Shaw, Christian  E
Schwartz, John  E
Shellenbuger, Levi  E
Shock, Henry  E
Walker. William  E
Hart, WiUiam  F
South, Merritt B  F
Erwin, William  G
Higgins, Lawrence P  G
McNelly, James  G
Strawbridge, William  H
Matlaek, Jeremiah  I
Lee, Joseph  K

Missing in Action.
Nicholas, Matthias  G I Feshner, John  D
Warford, Philip  G |
Transferred to Invalid Corps.
Gares, James  A | Ackerman, William  B
Wisler, John  A | Ganzey, James B  B

360

ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH

Faes, Jacob  D
Prosser, David D  D
Hartz, Henry B  H
Miller, Benjamin  H
Green, Aaron  E
Heisler, Elias  E
Price, John  E

Zimmerman, Michael  E
McEwen, William  P
Stackhouse, Hutchinson J  P
Toy, Charles T  F
Carver, Henry  I
Cropley, John S  I
Thatcher, John  K

Discharged hy Order of Secretary of War.
Wagner, Henry  C
Transferred to id U. S. Cavalry.
Campbell, Harrison  _  E
Drowned.
Walter, Levi  A. Folly Island beach, July, 1863.
Discharged hy reason of Promotion *o Commission in the regiment.

WaUazz, Ed. A. Non-Com. Staff.
Fretz, Edwin  A
Laughlin J. McDonald  A
Haney, WiUiam P  B
Middifield, Henry A  B
Michener, Charles T  C
Scarborough, Thomas BJ  C
Tyson, Julius B. Non-Com. Staff.
Markley, Levi H  D
Shaffer, Wm. M  D
Glase, Jacob W  E
Fox, James M  F
Discharged by reason of Promotion to Commission in Regular Army.
Shindel, Jeremiah P  A
Discharged hy reason of Promotion to Commission in 2d S. G. Col'd.
Perry, Robert W  C | Ryan, Samuel P  C
Discharged hy reason of enlistment in 2d S. 0. Colored.
Elliott, William R  C
Mustered out by Order ofthe War Department.-

AUbertson, Benjamin  F
Taylor, Joseph  F
Holmes, Robert. Mon-Com. Staff.
Myers, Jacob  G
O'Connell, Peter  G
Bitting, Charles A  H
Hechler, Charles A  H
O'Neill, Francis M  I
Williams, Joseph H  I
Cadwallader, Charles G  K
Craven, Elwood  K

Jobst, John C  Leader.
Cox, William  Band.
Dankel, Samuel  "
Druckenmiller, J. J. W  "
Engleman, Sylvester  "
Gallagher, Henry H  "
Gorr, George H  "
Knauss, Harman S  "
Lewis, .Joseph M  "
Mann, JohnE  "

Reichart, Jacob  Band.
Rohs, William  "
Seip, William S  "
Spoenheimer, Lewis  "
Tool, Henry S  "
Tool, Alberts  "
Tool, Eugene T  "
Widrig, James H  ••
Knauss, Harrison E  "

CASUALTIES AND CHANGES AMONG COMMISSIONED OFFICERS.
Killed in Action.
E. S. McDowell, H., 2d Lt., May 31, 1862, At Fair Oaks, Va.,
Philip Burke, G., " , July 9, 1864, John's Island, S. C.

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT.

361

N.4MES.

Rank.

Kemakkb.

Died of Wounds.

John M. Gries,

Major,

June 13, 1862.

