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YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

From the Estate of
George E. Day,
1909

THE JOURNAL
O F
THE PILGRIMS
AT PLYMOUTH,
IN NEW ENGLAND, IN 16 2 0:
REPRINTED FROM THE ORIGINAL VOLUME.
with historical and local illustrations
OF providences, principles, and PERSONS:

GEORGE B, CHEEVER, D.D.

NEW YORK:
PUBLISHED BY JOHN WILEY, 161 BROADWAY.
and 13 paternoster row, LONDON.
1848.

ENTEniCD, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1848, by
GEOKGE B. CHEEVER,
in the Clerk*s Office of the District Court of the Southern District of New York.

R. CRAIGHEAD, PRINTER AND STEREOITPEK,
112 FULTON STREET, NEW YORK.

PREFACE.

Some years ago, about the time of the publication of Dr. Young's
Chronicles of the Pilgrims, and before I had seen that wofk, the original
volume of the Journal of the Pilgrims came into my possession, and I
resolved to publish it with annotations. I supposed then that theire was
but one other copy of the work in this country. I was prevented by
various causes at that time from the accomplishment of my intention,
until a recent visit to Plymouth revived my purpose, and this volume
became the fruit of it.
I am greatly indebted, as every one who attempts to write concerning
the Plymouth Pilgrims must find himself to be, to Dr. Young's invalua
ble publications of the Chronicles of the Pilgrims and the Chronicles of
Massachusetts. The notes to those works contain an immense amount
of information, perfectly to be relied upon, and also of accurate refer
ences to the sources of knowledge at command. The Library of the
New Yorlc Historical Society, to which I have had the freest access, is
rich and abundant in its material concerning the early history of the
Plymouth Pilgrims, and of New England.
This work, begun in the way of Historical Notes, has grown into
twenty-four chapters ; and I have been led, incidentally, to adopt a clas
sification of my materials of illustration, which is important in itself, and
will certainly impart to the work something of the merit of novelty ; that
is, to arrange in separate subjects and sketches, as far as possible, the

IV preface.
germs, or beginnings, or firs.t appearances of our native New England
customs and institutions. T have endeavored to trace the wonder
ful providential discipline of God with the colony of Plymouth, and to
some extent with that of Massmchusetts, and to show the constant action
of those principles of piety for which they suffered, under the supremacy
of which they labored, and by which, through the grace of Christ, they
were successful.
Doubtless, the great lesson of God's teachings in the first years of the
conflict of our Pilgrim Fathers, and as Mr. Choate called it, " t.he days of
their human agony of glory," is the lesson of the atonement itself, and of
that wondrous passage respecting Christ, that he was made jperfect through
suffering ; — the necessity of a baptism of suffering, in some way, and of
its holy endurance beneath the hand of God, at the foundation of every
great enterprise in our fallen world, for the good of man and for God's
glory. Nevpr was there in the history of the world, out of the Divine
records, a more signal and aflfecling display of this principle, and of
God's disciplinary and covenant mercy in it to mankind, than in the story
of the trials and endurances of our Pilgrim and Puritan Fathers.
The picture, if drawn by the hand of a master, would be surpassingly
beautiful ; and there certainly will yet emanate from some devout mind
and heart in New England, from some individual prepared and gifted of
God for the duty (as D'Aubigne was disciplined and guided in his great
work on the Reformation), a book of unrivalled interest and lasting power,
on the History of the Pilgrims and Puritans in America. Such a work
would, in its foundations and introductory material, run back to the days-
of Hooper, and the opening and progress of the Reformation in England,
and the persecuting instrumentality of Elizabeth, James, and the Hierar
chical Despotism. Then the stream of history divides, and there are two
great works to be accomplished, concentrating the interest and progress
of the world upon the principles developed and illustrated, namely, the
History of the Puritans in Great Britain, and the History of the Puri
tans in America. Here are two of the grandest subjects in the world for
genius and piety. All things done as yet are mere materials collected,

PREFACE. V
and shafts of light here and there poured down. Some of Carlyle's
works are such shafts of light and power ; but even yet they are seen,
as the sunlight often is, amidst st^ms of vaporous prejudice drawn from
the earth and rising into clouds. The veil of prejudice is yet to be re
moved away, and the work of Divine Providence and Grace is to be
revealed, as a glorious landscape amidst clear shining after rain.
New York, Nov. 21, 1848.

TABLE OF CONTENTS,

PART I.
PAGE
JOtTKNAL OF THE PILGRIMS . . 1-110

PART II.
historical and LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS.
CHAPTER I.
Principles, Providences, Persons — The Colony of Principle and the
Colony of Gain ... . . . .111
CHAPTER II.
The Virginia Company, and the Merchant Adventurers . .117
CHAPTER III.
The Merchant Adventurers— Articles of Agreement for the transporta
tion of the Pilgrims ; otherwise the Copartnership — Dissolution
of the Company ... . . . • . . 123
CHAPTER IV.
The Pilgrim Church in England, and the first church compact . .134
CHAPTER V.
Comparison of God's Preparatory Providences  140
CHAPTER VI.
The Pilgrim Church at Leyden, and the Pastor Robinson — The Vine
browght out of Egypt, but not yet planted in the Wilderness . . 147

Vlll CONTENTS. PJLOC
CHAPTER VII.
The first New England Church, and their Elder, Mr. Brewster— The
Vine brought out and planted ¦ • • ^^^
CHAPTER VIII.
Congregational Constitution of the Pilgrim Church— Correspondence
of Brewster and Robinson with the Council in England as to their
principles — Comparison of Congregationalism and Hierarchism . 183
CHAPTER IX.
The First Civil Compact— Toleration, Connivance, Liberty of Con
science — Foundation of the State — Repetition of the free Cove
nants  . 195
CHAPTER X.
The first Settlement, following the first Compact — Discovery of Ply
mouth — The Harbor, the Localities, the Associations — Plymouth
Rock, and the beauty of the hightide scenery . 205
CHAPTER XI.
Instructive discipline of the Pilgrim Church at Amsterdam— Original
order and beauty of the Churches there — Evils of dissension and
of minute Church legislation — The forbearing and kindly spirit of
the Pilgrim Church .  . 212
CHAPTER XII.
The Life, Character, and Administration, of Governor Bradford . .219
CHAPTER XIII.
The first New England Sabbath . . . ... 239
CHAPTER XIV.
The first New England Meeting-House . . ... 250
CHAPTER XV.
The first Deaths and Burials . .  260
CHAPTER XVI.
The first Fast and Thanksgiving— Remarkable instance of the Divine
Interposition in answer to prayer  274
CHAPTER XVII.
The first New England Council, Church Organization, and Ordination 289

CONTENTS. IX
CHAPTER XVIII. PAOE
The first attempt at Schism— Recalcitration of the Establishment . 300
CHAPTER XIX.
Slanders against the Colony — Laud's High Commission to overturn
its Church and Government — The case of Mr. Winslow's Imprison
ment—The case of Mr. Endicott, and the Red Royal Ensign . 310
CHAPTER XX.
The first imposition of a Minister, and the character and end of the
man and the eSbit — Conspiracy of Lyford and Oldham— Energy
and prudence of the Governor  321
CHAPTER XXI.
The first civil offence and punishment— Mildness, forbearance, self-
respect, and kindness of the Pilgrims — The first murderer and his
end — Their views of Capital Punishment for Murder— The great
ness and wisdom of their legal reforms . . . . . 329
CHAPTER XXII.
The first Town-meeting — Providential discipline and development of
freedom . . .  337
CHAPTER XXIII.
Governor Bradford's Letter Book  . . 344
CHAPTER XXIV.
The Antiquities of Plymouth — The houses and armor of the Pilgrims
— Description of their mode of public worship .... 358

RELATION OR
lournall of the beginning and proceedings
of the English Plantation setled at Plimoth in New
England, by certaine English Aduenturers both
Merchants and others.
With their difficult passage, their safe ariuall, their
ioyfull building of, and comfortable planting them-
selues in the now well defended Towne
of New Plimoth.
AS ALSO A RELATION OF FOVRE
seuerall discoueries since made by some of the
same English Planters there resident.
7. In a iourney to Pvckanokick the habitation of the Indians grea
test King Massasoyt : as also their message, the answer and entertainment
they had of him.
II. In a voyage made by ten of them to the Kingdome o/" Nawset, to seeke
a boy that had lost himself e in the woods ; with such accidents as befell them
in that voyage.
III. In their iourney to the Kingdome of Namaschet, in defence of their
greatest King Massasoyt, against the Narrohiggonsets, and to reuenge the
supposed death of their Interpreter Tisquantum.
////. Their voyage to the Massachusets, and their entertainment there.
With an answer to all such obiections as are any way made
against the lawfulnesse of English plantations
in those parts.

LONDON,
Printed for lohn Bellamie, and are to be sold at his shop at the
two Greyhounds in Cornhill neere the Royall Exchange. 1622.

EXPLANATION OF THE INITIALS I. P. AND R. G.

The individual to whom the introductory note or letter
at the beginning of this volume is addressed, as the writer's
much respected friend, Mr. I. P  , is supposed by Dr.
Young to be Mr. John Pierce, perhaps a leading merchant
under authority from the Council of persons, between whom
and King James the patent of incorporation to the North
ern Colony of Virginia, between 40 and 48 degrees North,
was signed, unknown to the pilgrims, Nov. 3d, 1620, about
a week before their arrival at Cape Cod, while they, under
toleration of no King or earthly power, were struggling
across the ocean. The incorporated body, composed of
the Duke of Lenox, the Marquises of Buckingham and
Hamilton, the Earls of Arundel and Warwick, Sir F, Gor
ges, with thirty-four others, and their successors, were
styled. The Council established at Plymouth in the county
of Devon, for the planting, ruling, ordering, and governing
of New England in America.
The patent for the Plymouth Colony under this body
seems to have been taken out in the name of Mr. John
Pierce, to whom therefore, in all probability, the initials
I. P. belong. Under date of July, 1622, we find in Prince's
Chronology, an extract from Governor Bradford's Journal
as follows : " By Mr. Weston's ship (from England)
comes a letter from Mr. John Pierce, in whose name the
Plymouth patent is taken ; signifying that whom the Go
vernor admits into the Association, he will approve."
By another entry in Governor Bradford's Journal, it

t> explanation of the
would seem that this Mr. Pierce afterwards endeavored
to deal treacherously by the Colony for his own private
advantage ; but his scheme was utterly frustrated and
broken by the good providence of God. He fitted out a
vessel, in which he intended to come to Plymouth himself,
with the powers of a liege lord committed to him in a
second and separate patent, which, had he succeeded in his
plan, might have proved the ruin of the colony. But God
ordered it otherwise, as we see from Governor Bradford's
relation, which Mr. Prince sets down in the following
words, after mentioning the ship the Paragon, and the
number of her passengers. " Being fitted out by Mr. John
Pierce, in whose name our first patent was taken, his name
being only used in trust : but when he saw we were here
hopefully seated, and by the success God gave us had ob
tained favor with the Council for New England, he gets
another patent of a large extent, meaning to keep it to him
self, allow us only what he pleased, hold us as his tenants,
and sue to his courts as chief lord. But meeting with tem
pestuous storms in the Downs, the ship is so bruised and
leaky, that in fourteen days she returned to London, was
forced to be put into the dock, one hundred pounds laid out
to mend her, and lay six or seven weeks to Dec. 22d, be
fore she sailed a second time. But being half way over,
met with extreme tempestuous weather about the middle
of February, which held fourteen days, beat off the round
house with all her upper works, obliged them to cut her
masts and return to Portsmouth, having 109 souls aboard,
with Mr. Pierce himself. Upon which great and repeated
loss and disappointment, he is prevailed upon for £500 to
resign to the Company his patent, which cost him but £50.
And the goods, with charge of passengers in this ship, cost
the Company £640, for which they were forced to hire
another ship, the Ann." This ship arrived the end of July
or beginning of August, 1623.

INITIALS I. P. AND R. G.

Such is the simple account of a remarkable providence,
interposing for the protection of the Pilgrims, and bringing
to naught a plan fraught with despotism and danger. The
interpositions of this nature were so frequent and striking,
that the attention of all men must have been arrested by
them, as that of even the Indians was by God's mercy in
the sudden rain, at the day of fasting and prayer in July,
1623. Of this the account will be given in the historical
and local illustrations. The present providence is here
noted, because it occurs in connexion with the name of
Mr. Pierce, and turns, indeed, upon his attempt to get the
mastery of the colony. His plan had not been formed, or
if formed, was not developed, when R. G. wrote this re
commendation of the Journal of the Pilgrims to " his much
respected friend Mr. I. P."
The initials R. G. appended to this letter are supposed to
signify the name of Robert Cushman, the G. being possibly
a misprint for C. Mr. Cushman was the first agent ap
pointed by the Church of the Pilgrims in Leyden, along
with Mr. Carver, afterwards first Governor of the Colony,
to treat with the Virginia Company, and endeavor to get
liberty of conscience from the King. He had much trust
reposed in him, and business put upon him, in preparing
the Mayflower and her little company, with the Speedwell,
for their voyage. He and his family embarked with them,
intending to have been of the first band of Pilgrims, but
were compelled to return when the Speedwell put back
to England, and afterwards came in the Fortune, Nov.
9, 1621. The only consideration in the least degree in the
way of supposing this to be Mr. Cushman's letter, is the
fact that it is written as by one of the resident colonists
themselves, one supposed to be at Plymouth, while the
Journal he recommends is sent to be published in England ;
whereas Mr. Cushman himself returned to England by ap
pointment of the adventurers, for their better information,

O EXPLANATION OF THE INITIALS I. P. AND R. G.
in the same vessel by which the Journal seems to have been
sent, namely, the Fortune, which sailed Dec. 13. This,
however, may be deemed of little importance, as he wrote
in the name and behalf of others. His death prevented
him from afterwards settling with the Colony. The same
vessel which brought the notice to the Colony of the death
of Robinson, their beloved pastor, brought also the news of
Mr. Cushman's death, of which Governor Bradford makes
the following register in 1626 :
" Our captain also brings us notice of the death of our
ancient friend Mr. Cushman, who was our right hand with
the adventurers, and for divers years has managed all our
business with them, to our great advantage. He had wrote
to the Governor a few months before of the sickness of
Mr. James Sherley, who was a chief friend of the planta
tion, and lay at the point of death ; declaring his love and
helpfulness in all things, and bemoaning our loss if God
should take him away, as being the stay and life of the
business ; as also of his own purpose to come this year and
spend the rest of his days with us."

TO HIS MUCH RE-
spected Friend, W. I. P.
^Ood Friend : As wee cannot but account
it an extraordinary blessing of God in di
recting our course for these parts, after we
^ came out of our natiue countrey, for that
we had the happinesse to be possessed of the comforts
we receiue by the benefit of one of the most pleasant,
most healthfiill, and most fruitful! parts of the world :
So must wee acknowledge the same blessing to bee
multiplied vpon our whole company, for that we ob
tained the honour to receiue allowance and approba
tion of our free possession, and enioying thereof vn-
der the authority of those thrice honoured Persons,
the President and Counsell for the affaires of New-
England, by whose bounty and grace, in that behalfe,
all of vs are tied to dedicate our best seruice vnto
them, as those vnder his Majestie, that wee owe it
vnto: whose noble endeuours in these their actions
the God of heauen and earth multiply to his glory
and their owne eternall comforts.
As for this poore Relation, I pray you to accept it,
as

as being writ by the seuerall Actors themselues, after
their plaine and rude manner ; tlierefore doubt nothing
of the truth thereof: if it be defectiue in any thing,
it is their ignorance, that are better acquainted with
planting than writing. If it satisfie those that are
well affected to the businesse, it is all I care for.
Sure I am the place we are in, and the hopes that
are apparent, cannot but suffice any that will not de
sire more than enough, neither is there want of ought
among vs, but company to enjoy the blessings so
plentifully bestowed vpon the inhabitants that are
here. While I was a writing this, I had almost forgot,
that I had but the recommendation of the relation it
selfe, to your further consideration, and therefore I
will end without saying more, saue that [ shall alwaies
rest From P L I M O T H in
New-England. Yours in the way of
friendship, R. G.

EXPLANATION OF THE SIGNATURE G. MOURT.

The epistle to the reader signed G. Mourt is regarded
by Dr. Young, and with much probability, nay, almost cer
tainty, unless the name be entirely fictitious, as having been
written by George Morton, the brother-in-law of Governor
Bradford, who came to the Colony in 1623, but died in
June, 1624, "a gracious servant of God, an unfeigned lover
and promoter of the common good and growth of this
plantation, and faithful in whatever public employment he
was entrusted with." He came in the Ann about the end
of July, 1623, and is named as one of the principal among
the best and most useful members of the body who arrived
in that vessel. — (Prince, pages 139 and 148 of the original
edition, vol. i.)
He seems to have superintended the publication of the
Journal, and in consequence the volume has generally gone,
very inappropriately, by the name of " Mourt's Relation."
A more proper title is the " Journal of the Pilgrims." Mr.
Prince called it the " Relation published by Mourt."
It will be noted that Mourt or Morton, then writing in
London in 1621, sets forth as the first grand reason for the
plantation of the Pilgrim Colonists in New England, "the
desire of carrying the gospel of Christ into those foreign
parts, amongst those people that as yet have had no know
ledge nor taste of God."

To the Reader.
SMMWMMOurteotis Reader, be intreated to make a fa-
m\ M uorahle construction of my forwardnes, in
lyj M. publishing these inseuing discourses : the de-
®^!®®Si sire of carrying the Gospell of Christ into
those forraigne parts, amongst those people that as yet
haue had no knowledge, nor tast of God, as also to
procure vnto themselues and others a quiet and com
fortable habytation: weare amongst other things the
inducements vnto these vndertakers of the then hope-
full, and now experimentally knowne good enterprice
for plantation, in New England, to set afoote and
prosecute the same : 8^ though it fared with them, as it
is common to the most actions of this nature, that the
first attempts proue diffecult, as the sequell more at
large expresseth, yet it hath pleased God, euen beyond
our expectation in so short a time, to giue hope of let
ting some of them see (though some he hath taken out
of this vale of teares) some grounds of hope, of the
accomplishment of both those endes, by them at first
propounded. And as my selfe then much desired, and shortly hope
to effect, if the Lord will, the putting to of my shoulder in

To the Reader.
in this hopefull business, and in the meane time, these
relations camming to my hand from my' both known
4* faithful friends, on whose writings I do much rely,
I thought it not a misse to make them more generall,
hoping of a cheerfull proceeding, both of Aduenturers
and planters, intr eating that the example of the hon :
Virginia and Bermudas Companies, incountering with
so many dist asters, and that for diuers yeares together,
with an vnwearied resolution, the good effects whereof
are now eminent, may preuaile as a spurre of preparer-
tion also touching this no lesse hopefull Country though
yet an infant, the extent S^ commodities whereof are
as yet not fully known ; after time wil vnfould more :
such as desire to take knowledge of things, may in-
forme themselues by this insuing treatise, and if they
please also by such as haue bin there a first and second
time : my harty prayer to God is that the euent of this
and all other honorable and honest vndertakings, may
be for the furtherance of the kingdome of Christ, the
inlarging of the bounds of our Soueraigne Lord King
lames, 8^ the good and profit of those, who either by
purse, or person, or both, are agents in the same, so I
take leaue and rest
Thy friend G. M o v r t .

EXPLANATION OF THE INITIALS I. R.

ROBINSON S LETTER TO THE PILGRIMS.

The initials I. R. appended to the following admirable
letter are those of John Robinson, pastor of the Pilgrim
Church at Leyden, and the letter is his. It was written on
occasion of the embarking of the Pilgrims in 1620. They
received it at Southampton, whither they had sailed from
Leyden, from Delft-haven, July 22d, having at that time
bade farewell personally to their beloved pastor and the
members of the church they were leaving. Mr. Robinson
seems to have written this letter for the company of Pil
grims, with a shorter one to Mr. Carver, a deacon of the
church, at the same time, July 27th. The reading of it
was made a special occasion at one of the last meetings of
the Pilgrims at Southampton, just before they went on
board ship ; and under such apostolical benedictions, in
structions, and fervent prayers, from him whom God had
set over them in the ministry of the gospel, they departed.
Governor Bradford gives a short mention of this letter in
the following words ; " Mr. Robinson writes to Mr. Carver
and people letters, which they receive at Southampton ;
and the company being called together, theirs is read among
them, to the acceptance of all, and after-fruit of many."
The letter is such as might well produce after-fruit. It
breathes the same spirit of far-seeing wisdom and love as
that manifested in Robinson's celebrated parting discourse,
at the day of fasting and prayer, " ready to depart on the

16 ROBINSOn's LETTER.
morrow." It will be noted with what prudence and affec
tionate earnestness he warns and instructs the flock for
their conduct in the wilderness. He begins with the duty
of daily individual repentance and peace with Christ ; next
peace with all men, especially with one another, by love,
by gentleness and patience towards the infirmities of one
another, by great watchfulness against either giving or
taking offence, reminding them what cause the beginning
of their civil community will minister for such extreme and
tender care. And how beautiful the added injunction, to
take none offence at God himself, whose loving providence
they were now sure to meet in the shape of many crosses !
Next, to guard anxiously against private selfishness, and
have in all things an eye single to the general good, avoid
ing the indulgence of particular fancies and singular man
ners apart from the general conveniency. In this he refers
also to the danger from the pushing of private opinions
as law for others. And that sentence which follows ought
to be engraven in every mind: "As men are careful not
TO have a new house shaken with any violence before
IT BE WELL settled AND THE PARTS FIRMLY KNIT, SO BE YOU
MUCH MORE CAREFUL THAT THE HoUSE OF GoD, WHICH YOU
ARE, AND ARE TO BE, BE NOT SHAKEN WITH UNNECESSARY NO
VELTIES OR OTHER OPPOSITIONS AT THE FIRST SETTLING
THEREOF." Then how important and just his hints for their guidance
in regard to the choice and obedience of their officers of
government. In all respects, this letter is one of the
most remarkable ever penned. No wonder that it bore
after-fruit in many ; for it was full of precious germs of
truth, every word and phrase being well weighed ; and
its brief but heavenly instructions fell into hearts softened
and prepared. Who can tell how great the effect of that
letter must have been upon the prosperity of the colony,
the church ; how it grew beneath Christ's care, by the

ROBINSON'S LETTER. 17
guidance of its under-shepherd's instructions, even after he
had gone to his rest !
He speaks in this letter of many of the intended pilgrims
being strangers to the persons and infirmities of one ano
ther. This could not have been the case with those who
had been members of his own church so many years toge
ther at LeydeUj. or were there acquainted with him or with
one another, and therefore it must refer to those who ex
pected to join them in England ; of whom it is probable
the greater part were those who put back in the Speed
well. The colony of Pilgrims was thus rendered, by the
good providence of God, more completely one, and better
acquainted from the outset with each other's characters,
and therefore more confident in one another, and less ex
posed to dissensions than Robinson himself had anticipated.
God not only " sifted three kingdoms" to get the seed of
this enterprise, but sifted that seed over again. Every
person, whom he would not have to go at that time to plant
the first colony of New England, he sent back, even from
mid-ocean, in the Speedwell.
It was like God's dealings with Gideon and his army.
" The people are yet too many ; bring them down unto
the water, and I will try them for thee there ; and it shall
be, that of whom I say unto thee. This shall go with thee,
the same shall go with thee ; and of whomsoever I say
unto thee, This shall not go with thee, the same shall not
go."

CERTAINE VSEFVL
ADVERTISEMENTS SENT
in a Letter written by a discreete friend vn
to the Planters in New England, at their first setting
saile from Southhampton, luho earnestly desireth
the prosperitie of that their new
Plantation. « *
*
«Ouing and Christian friends, I doe heartily and in the
¦ Lord salute you all, as being they with whom I am
¦ present in my best affection, and most earnest long-
¦ ings after you, though I be constrained for a while
P to be bodily absent from you, I say constrained, God
knowing how willingly and much rather than other
wise I would haue borne my part with you in this first
brunt, were I not by strong necessitie held backe for the pre
sent. Make account of me in the meane while, as of a man
deuided in my selfe with great paine, and as (naturall bonds set
aside) hauing my better part with you. And though I doubt not
but in your godly wisedomes you both foresee and resolue vpon
that which concerneth your present state and condition both
seuerally and ioyntly, yet haue I thought but my dutie to adde
some further spurre of prouocation vnto them who run already, if
not because you need it, yet because I owe it in loue and dutie.
And first, as we are daily to renew our repentance with our
God, speciall for our sinnes knowne, and generall for our vn-
known trespasses, so doth the Lord call vs in a singular maner
vpon occasions of such difficultie and danger as lieth vpon you, to
a both more narrow search and carefull reformation of our wayes
in his sight, lest he calling to remembrance our sinnes forgotten

A Letter of aduice
by vs or vnrepented of, take aduantage against vs, and in iudge-
ment leaue vs for the same to be swallowed vp in one danger or
other ; whereas on the contrary, sin being taken away by earnest
repentance and the pardon thereof from the Lord, sealed vp vnto
a mans conscience by his Spirit, great shall be his securitie and
peace in all dangers, sweete his comforts in all distresses, with
happy deliuerance from all euill, whether in life or in death.
Now next after this heauenly peace with God and our owne
consciences, we are carefully to prouide for peace with all men
what in vs lieth, especially with our associates, and for that end
watchfulnes must be had, that we neither at all in our selues do
giue, no nor easily take offence being giuen by others. Woe be
vnto the world for offences, for though it be necessary (consider
ing the malice of Satan and mans corruption) that offences come,
yet woe unto the man or woman either by whom the offence
Cometh, saith Christ, Math. 18". 7. And if offences in the vnsea-
sonable vse of things in themselues indifferent, be more to be fear
ed then death itselfe, as the Apostle teacheth, 1. Cor. 9. 15. how
much more in things simply euill, in which neither honour of God
nor loue of man is thought worthy to be regarded.
Neither yet is it sufficient that we keep our selues by the grace
of God from giuing offence, except withall we be armed against
the taking of them when they are giuen by others. For how
vnperfect and lame is the worke of grace in that person, who
wants charitie to couer a multitude of offences, as the Scriptures
speake. Neither are you to be exhorted to this grace onely vpon
the common grounds of Christianitie, which are, that persons
ready to take offence, either want charitie to couer offences, or
wisedome duly to weigh humane frailtie ; or lastly are grosse,
though close hypocrites, as Christ our Lord teacheth, Math. 7. 1,
2, 3. as indeed in mine owne experience, few or none haue beene
found which sooner giue offence, then such as easily take it;
neither haue they euer proued sound and profitable members in
societies, which haue nourished in themselues that touchey hu
mour. But besides these, there are diuers spetiall motiues prouo-
king you aboue others to great care and conscience this way : As
first, you are many of you strangers, as to the persons, so to the
infirmities

to the Planters of New-England.
infirmities one of another, and so stand in neede of more watch-
fulnesse this way, lest when such things fall out in men and wo
men as you suspected not, you be inordinately affected with them ;
which doth require at your hands much wisedome and charitie for
the couering and preuenting of incident offences that way. And
lastly your intended course of ciuill communitie wil minister
continuall occasion of offence, and will be as fuell for that fire,
except you diligently quench it with brotherly forbearance. And
if taking of offence causlessly or easily at mens doings be so care
fully to be auoided, how much more heed is to be taken that we
take not offence at God himselfe, which yet we certainly do so oft
as we do murmure at his prouidence in our crosses, or beare impa
tiently such afflictions as wherewith he pleaseth to visit vs. Store
we vp therefore patience against the euill day, without which we
take offence at the Lord himselfe in his holy and iust works.
A fourth thing there is carefully to be prouided for, to wit, that
with your common emploiments you ioyne common affections
truly bent vpon the generall good, auoiding as a deadly plague of
your both common and speciall comfort all retirednesse of minde
for proper aduantage, and all singularly affected any maner of
way ; let euery man represse in himselfe and the whole bodie in
each person, as so many rebels against the common good, all pri-
uate respects of mens selues, not sorting with the generall conue-
niencie. And as men are carefull not to haue a new house
shaken with any violence before it be well settled and the parts
firmly knit : so be you, I beseech you brethren, much more care
full, that the house of God which you are and are to be, be not
shaken with vnnecessary nouelties or other oppositions at the first
settling thereof.
Lastly, whereas you are to become a body politik, vsing
amongst your selues ciuill gouernment, and are not furnished
with any persons of speciall eminencie aboue the rest, to be chosen
by you into office of gouernment : Let your wisedome and godli-
nesse appeare, not onely in chusing such persons as do entirely
loue, and will diligently promote the common good, but also in
yeelding vnto them all due honour and obedience in their lawful!
administrations, not beholding in them the ordinarinesse of their
persons,

A Letter of aduice, ^c.
¦persons, but God's ordinance for your good ; nor being like vnto
the foolish multitude, who more honour the gay coate, then either
the vertuous mind of the man, or glorious ordinance of the Lord.
But you know better things, and that the image of the Lords
power and authoritie which the Magistrate beareth, is honorable,
in how meane persons soeuer. And this dutie you both may the
more willingly, and ought the more conscionably to performe,
because you are at least for the present to haue onely them for
your ordinary gouernours, which your selues shall make choise
of for that worke.
Sundrie other things of importance I could put you in mind of,
and of those before mentioned in more words, but I will not so far
wrong your godly minds, as to thinke you heedlesse of these things,
there being also diuers among you so well able to admonish both
themselues and others of what concerneth them. These few
things therefore, and the same in few words I do earnestly com-
mend vnto your care and conscience, ioyning therewith my daily
incessant prayers vnto the Lord, that he who hath made the
heauens and the earth, the sea and all riuers of waters, and whose
prouidence is ouer all his workes, especially ouer all his deare
children for good, would so guide and guard you in your wayes,
as inwardly by his Spirit, so outwardly by the hand of his power,
as that both you and we also, for and with you, may haue after
matter of praising his Name all the days of your and our Hues.
Fare you well in him in whom you trust, and in whom I rest
An vnfained well-wilier
of your happie successe
in this hopefull voyage.

I.R.

THE BEGINNINGS OF THE PILGRIMAGE, PRELIMI
NARY TO THE JOURNAL.

¦¦ The abrupt commencement of the Journal of the Pil
grims, at the date of their last parting from Plymouth in
England, will be best introduced by the simple extract from
Governor Bradford, given by Mr. Prince, commencing
with the departure of the Pilgrims from Leyden. From
that day to the date of their arrival in Cape Cod Harbor,
the time was 108 days. From August 5th, the date of
their first setting sail from Southampton in England, to
Nov. 1 0th, the date of their anchorage in Cape Cod Har
bor, 98 days, which in truth was the length of their voyage
across the Atlantic ; but from their last setting sail, after
being compelled to put back to Plymouth, Sept. 6th, at
which , day the Journal of the Pilgrims commences, the
voyage occupies 66 days, from port to port.
It was a boisterous passage ; their first experience of
the equinoctial storms between England and America, of
which no record remains, save in the few lines from Go
vernor Bradford under date of September 6th. They
were in great peril, obliged to beat about for days, unable,
through the violence of the gale, to carry a single sail. We
should have been glad of some record of those days and
nights of anxiety and prayer, in which they were some
times in such serious question of the possibility of the ship
endiiring, as to ask whether they ought not again to put
back to England. Thus their various delays, under Divine
Providence, threw them upon our coast on the verge of
winter, which, had it not been by the same Divine Provi-

24 RELATION PRELIMINARY
dence, unusually mild and open, must have destroyed them
utterly. Their experience was to be an illustration of
God's discipline in all great enterprises, life out of death.
" The Lord hath chastened me sore, but he hath not given
me over unto death. Thou, which hast showed me great
and sore troubles, shalt quicken me again, and shalt bring
me up again from the depths of the earth. Thou shalt in
crease my greatness, and comfort me on every side."
The extract from Governor Bradford is entitled by Mr.
Prince, The Voyage of the English people at Leyden for
Virginia. " About July 21, the English voyagers at Leyden leave
that city, where they had lived near twelve years, being
accompanied by most of their brethren to Delph-Haven,
where their ship lay ready, and sundry came from Amster
dam to see them shipped and take their leave. They
spend that night in friendly entertaining and Christian con
verse, and July 22d, the wind being fair, they go aboard,
their friends attending them. At their parting, Mr. Robin
son faUing down on his knees, and they all with him, he
with watery cheeks commends them with most fervent
prayer to God ; and then with mutual embraces and many
tears they take their leave, and with a prosperous gale
come to Southampton, .where they find the bigger ship
from London, Mr. Jones Master, with the rest of the com
pany, who had been waiting there with Mr. Cushman
seven days. Seven hundred pounds sterling are laid out
at Southampton, and they carry about seventeen hundred
pounds' venture with them. And Mr. Weston comes
thither from London, to see them dispatched."
" July 27th: — Mr. Robinson writes to Mr. Carver and
people, letters, which they receive at Southampton. And
the company being called together, theirs is read among
them, to the acceptance of all, and after-fruit of many.
Then they distribute their company into the ships, and with

TO THE JOURNAL.

25

the approbation of the masters choose a governor and two
or three assistants for each, to order the people and pro
visions. "August 5th they sail from Southampton, but reach
not far before Mr. Reinolds, master of the lesser ship, com
plained she was so leaky, that he dare proceed no further.
Upon which they both put in to Dartmouth, about August
13th, when they search and mend her, to their great charge
and loss of time and a fair wind ; though, had they stayed
at sea but three or four hours more, she had sunk right
down. "About August 21 they set sail again; but having gone
above a hundred leagues from the land's end of England,
Mr. Reinolds complained of her leaking again, that they
must either return or sink, for they could scarce free her
by pumping. Upon which they both put back to Plymouth,
where, finding no defect, they judge her leakiness owing to
her general weakness. They therefore agree to dismiss
her, and those who are willing, to return to London, though
this was very grievous and discouraging ; Mr. Cushman
and family returning with them. The rest, taking what
provision they could well stow in the larger ship, resolve
to proceed on the voyage alone.
" Sept. 6th they make another sad parting, and the
greater ship sets sail again ; but about half-seas over meets
with cross winds and many fierce storms, which often force
them to hull for diverse days together, not being able to
bear a knot of sail ; make her upper works very leaky, and
bow and wrack a main beam in the midship, which puts
them in such fear, as the chief of the company enters into
a serious consultation with the ship pfiicers about return
ing. But a passenger having brought ^ great iron screw
from Holland, they with it raise the be^m into its place,
and then, committing themselves to the Divine Will, pro
ceed. 3

26 RELATION PRELIMINARY.
" Nov. 6th dies at sea William Butten, a youth and ser
vant to Samuel Fuller, being the only passenger who dies
on the voyage.
" Nov. 9th at break of day after long beating the sea,
they make the land of Cape Cod. Whereupon they tack
and stand to the southward, the wind and weather being
fair, to find some place about Hudson's river for settlement.
But sailing this course about half the day, they fall among
roaring shoals and breakers, and are so entangled with
them, as they find themselves in great hazard, and the wind
shrinking upon them at the same time, they bear up for the
Cape, get out of those dangers before night, and the next
day into the Cape Harbor, where they ride in safety.
"Nov. 11th, Saturday, being thus arrived, they first fall
on their knees and bless the God of Heaven. But their
design and patent being for Virginia, and not New Eng
land, which' belongs to another jurisdiction, wherewith the
Virginia Company have no concern ; before they land they
this day combine into a body politic by a solemn contract,
to which they set their hands, as the basis of their govern
ment in this new-found country, choose Mr. John Carver,
a pious and well approved gentleman, their governor for
the first year, and then set ashore fifteen or sixteen men,
well armed, to fetch wood and discover the land."
Thus far Governor Bradford in Prince's Chronology.
This trenches a little upon the beginning of the Journal of
the Pilgrims, but with some additional circumstances ; and
by it we learn that the river which they were in search of,
expecting to find it in a day or so of sail from Cape Cod,
was the Hudson, that being near the limits of the jurisdic
tion of the Virginia Company. Had they found that, per
haps New York and New Jersey might have been the
New England of America. But God ordered otherwise.
Had they found that, they would not probably have enter
ed into the great compact on board the Mayflower, which,

SIGNERS OF THE COMPACT.

27

whatever may have been their original intention or fore
sight, constituted them a self-governing republic, although
named " the loyal subjects of our dread sovereign lord.
King James."

At the bottom of that compact, the names of the signers
are not given in the Journal, but they are all known.
" Their names corrected," Mr Prince says, " with their
titles and families, I take from the list at the end of Gover
nor Bradford's folio manuscript. Only this I observe, that
out of modesty he omits the title of Mr. to his own name,
which he ascribes to several others."

The list follows, with the number of persons in their se
veral families set opposite their names. One individual
died on the passage, and one was born, whom they named
Oceanus. The names in italics indicate those who died
before the end of March, 1621.

Mr. John Carver, ... 8
William Bradford, ... 2
Mr. Edward Winslow, . 5
Mr. William Brewster, . 6
Mr. Isaac Allerton, ... 6
Capt. Miles Standish, . . 2
John Alden,  1
Mr. Samuel Fuller, ... 2
Mr. Christopher Martin, . 4
Mr. William Mullins, . . 5
Mr. William White, . . 5
Mr. Richard Warren, . . 1
* John Howland, . . .
Mr. Stephen Hopkins, . . 8
Edward Tilly  4
John Tilly,  3

Francis Cook,
Thomas Rogers, .
Thomas Tinker, .
John Ridgdale, .
Edward Fuller, .
John Turner, .
Francis Eaton, .
James Chilton, .
John Crackston, .
John Billington, .
Moses Fletcher, .
John Goodman, .
Degory Priest, .
Thomas Williams,
Gilbert Winslow,
Edmund Margeson,

* Howland was of Governor Carver's family.

28

SIGNERS OF THE COMPACT.

Peter Brown,
Richard Britteridge.
George Soule,
Richard Clarke, .
Richard Gardiner,

John Allerton,
Thomas English,
Edward Dotey, .
Edward Leister, .

The signers of the compact are in all forty-one, and with
their families constituted one hundred and one persons.
"So there were just 101," remarks Mr. Prince, "who sail
ed from Plymouth in England, and just as many arrived in
Cape Cod Harbor. And this is the solitary number, who,
for an undefiled conscience, and the love of pure Christi
anity, first left their pleasant and native land, and encoun
tered all the toils and hazards of a tumultuous ocean, in
search of some uncultivated region in North Virginia,
where they might quietly enjoy their religious liberties,
and transmit them to posterity, in hopes that none would
follow to disturb or vex them."

* Soule wag of Governor Winslow's family.
Mr. Hopkins's family servants.

Dotey and Leister were of

A RELATION OR
JOURNAL OF THE
PROCEEDINGS OF THE
Plantation setled at Plimoth in
New England.

day the sixt of September, the Wind comming
\ East North East, a fine small gale, we loosed from
I Plimoth, hauing beene kindly intertained and curteous-
j ly vsed by diuers friends there dwelling, and after
^ many difficulties in boysterous stormes, at length by
¦ Gods prouidence vpon the ninth of Nouember follow
ing, by breake of the day we espied land which we deemed to
be Cape Cod, and so afterward it proued. And the appearance
of it much comforted vs, especially, seeing so goodly a Land,
and woodded to the brinke of the sea, it caused vs to reioyce
together, and praise God that had giuen vs once againe to see land.
And thus wee made our course South South West, purposing to goe
to a Riuer ten leagues to the South of the Cape, but at night the
winde being contrary, we put round againe for the Bay of Cape
Cod ; and vpon the 11th. of Nouember, we came to an anchor in the
Bay, which is a good harbour and pleasant Bay, circled round,
except in the entrance, which is about foure miles ouer from land
to land, compassed about to the very Sea with Okes, Pines,
luniper. Sassafras, and other sweet wood ; it is a harbour wherein
1000. saile of Ships may safely ride : there we relieued our selues
with wood and water, and refreshed our people, while our shallop was

30 NEW^ENGLAND
was fitted to coast the Bay, to search for an habitation ; there was
the greatest store of fowle that euer we saw.
And euery day we saw Whales playing hard by vs, of which
in that place, if we had instruments & meanes to take them, we
might haue made a very rich returne, which to our great griefe
we wanted. Our master and his mate, and others experienced in
fishing, professed, we might haue made three or foure thousand
pounds worth of Oyle ; they preferred it before Greenland Whale-
fishing, & purpose the next winter to fish for Whale here ; for
Cod we assayed, but found none, there is good store no doubt in
their season. Neither got we ^ny fish all the time we lay there,
but some few little ones on the shore. We found great Mussles,
and very fat and full of Sea pearle, but we could not eat them,
for they made vs all sicke that did eat, as well saylers as passen
gers ; they caused to cast and secure, but they were soone well
againe. The bay is so round & circling, that before we could
come to anchor, we went round all the points of the Compasse.
We could not come neere the shore by three quarters of an
English mile, because of shallow water, which was a great preiu-
dice to vs, for our people going on shore were forced to wade a
bow shoot or two in going aland, which caused many to get colds
and coughs, for it was many times freezing cold weather.
This day before we came to harbour, obseruing some not
well affected to vnitie and concord, but gaue some appearance of
faction, it was thought good there should be an association and
agreement, that we should combine together in one body, and to
submit to such government and governours, as we should by com
mon consent agree to make and choose, and set our hands to this
that folio wes word for word.

IN the name of God, Amen. We whose names are vnder-
written, the loyall Subiects of our dread soveraigne Lord
King I A M E s, by the grace of God of Great Britaine, France,
and Ireland King, Defender of the Faith, &c.
Having vnder-taken for the glory of God, and advancement of
the Christian Faith, and honour of our King and Countrey, a
Voyage to plant the first Colony in the Northerne parts of V i r-
G I N I A,

IN AMERICA. 31
G I N I A, doe by these presents solemnly & mutually in the pre
sence of God and one of another, covenant, and combine our
selues together into a civill body politike, for our better ordering
and preservation, and furtherance of the ends aforesaid ; and by
vertue hereof to enact, constitute, and frame such iust and equall
Lawes, Ordinances, acts, constitutions, offices from time to time,
as shall be thought most meet and convenient for the generall
good of the Colony ; vnto which we promise all due submission and
obedience. In witnesse whereof we haue here-vnder subscribed
our names. Cape Cod 11th. of November, in the yeare of the raigne
of our soveraigne Lord King I a m e s, of England, France, and
Ireland i 8. and of Scotland 54. Anno Domino 16 2 0.