Died at Phila. of wounds

reo'd. at Pair Oaks, May 31, 1862.
Wounded.
W. W. H. Davis,
Col.,
May 31, 1862,
Fair Oaks,
Va., in arm.
li u
((
July 6, 1864,
John's Island, S. C., hand.
Jas. R. Orem,
Capt..,
May 31, 1864,
Fair Oaks, Va., in foot.
J. Swartzlander,
ii 11
" " mouth.
J. E. Corcorau,
it
.. n
" abdomen.
D. B. Groff,
1st Lt.
" 24, "
Seven Pines, Va., in side.
Jas. D. Hendrie,
Qr. Mr.
, " 31, "
Fair Oaks, Va., in arm.
G. W. AshenfeUer,
2d Lt.,
..
" " ankle.
F. M. O'Neill,
"
ti ii
" " thigh.
Wm. F. Walter,
Capt.,
ii .1
a ((
Theo. Kephart,
"
t. ((
Slightly wounded at Fair
Oaks and on two other occasions.
Tahen prisoners.
Edward M. Croll, 2d Lt. Co. E., Captured at Fair Oaks, Va.,
May 81, 1862.*
Wm. T. Robinson, Surgeon, " John's Island S. C,
July 4, 1865.
Transferred.
Wm.W. Marple, Capt., July 3, 1863, Appointed Lt. Col. 2d S. C. C. T.
Jas. M. Carver, 1st Lt., Apr. 15, 1863, " Capt. 2d S. C. ""
Levi H. Markly, 2d Lt., Apr. 30, 1863,
Jas. D. Hendrie, Qr. Mr., Aug. 1, 1863, Transf'd. to Invalid Corps.
D.W. Cadwallader, Asst. Sur., Appointed Surg. 169 P. M.
Resigned.
John W. Nields, Lt. Col.,
Wm. A. Peck, Surgeon,
Jas. R. Orem, Capt.,
Wm. F. Walter, Capt.,
H. W. Heany,
W. S. Hendrie, Asst. Surgeon,
Richard Roberts, 1st Lt.,
Philip Hinkle,
J. M. Beans, 2d Lt.,
G. W. Ashenfelter, 1st. Lt.,
Harry C. Kessler, "
Benj. Duncan, "
J. C. Robinson, 2d Lt.,
Benj. Albertson, "
E. M. CroU,
F. M. O'Neill,
Wm. P. Heany, "
Joseph Taylor, "
Resigned to accept Civil Appointment.
Mahlon Yardley, 1st Lt., Appointed Provost Marshal 5th Dist. Penna.
Enos R. Artman, " App'd Asst. Prov. Marshal " "
Promotions.
R.iNK. Remarks.
Adjutant, Promoted to Lt. Col. Aug. 8, 1862.
Capt. Co. A., " " Major, July 1, 1862.
Ass't. Surg., " " Surg., July 25, 1862.
1st Lt. Promoted to Captain.
" " " Sep. 16, 1862.
Names.
Thompson D. Hart,
Edward L. Rogers,
Wm. T. Robinson,
Henry W. Heany,
Theo. Kephart,
DiUer B. Groff,
J. MoD. Laughlin,
Sergt.,
IstLt., Nov. 17, 1862,
Capt. May 10, 1863.
362 ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH
N.AME. Rank. Remakes.
T. B. Scarborough, Sergt., Promoted to 2d Lieut.. Nov. 8, 18b/,
* » " Capt. Dec. 11, 1863.
Enos K. Artman, 2d Lt. " " 1st Lt. Dec. 24, 1861.
Thompson D. Hart, " " " Adjt. Oct. 11, 1861.
James D. Hendrie, " " " Qr- Mast. Sep. 5, 1861.
John H. McCoy, " " " 1st Lt. Sept. 16, 1862.
George W. Ashenfelter, " " " " Nov. 8, 1862.
- ' - " " Qr. Mast, July 32, 1863.
" " 1st Lieut.
" 2dLt. May 12, 1852, to
lstLt.Dec.il, 1863.
" 2d Lt. Sept. 16, 1862.
" Adjt. Oct. 1, 1862.
" 2dLt. Nov. 17, 1862, to
" " 1st Lt. Dec. 11, 1868.
" " Nov. 8, 1862.
" " " Dec. 2, 1862, to
1st Lt. Dec. 17, 1863.
" 2d Lt. Aug. 1, 1862.
" " " Dec. 12, 1862,
" 1st Lt. Dec. 11, 1863.
" " Dec. 11, 1863.
" " Dec. 11, 186g.
" " Dec. 11, 1863.
" " Jan. 6, 1864.
" 2d Lt. Dec. 24, 1861.
" " " Nov. 5, 1861.
" " Jan. 16, 1864.
" " Jan. 16, 1864.
" " " Jan. 16, 1864.
" " Jan. 16, 1864.
" " Jan. 16, 1864.
" " Jan. 16, 1864.
" Feb. 16, 1864.
Appointed from civil life after the organization of the Regiment.
J. Matthias Beans, Appointed 2dLt. Co. I. Dec. 18, 1861.
D. W. Cadwallader, " Asst. Surgeon, Aug. 4, 1862.
W. Scott Hendrie, " " " Aug. 4, 1862.
Michael B. McAlear, " " " Jan. 30, 1863.
Platt E. Brush, " " " Mar. 17, 1863.
Names of Enlisted Men of the 104i/i Pennsylvania Regiment Bap
tized hy Chaplain Gries, during their term of Eilistment.

Matthias Lehnen,

1st Lt.

Harry C. Hessler,

2dLt.

Edwin Fretz,

Sergt.

Wm. P. Heany,

il

Edmund A. WaUazz,

Sergt. Major.

Chas. H. Bitting,

n

Joseph Taylor,

i'

Jacob Myers,

"

Francis M. O'NeiU,

((

C. G. CadwaUader,

"

Julius B. Tyson,

Sergt. Major

Wm. M. Shaffer,

a

Jacob W. Glase,

it

Joseph H. Williams,

"

Levi H. Markley,

li

Robert Holmes,

Com. Sergt.,

Elwood Craven,

Sergt.

H. A. Widdifield,

li

Chas. A. Heckler,

ii

Peter O'Connell,

"

James M. Fox,

li

Jos. M. Wiatt,

*'

Charles Michener,

"

1 Henry Swartley  A
2 William Brown  A
3 Jacob K. Charles  A
4 WiUiam Naylor  A
6 Andrew Whitecroft  A
6 Charles Sweezy  B
7 Eleazer Beal  B
8 G. W. Robinson  B
9 A. S. Gehman  B
10 Charles Beal  B
11 Samuel Silvey  B

12 Charles Craven  C
13 J. B. Musselman  D
14 Levis. Gottshal  D
15 Henry Shelly  D
16 Samuel T. BaU  D
17 Henry Fisher  D
18 Henry Kern  D
19 David P. Cope  D
20 William Morton  D
21 Samuel C. Wright  D
22 Wm. Fornoman  E

PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT.

363

23 Josiah Langenower  E
24 Francis M. Brown  E
25 David Everett, Jr  P
26 L. J. W. Heelings  F
27 Theodore Hoff  F
28 John Crook  F
29 James White  F
30 Wm. BarnhiU  F
31 James Stone  F
32 Hugh Martindale  F
33 Jeremiah Hulich  F
34 Jacob Kindey  F
85 Benj. N. Vamant  F
36 Michael Young  G
37 Joseph Cole  G
38 Henry Warford  G
39 Wm. S. Wagoner  G

40 JohnP. Housum  H
41 Aaron Helms  H
42 Samuel N. Garren  I
43 Seneca Beal  I
44 JosephBeal  I
45 Amna Deitz  I
46 Jacob Hoover  I
47 S. Marjoram  I
48 Benj. S. Bennett  K
49 Wm. Kinsey  K
50 Isaiah Vanhorn  K
51 John H. Hardy  K
52 Benj. F, Land  K
53 Mahlon Smith  K
54 Theodore Geasgom  K
55 Jacob S. Vorhees  K
56 John Crocs  K

Transferred to the Navy.