The same day so soone as we could, we set a-shore 1 5. or 16.
men, well armed, with some to fetch wood, for we had none left ;
as also to see what the Land was, and what Inhabitants they could
meet with. They found it to be a small neck of Land ; on this
side where we iky is the Bay, and the further side the Sea ; the
ground or earth, sand hils, much like the Downes in Holland, but
much better ; the crust of the earth a Spits depth, excellent
blacke earth ; all wooded with Okes, Pines, Scissafras, luniper.
Birch, Holly, Vines, some Ash, Walnut ; the wood for the most
part open and without vnder-wood, fit either to goe or ride in ; at
night our people returned, but found not any person, nor habita
tion, and laded their Boat with luniper, which smelled very sweet
& strong, and of which we burnt the most part of the time we
lay there.
Munday the 13. of November, we vnshipped our Shallop and
drew her on land, to mend and repaire her, having bin forced to
cut her downe in bestowing her betwixt the decks, and she was
much opened with the peoples lying in her, which kept vs long
there, for it was 16. or 17. dayes before the Carpenter had finish
ed her ; our people went on shore to refresh themselues, and our
women to wash, as they had great need ; but whilest we lay thus
still, hoping our Shallop would be ready in fine or sixe dayes at
the furthest, but our Carpenter made slow worke of it, so that
some of our people impatient of delay, desired for our better fur-
therance

32 NEW. ENGLAND
therance to travaile by Land into the Countrey ; which was not
without appearance of danger, not having the Shallop with them,
nor meanes to carry provision, but on their backes ; to see whether
it might be fit for vs to seate in or no, and the rather because as
we sayled into 'he Harbour, there seemed to be a river opening it
selfe into the maine land ; the willingnes of the persons was liked,
but the thing it selfe, in regard of the danger was rather permit
ted then approved, and so with cautions, directions, and instruc
tions, sixteene men were set out with every man his Musket,
Sword, and Corslet, vnder the conduct of Captaine Miles Standish,
vnto whom was adioyned for counsell and aduise, William Brad
ford, Stephen Hopkins, and Edward Tilley.
Wednesday the 15. of November, they were set a shore, and
when they had ordered themselues in the order of a single File,
and marched about the space of a myle, by the Sea, they espyed
fiue or sixe people, with a Dogge, comming towards them, who
were Savages, who when they saw them ran into the Wood and
whisled the Dogge after them, &c. First, they supposed them to
be master lories, the Master and some of his menj for they were
a-shore, and knew of their comming, but after they knew them
to be Indians they marched after them into the Woods, least other
of the Indians should lie in Ambush ; but when the Indians saw
our men following them, they ran away with might and mayne
and our men turned out of the Wood after them, for it was the
way they intended to goe, but they could not come neare them.
They followed them that night about ten miles by the trace of
their footings, and saw how they had come the same way they
went, and at a turning perceived how they run vp an hill, to see
whether they followed them. At length night came vpon them,
and they were constrained to take vp their lodging, so they set
forth three Sentinells, and the rest, some kindled a fire, and
Nov. 16. others fetched wood, and there held our Randcvous that
1620. night. In the morning so soone as we could see the
trace, we proceeded on our iourney, and had the tracke vntill we
had compassed the head of a long creake, and there they tooke
into another wood, and we after them, supposing to finde some of
their dwellings ; but we marched thorow boughes and bushes, and
vnder hills and vallies, which tore our very Armour in peeces, and

IN AMERICA. 33
and yet could meete with none of them, nor their houses, nor
finde any fresh water, which we greatly desired, and stood in
need off, for we brought neither Beere nor Water with vs, and
our victuals was onely Bisket and Holland cheese, and a little
Bottle of aquavite, so as we were sore a thirst. About ten a
clooke we came into a deepe Valley, full of brush, wood-gaile,
and long grasse, through which we found little paths or tracts,
and there we saw a Deere, and found springs of fresh water, of
which we were heartily glad, and sat vs downe and drunke our first
New-England water with as much delight as euer we drunke
drinke in all our hues. When we had refreshed our selues, we
directed our course full South, that we might come to the shore,
which within a short while after we did, and there made a fire,
that they in the ship might see where wee were (as we had direc
tion) and so marched on towards this supposed River ; and as
we went in another valley, we found a fine cleere Pond of fresh
water, being about a Musket shot broad, and twise as long ; there
grew also many small vines, and Foule and Deere haunted
there ; there grew much Sasafras ; from thence we went on &
founde much plaine ground, about fiftie Acres, fit for the Plow,
and some signes where the Indians had formerly planted their
come. After this, some thought it best for nearenesse of the river to
goe downe and travaile on the Sea sands, by which meanes some
of our men were tyred, and lagged behind ; so we stayed and
gathered them vp, and struck into the Land againe ; where we
found a little path to certaine heapes of sand, one whereof was
covered with old Matts, and had a woodden thing like a morter
whelmed on the top of it, and an earthen pot layd in a little hole
at the end thereof; we musing what it might be, digged & found
a Bow, and, as we thought, Arrowes, but they were rotten ; We
supposed there were many other things, but because we deemed
them graues, we put in the Bow againe and made it vp as it was,
and left the rest vntouched, because we thought it would be odious
vnto them to ransacke their Sepulchers. We went on further
and found new stubble, of which they had gotten Corne this yeare,
and many Wallnut trees full of Nuts, and great store of Straw
berries, and some Vines ; passing thus a field or two, which were
2* not

34 NEW-ENGLAND
not great, we came to another, which had also bin new gotten, and
there we found where an house had beene, and foure or fiue old
Plankes layed together ; also we found a great Ketle, which liad
beene some Ships ketle and brought out of Europe j there was
also an heape of sand, made like the former, but it was newly
done, (we might see how they had padled it with their hands,)
which we digged vp, and in it we found a little old Basket full of
faire Indian Corne, and digged further & found a fine great new
Basket full of very faire corne of this yeare, with some 36. goodly
eares of corne, some yellow, and some red, and others mixt with
blew, which was a very goodly sight ; the Basket was round, and
narrow at the top, it held about three or foure Bushels, which was
as much as two of vs could lift vp from the ground, and was very
handsomely and cunningly made ; But whilst wee were busie
about these things, we set our men Sentinell in a round ring, all
but two or three which digged vp the corne. We were in sus-
pence, what to doe with it, and the Ketle, and at length after much
consultation, we concluded to take the Ketle, and as much of the
Corne as we could carry away with vs ; and when our Shallop
came, if we could find any of the people, and come to parley with
them, we would giue them the Ketle againe, and satisfie them for
their Corne, so wee tooke all the eares and put a good deale of
the loose Corne in the Ketle for two men to bring away on a
staffe ; besides, they that could put any into their Pockets filled
the same ; the rest wee buried againe, for we were so laden with
Armour that we could carry no more.
Not farre from this place we found the remainder of an old
Fort, or Palizide, which as we conceiued had beene made by
some Christians : this was also hard by that place which we
thought had beene a river, vnto which wee went and found it so
to be, deviding it selfe into two armes by an high banke, standing
right by the cut or mouth which came fi'om the Sea ; that which
was next vnto vs was the lesse, the other arme was more then
twise as big, and not vnlike to be an harbour for ships ; but
whether it be a fresh river, or onely an indraught of the Sea, we
had no time to discover ; for wee had Commandement to be out
but two days. Here also we saw two Canoas, the one on the
one side, the other on the other side ; wee could not beleeue it was a

IN AMERICA. 35
a Canoa, till we came neare it : so we returned leaning the further
discovery hereof to our Shallop, and came that night backe againe
to the fresh water pond, and there we made our Randevous that
night, making a great fire, and a Baricado to windward of vs, and
kept good watch with three Sentinells all night, euery one stand
ing when his turne came, while fiue or sixe inches of Match was
burning. It proved a very rainie night. In the morning
we tooke our Ketle and sunke it in the pond, and trimmde Nov.
our Muskets, for few of them would goe off because of the
wett, and so coasted the wood againe to come home, in which we
were shrewdly pus-led, and lost our way. As we wandred we came
to a tree, where a yong Spritt was bowed downe over a bow, and
some Acornes strewed vnder-neath ; Stephen Hopkins sayd, it had
beene to catch some Deere, so, as we were looking at it, William
Bradford being in the Reare, when he came looked also vpon it,
and as he went about, it gaue a sodaine jerk vp, and he was
immediately caught by the leg ; It was a very pretie devise, made
with a Rope of their owne making, and having a noose as artifici
ally made, as any Roper in England can make, and as like ours
as can be, which we brought away with vs. In the end wee got
out of the Wood, and were fallen about a myle too high aboue
the creake, where we saw three Bucks, but we had rather haue
had one of them. Wee also did spring three couple of Partridges ;
and as we came along by the creake, wee saw great flockes of wild
Geese and Duckes, but they were very feai-efuU of vs. So we
marched some while in the Woods, some while on the sands, and
other while in the water vp to the knees, till at length we came
neare the Ship, and then we shot off our Peeces, and the long Boat
came to fetch vs ; master lones, and master Caruer being on the
shore, with many of our people, came to meete vs.
And thus wee came both weary and well-come home, and
deliuered in our Corne into the store, to be kept for seed, for wee
knew not how to come by any, and therefore were very glad,
purposing so soone as we could meete with any of the Inhabitants
of that place, to make them large satisfaction. This was our first
Discovery, whilst our Shallop was in repairing ; our people did
make things as fitting as they could, and time would, in seeking
out wood, and heluing of Tooles, and sawing of Tymber to build

36 NEW-ENGLAND
a new Shallop, but the discommodiousnes of the harbour did much
hinder vs, for we could neither goe to, nor come from the shore,
but at high water, which was much to our hinderance and hurt,
for oftentimes they waded to the midle of the thigh, and oft to the
knees, to goe and come from land ; some did it necessarily, and
some for their owne pleasure, but it brought to the most, if not to
all, coughes and colds, the weather prouing sodainly cold and
stormie, which afterward turned to the scurvey, whereof many
dyed. When our Shallop was fit, indeed, before she was fully
^i< fitted, for there was two dayes worke after bestowed on her,
1650. ' •' '
there was appointed some 24 men of our owne, and arm
ed, then to goe and make a more full discovery of the rivers be
fore mentioned. Master lones was desirous to goe with vs, and
tooke such of his saylers as he thought vsefull for vs, so as we
were in all about 34. men ; wee made master lones our Leader,
for we thought it best herein to gratifie his kindnes and forward
nes. When we were set forth, it proued rough weather and
crosse windes, so as we were constrained, some in the Shallop,
and others in the long Boate, to row to the neerest shore the wind
would suffer them to goe vnto, and then to wade out aboue the
knees ; the wind was so strong as the Shallop could not keepe
the water, but was forced to harbour there that night, but we
marched sixe or seaven miles further, and appointed the Shallop
to come to vs as soone as they could. It blowed and did snow all
that day & night, and frose withall : some of our people that are
jjo^_ dead tooke the originall of their death here. The next
^*- day about 11. a clooke our Shallop came to vs, and wee
shipped our selues, and the wind being good, we sayled to the
river we formerly discovered, which we named. Cold Harbour, to
which when wee came we found it not Navigable for Ships, yet
we thought it might be a good harbour for Boats, for it flowes
there 12. foote at high water. We landed our men betweene the
two creekes, and marched some foure or fiue myles by the great
er of them, and the Shallop followed vs ; at length night grew
on, and our men were tired with marching vp and downe the
steepe hills, and deepe vallies, which lay halfe a foot thicke with
snow ; Master lones wearied with marching, was desirous we
should

IN AMERICA. 37
should take vp our lodging, though some of vs would haue march
ed further, so we made there our Randevous for that night, vnder
a few Pine trees, and as it fell out, wee got three fat Geese, and
six Ducks to our Supper, which we eate with Souldiers stomacks,
for we had eaten little all that day ; our resolution was next
morning to goe vp to the head of this river, for we supposed it
would proue fresh water, but in the morning our resolution held
not, because many liked not the hillinesse of the soyle, and bad-
nesse of the harbour : so we turned towards the other jj„y
creeke, that wee might goe over and looke for the rest of ^^'
the Corne that we left behind when we were here before ; when
we came to the creeke, we saw the Canow lie on the dry ground,
and a flocke of Geese in the river, at which one made a shot, and
killed a couple" of them, and we lanched the Canow & fetcht
them, and when we had done, she carryed vs over by seaven or
eight at once. This done, we marched to the place where we
had the corne -formerly, which place we called Corne-hill ; and
digged and found the rest, of which we were very glad : we also
digged in a place a little further off, and found a Botle of oyle ;
wee went to another place, which we had seene before, and dig
ged, and found more corne, viz. two or three Baskets full of In
dian Wheat, and a bag of Beanes, with a good many of faire
Wheat-eares ; whilst some of vs were digging vp this, some
others found another heape of Corne, which they digged vp also,
so as we had in all about ten Bushels, which will serue vs suffi
ciently for seed. And sure it was Gods good provi- „
dence that we found this Corne, for els wee know not GaA'i
' good
how we should haue done, for we know not how we rrovi-
dence.
should find, or meete with any of the Indians, except it be
to doe vs a mischiefe. Also we had neuer in all likelihood seene
a graine of it, if we had not made our first Iourney ; for the
ground was now covered with snow, and so hard frosen, that we
were faine with our Curtlaxes and short Swords, to hew and
carue the ground a foot deepe, and then wrest it vp with leavers,
for we had forgot to bring other Tooles ; whilst we were in this
imployment, foule weather being towards, Master lones was earn
est to goe abourd, but sundry of vs desired to make further dis
covery, and to find out the Indians habitations, so we sent home with

38 NEW-ENGLAND
with him our weakest people, and some that were sicke, and all
the Corne, and 18. of vs stayed still, and lodged there that night,
and desired that the Shallop might returne to vs next day, and
bring vs some Mattocks and Spades with them.
Nov. The next morning we followed certaine beaten pathes
^' and tracts of the Indians into the Woods, supposing they
would haue led vs into some Towne, or houses ; after wee had
gone a while, we light vpon a very broad beaten path, well nigh
two foote broad, then we lighted all our Matches, and prepared our
selues, concluding wee were neare their dwellings, but in the end
we found it to be onely a path made to driue Deere in, when the
Indians hunt, as wee supposed ; when we had marched fiue or
six myles into the Woods, and could find no signes of any people,
we returned againe another way, and as we came into the plaine
ground, wee found a place like a graue, but it was much bigger
and longer then any we had yet seene. It was also covered with
boords, so as we mused what it should be, and resolved to digge
it vp, where we found, first a Matt, and vnder that a fayre Bow,
and there another Matt, and vnder that a boord about three quar
ters long, finely earned and paynted, with three tynes, or broches
on the top, like a Crowne ; also betweene the Matts we found
Boules, Trayes, Dishes, and such like Trinkets ; at length we
came to a faire new Matt, and vnder that two Bundles, the one
bigger, the other lesse, we opened the greater and found in it a
great quantitie of fine and perfect red Powder, and in it the bones
and skull of a man. The skull had fine yellow haire still on it,
and some of the flesh vnconsuraed ; there was bound vp with it
a knife, a pack-needle, and two or three old iron things. It was
bound vp in a Saylers canvas Casacke, and a payre of cloth
breeches ; the red Powder was a kind of Embaulment, and yield
ed a strong, but no offensiue smell ; It was as fine as any flower.
We opened the lesse bundle likewise, and found of the same
Powder in it, and the bones and head of a little childe ; about the
leggs, and other parts of it was bound strings, and bracelets of
fine white Beads ; there was also by it a little Bow, about three
quarters long, and some other odd knackes ; we brought sundry
of the pretiest things away with vs, and covered the Corps vp
againe. After this, we digged in sundry like places, but found

IN AMERICA. 39
no more Corne, nor any things els but graues : There was varie-
tie of opinions amongst vs about the embalmed person ; some
thought it was an Indian Lord and King : others sayd, the Indians
haue all blacke hayre, and never any was seene with browne or
yellow hayre ; some thought, it was a Christian of some speciall
note, which had dyed amongst them, and they thus buried him
to honour him ; others thought, they had killed him, and did it in
triumph over him.
Whilest we were thus ranging and searching, two of the
Saylers, which were newly come on the shore, by chance espied
two houses, which had beene lately dwelt in, but the people were
gone. They having their peeces, and hearing no body, entved the
houses, and tooke out some things, and durst not stay but came
againe and told vs ; so some seaven or eight of vs went with
them, and found how we had gone within a slight shot of them
before. The houses were made with long yong Sapling trees,
bended and both ends stuoke into the ground ; they were made
round, like vnto an Arbour, and covered downe to the ground
with thicke and well wrought matts, and the doore was not over
a yard high, made of a matt to open ; the chimney was a wide
open hole in the top, for which they had a matt to cover it close
when they pleased ; one might stand and goe vpright in them, in
the midst of them were foure little trunohes knockt into the
ground, and small stickes laid over, on which they hung their Pots,
and what they had to seeth ; round about the fire they lay on
matts, which are their beds. The houses were double matted,
for as they were matted without, so were they within, with newer
& fairer matts. In the houses we found wooden Boules, Trayes
& Dishes, Earthen Pots, H^and baskets made of Grab shells,
wrought together ; also an English Paile or Bucket, it wanted a
bayle, but it had two Iron eares : there was also Baskets of sun
dry sorts, bigger and some lesser, finer and some courser : some
were curiously wrought with blacke and white in pretie workes,
and sundry other of their houshold stuffe : we found also two or
three Dee res heads, one whereof had bin newly killed, for it was
still fresh ; there was also a company of Deeres feete stuck vp
in the houses. Harts homes, and Eagles clawes, and sundry such
like things there was : also two or three Baskets full of parched
Acornes,

40 NEW-ENGLAND
Acornes, peeces of fish, and a peece of a broyled Hering. We
found also a little silke grasse, and a little Tobacco seed, with
some other seeds which wee knew not ; without was sundry bun-
dies of Flags, and Sedge, Bull-rushes, and other stuffe to make
matts ; there was thrust into an hollow tree, two or three peeces
of Venison, but we thought it fitter for the Dogs then for vs : some
of the best things we tooke away with vs, and left the houses
standing still as they were ; so it growing towards night, and the
tyde almost spent, we hasted with our things downe to the Shallop,
and got abourd that night, intending to haue brought some Beades,
and other things to haue left in the houses, in signe of Peace, and
that we meant to truk with them, but it was not done, by meanes
of our hastie comming away from Cape Cod, but so soone as we
can meete conveniently with them, we will giue them full satis
faction. Thus much of our second Discovery.
Having thus discovered this place, it was controversall amongst
vs, what to doe touching our aboad and setling there ; some thought
it best for many reasons to abide there.
As first, that there was a convenient harbour for Boates, though
not for Ships.
Secondly, Good Corne-ground, readie to our hands, as we saw
by experience in the goodly corne it yeelded, which would againe
agree with the ground, and be naturall seed for the same.
Thirdly, Cape Cod was like to be a place of good fishing, for
we saw daily great Whales of the best kind for oyle and bone,
come close aboord our Ship, and in fayre weather swim and play
about vs ; there was once one when the Sun shone warme, came
and lay aboue water, as if she had beene dead, for a good while
together, within halfe a Musket shot of the Ship, at which two
were prepared to shoote, to see whether she would stir or no ; he
that gaue fire first, his Musket flew in peeces, both stocke and
barrell, yet thankes be to God, neither he nor any man els was
hurt with it, though many were there about, but when the Whale
saw her time she gaue a snuffe and away.
Fourthly, the place was likely to be healthfull, secure, and
defensible. But the last and especiall reason was, that now the heart of
Winter and unseasonable weather was come vpon vs, so that we
could

IN AMERICA. 41
could not goe vpon coasting and discovery, without danger of
loosing men and Boat, vpon which would follow the overthrow
of all, especially considering what variable windes and sodaine
stormes doe there arise. Also cold and wett lodging had so
taynted our people, for scarce any of vs were free from vehe
ment coughs, as if they should continue long in that estate, it
would indanger the lines of many, and breed diseases and infec
tion amongst vs. Againe, we had yet some Beere, Butter, Flesh,
and other such victuals left, which would quickly be all gone, and
then we should haue nothing to comfort vs in the great labour
and toyle we were like to vnder-goe at the first. It was also con
ceived, whilst we had competent victuals, that the Ship would
stay with vs, but when that grew low, they would be gone, and
let vs shift as we could.
Others againe, vrged greatly the going to Anguum or Aggawam,
Angoum, a place twentie leagues off" to the North-wards, !?="'"=''¦
which they had heard to be an excellent harbour for Ships ; better
ground and better fishing. Secondly, for any thing we knew, diere
might be hard by vs a farre better .seate, and it should be a great
hindrance to seate where wee should remoue againe. Thirdly,
The water was but in ponds, and it was thought there would be none
in Summer, or very little. Fourthly, the water there must be
fetched vp a steepe hill : but to omit many reasons and replies
vsed heere abouts ; It was in the ende concluded, to make some
discovery within the Bay, but in no case so farre as Angoum :
besides, Robert Coppin our Pilot, made relation of a great Navi
gable River and good harbour in the other head-land of this Bay,
almost right over against Cape Cod, being a right line, not much
aboue eight leagues distant, in which bee had beene once : and be
cause that one of the wild men with whom they had some trucking,
stole a harping Iron from them, they called it theeuish harbour.
And beyond that place they were enioyned not to goe, whereupon,
a Company was chosen to goe out vppon a third discovery : whilest
some were imployed in this discovery, it pleased God that Mistris
White was brought to bed of a Sonne, which was called Peregrine.
The fift day, we through Gods mercy escaped a great danger
by the foolishnes of a Boy, one of Francis Billingtons Sonnes, who
in his Fathers absence, had got Gun-powder, and had shot off a
peice

4a NEW-ENGLAND
peice or two, and made squibs, and there being a fowling peice
charged in his fathers Cabbin, shot her off in the Cabbin, there
being a little barrell of powder halfe full, scattered in and about
the Cabbin, the fire being within foure foote of the bed betweene
the Deckes, and many flints and Iron things about the Cabbin,
and many people about the fire, and yet by Gods mercy no harme
done.
Dec. 6. Wednesday, the sixt of December, it was resolved our
' *"' discoverers should set forth, for the day before was too fowle
weather, and so they did, though it was well ore the day ere all
things could be readie : So ten of our men were appointed, who
w6re of themselues willing to vndertake it, to wit, Captaine
Standish, Maister Carver, William Bradford, Edward Winsloe,
lohn Tilley, Edward Tilley, lohn Houland, and three of London,
Richard Warren, Steeuen Hopkins and Edward Dotte, and two of
our Sea-men, lohn Alderton and Thomas English ; of the Ships
Company there went two of the Masters Mates, Master Clarke
and Master Copin, the Master Gunner, and three Saylers. The
narration of which Discovery, followes, penned by one of the
Company. Wednesday the sixt of December wee set out, being very cold
and hard weather, wee were a long while after we launched from
the ship, before we could get cleare of a sandie poynt, which lay
within lesse then a furlong of the same. In which time, tvvo
were very sicke, and Edward Tilley had like to haue sounded
with cold ; the Gunner was also sicke vnto Death, (but hope of
truking made him to goe) and so remained all that day, and the
next night ; at length we got cleare of the sandy poynt, and got
vp our sayles, and within an houre or two we got vnder the
weather shore, and then had smoother water and better sayling,
but it was very cold, for the water frose on our clothes, and made
them many times like coats of Iron : wee sayled sixe or seaven
leagues by the shore, but saw neither river nor creeke, at length
wee mett with a tongue of Land, being flat off" from the shore,
with a sandy poynt, we bore vp to gaine the poynt, & found
there a fayre income or rode, of a Bay, being a league over at
the narrowest, and some two or three in length, but wee made
right over to the land before vs, and left the discovery of this
Income

IN AMERICA. 43
Income till the next day : as we drew neare to the shore, wee
espied some ten or twelue Indians, very busie about a blacke
thing, what it was we could not tell, till afterwards they saw vs,
and ran to and fro, as if they had beene carrying some thing
away : wee landed a league or two from them, and had much adoe
to put a shore any where, it lay so full of flat sands : when we
came to shore, we made vs a Baricado, and got fire wood, and set
out our Sentinells, and betooke vs to our lodging, such as it was ;
we saw the smoke of the fire which the Savages made that night,
about foure or fiue myles from vs.
In the morning we devided our company, some eight in the ^^^ ^
Shallop, and the rest on the shore went to discouer this place, ^^^''¦
but we found it onely to be a Bay, without either river or creeke
comming into it, yet we deemed it to be as good an harbour as
Cape Cod, for they that sounded it, found a ship might ride in fiue
fathom water: wee on the land found it to be a levill soyle, but none
of the fruitfullest ; wee saw two beckes of fresh water, which were
the first running streams that we saw in the Country, but one might
stride over them : we found also a great fish, called a Grampus,
dead .on the sands ; they in the Shallop found two of them also in
the bottome of the bay, dead in like sort ; they were cast vp at high
water, and could not get off for the frost and ice ; they were some
fiue or sixe paces long, and about two inches thicke of fat, and
fleshed like a Swine ; they would haue yeelded a great deale of
oyle,*if there had beene time and meanes to haue taken it; so we
finding nothing for our turne, both we and our Shallop returned.
We then directed our course along the Sea-sands, to the place
where we first saw the Indians ; when we were there, we saw it
was also a Grampus which they were cutting vp ; they cut it into
long rands or peeces, about an ell long, and two handfull broad ;
wee found here and there a peece scattered by the way, as it
seemed, for hast ; this place the most were minded we should call,
the Grampus Bay, because we found so many of them there : wee
followed the tract of the Indians bare feete a good way on the
sands, at length we saw where they strucke into the Woods by
the side of a Pond : as wee went to view the place, one sayd, hee
thought hee saw an Indian-house among the trees, so went vp to
see : and here we and the Shallop lost sight one of another till
night.

44 NEW-ENGLAND
night, it being now about nine or ten a clocke : so we light on a
path, but saw no house, and followed a great way into the woods :
at length wee found where Corne had beene set, but not that yeare :
Anone we found a great burying place, one part whereof was
incompassed with a large Palazado, like a Church-yard, with
yong spires foure or fiue yards long, set as close one by another
as they could, two or three foot in the ground : within it was full of
Graues, some bigger, and some lesse, some were also paled about,
& others had like an Indian-house made over them, but not
matted : those Graues were more sumptuous then those at Corne-
hill, yet we digged none of them vp, but onely viewed them, and
went our way ; without the Palazado were graues also, but not so
costly : from this place we went and found more Corne ground,
but not of this yeare. As we ranged we light on foure or fiue
Indian-houses, which had beene lately dwelt in, but they were
vncovered, and had no matts about them, els they were like those
we found at Corne-hill, but had not beene so lately dwelt in : there
was nothing left but two or three peeces of old matts, a little sedge,
also a little further we found two Baskets full of parched Acorns
hid in the ground, which we supposed had beene Corne when we
beganne to dig the same ; we cast earth thereon againe & went
our way.
All this while we saw no people, wee went ranging vp and downe
till the Sunne began to draw low, and then we hasted out of the
woods, that we might come to our Shallop, which when we were
out of the woods, we espied a great way off and call'd them to come
vnto vs, the which they did as soone as they could, for it was not yet
high water. They were exceeding glad to see vs, (for they feared
because they had not seene vs in so long a time) thinking we would
haue kept by the shoreside ; so being both weary and faint, for we
had eaten nothing all that day, we fell to make our Randevous and
get fire wood, which always cost vs a great deale of labour : by that
time we had done, & our Shallop come to vs, it was within night,
and we fed vpon such victualls as we had, and betooke vs to our
rest, after we had set out our watch. About midnight we heard a
great and hideous cry, and our Sentinell called, Arme, Arme ! So
we bestirred our selues and shot off a couple of Muskets, and noyse
ceased ; we concluded, that it was a company of Wolues or Foxes, for

IN AMERICA. 45
for one told vs, hee had heard such a noise in New-found-land.
About fiue a clocke in the morning wee began to be stirring, and
two or three which doubted whether their Peeces would goe p^^ g_
off or no, made tryall of them, and shot them off, but ^6^-
though at nothing at all.
After Prayer we prepared our selues for brek-fast, and for a jour
ney, and it being now the twilight in the morning, it was thought
meet to carry the things downe to the Shallop : some sayd, it was
not best to carry the Armour downe, others sayd, they would be
readier ; two or three sayd, they would not carry theirs, till they
went themselues, but mistrusting nothing at all : as it fell out, the
water not being high enough, they layd the things downe vpon
the shore, & came vp to brek-fast. Anone, all vpon a sudden,
we heard a great & strange cry, which we knew to be the same
voyces, though they varied their notes. One of our company being
abroad came running in, and cryed. They are men, Indians,
Indians ; and withall, their arrowes came flying amongst vs, our
men ran out with all speed to recover their armes, as by the good
Providence of God they did. In the meane time. Cap. our first
taine Miles Standish, having a snaphance ready, made a ^uh the
shot, and after him another ; after they two had shot, other Indians.
of vs were ready, but he wisht vs not to shoot, till we could take
ayme, for we knew not what need we should haue, & there were
foure onely of vs, which had their armes there readie, and stood
before the open side of our Baricado, which was first assaulted ;
they thought it best to defend it, least the enemie should take it
and our stuffe, and so haue the more vantage against vs : our care
was no lesse for the Shallop, but we hoped all the rest would
defend it ; we called vnto them to know how it was with them,
and they answered. Well, Well, every one, and be of good
courage : we heard three of their Peeces goe off, and the rest
called for a fire-brand to light their matches ; one tooke a log out
of the fire on his shoulder and went and carried it vnto them,
which was thought did not a little discourage our enemies. The
cry of our enemies was dreadfull, especially, when our men ran
out to recover their Armes, their note was after this manner,
Woath woach ha ha hach woach : our men were no sooner come
to their Armes, but the enemy was ready to assault them. There

46 NEW-ENGLAND
There was a lustie man and no whit lesse valiant, who was
thought to bee their Captaine, stood behind a tree within halfe a
musket shot of vs, and there let his arrowes fly at vs ; hee was
seene to shoote three arrowes, which were all avoyded, for he at
whom the first arrow was aymed, saw it, and stooped downe and
it flew over him, the rest were avoyded also : he stood three shots
of a Musket, at length one tooke as he sayd full ayme at him,
after which he gaue an extraordinary cry and away they went
all ; wee followed them about a quarter of a mile, but wee left sixe
to keepe our Shallop, for we were carefull of our businesse : then
wee shouted all together two severall times, and shot off a couple
of muskets and so returned : this wee did that they might see wee
were not afrayd of them nor discouraged.
Thus it pleased God to vanquish our Enemies and giue vs deli-
Dec. 8. verance : by their noyse we could not guesse that they were
, 1620. jggg ^Yien thirty or forty, though some thought that they were
many more ; yet in the dark of the morning, wee could not so well
discerne them among the trees, as they could see vs by our fire side:
we tooke vp 18. of their arrowes which we haue sent to England by
Master lones, some whereof were headed with brasse, others with
Harts home, & others with Eagles clawes : many more no doubt
were shot, or these we found, were almost covered with leaues : yet
by the especiall providence of God, none of them either hit or hurt vs,
though many came close by vs, and on every side of vs, and some
coates which hung vp in our Baricado, were shot through and
through. So after wee had given God thankes for our deliver- ¦
ance, wee tooke our Shallop and went on our Iourney, and called
this place, The first Encounter : from hence we intended to haue
sayled to the aforesayd theeuish Harbour, if wee found no con-
venient Harbour by the way : having the wind good, we sayled
all that day along the Coast about 15. leagues, but saw neither
River nor Creeke to put into : after we had sayled an houre or
two, it began to snow and raine, and to be bad weather ; about
the midst of the afternoone, the winde increased and the Seas
began to be very rough, and the hinges of the rudder broke, so
that we could steere no longer with it, but two men with much
adoe were faine to serue with a couple of Oares ; the Seas were
growne so great, that we were much troubled and in great danger, and

IN AMERICA. 47
and night grew on : Anon Master Coppin bad vs be of good cheere,
he saw the Harbour ; as we drew neare, the gale being stiffe, and we
bearing great sayle to get in, split our Mast in 3. peices, and were
like to haue cast away our Shallop, yet by Gods mercy recovering
our selues, wee had the floud with vs, and struck into the Harbour.
Now he that thought that had beene the place was deceived, it
being a place where not any of vs had beene before, and com
ming into the Harbour, he that was our Pilot did beare vp North
ward, which if we had continued wee had beene cast away ; yet
still the Lord kept vs, and we bare vp for an Hand before vs, and
recovering of that Hand, being compassed about with many
Rocks, and darke night growing vpon vs, it pleased the Divine
providence that we fell vpon a place of sandy ground, where our
Shallop did ride safe and secure all that night, and comming vpon
a strange Hand kept our watch all night in the raine vpon that
Hand : and in the morning we marched about it, &
found no Inhabitants at all, and here wee made our ^Decl'o'*''
Randevous all that day, being Saturday.
10. of December, on the Sabboth day wee rested, Monday, Dec.
and on Munday we sounded the harbour, and found Fo'eflSrs'
it a very good Harbour for our shipping ; we marched '^''V-
also into the Land, and found divers corne fields, and little run-
ning brookes, a place very good for scituation, so we returned to
our Ship againe with good newes to the rest of our people, which
did much comfort their hearts.
On the fifteenth day, we waighed Anchor, to go to the place
we had discovered, and comming within two leagues of p^jijay
the Land, we could not fetch the Harbour, but were faine ^^'- ^^¦
to put roome againe towards Cape Cod, our course lying West ;
and the wind was at North west, but it pleased God that the next
day being Saturday the 16. day, the winde came faire, and wee
put to Sea againe, and came safely into a safe Harbour; and
within halfe an houre the winde changed, so as if we had beene
letted but a little, we had gone backe to Cape Cod. This Har
bour is a Bay greater than Cape Cod, compassed with a goodly
Land, and in the Bay, 2. fine Hands vninhabited, wherein are
nothing but wood, Okes, Pines, Wal-nut, Beech, Sasifras, Vines,
and other trees which wee know not ; This Bay is a most hopefull place.

48 NEW-ENGLAND
place, innumerable store of fowle, and excellent good, and cannot
but bee of fish in their seasons : Skote, Cod, Turbot, and Herring,
wee haue tasted of ; abundance of Musics the greatest & best that
ever we saw ; Crabs and Lobsters, in their time infinite. It is in
fashion like a Cikle or Fish-hooke.
Dec. 18 Munday the 18. day, we went a land, manned with the
'^*''- Maister of the Ship, and 3. or 4. of the Saylers; we
marched along the coast in the woods, some 7. or 8. mile, but saw
not an Indian nor an Indian house, only we found where formerly,
had beene some Inhabitants,and where they had planted their corne :
we found not any Navigable River, but 4. or 5. small running
brookes of very sweet fresh water, that all run into the Sea : The
Land for the crust of the earth is a spits depth, excellent blacke
mold and fat in some places, 2. or 3. great Oakes but not very
thicke. Pines, Wal-nuts, Beech, Ash, Birch, Hasell, Holley, Asp,
Sasifras, in abundance, & Vines euery where, Cherry trees.
Plum trees, and many other which we know not ; many kinds of
hearbes, we found heere in Winter, as Strawberry leaues innu
merable, Sorrell, Yarow, Caruell, Brook-lime, Liver-wort, Water-
cresses, great store of Leekes, and Onyons, and an excellent
strong kind of Flaxe, and Hempe ; here is sand, gravell, and
excellent clay no better in the Worlde, excellent for pots, and
will wash like sope, and great store of stone, though somewhat
soft, and the best water that ever we drunke, and the Brookes now
begin to be full of fish ; that night many being weary with
marching, wee went abourd againe.
Dec. 19. The next morning being Tuesday the 19. of December,
¦" ¦ wee went againe to discover further ; some went on Land,
and some in the Shallop ; the land we found as the former day we
did, and we found a Creeke, and went vp three English myles, a
very pleasant river ; at full Sea, a Barke of thirty tonne may
goe vp, but at low water scarce our Shallop could passe : this
place we had a great liking to plant in, but that it was so farre
from our fishing our principall profit, and so incompassed with
woods, that we should bee in much danger of the Salvages, and
our number being so little, and so much ground to cleare, so as
wee thought good to quit and cleare that place, till we were of
more strength ; some of vs hauing a good minde for safety to
plant

IN AMERICA. 49
plant in the gi'eater He, wee crossed the Bay which there is fiue
or sixe myles ouer, and found the He about a myle and a halfe,
or two myles about, all wooded, and no fresh water but 2. or 3.
pits, that we doubted of fresh water in Summer, and so full of
wood, as we could hardly cleare so much as to serue vs for Corne,
besides wee iudged it colde for our Corne, and some part very
rookie, yet diuers thought of it as a place defensible, and of great
securitie. That night we returned againe a ship boord, with resolution the
next morning to setle on some of those places. So in the
morning, after we had called on God for direction, we came to
this resolution, to goe presently ashore againe, and to take a better
view of two places, which wee thought most fitting for vs, for we
could not now take time for further search or consideration, our
victuals being much spent, especially, our Beere, and it being
now the 19. of December. After our landing and viewing of the
places, so well as we could, we came to a conclusion, by most
voyces, to set ¦on the maine Land, on the first place, on an high
ground, where there is a great deale of Land cleared, and hath
beene planted with Corne three or four yeares agoe, and there is
a very sweet brooke runnes vnder the hill side, and many deli
cate springs of as good water as can be drunke, and where we
may harbour our Shallops and Boates exceeding well, and in this
brooke much good fish in their seasons : on the further side of the
river also much Corne ground cleared : in one field is a great hill,
on which wee poynt to make a plat-forme, and plant our Ordi
nance, which will command all round about ; from thence we may
see into the Bay, and farre into the Sea, and we may see thence
Cape Cod: our greatest labour will be fetching of our wood,
which is halfe a quarter of an English myle, but there is enough
so farre off; what people inhabite here we yet know not, for 'as
yet we haue seene none, so there we made our Randevous, and
a place for some of our people about twentie, resolving in the
morning to come all ashore, and to build houses : but the
ne.xt morning, being Thursday the 21. of December, it was stormie
and wett, that we could not goe ashore, and those that remained
there all night could doe nothing, but were wet, not having dai-
light enough to make them a sufficient court of gard, to keepe
3 them

50 NEW- EN GLAND
them dry. All that night it blew and rayned extreamely ; it was
so tempestuous, that the Shallop could not goe on land so soone as
was meet, for they had no victuals on land. About 11. a Clocke
the Shallop went off with much adoe with provision, but could
not returne it blew so strong, and was such foule weather, that
we were forced to let fall our Anchor, and ride with three An
chors an head.
Friday the 22. the storme still continued, that we could not get
a-land, nor they come to vs aboord : this morning Good wife Al
derton was delivered of a sonne, but dead borne.
Saturday the 23. so many of vs as could, went on shore, felled
and carried tymber, to provide themselues stuffe for building.
Sunday the 24. our people on shore heard a cry of some Sava
ges (as they thought) which caused an Alarm, and to stand on
their gard, expecting an assault, but all was quiet.
Munday the 25. day, we went on shore, some to fell tymber,
some to saw, some to riue, and some to carry, so no man rested
all that day, but towards night some as they were at worke, heard
a noyse of some Indians, which caused vs all to goe to our Mus
kets, but we heard no further, so we came aboord againe, and left
some twentie to keepe the court of gard ; that night we had a sore
storme of winde and rayne.
Munday the 25. being Chri.stmas day, we began to drinke
water aboord, but at night the Master caused vs to haue some
Beere, and so on boord we had diverse times now and then some
Beere, but on shore none at all.
Tuesday the 26. it was foule weather, that we could not goe
ashore. Wednesday the 27. we went to worke againe.
Thursday the 28. of December, so many as could went to worke
on the hill, where we purposed to build our platforme for our
Ordinance, and which doth command all the plaine, and the Bay,
and from whence we may see farre into the sea, and might be easier
impayled, having two rowes of houses and a faire streete. So in
the afternoone we went to measure out the grounds, and first, we
tooke notice how many Families they were, willing all single
men that had no wiues to ioyne with some Familie, as they
thought fit, that so we might build fewer houses, which was done, and

IN AMERICA. 51
and we reduced them to 19. Families; to greater Families we
allotted larger plots, to every person halfe a pole in breadth, and
three in length, and so Lots were cast where euery man should
lie, which "was done, and staked out ; we thought this proportion
was large enough at the first, for houses and gardens, to impale
them round, considering the weaknes of our people, many of them
growing ill with coldes, for our former Discoveries in frost and
stormes, and the wading at Cape Cod had brought much weakenes
amongst vs, which increased so every day more and more, and
after was the cause of many of their deaths.
Fryday and Saturday, we fitted our selues for our labour, but
our people on shore were much troubled and discouraged with
rayne and wett that day, being very stormie and cold ; we saw
great smokes of fire made by the Indiana about six or seaven
myles from vs as we conjectured.
Munday the first of lanuary, we went betimes to ja„ua,y j
worke ; we were much hindred in lying so farre ofli" 's^'-
from the Land, and faine to goe as the tyde served, that we lost
much time, for our Ship drew so much water, that she lay a
myle and almost a halfe off, though a ship of seventie Anchorage of
or eightie tun at high water may come to the shore, ih" Mayflower.
Wednesday the .third of lanuary, some of our people being
abroad, to get and gather thatch, they saw great fires of the In
dians, and were at their Corne fields, yet saw none of the Savages,
nor had seene any^of them since wee came to this Bay.
Thursday the fourth of lanuary, Captaine Miles Standish with
foure or fiue more, went to see if they could meet with any of the
Savages in that place where the fires were made ; they went to
some of their houses, but not lately inhabited, yet could they not
meete with any ; as they came home, they shot at an Eagle and
killed her, which was excellent meat ; It was hardly to be dis
cerned from Mutton.
Fryday the fifth of lanuary, one of the Saylers found aliue vpon
the shore an Hering, which the Master had to his supper, which
put vs in hope of fish, but as yet we had got but one Cod ; we
wanted small hookes.
Saturday the sixt of lanuary, Master Marten was very sicke,
and to our iudgement, no hope of life, so Master Carver was sent
I fo

52 NEW-ENGLAND
for to come abourd to speake with him about his accompts, who
came the next morning.
Munday the eight day of lanuary, was a very fayre day, and
we went betimes to worke : master lones sent the Shallop as he
had formerly done, fo see where fish could be got ; they had a
greate storme at Sea, and were in some danger, at night they
returned with three greate Scales, and an excellent good Cod,
which did assure vs that we should haue plentie of fish shortly.
This day, Francis Billington, having the weeke before seene
from the top of a tree on a hie hill, a great sea as he thought,
went with one of the Masters mates to see it : they went three
myles, and then came to a great water, devided into two great
Lakes, the bigger of them fiue or sixe myles in circuit, and in it
an He of a Cable length square, the other three miles in com
passe ; in their estimation they are fine fresh water, full of fish,
and foule ; a brooke issues from it, it will be an excellent helpe
for vs in time. They found seaven or eight Indian houses, but
not lately inhabited ; when they saw the houses they were in some
feare, for they were but two persons and one peece.
Tuesday the 9. lanuary, was a reasonable faire day, and wee
went to labour that day in the building of our Towne, in two rowes
of houses for more safety : we devided by lott the plot of ground
whereon to build our Towne : After the proportion formerly allot
ted, wee agreed that every man should build his owne house, think
ing by that course, men would make more hast than working in
common ; the common house, in which for the first, we made our
Rendevous, being neere finished wanted onely couering, it being
about 20. foote square : some should make morter, and some
gather thatch, so that in foure days halfe of it was thatched ; frost
and foule weather hindred vs much ; this time of the yeare sel-
dome could wee worke halfe the weeke.
Thursday the eleue^th, William Bradford being at worke,
(for it was a faire day) was vehemently taken with a griefe and
paine, and so shot to his huckle-bone. It was doubted that he
would haue instantly dyed : hee got colde in the former discove
ries, especially the last, and felt some paine in his anckles by
times, but he grew a little better towards night and in time through
Gods mercie in the vse of meanes recovered. Friday

IN AMERICA. 53
Friday the 12. we went to worke, but about noone, January 12
it began to raine, that it forced vs to giue over worke. ¦'^^¦'•
This day, two of our people put vs in great sorrow and care.
There was 4. sent to gather and cut thatch in the morning, and two
of them, lohn Goodman and Peter Browne, having c"ut thatch all the
fore-noone, went to a further place, and willed the other two, to
binde vp that which was cut and to follow them ; so they did,
being about a myle and an halfe from our Plantation : but when
the two came after, they could not finde them, nor heare any
thing of them at all, though they hallowed and shouted as loud
as they could ; so they returned to the Company and told them
of it : whereupon Master Carver & three or foure more went to
seek them , but could heare nothing of them, so they returning,
sent more, but that night they could heare nothing at all of them ;
the next day they armed 10. or 12. men out, verily thinking the
Indians had surprised them , they went seeking 7. or 8. miles,
but could neither see nor heare any thing at all, so they re
turned with much discomfort to us all. These two that were
missed, at dinner time tooke their meate in their hands, and
would goe walke and refresh themselues ; so going a litle off" they
finde a lake of water, and having a great Mastiffe bitch with them
and a Spannell ; by the water side they found a great Deere, the
Dogs chased him , and they followed so farre as they lost them
selues, and could not finde the way backe ; they wandred all that
after-noone being wett, and at night it did freeze and snow ; they
were slenderly apparelled and had no weapons but each one his
Cicle, nor any victuals ; they ranged vp and downe and could
finde none of the Salvages habitations ; when it drew to night
they were much perplexed, for they could finde neither harbour
nor meate, but in frost and snow, were forced to make the earth
their bed, and the Element their covering r and another thing did
very much terrific them, they heard as they thought two Lyons
roaring exceedingly for a long time together, and a third, that they
thought was very nere them ; so not knowing what to do, they
resolved to climbe vp into a tree as their safest refuge, though
that would proue an intollerable colde lodging ; so they stoode at
the trees roote, that when the Lyons came they might take their
opportunitie of climbing vp ; the bitch they were faine to hold by
the

54 NEW-ENGLAND
the necke, for shee would haue beene gone to the Lyon ; but it
pleased God so to dispose, that the wilde Beastes came not ; so
they walked vp and downe vnder the Tree all night , it was an ex-
treame colde night. So soone as it was light they trauailed againe,
passing by many lakes and brookes and woods , and in one place
where the Salvages had burnt the space of 5. myles in length ,
which is a fine Champion Countrey, and even. In the after-noone,
it pleased God from an high Hill they discovered the two lies in
the Bay, and so that night got to the Plantation, being ready to
faint with travaile and want of victuals , and almost famished
with colde. lohn Goodman was faine to haue his shooes cut off" his
feete they were so swelled with colde, and it was a long while
after, ere he was able to goe ; those on the shore were much com
forted at their returne, but they on ship-boord were grieved
as deeming them lost ; but the next day being the 14. of
lanuary, in the morning about sixe of the clocke, the winde being
very great, they on ship-boord spied their great new Randevous
on fire, which was to them a new discomfort , fearing because of
the supposed losse of the men, that the Salvages had fiered them,
neither could they presently goe to them for want of water, but
after 3. quarters of an houre they went , as they had purposed
the day before to keepe the Sabboth on shore , because now there
was the greater number of people. At their landing they heard
good tidings of the returne of the 2, men, and that the house was
fiered occasionally by a sparke that flew into the thatch, which
instantly burned it all vp, but the roofe stood and little hurt ; the
most losse was Maister Carvers and William Bradfords, who then
lay sicke in bed, and if they had not risen with good speede, had
beene blowne vp with powder : but through Gods mercy they
had no harme ; the house was as full of beds as they could lie one
by another, and their Muskets charged, but blessed be God there
was no harme done.
Munday the 15. day, it rayned much all day, that they on ship-
boord could not goe on shore, nor they on shore doe any labour
but were all wet.
Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, were very faire Sun-shinie
dayes, as if it had beene in Aprill, and our people so many as
were in health wrought chearefully. The

IN AMERICA. 55
The 19. day, we resolved to make a Shed, to put our common
provision in, of which some were alreadie set on shore, but at
noone it rayned, that we could not worke. This day in the eve
ning, lohn Goodman went abroud to vse his lame feete, that were
pittifully ill with the cold he had got, having a little Spannell with
him ; a little way from the Plantation, two great Wolues ran after
the Dog, the Dog ran to him and betwixt his leggs for succour ; he
had nothing in his hand but tooke vp a sticke, and threw at one of
them and hit him, and they presently ran both away, but came
againe : he got a paile bord in his hand, and they sat both on their
tayles, grinning at him, a good ^hile, and went their way, and
left him.
Saturday 20. we made vp our Shed for our common goods.
Sunday the 21. we, kept our meeting on Land.
Munday the 22. was a faire day, we wrought on our. houses,
and in the after-noone carried vp our hogsheads of meale to
our common store-hojise.
The rest of the weeke we followed our businesse likewise.
Munday the 29. in the morning cold frost and sleete, but after
reasonable fayre ; both the long Boate and the Shallop brought
our common goods on shore.
Tuesday and Wednesday 30. and 31. of lanuary, cold frosty
weather and sleete, that we could not worke : in the morning the
Master and others saw two Savages, that had beene on the Hand
nere our Ship, what they came for wee could not tell, they were
going so farre backe againe before they were descried, that we
could not speake with them.
Sunday the 4. of February, was very wett and rainie, with the
greatest gusts of winde that ever we had since woo came forth,
that though we rid in a very good harbour, yet we were in dan
ger, because our Ship was light, the goods taken out, and she vn-
ballased ; and it caused much daubingof our houses to fall downe.
Fryday the 9. still the cold weather continued, that wee could
doe little worke. That after-noone our little house for our sicke
people was set on fire by a sparke that kindled in the roofe, but
no great harme was done. That evening the master going ashore,
killed fiue Geese, which he friendly distributed among the sicke
people ; he found also a good Deere killed, the Savages had cut

56 NEW-ENGLAND
off the homes, and a Wolfe was eating of him ; how he came
there we could not conceiue.
Friday the IG. day, was a faire day, but the northerly wind
continued, which continued the frost. This day after-noone one of
our people being a fouling, and having taken a stand by a creeke
side in the Reeds, about a myle and an halfe from our Plantation,
there came by him twelue Indians, marching towards our Plan
tation, & in the woods he heard the noyse of many more. He lay
close till they were passed, and then with what speed he could he
Went home & gaue the Alarm ; so the people abroad in the woods
returned & armed themselues, but saw none of them, onely to
ward the euening they made a great fire, about the place where
they were first discovered : Captaine Miles Standish, and Francis
Cooke, being at worke in the Woods, comming home, left their
tooles behind them, but before they returned, their tooles were^
taken away by the Savages. This comming of the Savages gaue
vs occasion to keepe more strict watch, and to make our peeces
and furniture readie, which by the moysture and rayne were out
of temper.
Saturday the 17. day, in the morning we called a meeting for
the establishing of military Orders amongst our selues, and we
chose Miles Standish our Captaine, and gaue him authoritie of
command in affayres : and as we were in consultation here abouts,
two Savages presented themselues vpon the top of an hill, over
against our Plantation, about a quarter of a myle and lesse, and
made signes vnto vs to come vnto them ; we likewise made signes
vnto them fo come to vs, whereupon we armed our selues, and
stood readie, and sent two over the brooke towards them, to wit,
Captaine Standish and Steven Hopkins, who went towards them :
onely one of them had a Musket, which they layd downe on the
ground in their sight, in signe of peace, and to parley with them,
but the Savages would not tarry their comming ; a noyse of a
great many more was heard behind the hill, but no more came in
sight. This caused vs to plant our great Ordinances in places
most convenient.
Wednesday the 21. of February, the master came on shore
with many of his Saylers, and brought with him one of the great
Peeces, called a Minion, and helped vs to draw it vp the hill,
with

IN AMERICA. 57
with another Peece that lay on shore, and mounted them, and a
sailer and two bases ; he brought with him a very fat Goose to
eate with vs, and we had a fat Crane, and a Mallerd, and a dry'd
neats-tongue, and so wee were kindly and friendly together.
Saturday the third of March, the winde was South, the morn
ing mistie, but towards noone warme and fayre weather ; the
Birds sang in the Woods most pleasantly ; at one of the Clocke it
thundred, which was the first wee heard in that Countrey, it was
strong and great claps, but short, but after an houre it rayned
very sadly till midnight.
Wednesday the seaventh of March, the wind was full East, cold,
but faire ; that day Master Carver with fiue other went to the
great Ponds, which seeme to be excellent fishing-places ; all the
way they went they found it exceedingly beaten and haunted
with Deere, but they saw none ; amongst other foule, they saw
one a mflke white foule, with a very blacke head : this day some
garden seeds were sowen.
Fryday the 16. a fayre warme day towards ; this morning we
determined to conclude of the military Orders, which we had be
gan to consider of before, but were interrupted by the Savages,
as we mentioned formerly ; and whilst we were busied here about,
we were interrupted againe, for there presented himself a Savage,
which caused an Alarm; he very boldly came all alone and along
the houses straight to the Randevous, where we intercepted him,
not suffering him to goe in, as vndoubtedly he would, out of his
boldnesse. Hee saluted vs in English, and bad vs well-come, for
he had learned some broken English amongst the English men
that came to fish at Monchiggon, and knew by name the most of
the Captaines, Commanders, & Masters, that vsually come. He
was a man free in speech, so farre as he could expresse his minde,
and of a seemely carriage ; we questioned him of many things ; he
was the first Savage we could meete withall ; he sayd he was not
of these parts, but of Morattiggon, and one of the Sagamores or
Lords thereof, and had beene 8. moneths in these parts, it lying
hence a dayes sayle with a great wind, and fiue dayes by land ;
he discoursed of the whole Country, and of every Province, and
of their Sagamores, and their number of men, and strength ; the
wind beginning to rise a little, we cast a horsemans coat about
3=* him

,58 NEW -EN GLAND
him, for he was starke naked, onely a leather about his wast, with
a! fringe about a span long, or little more ; he had a bow & 2 ar
rowes, the one headed, and the other vnheaded; he was a tall
straight man, the haire of his head blacke, long behind, onely
short before, none on his face at all ; he asked some beere, but
we gaue him strong water, and bisket, and butter, and cheese, &
pudding, and a peece of a mallerd, all which he liked well, and
had bin acquainted with such amongst the English ; he told vs
the place where we now Hue, is called, Patuxet, and that about
foure yeares agoe, all the Inhabitants dyed of an extraordinary
plague, and there is neither man, woman, nor childe remaining, as
indeed we haue found none, so as there is none to hinder our pos
session, or to lay claime vnto it ; all the after-noone we spent in
communication with him, we would gladly haue beene rid of him
at night, but he was not willing to goe this night ; then we thought
to carry him on ship-boord, wherewith he was well content, and
went into the Shallop, but the winde was high and water scant,
that it could not returne backe : we lodged him that night at Ste
ven Hopkins house, and watched him ; the next day he went
away backe to the Masasoits, from whence he sayd he came, who
are our next bordering neighbours : they are sixtie strong, as he
sayth : the Nausites are as neere South-east of them, and are a
hundred strong, and those were they of whom our people were
encountred, as we before related. They are much incensed and
provoked against the English, and about eyght moneths agoe slew
three English men, and two more hardly escaped by flight to
Monhiggon ; they were Sir Ferdinando Gorge his men, as this
Savage told vs, as he did likewise of the Huggerie, that is. Fight,
that our discoverers had with the Nausites, & of our tooles that
were taken out of the woods, which we willed him should be
brought againe, otherwise, we would right our selues. These
people are ill affected towards the English, by reason of one Hunt,
a master of a ship, who deceived the people, and got them vnder
colour of truking with them, twentie out of this very place where
we inhabite, and seaven men from the Nausites, and "carried them
away, and sold them for slaues, like a wretched man (for 20.
pounds a man) that cares not what mischiefe he doth for his
profit. Saturday

IN AMERICA. 59
Saturday in the morning we dismissed the Salvage, and gaue
him a knife, a bracelet, and a ring ; he promised within a night
or two to come againe, and to bring with him some of the Massa-
soyts our neighbours, with such Beuers skins as they had to trucke
with vs.
Saturday and Sunday reasonable fayre dayes. On this day
came againe the Savage, and brought with him fiue other tall
proper men ; they had every man a Deeres skin on him, and the
principall of them had a wild Cats skin, or such like on the one
arme ; they had most of them long hosen vp to their groynes,
close made ; and aboue their groynes to their wast another leather ;
they were altogether like the Irish-trouses ; they are of com
plexion like our English Gipseys, no haire or very little on their
faces, on their heads long haire to their shoulders, onely cut be
fore, some trussed vp before with a feather, broad wise, like a
fanne, another a fox tayle hanging out .• these left (according to
our charge giuen him before) their Bowes and Arrowes a quarter
of a myle from our Towne. We gaue them entertaynement as we
thought was fitting them, they did eate liberally of our English
victuals, they made semblance vnto vs of friendship and amitie ;
they sung & danced after their maner like Anticks ; they brought
with them in a thing like a Bow-case (which the principall of
them had about his wast) a little of their Corne pownded to Pow
der, which put to a little water they eate ; he had a little Tobacco
in a bag, but none of them drunke but when he listed; some of
them had their faces paynted blacke, from the forehead to the
chin, foure or fiue fingers broad ; others after other fashions, as
they liked ; they brought three or foure skins, but we would not
trucke with them at all that day, but wished them to bring more,
and we would trucke for all, which they promised within a night
or two, and would leaue these behind them, though we were not
willing they should, and they brought vs all our tools againe
which were taken in the Woods, in our mens absence, so because
of the day we dismissed them so soone as we could. But Samoset
our first acquaintance, eyther was sicke, or fayned himselfe so,
and would not goe with them and stayed with vs till Wednesday
morning : Then we sent him to them, to know the reaSon they
came not according to their words, and we gaue him an hat, a
payre

60 NEW- EN GLAND
payre of stockings and shooes, a shirt, and a peece of cloth to tie
about his wast.
The Sabboth day, when we sent them from vs, wee gaue every
one of them some trifles, especially, the principall of them ; we
carried them along with our Armes to the place where they left
their Bowes and Arrowes, whereat they were amazed, and two
of them began to slinke away, but that the other called them.
When they tooke their Arrowes, we bad them farewell, and they
were glad, and so with many thankes giuen vs they departed,
with promise they would come againe.
Munday and Tuesday proved fayre dayes, we digged our
grounds, and sowed our garden seeds.
Wednesday a fine warme day, we sent away Samoset.
That day we had againe a meeting, to conclude of lawes and
orders for our selues, and to oonfirme those Military Orders that
were formerly propounded, and twise broken off" by the Savages
comming ; but so we were againe the third time ; for after we had
beene an houre together, on the top of the hill over against vs
two or three Savages presented themselues, that made semblance
of daring vs, as we thought ; so Captaine Standish with another,
with their Muskets went over to them, with two of the masters
mates that follow them without Armes, having two Muskets with
them ; they whetted and rubbed their Arrowes and Strings, and
made shew of defiance, but when our men drew nere them,
they ranne away.- Thus we were againe interrupted by them ;
this day with much adoe we got our Carpenter that had beene
long sicke of the scurvey, to fit our Shallop, to fetch all from
aboord. Thursday the 22. of March, was a very fayre warme day.
About noone we met againe about our publique businesse, but we
had scarce beene an houre together, but Samoset came againe,
and Squanto, the onely natiue of Patuxat, where we now inhabite,
who was one of the twentie Captiues that by Hunt were carried
away, and had beene in England & dwelt in Cornehill with mas
ter lohn Slanie a Marchant, and could speake a little English,
with three others, and they brought with them some few skinnes
to truclfe, and some red Herrings newly taken and dryed, but not
salted, and signified vnto vs, that their great Sagamore Masasoyt was

IN AMERICA. 61
was hard by, with Quadequina his brother, and all their men.
They could not weli, expresse in English what they would, but
after an houre the King came to the top of an hill over against vs,
and had in his trayne sixtie men, that we could well behold them,
and they vs : we were not willing to send our governour to them,
and they vnwilling to come to vs, so Squanto went againe vnto
him, who brought word that wee should send one to parley with
him, which we did, which was Edward Winsloe, to know his
mind, and to signifie the mind and will of our governour, which
was to haue trading and peace with him. We sent to the King
a payre of Kniues, and a Copper Chayne, with a lewell at it. To
Quadequina we sent likewise a Knife and a lewell to hang in his
eare, and withall a Pot of strong water, a good quantitie of Bisket,
and some butter, which were all willingly accepted : our Messen
ger made a speech vnto him, that King I a m e s saluted him with
words of loue and Peace, and did accept of him as his Friend and
Alie, and that our Governour desired to see him and to trucke
with him, and to confirme a Peace with him, as his next neigh
bour : he liked well of the speech and heard it attentiuely, though
the Interpreters did not well expresse it ; after he had eaten and
drunke himselfe, and giuen the rest to his company, he looked
vpon our messengers sword and armour which he had on, with
intimation of his desire to buy it, but on the other side, our mes
senger shewed his vnwillingnes to part with it : In the end he
left him in the custodie of Quadequina his brother, and came over
the brooke, and some twentie men following him, leaving all their
Bowes and Arrowes behind them. We kept six or seaven as
hostages for our messenger ; Captaine Standish and master
Williamson met the King at the brooke, with halfe a dozen Mus-
ketiers, they saluted him and he them, so one going over, the one
on the one side, and the other on the other , conducted him to an
house then in building, where we placed a greene Rugge, and
three or foure Cushions, then instantly came our Govemour
with Drumme and Trumpet after him, and some few Musketiers.
After salutations, our Governour kissing his hand, the King
kissed him, and so they sat downe. The Governour called for
some strong water, and drunke fo him, and he drunke a great
draught that made him sweate all the while after ; he called for a
little

62 NEW-ENGLAND
little fresh meate, which the King did eate willingly, and did giue
his followers. Then they treated of Peace, which was;
The agree- 1- '^^^^ neyther he nor any of his should iniure or
peace be^- *^°® ^'^'"'' '¦° ^'^Y °^ °^^ people.
and Ma7s- ^- "'^"^ '^ ^"^ °^ ^^^ ^^^ ^"""^ ^° ^"^ °^ °^^^' ^® should
isoy'' send the offender, that we might punish him.
3. That if any of our Tooles were taken away when our peo
ple were at worke, he should cause^them to be restored, and if
ours did any harme to any of his, wee would doe the like to
them. *
4. If any did vniustly warre against him, we would ayde him ;
If any did warre against vs, he should ayde vs.
5. He should send to his neighbour Confederates, to certifie
them of this, that they might not wrong vs, but might be likewise,
comprised in the conditions of Peace.
6. That when their men came to vs, they should leaue their
Bowes and Arrowes behind them, as wee should doe our Peeces
when we came to them.
Lastly, that doing thus. King I a m e s would esteeme of him as
his friend and Alie : all which the King seemed to like well, and
it was applauded of his followers ; all the while he sat by the
Govemour he trembled for feare .- In his person he is a very lustie
man, in his best yeares, an able body, graue of countenance, and
spare of speech : In his Attyre little or nothing differing from the
rest of his followers, only in a great Chaine of white bone Beades
about his necke, and at it behinde his necke, hangs a little bagg
of Tobacco, which he dranke and gaue us to drinke ; his face
was paynted with a sad red like murry, and oyled both head and
face, that hee looked greasily : All his followers likewise, were in
their faces, in part or in whole painted, some blacke, some red,
some yellow, and some white, some with crosses, and other An-
tick workes , some had skins on them , and some naked, all strong,
tall, all men in appearance: so after all was done, the Governour
conducted him to the Brooke , and there they embraced each
other and he departed : we diligently keeping our hostages, wee
expected our messengers comming, but anon word weis brought
vs, that Quaddequina was comrtting, and our messenger was
stayed till his returne, who presently came and a troupe with him.

IN AMERICA. 63
so likewise wee entertained him, and convayed him to the place
prepared ; he was very fearefull of our peeces, and ijjade signes
of dislike, that they should be carried away, whereupon Com
mandement was given, they should be layd away. He was a very
proper tall young man , of a very modest and seemely counte
nance, and he did kindely like of our entertainement, so we con
vayed him likewise as wee did the King, but diuers of their peo
ple stayed still ; when hee was retumecj, then they dismissed our
messenger. Two of his people would haue stayed all night, but
wee would not suffer it : one thiri^ I forgot, the King had in his
bosome hanging in a string, a great long knife ; hee marvelled
much at our Trumpet, and some of his men would sound it as
well as they could ; Samoset and Squanto, they stayed al night
with vs and the King and al his men lay all night in the woods,
not aboue halfe an English myle from vs , and all their wiues and
women with them : they sayd that within 8. or 9. dayes, they
would come and set corne on the other side of the Brooke , and
dwell there all Summer, which is hard by vs .- That night we
kept good watch , but there was no appearance of danger ; the
next morning divers of their people came over to vs, hoping to get
some victuales as wee imagined, some of them told vs the King
would haue some of vs come see him ; Captaine Standish and
Isaac Alderton went venterously , who were welcommed of him
after their manner : he gaue them three or foure ground Nuts, and
some Tobacco. Wee cannot yet conceiue, but that he is willing
to haue peace with vs, for they haue seene our people sometimes
alone two or three in the woods at worke and fowling, when as
they offered them no harme as they might easily haue done , and
especially because hee hath a potent Adversary the Narowhiganseis,
that are at warre with him, agahist whom hee thinks wee may be
some strength to him, for our peeces are terrible vnto them ; this
morning, they stayed till ten or eleuen of the Clocke, and our
Governour bid them send the Kings kettle, and filled it full of
pease, which pleased them well , and so they went their way.
Fryday was a very faire day ; Samoset and Squanto jia„i, 23
still remained with vs, Squanto went at noone to fish for •'®^^'
Eeles ; at night he came home with as many as he could well lift
in one hand, which our people were glad of, they were fat &
sweet.

64 NEW-ENGLAND
sweet ; he .trod them out with his feete, and so caught them with
his hands without any other instrument.
This day we proceeded on with our common businesse, from
which we had been so often hindred by the Salvages comming,
and concluded both of Military orders, and of some
Lawes and Orders as wee thought behoofefull for
our present estate, and condition, and did like
wise choose oiw Governour for this yeare ,
which was Master lohn Carver
a man well approoved
amongst vs.

THE JOUENEY TO PACKANOKIK.
The preceding journal ends March 23d, 1621, with a
record of the last business transacted that day, in the re
election of Mr. Carver for governor. It was little more
than a fortnight after this, when the governor, so beloved
and venerated by the colony, suddenly, in the midst of his
work, sickened and died. They then chose Mr Bradford
governor, and Mr. Isaac Allerton as his assistant.
The next grand colonial business is that of the embassy
to Massasoit at Packanokik, the account of which, by one
of the ambassadors, follows immediately upon the journal.
It will be seen as stated in the account of their pro
ceedings that they set forward the tenth of June, a date
which is demonstrated to be a mistake, by comparison
with the after record, and witfi the journal of Governor
Bradford, as given by Mr. Prince. It may have been a
mistake of the printers, or of Mr. Morton. At any rate the
account of the journey, as will be seen on examination,
dating back from Saturday, the day on which they return
ed to Plymouth, shows that it must have commenced on
Tuesday morning, occupying from Tuesday morning till
Saturday night. This Tuesday, according to Prince's
Chronology of the period, gathered from Governor Brad
ford's History and Register, must have been July 3d, 1621.
The reader has already been introduced to ." the great
King Massasoit," in the previous account of the treaty of
peace between him and Governor Bradford. The inter
view was brought about and managed through the friend
ship of Samoset and Squanto, especially the last, who
perhaps had taught Samoset the use of that EngHsh word
welcome, with which the savage man, in such strange un
expected kindness, had saluted the civilized. The treaty
with Massasoit was a simple and primitive league of peace

64 THE JOURNEY TO PACKANOKIK.
and friendship, and nothing had occurred for three months
to interrupt it ; and now the cause, in part, of this new
ambassage was the desire of. the Pilgrims to make just
restitution for the taking of the corn which they had disco
vered and appropriated on their first landing at Cape Cod,
intending at that time to pay for it as soon as they could
find the owner. Massasoit, the great Sagamore, seems to
have been a friendly man, and he had great cause to be
thankful for the friendship of the Pilgrims, as well as they
for his ; but in the first interview he seems to have made
but a " greasy" impression upon the spectators, though " an
able body, grave of countenance and spare of speech."
Quadequina, his brother, is presented as " a very proper,
tall young man, of a very modest and seemly countenance."
The warlike tribe of the Narragansetts were enemies of
Massasoit, for which reason he was the more glad to keep
friendship with the Pilgrims, " their pieces being terrible
unto them." Massasoit's sovereignty ran over a wide ex
tent of country in Rhode Island and Massachusetts, in some
places from bay to bay. He was the " sachem of the tribe
possessing the country north of Narragansett Bay, and be
tween the rivers of Providence and Taunton."* The pre
sent townships of Bristol, Warren, and Barrington, were
under Massasoit. Namasket, the first town of his sove-
I'eignty through which the ambassadors passed, was the
region of Middleborough and Bridgewater. Packanokik
is described by Governor Bradford as about forty miles
westward from Plymouth ; " sometimes called Sowams,
and sometimes Pacanokik," says Mr. Prince, " which I sup
pose is afterwards called Mount Hope, and since named
Bristol."t Thus much for the characters and localities in the fol
lowing narrative, which itself is one of the most interesting
in the little collection of authentic and extraordinary pic
tures of savage and colonial life presented in this volume.
* Bancroft's Hist. United States. Vol. i. p. 317.
f Prince's New F.ne-land Chrnnnloerv. Vol. i. n. in2_

67

lOVRNEY TO PACKANOKIK,
The Habitation of the Great King
MA8SA80YT.
As also our Message, the
Answere and intertaine-
ment wee had of
Him.

seemed good to the Company for many considerations
^ to send some amongst them to Massasoyt, the greatest
W> Commander amongst the Savages , bordering about vs ;
partly to know where to find them, if occasion served,
as also to see their strength, discover the Country, pre
vent abuses in their disorderly comming vnto vs, make
satisfaction for some conceived jniuries to be done on our
parts, and to continue the league of Peace and Friendship
betweene them and vs. For these, and the like ends, it pleased
the Governour to make choice of Steven Hopkins, &, Ed-ward
Winsloe to goe vnto him, and having a fit opportunitie, by reason
of a Savage, called Tisquantum (that could speake English) com
ming vnto vs ; with all expedition provided a Horse-mans coat, of
red Cotton, and laced with a slight lace for a present, that both
they and their message might be the more acceptable amongst
them. The Message was as followeth ; That forasmuch as his
subiects came often and without feare, vpon all occasions amongst
vs, so wee were now come vnto him , and in witnesse of the loue
and good will the English beare vnto him, the Governour hath
sent him a coat, desiring that the Peace and Amitie that was
betweene them and vs might be continued, not that we feared
them, but because we intended not to iniure any, desiring to Hue
peaceably ; and as with all men, so especially with them our
neerest neighbours. But whereas his people came very often.

68 NEW-ENGLAND
and very many together vnto vs, bringing for the most part their
wiues and children with them, they were well come ; yet we
being but strangers as yet at Patuxet, alias New Plimmoth, and
not knowing how our Corne might prosper, we could no longer
giue them such entertainment as we had done, and as we desired
still to doe : yet if he would be pleased to come himselfe, or any
speciall friend of his desired to see vs, comming from him they
should be wellcome ; and to the end wee might know them from
others, our Governour had sent him a copper Chayne, desiring if
any Messenger should come from him to vs, we might know him
by bringing it with him, and hearken and give credite to his
Message accordingly. Also requesting him that such as haue
skins, should bring them to vs, and that he would hinder the
multitude from oppressing vs with them. And whereas at our
first arri^all at Paomet (called by vs Cape Cod) we found there
Corne buried in the ground, and finding no inhabitants but some
graues of dead new buryed, tooke the Corne, resolving if ever we
could heare of any that had right thereunto, to make satisfaction
to the full for it, yet since we vnderstand the owners thereof were
fled for feare of vs, our desire was either to pay them Vith the
like quantitie of come, English meale, or any other Commodities
we had to pleasure them withall ; requesting him that some one
of his men might signifie so much vnto them, and wee would con
tent him for his paines. And last of all, our Gouernour requested
one favour of him, which was, that he would exchange some of
their Corne for seede with us, that we might make tryall which
best agreed with the soyle where we Hue.
With these presents and message we set forward the tenth
lune, about 9. a clocke in the Morning, our guide resolving that
night to rest at Namaschet, a Towne vnder Massasoyt, and con
ceived by vs to bee very neere, because the Inhabitants flocked
so thicke vpon every slight occasion amongst vs : but wee found
it to bee some fifteene English myles. On the way we found
some ten or twelue men women and children, which had pestered
vs, till wee were wearie of them, perceiving that (as the manner
of them all is) where victuall is easiliest to be got, there they Hue,
especially in the Summer : by reason whereof our Bay affording
many Lobsters, they resort every spring tide thither : & now re
turn p<^

IN AMERICA. 69
turned with vs to Namaschet. Thither we came about 3. a clock
after noone, the Inhabitants entertaining vs with ioy, in the best
manner they could, giving vs a kinde of bread called by them
Maizium, and the spawne of Shads, which then they got in
abundance, in so much as they gaue vs spoones to eate them, with
these they boyled mustie Acorns , but of the Shads we eate
heartily. After this they desired one of our men to shoote at a
Crow , complaining what damage they sustained in their Corne by
them, who shooting some fourescore off and killing , they much
admired it, as other shots on other occasions. After this Tis
quantum told vs we should hardly in one day reach Pakanokick ,
moving vs to goe some 8. myles further, where we should finde
more store and better victuals then there : Being willing to hasten
our Iourney we went, and came thither at Sunne setting, where
we found many of the Namascheucks (they' so calling the men of
Namaschet) fishing vppon a Ware which they had made on a River
which belonged to them, where they caught abundance of Basse.
These welcommed vs also , gaue vs of their fish, and we them of
our victuals, not doubting but we should haue enough where ere
we came. There we lodged in the open fieldes : for houses, they
had none , though they spent the most of the Summer there. The
head of this River is reported to bee not farre from the place of
our abode ; vpon it are, and haue beene many Townes, it being a
good length. The ground is very good on both sides, it being for
the most part cleered : Thousands of men have lived there, which
dyed in a great plague not long since : and pitty it was and is to
see, so many goodly fieldes, & so well seated, without men to
dresse and manure the same. Vppon this River dwelleth Mas
sasoyt: It commeth into the Sea at the Narrohiganset Bay,
where the French men so much vse. A shipp may goe many
myles vp it, as the Salvages report, and a shallop to the head of
it : but so farre as wee saw, wee are sure a Shallop may.
But to returne to our Iourney : The next morning wee brake
our fast, tooke our leaue and departed, being then accompanied
with some sixe Salvages, having gone about sixe myles by the
River side , at a knowne shole place, it beeing low water, they
spake to vs to put off our breeches, for wee must wade thorow..
Heere let me not forget the vallour and courrage of some of the
Salvages,

70 NEW-ENGLAND
Salvages, on the opposite side of the river, for there were remain
ing aliue only 2. men, both aged, especially the one being aboue
threescoure ; These two espying a company of men entring the
River, ran very swiftly & low in the grasfee to meete vs at the
banck, where with shrill voyces and great courage standing
charged vppon vs with their bowes, they demaunded what we
were, supposing vs to be enemies, and thinking to take advantage
on vs in the water : but seeing we were friends, they wel
commed vs with such foode as they had, and we bestowed a small
bracelet of Beades on them. Thus farre wee are sure the Tide
ebs and flowes.
Having here againe refreshed our selves, we proceeded in our
Iourney, the weather being very bote for travell, yet the Country
so well watered that a man could scarce be drie, but he should
haue a spring at hand to coole his thirst, beside smal Rivers in
abundance : But the Salvages will not willingly drinke, but at a
spring head. When wee came to any small Brooke where no
bridge was, two of them desired to carry vs through of their
owne accords, also fearing wee were or would be weary, offered
to carry our peeces, also if we would lay off any of our clothes,
we should haue theni' carried : and as the one of them had found
more speciall kindnesse from one of the Messengers, and the
other Salvage from the other, so they shewed their thankefulnesse
accordingly in affording vs all helpe, and furtherance in the
Iourney. As we passed along, we observed that there were few places
by the River, but had beene inhabited, by reason whereof, much
ground was cleare , saue of weedes which grewe higher then our
heads. There is much good Timbfer both Oake, Waltnut-tree,
Firre, Beech, and exceeding great Chessnut-trees. The Country
in respect of the lying of it, is both Champanie and hilly, like
many places in England. In some places its very rookie both
aboue ground and in it : And though the Countrey bee wilde
and over-growne with woods, yet the trees stand not thicke , but a
, man may well ride a horse amongst them.
Passing on at length, one of the Company an Indian espied a
man, and told the rest of it, we asked them if they feared any,
they told vs that if they were Narrohigganset men they would not

IN AMERICA. 71
not trust them, whereat, we called for our peeces and bid them
not to feare ; for though they were twenty, we two alone would
not care for them : but they hayling him, hee prooved a friend,
and had onely two women with him : their baskets were empty,
but they fetched water in their bottels, so that we dranke with
them and departed. After we met another man with other two
women , which had beene at Randevow by the salt water, and
their baskets were full of rested Crab fishes, and other dryed
shell fish, of which they gaue vs, and wee eate and dranke with
them : and gaue each of the women a string of Beades, and
departed. After wee came to a Towne of Massasoyts, where we eat Oys
ters and other fish. From thence we went to Packanokick, but
Massasoyt was not at home, there we stayed, he being sent for :
when newes was brought of his comming, our guide Tisquantum
requested that at our meeting, wee would discharge our peeces,
but one of vs going about to charge his peece, the women and
children through feare to see him take vpp his piece, ran away,
and could not bee pacified, till hee layd it downe againe, who
afterward were better informed by our Interpreter.
Massasoyt being come, wee discharged our Peeces, and saluted
him, who after their manner kindly wellcommed vs, and tooke
vs into his house, and set vs downe by him, where having de
livered our forasayd Message, and Presents, and having put the
Coat on his backe, and the Chayne about his necke, he was not a
little proud to behold himselfe, and his men also to see their King
so brauely attyred.
For answere to our Message, he told vs we were well-come,
and he would gladly continue that Peace and Friendship which
was betweene him & vs : and for his men they should no more
pester vs as they had done : Also, that he would send to Paomet,
and would help vs with Corne for seed, according to our request.
This being done, his men gathered neere to him, to whom he
turned himselfe, and made a great Speech ; they sometime inter
posing, and as it were, confirming and applauding him in that he
sayd. The meaning whereof was (as farre as we could learne)
thus ; Was not he Massasoyt Commander of the Countrey about
them ? Was not such a Towne his and the people" of it ? and
should

72 ' NEW-ENGLAND
should they not bring their skins vnto vs ? To which they an
swered, they were his & would be at peace with vs, and bring
their skins to vs. After this manner, he named at least thirtie
places, and their answere was as aforesayd to every one : so that
as it was delightfull, it was tedious vnto vs.
This being ended, he lighted Tobacco for vs, and fell to dis
coursing of England, & of the Kings Maiestie, marvayling that
he would Hue without a wife. Also he talked of .the French
men, bidding vs not to suffer them to come to Narrohiganset, for it
was King I a m e s his Countrey, and he also was King I a m e s his
man. Late it grew, but victualls he offered none ; for indeed he
had not any, being he came so newly home. So we desired to
goe to rest : he layd vs on the bed with himselfe and his wife,
they at the one end and we at the other, 'it being onely plancks
layd a foot from the ground, and a thin Mat vpon them. Two
more of his chiefe men for want of roome pressed by and vpon
vs ; so that we were worse weary of our lodging then of our
iourney. The next day being Thursday, many of their Sachmis, or petty
Governours came to see vs, and many of their men also. There
they went to their manner of Games for skins and kniues. There
we challenged them to shoote with them for skins : but they
durst not : onely they desired to see one of vs shoote at a marke,
who shooting with Haile-shot, they wondred to see the marke so
full of holes. About one a clocke, Massasoyt brought two fishes
that he had shot,, they were like Breame but three times so bigge,
and better meate. These being boyled, there were at least fortie
looked for share in them, the most eate of them ; This meale
onely we had in two nights and a day, and had not one of vs
bought a Partridge, we had taken our Iourney fasting : Very im
portunate he was to haue vsstay with them longer: But wee de
sired to keepe the Sabboth at home : and feared we should either
be light-headed for want of sleepe, for what with bad lodging, the
Savages barbarous singing, (for they vse to sing themselues
asleepe) lice and fleas within doores, and Muskeetoes. without,
wee could hardly sleepe all the time of our being there ; we much
fearing, that if wee should stay any longer, we should not be able
to recover home for want of strength. So that on the Fryday
morning

IN AMERICA. 73
morning before Sun-rising, we tooke our leaue and departed,
Massasoyt being both grieved and ashamed, that he could no
better entertaine vs : and retaining Tisquantum to send from
place to place to procure trucke for vs, and appointing another,
called Tokamahamon in his place, whom we had found faithfull
before and after vpon all occasions.
At this towne of Massasoyts, where we before eate, wee were
againe refreshed with a little fish; and, bought about a handfull
of Meale of their parched Corne, which was very precious at that
time of the yeere, and a small string of dryed shell-fish, as big
as Oysters. The latter we gaue to the sixe Savages that accom
panied vs, keeping the Meale for our selues ; when we dranke, we
eate each a spoonefull of it with a Pipe of Tobacco, in stead of
other victuals ; and of this also we could not but giue them, so
long as it lasted. Fiue myles they led vs to a house out of the
way in hope of victualls : but we found no body there, and so
were but worse able to returne home. That night we reached
to the wire where we lay before, but the Namascheucks were re
turned : so that we had no hope of any thing there. One of the
Savages had shot a Shad in the water, and a small Squirrill as
big as a Rat, called a Neuxis, the one halfe of either he gaue vs,
and after went to the wire to fish. From hence we wrote to Pli-
mouth, and sent Tokamahamon before to Namasket, willing him
from thence to send another, that he might meet vs with food at
Namasket. Two men now onely remained with vs, and it pleased
God to giue them good store of fish, so that we were well re
freshed. After supper we went to rest, and they to fishing
againe : morp they gat and fell to eating a-fre.sh, and retayned
sufficient readie rost for all our break-fasts. About two a Clocke
in the morning, arose a great storme of wind, raine, lightning,
and thunder, in such violent manner, that we could Saturday,
not keepe in our fire ; and had the Savages not rested " ''
fish when we were asleepe, we had set forward fasting : for the
raine still continued with great violence, even the whole day
thorow, till wee came within two miles of home.
Being wett and weary, at length we came to Namaschet, there
we refreshed our selues, giuing gifts to all such as had shewed
vs any kindnesse. Arnongst others one of the sijce that parne with
4 vs

74 NEW-ENGLAND
vs from Packanokik having before this on the way vnkindly for
saken vs, marvayled we gaue him nothing, and told vs what he
had done for vs ; we also told him of some discurtesies he offered
vs, whereby he deserved nothing, yet we gaue him a small trifle :
wherevpon he offered vs Tobacco : but the house being full of
people, we told them hee stole some by the way, and if it were of
that we would not take it ; For we would not receiue that which
was stolne vpon any termes ; if we did, our God would be angry
with vs, and destroy vs. This abashed him, and gaue the rest
great content : but at our departure he would needs carry him on
his backe .thorow a River, whom he had formerly in some sort
abused. Faine they would haue had vs to lodge there all
night ; and wondered we would set forth againe in
such Weather : but G o d be praysed, wee
came safe home that night, though
wett , weary , and
surbated.

THE EXPEDITION TO NAUSET (EASTHAM) FOR THE
LOST BOY.

The preceding narrative ends with Saturday, the 7th of
July, 1621. The narrative of the Lost Boy follows imme
diately upon that ; it is the next matter recorded from
Governor Bradford's Journal, by Mr. Prince, in his Chro
nology. He places it about the end of July. Bradford's
account in Prince is as follows : " John Billington, a boy,
being lost in the woods, the Governor causes him to be in
quired for among the natives ; at length Massasoit sends
word he is at Nauset. He had wandered five days, Uved
on berries, then light of an Indian plantation, twenty miles
south of us, called Manomet, and they conveyed him to the
people who first assaulted us ; but the Governor sends ten
men in a shallop, with Squanto and Tockamahamon, to
fetch him."
Turning to the Journal of the Pilgrims under date of
Dec. 5, 1620, we find the account of a providential de
liverance from great danger incurred on board the May
Flower, through " the foolishness of a boy, one of Francis
Billington's sons ;" doubtless this same " young scape
grace," as Dr. Young very properly calls him, " who the
next summer wandered off down the Cape as far as East-
ham, causing great anxiety to the infant colony, and putting
them to the trouble of sending an expedition after him."
The father of this boy. Dr. Young notifies the reader in his

76 the expedition to nauset.
Chronicles of the Pilgrims, " was not one of the Leyden
Church, but slipped in among th^e Pilgrims in England."*
He^was the person,, as we have seen by the Journal of the
Pilgrims, under date of March, who had the vile distinction
of being the author of the very first offence committed in
the Colony. He was hanged at length, in 1630, for mur
der. This young " scape-grace," in the text, after whom
the expedition described in the following narrative was un
dertaken, is probably an example of the manner in which
such ,a worthless father would be likely to train his family.
Governor Bradford could not comprehend how it was that
such a profane wretch as Billington carhe to be shtiffled in
with the company of the Pilgrims.
Nauset was the place where the Pilgrims had their first
encounter with the , Indians, they having been enraged
against the English by the villanies of Hunt, who carried
off seven of the Nausites to sell them as slaves, and among
them the two sons of the old woman, whose grief is re
lated in the narrative. The place called " Manomet,
twenty miles south of us," is Sandwich, and Nauset is the
towit or territory of Eastham, whither the explorers were
going ; the place called Manamoick is said to be Chatham,
and the harbor of Cummaquid, where they put in for the
night, is Barnstable Harbor. These are all the localities
that need to be noticed, and we only add, from Governor
Bradford, in Prince's Chronology, that the person or per
sons mentioned at Manamoick were paid for their corn ;
" those people also come and make their peace, and we
give them full satisfaction for the corn we had formerly
found in their country ."f The Pilgrims were upright and
kind in all their dealings with the Indians.
• Note in Chronicles of the Pilgrims, page 149.
t Prince's New England Chronology, vol. i. p. 108.

VOYAGE MADE BY TEN
of our Men to the Kingdome of
N A V s E T, to seeke a Boy that had
lost himselfe in the Woods;
With such Accidents as
befell VS in that
Voyage.

e IV^ of lune we set forth, the weather being very
™ faire : but ere we had bin long at Sea, there arose a
storme of wind and raine, with much lightning and
® thunder, in so much that a spout arose not far from
vs : but God be praysed, it dured not long, and we put
in that night for Harbour at a place, called Cummaquid,
where wee had some hope to finde the Boy. Two Savages were in
the Boat with vs, the one was Tisquantum our Interpreter, the other
Tokamaliamon, a speciall friend. It being night before we came in,
we Anchored in the middest of the Bay, where we were drie at a
low water. In the morning we espied Savages seeking Lobsters,
and sent our two Interpreters to speake with them, the channell
being betweene them ; where they told them what we were, and
for what we were come, willing them not at all to feare vs, for we
would

78 NEW-ENGLAND
would not hurt them. Their answere was, that the Boy was well,
but he was at Nauset ; yet since wee were there they desired vs
to come ashore & eate with them : which as soone as our Boat
floated we did : and went sixe ashore, having foure pledges for
them in the Boate. They brought vs to their Sachim or Gouer-
nour, whom they call lyanough, a man not exceeding twentie-six
yeeres of age, but very personable, gentle, courteous, and fayre
conditioned, indeed not like a Savage, saue for his attyre ; his
entertainement was answerable to his parts, and his cheare plen-
tifull and various.
One thing was very grieuous vnto vs at this place ; There was
an old woman, whom we iudged to be no lesse then an hundred
yeeres old, which came to see vs because shee neuer saw English,
yet could not behold vs without breaking forth into great passion,
weeping and crying excessiuely. We demaunding the reason of it,
they told vs, she had three sons, who when master Hunt was in
these parts went aboord his ship to trade with him, and he carried
them Captiues into Spaine ( for Tisquantum at that time was car
ried away also ) by which meanes she was depriued of the com
fort of her children in her old age. We told them we we.re sorry
that any English man should giue them that offence, that Hunt
was a bad man, and that all the . English that heard of it con
demned him for the same : but for vs we would not offer them
any such iniury, though it would gaine vs all the skins in the
Countrey. So we gaue her some small trifles, which somewhat
appeased her.
After dinner we tooke Boat for Nauset, lyanough and two of
his men accompanying vs. Ere we came to Nauset, the day and
tyde were almost spent, in so much as we could not goe in with
our Shallop : but the Sachim or Governour of Commaquid went
a-shore and his men with him, we also sent Tisquantum to tell .4s-
pinet the Sachim of Nauset wherefore we came. The Sauages here
"came very thicke amongst vs, and were earnest with vs to bring in
our Boate. But we neither well could, nor yet desired to doe it,
because we had lest cause to trust them, being they onely had
formerly made an Assault vpon vs in the same place, in time of
our Winter Discouery for Habitation. And indeed it was no
maruayle

IN AMERICA. 79
maruayle they did so, for howsoeuer through snow or otherwise
wee saw no houses , yet wee were in the middest of them.
When our boat was a ground they came very thicke, but wee
stood therein vpon our guard, not suffering any to enter except
two : the one being of Maramoick, and one of those , whose Corne
we had formerly found, we promised him restitution, & desired
him either to come to Patuxet for satisfaction, or else we would
bring them so much corne againe, hee promised to come, we vsed
him very kindely for the present. Some few skins we gate there
but not many.
After Sun-set, Aspinet came with a great traine, & brought the
boy with him, one bearing him through the water .• hee had not
lesse than an hundred with him , the halfe whereof came to the
Shallop side vnarmed with him, the other stood aloofe with their
bow and arrowes. There he delivered vs the boy, behung with
beades, and made peace with vs , wee bestowing a knife on him,
and likewise on another that first entertained the Boy and brought
him thither. So they departed from vs.
Here we vnderstood, that the Narrohiganset^ had spoyled some
of Massasoyts men, and taken him. This strucke some feare in
vs , because the Colony was so weakely guarded, the strengtli
thereof being abroad : But we set foorth with resolution to make
the best hast home wee could ; yet the winde being contrary,
having scarce any fresh water leaft, and at least, 16. leagues
home, we put in againe for the shore. There we met againe with
lyanough the Sachim of Cummaquid, and the most of his Towne,
both men women & children with him. Hee being still willing
to gratifie vs, tooke a runlet and led our men in the darke a great
way for water , but could finde none good : yet brought such as
there was on his necke with them. In the meane time the women
ioyned hand in hand, singing and dancing before the Shallop, the
men also shewing all the kindnes they could , lyanough himselfe
taking a bracelet from about his necke, and hanging it vpon one
of vs.
Againe we set out but to small purpose , for we gat but little
homeward ; Our water also was very brackish , and not to be
drunke. The

80 NEW. ENGLAND IN AMERICA.
The next morning, lyanough espied vs againe and ran after vs ;
we being resolved to goe to Cummaquid againe to water, tooke
him into the Shallop, whose entertainement was not inferiour vnto
the former.
The soyle at Nauset and here is alike , even and sandy, not so
good for corne as where we are ; Shipps may safely ride in eyther
harbour. In the Summer, they abound with fish.
Being now watered, we put forth againe,
and by Gods providence, came
safely home that night.
(V)

THE EXPEDITION TO NAMASCHET, OR MIDDLE-
BOROUGH.

The next narrative in this volume is the fruit of the Treaty
of the Pilgrims with the great King Massasoit. On their
return from Nauset, word having been brought to the Pil
grims concerning the conspiracy against Massasoit, and in
formation also that their friend Squanto was either killed
or in great danger, they resolved at once upon the follow
ing expedition. Mr. Prince records it in his Chronology
under date of Aug. 13th, 1621, as follows :
"At this the Governor assembles our company, and
taking counsel, 'tis conceived not fit to be borne ; for if we
should suffer our friends and messengers thus to be wrong
ed, we shall have none to cleave to us, or give us intelli
gence, or do us any service, but would next fall upon us,
&c. We therefore resolve to send ten men to-morrow,
with Hobamok, to seize our foes^ in the night ; if Squanto
be killed, to cut off Coubitant's head, but hurt only those
who had a hand in the murder, and retain Nepeof, another
Sachem in the confederacy, till we hear of Massasoit."*
The next day, August 14th, they set out, and after com
plete success in their expedition, returned home Aug. 1 5th,
at night, attended by many friends, and bringing three
wounded savages, whom they cured of their wounds, and
sent back again. The consequences of this expedition
* Prince's New England Chronology, vol. i. p. 100.
4*

82 the expedition to namaschet.
were happy for the Colony. " After this," says Governor
Bradford, in Prince, " we have many gratulations from di
verse Sachems, and much firmer peace. Yea, those of the
Isle of Capawak send to secure our friendship ; and Cor-
bitant himself uses the mediation of Massasoit to be recon
ciled. Yea, Canonicus, Chief Sachem of the Narragan
setts, sends a messenger to treat of peace."
Under date of September 13th, 1621, it is also added
that nine Sachems subscribed an instrument of submission
to King James, whose names are given. " Yea Massasoit
in writing under his hand to Captain Standish, has owned
the King of England to be his master. Both he and many
other kings under him, as of Pamet, Nauset, Cummaquid,
Namasket, with diverse others, who dwell about the bays
of Patuxet and Massachusetts ; and all this by friendly
usage, love, and peace, just and honest carriage, good coun
sel, and so forth."
Such were the happy fruits of the kind, upright, and
energetic character and dealings of the Pilgrims.

lOVRN^EY TO THE
Kingdome of NAMASCHET
. in defence of the Great King
Massasoyt against the Nar-
rohiggansets, and to revenge
the supposed Death
of our Interpreter
Tisquantum.

our returne from Nauset, we found it true, that
Massasoyt was put from his Countrey by the Narro-
^ higganseis. Word also was brought vnto vs, that one
Coubatant, a petty Sachim or Governour vnder Mas
sasoyt (whom they euer feared to be too conversant
with the Narrohiggansets) was at Namaschet, who
sought to draw the hearts of Massasoyts subjects from him, speak
ing also of vs, storming at the Peace between Nauset, Cummaquid,
and vs, and at Tisquantum, the worker of it ; also at Toka
mahamon, and one Hobbamock (two Indians or Lemes,* one
• Or Lemes. Dr. Young regards this as a mistake ot the printers for
our allies. of

84 NEW. ENGLAND
of which he would trecherously haue murdered a little be-
fore, being a speciall and trusty man of Massasoyts) Tokama
hamon went to him, but the other two would not ; yet put
their Hues in their hands, priuately went" to see if they could
heare of their King, and lodging at Namaschet were discouered to
Coubatant, who set a guard to beset the house and tooke Tisquan
tum (for he had sayd, if he were tiead, the English had lost their
tongue) Hobbamock seeing that Tisquantum was taken, and Cou
batant held a knife at his breast, being a strong and stout man,
hrake from them and came to New-Plimmouth, full of feare and
sorrow for Tisquantum, whom he thought to be slaine.
Vpon this Newes the Company assembled together, and re-
solued on the morrow to send ten men armed to Namaschet
' and Hobbamock, for their guide, to reuenge the supposed death ot
Tisquantum on Coubatant our bitter Enemy, and to retains
Nepeof, another Sachem or Gouernour, who was . of this confe
deracy, till we heard, what was become of our friend Massa
soyt. Aug. 14, On the morrow we set out ten men Armed, who tooke
^^^^- their iourney as aforesayd, but the day proved very wett.
When we supposed we were within three or foure myles of
Namaschet, we went out of the way and stayed there till night,
because we would not be discovered. There we consulted what
to doe, and thinking best to beset the house at mid-night, each
was appointed to his taske by the Captaine, all men incouraging
one another, to the vtmost of their power.
, By night our guide lost his way, which much discouraged our
men, being we were wet, and weary of our armes : but one of
our men hauing beene before at Namaschet brought vs into the
way againe.
Before we came to the Towne we sat downe and ate such as
our Knapsacke affoorded, that being done, we threw them aside,
and all such things as might hinder vs, and so went on and beset
the house, according to our last resolution. Those thatentred, de
maunded if Coubatant were not there : but feare had bereft the
Savages of speech. We charged them not to stirre, for if Cou
batant were not there, we would not meddle with them, if he were, we

IN AMERICA. 85
We came principally for him, to be auenged on him for the sup
posed death of Tisquantum, and other matters : but howsoeuer
wee would not at all hurt their women, or children. Notwith
standing some of them pressed out at a priuate doore and es
caped, but with some wounds : At length perceiuing our princi
pall ends, they told vs Coubatant was returned with all his traine,
and that Tisquantum was yet lining, and in the town offering some
Tobacco, other such as they had to eate. In this hurley hurley
we discharged two Peeces at Randome, which much terrified
all the Inhabitants, except Tisquantum and Tokamahamon, who
though they knew not our end in comming, yet assured them of
our honesty, that we would not hurt them. Those boyes that
were in the house seeing our care of women, often cried Neens-
quaes, that is to say, I am a Woman : the Women also hanging
vpon Hobbamock, calling him Towam, that is. Friend . But to be
short, we kept them we had, and made them make a fire that we
might see to search the house. In the meane time, Hobbamock
gat on the top of the house, and called Tisquantum and Tokama
hamon, which came vnto vs accompanied with others, some armed
and others naked. Those that had Bowes and Arrowes we tooke
them away, promising them againe when it was day. The house
we tooke ; for our better safegard ; but released those we had
taken, manifesting whom we came for and wherefore.
On thejiext morning we marched into the middest of the Towne,
and went to the house of Tisquantum to breakfast. Thither came
all whose hearts were vpright towards vs, but all Coubatants fac
tion were fled away. There in the middest of them we mani
fested againe our intendment, assuring them, that although Cou
batant had now escaped vs, yet there was no place should .secure
him and his from vs if he continued his threatning vs, and pro-
uoking others against vs, who had kindly entertained him, and
neuer intended euill towards him till he now so iustly deserued it.
Moreover, if Massasoyt did not returne in safetie from Narrohig
ganset, or if hereafter he should make any insurrection against
him, or offer violence to Tisquantum, Hobbamock, or any of Mas
sasoyts Subiects, we would revenge it vpon him, to the ouer-throw
of him and his. As for those were wounded, we were sorry for it.