John C. Smith.
John Lynn.
Lewis Bohner  Co.
Thomas Keely 
Patrick Fitzgerald 
Michael Canfield 
James Colclough 
Richard Gardiner 
Edward Noonan 
Michael Kane 
George Clarke 
William Sweeny 
William Duffy 
Thomas Fogerty 
Thomas Murray 
Charles Richards 
J. Simmons 
Thomas Morgan 
J. Wilson 
Edward O'NeU 

H

J. Williams  Co.
Andrew Donaldson 
George Fleming 
William Brown 
Charles Davis 
Israel Faust 
Henry Mairs 
George Lane 
William Hogan 
Jacob Collins 
J. Williams 
James Hawkins 
John Charlton 
Thomas Kyle 
George Burns 
Thomas Fox 
Oliver Bellanny 
John Smith 
William Dortin 

Re-enlisted Veterans.

James M. Fox, F,
Joseph Eastburn, F,
James Erwin, F,
Alfred Eastburn, F,
Henry L. Leach, F,
Thomas Simms, F,
John Dyer, F,
Morris M. Leese, F,
Jeremiah S. Hulick, F,
S. A. MartindeU, F,
Reuben H. Krewson, F,
James Donahoe, F,
Jacob Kindey, F,

Garret Rhoads, F,
Frank J. Sanford, F,
Wm. BarnhiU, F,
Merritt B. South, F,
John C. Nelson, F,
Wm. Woodside, F,
Landrum Larue, F,
Johnson Minster, F,
Wm. A. Rickey, F,
Benj. R. Vansant, F,
Theodore Hoff, F,
Wm. Reagan, F,
William Davis, F,

364

ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTH

Man'g McConnell, F,
Michael Quinn, F,
Henry Mershon, F,
Louis Yeager, F,
Ambrose States, F,
H. A. Widdifield, B,
WiUiam MeUck, B,
Eleazer Beal, B,
Charles Beal, B,
Markley Rapp, B,
Samuel Silvey, B,
James Silvey, B,
Wm. Vanhorn, B, ,
John Maier, B,
Sim. K. Overholt, B,
Wm. E. Johnson, B,
Rufus Stetler, B,
James Martin, D,
Evan MiUer, D,
Jeremiah Wambold, D,
J. B. Musselman, D,
Christian Grossman, D,
Daniel Kleinsmith, D,
C. A. Heckler, H,
Joel Setley, Sergeant, H,
Clinton W. Seyfert, H,
George Bost, H,
James Toole, H,
John Paules, H,
Henry G. Hauch, H,
Charles S. Michener, C,
WiUiam H. Magee, C,
John J . Wigton, A,
Robert E. Benson, A,
Isaac L. Fryling, A,
Pearson A. Home,
John Hultz, A,
Sylvester Kyle, A,
Charles Solliday, A,
Joseph Sands, A,
John L. Stokes, A,
Daniel Seifert, A,
Andrew J, C, Terry, A.

William Brown, A,
Joseph T. Hart, A,
Samuel N. Garren, I,
Jas. Macdonald, I,
William Rorer, I,
Seneca Beal, I,
Nathaniel Gamble, I,
John Park, I,
William Stroup, I,
George Hertig, Musician, I,
Andrew J. Bartels, I,
William Gaddes, I,
Hautz Glaushouse, I,
Augustus Hampton, I,
Enoch Russell, I,
Peter Hunter, I,
George W. Hare, K,
Wm. B. Hare, K,
Jacob Settle, K,
Daniel Thomas, K,
Benj. S. Bennett, K,
Michael Cummings, K,
Charles D. Vanhorn, K,
John E. Witham, K,
Pre. Frankenfield, G,
Michael F. Young, G,
Am'ds Laubert, G,
Alexander Cochran, G,
Wm. Morgan, G,
Wm. J. Walker, E,
Wm. Mclntyre, E,
George Logan, E,
Wm. Ricketts, E,
Adam Leibler, E,
Joseph M. Livengood, E,
Isaac Wierman, E,
John Daniel, E,
Wm. Cigenfoos, E,
Elias Welch, E,
Samuel Young, E,
James Devreux, E,
George Robinson, B,

^»*i)^t!liv

m\. ek.'AMVi.ili:;'»'^.^«.rAL.