86 NEW ENGLAND IN AMJERICA.
it, though themselues procured it in not staying in the house at
our command : yet if they would returne home with vs, our Sur
geon should heale them.
At this offer, one man and a woman that were wounded went
home with vs, Tisquantum and many other knowne friends ac
companying vs, and offering all helpe that might be by car
riage of any thing wee had to ease us. So that by
Gods good Providence wee safely return
ed home the morrow night after
we set forth.
(V)

EXPEDITION TO THE MASSACHUSETTS.

The next and last narrative in this volume is that of the ex
pedition to Boston Bay, and the country of the Massachu
setts. The preceding narrative of the journey to Nama
schet ends Aug. 15th, 1621 ; this begins about a month af
terwards, September 18th, 1621. The sachem of the point
of country whither their visit was directed, which about
ten years after was to be called Boston, was under the
sovereignty of Massasoit. The present expedition was one
of peace and commerce, or " truck" with the natives, ac
cording to the expression used in the Journal.
The reader will remark with surprise, on this occasion,
as on some others recorded in the narratives, the extreme
fear in which the Indians seem to have stood of the English,
shaking and trembling for terror. It is probable that this
was partly owing to the report which Squanto had spread
among them, that the Pilgrims had in their possession a
cask containing the Great Plague, which had so fearfully
desolated the country, and that they could let it out at plea
sure. The poor creatures seem sometimes to have expect
ed that the very sight and presence of the Pilgrims would
make their bodies break out in the deadly carbuncles of the
Pestilence. This expedition ends Sept. 20th, 1621. The record of it
in Prince's Chronology is succeeded by the following sum
mer note from Gov. Bradford : "All the summer, no want ;
while some were trading, others were fishing Cod, Bass,
&c. We now gather in our harvest ; and, as cold weather

88 expedition to the Massachusetts.
advances, come in store of water fowl, wherewith this
place abounds, though afterward they by degrees decrease ;
as also abundance of wild Turkies with venison, &c. Fit
our houses against winter, are in health, and have all things
in plenty."

A

RELATION OF OVR
Vojage to MASSACHVSET8,
And what happened there.

#^##T seemed good to the Company in generall, that though
m ^ the Massachusets has often threatened vs (as we were
S! w informed) yet we should goe amongst them, partly to

#

#

see the Countrey, partly to make Peace with them, and

•^tS^i^ partly to procure their trucke.
For these ends the Governours chose ten men, fit
for the purpose, and sent Tisquantum, and two other Salvages to
bring vs to speech with the people, and interpret for vs.
18 Sept. We set out about mid-night, the tyde then seruing for vs ;
^^^' we supposing it to be neerer then it is, thought to be there
the next morning betimes : but it proued well neere twentie
Leagues from New Plimmouth.
We came into the bottome of the Bay, but being late wee an
chored and lay in the Shallop, not hauing seene any of the
people. The next morning we put in for the shore. There
we found many Lobsters that had beene gathered together by the
Supposed Saluages, which we made ready vnder a cliffe. The
Copp's Hill. Qaptaine set two Sentinels behind the cliffe to the land
ward to secure the Shallop, and taking a guide with him, and
foure of our company, went to seeke the Inhabitants, where they met

90 NEW-ENGLAND
met a woman comming for her Lobsters, they told her of them,
and contented her for them. She told them where the people
were ; Tisquantum went to them, the rest returned, hauing di
rection which way to bring the Shallop to them.
The Sachim, or Gouernour of this place, is called Obbatinewat,
and though he Hue in the bottome of the Massachuset bay, yet he
is vnder Massasoyt. He vsed vs very kindly ; he told vs, he
durst not then remaine in any setled place, for feare of the
Tarentines. Also the Squa Sachim, or Massachusets Queene was
an enemy to him.
We told him of diuers Sachims that had acknowledged them
selves to be King I am e s his men, and if he also would submit
himselfe, we would be his safegard from his enemies ; which he
did, and went along with vs to bring vs to the Squa Sachim.
Againe we crossed the Bay which is very large, and hath at lest
fifty Hands in it ; but the certaine number is not knowne to the
Inhabitants. Night it was before wee came to that side of
the Bay where this people were. On shore the Saluages went
but found no body. That night also we rid at Anchor aboord the
Shallop. On the morrow we went ashore, all but two men, and marched
in Armes vp in the Countrey. Hauing gone three myles, we
came to a place where Corne had beene newly gathered, a house
pulled downe, and the people gone. A mile from hence, Nane-
pashemet their King in his life time had lined. His house was
not like others, but a scaffold was largely built, with pools and
plancks some six foote from the ground, and the house vpon that,
being situated on the top of a hill.
Not farre from hence in a bottome, wee came to a Fort built
by their deceased King, the manner thus ; There were pools
some thirtie 6r fortie foote long, stucke in the ground as thick as
they could be set one by another, and with these they inclosed a
ring some forty or fifty foote ouer. A trench breast high was
digged on each side ; one way there was to goe into it with a
bridge ; in the midst of this Pallizado stood the frame of an
house, wherein being dead he lay buryed.
About a myle from hence, we came to such another, but seat ed

IN AMERICA. 91
ed on the top of an hill : here Nanepasliemet was killed, none
dwelling in it since the time of his death. At this place we stay
ed, and sent two Saluages to looke the Inhabitants, and to informe
them of our ends in comming, that they might not be fearefull .of
vs : Within a myle of this place they found the women of the
place together, with their Corne on heapes, which we supposed
them to be fled for feare of vs, and the more, because in diuers
places they had newly pulled downe their houses, and for hast in
one place had left some of their Corne couered with a Mat, and no
body with it.
With much feare they entertained vs at first, but seeing our
gentle carriage towards them, they tooke heart and entertained vs
in the best manner they could, boyling Cod and such other things
as they had for vs. At length with much sending for came one
of their men, shaking and trembling for feare. But when he
saw we intended them no hurt, but came to trucke, he promised
vs his skins also. Of him we enquired for their Queene,
but it seemed shee was far from thence, at lest we could not see
her. Here Tisquantum would haue had vs rifled the Saluage women,
and taken their skins, and all such things as might be seruiceable
for vs ; for (sayd he) they are a bad people, and haue oft threat-
ned you : But our answere was ; Were they neuer so bad, we
would not wrong them, or giue them any just occasion against
vs : for \heir words we little weighed them, but if they once at
tempted any thing against vs, then we would deale far worse then
he desired.
Hauing well spent the day, we returned to the Shallop, almost
all the Women accompanying vs, to trucke, who sold their coats
from their backes, and tyed boughes about them,' but with great
shamefastnesse (for indeed they are more modest then some of
our English women are) we promised them to come againe to
them, and they vs, to keepe their skins. •
Within this Bay, the Salvages say, there are two Riuers ; the
one whereof we saw, hauing a faire entrance, but we had no time
to dLscouer it. Better harbours for shipping cannot be then here
are. At the entrance of the Bay are many Rockes ; and in all
likelihood

92 NEW-ENGLAND IN AMERICA.
likelihood very good fishing ground. Many, yea, most of the
Hands haue beene inhabited, some being cleered from end to end,
but .the people are all dead, or remoued.
Our victuall growing scarce, the Winde comming
fayre, and hauing a light Moone, we set out at
euening, and through the goodnesse of
God, came safely home be
fore noone the day
following,

MR. WINSLOW'S LETTER.

The following letter to a loving and old friend, as the sig
nature imports, is from Edward Winslow. Between this
and the preceding narrative of the expedition to the Mas
sachusetts is an interval of three months, that is, from Sept.
20th to Dec. 13th, when the ship sailed which carried Mr.
Winslow's letter. That ship was the Fortune, which ar
rived at Cape Cod Nov. 9th, with thirty-five persons to be
added to the Pilgrim Colony. Among them came Mr.
Cushman, who, however, returned to England in the same
vessel, according to appointment with the merchant ad
venturers. By the eleventh of December the Colonists had built'
seven dwelling houses ; four for the use of the plantation ;
and had " made provisions for diverse others." Meantime
" both Massasoit, the greatest King of the natives, and all
the princes and people round about, had made peace with
them ; seven of them at once sent their messengers for
that end." It was under these favorable circumstances,
and in the indulgence of such hopes, as would naturally
grow out of a state of things like that mentioned in Gov.
Bradford's Summer Note aforesaid, that this letter frjDm
Mr. Winslow was written. Only the bright side was per
mitted to be seen. But the very addition which the For
tune brought to the numbers of the Colony, without any
adequate supply of provisions, was a preparation of evil.
Besides this, the Pilgrims were compelled, out of their
scanty stock, to help victual the Fortune for her return

94

MR. WINSLOW S LETTER.

voyage ; so that soon after her departure grim famine be
gan to look them in the face.
Mr. Winslow's letter is dated at Plymouth, the eleventh
of December, and that is the latest date to which this volume
of the Pilgrim Narratives brings us. The summer had been
delightful, the climate lovely, the natural fruits of the earth
abundant ; grapes, strawberries, and budding and blossom
ing roses, in such sweetness and variety, that for a little
while New England looked like a Paradise. The severest
trials of the Colony, by the early mortality, had been pass
ed through, and even the opening winter looked promising ;
but the dread trial by Famine they had yet to endure.

A
LETTER SENT FROM
New-England to a friend in these parts,
setting forth a briefe and true Declaration
of the worth of that Plantation ;
As also certaine vseful Directions
for such as intend a V o y a g e
into those Parts.
!^@!^^Ouing, and old Friend, although I receiued no Letter
@ W ^ from you by this Ship, yet forasmuch as I know you
w Ik expect the performance of my promise, which was, to
^. Mil W ivrite vnto you truely and faithfully of all things, I
^^^ ^ haue therefore at this time sent vnto you accordingly.
Referring you for further satisfaction to our more large
Relations. You shall vnderstand, that in this little time, that a
few of vs haue beene here, we haue built seauen dwelling houses,
and foure for the vse of the Plantation, and haue made preparation
for divers others. We set the last Spring some twentie Acres of
Indian Corne, and sowed some six acres of Barly & Pease, and
according to the manner of the Indians, we manured our ground
with Herings or rather Shadds, which we haue in great abun
dance, and take with great ease at our doores. Our Come did
proue well, & God be praysed, we had a good increase of Indian-
Come, and our Barly indifferent good, but our Pease not worth the
gathering, for we feared they were too late sowne, they came vp
very well, and blossomed, but the Sunne parched them in the blos-
some ; our harvest being gotten in, our Governour sent foure men
on fowling, that so we might after a more speciall manner reioyce
together, after we had gathered the fruit of our labours ; they foure
in one day killed as much fowle, as with a little helpe beside,.
served the Company almost a weeke, at which time amongst
other Recreations, we exercised our Armes, many of the Indians
comuig amongst vs, and amongst the rest their greatest King

96 NEW-ENGLAND
Massasoyt, with some nintie men, whom for three dayes we en
tertained and feasted, and they went out and killed fiue Deere,
which they brought to the Plantation and bestowed on our Gover
nour, and vpon the Captaine, and others. And although it be not
alwayes so plentifull, as it was at this time with ys, yet by the
goodnesse of God, we are so farre from want, that we often wish
you partakers of our plentie. Wee haue found the Indians very
faithfull in their Covenant of Peace with vs ; very louing and
readie to pleasure vs ; we often goe to them, and they come to vs ;
some of vs haue bin fiftie myles by Land in the Country with
them ; the occasions and Relations whereof you shall vnderstand
by our generall and more full Declaration of such things as are
worth the noting, yea, it hath pleased God so to possesse the Indians
with a feare of vs, and loue vnto vs, that not onely the greatest King
amongst them called Massasoyt, but also all the Princes and peoples
round about vs, haue either made sute vnto vs, or beene glad of any
occasion to make peace with vs, so that seauen of them at once haue
sent their messengers to vs to that end, yea, an Isle at sea, which
we neuer saw, hath also together with the former yeelded willing
ly to be vnder the protection, and subiects to our soueraigne Lord
King I A M E s, so that there is now great peace amongst the In
dians themselues, which was not formerly, neither would haue
bin but for vs ; and we for our parts walke as peaceably and
safely in the wood, as in the hie-wayes in England, we entertaine
them familiarly in our houses, and they as friendly bestowing
their Venison on vs. They are a people without any Religion,
or knowledge of any God, yet very trustie, quicke of apprehen
sion, ripe witted, iust, the men and women goe naked, onely a
skin about their middles ; for the temper of the ayre, here it
agreeth well with that in England, and if there be any difference at
all, this is some what hotter in Summer, some thinke it to be colder
in Winter, but I cannot out of experience so say ; the ayre is very
cleere and not foggie, as hath beenei reported. I neuer in my life
remember a more seasonable yeare, ihen we haue here enioyed ;
and if we haue once but Kine, Horses, and Sheepe, I make no
question, but men might Hue as contented here as in any part of
the world. For fish and fowle we haue great abundance, fresh
Codd in the Summer is but course meat with vs, our Bay is full of
Lobsters

IN AMERICA. 97
Lobsters all the Summer, and affordeth varietie of other Fish ; in
September we can take a Hogshead of Eeles in a night, with
small labour, & can dig them out of their beds, all the Winter ;
we haue Mussels and Othus* at our doores : Oysters we haue
none neere, but we can haue them brought by the Indians when
we will ; all the Spring time the earth sendeth forth naturally
very good Sallet Herbs : here are Grapes, white and red, and
very sweete and strong also. Strawberies, Gooseberies, Ras-
pas, &c. Plums of three sorts, white, blacke and red, being almost
as good as a Damsen : abundance of Roses, white, red, and
damask : single, but very sweet indeed ; the Countrey wanteth
onely industrious men to imploy, for it would grieue your hearts
(if as I) you had seene so many myles together by goodly Riuers
vninhabited, and withall to consider those parts of the world
wherein you Hue, to be euen greatly burthened with abundance
of people. These things I thought good to let you vnderstand,
being the truth of things as nere as I could experimentally take
knowledge of, and that you might on our behalfe giue God thankes
who had delt so fauorably with vs.
Our supply of men from you came the ninth of November
16 2 1. putting in at Cape Cod, some eight or ten leagues from
vs. The Indians that dwell thereabout were they who were
owners of the Corne which we found in Caues, for which we haue
giuen them full content, and are in great league with them.
They sent vs word there was a ship nere unto them, but thought
it to be a French man, and indeede for our selues we expected not
a friend so soone. But when we perceiued that she made for
our Bay, the Gouernor commanded a great Peece to be shot off,
to call home such as were abroad at worke ; whereupon euery
man, yea, boy that could handle a Gun were readie, with full
resolution, that if she were an enemy, we would stand in our
iust defence, not feareing them, but God provided better for vs
then we supposed ; these came all in health vnto vs, not any being
sicke by the way (otherwise then by Sea sicknesse) and so con
tinue at this time, by the blessing of God. The good-wife Ford
was deliuered of a sonne the first night shee landed, and both of
them are very well. When it pleaseth God, we are setled and
fitted fox the fishing busines, and other trading, I doubt not but
' Perhaps this is a misprint pi the word cqckles,
5 ¦ ¦ by

98 NEW -ENGLAND
by the blessing of God, the gayne wiH giue content to all ; in the
meane time, that wee haue gotten we haue sent by this ship, and
though it be not much, yet it will witnesse for vs, that wee haue
not beene idle, considering the smallnesse of our number all this
Summer. Wee hope the Marchants will accept of it, and be
incouraged to furnish vs with things needfuU for further imploy
ment, which will also incourage vs to put forth our selues to the
vttermost. Now because I expect your comming vnto vs with
other of our friends, whose companie we much desire, I thought
good to advertise you of a few things needfull ; be carefull to
haue a very good bread-roome to put your Biskets in, let your
Cask for Beere and Water be Iron-bound for the first tyre if not
more ; let not your meat be drie salted, none can better doe it
then the Saylers ; let your meale be so hard trodd in your Cask
that you shall need an Ads or Hatchet to work it out with :
Trust not too much on vs for Corne at this time, for by reason of
this last company that came, depending wholy on vs, we shall
haue" little enough till haruest ; be carefull to come by some of
your meale to spend by the way, it will much refresh you. Build
your Cabbins as open as you can, and bring good store of clothes,
and bedding with you ; bring euery man a Musket or fowling
Peece, let your Peece be long in the barrell, and feare not the
Waight of it, for most of our shooting is from Stands ; bring iuyce
of Lemons, and take it fasting, it is of good vse ; for hot waters,
Anni-seed water is the best, but vse it sparingly ; if you bring
any thing for comfort in the Country, Butter or Sallet oyle, or
both is very good ; our Indian Corne even the coursest, maketh
as pleasant meat as Rice, therefore spare that vnlesse to spend by
the way ; bring Paper, and Linced oyle for your Windowes, with
Cotton yarne for your Lamps ; let your shott be most for bigge
Fowles, and bring store of Powder and shot : I forbeare further
to write for the present, hoping to see you by the next returne, so I
take my leaue, commending you to the L o r d for a safe conduct
vnto vs. Resting in him
Plimmouth in New-England
this 1 1 . of December.
16 2 1. Your louing Friend.
E. W.

MR. CUSHMAN'S REASONS.

The following document, according to the signature, is
from Mr. Cushman. It was published with this Journal of
the Pilgrims, as the closing document in the volume, to per
suade good persons who were hesitating, to join the Colony.
Mr. Cushman had just spent a month with the Pilgrims at
Plymouth, had bidden them farewell to sail in the Fortune
for England, Dec. 13th, 1621, and arrived in London about
two months afterwards, in February, 1622. During the
little time while he was with the Pilgrims, he delivered for
the benefit of the Colony a discourse on the sjn and danger
of self-love ; an excellent and pithy discourse, of a tenor
very similar to that of the " Reasons and Considerations,"
following in this volume. Mr. Cushman was a man of
ability and integrity, and of a public and self-denying
spirit.

Reasons ^ considerations touching
the lawfulnesse of remouing out of
England into the parts of America.
'^^^i^Orasmuch as many exceptions are daily .^j^^
@ l!pt ^ made against the going into, and inhabiting Pfeambie.
^ «^® of forraine desert places, to the hinderances of planta-
X ffl[ ^ tions abroad, and the increase of distractions at home :
^jSsS^ It is not amisse that some which haue beene eare
witnesses of the exceptions made, and are either
Agents or Abettors of such remouals and plantations, doe seeke
to giue content to the world, in all things that possibly they
can. And although the most of the opposites are such as either
dreame of raising their fortunes here, to that then which there is
nothing more vnlike, or such as affecting their home-borne
countrey so vehemently, as that they had rather with all their
friends begge, yea "starue in it, then vndergoe a little difficultie
in seeking abroad ; yea are there some who out of doubt in
tendernesse of conscience, and feare to offend God by running
before they be called, are straitned and doe straiten others, from
going to forraine plantations.
For whose cause especially, I haue beene drawne out of my
good affection to them, to publish some reasons that might giue
them content and satisfaction, and also stay and stop the wilfull
and wittie cauiller : and herein I trust I shall not be blamed of
any godly wise, though thorow my slender iudgement I should
misse the marke, and not strike the naile on the head, considering
it is the first attempt that hath beene made (that I know of) to
defend those enterprises. Reason' would therefore, that if any
man of deeper reach and better iudgement see further or other
wise, that he rather instruct me, then deride me.
And being studious for breuitie, we must first con- „''*"';°?'i
'^ ' Oen. 12. 1, 2.
sider, that whereas God of old did call and summon ^ 35. i.
our Fathers by predictions, dreames, visions, and certaine illu
minations to goe from their countries, places and ha- j^„, g jg
bitations, to reside and dwell here or there, and to ^^'^- ^''*- ''•
wander vp and downe from citie to citie, and Land to Land, ac
cording

102 NEW-ENGLAND
cording to his will and pleasure. Now there is no such calling
to be expected for any matter whatsoeuer, neither must any so
much' as imagine that there will now be any such
thing. God did once so traine vp his people, but
now he doth not, but speakes in another manner, and so we must
apply our selues to Gods present dealing, and not to his wonted
dealing : and as the miracle of giving Manna ceasedj
when the fruits of the land became plentie,: so God
hauing such a plentifull , storehouse of directions in his holy
word, there must not now any extraordinary reuelations be ex-
pected. But now the ordinarie examples and precepts of the Scriptures
reasonably and rightly vnderstood and applied, must be the
voice and word, that must call vs, presse vs, and direct vs in
euery action.
Neither is there any land or possession now, like vnto the
possession which the lews had in Canaan, being legally
holy and appropriated vnto a holy people the seed of
Abraham, in which they dwelt securely, and had their dales
prolonged, it being by an immediate voice said, that he (the
Lord) gaue it them as a land of rest after their wearie trauels,
and a type of Eternall rest in heauen, but now there is no land
of that Sanctimonie, no land so appropriated ; none typicall :
much lesse any that can be said to be giuen of God to any nation
as was Canaan, which they and their seed must dwell in, till
God sendeth vpon them sword or captiuitie : but now we are in
all places strangers and Pilgrims, trauellers and soiourners,
most properly, hauing no dwelling but in this
"''¦¦'•¦ earthen Tabernacle ; our dwelling is but a wand-
ring, and our abiding but as a fleeting, and in a word our home
So were the IS no where, but in the heauens : in that house not
thrir'teraporaii made with hands, whose maker and builder is God,
inheritonces' and to which all ascend that loue the comming of
were more our Lord lesus.
large thanours. mi , , ,
Though then, there may be reasons to perswade
a man to Hue in this or that land, yet there cannot be the sartie
reasons which the lewes had, but now as naturall, ciuill and
Religious bands tie men, so they must be bound, and as 'good
rea

IN AMERICA. 103
reasons for things terrene and heauenly appeare, so they must
be led. And so here falleth in our question, how
a man that is here borne and bred, and hath lined
some yeares, may remoue himselfe into another countrie.
I answer, a man must not respect only to Hue, jinsw.
and doe good to himselfe, but he should see where ^y^j,^, persons
he can Hue to doe most good to others : for as one ""»y i'^"" '"-
^ moue.
saith. He whose lining is but for himselfe, it is time
he were dead. Some men there are who of necessitie must here
Hue, as being tied to duties either to Church, Common-wealth,
houshold, kindred, die. but others, and that many, who doe no
good in none of those nor can doe none, as being not able, or not
in fauour, or as wanting opportunitie, and Hue as outcasts : no
bodies, eie-sores, eating but for themselues, teaching but them
selues, and doing good to none, either in soule or body, and so
passe ouer dales, yeares, and moneths, yea so Hue and so die.
Now such should lift vp their eies and see whether there be not
some other place and countrie to which they may goe to doe
good and haue vse towards others of that knowledge, 2
wisdome, humanitie, reason, strength, skill, facultie, ^J/J^l?'
&c. which God haue giuen them for the seruice of ™™«-
others and his owne glory.
But not to passe the bounds of modestie so far as to name any,
though I confesse I know many, who sit here still with their
talent in a napkin, hauing notable endowments both
of body and minde, and might doe great good if they
were in some places, which here doe none, nor can doe none,
and yet through fleshly feare, niceness, straitnesse of heart,
&c. sit still and looke on, and will not hazard a dram of health,
nor a day of pleasure, nor an houre of rest to further the
knowledge and saluation of the sons of Adam in
that New world, where a drop of the knowledge
of Christ is most precious, which is here not set by. Now
what shall we say to such a profession of Christ, to which
is ioyned no more deniall of a mans selfe? But some
will say, what right haue I to goe Hue in the heathens
. . Ohiect.
countrie ?
Letting passe the ancient discoueries,; contracts and •^'""•
agreements

104 NEW-ENGLAND
agreements which our English men haue long since made
in those parts, together with the acknowledgement of the his-
tories and Chronicles of other nations, who professe the land
of America from the Cape Be Florida vnto the Bay of Canada
(which is South and North 300. leagues and vpwards ; and
East and West, further then yet hath beene discouered) is
proper to the King of England, yet letting that passe, lest I be
thought to meddle further then it concems me, or further then I
haue discerning : I will mention such things as are within my
reach, knowledge, sight and practise, since I haue trauailed in
these affaires. And first seeing we daily pray for the conuersion
¦''*'"' of the heathens, we must consider whether there be
not some ordinary meanes, and course for vs to take to conuert
them, or whether praier for them be only referred to Gods ex-
traordinarie worke from heauen. Now it seemeth vnto me that
we ought also to endeuour and vse the meanes to conuert them,
and the meanes cannot be vsed vnlesse we goe to them or they
come to vs : to vs they cannot come, our land is full : to them
we may goe, their land is emptie.
This then is a sufficient reason to proue our going
thither to Hue, lawfull : their land is spatious and
void, & there are few and doe but run ouer the grasse, as doe
also the Foxes and wilde beasts : they are not industrious,
neither haue art, scieuce, skill or facultie to vse either the land
or the commodities of it, but all spoiles, rots, and is marred for
want of manuring, gathering, ordering, &c. As the ancient
Patriarkes therefore remoued from straiter places into more
roomthy, where the Land lay idle and waste, and none vsed it,
though there dwelt inhabitants by them, as Gen. 1^. 6. 11. 12.
and 34. 21. and 41. 20. so is it lawfull now to take a land
which none vseth, and make vse of it.
Reas.i. -^""^ ^^ i*- '^ ^ common land or vnused, & vndressed
ransWered'M countrey ; so we haue it by common consent, com-
lespecting position and agreement, which agreement is double :
andtheterri- First the Imperial Gouernor Massasoit, whose cir-
the pianta- cuits in likelihood are larger then England and Scot-
™' land, hath acknowledged the Kings Maiestie of Eng land

, IN AMERICA. 105
land to be his Master and Commander, and that once in my
hearing, yea and in writing, vnder his hand to Captaine Stand
ish, both he and many other Kings which are vnder him, as
Pamet, Nauset, Cummaquid, Narrowhiggonset, Namascliet, ^c,
with diuers others that dwell about the bales of Patuxet, and
Massachuset : neither hath this beene accomplished by threats
and blowes, or shaking of sword, and sound of trumpet, for as our
facultie that way is small, and our strength lesse : so our war
ring with them is after another manner, namely by friendly
vsage, loue, peace, honest and iust cariages, good counsell, ^c.
Psai. 110 3 ^^^^ ^° ^^ ^°^ ^^^y "^^y ^'^^ °^y ^^^^ ^ peace in that
^ *2. 3. land, and they yeeld subiection to an earthly Prince,
but that as voluntaries they may be perswaded at length to em
brace the Prince of peace Christ lesus, and rest in peace with
him for euer.
Secondly, this composition is also more particular and applicatorie
as touching our selues there inhabiting : the Emperour by a ioynt
consent, hath promised and appointed vs to Hue at peace, where
we will in all his dominions, taking what place we will, and as much
land as we will, and bringing as many people as we will, and that for
these two causes. First, because we are the seruants of lames King
of England, whose the land (as he confesseth) is, 2. because he
hath found vs iust, honest, kinde and peaceable, and so loues our
company ; yea, and that in these things there is no dissimulation
on his part, nor feare of breach (except our securitie ingender in
them some vnthought of trecherie, or our vnciuilitie prouoke them
to anger) is most plaine in other Relations, which shew that the
things they did were more out of loue then out of feare.
It being then first a vast and emptie Chaos : Secondly acknow
ledged the right of our Soueraigne King : Thirdly, by a peace
able composition in part possessed of diuers of his louing subiects,
I see not who can doubt or call in question the lawfulnesse of
inhabiting or dwelling there, but that it may be as lawfull for
such as^are not tied vpon some speciall occasion here, to Hue-
there as well as here, yea, and as the enterprise is weightie and
difficult, so the honour is more worthy, to plant a rude wilder-
nesse, to enlarge the honour and fame of our dread Soueraigncj
hut chiefly to displaie the efficacie & power of the Gospell both
5* in

106 NEW- ENGLAND
in zealous preaching, professing, and wise walking vnder it,
before the faces of these poore hlinde Infidels.
As for such as obiect the tediousnesse of the voyage thither,
the danger of Pirats robberie, of the sauages trecherie,-
Proa. 23. 13. ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^_^ ^^^ Lyous in the way, and it were well
for such men if they were in heauen, for who can shew them-a,
place in this world where iniquitie shall not compasse them at
the heeles, and where they shall haue a day without
griefe, or a lease of life for a moment ; and who can
Jlfat.0.34. j.gjj jj^j Q^^^ ^jj^^ dangers may lie at our doores,
euen in our natiue countrie, or what plots may be abroad, or
when God will cause our sunne to goe downe at noone
dales, and in the midst of our peace and securitie, lay
vpon vs some lasting scourge for our so long neglect and contempt
of his most glorious Gospell. i
Ob. But we haue here great peace, plentie of the Gospell,- and
many sweet delights and varietie of comforts.
Answ. True indeed, and farre be it from vs to denie and
diminish the least of these mercies, but haue we ren-
'¦ '"'¦•¦ (Jered vnto God thankfull obedience for this long peace,
whilst other peoples haue beene at wars ? haue we not rather
murmured, repined, and fallen at iars amongst our selues, whilst
our peace hath lasted with forraigne power ? was there euer more
suits in law, more enuie, contempt and reproch then
' ' now adaies ? Abraham and Lot departed asunder
when there fell a breach betwixt them, which was occasioned by
the straightnesse of the land : and surely I am perswaded, that
howsoeuer the j frailties of men are principall in all contentions,
yet the straitnes of the place is such, as each man is faine to
plucke his meanes as it were out of his neighbours throat, there
is such pressing and oppressing in towne and countrie, about
Farmes, trades, traffique, &c. so as a man can hardly any where
set vp a trade; but he shall pull downe two of his neighbours.
The Townes abound with young trades- men, and the Hospitals
are full of the Auncient, the country is replenished with new
Farmers, and the Almes-houses are filled with old Labourers,
many there are who get their liuing with bearing burdens, but
more are faine to burden the land with their whole bodies : multi tudes

IN AMERICA. 107
tudes get their meanes of life by prating, and so doe numbers
more by begging. Neither come these straits vpon men alwaies
through intemperanoy, ill husbandry, indiscretion, &c. as some
thinke, but euen the most wise, sober, and discreet men, goe
often to the wall, when theyjhaue done their best, wherein as
Gfod's prouidence swaieth all, so it is easie to see, that the strait
nesse of the place hauing in it so many strait hearts, cannot but
produce such effects more and more, so as euery indifferent
minded man should be ready to say with Father Abraliam, Take
thou the right hand, and I will lake the left : Let vs not thus op-
presse, straiten, and afflict one another, but seeing there is a
spatious Land, the way to which is thorow the sea, wee will end ,
this difference in a day.
That I speake nothing about the bitter contention that hath
beene about Religion, by writing, disputing, and inueighing
earnestly one against another, the heat of which zeale, if it were
turned against the rude barbarisme of the Heathfens, it might doe
more good in a day, then it hath done here in many yeares.
Neither of the little loue to the Gospel!, and profit which is made
by the Preachers in most places, which might easily driue the
zealous to the Heathens who no doubt if they had but a drop of
that knowledge which here flieth about the streetes, would be
filled with exceeding great ioy and gladnesse, as that they would
euen plucke the kingdome of heauen by violence, and take it as
it were by force.
The greatest let that is yet behinde is the sweet fel
lowship of friends, and the satietie of bodily delights.
But can there be two neerer friends almost then Abraham and
Lot, or then Paul and Barnabas, and yet vpon as little occasions
as we haue heere, they departed asunder, two of them being
Patriarchs of the Church of old ; the other the Apostles of the
Church which is new, and their couenants were such as it seem
eth might binde as much as any couenant betweene men at this
day, and yet to auoid greater inconueniences they departed
asunder. Neither must men . take so much thought for the flesh, as not
to be pleased except they can pamper their bodies with variety
of dainties. Nature is content with little, and health is inuch
endafigered.

108 NEW-ENGLAND
endangered, by mixtures vpon the stomach : The delights of the
palate doe often inflame the vitall parts : as the tongue
setteth a fire the whole body. Secondly, varieties
here are not common to all, but many good men are glad to snap
at a crust. The rent taker Hues en sweet morsels, but the rent
payer eats a drie crust often with watery eies : and it is nothing
to say what some one of a hundreth hath, but what the bulke,
body and cominalty hath, which I warrant you is short enough.
And they also which now Hue so sweetly, hardly will their
children attaine to that priuiledge, but some circumuentor or
other will outstrip them, and make them sit in the dust, to which
men are brought in one age, but cannot get out of it againe in 7.
generations. To conclude, without all partialitie, the present consumption
which groweth vpon vs here, whilst the land groaneth vnder so
many close-fisted and vnmercifull men, being compared with the
easinesse, plainenesse and plentifulnesse in liuing in those remote
places, may quickly perswade any man to a liking of this course,
and to practise a remoual, which being done by honest, godly and
industrious men, they shall there be right hartily welcome, but
for other of dissolute and prophane life, their roomes are better
then their companies ; for if here where the Gospell hath beene
so long and plentifully taught, they are yet frequent in such
vices as the Heathen would shame to speake of, what will they
be when there is lesse restraint in word and deed ? My onely
sute to all men is, that whether they Hue there or here, they
would learne to vse this world as they vsed it not, keeping faith
and a good conscience, both with God and men, that when the
day of account shall come, they may come forth as good and
fruitfull seruants, and freely be receiued, and enter into the ioy
of their master.
R. C:

FINIS.

HISTORICAL

LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS

PKINCIPLES. PEOYJDENCES, AND PEESONS,

CHAPTER I.

PRINCIPLES, PROVinENCES, PERSONS.  THE COLONY OP PRIN
CIPLE, AND THE COLONY OF GAIN.
Principles, Providences, Persons. This is God's or
der ; principles come first, providences next, persons last.
Principles are eternal. Providences develope principles,
principles make persons. Sometimes principles, provi
dences, and persons all go to form other persons, so dii'ect-
ly and visibly, that the combination arrests a reflecting
mind as indicative of some great and special design. This
is the case in the history of the formation of character in
a man like Luther. Indeed, persons can be used as instru
mentalities in no grander way, and on no sublimer mission,
than informing other persons ; the greatest work of souls
is upon souls, not upon railroads and steam-engines. Pro
vidences are the discipline of persons with respect to prin
ciples. Providences sometimes are the revelation of prin
ciples to persons, and sometimes they are the preparation
of persons, to sustain, hold forth, illustrate, and apply
principles. Then again the principles sustain the persons
to bear the providences, to understand them, and to carry
forward their design.
In no company of men that the world ever saw was the
Providence and Grace'of God illustrated more remarkably,
than with our Pilgrim Fathers. But God selected them

112

HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS

for a work, not for an immediate and glorious exhibition
either of principles or graces.' They were rather for the
present, in their own humble language, " stepping stones,"
at the foundation, to be* polished by being walked upon,
than precious stones set for ornament and admiration
in the superstructure. They are in the superstructure
now, infinitely perfect, infinitely glorious ; but on earth
they were a company of God's workmen, God's operatives,
and not mere incumbents of the sinecures of Grace, if
there could be such a thing ; nor merely the vivid pietists
of glowing sensibilities, out of whose experience a diary
of great depths and heights in the religious affections might
be spread before the world. No ! they were to suffer and
to do God's will, as patient, pioneering laborers ; laborers
in a work of ages, by which, generation after generation,
¦great principles should be more and more fully developed
and established ; principles for the building of a new world,
and the renovation of an old.
They had scarcely time for any other spiritual work or
enjoyment, than the Word of God and prayer. They
could not be brooding over their affections, or analysing
the processes of grace. Men who have to count, miserly,
the kernels of corn for their daily bread, and to till their
ground staggering through weakness from the effect of
famine, can do but little in settling the metaphysics of faith,
or in counting frames, and gauging the exercises of their
feelings. Grim necessity of hunger looks morbid sensibili
ty out of countenance.
Nevertheless, they were spiritually minded and experi
mental Christians, and they both acted upon principles and
acted them out. Where before had there ever been a
band of colonists in the World that did this ? We know
of none. A thousand colonies might be banded by the
principles of gain, and thriving, like so many bee-hives ;
this was no more than the city of London itself was doing,
with its knots of merchant adventurers. A Fur company

or PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 113
or a Wampum society in the wilderness has no more of a
colonizing impulse, although they may leave their homes to
dwell among savages, than the tradesmen in the Strand,
who buy and sell, possibly without ever going a mile from
their own door. But these impulses of gain, these enter
prises of traffic, are not to be dignified with the name of
principles. Nay, sometimes of such colonizing expeditions
God says, " Because thou hast forgotten the God of thy
salvation, and hast not been mindful of the stock of thy
strength, therefore shalt thou plant pleasant plants, and
shalt set it with strange slips. In the day shalt thou make
thy plant to grow, and in the morning shalt thou make thy
seed to flourish ; but the harvest shall be an heap in the
day of grief and of desperate sorrow."
It has been noted by more than one historian how sig
nally every attempt to colonize any part of New England
failed, until the enterprise of our Pilgrim Fathers was be
gun from a high sense of duty and in reliance upon God.
" The designs of those attempts," remarks Cotton Mather,
" being aimed no higher than the advancement of some
worldly interests, a constant series of disasters has con
founded them, until there was a plantation erected upon
the nobler designs of Christianity." All men were aware
of this. It was well known how wide was the distinction
between a purely religious and a worldly colony, and that
nothing but religion supported the enterprise of the Pilgrims.
It was easy to colonize after they had opened the way, and
made a clearing, a cornfield, a house of God, and a settle
ment in the wilderness.
Cotton Mather relates an amusing characteristic anec
dote of one of the north-eastern fishing and. trading settle
ments. He says that one of the Massachusetts ministers,
once preaching to a congregation in those settlements
(probably a hard and heedless set), besought them to be
come religious and to approve themselves as such, for this
reason, among others, that if they did not, they would con-

114 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
tradict the main end of planting this wilderness ; wherer
upon, a well known person, then in the assembly, cried out,
" Sir, you are mistaken : you think you are preaching to
the people at the Bay : but our main end was to catch
fish." They were accomplishing their main end, and so -were
the Pilgrim Fathers theirs ; but there was not a colony in
existence that did not know and acknowledge the differ
ence between them and the Plymouth Pilgrims. That
band of colonists had a sacredness in the eye of the whole
world. There was no other company like them ; there
never would be another such. ••
They were religious Pilgrims, not tradesmen. We read
much in their earliest history concerning a set of persons
called Merchant Adventurers. God made no little use of
such men for a season, both to discipline the Pilgrims, and
to forward their enterprise. They were as the scaffolding
of the building, by which God would put his living stones
in their places, and then take the frame away.
Foundation and corner stones (remarks Mr. Hubbard,
in his History of New England), though buried, and lying
low under ground, ought not to be out of mind, seeing they
support and bear up the weight of the whole building.
This is eminently true of the unostentatious, but enduring
and solid virtues of our Pilgrim Fathers. In their charac
ters and habits God was laying the foundations of a people,
among whom labor should be respectable in all classes,
and industry and frugality native and national qualities.
They were all laborers, they were almost all farmers, or
had been, and labor with them was caused to be, by God's
Providence, a necessity of their existence. The two fore
most men among them had learned, the one the trade of a
silk-dyer, the other the art of a printer ;• and both of them,
the Governor and the Elder, labored with their hands,
like the poorest and meanest of their, company. There
was no such thing in existence among them as slavery, to

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 115
rriake labor disreputable ; nor any monopoly of luxury, to
make idleness, and being waited on, the distinctions of a
gentleman. They were all free ; they were almost all
Christian freemen ; with whom self-denial was not only a
necessity of God's Providence in their great enterprise, but
always a duty of self-discipline. They went back to primi
tive times ; if any will not work, neither shall he eat ; yet not
they, by their legislation, but God carrying them by his spirit
and his discipline. And in their habit of labor among all
classes, and of a simple competence gained by each family
through industry and frijgality, they laid the foundations of
a state, in which not only labor itself was more reputable
than in any other country in the world, but in which
ignorance, and idleness, and poverty were almost unknown,
till other countries contributed these foreign ingredients.
This is a world of labor, and always must and will be ;
but there only, where freedom and piety prevail, will labor,
to the world's end, be regarded as honorable and noble.
" I have spoken of labor," says Mr. Webster in one of his
true New England speeches, "as one of the great ele
ments of our society, the great substantial interest on which
we-all stand. Not feudal service, not predial toil, not the
irksome drudgery by one race of mankind, subjected, on
account of color, to the control of another race of man
kind ; but labor, intelligent, manly, independent, thinking
and acting for itself, earning its own wages, accumulating
those wages into capital, becoming a part of our social
system, educating childhood, maintaining worship, claiming
the right of the elective franchise, and helping to uphold
the great fabric of the State. That is American Labor,
and I confess that all my sympathies are with it, and my
voice, until I am dumb, will be for it."
And the foundation of that system goes back to the day,
when Bradford, Brewster, and Winslow labored in the
field together, buildecl their own houses, planted their own
corn, and, as truly as the lowliest of the Pilgrims, gained

116 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS.
their own bread by the sweat of their brow- But they did
this, inspired by heavenly motives, for a heavenly end.
Their religious faith and zeal, and the exalted nature of
their purposes, turned all the drudgery of life into some
thing noble and divine. They realized the beautiful
aspirations of one of the sweet poets, favorite at that day
among the Puritans ; one who prophesied of the glory of the
Church in this Western World ; one who, in a few simple
stanzas, has conveyed the whole secret of conquest, as well
as happiness, in the Colony of our Pilgrim Fathers, the
Colony of principle and not of gain. For thy sake, reads
the story both of their piety and prosperity, their persever
ance and success. Teach me, my God and King,
In all things Thee to see ;
And, what I do in anything,
To do it as for Thee :
Not rudely, as a beast,
To run into an action ;
But still to make Thee prepossessed.
And give it Thy perfection.
A man that looks on glass
On it may stay his eye ;
Or, if he pleaseth, through it pass.
And then the heaven espy.
All may of Thee partake ;
Nothing can be so mean.
Which, with this tincture. For tht sake.
Will not grow bright and clean.
A servant, with this clause.
Makes drudgery divine ;
Who sweeps a room, as for thy laws.
Makes that, and the action, fine.
This is the famous stone.
That turneth all to gold :
For that which God doth touch and own
Cannot for less be told.
George Herbert,

CHAPTER II.
the VIRGINIA COMPANY AND THE MERCHANT ADVENTURERS.
The Virginia Company and the Merchant Adventurers
being both connected with the early efforts of the Pilgrims
in their colonizing enterprise, we will trace theSb phenome
na briefly from the beginning.
In 1584 an expedition under patent from Elizabeth, was
fitted out by Sir Walter Raleigh, and the first discovery
was made, and rude possession taken, of the country then
first named Virginia. Its extent took in the whole United
States, being very indefinitely comprehensive. Some at
tempts were immediately made for colonizing, but they
came to nothing. ,
In the year 1602, Captain Bart. Gosnold, setting out for
Virginia, discovered Cape' Cod. He made so success
ful a voyage, that on his return, two companies were in
corporated by King James in one Patent, bearing date of
April 10th, 1606. The first Company consisting of mem
bers of the honorable city of London, and such adventur
ers as might join with them, were restricted to that part of
the Coast of Virginia, between 34 and 41 degrees north
latitude. The second company, from the cities of Bristol,
Exeter, Plymouth, and other western parts of England, had
their range between 38 and 45 degrees. They were per
mitted to settle 100 miles along the coast, and 100
miles within land, but were to keep 100 miles from each

118 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
other's limits. The whole country, including all New
England, was then called Virginia, and was particularized
by no other distinction than that of the names of Virginia
North and South.
The proprietors of the patent for South Virginia began
their settlement that same year, 1606, on James's River,
and the next year laid the foundations of Jamestown.
The proprietors of the patent for North Virginia, Lord
Chief Justice Popham, Sir Ferdinand Gorges, and others
(sometimes called the Plymouth Company, as those of the
South were called the London Company), likewise attempt
ed a settlement at the North, which utterly failed, in th6
same years in which God was removing from England
into Holland that Church Vine for which he was reserving
the posseaisions of these Northern Patentees. These men,
after a few unsuccessful efforts, gave up all thought of any
plantation. In the year 1614 came the voyage of Captain Smith,
with his plan of North Virginia, which he called New
England ; and after this date the name Virginia is con
fined to the possessions of the London Company, or the
Southern Colony. And it was with this Virginia Company
that the Pilgrims first endeavored to make their arrange
ments. And it was in the year 1617, when they first set
on foot their plan of removal to America, that the great
plague visited New England, and swept away thousands
upon thousands of the natives.
Upon their talk of removing, sundry persons of note
among the Dutch would have them go under them, and
made them large offers. " But choosing to go under the
English government, where they might enjoy their reli
gious privileges without molestation, after humble prayers
to God they first debated whether to go to Guiana or Vir
ginia. And though some, and none of the meanest, were
earnest for the former, they at length determined for the
latter, so as to settle in a distant body, but under the gene-

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 119
ral government of Virginia. Upon which they sent Mr.
Robert Cushman and Mr. John Carver to treat with the
Virginia Company, and see if the King would give them
Liberty of Conscience there." *
Doubtless, if the King had given them Liberty of Con
science there, they would have gone out under the govern
ment of Virginia. And ill would it have fared with them,
if that had been the case. For Virginia had been colonized
by persons strongly attached to the Establishment, and un
der strict injunctions from the King that " the word and
service of God should be preached and used according to
the rites and doctrines of the Church of England." They
would certainly have had difficulty there, even with a sepa
rate Charter, for Liberty of Conscience, with a seal as
broad as a barn-floor. It had been wisely objected that
"if they lived among the English which were planted at
Virginia, or so near them as to be under their government,
they would be in as great danger to be troubled and perse
cuted for their cause of religion as if they lived in England,
and it might be worse." Nevertheless, they seem to have
thought that an article from the King concerning liberty
of ponscifence would secure all ; and their determination
was, if they could get it, to go out under the Virginia Com
pany. To this end they sent Cushman and Carver to
England. But though these agents of Mr. Robinson's people " find
the Virginia company" (says Governor Bradford) "very
desirous of their going to the West India Territory, and
willing to grant them a patent with as ample privileges as
they could grant to any, and some of the chief of the com
pany doubted not to obtain their suit of the King for Liber
ty in Religion, and to have it under the broad seal, as was
desired, yet they found it a harder piece of work than they
expected. For though many means were used, and diverse
* Prince's Cironology, Part I. p. 49.

120 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
persons of worth, with Sir Robert Naunton, chief Secreta
ry of State, labored with the King to obtain it, and others
wrought with the Archbishop to give way thereto, yet all
in vain. They indeed prevail so far, as that the King
would connive at them and not molest them, provided they
carry peaceably ; but to tolerate them by his public au
thority, under his seal, could not be granted. Upon which
the agents return to Leyden, to the great discouragement
of the people who sent them."*
This was a most auspicious discouragement and refusal.
The mind pauses upon the idea of our Pilgrim Fathers
making their first settlement in the' West Indies, and one
cannot but see in imagination the train of evils that would
thence have ensued, in the undoubted flocking of a herd of
worthless adventurers to swamp the Colony in that delicious
climate, with indolence, divisions, insubordination, and dis
solute habits. They would better have gone to Guiana,
the romantic paradise of Raleigh's genius, whither his book
of description, published in 1596, had directed their atten
tion, as to a fair, rich, and mighty empire, where the trees
were in delicious groves, where the deer came at call,
where the evening birds were singing a thousanS charming
tunes to gentle airs in the forest, and where the very stones
ieneath their feet promised gold and silver. But these
golden images had little power over the souls of the Pil
grims. Casting themselves upon Divine Providence, they re
solved to venture, getting as good a patent as they could,
even witl^out Liberty of Conscience. After long vexation
and delay, through the disturbances and factions into which
the Virginia Company had fallen, they did at length, in
1619, obtain a patent granted and confirmed under the Vir
ginia Company's Seal. But here again, God was before
hand with them, arranging for them their disappointments
as well as their accomplishments. The patent was taken
out in the name of Mr. John Wincob, a religious gentle-
* Prince, from Bradford, 50.

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 121
man of the household of the Countess of Lincoln, whose
intention had been to go with them. But God so ordered
that he never went, and they never made the least use of his
patent, though it had cost them so much expense and labor.
Here first rise into notice those Merchant Adventurers,
under agreement with whom, and partly at whose charge,
the Pilgrims did at length begin their settlement. The
patent which they had obtained was carried, says Governor
Bradford, by one of their messengers to Leyden, for the
people to consider, together with several proposals for
their transmigration, made by Mr. Thomas Weston, of Lon
don, Merchant, and such other friends and merchants as
should either go or adventure with them. And so they
were requested to prepare with speed for the voyage, leav
ing it with their agents, Messrs. Cushman and Carver, to
perfect the arrangements in England with the Merchant
Adventurers. Meanwhile the noblemen and gentlemen engaged before
in the old patent for North Virginia were seeking a new
and separate patent of incorporation for New England,
under the style and title of the council established at Ply
mouth, in the county of Devon, for the planting, ruling, or
dering, and governing of New England, in America,
which, says Mr. Prince, is the great and civil basis of all
the future patents and plantations that divide this country.
This patent they at length obtained from King James ; but
it was not signed by the King until long after the Pilgrims
had set sail, not indeed till Nov. 3d, 1620, just before the
May Flower anchored in Cape Cod Harbor. Therfe the
Pilgrims were to land in New England, unchartered by
any earthly power, and were to take possession at Ply
mouth of their desired retreat in the wilderness, in full
liberty of conscience, unpatented and unfettered. A patent
for them under the new incorporation was not till after
wards taken out in the name of Mr. John Peirce, who, as
we have seen, treacherously endeavored to secure it under
e

122 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS.
his own power, allowing the Colony only what privileges
he pleased.
In their arrangements for the voyage, and the business
foundation and management of the Colony, the Pilgrims
were very much at the mercy of the Merchant Adven
turers, their own finances, after the expenses they were at,
being in an exhausted state. They had to rely upon Mr.
Weston and the Merchants for shipping and money to as
sist in their transportation. They therefore entered into a
seven years' co-partnership with the Merchant Adventurers,
so as to form with them one company, the articles being
greatly to the advantage of the Merchants, and hard upon
the Pilgrims, as might naturally be supposed. The most
that is known of these Adventurers, except what was de
veloped afterwards in regard to the character of indi
viduals, is recorded by Captain John Smith, in the year
1624. " The adventurers," says he, " which raised the stock
to begin and supply this plantation, were about seventy,
some merchants, some handicraftsmen, some adventuring
great sums, some small, as their affections served. The
general stock already employed is about 7000 pounds, by
reason of which charge and many crosses, many would
adventure no more; but others, that know so great charge
cannot be effected without both losses and crosses, are re
solved to go forward with it to their powers ; which de
serve no small commendation and encouragement. These
dwell most about London. They are not a corporation,
but knit together by a voluntary combination, in a society,
withbut constraint or penalty, aiming to do good, and to
plant religion."
Captain Smith seems not to have been aware of the di
visions and conspiracies among a number of the members
of this company. These things connected the history of
the Merchant Adventurers for a little time, disastrously, as
it seemed to human judgment, but benefioially, doubtless
in the result, with the progress of, the Colony.

CHAPTER III.

THE MERCHANT ADVENTURERS.  ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT FOR
THE TRANSPORTATION OF THE PILGRIMS  OTHERWISl THE
CO-PARTNERSHIP.  END OF THE COMPANY.
To DO good and to plant religion, was far from being the
desire, as the sequel proved, of some of these men. Some
of them became enemies of the Colony ; others endeavored
treacherously to upset its church and government, and en
tered into a conspiracy for that purpose. Some of them
were bitter enemies of Robinson, and endeavored success
fully to hinder his joining the Colony, being afraid of his
powerful religious influence. Their character and treache
rous dealings are partly laid open in a letter from Robinson
himself to Brewster, preserved in Dr. Young's Chronicles
of the Pilgrims, in which he says — " As for these adver
saries, if they have but half their will to their malice, they
will stop my course when they see it intended." It was a
faction of the Adventurers, as we shall see, who sent over
to the Colony that miserable creature, Lyford, to be their
minister, in order to hinder Mr. Robinson, and whose base
intentions were so signally exposed and defeated by the
prudence and energy of Governor Bradford. On the
whole, the Colony suffered much from these Adventu
rers, although some of them were sincerely pious men,
bent on doing good ; firm and undeviating friends to the

124 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
Colonists, and laboring with them, and intending to join
them in person.
Of this number was Mr. James Sherley, so honorably
noticed by Governor Bradford, as a chief friend of the
plantation. Mr. Cushman had written to the Governor,
informing him of the sore sickness of Sherley, when he
lay at the point of death ; declaring his love and helpful
ness in all things, and bemoaning the loss of the Pilgrims
if God should take him away, as being the stay and life of
the business.
But it is evident enough there were not many of this
noble stamp. Some of those the most relied upon proved
enemies, as was found in the case of this Mr. Thotnas
Weston, who took so prominent and busy a part in getting
the Pilgrims away, and who came from London to South
ampton, to see them finally despatched. There was some
trouble with him even at the outset; for May 25th, 1620,
Mr. Robinson had to write to Mr. Carver, complaining of
Mr. Weston's neglect in getting shipping in England, for
want of which they were in a piteous case at Leyden.
But his character was not fully revealed till the year 1622,
when he sent out two ships and a band of men to settle a
plantation for himself, in Massachusetts Bay, for which he
had procured a patent. The notice of this colony will be
given in another chapter ; but at present we make in this
connexion an extract from Governor Bradford's Journal, as
given in Prince, which is as follows, under date of the
spring of 1623 : —
" Shortly after Mr. Weston's people went to the eastward, he
comes there himself, with some of the fishermen, under another
name, and disguise of a blacksmith ; where he hears the ruin of
his plantation, and getting a shallop with a man or two, comes to
see how things are, but in a storm is cast away in the bottom of
the bay between Piscataquak and Merrimack river, and hardly
escapes with his life. Afterwards he falls into the hands of the
Indians, who pillage him of all he saved from the sea, and strip

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 125
him of all his clothes to his shirt. At length he gets to Piscata
quak, borrows a suit of clothes, finds means to come to Plymouth,
and desires to borrow some beaver of us. Notwithstanding our
straits, yet in consideration of his necessity, we let him have 170
odd pounds of beaver, with which he goes to the Eastward, stays
his small ship and some of his men, buys provision and fits him
self, which is the foundation of his future courses ; and yet he
never repaid us any thing save reproaches, and becomes our
enemy on all occasions."*
But now the Colony, in the good providence of God, was
rapidly getting beyond the reach of enmity, and in a con
dition to command friends. In England men began more
and more to look thitherward across the ocean, as a refuge
from the evils of their own home.
Mr. Sherley himself, who recovered from the dangerous
illness spoken of above, wrote to the Plymouth Colonists,
Dec. 27, 1627, -j- describing, in part, the enmity of the Ad
venturers, against both the Pilgrims arid himself. " The
sole cause," says he, " why the greater part of the Adven
turers malign me, was', that I would not side with them
against you, and against the coming over of the Leyden
people ; "and assuredly, unless the Lord be merciful to us
and the whole land in general, our condition is far worse
than yours. Wherefore, if the Lord should send persecu
tion here, which is much to be feared, and should put into
our minds to fly for refuge, I know no place safer than to
come to you."
Looking to the character and ends of many of these
Merchant Adventurers, as thus developed, and considering
the manner in which the pilgrims were thrown into their
power, when they entered into co-partnership with them
for the commencement of the Colony, we read without sur
prise the articles and conditions of their agreement. With-
* Prince's New Eng. Chron., vol. i. p. 134. f Prince, vol. i. p. 169.

126 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
out consenting to these conditions, the Pilgrims could not
have been transported to America. Mr. Weston had much
of the management in his hands, and Mr. Cushman, the
principal agent of the Pilgrims, found himself compelled to
accede to the proposals, " although they were very afllictive
to the minds of such as were concerned in the voyage, and
hard enough for the poor people, that were to adventure
their persons as well as their estates." To the reluctance
expressed, and complaints made, Mr, Cushman was obliged
to answer, " that unless they had so ordered the conditions,
the whole design would have fallen to the ground ; and ne
cessity, they said, having no law, they were constrained to
be silent."
The co-partnership was for seven years. The shares
were ten pounds each. For every person going, the per
sonality (that is, from sixteen years of age) vyas accounted
one share for him, and every ten pounds put in by him, was
accounted an additional share. At the end of the copart
nership of seven years, all the possessions of the colony,
with everything gained by them, were to be equally di
vided among the whole of the Adventurers, Merchants as
well as Pilgrims. Such was the essence of the copartner
ship, on the grounds of which alone the Pilgrims could find
friends to help them in getting to America. Such a trading
company was none of their seeking, nor was it the object
of their religious enterprise ; but God made use of it for
them, as we have said, in the place of pulleys and frame
work, to hoist the stones of his Living Temple into their
intended position ; and when that was done, the frame-work
went into various uses and places, but was much of it, as
useless lumber, thrown away.
In form, the Articles of Agreement between the Pilgrims
and the Merchant Adventurers were precisely as follows,
in ten particulars :
1. The Adventurers and Planters do agree that every
person that goeth, being sixteen years old and upwards, be

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 127
rated at ten pounds, and that ten pounds be accounted a
single share.
2. Tliat he that goeth in person, and furnisheth himself
out with ten pounds, either in money or other provisions,
be accounted as having twenty pounds in stock, and in the
divisions shall receive a double share.
3. The persons transported, and the Adventurers, shall
continue their joint stock and partnership the space of
seven years, except some unexpected impediments do cause
the whole Company to agree otherwise ; during which
time all profits and benefits that are gotten by trade, traffic,
ti'ucking, working, fishing, or any other means, of any other
person or persons, shall remain still in the common stock
until the division.
4. That at their coming there, they shall choose out such
a number of fit persons as may furnish their ships and boats
for fishing upon the sea ; employing the rest in their several
faculties upon the land, as building houses, tilling and plant
ing the ground, and making such commodities as shall be
most useful for the Colony.
5. That at the end of the seven years, the capital and the
profits, namely, the houses,'lands, goods, and chattels, be
equally divided among the Adventurers.
6. Whoever cometh to the Colony hereafter, or putteth
anything into the stock, shall, at the end of the seven
years, be allowed proportionally to the time of his so
doing. 7. He that shall carry his wife, or children, or servants,
shall be allowed for every person now aged sixteen years
and upwards, a single share in the division ; or if he pro
vide them necessaries, a double share ; or if they be be
tween ten years old and sixteen, then two of them to be
reckoned for a person, both in transportation and division.
8. That such children as now go, and are under the age
of ten years, have no other share in the division than fifty
acres of unmanured land.

128 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
9. That such persons as die before the seven years be
expired, their executors to have their parts or share at the
division, proportionably to the time of their life -in the
Colony. 10. That all such persons as are of the Colony to have
meat, drink, apparel, and all provisions, out of the common
stock and goods of said Colony.
Such was the rigorous contract, by which alone the
Pilgrims were enabled to raise the means for their trans
portation and first establishment as a Colony.
Under these agreements it might well be said that it
cost the first Pilgrims seven years of hard labor to get
from England to America. This copartnership was in
reality their passage money. They had to " prepare for it
with speed, sell their estates, and put their money into a
common stock, to be disposed by their managers for mak
ing general provisions." They then had, for some years, a
dependence upon, and connexion with, the Merchant Ad
venturers, which grew more and more perplexing every
month. It proved the means of introducing worthless
men among them, or round about them, Canaanites and
Jebusites to be yet in the land, as thorns for them. Some,
who came to join the Pilgrims, at the bidding or permis
sion of the Merchant Adventurers, " were so bad, that
they were forced to be at the charge to send them home
the very next year." But any expense could better be
endured than the presence of such vicious, corrupting,
destructive elements among them.
In the summer of 1623 there came a letter to the Pil
grims subscribed by thirteen of the Adventurers, kindly,
and encouraging. " Let it not be grievous to you," said
they, "that you have been the instruments to break the ice
for others, who come after with less difficulty ; the honor
shall be yours to the world's end. We bear you always
in our breasts, and our hearty affection is towards you all,

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 129
as are the hearts of hundreds more, which never saw your
faces, who doubtless pray your safety as their own."
But in the spring of 1624, Mr. Winslow, whom the Pil
grims had sent over as their agent, returned from England,
bringing a " sad account of a strong faction among the Ad
venturers against us, and especially against the coming of
Mr. Robinson, and the rest from Leyden." The result of
the conspiracy of this faction, as well as the nature and pur
pose of it, will be seen detailed in our Chapter concerning
the first imposition of a minister. We have now only to
follow the Adventurers to the end of their copartnership.
By the year 1624, the general stock already employed
by the Adventurers to Plymouth, as related in Prince from
Smith's History, was about seven thousand pounds.
By the year 1625, upon the discovery and explosion of
the plot against the Pilgrims, and the decision of Oldham,
who was the instrument of the faction among the Mer
chants, to stay at Nantasket and trade for himself, " the
company of Adventurers to Plymouth," says Governor
Bradford, " brake in pieces, two thirds of them deserting
us." But they not only deserted the Colony, but turned against
it, and went so far as to attempt undermining its trade and
taking its property. They sent out a ship for fishing, and
took the stage of the Pilgrims and other provisions, or ar
rangements prepared the year before for fishing at Cape
Ann at a great expense on the part of the Colony, and
refused to restore the property without fighting. " Upon
which," as the record reads in Mr. Prince's Chronology,
" we let them keep it, and our Governor sends some plant
ers to help the fishermen build another."
Upon which we let them keep it. What an instance of
noble. Christian magnanimity and forbearance ! When
Captain Miles Standish came, he could hardly endure it,
and was for reclaiming it by force with a soldier's argu
ments ; but the nobler conquest by far was that of a proud
6*

ISO HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
generosity and Christian principle that would not fight for
a summer's fishing tackle ; and the end was, we let them
keep it, and much good may it do them.
Some of the Adventurers still remained friendly to the
Pilgrims. We shall see further detail in regard to their
character, letters, and measures, in the Chapter on Governor
Bradford's Letter Book. At present they wrote by Mr.
Winslow as follows :
" We cannot forget you, nor our friendship and fellowship we
have had some years;^ Our hearty affections towards you (un-.
known by face) have been no less than to our nearest friends,
yea, to our own selves. As there has been a faction among us
more than two years, so now there is an utter breach and seques
tration. The Company's debts are no less than 1400 pounds,
and we hope you will do your best to free them. We are still
persuaded you are the people that must make a plantation in
those remote places, where all others fail. We have sent some
cattle, clothes, hoes, shoes, leather, &c., for Allerton and Wins
low to sell as our factors."
The positive proof accompanying these professions of
friendship was, that the goods were ordered to be sold at
the enormous rate of seventy per cent, advance ; a thing,
as Governor Bradford quietly remarks, " thought unrea
sonable, and a great oppression." Seventy per cent, ad
vance, and hearty affections as to their own selves 1 Some
what, still, of bitter experience for the Pilgrims; but there
was no help for it, and the cattle they found the. best com
modity. A very unconscious satire, on their part.
On the receipt of these affections, cattle, shoes, &c., the
Pilgrims despatched Captain Standish as their agent " both
to the remaining Adventurers for more goods, and to the
New England Council, to oblige the others (the factious
and inimical Adventurers) to come to a composition."
They chose the military man of the Colony for this, one
who would fear nothing, and possessed a marvellous de-

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 131
gree of decision and energy of character. But the Cap
tain arrived in London in the very midst of the Plague ;
not the great Plague described by De Foe, but its forerun- '
ner by some years ; when such multitudes were dying
every week, that Trade itself was dead, and no business
could be accomplished. Nevertheless, the Captain en
gaged several of the New England Council to promise
their helpfulness to the , plantation ; but the friendly Ad
venturers he found so weakened by losses, that they could
do but little. The Captain had to take up 150 pounds at
the enormous rate of fifty per cent, interest. And when
he returned he brought the sad news not only of great
losses sustained by some of their friends, but of the death
of others by the Plague, and above all, that their beloved
Pastor Robinson, whom they had been hoping to welcome
among them, had gone to his rest. Their ancient friend,
Mr. Cushman, was also dead, " their right hand with the
Adventurers, who for years had managed all their business
with them, to their great advantage."
At length, in the autumn of 1626, they sent over Mr.
Allerton, whp, after no small trouble, with the help of
some faithful, energetic friends, brought the Adventurers
to a settlement. They agreed to sell out to the Pilgrims
all their interest in the Colony for the sum of 1800 pounds,
of which 200 should be paid every year, beginning in 1628.
The Colonists rejoiced in this arrangement, although, being
forced to take up money or goods at such enormous inter
est, they scarcely knew how to raise the payment, and at
the same time discharge their other engagements, and sup
ply their own wants. Seven or eight of the principal men
among them had to become jointly bound, in behalf of the
rest, for the whole amount. Besides this, the whole Colony
were anxious to assist their friends at Leyden to get over
to them ; and for this purpose eight foremost men among
them, with the three friendly Adventurers in England,
Sherley, Beaucharap, and Andrews, entered into an eu*

133 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
gagement, taking the trade of the Colony for six years, to
pay all their debts, and transport the remainder of the
Church from Leyden to Plymouth. By means of this ar
rangement, thirty-five of their friends with their families
were enabled to join them in 1629, their expenses being
paid, from 30 to 50 pounds a family ; " besides giving them
houses, preparing them grounds to plant on, and maintain
ing, them with corn and other necessaries above 13 or 14
months, before they had a harvest of their own produc
tion." The names of the Pilgrims by whom this difficult
work was accomplished, in connexion with the friendly
Adventurers above named, were Governor Bradford, Ed
ward Winslow, Thomas Prince, Miles Standish, William
Brewster, John Alden, John Howland, and Isaac Allerton.
But their charge did not end here. In May, 1630, ano
ther company of their Leyden brethren arrived in the har
bor of Salem, the cost of whose provision and transporta
tion from Holland to England, from England to Salem, and
from Salem with their goods to Plymouth, was all cheer
fully borne by the same " New Plymouth Undertakers,"
before named ; amounting to above five hundred and fifty
pounds sterling, " besides the providing them housing, pre
paring them ground, and maintaining them with food for
sixteen or eighteen months, before they had a harvest of
their own ; all which came to nearly as much more. A
rare example of brotherly love and Christian care in per
forming their promises to their brethren, even beyond their
power."* These were great charges, but the Pilgrims had now
everything under their own control. The perplexities of
their copartnership with the Adventurers were at an end;
in their business arrangements they might deal now only
with brethren and friends ; and they regarded the coming
of the remainder of the Leyden Church, which once seemed
• Bradford in Prince, 201.

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 133
SO hopeless, as a recompense from Heaven with a double
blessing. They received the new companies of " godly
friends and Christian brethren, as the beginning of a larger
harvest to Christ, in the increase of his people and Churches
in these parts of the earth, to the admiration of many, and
almost wonder of the world."

CHAPTER IV.

THE PILGRIM CHURCH IN ENGLAND, AND THE FIRST CHURCH
COMPACT.
While men were contriving their pilgrimages and colo
nies of gain, God was arranging his of principle, and was
selecting its instruments. It was the work of his Church.
It was simply the early dispensation renewed, when men
of God, scattered abroad by persecution, went preaching
the word, and founding word-colonies of grace, amidst the
wilderness of a Pagan civilization. But now a whole
church was to be transplanted. Its materials must first be
gathered and disciplined ; and for these God went into the
despised non-conforming cottages and conventicles of
England. There were noble preachers of God's Word
then, even amidst all the turmoil and persecution about cere
monies; and the minister who would be a free and fearless
preacher of God's Word at such a time, teaching God's
fear, not by the precepts of men, would likely be God's
honored instrument in preparing the materials for his in
tended Church Colony.
Divine grace, as well as human wrath, must have been
at work with great power at that period. Men who became
Christians under such oppressions as they had to endure if
they embraced the new discovered, but ancient truth of the
independence of the Church under Christ only, would like
ly become such through deep and powerful experience.

principles, providences, and persons. 135
" I am afraid," said Sir Walter Raleigh, in a speech de
precating their banishment from England by oppression,
" I am afraid there are nearly twenty thousand of these
men ; and when they are driven out of the Kingdom, who
shall support their wives and children ?" But mere driving
them out of the Kingdom had been mercy, in comparison
with the treatment they received. One whole Church,
perhaps the earliest on independent principles formed in
England, was hunted out by the sharp and eager cruelty
of the Commissioners of Queen Elizabeth, the very year of
its formation in London, in 1592, and fifty-six of its mem
bers were imprisoned, beaten, put to death in various ways,
some by the inhuman cruelties of their confinement, some
upon the gallows. The Queen's Commissioners, when
these victims of the Protestant Persecutor refused to play
the hypocrite by going to the State-Church, let them know
that it was not piety to God they wished for, but obedience
to the Queen ; and that with that they might do and be
whatever of evil in religion they pleased. "Come to
Church," said they, " and obey the Queen's laws ; and be a
dissembler, a hypocrite, or a devil, if thou wilt." So this
band of Christ's followers perished in England. It was not
quite yet God's time for the sacred Colony.
The foundation of the Pilgrim Church, and therefore the
tap-root of New-England, runs back to the year r602,
when, in Governor Bradford's words, " several religious
people near the joining borders of Nottinghamshire, Lin
colnshire, and Yorkshire, finding their pious ministers urged
with subscriptions, or silenced, and the people greatly vex
ed with Commissary Courts, Apparitors, and Pursuivants,
which they bare sundry years with much patience, till they
were occasioned by the continuance and increase of these
troubles, and other means, to see further into these things
by the light of the Word of God, — shake off this yoke
of anti-Christian bondage ; and as the Lord's free people,
join themselves by covenant into a church-state, to walk in

136 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
all his ways, made known, or to be made known to them,
according to their best endeavors,' whatever it cost them."
The clearer and further insight, which these religious
men, by means of these trials and persecutions obtained,
by the light of God's Word, are stated by Governor Brad
ford to have been " that the ceremonies prescribed were
unlawful, and also the lordly and tyrannous power of the
prelates, who would, contrary to the freedom of the Gos
pel, load the consciences of men, and by their compulsive
power make a profane mixture of things and persons in di
vine worship ; that their offices, courts, and canons were
unlawful, being such as have no warrant in the Word of
God, but the same that were used in Popery, and still re
tained."* This little church compact, among a few despised per
sons, totally unknown in the world and uncared for, was
one of the greatest events that had then ever taken place
in the world's history. Out of that grew the celebrated
civil and religious compact on board the May Flower ; out
of that, indeed, sprang all the institutions of civil and reli
gious freedom in our country. That Church Compact in
the Old World was the beginning both of form and life to
the New.
That little church covenant, that phenomenon of dissent,
and conventicles, unnoticed at that time, except by the great
red dragon of the twelfth of Revelations, was as the ridge
of a mountain breaking suddenly out of the polished scurf
and dust of established church despotisms, and rising to
throw that bondage from the world. It is stilL rising, all
over the earth, and the mountain of the Lord's House shall
be established upon this top of the mountains, and all na
tions shall at length flow into it. It was a free, voluntar;^
church, gathered by the Spirit of the Lord, and not by man's
sacramental oaths and rubrics. A world was now to be
* Bradford in Prince, 4.

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES,. AND PERSONS. 137
founded, with no more mere ecclesiastico-political societies
under the name of National Churches, combining together,
like so many national menageries, bears, and calves, and
sheep, and wild bulls of Bashan, and presenting a mere
caricature of the prophetic reign of peace and righteous
ness on earth ; the wolf and the lamb, the leopard and the
kid, the cow and the bear, the calf, and the young lion, and
the fatling together, and a little child leading them. This
beautiful prediction in Isaiah was certainly never intended
to be accomplished by driving together with fines and
penalties the religious and the irreligious, the converted
and the unconverted, to the Lord's Table, in the Lord's
House, and proclaiming by law. The Temple of the Lord,
the Temple of the Lord, the Temple of the Lord are these !
But how obscurely does God often begin the greatest of
his revealing dispensations ! An old, old man, with a long
white beard, takes a little child in his arms in the Jewish
temple, and exclaims, " Lord, now lettest thou thy servant
depart in peace, for mine eyes have seen thy salvation !"
It is the fulfilment of predictions, for which the great globe
itself has been kept in its orbit for centuries. It is the
beginning of a new creation of God. The personages dis
appear from the eye of sense, and the ages silently roll on,
but the dispensation then begun, enlarges, till the whole
world is filled with it.
So, down among the obscurities of Lincolnshire, where
no creature in the world knew what was going on, the lost
old primitive model of the Christian Church was begun
again, under Christ, the Shepherd and Bishop of Souls. If
it had been known what great things were to spring from
that covenant, all other interests at the gates of hell would
have been left unguarded, to crush and annihilate that little
despised band of worshippers. But yet in what utter
obscurity the effort begins ! We love to dwell upon the
scene, and upon Gov. Bradford's simple language, " Several
did, as the Lord's free people, join themselves by covenant

138 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
into a church-state, to walk in all his ways, according to
their best endeavours, whatever it cost them."
Aye ! Whatever it cost them I A great sentence is
that. They knew almost as little, then, what it would
reveal, as the gates of hell knew of their whole, movement.
And how wonderfully, from step to step, they wereled_on!
It might be said, with reference to the great enterprise,
then wholly unknown, undreamed of, to which God would
prepare and bring them, " I girded thee, though thou hast
not known me." They knew God, but what God was
going to do with them they knew not, nor what their first
step would cost them. It was by the providential disci
pline of God, with the intolerable severities of the Esta
blishment as its instruments, that they came to the disco-'
very of the great truth, that as Christ's disciples they
were really the Lord's free people, who might, if they
pleased, join themselves by covenant into a church state,
who had that liberty from Christ, though neither asking
leave of any Established Church, nor constituted by
any king or bishop. Why ! this was one of the great
est lessons ever taught by Divine Providence, ever learned
from his word through suffering. The whole world was
against it. If that question had been brought before any
set of men then in existence, had it even been carried to
Geneva, and laid before the church of Calvin there, had it
been carried to Germany, and proposed to a Lutheran
synod there, in its bare simphcity, as taught of God, it
would have been negatived. The question, can we, " seve
ral religious people," we, "two or three gathered together,"
constitute a church ? Can we constitute ourselves into a
church, and be regarded as a church, and lawfully choose
our own minister, under Christ only ? — this question would
in most quarters have been answered by pursuivants and
bailiffs, in prisons and Courts of High Commission. In the
opinion of the rulers of the Church then in England it was
a mortal sin " for a man that had been at church twice on

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES-, AND PERSONS. 139
the Lord's Day to repeat the heads of the sermons to his
family in the evening ; a crime that deserved fines, im
prisonment, and the forfeiture of all that was dear to a man
in the world." " If any will not be quiet, and shew his
obedience, the church," said King James, " were better
without him, and he were worthy to be hanged." And
Archbishop Whitgift said that his Majesty spake by the
special assistance of the Holy Ghost.*
Long and •arduously did the persecuting rulers of the
Church labor at their work of smelting out this precious
ore of truth, this doctrine of Christian liberty. Busily
were they running to and fro, conveying the metal from
one forge and furnace to another, sweating at their fires
and anvils, with the great trip-hammers of Church and
State despotism at command, thinking, forsooth, that they
were burning and beating down, out of existence, all idea,
all thought, all dream of freedom, when they were merely
God's instruments to discipline and b'eat the consciences of
our fathers, out of their remaining bondage and darkness
into liberty and light. This great act of joining themselves
by covenant into a church-state was one, into which the
providence of God did, as it were, compel the Pilgrims,
anxious and doubtful at first, but at length free, without the
least mixture of fear or superstition. After that step, great
and rapid was the increase of their light and liberty, and
God's discipline, in preparation for the removal of the vine
out of Egypt, was immediate.
* Prince 10, 11. — Neat's History of the Puritans. —Fuller's Church History.

CHAPTER V.
COMPARISON OF GOd's PREPARATORY PROVIDENCES.  THE
PLAGUE AMONG THE SAVAGES.  SQUANTO, AND THE PIL
GRIMS' WELCOME.
That we may watch and compare God's maft-vellous pro
vidences in this thing, the date is to be marked, 1602. This
was the time when God took from a persecuting Church-
Establishment the seed-corn which he was to prepare for
the planting of his church in New England, for an entirely
new dispensation of his grace in our world.
In that same year, 1602, the same Divine Providence
carried Bartholomew Gosnold to the discovery of Cape
Cod, where God would soon carry the seed he was thus
gathering and preparing. The coincidence of these dates
is remarkable. It is also remarkable that both in this ex
pedition of Gosnold, in 1602, and in that of our Pilgrim
Fathers in 1620, God's providence disappointed man's will,
preventing entirely the first intended settlement, and turn
ing the last from its intended place to a spot not even with
in the limits of the charter. Gosnold's expedition was
directed to Virginia, a general and most indefinite designa
tion at that time, comprising almost the whole present sea-
coast of the United States. Intending a shorter cut than
had before been attempted by the more southerly adven
turers, Gosnold steered more directly across the ocean,
and at length brought up at Cape Cod, where he probably
cast the first lines ever thrown for a fish which was to be-

PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 141
come as solid, fundamental, and useful a staple of the New
England seas, as the granite should be of the New Eng
land continent. An hpnest, hearty, homely, enduring fish,
susceptible of much salt, and the better for keeping. The
Cod and the Granite are no ignoble symbols of INew Eng
land wealth and character.
" Therefore honorable and worthy countrymen," said
Captain Smith to the people of England, at the close of
one of his relations of his voyages, " let not the meanness
of the word fish distaste you ; for it will afford as good
gold as the mines of Guiana or Potassie, with less hazard
and charge, and more certainty and facility." By the dis
cipline of industry and piety God would make the rocky
coasts and harbors of New England a Potosi of riches,
such as all the mountain mines of silver and gold in the
world could not create. But of this, either Bart. Gosnold
or Captain Smith thought little. And what mind at that
period could have been sagacious enough to cast even a
guess over the future of the two centuries ?
Cape Cod contains now about 32,000 inhabitants. Here
and at Nantucket and New Bedford, as well as around
Cape Ann, are the cradles of our seamen ; yea, the Capes
themselves, far stretching into the Atlantic, are almost
rocked by its magnificent tempests. As long as the Eng
lish language lasts, the enthusiastic eulogy will never be
forgotten, passed by the great mind of Edmund Burke,
upon the seamen of the coasts of New England, near a
hundred years ago, while dwelling upon the wealth which
the colonies had drawn from the sea by their fisheries. He told
the British Government that if their envy was excited by
those great acquisitions, yet the spirit with which that en
terprising employment had been exercised, ought rather
to have raised their esteem and admiration ; for what in
the world was equal to it ? " Neither the perseverance of
Holland, nor the activity of France, nor the dexterous and
fine sagacity of English enterprise ever carried this most

142 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
perilous mode of hard industry to the extent to which it
has been pushed by this recent people ; a people who are
still, as it were, but in the gristle,".and not yet hardened
into the bone of manhood. Through a wise and salutary
neglect, a generous nature has been suffered to take her
own way to perfection. The colonies have not been
squeezed into their happy form by the constraints of watch
ful and suspicious government." The moment those con
straints began to be applied, then the generous nature that
had grown up without them, spurned them, and England
lost her whole colonial possessions south of Canada, by
attempting despotically to do what she pleased with them.
When our fathers first landed at Cape Cod, there seem
to have been plenty of whales and seals, as well as codfish,
in those seas. They found the Grampus so abundant, that
at one place they were minded, on that account, to call the
harbor Grampus Bay. Sometimes they had a shot at
a whale, but never enjoyed the sport of catching
one : " when the whale saw her time," says their quaint
description, " she gave a snuff and away."
Out of Gosnold's discovery grew an incorporated trading
company for North Virginia in 1606, but no settlement.
In 1608 came the attempted settlement and failure on the
banks of the Sagadahock, under Popham and Gilbert. In
1614, Captain John Smith made his survey of the country
and presented a plan of it to King Charles, then the Prince
Royal, who gave it the name of New England ; well bap
tized for the Pilgrims, but a miserable godfather. From
its very first discovery, every attempt to colonize or settle
this country for mere purposes of gain or trade, failed, and
at length all thoughts of it seemed to be abandoned, except
as far as concerned the keeping of small summer stations
by private adventurers for traffic with the Indians. And
so it went on, till the year 1620, when God had brought
his own vine out .of Egypt, and was ready to plant it in
the region which he and not man had chosen for it.

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 143
He had not only put the mark of discovery upon that
region, but also, a few years afterwards, in a very signal
manner "cast out the heathen" before the Vine which
was to be planted. Just after the survey by Captain Smith,
and the naming of the country. New England, the whole
extent of sea-coast from Maine to Rhode Island was almost
depopulated by the visitation of a deadly plague. Turn
ing to the Journal of the Pilgrims under date of March
16th, 1621, we find the first personal conversation recount
ed, which any of the Pilgrims were able to hold with the
natives ; the first intelligible word uttered from the man's
lips being the sweet English word " Welcome ! " which,
from a savage in the wilderness, must have seemed a
miracle. This stark naked barbarian, whose name was
Samoset, of the Massasoits, had learned enough English
from various fishermen at different times to hold a broken
conversation, and he was " a man free in speech," con
sidering the limited extent of his acquisitions. He
spoke, among other things, of the pestilence. " He told
us that about four years ago all the inhabitants died
of an extraordinary plague, and there is neither man, wo
man, nor child remaining, as indeed we have found none ;
so as there is none to hinder our possession, or to lay claim
unto it." The accounts of this devastating death had
reached England before the Pilgrims embarked for America,
and the providence of God in regard to it was named in
the very patent given by the King, as a reason for giving
it. under the assurance that God's time had come for the
possession of the country by the subjects of England, the
whole territory being so completely depopulated and thrown
out of ownership by " that wonderful plague.'*^ Out of the
bosom of that death came that refreshing word, " welcome."
For in all probability death itself, by fierce savage war,
would have greeted our fathers, instead of welcome, had
those thirty thousand fighting men of the native tribe of
the Massachusetts, whom the pestilence is said to have re-

144 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
V
duced down to three hundred, been living. The treachery
of the English at various times, and especially the infamous
kidnapping expedition under T. Hunt, in the absence of
Captain Smith, had enraged the natives, and inspired them
with a deadly purpose of revenge ; so that, if this terrific
pestilence had not cut them down, they would, in all like
lihood, have massacred every man, woman, and child of
the colony, the very first opportunity.
But even out of that infamous former treachery and cru
elty of the English, God would bring a blessing to those
whom he had chosen, and who were acting on the princi
ples of love and uprightness revealed in his word. Here
comes into notice the oft-mentioned Squanto, remarkable
for his attachment to the colony. He was the only native
left of Patuxet, or Plymouth, all the rest of the inhabitants,
man, woman, and child, having been carried off by the
plague ; and he probably would have shared in the same
death, had he not been one of the twenty Indians mentioned
in the journal, whom the villain Hunt carried into Spain
and sold for slaves, about the year 1615. He sold them,
it appears, for twenty pounds a piece, " like a wretched
man, that cares not what mischief he doth for his profit."
But Squanto, by the good providence of God, escaped from
his captivity, and got into England, where he dwelt awhile
at Cornhill, in London, with Mr. Slanie, a merchant, and
learned to speak EngUsh. In the year 1619, Squanto was
brought back to New England by Mr. Dormer, whose ob
ject was to quiet the enraged Indians, and re-establish the
trade that had been broken up by the war, which grew out
of Hunt's, villany. Squanto at that time did all he could
to pacify his countrymen, informing them that Hunt's
treachery had been condemned by the English, but that the
other English were not like him ; but he did not succeed,
for the Indians fell upon Mr. Dormer and his company, and
would have killed Dormer himself, " had not Squanto en
treated hard for him." Squanto was also the means of

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 145
saving two Frenchmen about the same time.* It is said that
at his native country Squanto found them " all dead," and
here the Pilgrims found him their friend, the only native of
that place, whither God had brought them for their settle
ment. He acted as their interpreter, helped them in the
planting of their corn, showed them how to set, dress,
and tend it (their Indian corn), and in every possible way
seems to have befriended them. Sometimes in the midst
of want, he would bring them eels, which he had caught
in the mud. He often acted as their guide, and he and Cap
tain Standish seem to have been great friends to one ano
ther. But he was not long spared, for in November, 1622,
he fell sick of a fever and died, to the great sorrow of the
Pilgrims. Before Squanto's death, Hobbamock, one of
Massasoit's chief captains, had come to live with the Pil
grims as their friend, and continued always faithful to their
interests. The few words in which Gov. Bradford has
noticed Squanto's death are exceedingly touching. It was
at the Indian Hamlet at Manamoyk, near Cape Cod, whi
ther Squanto and the Governor had gone to trade with the
Indians and get some corn. Here Squanto was seized with
a fatal illness, " and here in a few days he died, d«siring
the Governor to pray that he might go to the Englishman's
God in heaven ; bequeathing his things to sundry of his
English friends, as remembrances of his love ; of whom we
have a great loss."!
" Desiring the Governor to pray that he might go to the
Englishman's God in Heaven." How truly affecting ia
this memorial of the untutored, but affectionate and friendly
Indian ! Perhaps he was taught of God, and he knew Gov,
Bradford to be a good man. Squanto may have been the
first fruit of the pravers and instructions of the Pilgrims,
the forerunner of tha't descent of the Holy Spirit upon the
• Prince's New England Chronology, vol. i., pages 63, 99, lOQ. Neal'a
History of New England, vol. i., pages 20, 21,
t Prince, vol, i., p. 124,

146 historical and local illustrations.
Indians, which produced so wondrous a work of God under
the efforts of Elliot.
The Englishman's God in Heaven 1 Poor, ignorant, sim
ple-hearted savage ! nearer, by far, to the kingdom of hea
ven ip his darkness, than thousands upon thousands of the
favored Englishmen, amidst all their light ! One cannot
but hope that Squanto's heart had been really visited by
the Spirit of God. We can readily conceive what a kind
and tender interest a man like Governor Bradford would
have taken in his conversion, and with what gravity and
patient assiduity he would have labored to instruct him in
the truths of the Gospel. Squanto well knew that the
Governor was a man of prayer.
Prayer is the Christian's vital breath.
The Christian's native air ;
His watchword at the gate of death.
He enters heaven with prayer.

CHAPTER VI.

the pilgrim church at LEYDEN AND THE PASTOR ROBINSON.
 THE VINE BROUGHT OUT OF EGYPT, BUT NOT YET
PLANTED IN THE WILDERNESS.
This purely reformed church in the North of England,
as Gov. Bradford styles it, was compelled, as early as the
year 1606, after much suffering, to form itself into two dis
tinct churches, by reason of the wide extent of counties
and villages in which its members were scattered. In that
one of these churches which God chose for the Pilgrim
Church, there was then a graduate of the University of
Cambridge, John Robinson, a man remarkable both for
his piety and learning, whom they chose for their pastor,
and who went with his flock in 1608 over into Holland.
Before his connexion with that church he had held a pre
ferment in the Church of England, but with views so
inclined towards the Puritans, that he could not escape the
persecuting notice of Archbishop Bancroft. Mr. Neal
speaks of him as " a Norfolk divine, beneficed about Yar
mouth, being often molested by the bishop's officers, and
his friends almost ruined in the ecclesiastical courts."* Un
questionably, could he have conformed to the church, and
seen no further than the bishops saw, or with their specta
cles, he had been advanced to great dignities and comforts
of the establishment ; but his views of truth and freedom
• Neal's History of the Puritans, vol. ii., p. 73.

148 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
were too clear and conscientious for that, and he rather
chose to endure affiiction with that people of God with
whom he saw most of God's truth and spirit, than remain
in Egypt. He was to be one of God's chosen instru
ments in bringing his vine out of Egypt, and preparing it
for its planting in ,the wilderness.
Their removal into Holland was a work of incomparably
greater difficulty,' hardship, and danger, than they could
have imagined ; for they were beset with persecuting
enemies, and threatened by them every step of the way.
They were thrown into prison, betrayed, robbed, and
treated with barbarous indecency and cruelty. It took
hear a whole year of labor and trial to accomplish this
first pilgrimage, beginning in the fall of 1607, and continu
ing in the spring and summer of 1608. The other branch
of their original church in Lincolnshire; under the care of
Mr. John Smith as pastor, had gone over to Amsterdam
before them, and it would seem with much less difficulty
from external enemies ; 'but they soon fell into difficulties
among themselves, which Robinson and the Pilgrim Church
avoided meddling with by removing afterwards to Leyden.
The Pilgrims had chosen Robinson for their pastor before
they thought of an exile from England, and his counsel
was of the greatest service to them. The first notice of
their removal given by Mr. Prince from Governor Brad
ford's manuscript is as follows, under date of 1607 : " This
fall, Mr. Robinson's church in the North of England, being
extremely harassed, some cast into prison, some beset in
their houses, some forced to leave their farms and families,
they begin to fly over to Holland, for purity of worship
and liberty of conscience."
Then in the spring of 1608 we find the next record, as
follows : " This spring, more of Mr. Robinson's church,
through great difficulties from their pursuers, get over to
Holland, and afterwards the rest, with Mr. Robinson and
Mr. Brewster, who are of the last, having tarried to help

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 149
the weakest over before them. They first settle in Am
sterdam, and stay there a year, where Mr. Smith and his
church had gotten before them."
Then in 1609 we find the following record, which con
veys nearly all that we can learn respecting the causes of
their removal from Amsterdam to Leyden ; "Mr. Robinson's
church having staid at Amsterdam about a year, seeing
Mr. Smith and his company was fallen into contention with
the church that was there before him, and that the flames
thereof were like to break out in that ancient church itself,
as afterwards lamentably came to pass, which Mr. Robin
son and church prudently foreseeing, they think it best to
remove in time before they were any way engaged with
the same ; though they knew it would be very much to the
prejudice of their outward interest, as it proved to be.
Yet valuing peace and spiritual comfort above other
riches, they therefore remove to Leyden about the begin
ning of the twelve years' truce between the Dutch and the
Spaniards, choose Mr. Brewster assistant to him in the
place of an elder, and then live in great love and harmony
both among themselves and their neighbour citizens for
above eleven years, till they remove to New England."
The Providences of God for them, though mingled with
much mercy, were all the while those of change and trial.
God was leading them forth out of Egypt for his own pur
poses, which as yet he had not revealed to them. They
removed from Rameses, and pitched in Succoth ; and they
departed from Succoth and pitched in Etham. They
seemed all the while to hear as of old the voice of Jehovah,
" I will take you to me for a people, and I will be to you a
God ; and ye shall know that I am the Lord your God,
which bringeth you out from under the burdens of the
Egyptians. And I will bring you in unto the land, con
cerning the which I did swear to give it to Abraham, to
Isaac, and to Jacob ; and I will give it to you for an
heritage." God, who was with them, made them feel that

150 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
it was not for a lasting encampment in Amsterdam or
Leyden, that he had brought them out, nor for themselves
alone, nor for their own enjoyment, that he was leading
them. God awoke within them the great purpose of
crossing the ocean, and incited them to it by many induce
ments, providences, and trials, inward and external. God
made them unwilling to bear the thought of so being exiles
as to cut themselves for ever off from the language, the
laws, the name, and the home of Englishmen. They saw
that in Holland they were in danger of this ; that to this,
indeed, they were fast coming. God made them to see
also that by the dissolution of foreign examples, the licen
tiousness of the youth around them, and the great tempta
tions of the city, their children were becoming a prey to
the great adversary of their souls, were tempted to join the
army, to embark on dangerous voyages, and engage in
vicious courses, so that they had reason to fear a degene
rate posterity, and religion dying among them. God made
them to note with grief the great and constant profanation
of the Sabbath around them, and that all their efforts to
stop the tide of immorality were unavailing. They desired
a Christian Sabbath, they desired English laws, the English
language, English manners, and an English home and
education for their children. These thoughts and anxieties
God caused to burn within them.
Above all, God suggested and excited in their hearts,
what was at that day a peculiarity and a marvel of Chris
tian experience, and a prophecy of the missionary spirit
that should come, " an inward zeal and great hope," in the
language of Governor Bradford, "of laying some good
foundation, or at least to make some way thereunto, for
the propagating and advancing the gospel of the Kingdom
of Christ in those remote parts of the world ; yea, though
they should be as stepping stones unto others for the per
forming of so great a work." Their first motive in getting
out of Egypt had been, as it were, simply a three days'

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 151
journey into the wilderness, to sacrifice freely unto their
God. They do not seem to have dreamed, while in Eng
land, of the great conception of founding a colony for God
in the New World. But this was what God had for them
to do, and in due time he told them of it, made them sensi
ble of their mission, woke up in their hearts a desire for it,
broke up their encampment in Etham, and caused them to
stand upon the verge of the sea, ready for its crossing.
Now when we add to this the extract from that beauti
ful letter of Robinson and Brewster to Sir Edwin Sandys,*
thanking him for his kindness, and detaihng to him the rea
sons for encouragement and perseverance, we shall have a
perfect picture of their thoughts and motives, as if there
were a window in their hearts.
1st, they say, " We verily believe and trust the Lord is
with us ; to whom and whose service we have given our
selves in many trials ; and that he will graciously prosper
our endeavours, according to the simplicity of our hearts.
Second, we are well weaned from the delicate milk of our
mother country, and inured to the difficulties of a strange
land. Third, the people are, for the body of them, indus
trious and frugal, we think we may safely say, as any com
pany of people in the world. Fourth, we are knit together
as a body, in the most strict and sacred bond and covenant
of the Lord ; of the violation whereof we make great
conscience, and by virtue whereof we hold ourselves
straitly tied to all care of each other's good, and of the
whole. Fifth, and lastly, it is not with us as with other
men, whom small things can discourage, or small discon
tentments cause to wish ourselves at home again. We
know our entertainment in England and Holland. We shall
much prejudice both our , acts and means by removal ;
where, if we should be driven to return, we should not hope
to recover our present helps and comforts," neither indeed
* Prince, 51. Young's Chronicles, 61.

152 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
look ever to attain the like in any other place during our
lives, which are now drawing towards their period."
In this calm and steadfast spirit, relying upon God, did
these noble soldiers of Christ reason of their undertaking.
They knew it was a forlorn hope, yet glorious in its very
forlornness, since it cut them offfromallthought but thatof
success, trusting in the Almighty.
Such was the spirit of John Robinson of Norfolk ; and
the same was manifested in the character of his friend and
brother, William Brewster ; quieter, perhaps, in him, but not
less enduring and steadfast. Theirs was the animating
spirit of the whole colony, in its commencement, as Gover
nor Bradford's seems to have been afterwards in its
guidance. Such were the feelings with which they looked
towards New England ; and Robinson's heart, though he
never reached this country, was as much fixed upon the
enterprise as that of any who engaged in it. He foresaw
something of the glory of the Church of Christ in its new
development, and he was certainly a most remarkable in
strument in preparing God's agents and instrumentahties
for so great a work.
Born in the year 1576, he was but thirty-two years of
age when he commenced the pastoral care of the flock in
Holland ; but he soon gained there an enviable reputation
for united learning and piety, and a vast influence by means
of it. Even those who were his enemies because of his
separation from the church of England, and the simplicity
and independence of his ecclesiastical platform, called
him " the most learned, polished, and modest spirit that ever
separated from the church of England." His character
was briefly but beautifully drawn by Governor Bradford.
"As he was a man learned, and of solid judgment, and of
a quick and sharp wit, so was he also of a tender ci.n-
science, and very sincere in all his ways, a hater of hy
pocrisy and dissimulation, and would be very plain with
his best friends. He was very courteous, affable, and socia-

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 153
ble in his conversation, and towards his own people es
pecially. He was an acute and expert disputant, very
quick and ready, and had much bickering with the Ar-
minians, who stood more in fear of him than of any in the
University. He was never satisfied in himself, till he had
searched any cause or argument he had to deal in
thoroughly and to the bottom ; and we have heard him
sometimes say to his familiars that many times, both in
writing and disputation, he knew he had sufficiently an
swered others, but many times not himself; and was ever
desirous of any light, and the more able, learned, and holy
the persons were, the more he desired to confer and reason
with them. He was very profitable in his ministry, and
comfortable to his people. He was much beloved of them,
and as loving was he unto them, and entirely sought their
good for soul and body. In a word, he was much esteem
ed and reverenced of all that knew him, and that were ac
quainted with his abilities, both of friends and strangers."*
He was a man of rare foresight and prudence ; qualities
developed in his guidance of the Church at Amsterdam,
and his counsel to remove to Leyden, leaving off strife
before it be meddled with ; for he saw plainly what would
come to pass out of the contention which was growing in
the Church that was at Amsterdam before him. But
though a man of peace, he knew when to speak, and on
what side, and was ready to contend earnestly for the faith
once delivered to the saints, though not without thorough
understanding of the matter and persons in controversy.
" Besides his singular abilities in divine things," says Gov.
Bradford, " wherein he excelled, he was able also to give
direction in civil affairs, and to foresee dangers and incon
veniences ; by which means he was very helpfu) to their
outward estates ; and so was every way as a common
father unto them. And none did more offend him than
those that were close and . cleaving to themselves, and
* Young's Chronicles, 432.

154 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
retired from the common good ; as also such as would be
stiff and rigid in matters of outward order, and inveigh
against the evils of others, and yet be remiss in themselves,
and not so careful to express a virtuous conversation.
They in like manner had ever a reverent regard unto him,
and had him in precious estimation, as his worth and
wisdom did deserve."
It was not wonderful that this Pilgrim church, composed
of such materials, and under the guidance of such a Pastor,
should flourish in Leyden during the years of its settlement
there ; years in which they enjoyed " much sweet and
delightful society and spiritual comfort together in the
ways of God, under the able ministry and prudent goverrh-
ment of Mr. John Robinson and Mr. William Brewster,
who was an assistant unto him in the place of an elder,
unto which he was now called and chosen by the church ;
so as they grew in knowledge and other gifts and graces
of the spirit of God, and lived together in peace and love
and holiness. And many came unto them from divers
parts of England, so as they grew a great congregation.
And if at any time any differences did arise, or offences
broke out (as it cannot be but that sometimes there will,
even among the best of men), they were ever so met with
and nipped in the head betimes, or otherwise so well com
posed, as still love, peace, and communion was continued,
or else the church purged of those that were incurable and
incorrigible, when, after much patience used, no other
means would serve ; which seldom comes to pass." *
The church of the Pilgrims, indeed, under Robinson's
care, was so remarkable for peace, brotherly love, and
quiet industry, that it was publicly noted by the magistrates
of the City as a model in those respects. " These English,"
said they, by way of reproof to the French Church of tlie
Walloons in Leyden, " have lived amongst us now tliese
twelve years, and yet we never had any suit or accusation
* Bradford in Young's Chronicles, 36.

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 155
come against any of them. But your strifes and quarrels
are continual."
Now this love of peace in Robinson was so combined
with a keen discernment and ardent love of the truth, that
though always more disposed to settle contentions by the
meekness and gentleness of heavenly wisdom, than to
decide them by taking a part ; yet whenever he conceived
the truth to be at stake, there was neither indifference nor
hesitation as to his side and course of duty. Disputes
about indifferent things, or preferences, he never would
meddle with ; but whatever he saw wounding the vital
interests of the truth and of Christ's Church, that he made
a matter of personal anxiety, and if need were, of contro
versy. So it was that he became engaged in the argument
against the doctrine of the Arminians in Leyden. Armi-
nius had died in 1609. The two divinity professors elected
in the university in 1612, were at opposite sides in this
conflict, Episcopius being the champion of the Arminians,
and Polyander of the Calvinists. The contention had
grown so sharp between them that it was the matter of
their daily lectures, and their disciples themselves were
separated, hearing each only their own side, as is wont in
such cases. But Robinson, amidst all his labors, discerning
the importance of this juncture, and being determined,
according to his custom, to examine candidly and. tho
roughly, went constantly to hear the lectures of both ;
whereby he became thoroughly grounded in the merits of
the controversy, knew the force of all arguments used, and
the shifts of the adversary, " and being himself very able,
none was fitter to buckle with them, as appeared by sundry
disputes ; so as he began to be terrible to the Arminians.""
From his known interest in the controversy, and ac
quaintance with its merits, as well as the decided stand
which he took in regard to. it, and his ardent love of the
truth, the defenders of the Calvinistic system were very
• Bradford in Prince, 36. Young's Chronicles, 41.

156 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
desirous to gain for theii" side the aid of his abilities. Ac
cordingly, Polyander, with several of the most eminent
preachers in the city, invited him to take up their cause on
the great points in question, in a public disputation against
Episcopius. This he was at first unwilling to do, being
comparatively young, and regarded as a foreigner or
stranger in the city, though he had been known there now
for three years. But at length he yielded to Polyander's
importunity, as well as his own sense of the importance of
the occasion, and prepared himself for the conflict. " And
when the time came," says Governor Bradford, " the Lord
did so help him to defend the truth and foil his adversary,
as he put him to an apparent nonplus in this great and
public audience. And the like he did two or three times
upon such like occasions ; the which, as it caused many to
praise God that the truth had so famous a victory, so it
procured him much honor and respect from those learned
men, and others which loved the truth." *
While he lived at Leyden, and both before and after the
settlement of his flock in Plymouth, he published several
works, one of the earliest of which was hte Justification of
separation from the Church of England, in 476 pages quar
to, in the year 1610. Governor Bradford connects his
notice of this work, and of the increase of Robinson's
Church, in such a manner, that we might suppose the
"Justification" was in some measure the cause of the en
largement. He says that about this time, and the follow
ing years, many came to his Church at Leyden from
diverse parts of England, so that they grew a great con
gregation. And Robinson grew in reputation and love
among all men, and continued his labors with the pen, as
well as in preaching, up to the season of his death, so that
he left behind him a treatise which was published after his
departure to his rest. Few individuals have ever so united
the men of all classes in respect and admiration for his
• Prince, 38. Young's Chronicles, 41.

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 157
character. Mr. Prince informs us, in a note to the record
of his death, that as he was had in high esteem both by the
city and University, for his learning, piety, moderation,
and excellent accomplishments, the magistrates, ministers,
scholars, and most of the gentry, mourned his death as a
pubHc loss, and followed him to the grave. Mr. Prince
had often seen his son Isaac, who came over to the Plymouth
Colony, and who Hved to be above ninety years of age.
Robinson was smitten with his last illness on Saturday
morning, February 22d, 1625. He nevertheless preached
twice the next day, which was his last service of love to
his Redeemer and the Church. His disease baffled the
skill of the physicians, and seemed, indeed, to be unknown,
being described as a continual inward ague, in which, with
little or no pain, he grew weaker and weaker rapidly every
day, till the next Saturday, the first day of March, when
he died, sensible to the last. These particulars are found
in a letter from Mr. White to Governor Bradford, dated
at Leyden, April 28th, 1625. Nothing is given of his last
conversations, though it is stated that his friends visited him
freely throughout his illness.
In his researches in Leyden, of which he gives some ac
count in the collections of the Massachusetts Historical
Society,* Mr. Sumner found a record of Robinson's burial
in St. Peter's Church in that city, on the fourth of March,
1625 ; and he also discovered a receipt of payment of
burial fees in the church receipt book as follows : The
translation only is given.
1625, 10. March. — Open and hire for John Robens, English
Preacher,  9 florins.
Mr. Sumner says that at that time the plague was raging
in Leyden, so that in one church there were buried, only
three days before Robinson's death, twenty-five persons in
* Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol. ix., 3d Series, 65, 71.

158 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
one day. Whole families were buried at the same time.
The hint in Mr. White's letter to Governor Bradford,
giving the account of Robinson's illness, accords with this,
where the writer says, " he had a continual inward ague,
but I thank the Lord was free of the plague, so that all his
friends could come freely to him." But this by no means
invalidates the account of especial or public honors at his
funeral. Indeed the fact that four days elapsed from his
death to his burial would rather strengthen the credibility
of that account.
The letters of Robinson to the Colony were very pre
cious to the Pilgrims, as of an absent father to his flock,
fraught with wise counsels, and with the feelings of an af
fectionate heart. He always looked upon them as his peo
ple, and they looked to him as their Pastor ; for to the day
of his death neither he nor they had abandoned the hope
of being again united. " If either prayers, tears, or means
would have saved his life," said Roger White, in his letter
to Governor Bradford, " he had not gone hence. Biit he
having faithfully finished his work, which the Lord had
appointed him here to perform, he now rests with the Lord
in eternal happiness ; we wanting him and all church
governors, not having one at present that is a governing
officer among us." Their leading men had gone over to
Plymouth, and before many years almost the whole re
maining portion of the church were gathered there through
the great kindness of their brethren. Never was there a
church, whose members manifested more truly one towards
another the patience and brotherly love of the gospel.
This was a great proof of the faithful, apostolic character
of their beloved Pastor's ministry. " Whom the Lord,"
said one of the remaining brethren in the church, Mr. Th.
Blossom, ifi a letter preserved in Governor Bradford's let
ter-book, " took away even as fruit falleth before it is ripe.
The loss of his ministry was very great unto me, for I ever
counted myself happy in the enjoyment of it, notwithstand-

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 159
ing all the crosses and losses otherwise I sustained. Alas !
you would fain have had him with you, and he would as
fain have come to you."
His spirit was evidently saddened ever after the de
parture of the Pilgrims, whom he longed to follow. There
is an expression of this sadness in his beautiful letter,
written to the Church in Plymouth, after their severe
experience of the first winter, when death had been so
busy among them. A tone of still deeper dejection marks
his later correspondence, although he felt, after that first
winter, that God had given them the victory. Such a
letter as the following, which we copy as it stands in the
fragment preserved of Governor Bradford's letter-book,
must have had a powerful and lasting effect upon the dear
Christian friends to whom he was writing.
" To the Church of God at Plymouth, in New England. Much
beloved brethren : Neither the distance of place, nor distinction
of body, can at all either dissolve or weaken that bond of true
Christian affection, in which the Lord by his spirit hath tied us
together. My continual prayers are to the Lord for you ; my
most earnest desire is unto you ; from whoni I will not longer
keep, if God will, than means can be procured to bring with me
the wives and children of divers of you, and the rest of your
brethren, whom I could not leave behind me without great injury
both to you and them, and offence to God and all men. The
death of so many of our dear friends and brethren, oh how
grievous hath it been to you to bear, and to us to take know
ledge of; which, if it could be mended with lamenting, could not
sufficiently be bewailed ; but we must go unto them, and they
shall not return unto us ; and how many, even of us, God hath
taken away here and in England since your departure, you may
elsewhere take knowledge. But the same God has tempered
judgment with mercy, as otherwise, so in sparing the rest ;
especially those, by whose godly and wise government you may
he, and I know, are, so much helped. In a battle it is not looked
for but that divers should die ; it is thought well for a side if it
get the victory, though with the loss of divers, if no too many or

160 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
too great. God, I hope, hath given you the victory, after- many
difficulties, for yourselves and others; though I doubt not but
many do and will remain for you and us all to strive with.
Brethren, I hope I need not exhort you to obedience unto those
whom God hath set over you, in Church and Commonwealth, and
to the Lord in them. It is a Christian's honor to give honor ac
cording to men's, places ; and his liberty, to serve God in Faith,
and his brethren in Love, orderly, and with a willing and free
heart. God forbid I should need to exhort you to peace, which is
the bond of perfection, and by which all good is tied together,
and without which it is scattered. Have peace with God first,
by faith in his promises, good conscience kept in all things, and
oft renewed by repentance ; and so one with another for His sake,
which is, though three, one ; and for Christ's sake, who is one,
and as you are called by one spirit to one hope. And the God of
peace and grace, and all good men, be with you, in all the fruits
thereof, plenteously upon your heads, now and for ever. All
your brethren here remember you with great love, a general
token whereof they have sent you.
Yours ever in the Lord. John Robinson.
Leyden, Holland, June 30, Anno 1621.
The most interesting and valuable of all that remains in"
Plymouth, illustrative of the first generation of its pilgrim
inhabitants, is the volume of Old Colony and Church Re
cords, kept among the registries of the town and county.
It is with singular interest that the visitor turns over these
antique leaves, among which it is pleasant to meet the
following poem on the Death of Robinson,'found in a page
of the Church Records as early as the date of the year
1626. The lines are at least as good as some of Roger
Ascham's, and in the firm handwriting in the original MS.
may remind one of the verses which John Bunyan used to
write in his old copy of Fox's Book of the Martyrs.
Governor Bradford was the only one of the Pilgrims, so
far as we know, that ever made any attempts at versifica-

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 161
tion ; perhaps the authorship of the following stanzas is
his.
A PEW POEMS,
MADE BY A FRIEND, ON THE DEPLORED DEATH OF MR. JOHN ROBINSON,
THE WORTHY PASTOUR OF THE CHURCH OP LEYDEN, AS FOLLOWETH :
1 Blessed Robinson hath run his race
from earth to heaven is Gone,
to be with Christ in heavenly place,
the blessed saints among.
2 A burning and a shining light,
was hee whiles hee was beer,
a preacher of the gospel Bright,
whom we did love most deer.
3 What tho hees dead, his workes alive
and live will to all aye ;
the comfort of them pleasant is
to living saints each day.
4 Oh blessed holy Saviour,
the fountain of all grace,
from whom such blessed instruments
are sent and Run their Race,
5 To lead us to and guide us in
the way to happiness
that soe oh Lord we may alwaies
for evermore confess
6 That whosoever Gospel preacher be
or waterer of the same,
wee may always most constantly
Give Glory to thy Name.
There is in these lines, which beyond doubt are the ex
pression of the feelings of the whole church, a very differ
ent sentiment from that sometimes ascribed to the colony.
It has been intimated that the brethren were so fond of
th6ir own prophesyings, and so gifted in the same, that

162

HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS.

their pastors in after years found themselves depreciated,
discouraged, and disesteemed thereby. It is very certain
that God saw fit to discipline the colony with some very
disastrous experiences in the endurance of men, who
proved hypocrites in the ministry or incapacitated for it.
It was God's own providence, not their choice, that threw
them upon the exercise of their own gifts so long and so
habitually. And there could not have been much irregu
larity, or disesteem of the ministry, in a church educated
under Robinson's guidance, while such men as Brewster,
Bradford, and Edward Winslow, were their elders and
"prophets." The jealousy of prophesyings among the
brethren savors a little of that spirit of the Establishment,
which afterwards threw Winslow himself into prison in
England, on the charge of having publicly exercised his
gifts for the edification of the Church, when they wanted a
minister. The last stanza in this simple poem on the
death of Robinson conveys without doubt the sentiment of
the whole church in regard to such preachers of the gospel
as the Lord might be pleased to grant them for the guid
ance of his flock. That whoso gospel preacher be.
Or waterer of the same,
We may always most constantly
Give glory to thy name.

CHAPTER VII.

THE FIRST NEW ENGLAND CHURCH AND THEIR ELDER, WILLIAM
BREWSTER.  THE VINE BROUGHT OUT AND PLANTED.
The first New England Church was composed of the
Pilgrims in the May Flower. Its organization must be
regarded as having taken place before they left Leyden,
even on that important day of fasting and prayer, early in
the year 1620, when, having received accounts of the com
pletion of arrangements in England for their departure,
they gathered together to ask counsel of the Lord. That
day they heard a sermon from their pastor, Robinson, on the
appropriate text in First Samuel xxiii. 4. " And David's men
said unto him. Behold we be afraid here in Judali : how
much more then if we come to Keilah against the armies
of the Philistines ? Then David inquired of the Lord yet
again. And the Lord answered him and said. Arise, go
down to Keilah ; for I will deliver the Phihstines into thine
hand." What a treasure would it have been, could that
sermon have been preserved to us ! We have no record of
it whatever, save in two lines from Governor Bradford,
where he says that Mr. Robinson preached that day from
that text, " strengthening them against their fears, and en
couraging them in their resolutions." It could not but have
been one of Robinson's wisest, most affectionate, most fer
vent and animating sermons ; for he was full of a devout
fire himself in this great Pilgrim and Missionary enter-

164 _ HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
prise ; he intended to go in person, and his whole heart
was bound up in the undertaking. And every step which he
and his beloved fellow-disciples of Christ adopted in it was
taken in prayer. If ever a church sought God's guidance,
they did. With what energy, and beauty, and heavenly-
mindedness he would, on that occasion, have led his flock
by the streams of God's promises, telling them that they
should find the same streams in the wilderness, and brooks
to drink of by the way, yea, and in the New Worid to
which they were travelling, new and unexpected springs
of light, comfort, and power.
Their next business, after seeking God in prayer, and
listening to the counsels of that beloved pastor, whom God
had given them, was to " conclude how many, and who
should prepare to go first ; for all that were willing could
not get ready quickly." It is from Governor Bradford that
we derive our direct and valuable notice of this day's ser
vices and doings. " The greater number," says he, " being
to stay, require their pastor to tarry with them ; their
Elder, Mr. Brewster, to go with the other. Those who
GO FIRST, TO BE AN ABSOLUTE CHURCH OF THEMSELVES, AS
WELL AS THOSE WHO STAY ; with this pTOviso, that as any go
over or return, they shall be reputed as members, without
farther dismission or testimonial. And those who tarry,
to follow the rest as soon as they can."
We have marked an important sentence in this record.
From this day, the Church of the Pilgrims in the May
Flower, the First Congregational Church in Plymouth and
in New England, and in all America, dates its organization.
There was no other formal organization, that we are aware
of, nor was any other necessary. It was as simple and
natural as the growth of two cedars from due stock, of
two branches from the same vine, of two rose trees from
the same root. They had the same covenant with the
Parent Church, the same officers, and the same usages.
They carried from Leyden into New England that primitivej -

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 165
New Testament Congregational organization which they
had brought from Old Engliand into Leyden. Their cove
nant was with Christ, and with one another in him, " to
walk in all his ways, made known, or to be made known
unto them, according to their best endeavors, whatever it
cost them."
Perfectly and nobly in accordance with this covenant
was the spirit and letter of Mr. Robinso"n's last remarkable
sermon to his departing flock, when they observed their final
Fast Day, ready to depart on the morrow. That day their
pastor took his text from Ezra the eighth, 21 : " Then I
proclaimed a fast there at the river of Ahava, that we
might afflict ourselves before our God, to seek of him a
right way for us, and for our little ones, and for all our
substance." The old prophetic spirit seemed to have de
scended upon the preacher, as he reminded them of the
terms of their covenant, and drew forth its meaning before
them. The record of this discourse, as preserved by Gov.
Winslow, is so characteristic of Robinson, so filled with
the same wisdom and grace shining in his letters to the
Pilgrims, that it bears the strongest internal evidence of its
authenticity. " He charged them before God and his blessed angels, to
follow him no further than he followed Christ. And if
God should reveal anything to them by any other instru
ment of his, to be as ready to receive it as ever they were
to receive any truth by his ministry ; for he was very con-
fident'the Lord had more truth and light yet to break forth
out of his Holy Word. He took occasion also miserably to
bewail the state of the Reformed Churches, who were
come to a period on religion, and would go no further than
the instruments of their Reformation. As for example, the
Lutherans could not be drawn to go beyond what Luther
saw ; for whatever part of God's Word he had further re
vealed to Calvin, they had rather die than embrace it ; and
so, said he, you see the Calvinists, they also stick where he

166 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
left them ; a misery much to be lamented. For though
they were precious, shining lights in their times, yet God
had not revealed his whole will to them. And were they
now alive, said he, they would be as ready to embrace fur
ther light as that they had received. Here also he put us
in mind of our Church Covenant, whereby we engaged
with God and one another to receive whatever light or
truth should be made known to us from his written word.
But withal he exhorted us to take heed what we receive
for truth, and well to examine, compare, and weigh it with
other Scriptures, before we receive it. For, said he, it is
not possible the Christian world should come so lately out
of such Anti-Christian darkness, and that full perfection of
knowledge should break forth at once."
Robinson also told the church that he would be glad if
some goodly minister would go over with them before he
himself came ; and he prophesied that there would be no
difference between the Nonconformists and themselves,
when once they came together out of the kingdom of
England. He begged them likewise to put aside their un
willingness to appoint another pastor or teacher ; but they
waited long for him, and as God would have it, were with
out a settled minister till after his death. Mr. Prince has
well noted Robinson's endeavor to take them off from their
attachment to himself, that they might be more entirely free
to search and follow the Scriptures.
There was great meaning in the Providence which kept
the pastor from embarking with the flock. They might
have leaned too much upon him, trusting in an arm of flesh.
And had he come to this country, what between the love
of faithful souls, the strength of a great mind, a sacred su
periority of trial and suffering, and the weakness of his
flock, his own power might have been too great, too sud
denly accumulate, and in danger of breeding worms, as is
often the case with the manna of reputation, influence, and
power, when not received from God and Providence, ac-

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 167
cording to occasions of want. There was a wonderful guar
dianship from God against this evil (an evil which lay in
man's nature, and not in mere circumstances) not only in
the case of Robinson, but of some other dear and neces
sary men, dangerous by their very dearness. He would
gladly have gone with them ; but never again this side the
grave was he to meet that Pilgrim part of his flock over
which he had watched for more than twelve years, with
such apostolic assiduity and tenderness.
Here then was a Church without a Bishop. New Eng
land was to be colonized by such a church. It was such a
church that God was pleased to choose, for " a restorer of
paths to dwell in, to raise up the foundations of many
generations." It was a wonderful Providence which sent
this Vine to take root in New England, under no head but
Christ. The church was to be thrown, in its simplest origi
nal elements as a band of Christians, independent of any
earthly power, and in entire dependence upon Christ, into
a state of isolation, unrivalled, unequalled, since the forma
tion of the first church at Antioch. There was in all this
an evident return of Christ's Church to those oViginal
sources of power which it possessed, disconnected from
any earthly organization in existence, at the Day of Pente
cost. There was in this kind of original plantation in New
England, one of the most remarkable manifestations
of God's superintending wisdom visible in the history of
mortals. ,
It seemed as if man was to do nothing, God everything, in
this new reformation and creation of the church. Its founda
tions were sunk deep down in an abyss of trial, in faith, in
self-denial, in love, in God. There was hardly ever in the
world a more complete cutting off from all human depend
ence, not even when the Israelites, just escaped from Egypt,
with the chariots of Pharaoh rattling behind them, stood at
the Red Sea. And indeed, the miracle in such a case is a
lower kind of training of the soul to faith, than the deliver-

168 historical and local illustrations
ance by the pressure of God's gradual providence, when
the sense can see nothing but what is natural, and the soul
must be armed with grace, must see God by faith, or not
see him at all. The miracle is but the bud of greater deal
ings, of a more refined and exquisite spiritual training ; the
miracle is good for babes ; the great things of God's ordi
nary providence for men ; the discipline of the soul for a
life of faith, and for the daily sight of God in daily trials, is
the most costly and the greatest thing. The old miracu
lous dispensation was comparatively crude, but this is more
perfect ; that was of sense, but this is of the spirit.
In man's sense it was a church without a Bishop. And
yet, perhaps, in the three kingdoms out of which God
sifted the Pilgrim wheat, there could not have been found
as their Bishop, a man better fitted to lead them in green
pastures and beside still waters, than plain Elder Brewster.
The church at Leyden gave up their elder and retained
their pastor ; the church at Plymouth followed their elder
as their pastor, and such he really was. Between him and
Robinson there had long existed a very intimate confidence
and communion. They were " true yokefellowSj" and they
seem to have led the flock rather as co-pastors, than as
officers in any respect of a different grade. Their names
are together in the correspondence with England relative
to all the arrangements for the Pilgrim colony ; they were
together the overseers of the flock. Robinson was the
only pastor, Brewster the only elder ; but they were both
by turns pastor and elder, as necessity required. Brewster
was about twelve years the eldest, being sixty when the
Pilgrims embarked for New England, probably the oldest
of them all. In the providence of God they had really no
need of a better minister than he was, and for some years
God gave them none other. His spirit belonged to Robin
son, and Robinson's to him.
There seems to have been but one difficulty in regard to
his really filling the office of the ministry in Robinson's

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 169
stead, and that lay in the opinion of Robinson himself in
regard to the distinction between a ruling and a teaching
elder. A letter from Robinson to Brewster, copied from
the Records of the Plymouth church, and printed in Dr.
Young's Chronicles of the Pilgrims, contains the following
passage :
" Now touching the question propounded by you, I judge
it not lawful for you, being a ruling elder, a^ in Rom. xii.
7, 8, and in Tim. v. 17, opposed to the elders that teach
and exhort and labor in the word and doctrine, to which
the sacraments are annexed, to administer them, nor con
venient if it were lawful."
As this was written in answer to questions propounded
by Mr. Brewster, and as late as the close of the year 1623,
it is not improbable that, as the elder of the church, in the
absence of the pastor, he had occasionally presided at the
celebration of the Lord's Supper ; for it is not to be supposed
that the Church would continue to deny themselves the
comfort and joy of that sacrament, because their beloved
pastor did not come over to them. If they did, and con
ceived the Lord's Supper to be of such a nature that his
followers could never celebrate it as a church, without the
presence and sanction of an ordained minister, and if that
was also Mr. Robinson's opinion, then there was indeed
more light needed to be disclosed from God's word both to
pastor and people. But although Governor Bradford, in
his memoir of Elder Brewster, says nothing particularly on
this point, yet the description of his whole character and
services in the church is of such a tenor, as would lead us
to suppose that the church did not, under him, neglect the
sacrament of the Lord's Supper.
Mr. Hubbard, in his General History of New England,
intimates that the people wished to ordain Mr. Brewster as
.their pastor, but that he always refused to be anything
more than elder. The passage in which this statement is

170 historical and local illustrations
made is as follows :* " In many years they could not pre
vail with any to come over to them, and to undertake the
office of a pastor amongst them, at least none in whom
they could with full satisfaction acquiesce ; and therefore
in the meanwhile they were peaceably, and prudently
managed by the wisdom of Mr. Brewster, a grave and
serious person, that only could be persuaded to keep his
place of ruling elder amongst them : having acquired by
his long experience and study no srnall degree of knowledge
in the mysteries of faith and matters of religion, yet wisely
considering the weightiness of the ministerial work (and
therein he was also advised by Mr. Robinson) according
to that of the Apostle ' who is sufficient for these things V
he could never be prevailed with to accept the ministerial
office, which many less able in so long a time could have
been easily drawn into."
Again Mr. Hubbard says, on occasion of the death of
Robinson, concerning the delay of the Pilgrims in getting
a minister : " The small hopes these had of their pastor's
coming over to them being heretofore revived by the new
approach of the shipping every spring, possibly made them
more slow in seeking out for another supply, as also, more
difficult in their choice of any other." — " They were con
strained to live without the supply of that office, making
good use of the abilities of their ruling elder, Mr. Brewster,
who was qualified both to rule well, and also to labour in
the word and doctrine, although he could never be per
suaded to take upon him the pastoral office, for the adminis
tration of the sacraments and so forth. In this way they
continued till the year 1629."t
It seems probable that Mr. Brewster's question pro
pounded to Robinson arose out of the desire and request of
the church that he would consent to assume the office of
their Pastor. We deem it not unlikely that before writing
* Hubbard's History, in Mass. Hist. Col., p. 65.
t Hubbard's General History, ch. xvii. p. 97.

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCFS, AND PERSONS. 171
to Robinson to know his opinion, the church may have
'celebrated the sacrament of the Lord's Supper under
guidance of Mr. Brewster as their elder. But neither
they nor he could feel satisfied without his sanction as to
such a course, and the expression of Robinson's opinion
seems to have decided the matter. They seem after that
to have remained without the administration of the sacra
ments, until they had an ordained minister with them. It
was a needless deprivation, self-imposed, since the same
power and right, vested in them by the Lord Jesus, of
choosing and ordaining their own minister, would have
authorized them to appoint their elder to the business of
administering the sacraments. And indeed, if they were
so situated as to be deprived of the assistance or guidance
of either pastor or elder, they could have appointed their
deacon for that service, or one of their own members ; for
nowhere in the Word of God is the authgrity, propriety,
or edifying power of the sacraments restricted to the cir
cumstance of ordination in the person or persons presiding
at their administration. Of the Lord's Supper especially it
must be acknowledged that it is a commemorative ordi
nance belonging to the church, and in their power and right
to celebrate either with or without an ordained minister,
as they see fit. It is for other and higher purposes mainly
that elders are required of the Lord Jesus to be appointed
in every church, and not because without them the Lord's
Supper could not be celebrated.
Nevertheless, Robinson's opinion was very explicit
against Elder Brewster having any authority to administer
the sacrament, and perhaps he would have thought it still
more unbecoming, if not actually unlawful, for any church
to enjoy the sacraments, or celebrate the Lord's Supper,
without an ordained minister to break the bread. And we
conclude, that mainly in consequence of this opinion and
advice, Mr. Brewster did not and would not assume any
function supposed by their pastor to belong exclusively to

172 historical AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
the Elders appointed to teach and exhort, and labor in the
word and doctrine. For the same reason the church also
quietly waited, denying themselves one of their greatest
privileges and enjoyments in the Gospel.
They even suffered in the estimation of some, in conse
quence of this, and their adversaries in England made it an
occasion of slander ; as also they did the freedom with
which the brethren of the church were accustomed to ex
hort one another in their worshipping assemblies. They
accused the church as being not only independent, but dis
orderly, and disaffected towards the ministry, whereas it
was one of their greatest trials that they had to remain so
long without a settled Pastor. " I find," says Mr. John Cotton,
writing in 1760, "that the want of Sacraments was equally
objected against them by adversaries in England." To
which they sent this answer, verbatim, as recorded in the
church recordsj^ namely : 'The morels our grief that our
Pastor is kept from us, by whom we might enjoy them ; for
we used to have the Lord's Supper every Sabbath, and
Baptism as often as there was occasion of children to
baptize.' "
In Mr. Cushman's letter to the colony on the part of the
friendly adventurers, given in Gov. Bradford's Letter Book,
and dated Dec. 18, 1624, he says : " Let your practices and
course in religion in the church be made complete and full.
Let all that fear God amongst you join themselves there
unto without delay. And let all the ordinances of God be
used completely in the church without longer waiting upon
uncertainties, or keeping the gap open for opposites," This
would seem to intimate, that in Mr. Cushman's opinion, as
well as that of others, the church ought to have celebrated
the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, although without an
ordained pastor.
And we should have judged it not likely, that with a
man like Mr. Brewster as their spiritual guide, though not
ordained their Pastor, the church of the Pilgrims, at Ply-

of PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 173
mouth, would have passed three or four years without the
administration of the Sacramental ordinance. It is some
what singular, and not of a piece with the largeness and
scriptural freedom of his views generally, that Robinson
should have insisted so strongly upon the distinction and
even opposition between the offices of the ruling and teach
ing Elder on this point. Inasmuch as they had but one
Pastor in the church at Leyden, and one Elder, it is un
questionable that Mr. Brewster was regarded occasionally,
even there, as a teacher ; but there the question as to his
authority alone to administer the Sacraments had never
come up ; he was simply the assistant of the Pastor.
In the Ecclesiastical History of Massachusetts, published
by Dr. Elliot, in the Historical Collections of the Society,
it is said that the pastoral care of the Church was offered
to Mr. Brewster, but that he was too modest to accept of
it. He was indeed a man of genuine and delightful mo
desty and humihty ; but we incline to think it was mainly
the opinion of Robinson, with the feeling of assurance the
Pastor had of soon joining them himself, that prevented
him. Belknap also says that Brewster "never could be per
suaded to administer the sacraments, or take on him the
pastoral office ; though it had been stipulated before their
departure from Holland, that those who first went should
be an absolute Church of themselves, as well as those who
stayed ; and it was one of their principles that the brethrpn
who elected, had the power of ordaining to office. Had
his diffidence permitted him to exercise the pastoral office,
he would have had more influence, and kept intruders at a
proper distance."*
Dr. Elliot, in his biographical notice of Brewster, likewise
repeats that "he would not accept the office of pastor, but
preached to the people who came over with him to
Plymouth, and performed most part of a minister's duty.
* Belknap's American Biography, Vol. ii. 257, 266.

174 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
The Church were benefited by his labors, and would have
been happy if he had consented to administer the ordi
nances, for he was wise, learned, and prudent." Elliot
says that he was born in the year 1560.* Other authori
ties say 1564; indeed, Gov. Bradford's computation makes
it nearly or quite certain that this must be the right date.
He lived and labored till the middle of the seventeenth
century. In most of the churches in New England, within little
more than fifty years from that time, the distinction between
teaching and ruling Elders had almost entirely ceased.
But in the confession of faith by the churches, in 1680, it is
declared that the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper may not
be dispensed by any but by a minister of the word lawfully
called ; and the Cambridge Platform of 1649 recognises
the ruling elder's office as distinct from the office of pastor
and teacher.
Elder Brewster was really the stated and habitual teacher
of the Pilgrim church at Plymouth, until about the "year
1629, when, after several disappointments, they once more
had a settled Pastor. " When the church had no other
minister," says Governor Bradford, " he taught twice every
Sabbath, and that both powerfully and profitably, to the
great contentment of the hearers, and their comfortable
edification. Yea, many were brought to God by his minis
try. He did more in their behalf in a year, than many,
that have their hundreds a year, do in all their lives." This
is written with reference particularly to the fact, that in his
office as Elder, Mr. Brewster received no emolument for
his ministerial services. Yea, he could say with Paul,
yourselves know that these hands have ministered to my
necessities. But this all the Pilgrims had to be able to say,
and he was one of the foremost in energy and disinterest
edness. " He was no way unwilling," says Governor
Bradford, "to take^his part and bear his burden with the
* Elliot's Biog. Diet. 86.

OP PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 175
rest, living many times without bread or corn many months
together, having many times nothing but fish, and often
wanting that also ; and drank nothing but water for many
years together, yea, until within five or six years of his
death. And yet he lived, by the blessing of God, in health
until very old age : and besides that, would labor with his
hands in the fields as long as he was able."
It is evident from Governor Bradford's account, that
they could not easily have got a better Pastor, unless they
had had Mr. Robinson himself; also, that they really
looked to Elder Brewster as their Pastor in Robinson's
place. " In teaching," says the Governor, " he was very
stirring, and moving the affections ; also very plain and
distinct in what he taught : by which means he became
the more profitable to the hearers. He had a singular
good gift in prayer, both public and private, in ripping up
the heart and conscience before God, in the humble confes
sion of sin, and begging the mercies of God in Christ for
the pardon thereof. He always thought it were better for
ministers to"pray oftener, and divide their prayers, than to
be long and tedious in the same ; except upon solemn and
special occasions, as on days of humiliation and the like.
For the government of the Church, which was most proper
to his office, he was careful to preserve good order in the
same, and to preserve purity, both in the doctrine and
communion of the same, and to suppress any error or
contention that might begin to arise amongst them ; and
accordingly God gave good success to his endeavors
herein, all his days, and he saw the fruit of his labors in
that behalf."
Now we repeat the question, where could the Pilgrim
Church have found a better Pastor than is here described
in the character so beautifully drawn of Elder Brewster,
by one who knew him so thoroughly and intimately as
Governor Bradford ? It is not so surprising that with such
a man for their Elder, they felt that they could very safely

176 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
afford to..wait for their Pastor Robinson, even some years.
It is rather surprising that they did not, when it was found
that their whole hope of Robinson's coming must be relin
quished, Ibspecially when God had taken him from the
world, that they did not then elect and ordain Elder
Brewster for their Pastor and Teacher. Perkaps, as he
was verging towards seventy, they looked for a younger
man. They might have looked far, and not found one who
was, or ever would be, so gifted of the Holy Spirit for the
work of the gospel ministry. That faculty, so quaintly
described by Governor Bradford, of ripping up the heart
and conscience before God, was an invaluable one. Com
bined with Elder Brewster's affectionate disposition and
heart, it made him rarely qualified for the work of saving
souls. He was of a social, sympathizing nature, and took
part in the distresses as well as joys of those with whom
he mingled. None of the trials of the Pilgrims ever made
any of them misanthropic.
The experience of misfortune taught him to succor the
tempted and oppressed ; considering thyself, lest thou also
be tempted. "He was tender-hearted," says Governor
Bradford, " and compassionate of such as were in misery,
but especially of such as had been of good estate and rank,
and were fallen into want and poverty, either for goodness'
or religion's sake, or by the injury and oppression of others.
He would say, of all men these deserve to be most pitied ;
and none did more offend and displease him, than such as
would haughtily and proudly carry and lift up themselves,
being risen from nothing, and having little else in them but
a few fine clothes, or a little riches more than others."
Under the ministry and example of two such men as
Robinson and Brewster for more than twenty years, it was
to be expected that God would raise up and prepare a
company of his children for a great work. Meanwhile he
was disciplining and preparing the Pastor and the Elder,
as well as their flock.

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 177
While he was at Leyden, Mr. Brewster pursued the
honorable trade of a Printer, though when he had leai ned
it, we know not. He had the merit of being hunted for
punishment by the agents of the -English government,
because the works which he printed were obnoxious to the
Established Church. It would even seem that when the
Pilgrims embarked for Plymouth, and he with them, he was
the object of inimical search, and escaped it only by keep
ing close till the sailing of the vessel.
He had enjoyed a good early education, having learned
both Latin and Greek, and spent some time at Cam
bridge. He was afterwards employed at Court and on the
Continent, in the service of William Davison, the unfortu
nate Secretary of Queen Elizabeth at the time of the
execution of Mary, Queen of Scots. Davison was a man
of parts, says Hume, but easy to be imposed upon ; and
for that very reason at that time made Secretary, that the
gross dissimulation and murderous purpose of the Queen
imjght be successfully, and yet with seeming irresponsibility,
accomplished. He was a man of piety, ability, and various
worth, " beloved," as the Earl of Essex said, " of the best
and most religious, of the land," but sacrificed and brought
to ruin by the detestable meanness, perfidy, and cruelty of
Elizabeth. As far as he could, Mr. Brewster continued to
serve this unfortunate victim of State treachery, after the
Queen had thrown him into prison, and brought him to
utter poverty, by a fine of ten thousand pounds, for his
obedience to her own commands in the duties of his office.
While under the employment of Davison, Mr. Brewster
became well acquainted with civil affairs, having travelled
with him for state purposes on the Continent, where his
master communed with him, and trusted him as a son
rather than a servant. Under Davison's influence and
example, his religious character likewise seems to have
been more fully developed, and when at length he departed
from his service, the company with which he associated in
8*

178 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
the rural parts of England, where he lived, was more
especially among the religious gentlemen of that region.
What the extent of his vvorldly means then was, we know
not ; but 'Governor Bradford tells us that he was deep in
the charge of promoting and furthering religion, by pro
curing good preachers in all places thereabouts, and some
times above his ability. And so for many years he walked
according to the light he saw, till God's providence led him
into clearer light, about the year 1600, when. he was 36
years of age, and Robinson 24. Robinson was then enter
ing the degree of Master of Arts in Cambridge, and was
in a fair way to great preferment, had he been so minded.
Perhaps they neither of them, at this time, dreamed of
what was to follow, nor had any idea of the possibility of
two or three Christians, with Christ, constituting a Church.
But in Governor Bradford's words, "by the tyranny of the
bishops against godly preachers and people, in silencing
the one and persecuting the other, he, and many more of
those times, began to look further into particulars, andifto
see into the unlawfulness of their calhngs, and the burden
of many antichristian corruptions, which both he and they
endeavored to cast off."
In the year 1602, they gathered the first Pilgrim Church
" as the Lord's free people in the fellowship of the gospel,"
under covenant with him and one another, to walk in his
ways, cost what it might. And much did it cost them af
ter a year or two, when the vigilant and bitter persecutions
of the Establishment were turned upon them as they be
came known, and they were hunted and persecuted on
every side. Some were thrown into prison, and most
were compelled to flee from their houses, habitations, and
means of livelihood. But so long as they could stay in
England, Mr. Brewster was of great aid to them, being
free and forward in his friendship. For a while, until the
persecution grew too hot, they usually met at his house on
the Lord's day, " and with great love he entertained them

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 179
when they came, making provision for them to his great
charge." And when at length in 1607 they were driven
to the enterprise of their pilgrimage to Holland, he was
one of the greatest sufferers and most faithful men in that
perilous, disastrous, and treacherous expedition ; disastrous
in its course, through the wickedness of men, but glorious
in its issue, through the goodness of God. He was one of
the company who hired the ship at Boston in Lincolnshire,
and were betrayed by the Judas of a Captain. His money
and books were taken from him, and with six other of the
principal men he was thrown into prison, and kept there
some months. At length, in the course of 1607 and 1608,
he, with Robinson and others, succeeded after great diffi
culty, peril, and suffering, in getting into Holland.
There again he suffered much hardship, with his large
family, for years, until he could get employment and the
jneans of support, which afterwards became plentiful and
abundant. He does not appear at first to have " set up
printing," but besides that vocation he taught English very
successfully to foreigners, with great facility, by a system
of his own, through the medium of the Latin, so that
among the Danes and Germans, he had many pupils, and
some of them of noble families. Being thus established,
he was pleasantly situated in Holland, and at the age of
sixty, nothing would have induced him to flee with his
brethren into the wilderness, except his love to his Re
deemer, and to them for Christ's sake, and to the cause of
Christ and Christian Liberty with them.
The names of his children were striking developments
of the qualities of the man. They were genuine way-
marks of his experience in Divine Providence and grace,
and not a mere imitation of the Hebrew custom of names
as sacred memorials. They were actual memorials of
events and states of mind in his chequered pilgrimage.
There were among his offspring, Love, Wrestling, Patience,
and Fear : and there were whole periods in his life charac

180 HISTORICAL AND. LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
terized by the discipline of God in reference to each of
these qualities.
Mr. Brewster was as remarkable for the virtues of frugali
ty and temperance, as he was for the graces of charity and
love. The habits of self-denial, patience, and sympathizing
kindness, early learned, were of inestimable value when he
came to grapple with the realities of pain and want. He
was noted for his submissive and cheerful endurance of
the famine, in the second winter of the colony. And when
nothing but oysters or clams could be set upon the table,
with neither bread, nor parched corn, nor vegetables, he
would pleasantly and heartily give thanks "that they
were permitted to suck of the abundance of the seas, and
of the treasures hid in the land."
Belknap says that Mr. Brewster was the owner of a
very considerable library, part of which was lost when the
vessel in which he embarked was plundered at Boston, in
Lincolnshire. After his death, his remaining books were
valued at forty-three pounds in silver, as appeared from the
Colony Records, where a catalogue of them is preserved.
Some statements have been made through a careless
reading of manuscripts, or wrong interpretation of sen
tences, quite incorrect ; as for example, we find it stated
in one or two instances, in biographical memoirs of Brews
ter, that while he was in the employment of Davison, on an
embassy from Queen Elizabeth into the Low Countries, the
keys of Flushing were delivered to him, and the States
honored him with a gold chain. In this case Brewster by
mistake is put in the place of Davison himself, as any one
may see on reading the original from whence this histori
cal item is taken, which is the Memoir of Brewster by
Governor Bradford. The memoir is printed by Dr. Young,
from the manuscript records of Plymouth Church, and
occupies the 27th chapter of his Chronicles of the Pilgrims.
It was Davison himself whom the States honored with the
golden chain, and on his return into England, Davison

OK PKINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 181
gave it to Brewster to wear on their journey towards the
court. Davison, as time drew on, was advancing to his
ruin, through the infamous treachery of Queen Elizabeth.
Brewster, who wore his master's chain, was coming to the
period of persecuting discipline, by which Divine Provi
dence would teach and fit him for the great work of the
church colony in the vvilderness. Neither of them placed
their trust in earthly honors or treasures, but in Heaven.
The occasion, the characters, and the end, may bring to
remembrance the beautiful impromptu of Coleridge.
How seldom, friend ! a good great man inherits
Honor or wealth, with all his worth and pains !
It sounds like stories from the land of spirits.
If any man obtain that which he merits.
Or any merit that which he obtains.
REPLY.
For shame, dear friend ! renounce this canting strain.
What wouldst thou have a, good great man obtain ?
Place ? Title ? Salary ? A gilded chain ?
Or thrpnes of corses, which his sword hath slain ?
Greatness and goodness are not means, hut ends !
Hath he not always treasures, always friends,
The good great man ? Three treasures. Love and Light,
And calm Thoughts, regular as an infant's breath !
And three firm friends, more sure than day and night.
Himself, his Maker, and the Angel Death.
These beautiful truths were realized by the Pilgrims,
by such men as Robinson, Bradford, Brewster, Winslow,
and Winthrop ; and these possessions were theirs. Love,
Light, and calm and cheerful Thoughts ; and these friends
were theirs. Themselves, their Maker, and the Angel
Death; and all these three, self, God, and death, friends
through Christ. It was Christ in whom they trusted ;
Christ, to whom and for whom they had given up self;

182 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
Christ, in whom God was reconciled, and had reconcifed
them unto himself, and into whose glorious presence and
likeness, after their mission on earth was accomplished, the
Angel Death would usher them. It was thus that they
left that goodly and pleasant city in the Old World,
which had been their resting place near twelve years, to be
thrown upon the shores of a " waste howling wilderness,"
without a habitation. It was thus, in the simple and beauti
ful language of Governor Bradford, that "they knew they
were Pilgrims, and looked not much on those pleasant
things they were leaving, but lifted up their eyes to
heaven, their dearest country, and quieted their spirits."
Their sojourn in Leyden had been pleasant, mainly
through the power and perfect sweetness of that brotherly
love which bound them together. " For I persuade my
self," said Mr. Winslow, "never people on earth lived
more lovingly together, and parted more sweetly, than we,
the Church at Leyden, did ; not rashly, in a distracted
humor, but upon joint and serious deliberation, often
seeking the mind of God by fasting and prayer ; whose
gracious presence we not only found with us, but his
blessing upon us, from that time to this instant, to the in
dignation of our adversaries, the admiration of strangers,
and the exceeding consolation of ourselves, to see such
effects of our prayers and tears before our pilgrimage here
be ended."
And never was the reality and purity of brotherly love
better tested, than in the sacrifices so cheerfully made by
the Church in Plymouth, after the death of Robinson, to
transport at their own cost, to their own colony of refuge,
the brethren with their families, whom they had left behind
them. By labor, suffering, and the cost of many deaths
they had prepared it ; with unparalleled kindness and love
they welcomed others to the enjoyment and possession of
its comforts.
The simple record of Brewster's death we give in Brad-

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 183
ford's own language. It is the opening of that part of his
History of Plymouth Colony, which was occupied with the
memoir of Brewster. " Now followeth that which was
matter of great sadness and mourning unto this church.
About the tenth of April, in the year 1644, died their reve
rend Elder, our dear and loving friend, Mr. William
Brewster ; a man that had done and suffered much for the
Lord Jesus and the Gospel's sake, and had borne his part
in weal and wo with this poor persecuted church about
thirty-six years in England, Holland, and in this wilderness,
and done the Lord and them faithful service in his place
and calhng ; and notwithstanding the many troubles and
sorrows he passed through, the Lord upheld him to a great
age. He was near four-score years of age, if not all out,
when he died. He had this blessing, added by the Lord
to all the rest, to die in his bed, in peace, amongst the
midst of his friends, who mourned and wept over him,
and ministered what help and comfort thtj could unto him,
and he again recomforted them whilst he could. His sick
ness was not long. Until the last day thereof he did not
wholly keep his bed. His speech continued until some
what more than half a day before his death, and then failed
him ; and about nine or ten of the clock that evening he
died, without any pang at all. A few hours before, he
drew his breath short, and some few minutes before his
last, he drew his breath long, as a man fallen into a sound
sleep, without any pangs or gaspings, and so sweetly de
parted this life unto a better."
These are the words of Governor Bradford in the me
moir copied from the Records of the Plymouth Church.
He was an eye-witness of the serene departure of his dear
and loving friend, after whom he was still himself to re
main with the church on earth thirteen years. He and
Brewster had both experienced a great discipline from
God of mingled mercy and trial, and had both learned by
Divine Grace, whether living, to live unto the Lord, or

184 historical and local illustrations.
dying, to die unto the Lord. They could say with the
sweet musings of Baxter —
Lord, it belongs not to my care.
Whether 1 die or live ;
To love and serve thee is my share.
And this thy grace must give.
If life be long, I will be glad.
That I may long obey ;
If short, yet why should I be sad.
That shall have the same pay !
Christ leads me througli no darker rooms,
Than he went through before ;
He that into God's kingdom, comes
Must enter by this door.
Come, Lord, when grace hath made me meet.
Thy blessed face to see ;
For if thy work on earth be sweet,
What will thy glory be !

CHAPTER VIII.
congregational constitution of the PILGRIM CHURCH. 
CORRESPONDENCE OF BREWSTER AND ROBINSON WITH THE
COUNCIL IN ENGLAND, AS TO THEIR PRINCIPLES.  COMPARI
SON OF CONGREGATIONALISM AND HIERARCHISM.

The unsuccessful attempt of the Pilgrims to obtain
liberty of conscience under the King's seal was the means
of bringing out their principles into notice, as well as of
trying their patience. Some unjust insinuations having
been thrown out against them, to their injury with the
King's Privy Council, a correspondence ensued between
Sir John Worstenholme, one of the members of the Vir
ginia Company, and the Pastor Robinson, together with
Elder Brewster. A prayerful spirit of devout dependence
upon God runs through this correspondence, into which
also there came no less distinguished a personage than Sir
Edwin Sandys, truly a man of piety as well as qualities of
state. The points illustrated in the letters to Worstenholme
were " touching the ecclesiastical ministry, namely, of pas
tors for teaching, elders for ruling, and deacons for distri
buting the Church's contribution, as also for the two sacra
ments, baptism, and the Lord's supper." In regard to
these, "we do wholly and in all points," said Robinson
and Brewster, " agree with the French Reformed churches,
according to their public confession of faith, though with

186 historical and local illustrations
some small differences." The differences were said to be
" in some accidental circumstances," such as,
1. Their ministers do pray with their heads covered;
we uncovered.
2. We choose none for governing elders but such as are
able to teach ; which ability they do not require.
3. Their elders and deacons are annual, or at the most
for two or three years ; ours perpetual.
4. Our elders do administer their office in admonitions
and excommunications for public scandals, publicly and
before the congregation ; theirs more privately, and in
their consistories.
5. We do administer baptism only lo such infants as
whereof the one parent, at least, is of some church, which
some of their churches do not observe ; although in it our
practice accords with their public confessiop, and the judg
ment of the most learned amongst them.*
When these statements were submitted to Worstenholme,
he asked who should make the ministers? A pregnant
question, involving the main points in dispute between the
Established and the Congregational churches. Sir John
expected that Robinson and Brewster would " have been
of the Archbishop's mind for the calling of ministers ; "
but he was greatly mistaken, and he is said to have " stuck
much " at the contents of the letters, which, however, being
friendly to the desire and project of the Pilgrim Church,
he would not show to the bishops and the Council, " lest
he should spoil all." And spoil all it would have done,
doubtless, to have shown these independent scriptural
principles to King James, and to have asked for a patent
of liberty in religion "under the King's broad seal," for a
Church of Puritans, maintaining the liberty and power,
under God, of choosing and ordaining their own ministers.
One can easily conceive the answer of the blustering
* Prince, 53. — Young's Chronicles, 65.

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 187
monarch to such an application. " Give a patent of liberty
for such religion ? They will be for choosing their King
next. We will make them conform, or hang them, that's
all." It is probable that the King would not even have
connived at them, had he known them thoroughly, and
what stuff they were of They were constituted a church
by the simple resolution of the Leyden Church, "that
those who went first should be an absolute church of them
selves, as well as those that staid ; " and this, though they
took not their pastor with them, but had only their elder.
A novel kind of absolutism in church matters, indeed, to
King James and his council ! These men, who disposed
affairs in this simple way, taking the whole power of the
Hierarchy upon themselves, and into their own hands, as
a band of mere Christian brethren ; — what would they not
do, if these principles ran into civil and political, as well as
Ecclesiastical life ?
On this refusal. Gov. Bradford remarks that " notwith
standing the great discouragement the English at Leyden
met with from the King and Bishops' refusing to allow
them liberty of conscience in America, under the Royal
Seal, yet casting themselves on the care of Providence
they resolve to venture."* Yes! and well they may!
For the foundation of God standeth sure, having this seal.
The Lord knoweth them that are his ; and this, Let every
one that nameth the name of Christ depart from iniquity.
God's seal is something broader than King James's ; and
under it they may venture, notwithstanding what in that
age was deemed so great a discouragement, even by those
noble Pilgrims.
The constitutional principles of this first Church of
Christ in New England are drawn up and' presented with
such simplicity, clearness, and conciseness, by Mr. Prince,
in his New England Chronology, that we shall, for the
main part, adopt his enumeration of the articles.
• Prince, 60.

188 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
1. That no particular church ought to consist of more
members than can conveniently watch over one another,
and usually meet and worship in one congregation.
2. That every particular Church of Christ is only to
consist of such as appear to believe in and obey him.
3. That any competent number of such, when their con
sciences oblige them, have a right to embody into a church
for their mutual edification.
4. That this embodying is by some certain contract or
covenant, either expressed or implied, though it ought to be
by the former.
5. That being embodied, they have a right of choosing
all their officers.
6. That the officers appointed by Christ for this embodied
Church are, in some respects, of three sorts, in others but
two, namely,
(1.) Pastors, or Teaching Elders, who have the power both
of overseeing, teaching, administering the sacraments, and
ruling too, and being chiefly to give themselves to study
ing, teaching, and the spiritual care of the flock, are there
fore to be maintained.
Mere ruling Elders, who are to help the Pastors in over
seeing and ruling ; that their offices be not temporary, as
among the Dutch and French Churches, but continual ; and
being also qualified in some degree to teach, they are to
teach only occasionally, through necessity, or in their
" Pastor's absence or illness ; but being not to give them
selves to study or teaching, they have no need of main
tenance. That the Elders of both sorts form the Presbytery of
overseers and rulers, which should be in every particular
church ; and are in Scripture called sometimes Presby
ters or Elders, sometimes Bishops or Overseers, and some
times Rulers.
(2.) Deacons, who are to take care of the poor, and of the
Church's treasure ; to distribute for the support of the

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 189
Pastor, the supply of the needy, the propagation of re
ligion, and to minister at the Lord's Table, &c.
Now this is genuine Congregationalism, there being
these elements of administration in every true Congrega
tional Church, these officers of Christ's appointment. It
matters little what additional " helps, governments," as
they are denominated by Paul, be added to these, in the
shape of Prudential Committees, or a Board of Councillors,
or Committees of the Church ; nor whether one church
shall choose to elect them annually, and another for life
or good behavior ; every church having the power to
regulate these matters according to its own necessities or
views of expediency. But the ministry and deaconship
are essentials of every truly and fully organized church.
Bishops and Deacons, or Elders and Deacons, or Presby
ters and Deacons, each name signifying precisely the same
thing, are the integral forms of officers appointed by Christ
for each embodied Church. And whether each embodied
church chooses to vieW these officers in the three respects
noted aboVe, and in which our Pilgrim Fathers viewed
them, or in the two only, in which the Congregational
Churches of New England, at the present day, ordinarily
view them, intrusting a prudential power, in the third re
spect of mere ruling, to a separate committee ; it matters
little, so long as the great point of Congregational inde
pendency under Christ is maintained. All the Scriptural
elements of administration and order are in every such
church. The grand original points of Congregationalism in the
church of our Fathers, as distinguishing them from all
other churches, throwing them back upon the New Testa-
ment Platform, and bringing them into a succession direct
from the Scriptures, were contained not merely in the
restriction of this Presbytery of overseers and rulers, which
ought to be in every particular church, to the Scripture

190 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
model as appointed by Christ, but in the recognition of
those two other fundamental principles next enumerated
by Mr. Prince :
7. That these officers, being chosen and ordained, have
no lordly, arbitrary, or imposing power, but can only rule
and minister with the consent of the brethren.
8. That no churches, or church officers whatever, have^
any power over any church or officers, to control or im
pose upon them; but are equal in their rights and privilegeSj
and ought to be independent in the exercise and enjoy
ment of them.
The recognition, assertion, and practical demonstration of
this New Testament Independency, was a new and origi
nal thing in a world of hierarchies ; a world into the soul
of which the idea of power, arbitrary, compulsory powei-
as connected with the Church of Christ, had sunk so deeply,
that a church abandoning it in all forms, and throwing
itself entirely upon Christ and voluntary persuasion, upon
Christ, the Truth and Love, seemed the intrusion of a new,
wild, disorderly heresy ; seemed in one direction the
abandonment of the Church of Christ to the will of man ;
in another direction, not only seemed, but was felt and
known to be, the rescuing of the Church of Christ from the
powsr of man, and the redeeming of that spiritual power,
with which God has invested the very idea of the church,
and which in the hands of ambitious men is so tremendous
an engine of corr4iption and despotism, from the sceptre of
kings, from the sway of hierarchies, from the grasp of
superstition, from the dominion of the God of this vvorld.
By this independency of men and hierarchies, Christ
resumes this power into his own hands, and makes it the
power of his Spirit, acting on and transforming the world,
not by ecclesiastical canons, but by ffis Truth.
Our Fathers found these two orders, and these only, of
church officers, in the New Testament Scriptures, for each

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 191
embodied church, namely, 1. Presbyters, or Bishops, or
Elders ; and 2. Deacons. For the Presbyters they made a
division of labor in respect, first, of teaching and over
seeing, or second, of overseeing mainly, with the duty of
teaching- occasionally, as need might be. For this division
of labor, they thought they had the authority of Scripture,
as the Presbyterians also universally thought, in 1st Timo
thy V. 17. But this office of ruling Elder, as a separate
distinction, came gradually to be merged into a board or
committee of members of the church for the assistance of
the Pastor or Pastors. According to the usage of Congre
gationalism, this body is now generally chosen for a
limited number of years ; whereas, our fathers elected
them, under the name of Elders, for life. Bishops, Deacons,
and the Independency of the Churches, were then, as now,
the elements of Congregationalism, as found in the New
Testament, with the power, vested in each church, by its
Supreme Head, of appointing each its own number of
those officers of Christ, as the edification and usefulness of
the church might require. The office of Deacon, our
fathers, in contradistinction from the French Reformed
Churches, held to be for life, or during the continuance of
that fitness in the incumbents, in reference to which they
were originally chosen. And this also has been the usage
of Congregationalism, with some individual exceptions,
ever since.
Here, as to Church Administrations (including Baptism
and the Lord's Supper), and Holy Days, Mr. Prince enume
rates two more articles :
, 9. As to Church Administrations, they held that Baptism
is a seal of the covenant of grace, and should be dispensed
only to visible believers, with their unadult children ; and
this in primitive purity, as in the times of Christ and his
Apostles, without the sign of the cross, or any other
invented ceremony. And that the church or its officers
have no authority to inflict any penalties of a temporal

192 'historical and local illustrations
natute, excommunication being wholly spiritual, in a rejec
tion of the scandalous from the communion of the chtfrch.
10. And lastly, as for Holy Days: They wiere very
strict for the observation of the Lord's' Day, in a pious
memory of the Incarnation, Birth, Death, Resurrection,
Ascension, and Benefits of Christ ; as also, solemn Fastings
and Thanksgivings, as the State of Providence requires.
But all other times not prescribed in Scripture thdy utterly
relinquished. And as in general they could not conceive
anything a part of Christ's religion, which he has not
required, they thetefore renounced all human right of
inventing, and much less of imposing it on others.
' " These," says Mr. Prince, " were the main principles
of that scriptural and religious liberty, for which this peo
ple suffered in England, fled to Holland, traversed the
ocean, and sought a dangerous retreat in these remote and
ravage deserts of North America; that here they might
fully enjoy them, and leave them to their last posterity."*
Now it is a strange thing that any man in his senses
should have dreamed that King James would ever put his
seal of toleration to these principles ; principles that in
their very nature imply and impel the rejection of all tole
ration from any earthly power, as a usurpation of Christ's
power by man, inconsistent with Christian liberty. Sir
John Worstenholme saw this, pretty clearly, when he said
that the showing of the letters of Robinson and Brewster
would spoil all.
Here was Hierarchism on the one side, and Congrega
tionalism on the other. There are only these two Ecclesi
astical divisions in the world, all else being merged in this
great question, whether man shall reign, or Christ, over
the conscience. Now let us look at the etymology of these
two great words.
(1.) 'Is|apjfr]ff, a Steward or President of Sacred rites.
Hierarchism, Supremacyiin-sacred-rite-ism. A despotism
- • Prinee, 91-93.

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 198
by and with sacred rites. An imposition of priestly forms,
by man's power, upon the conscience. The constitution
of a hierarchical corporation, with supreme power.
(2.) Congrego. To collect together ; for example, the
gathering together in one the children of God, as in John
xi. 52. The word would be supplied, if in Greek, by
Smayu ; tfuvayay?) being the word Used in that passage in
John. It is used also in 2 Thess. ii. 1, "our gathering
together into Christ," ¦Sk^uv lirirfuvaywy^s sir' auTov ; and also
in Hebrews x. 25, of the Christian Congregation. The
Apostle might well say, " We beseech you by our Congre
gationalism into Christ."
And I, if I be lifted up, said our Blessed Lord, will draw
all men unto me. Now it is this gathering of men into
Christ, in contradistinction from the impressment of them
under a hierarchism of rites and rubrics, that constitutes
true Congregationahsm. It is the lifting up of Christ as
the sole and Supreme Head", Christ as the Way, the Truth,
and the Life, Christ as the sum and substance of all divini
ty, Christ as the only Lord of Conscience, of the Church, and
of Sacred Rites in it : this is that Congregationalism : that
which will gather all men at length into Christ's own liber
ty, the liberty of serving and edifying one another freely,
in love.
Now it is remarkable that the first person under the New
Testament Dispensation, who prophesied of this gathering
together of the children of God in Christ, and of course
of the destruction of the Hierarchism of Christianity, as
well as of Judaism, was Caiaphas the High Priest. The
Congregationalism of Christianity, the Synagoguizing of
the people of God under Christ, instead of the Hierarchiz-
ing of them under an earthly head, was here foreshadowed.
The Congregationalism was then beginning, and the Hier
archism should then have stopped ; instead of which, Caia
phas and his system still kept up the conflict with Christ
and his, with the Apostles and theirs ; and in all the ages of

194 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS.
Christianity ever since, the Hierarchism and the Congrega
tionalism have been the great decisive, separating, and con
flicting systems. Perhaps the conflict is to continue, even
till the prediction of the old High Priest shall be complete
ly fulfilled, in the gathering together of all the children of
God into one fold, under one Shepherd, in the unity of the
Spirit, in one Lord, one Faith, one Baptism !

CHAPTER IX.

THE FIRST CIVIL COMPACT.  TOLERATION, CONNIVANCE, LI
BERTY OF CONSCIENCE.  FOUNDATIONS OF THE STATE. 
REPETITION OF THE FREE COVENANTS.
We have dwelt upon the first free Church Covenant, a
mighty and glorious phenomenon, the creation of eternal
principles, or rather the creation of Divine grace, and the
expression of principles that flow from time into eternity,
and bind the whole family of God in heaven and on earth
together. Out of this springs the free civil covenant, for
freedom in the State is the offspring of Christian freedom
in the Church, the creation of that liberty with which
Christ makes his people free. That first Church compact,
that old, free, Lincolnshire, Pilgrim church compact, that
phenomenon of Conventicles "and dissent, is just what the
nations of Europe need now, at this hour of revolution, to
go before the free civil compact, to prepare its way, and
give it form, life, and stability.
But men need a vast deal of discipline and instruction on
this matter of a free conscience both in church and state,
before they can understand it. Our Pilgrim fathers began
the practice, under God's good providence, even before
they had learned the theory ; indeed they learned the
theory by the practice.

196 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
It is noticeable that at this time, with all their deternjj-
nation to enjoy freedom of conscience, not a person iii the
church or congregation but seems to have regarded , It as a
gift in the power of King James. Accordingly to him they
looked for it, but God would not let the Pilgrim church, in
its refuge under Christ's care in the New World, Undergo
the indignity of being tolerated by any earthly monarch or
power. God was going to put an end to tolerafidn' in 'reli
gion by this enterprise, and therefore in his providence he
went further in this thing for the Pilgrims than they Wd
yet learned to go for themselves. After much anxious and
prayerful consideration, they determined to settle in the
New World under the Virginia Company, "and by their
friends to sue to his Majesty that he would be pleased to
grant them free liberty and freedom of religion." And
some great friends of good work and quahty undertook to
be their patrons in this suit. To such shifts has our reli
gious conscience been driven in this world,, and to such
height was the Papacy in essence still rising in England ;
so they sued for confirmation of liberty in religion under
the king's broad seail, laboring both with the king and, the
Archbishop ; but all would not do. The king under seal
would neither allow nor tolerate. God would have no^
thing in the charter of New England liberty, which should
intima.te that the keeping of the conscience was in the
hands of King James of England, or that he had any
authority to tolerate. God would throw the Pilgrims for
their toleration only upon Christ. They at length got a
patent from the Virginia Company, though not without
great difficulty, but the disgrace of James's seal of toleration
was never attached to it, nor, if it had been, could it have
served their turn, "although they had had a seal as broad
as the house floor ;" it would have been as easily called
back or reversed as given.
" It is a capital error," said John Cartwright in his Let
ters on American Independence, addressed in 1774 to the

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 197
House of Commons, speaking of the rights of man, "It is a
capital error in the reasonings of most writers on this sub
ject, that they consider the liberty of mankind in the same
light as an estate or chattel, and go about to prove or dis
prove the right of it by grants, usages, or municipal statutes.
It-is not among mouldy parchments that we are to look for
it ; it is the immediate gift of God ; it is not derived from
any one ; but it is original in every one."
This was the error even of our Pilgrim Fathers them
selves in regard to rehgious liberty, which, with all their
advancement, they still looked upon as a gift in possession
of the king, until God, by his providence and word, taught
them better. Highly as they prized their religious liberty,
so that they were willing to suffer and die for it, they did
not yet view it as solely the gift of God by charter to his
people through Christ ; as a possession, a right, in regard to
which the pretended power of toleration, in any earthly
king or state, is a blasphemous usurpation of God's attri
butes. So in this case God was better for them than they
were for themselves, and planted them in the wilderness
with more unrestricted liberty and superiority to earthly
toleration than they had asked from others. King James
should have nothing to do with tolerating them. So, what
ever patents might be issued, of usurpation under the form
of grants, after they had got footing in the New World,
their first settlement as a church and civil state should not
even have the king's name connected with it. They were
undesr God only, and his charter for them was the Bible.
Even the patent which they did get was never used by
them, nor was it ever taken out in any of their names, nor
did it ever prove, that we Icnow, of the least concernment
or importance in any of their affairs, but only as God made
use of it, by reason of the delays, difficulties, and distrac
tions involved in the gaining of it, to sift out still more of
the chaff from among the seed-corn he was preparing. The
discouragements in this matter of the patent " shook off

198 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
many of their pretended friends," and in that service v^s
much better for them than the King's great seal.
¦ In the very part of England out of which the Pilgrinfs
first fled to Holland, King James was now playing ftie
persecutor, requiring the Bishop of Lancashire to present all
the Puritans and Precisians within the same, either con
straining them to conform or leave the. country ; ordering
that those who would attend church on Sundays should- ndt
be disturbed or discouraged from dancing, archery^ leap
ing, vaulting, having May-games, Whitsun-ales, Morrice
dances, setting up May-poles, and other sports therewith
used, or any other such harmless recreations, on Sundajr-s
after divine service ; all which and much niore for the jait-
delivery of Beelzebub all ministers were compelled to read
in their churches, such food being prepared by the drunken
monarch in his book of sports, for the souls of his pdople.
If any refused to read, they were summoned into the High
Commission Court, and imprisoned and suspended.; The
next year the same saintly monarch published his medita
tions on the Lord's Prayer I*
The failure of the Pilgrims in getting the King's patent,
together with that other providence of God in their. being
compelled to come to anchor in Cape Cod Harbor, a place
with which the Virginia Company had nothing to do, and
where, of course, no patent fi'om them could bestow any
rights. Was the cause of that solemn compact in the May
Flower, 'by which they took the business of patent, govern
ment, and all civil and religious rights into their own hands,
and became in reality an independent republic. There
was already in growth the germ of the future republic, all
its forms being folded up in the colony now planted,
although as yet the form of a kingly crown rose above it.
It was the God of providence and grace working as^^ the
God of nature works, by gradual onward progress from
living principles, which in the fulness of time were to throw
* Prince, 56.

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 199
off- the old form-covering entirely, and to stand revealed,
in a transfiguration or creation of their own, suited to them.
Even so in nature the old leaves, as Mr. Coleridge, in one
of his beautifully suggestive illustrations, has remarked, are
thrown off only by the propulsion of new buds. The old
form might endeavor to hold its place, and play the despot
^for a while, but before the power of a new growth it must
fall. We say that that failure was the cause ; for although the
Pilgrims intimate in their Journal that the occasion of
entering into that compact was the manifestation of some
disobedient unruly humors in some of the little company,
yet if they had been in possession of a regular charter from
the King, covering their incorporation as a colony where
they landed, it is not probable that they would, have felt the
peed ,of any other morally coercive compact than the terms
of that. God's providence is to be marked in leading them
;to that, as well as to their religious covenant ; the one seal
ing them, by the spirit of God, as a free Church, the other,
as a free voluntary civil and political community.
Mr. Baylies refers the symptoms of insubordination solely
to the servants that had been shipped in England, and were
not members of the Pilgrim Church. " Their servants,"
he says,* "who had not been members of the Leyden con
gregation, but who for the most part had been gathered up
in England, seemed to anticipate a perfect freedom from
the restraints both of law and government." They had
probably been made to believe this ; and the company,
being really under no present authority whatever, and
having no charter, had reason to apprehend the greatest
difficulty from any spirit of insubordination that might
break out, and so were driven to the choice of a Governor,
and to an agreement of self-government and obedience
among themselves. "Some of the inferior class among
them had muttered," says Hutchinson, "that, when they
• Baylies' Memoir of the Colony ofNew Plymouth, vol. i., p. 27.

200 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS '
should get ashore, one man would be as good as anotfier,
and they would do what seemed good in their own eyes."*
It is very Likely these mutinous dispositions were set at
work and inflamed by Billington, the first offender in the
colony, and afterwards a murderer. There were also two
vulgar imitators of high life in England among the servants,
who, as we shall see, played the part of the first dudlists
in New England, and were punished for it. ~
If these insubordinate servants were the means of in
ducing that compact on board the May Flower, it was not
in vain, nor for evil, that they were shipped from England
with the little company from Leyden. Whether its authors
and signers foresaw, or thoroughly understood, or much
less intended, the full extent of what they were doing, is of
little importance. Indeed it was not possible that they
could even dream what an empire of perfect liberty and
self-government they were founding; to what principles
they were giving embodiment for future generations, prin
ciples that, more than two hundred years after they were
all laid in their graves, should shake all Europe, nay the
whole world, to its centre. Principles they were, that
under a religious guidance made their own chosen wilder
ness like the garden of the Lord ; but principles that, with
out such guidance or preparation, break out as sudden,
overwhelming, devastating volcanoes, after which there
must pa^s whole ages perhaps, before a new verdure can
rise upon the mouldering lava. It is by celestial obser
vations alone, said Mr. Coleridge, that ^erres/n'aZcha.rfs
can be constructed; and how -perfectly true is this remark
as to the governments "and liberties of modern -Europe.
Religion must lay the foundation of feeEfdona," or ther&wltt
be none. ¦ -
" What comes from heaven to heaven by,nature clingB, a,-i^-ff
And if dissevered thence, its life is short." , .
!• Hutchinson, Hist. Mass., vdl,ui,, p. 407.

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 201
- Now it is remarkable how often the Providence of God
shut up the Colonists to the repetition of these same free
Covenants, both in Church and State, sometimes by com
pelling, thfem to settle without the regular patents which
they had been seeking, and sometimes by throwing them
upon places of settlement beyond the limits of the patents
which. they had obtained. This was the case with the first
Colony of Connecticut, in 1636. "They had a sort of
commission from the Government of the Massachusetts
Bay^ for the administration of justice till they could come
to a more orderly settlement; but finding themselves
without the limits of their jurisdiction, they entered into a
voluntary association, choosing magistrates, and making
laws for themselves, after the example of the Colony from
whence they issued. Thus they continued, until the resto
ration of King Charles II., when, by the industry and appli
cation of Mr. John Winthrop, Jr., they obtained as ample
a charter as was ever enjoyed by any people."*
. : The same was the case with the colony under Eaton and
Davenport, in 1637, at New Haven. " They purchased of
the natives," says Mr. Neal, " all the land that lies between
Connecticut River and Hudson's, which divides the Souths
ern part of New England from New York, and removed
thither towards the latter end of the summer. They
seated themselves in the Bay, and spread along the coast,
where they built first the town of New Haven, which gives
name to the colony ; and then the towns of Guilford, Mil-
ford, Stamford, and Braintree. After some time they
crossed the Bay, and made several settlements in Long
Island,, erecting churches in all places where they came,
after the Independent. form, of which Mr. Davenport was
a great patron. But the New Haven Colony lay under the
same disadvantage with Connecticut, as to a charter ; they
were without the Massachusetts jurisdiction, and were
therefore under no government, nor had any other title to
* Keal's Histoiy of New England,. Vol. ii,, page 148.
9*

202 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTBATIONS
their lands, but what they had from the natives. They
entered therefore into a voluntary combination, and formed
themselves into a body politic, after the manner of those
of Connecticut. Thus they continued, till the year 1664;
when King Charles II. united the two colonies, and by a
charter Settled their liberties on a solid foundation." * i^ ^
Settled their liberties on a sohd foundation! But;God
had settled them before. The Historian seems to imagine
that they had no solid foundation, till the King of England
chartered them ; and such a King to charter the liberty of
the Pilgriins 1 The Historian seems to be marvelling in
his mind how could the poor, unprotected, ungoverned,
because unchartered, adventurers, possibly get on from
1637 to 1664, without the King's broad seal, and with their
lands only purchased from the natives ! How they could
live and prosper, with the mere voluntary framing of them
selves into a body politic, with their own laws and magis
trates, after the manner of those of Connecticut, seemed a
riddle to the royalist spectators. And even Mr. Neal ap
pears to think that their title to their lands was really better,
signed with the name of King Charles, than with the arrow
heads of the Sachems from whom they were, purchased.
The only use of a charter, that we can think of, was to
give them the privileges of an incorporation by law, and to
secure them from the intrusion of other companies or indi
viduals. But as to the security of their liberties -under
such Monarchs as the Stuarts, if they were not secured by
"their own Virtue, firmness, and volunta-ry- combination, a
charter was worth nothing. Besides, in the view of the
royalists, the people chartered by the Monarch were bound
to be of his sentiments in their religious as well as their
civil polity, and every ordinance and institution of the
Church of England was binding upon them. Even in
our own day, by distinguished historians, a grave charge
has been brought against our Pilgrihi Fathers, for daring to
• Neal's Hist. N. Eng. Vol. i., pages 102, 153.

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 203
disregard the sentiments of the Monarch under whose
authority they settled in America, so far as e^en to adopt
in their infant church the Independent form of Ecclesiasti
cal policy 1 One can hardly read such sober accusations
without a smile ; but the, Historian Grahame devotes seve
ral of his excellent pages to their refutation.'*
• Grahame's Colonial History of the United States, Vol i. 208^211.

CHAPTER X,

THE FIRST SETTLEMENT, FOLLOWINft THE FIRST COMPACT.-^
DISCOVERV OF PLVMOUTH.— THE HARBOR, THE LOCALrTlES,""
THE ASSOCIATIONS.  PLVMOUTH ROCK, AND THE BEAPTY
OP THE HIGH-TIDE SCENERY.
The Capes of New England are regions both of mate
rial and spiritual grandeur, for the -sea-scenery. is glorious,
and the historical associations are full of interest. Take a
favorable season of the year, and a clear bright day, a
day, for example,. in the Indian summer, and earth has not:
anything to show more fair, in a mood of harmony between.
the atmosphere and ocean, than the sea- views all along the
New England coast. Some of its harbors are of the finest
in the world \ but others, if they can be called such, re
ceive unprotected the whole broadside of the Atlantic.
There is an inexhaustible and most romantic variety in the
bays, Capes, beaches, inlets, islands, pi-omontories, crags,
a,nd marsh-m.e9,dows of its rock-bpund shores.
The sweep of Gape God is a most remarkable forma
tion. Since the creation of the world we know not what
use was ever made of it, till the May Flower was stopped
by it in hef voyage, and compelled there to come to anchoK
An enthusiastic mind wanders over that whole region with
delight ; for here was the opening of a new dispensation
in. the great .things that connect earth with heaven 5 a new.

PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 205
scene in the History of Redemption ; a new school, a free "
school, of discipline and instruction for God's church.
Here the imaginative and romantic are combined with the
sternest realities, in the circle of Christian fife, labor, and
experience, in the unfolding of God's plan. In process -of
time there may be a new Christian Epic, and these rude
names and places of Cape Cod, Pakanokit, Patuxet, Naum
keag, will be among the central points of a region invested
with imaginative beauty, and fraught with rich and power
ful associations ; so that by and by the Islands of the
Homeric .seas, and the coasts of Palinurus' navigation, will
not possess a more poetical and classic interest.
From Cape Cod Harbor, leaving the May Flower there,
the Pilgrims set out on their exploring expeditions to find a
place of permanent settlement. They were anxious and
hurried, not only by the lateness of the season, on the
verge of winter, but by the actual danger of being set
ashore anywhere, at the will of the Captain of the little
ship, and abandoned of all human aid to their fate, even
before they ha,d a single roof for shelter. There are one
OT two passages in the Journal, which, combined with some
historical hints from other source^, have a great deal of
meaning in them, to open fully to our minds the hazardous
position of the Pilgrims. Of this nature is that note among
their reasons urged for a hasty settlement at Cape Cod,
namely : "it was also conceived, whilst we had competent
victuals, that the ship would stay with us ; but when that
grew less, they would be gone, and let us shift as we
could." It is quite evident from this, and froni some other
indicatiotos, that they feared the ship-master, and had no
confidence in him ; which inclines us to give some credit
to the affii'mation "of Mr. Morton in his memorial, that the
May Flower was forced into Cape Cod harbor "more
especially by the fraudulency and contrivance of Mr.
Jones, the master of the ship ; for their intention, as is be
fore noted, and his engagement, was to Hudson's river.

206 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
But some of the Dutch having notice of their intention?}:,
and 'having thoughts about the same time of erecting- a
plantation there likewise, they fraudulently hired the said
Jones, by delays while they were in England, and now
under pretence of the danger of the shoals, &c., to disap
point them of their going thither. But God outshootg-
Satan oftentimes in his own bow."*
Be this as it may, they were in anxious haste for settle
ment, and came near settling on the Cape itself.
, " The master of the ship," says Mr. Morton, " and ,hi§
company, pressed them with speed to look out a place for
their settlement, at some near distance ; for the season, was
such that he would not stir from thence, till a safe harbor
was discovered by them' with the boat. Yea, it was some^
times threatened that if they did not get a place in time,
they and their goods should be turned on shore, and tjie
ship should leave them. The master also expressed him
self that provisions were spending apace, and that he
would keep sufficient for himself and company for their
return (to England)."
By the 10th of December, they had come in their ex-
plorings as far as Clark's Island, in Plymouth harbor ; so
called, because Thomas Clark, the mate of the May Flower;
first set foot upon it. They described this harbor as " a bay
greater than Cape Cod, compassed with a goodly land, and
in the bay two fine Islands uninhabited, wherpin are nothing
but woods, oaks, pines, walnuts, beech, sassafras, vines, and
other trees, which we know not. This bay is a most hope
ful . place ; innumerable store of fowl, and excellent food,
and cannot but be offish in their seasong." Such was
Plymouth then, to their view very hopeful, and there they
determined to settle, and there landed on the Rock. In
the space of two hundred years, the localities have so far
changted, at least in the mantle thrown over them by time
and cultivation, that if the Pilgrims could rise from their
• Morton, New England's Memorial. . _ , .•

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 207
graves at this day, they would hardly know the place of
their pilgrimage, especially if they should see sailless ships
rushing into the harbor against both wind and tide, and a
long train of cars thundering into the town upon the rail
road. Doubtless they have seen all this progress from the
world of spirits, and are now beholding the future results
of it far more clearly, and from- a higher post of observa
tion than wis.
And the Rock — Plymouth Rock — would they know the
place where they landed ? Under present circumstances,
one -might make the circuit of the whole water-side of the
vilfege, and scarce find granite data for even a guess as to
the spot so sacred now in the annals of New England^
When the shallop from the May Flower first touched that
spot it was an imperfect rocky ledge, partly covered with
the sea at high tide, but now almost entirely hidden by
the earth of the street, and at some little distance from the
margin of the water. Thi« sacred spot is in the gangway
to a wharf, between two store-houses for grain. Yet one
can see, on consideration, that if the buildings, with their
foundations, and the accumulated soil around them, were
taken away, together with the wharves that stretch out
beyond them, so that nature could be restored to the rude
simplicity and savageness of 1620, an admirable picture
might be drawn, not from imagination, but reality, of the
Pilgrims stepping from their shallop on the wave-worn
rock. Nevertheless, the disappointment in the minds of most
persons, on visiting the spot as it now appears to the eye,
is very great. " What !' 'This the Pilgrim Rock !" they
'^xdlainaf^ " this dusty lane ahd wharf-way between these
bid store-houses! Why, this is no rock at all." And
indeed^ several tons of the Rock having been removed,,
aiid the . rest being nearly hidden with earth, there seems
to be nothing left. The huge fragment taken away is now
deposited in front of Pilgrim Hall, and is there surrounded

208 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTBATIONS
by an iron railing, with the names of the Pilgrims inscribed
in.Ovals at. the top. Perhaps it would be in better tastes- to
carry the , fragment back to its native original position,
and there encircle it with whatever defences may be
requisite for its protection. There should be a park there,
down to the Water's edge ; for where in the world, out of
Judea pr Egypt, is there a more sacred bit of soil, be it
rock or rich mould, than that which the feet of those mcai
first pressed, as the chosen spot where the home should be
of the free to worship God ? It is a solemn place ; the in
congruities of the artificial scenery around it are of no
avail to diminish the impression, when the great reality
presses on the mind. It is felt to be a solemn spot, when,
on Forefathers' _,Day, the procession of men bare-headed
passes over it; each man silently, reverently, as he ap
proaches it, uncovering his head ; it is a time, place, and
scene, for , thoughts much more easily imagined ihan
described. To gain a satisfactory impression of the localities of Ply
mouth Harbor, we must ascend the Burial Hill, which
rises, covered with its forest of grave-stones, directly
above the terrace, where the Pilgrims laid out the first rude
street of their settlement. It is a very sacred spot in their
history, and the view from it is incomparably-fine. The
town lies below you, around the bosom of the hill. A few
majestic elms and lindens rise in beautiful masses of foliage
among the buildings on the water side, but in general there
are few trees, until the eye passes into that noble ridge of
pine forest on the southeast, running but into the sea ; a
hill-range of the primeval wilderness, as deeply foliaged as
the Green Mountains, or the , Jura range in Switzerland,
The wide harbor is before you, with a bar or spit of land
straight stretching across the centre of it, and dividing the
inner flats from the deep blue water beyond. I say the
wide harbor. And now it depends very much, upon
the time of tide when you first enter the town, whether

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 209
you are greatly disappointed or pleased in the first impres
sion. Plymouth harbor is one of those vast inlets so fre
quent along our coast, where, at high tide, you see a mag
nificent bay studded with islands, and opening proudly
into the open ocean ; but at low tide an immense extent of
muddy, salt-grassed, and sea-weeded shallows, with a
narrow stream winding its way among them to find the
sea,. Here and there lies stranded the bark of a fisherman,
or; a lumber schooner amidst the flats, left at low tide,
not high and dry, but half sunk in the mud ; and the wharves
are dripping with rotting seaweed, and the shores look
decaying and deserted ; not pebbly or sandy like a beach,
but swampy with eel grass, and strewn here and there
with the skeletons of old horse-fishes, crabs, muscles, &c.,
among the withered layers of dry kelp. Now and then,
also, the red huts and fish-fiakes of the fishermen vary the
scene upon the shore, or a small vessel, about as large as
the May Flower, slowly though with all sail set, follows
the course of the stream winding among the shallows, the"
only dhannel, at low tide, by which there is any approach
from the outei; open bay, towards the quay or business _
landing-place of the village. The extent of these flats and
shallows at Cape Cod and Plymouth, was the cause of
great evil and hardship at first ; for, speaking of Cape Cod
Bay, where the Pilgrims first came to anchor, they say :
" We could not come near the shore by three-quarters of
an English mile, because of shallow water, which was a
great prejudice to us, for our people, going on shore, were
forced to wade a boW-shoot or two in going a-land, which
caused many to get colds and coughs,- for it was by times
freezing cold weather." In these colds and coughs were
the seed, to some of a speedy, to others a lingering. New-
England consumption, which soon sowed the harbor side
vvith graves, almost as many as the names of the living.
Now this whole range of low tide scenery, to one who is
truly fond of the sea and the shore, in all their freaks, inlets,

210 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS-'
varieties, and grand and homely moods, is not without its
beauty. The poet Crabbe, or the Puritan poet, R. H.
Dana, would describe it in such interesting colors that it
would wear a most i-omantic charm; the stranded boats,
and the mud flats,' and the rotting sea weed, would have a
strange imaginative life put into them. Nevertheless, if
these are the first images of the landing of the -Pilgrims
presented to you, you will experience, probably, a great
disappointment. But now if you behold this same sweep of sea scenery
at higli tide, beneath a clear sky, a bright sun, in the color
ing of morn or evening, or in the solemn stillness of an
autumn noon, what an amazing change ! It is no longer
the same region. You would thinkit one of the finest har
bors in the world. You would think it was the preference
and selection of the human will, after long searching, theit
brought the Pilgrims hither,- and not merely the hand and
compulsion of an overruling Providence. You would think
¦ how easy and how natural for them to find their way just
to this landiijg-place ; and how beautiful and admirable the
region, for the thrift of a colony, both in commercial and
in country life. How differently God sees from' man ! He
seems to have shut up the Pilgrims in this inlet, difficult of
access from the sea, and barren in the country, to set their
growth, firm and steadfast, amidst much tribulation, in
dependence neither on the riches of the land, nor the sea,
nor the attractions of commercial intercourse, but upon
himself alone. He hid them as in a tabernacle from the
strife of tongues, and let them grow, unperverted by the
admiring notice, and unassaulted by the temptations of a
wicked world. It was a costly growth, but glorious.
It must have been at high tide that the Pilgrims found
their way into this harbor. A sweet fresh stream, setting
into it from the land, was to them a great attraction, as
well as the abundance of fresh fountains. Had they been
able to survey the coast as far as Boston, before making

OF PRINCIPLES;, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 211
-choice of their settlement, they would probably have stopped
there, and the swift commercial growth that would thence
have succeeded the enterprise would not have been favor
able to the growth of a deep-set piety, the fixtures of
stern, difficult, Puritan virtue in the character. Like New
England soil itself, there must be a granite basis first, and
then a sturdy, vigorous loam to last for many generations.
So the settlement and growth of the Pilgrim colonies was
at first slow, difficult,, painful ; but so much the more rapid,
unprecedented, and successful afterwards. It was a native
growth. If there had been such a thing as steam commu
nication then between England and America, there would
never have been a New England on this continent, as the
example of social, commercial, and religious virtue and
;happiness for the world. Let us be thankful to God that
he kej)t the ocean between us and Europe for two hundred
years, before he lessened the distance or the difficulty of
its navigation, or permitted the tide of an ignorant and
vicious emigration to set with such fury upon us, as would
have destroyed our infant institutions in the bud.

CHAPTER XI.

INSTRUCTIVE DISCIPLINE OF THE PILGRIM CHURCH AT AMSTER
DAM.  ORIGINAL ORDER AND BEAUTY OP THE CHIJRCHES
THERE.  EVILS OF DISSENSION, AND OF MINUTE LEGISLA
TION.  THE FORBEARING AND KINDLY SPIRIT OP THE PIL
GRIM eHURCH.
Together with Robinson and Brewster, there is mention
in Governor Bradford's writings of a grave and fatherly
old man, having a great white beard ; a sound, orthodox,
reverend old man, who had converted many to God by his
faithful and painstaking ministry, both in preaching and
catechizing. This was Mr. Richard Clifton, one of the
earliest inembers in that Congregational Church in the
North of England, of which Mr. Robinson was chosen the
Pastor. Mr. Clifton accompanied the Church in its exile
to Amsterdam, but on account of his great age did not
remove with it from Amsterdam to Leyden, but took his
dismission from them to join the Church in Amsterdam.
In that church there were at one time about three hundred
communicants, under the care of two eminent men as their
Pastor and Teacher, Mr. Johnson and Mr. AinswbrthJ In
the time of their beauty and order, before the canker of
division and bitterness, they were a flourishing church,
having " four grave men for ruling elders, and three able
and godly men for deacons, and one ancient widow for
deaconess, who did them service many years, though she

PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 213
was sixty years of age when she was chosen. She ho
nored her place, and was an ornament to the congregation."
The Leyden Church does not seem to have kept up any
such office or service as this latter. The notice of it by
Gov. Bradford is very curious, reminding one of the
pictures in Shenstone's Schoolmistress.
Her cap, far whiter than the driven snow,
Emhlem right meet of decency does yield ;
Her apron dyed in grain, as blue, I trow.
As is the harebell that adorns the field ;
And in her hand for sceptre she does wield
Tway birchen sprays ; with anxious fear entwined.
With dark distrust and sad repentance filled ;
And steadfast liate, and sharp affliction joined.
And fury uncontrolled, and chastisement unkind.
Here oft the dame, on Sabbath's decent eve,
Hymned such Psalms as Sternhold forth did, mete;
If winter 'twere, she to her hearth did cleave.
But in her garden found a summer seat;
Sweet melody ! to hear her then repeat
H'ow Israel's sons, beneath a foreign king.
While taunting foemcn did a song entreat.
All for the nonce untuning every string,
Uphung their useless lyres — small heart had they to sing.
For she was just, and friend to virtuous lore.
And passed much time in truly virtuous deed ;
And in those elfins' ears would oft deplore
The times when truth by Popish rage did bleed.
And tortuous death was true devotion's meed ;
And simple faith in iron chains did mourn
That would on wooden image place her creed ;
And many a saint in smouldering flames did bum ;
Ah 1 dearest Lord, forefend thilk days should e'er return.
Right well she knew each temper to descry.
To thwart the proud, and the submiss to raise ;
Some with vile copi)er-prize exalt on high.
And some entice with pittance small of praise ;
And other some with baleful sprig she frays;

214 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTBATIONS
Even absent she the reins of power doth hold.
While with quaint arts the giddy crowd she sways;
Forewarned, if little bird their pranks behold,
'Twill whisper in her ear, and all the scene unfold.
Lo, now with state.she utters her command,
Eftsoons the urchins to their tasks repair.
Their books of stature small they take in hand,
Which with pellucid horn secured are.
To save from fingers wet the letters fair;
The work so gay, that on their back is seen,
St. George's high achievements does declare ;
On which thilk wight that, has ygazing been
Kens the forth-coming rod, unpleasing sight I ween.
Not unlike this must have been the character of the
venerable deaconess, in whose rule as a Mother in Israel,
with maidens and j'oung women, among the poor and sick,
or by birchen rod, and on bench of State, among the chil
dren, in time of public worship, there was not a little of
the simplicity of primitive discipline. She was a mild
reflection, to the urchins of that day, of the image of the
old-fashioned Connecticut Tythingmen.
" She usually sat in a convenient place in the congrega
tion," says Gov. Bradford, " with a little birchen rod in
her hand, and kept little children in great awe from dis
turbing the congregation. She did frequently visit the
sick and weak, especially women, and as there was need
called out maids and young women to watch, and do them
other helps as their necessity did require : and if they
were poor, she would gather relief for them of those who
were able, or acquaint the deacons : and she was obeyed
as a mother in Israel and an officer of Christ."
There are such mothers in Israel still, by virtue of deep
and well known piety, and old experience, but without the
title and distinctiop of office. The reality of deaconesses .
has not passed out of the churches, although the office
has. Yet now in some parts of the modern Evangelical
Church efforts are making to revive it.

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 215
But notwithstanding all this beauty and order in the
church at Amsterdam, the spirit of discord broke out
among them, and in such a way, that one is inclined to
think that the providence of God led the Pilgrim Church
with Robinson and Brewster to Amsterdam first, that by
the example of such ruinous dissensions from little causes
before them, they might hate and vigilantly avoid the
same ; that they might love peace above all other things
except the truth, and that they might ever be charitable
and yielding in little and indifferent things, and might seek
the things which make for peace, and those whereby one
might edify another. This they did, remarkably, being an
eminent example of uninterrupted love, kindness, disinte
restedness, freedom, liberality, and concord with one ano
ther. We cannot doubt that their sojourn at Amsterdam,
and the melancholy example of the fire of contention
there, with the still older and more sadly instructive case
at Frankfort, was of great benefit to them ; it admonished
them of the ways in which Satan, if permitted, would get
an advantage over them ; it made them acquainted with
his devices, and put them on their guard against the spirit
of envy, jealousy, censoriousness, and bitterness in, their
own hearts, that if they found it working they might at
once, by the help of Christ's grace, cast it out. The beau
tiful, apostolic, gentle, and heavenly tenor of Robinson's
instructions on these points, and the frequency with which
he repeated- them, and dwelt upon them, and warned his
dear flock, both at Leyden and in the wilderness, to be on
their defence and to guard unceasingly against the spirit of
self-prejudice, self-opinion, self-seeking, self-obstinacy in
every way, and to be kindly and forbearing in regard to
the humors, peculiarities, and causes of minor offence,
which they might see in others, grew much out of his, ex
perience there ; and out of God's discipline and grace, teach
ing him to flee from discussion and contention about minute
rules, and things indifferent, and pets of private opinion.

216 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL JLLUSTBAIIONS
as the very bane or gangrene of a vital, vigorous, .co,lS-
prehensive piety. , . ;, .,
In that church of God at Amsterdam, there were .so^fie
unreasonable, if not wicked men, given to oppositions . of
self-will and vain janglings about mint, anise, and ciim-
min, how many ribbons a woman should wear . upon , her,
bonnet, and other like things ; and among these selfropi-
nionated men Ayere the father and brother of the Pastor
himself, Mr. Johnson, arrayed against his own wife, for
what they judged to be her pride in apparel. These men
carried their opposition and bitterness to such unreasonable
and endless length, with such evil accompaniments as
would naturally grow out of such a spirit of incessant
strife, that the church, after long patience towards them,
and much pains taken with them, proceeded at last to ex
communicate them ; probably as the only possible means
of getting rid of the evil, and avoiding utter ruin ; , for
Governor Bradford says that such was the justice pf
the excommunication, that the Pastor himself could not
but consent thereto, although for that he was much blamed,
as having excommunicated his own father and brother.
And indeed it was a case of difficulty that would have put
Paul himself in a perplexity ; although, from the manifest
indignation of the Apostle against such a spirit of Dio-
trephesianism in the church, and of meddling and busy -
bodiness in other men's matters, and obstinacy and strife,
and insolent judgment of others' opinions, we may be quite
clear how he would have acted. But this flame of strife,
together with the subtilty of one of the elders of the
church, produced most painful and injurious consequences.
And yet Governor Bradford says that the wife of the
Pastor, against whom all this wrath of censoriousness and
self-opinion was directed, was a most excellent and grave
matron, and verf modest both in her apparel and all her
demeanor, ready to any good works in her place, and help
ful to many, especially the poor, and an ornament to the

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS."' 6l7
Pastor's calling. She was a young widow when he mar
ried her, having been the wife of a merchant, so that he
received by her a good estate, besides that she was truly a
godly woman ; but because she continued to wear such
apparel as she had ever been used to, these meddlers and
men of strife broke out against her. And yet Mr. Brad
ford tells us that her apparel was neither excessive nor
immodest, and that their chiefest exceptions were against
her wearing corked shoes for her feet, and whalebone in
the bodice and sleeves of her gown, and other such like
things as the citizens of her rank then used to wear. But
not only so, but both the Pastor and his wife were wilhng,
for the sake of avoiding offence, to reform the fashions of
their garments, so far as they could without spoiling of
them ; yet all would not content the offended and opposing
ones, "except they came full up to their size." Such was
the excessive rigidness of some in those times ; of which
Robinson and his church seern to have taken good caution,
by seeing the dreadful evils resulting from such a course in
the church of God.
The violence of some men's tempers, says Mr. Hubbard
quaintly and truly, in his History of New England, while
dwelling on some such occasion, — the violence of some
men's tempers makes them raise debates, when debates do
not justlyoffer themselves, and like mill-stones they grind one
another, when they want other grist. In some of the churches
of the New England colonies there were from time to time
such men, as also there were here and there very needless
causes of disputation and legislation on things indifferent,
as concerning the duty of women to wear veils ; but the
church at Plymouth was remarkably free from this dis
putatious and uncharitable spirit ; they had a disposition
and character of forbearance and freedom to be attributed
to God's peculiar discipline with them, and to the experience
and instruction of their beloved Pastor. Take, however,
all the instances of sectarian or oppressive legislation or
10

218 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS.
usage in the whole history of the New England churches
from their foundation, and there can be found nothing to
compare with the inquisitorial minuteness and tyrannical
severity with which the Church of England legislated on
men's garments, sports, and manners, enforcing her rubrics
on pain of imprisonment and death. All the fabled Blue
Laws of Connecticut, though their falsehoods were en
larged into volumes, would be nothing in absurdity and
cruelty compared with the actual laws which filled the
statute books of the Establishment, and set an example to
the Pilgrims of Plymouth, and the other colonists, which it
is wonderful they had the wisdom and the piety so wholly
to avoid. The examples before them were all of intole
rance and oppression ; the model, which was original with
them, which they themselves struck out and gradually
brought to perfection, that of freedom, forbearance, kind
ness, and good sense. They put the weightier matters of
the law uppermost, love, mercy, and faith, and gave to the
mint, anise, and cummin a subordinate and just position.

CHAPTER XII.

THE LIFE, CHARACTER, AND ADMINISTRATION OF GOVERNOR
BRADFORD.
Governor Bradford deserves, as he possesses, a memorial
of the deepest veneration and love, in the hearts of all who
know his character. The colony at Plymouth, perhaps,
owed more of its prosperity to him, under God, than to any
other one man or many friends, either there or in England.
His character was not unhke that of Washington ; nay,
there is a very striking resemblance. He was placed in
emergencies and perils, as the leader of the colony, very
similar in kind, though different in form and circumstance,
to some of those through which Washington passed with
such consummate prudence ; with equal self-possession and
prudence, with a piety relying solely upon God, did Brad
ford guide the ship of the infant colony through the
breakers. He was a man whose natural stamp of charac
ter was very much like Franklin's ; but in him a calm and
noble nature was early renewed and enriched by grace,
and brought under its supreme dominion ; not left to attach
itself to earth only, or to exhibit the qualities of a sage in
the wisdom of mere mortal humanity.
He was born, according to Cotton Mather, in an obscure
village called Austerfield, in England, in the year 1588 ; a

220 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
place where the people were ignorant, licentious, and quite
unacquainted with the Bible, as any man will see reason to
believe, who reads John Foster's description of popular
ignorance in England under the reign of Elizabeth. He
inherited a comfortable patrimony, but his parents died in
his childhood, and left him to be educated' by his grand
parents and uncles, simply in the affairs of husbandry. In
after years he regarded it as a blessing of God's Providence
that early and long continued sickness preserved him from
the vanities, and perhaps excesses of the period of youthful
temptation, amidst so many vicious and<depraved examples.
It was probably the confinement of his illness, that led
him to the perusal of the Scriptures, for at the age of
twelve years his mind begin to be much impressed with
the reading of them, and prepared for the rich evangelical
instructions he was afterwards to enjoy. In the neighbor
hood of his native inheritance, or not far from it, a man of
true piety and acquaintance with God's word exercised
his ministry, an illuminating ministry, as it is called by Cotton
Mather, with much fruit of his labors in the conversion of
many to God. We are not told whether he had a curacy or
preferment of any kind in the Church of England, but as
Yorkshire was one of the counties in which the Churches
of the Puritans began earliest to be gathered, and in,which
the persecution against them under Queen Elizabeth raged
most fiercely, we suppose, from the character given of his
ministry, that he must have been, at the time of Bradford's
first acquaintance with him, one of the non-conforming
ministers scourged out of office. He was one of the earliest
members of the Pilgrim Church at its gathering in 1602,
and at the time of their exile into Holland, Mr. Bradford
describes him as a grave, fatherly, reverend old man and
faithful preacher, with a great white beard. '
It was about 1600 that Bradford, with his youthful
heart fresh under the simple and deep impressions received
from God's Word, came to the enjoyment of Mr. Clifton's

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 221
teachings. Very much like Richard Baxter in the period
of his earliest religious anxieties, he was much aided by
the conversation of a young person, then apparently a true
Christian, but afterwards an apostate, who introduced him
to the company of others of similar views and feelings with
his own. And now he began to be scoffed at by his
neighbors and uncles as a Puritan, but nothing could
divert him from his course, or interrupt the progress of the
work of God's Spirit within him. Like Christian in his
first awakening in the City of Destruction, he was too
deeply anxious, saw too clearly the worth, the guilt, and
the ruin of his soul, to be turned aside by the jeering of the
idle and profane, even though they were of his own house
hold. And-very soon, by the unchristian nature of the
persecutions raging around him, he and his fellow-disciples
of Christ, after sundry years of patient endurance of trial,
were led to see by the light of God's Word that the cere
monies imposed upon them were, in such penal imposition,
unlawful, and that the tyrannous power of the prelates
ought not to be submitted to, being contrary to the freedom
of the gospel compulsorily burdening men's consciences
with a profane mixture of persons and things in God's
worship. By reading, by discourse, and prayer, they were
led to question whether they ought not to form a separate
church and society of the faithful, who should keep close '
to the written Word of God as the rule of their worship.
They were at length brought to the determination that
they both might and ought thus enter into a voluntary
church covenant with Christ and with one another, to
walk in his ways, whatever it might cost them. And thus
was the Pilgrim Church gathered from the counties of
York, Lincoln, and Nottingham.
Bradford himself passed through many distresses of mind
as to his own duty, but at length; in God's mercy, saw it
. very clearly, and engaged in it without the least hesitation.
" He took up," says Cotton Mather, " a very deliberate and

ttS HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
understanding resolution," which he cheerfully prosecuted,
although the rage of his friends and relatives tried all
imaginable ways to reclaim him from his madness. Some
lamented him, some derided him, all dissuaded hini; but
he was no Pliable to be turned back by the Slough, either
of importunity or persecution, and the more they vexed
him, the more fervent grew his purpose, and the more
earnestly and resolutely he persevered. He answered
their arguments and reproaches thus : " Were I like to
endanger my life, or consume my estate by any ungodly
courses, your counsels to me w'ere very seasonable ; but
you know that I have been diligent and provident in my
calling, and not only desirous to augment what I hav«, but
also to enjoy it in your company ; to part from which will
be as great an evil as can befall me. Nevertheless, to
keep a good conscience, and walk in such a way as God
has prescribed in his word, is a thing which I must prefer
before you all, and above life itself. Wherefore, since it is
for a good cause that I am like to suffer the disasters Which
you lay before me, you have no cause to be either atagry
with me or sorry for me. Yea, I am not only willing to
part with everything that is dear to me in this world for
this cause, but I am also thankful that God has given me a
heart so to do, and will accept me so to suffer for him."
From 1602 to 1606 Bradford remained with the church,
a partaker of their afflictions in the gospel, which, towards
the end of that period, were many and grievous to be borne.
After their division into two congregations the Pilgrim
church contrived to elude the malice of their persecutors,
by meetings appointed from one place to another, as they
could, so that for about a year they succeeded in maintain
ing worship every Sabbath. " But this could not last, and
at length, by joint consent, they resolved to flee into Hol
land. But even this short passage they did not accomplish
without the extremest difficulty and hardship, encountering
pillage,' prisons, and almost death in the way.- AH th*

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. -223
^ort« and havens in England were shut upon them, so that
they were forced to escape secretly, by bribing the sailors,
and likewise paying extravagant sums for conveyance.
The first attempt made by Bradford was in company
with a large number of the church, who hired a ship at
B9ston wholly for themselves, and engaged the master to
take them at a particular day. After long waiting and
large expenses, the mercenary wretch, having laid a plot
on shore to betray them, came by night and got them with
their goods on board, and then gave them up to the inso
lence of the catchpole officers, who cast them into open
boats; rifled them of their money, books, and goods, hurried
them back with much indecency, both men and women,
amidst a crowd of gazers and scoffers, into the town, and
there threw them all into prison. Seven of them, among
whom was Elder Brewster, were kept imprisoned and
bound over to the assizes, but the greater part were
released, and sent back to their native villages in the space
of about a month.
Bradford was now eighteen years of age, elastic, and
full of the courage and hope of youth amidst all these diffi
culties. The next spring, in 1608, they made another
attempt, and hired a Dutchman at Hull to take them over ;
but on the appointed day, by the time a single boat-load of
the men had been got on board (the bark being grounded,
and so delayed, in which the women and children were
placed, with the goods to be conveyed to the ship), the
whole country was out in pursuit of them, horse and foot,
as against a foreign invasion. When the Dutch captaih
saw that, he swore his country's oath, weighed anchor and
made sail instantly, without any regard to the distress of
the poor men thus separated from their wives and children,
or of the poor women and children thus left unprotected
on the shore. Meantime a tremendous storm arose of
fourteen days' endurance, in which they were driven even
to the coast of Norway ; neither sun, moon, nor stars were

224 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
visible for seven days ; but at length, by the mercy of God,
after imminent peril of foundering, they reached port m
safety. There also the women and children whom they
had left behind them, after being driven about from one
constable to another, in endurance of much distress and
suffering, were at length permitted to join them ; and the
rest of their brethren, after great storms of opposition, and
" notable passages of trouble in wanderings and travels by
sea and by land, got over at last, some at one time and
some at another, and met together again with no small
rejoicing." But here they were, in the midst of a strange city, at
Amsterdam, unacquainted at first with the trades and
traffic by which the country doth subsist, having been used
only to "a plain country life, and the innocent trade of
husbandry." Their perplexities and trials must have been
very great. Bradford betook himself at once to learning
the art of working or dyeing in silks. Then at the end of
two years, so soon as his age permitted him to do it, when
the church had removed to Leyden, he converted his
estate in England into ready money and set up for himself
But in his business he met with disappointments and losses,
which he received as God's checks and chastisements,
because he had, in the midst of worldly cares, " suffered
his inward piety to fall into certain decays ;" the consump
tion of his estate, Cotton Mather tells, he thought came to
prevent a consumption in his virtue.
When the Pilgrim Church was translated from Leyden
to Plymouth, Bradford was 32 years of age. Both with
his estate, what there was of it remaining, and his personal
activity, he must have been of the most invaluable service
amidst all the business, harassments, and difficulties of their
preparation for the voyage. He had been married in Eng
land, and had at least one child living. Notwithstanding
the sickness and disadvantages of his childhood, and the
various changes, interruptions, and adventures of his life.

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 225
hs-.lia.d acquired an excellent education, especially in the
languages. I^e was master of the Dutch tongue, almost as
liis= vernacular dialect; the French was familiar to him;
the Latin and Greek he had learned thoroughly ; but above
alLhe most diligently studied the Hebrew, because, as he
said, he would see with his own eyes the ancient oracles of
God in their native beauty. He had mingled much with
men of various classes, habits, opinions, and pursuits, and
had learned to bear with the prejudices of his neighbors,
and to avoid the spirit of obstinacy and intolerance, es
pecially in indifferent things, while yet he held firmly,
without the least abatement, to the truth. His experience
in Amsterdam and Leyden, as well as the admirable in
structions and example of his Pastor, had taught him much
-heavenly wisdom, and he could discern and note the evil
tendencies and extremes, not only of intolerant superstition
and formalism in the church party, but of unnecessary and
uncharitable rigidness in his own.
He gives a curious illustration of the manners and pre
judices of his own times and native region in England,
He says he was in the. company of a godly man vvho had
been long time a prisoner at Norwich for ChrLst's sake, but
was set at liberty by Judge Cooke. After going into the
country and visiting his friends, this man was returning to
pass over into the Low Countries by ship at Yarmouth,
and there desired Mr. Bradford and some others to go with
him to the house of an ancient woman in the city, who had
been very kind and helpful to him in his sufferings. The
eyes of the good woman were dim and almost blind with
age, but she knew the voice of her friend, and made him
very welcome, and those who were with him. After some
time of their entertainment, when they were ready to de
part, she came to her old guest, and felt of his band at the
neck-cloth, and perceiving it was soniething stiffened with
starch,, she was much displeased, and reproved him very
s,harply, fearing God would not prosper his journey. Poor
¦¦"" '" " "." " ' 10*

226 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
woman, the starch was more in her heart than infhe man's
neck-cloth, and she herself was all unconsciously in that
particular, under the rueful influence of the mint and anise
system of the Pharisees. For the man was a plain coun
tryman, clad in grey russet, without either welt or guard,
as the proverb is, and the band he wore was scarce worth
three pence, and what is more, if was made of his wife's
own home-spinning; and he was as godly and humble
as he was plain. Governor Bradford, in relating this story,
shows very clearly what he thought of this good lady's i^n-
reasonable strictness, and he asks, what would such profes
sors, if they were now living,, say to the excess of our
times ?
At the age of thirty-two, with a ripeness of experience,
a vigor of judgment, a strength and energy of purpose, and
at the same time a mildness, charitableness, and patience of
temper, which fitted him for a foremost part in the great
enterprise of the Pilgrims, Mr. Bradford embarked with
them, and gave himself and his means unsparingly to all
the labors of the undertaking. The humility, the forbear
ance, the entire absence of all disposition to rule, which
marked the characters of these men, is wonderful. Carver
was chosen their first Governor, but God had been prepar
ing for them a permanent leader and councillor, in Brad
ford, when the object of their first choice was so early and
suddenly taken away. He had all the qualities which
fitted him to command, while he seemed but to follow.
Cotton Mather remarks most truly that if he had not been
a person of more than ordinary wisdom, courage, and piety,
he must have sunk under the difficulties of the first year pf
the colony. It is interesting and instructive minutely to
trace his steps as they are recorded first in the journal' of
the Pilgrims, and afterwards in the accurate annals of
Prince. You are tracing the biography of an unassuming,
unconscious Christian hero. : -
WitLthe Pilgrims in Holland, and indeed with all their

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 227
unfoldings of character and enterprise, until they are set
down in the untrodden wilds of their empire of industry
and piety, in the New World, Governor Bradford is rather
connected by his own history of the Church, than by any
prominent events in which he himself was foremost.
There are passages in his history where he writes evidently
as an eyewitness, and we think of him as present and
taking a part, but not because he is named. The embarka
tion of the Pilgrims at Delft Haven is linked with the
remembrance both of Bradford and Winslow, because they
have each described it in such simple, unaffected language,
with the feelings of the heart. They were both marked
personages in that scene " of interest unparalleled, that
scene of few and simple incidents, just the setting out of a
handful of not then very famous persons, on a voyage ;
but which, as we gaze on it, begins to speak to you as with
the voices and melodies of an immortal hymn, which dilates
and becomes idealized into the auspicious going forth of a
colony, whose planting has changed the history of the
world ; — a noble colony of devout Christians,' educated,
firm men, valiant soldiers, and honorable women ; a colony,
on the commencement of whose heroic enterprise the
selectest influences of religion seemed to be descending
visibly ; and beyond whose perilous path are hung the
rainbow and the western star of empire." *
From the time when Governor Bradford enters upon his
administration of the affairs of the colony, year after year
its history is his. He was in an eminent degree the moving
and guiding genius of the enterprise. His conduct toward
the Indians was marked with such wisdom, energy, and
kindness, that he soon gained a powerful influence over
them. With the people of the colony, not merely his first
fellow-pilgrims, but all that came successively afterwards,
he had equal authority and power, without the necessity of
assuming it. The most heedless among them seem to have
* Hon. Rufaa Choate'9 New England Soeiety Addiesg.

220 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
feared and respected him. He set them all at work, and;
would have none idle in the community, being resolved
that if any would not work, neither should they eat. Cotton
Mather gives an account of a company of young fellows
newly arrived, who were very unwilling to comply with
his orders, or rather with the arrangements of the Colony,
for. working in the fields on the public account. But on
Christmas Day they excused themselves from the labors of
the public industry, under pretence that it was against their
conscience to do any work on that day. The Governor
told them if that were the case, he would spare them till
they were better informed ; , but soon afterwards he found
them all at play in the street, hard at work upon their
diversions, as if in obedience to the Book of Sports. That
being the case, he very quietly took away the instruments
of their games, and gave them to understand that he had a
conscience as well as they, and that it was against his
conscience as the Governor that they should play while the
others were at work ; so that, if they had any devotion to
the day, they should show it at home, in the exercise of
religion, and not in the street, with their pastime and
frolics. The reproof was as effectual as it was happy, and
the Governor was plagued with no more such tender con
sciences.* His administration of affairs as connected with the Mer
chant Adventurers, was a model of firmness, patience,
forbearance, energy, and enterprise. With a few others,
as we have seen, he took the whole trade of the Colony
into his hands, with the assumed responsibility of paying
off all their debts, and the benevolent determination to
bring over the rest of their brethren from Leyden. His
activity in the prosecution of this great undertaking was
indefatigable. Meanwhile, no other business, either of the
piety or civil polity of the Colony, was neglected. He
made such arrangements, in conjunction with his brethren,
* Mather's Magnalia, Vol. i. 103.

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 229
to redeem their labor from the hopelessness of its condi
tions in the Adventtiring copartnership under which they
were bound for the seven years' contract with the Mer
chants, as inspired them all speedily with new life and
courage. Under the pressure of the famine his example
was as a Star of hope, for he never yielded to despondency ;
and while with Brewster he threw them upon God for
support and provision, he set in motion every possible
instrumentality for procuring supplies. He went in person
with parties among the Indians for corn, and took part
himself in every labor. There was a time amidst the
sharpest pressure of the famine, when they had but one
boat for their fishing expeditions, and were compelled to
divide their Httle force into several companies, to go out
and fish by turns, with absence of five or six days together,
rather than return empty handed, the others meanwhile
employing themselves in digging for shellfish. This was
the time when for months together they had neither bread
nor corn, and knew not, when they lay down at night,
where they should find a morsel of food for the morrow,
nor in the morning where they should provide for the day.
This was the time when Mr. Winslow says that at noon
day he had seen men stagger at their work, by reason of
faintness for want of food. Yet was the temper of the
Colony characterized by " cheerfulness and rest on Provi
dence," and in no little measure because of the serenity
and patience of their leader. It was a period that de
manded the highest qualities of a commander in unwearied
exercise. So it was when the colony was surrounded with con
spiracies, and nourished them at one time, by the treachery
of men iii England, even in its own bosom. The prudence,
sagacity, and energy of Governor Bradford on such occa
sions may be seen in the chapter detailing the treachery of
Lyford. The fearless deportment of the Governor and
the Colony towards the threatening tribes of Indians was

230 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
no small cause of their security ; " we all the while," says
Mr. Winslow, " knowing our own weakness, notwithstand
ing our high words and lofty looks towards them." ' it
seemed a time of mortal peril, when Canonicus, the Sachem
of the Narragansetts, sent to the Governor his savage defi
ance and declaration of war, a bundle of new arrows
lapped in the skin of a rattlesnake. Having learned the
meaning of this from the friendly Squanto, " the Governor,
after some deliberation," says Mr. Winslow, " stuffed the
skin with powder and shot" and sent it back to Canonicus
with the message that if he had shipping in the harbor to
send his men at once to the Narragansetts they should have
no need to come to Plymouth, and come when they might,
they should neither be unwelcome nor unlocked for. The
message was sent by an Indian, and was delivered in such
sort that it struck no small terror into the savage king ; in
somuch that he dared not even touch the powder and shot,
nor would suffer it to stay in his house or country. "Where
upon the messenger refusing it, another took it up ; and
having been posted from place to place a long time, at
length it came whole back again."*
In the spiritual prosperity of the Colony, Governor
Bradford took an incessant and most anxious interest,
possessing in himself, in no small degree, the wisdom and
temper of his beloved Pastor Robinson. Under him and
Brewster the Plymouth Church maintained their superiori
ty in the liberality and independence of their views above
all the other colonies. The answer which the Governor
made to their slanderers in England, in regard to their
church policy and customs, breathed the very spirit ot
scriptural wisdom and freedom so remarkable in the part
ing discourse of Robinson to the Pilgrims. " Whereas
you would tie us up to the French discipline in every cir
cumstance, you derogate from the liberty we have in
Christ Jesus. The apostle Paul would have none to follow
• Winslow's Relation ia Young's Chronicles, 283.

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 231
him in anything but wherein he follows Christ ; much less
ought any Christian or church in the world to do it. The
French may err, we may err, other churches may err, and
doubtless do in many circumstances. That honor there
fore belongs only to the infallible word of God, and pure
Testament of Christ, to be propounded and followed as
the only rule and pattern for direction herein to all churches
and Christians. And it is too great arrogancy for any man
or church to think that he or they have so sounded the
Word of God unto the bottom, as precisely to set down
the church's discipline without error in substance or cir
cumstance, that no other without blame may digress or
differ in anything from the same. And it is not difficult to
show that the Reformed churohes differ in many circum
stances among themselves." *
Cotton Mather remarks that Governor Bradford was
well skilled in History, Antiquity, Philosophy, and Theolo
gy ; and indeed his works bear witness to this, especially
that admirable Dialogue on Church Policy and freedom,
which was copied by Secretary Morton into the Records
of the Church at Plymouth, and at length printed by Dr.
Young in his valuable Chronicles of the Pilgrims. In that,
as in the interesting Memoir of Elder Brewster, and other
pieces, the author shows command of a natural, excellent,
Saxon style, a fine, free, unprejudiced habit of thought, a
benevolent heart, good sense, and deep Christian feeling.
His habits of study must have been something remarkable,
amidst all his cares and public responsibilities. We owe
an inestimable benefit to his piety, his fine mind, and his
public spirit, with his love of truth, for preserving and re
cording so much of the early history of the Pilgrims and
the Colony, that otherwise must have been almost wholly
lost. The greater part even of his own original writings
are gone from existence, though most providentially not
till they had been gleaned from, abridged, or copied, in a
* Mather's Magnolia, to],, i. 104. ,

232 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
great degree, in the writings of others, who had access to
his manuscripts. He was a man of indefatigable industry,
and of great method and accuracy. The loss of his Let-;
ter Book, from which some extracts will be given in ano
ther chapter, and which must have been a copy of the
man himself, as well as of the business of the Colony and
the correspondence of others, must ever be , greatly de
plored. Sixty years after the arrival of the May Flower in New
England, with the members of the infant colony, there were
still left living twelve persons, who came over in that
memorable bark. Twelve grains of that precious seed
corn, not yet put into the ground for the resurrection by
the Lord of the harvest] The number is remarkable,
when it is considered that in the very first perilous year of
the enterprise, no less than half died out of the one hundred
first Pilgrims. At the close of these sixty years, in 1680,
Nathaniel Morton, Secretary of the Colony Court, , and
then 68 years of age, set himself to the work of recording
" the first beginning and after progress of the Church of
Christ, at Plymouth, in New England." Eleven years
before, in 1669, he had published a history of the Colony
entitled New England's Memorial, taken from a manu
script history by Governor Bradford, which the Governor
began to write as early as the year 1630. Gov. Bradford
died in 1657, and his work, in 270 folio pages, having
never been published, though preserved up to the time of
the Revolutionary War, was then lost. Secretary Morton
had this work before him, in preparing the history which
he published in 1680, and Dr. Young thinks, from the com
parison of different extracts, as well as from the note by
Morton, stating the matter before him to have been ori
ginally penned by Bradford, that in the main it is Brad
ford's veritable unpublished history. , , .
This whole work of Governor Bradford, Mr. Prince had
before him in preparing and publishing his Chronological

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 233'
History of New England, up to the year 1730. He
describes it as " Gov. Bradford's History of Plymouth
People and Colony from 1602 to the end of 1646, in 270
pages (folio) . With some account at the end, of the in
crease of those who came over with him, from 1620 to
1650, and all in his own handwriting."
The second work in manuscript, , which Mr. Prince
mentions as before him, is The Ancient Church of Ply
mouth Records, begun by Mr. Secretary Morton.
The third is a copy of the Grand Charter of New Eng
land, granted by King James the First, on Nov. 3d, 1620,
in 86 pages.
The first book of Mr. Prince's Chronological History
ends with the Lord's Day, Dec. 31, 1620, the first Sabbath
kept by any of the Pilgrims in the place of their building.
Here Mr. Prince says, " Governor Bradford ends his first
book, containing ten chapters, in fifty- three pages, folio."
Of Mr. Morton's history from the beginning of the Ply
mouth people to the end of 1646, Mr. Prince observes that
it was "^chiefly Gov. Bradford's manuscript abbreviated."
Having been thus used by various writers, for their
printed works, we may suppose that though the original
work is lost, we have the main important part of it, and
much in Gov. Bradford's own language.
Both Governor Bradford and Governor Winthrop, and
likewise Governor Winslow, were accustomed to take part
in the religious exercises of their social meetings, and also on
the Lord's Day. This appears by such interesting notices
as the following, taken from Gov. Winthrop's own Journal,
of date October 25, 1632. " The Governor, with Mr.
Wilson, pastor of Boston, .... and others went on foot to
Plymouth from Massagascus. The Governor of Plymouth,
Mr. William Bradford, a very discreet, grave man, with
Mr. Brewster the Elder, and some others, came forth and
met them without the town, and conducted them to the
Governor's house, where they were kindly entertained jand

234 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
feasted every day at several houses. On the Lord's Day
there was a sacrament which they did partake in ; and in
the afternoon Mr. Roger Williams, according to their custom,
propounded a question, to which the pastor, Mr. Smith, spoke
briefly, then Mr. Williams prophesied, and afterwards the
Governor of Plymouth spoke to the question'; after him
the elder, then some two or three more of the congregation.
Then the elder desired the Governor of Massachusetts and
Mr. Wilson to speak to it, which they did. When this was
ended, the deacon, Mr. Fuller, put the congregation- in
mind of their duty of contribution, upon which the Gover
nor and all the rest went down to the deacon's seat^and
put into the bag, and then returned."*
The deacon's seat was a throne of service, and well
known. All the members of the congregation went thither
to deposit their alms. It was a custom retained in some
churches for many years.
We find likewise the following interesting record in
Gov. Winthrop's Journal, under date of Aprjl 3d, 1634.
" The Governor went on foot to Agawam, and 'because
the people there wanted a minister, spent the Sabbath with
them, and exercised by way of prophecy, and returned
home on the tenth."
How beautiful the record of this truly primitive New
Testament simplicity ! We wonder not that Governor
Bradford looked back in his old age with a sweetness in
the memory as of the recollections of childhood, to those
times of the freshness and power of Christ's covenant with
the churches in the wilderness. Religion must have
flourished indeed, when public men like Bradford, Win
throp, ajnd Winslow, were thus active and faithful in its
teachings and duties. Yet it was for just this faithfulness,
for daring to " exercise by way of prophecy, when the

• Collections Mass. Hist. Soc. Vol. x. p. 2. Winthrop's Journal^- origi
nal edition, page 44.

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 235
people wanted a minister," that Winslow himself was
afterwards thrown into prison by Archbishop Laud !
Governor Bradford managed the affairs of the colony
for nearly thirty-seven years together, with admirable
temper and wisdom. Until the year 1624 Gov. Bradford
and Mr. Allerton were elected governor and assistant an
nually ; the people then added four more assistants, and
gave the governor a double voice ; they added two more
assistants in 1633, and afterwards kept to the number of
seven. In the space of seventy years they had only six
persons as governors. Bradford, Winslow, and Prince oc
cupied the governorship in succession till Prince's death in
1673. Bradford was elected annually from 1621 till his
death in 1657, except three years in which Winslow was
chosen, and two (according to Mather) in which Prince
was chosen. Winslow was chosen in 1633, 1636, and
1644.* They had no house of representatives till 1639.
In the year 1632, it was enacted by law, that any person
chosen to the office of Governor and refusing it, was to be
fined twenty pounds ; a counsellor or magistrate chosen
and refusing the office, was to be fined ten pounds.f
In the year 1633 we find a record in Governor Win
throp's Journal as follows : " Mr. Edward Winslow chosen
Governor of Plymouth, Mr. Bradford having been Go
vernor about ten years, and now by importunity got off."
He pleaded so hard to be let off for that year, that they
yielded without fining him.
What a picture is here presented of the unworldly sim
plicity, contentment, disinterestedness, and freedom from
ambition, of our Pilgrim Fathers ! They shared each
other's burdens too completely to seek or desire superiority
in any other way. They sought not for office, had no par
ties, wished for no power, but that of doing good. It was

f Hutchinson's Hist. Mass. Vol. ii. pp. 414, 415.
t Baylies' Historical Memoirs of Plymouth, p. 207.

236 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
not till prosperity had relaxed their vigilance, and men of
worldly minds had been added to their company, that par
ties began to exist among them. Their Church Covenant
was of great solemnity and power with them, " of the vjo:
lation whereof," said Robinson, "we make great conse
quence, and by virtue whereof we hold, ourselves straitly
tied to all care of each other's good, and of the whole by
each, and that mutual."
O sacred bond ! exclaimed Governor Bradford, writing
in his old age, " Oh that these ancient members had ncjt
died or been dissipated, if it had been the will of God ; or
else that this holy care and constant faithfulness had still lived
and remained with those that survived, that were in times
afterwards added unto them." He laments the subtlety
of the serpent, under fair pretences of necessity and the
like, " to untwist these sacred bonds and ties, and as it were
insensibly by degrees, to dissolve, or in a great measure to
weaken the same. I have been happy in my first times to
see, and with much comfort to enjoy the blessed fruits of
this sweet communion. But it is now a part of my misery
in my old age to find and feel the decay and want thereof
in a great measure, and with grief and sorrow of heart to
lament and bewail the same." And this, he says, he notes
for others' warning and admonition, and his own hu
miliation. It seems to be the declension or decay of pious feeling
which Governor Bradford is here lamenting, and the want
of the early first fervent love of the brethren, one to another,
amidst their trials and distresses. He is not here deploring
the readiness of the brethren to exercise their gifts by way
of prophesying, a complaint afterwards brought against
them, nor do we find anything in Governor Bradford's
writings which tends to such an accusation. In his dialogue
on this and similar subjects, he sets forth Mr. Robinson's
opinion, as also Mr. Cotton's, concerning this exercise of
gifts in prophesying, of which Mr. Bradford himself says,

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 237
" if any out of weakness have abused at any time their
liberty, it is their personal faulting, as sometimes weak
ministers may their office, and yet the ordinance good and
lawful." Robinson was of opinion that, " it comes within the pro
vince of but few ofamultitude, haply two or three in a church,
to prophesy publicly ; and touching prophecy, we think,
in all churches, whether but springing up or grown to some
ripeness, let the order of prophecy be observed according
to Paul's institution. Into the fellowship of this work are
to be admitted, not only the ministers, but the teachers too,
yea, also of the elders and deacons, yea, even of the
multitude, which are willing to confer their gift received
of God to the common utility of the church ; but so as
they first be allowed by the judgment of the ministers and
others." Now, if these opinions and rules, which Robinson adopts
from the Synod of Embden in 1571, were observed by the
Plymouth Church in Governor Bradford's time, it is rather
difficult to see how there can be much truth in the report
which Cotton Mather admits into the Magnalia, that about
the time of Bradford's death "religion itself had like to have
died out of the colony, through the strange disposition to
discountenance the gospel ministry, by setting up the gifts
of private brethren in opposition thereunto." There must
be great exaggeration in this report, or we should have
learned something x)f it from Governor Bradford himself.
Cotton Mather says that the good people were in extreme
distress from the prospect which this matter gave them,
and cured the evil by the election of Mr. Prince to the
place of Governor, from which time the adverse party sank
into confusion. But nothing of this seems to have troubled
the serene and prosperous course of the closing years of
Gov. Bradford's life.
It is truly and beautifully said by Cotton Mather, that
the crown of all excellences in this admirable man was

238 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS.
his holy, prayerful, watchful, and fruitful walk with God.
His death was just such, in heavenly joy and triumph, as
his life of grace, hid with Christ in God, had predicted.
He had been declining through the winter of 1657, yet not
in what he counted sickness, until just three days before
God took him to his everlasting rest. The first of those
days the Angel of the Covenant seemed to give him warn
ing that his hour was near ; and that night, " the God of
Heaven so filled his mind with ineffable consolations, that
he seemed little short of Paul, wrapt up into the unutter
able entertainments of Paradise." His joy must have been
great, yea, ravishing, for he said to his dear friends in the
morning, that the good Spirit of the Lord had given him a
pledge of his happiness in another world, and the first fruits
of his eternal glory. That night's blissful experience
alone was to him worth all the years of toil and pain he had
endured in the great work his Lord had permitted him to
accomplish. For, what were all the days and nights, the
weeks and months of cold and hunger, of peril, anxiety,
pain, and famine, passed through in the early years of that
great service, compared with the celestial revelations and
assurances of that one night ! He died, May 9, 1657, in the
69th year of his age.

CHAPTER XIII.

THE FIRST NEW ENGLAND SABBATH.
From the highest point amidst the scenery that over
looks the Rock of our Forefathers' first permanent landing,
and includes so many points now of the deepest interest,
we have looked abroad over the Harbor, the Islands, and
the Sea. By the providence of God these Pilgrims stopped
at Plymouth. This rock, then washed by the flowing tide,
and surmounted above by the primitive forest, was their
first landing place. Their first landing place, indeed, for
the purpose of a habitation and a grave, upon this rock-
bound coast, but not the first spot hallowed by the freedom
and the sacredness of their religious worship. No [ There
is a spot here, within the sweep of your eye in this beauti
ful scene, more sacred than this. As you follow the horizon,
you see there, towards the north-east, where the land
breaks the sea view, and where the central peninsula in
the harbor almost seems to join the main land on the other
side, a green and partly wooded island. It seems to you,
perhap.s, to be the continent, but it is an island. It is the
spot of all places in North or South America to my mind
the most hallowed. It is the island where the fatigued,
desolate, almost perishing Pilgrims spent their first Sabbath.
Yes ! there they stopped and rested the seventh day, and
hallowed it, because they would not desecrate it, even in

240 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
seeking rest. O noble commencement of the foundations
of an enterprise, like which the world never saw, nor pro
bably will again see, ever ! Within half an hour's sail of
the coast, nay, within ten minutes' sail, if the wind and tide
favored, of the place where they were to abide all the rest
of their pilgrimage, they moored at the island, and would
not again set a sail that day, or take an oar in hand, or do
aught of worldly work, because it was the Lord's Day.
And there, upon that desolate island, frost-bound, habita-
tionless, beneath a snowy sky, or, what was worse, a
freezing sleet, they dedicated the hours of the Sabbath to
the worship of God ! There is no spot in all this scene,
on which the vision rests with so solemn and thrilling an
interest as that.
And what a remarkable manifestation of character it was,
what a proof of supreme regard to God, and belief in his
word, and obedience to it ! Might they not have reasoned
that the work of seeking shelter, in which they were then
engaged, was a work of necessity and mercy, that the sea
son of winter was already far advancing, that every day
was precious, and that one day's delay might be productive
of great evil ? Might they not have argued that here,
where none but God beheld them, God who knew their
hearts, and knew that they were laboring for him, and who
had said that the Sabbath was made for man, and not man
for the Sabbath, they might relax for once their strictness,
and continue their course, more especially as there were
none to be affected by their example ? How many a
descendant of the Pilgrims, under the pressure of a much
less necessity, has put the claims of conscience beneath
those of expediency, and made the demands of God's insti
tution to wait upon man's conveniertce ! None to be affected
by their example? And what one movement or act of
those Pilgrims, or sentiment, or opinion, or coloring of life,
that will not exert an influence to the latest generation ? It
might be said that the guardian genius of the after age was

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 241
watching them ; and in acting conscientiously and faithfully
to.wards God, they acted safely, wisely, righteously towards
man. They so acted in this matter of keeping the Sabbath,
that a world might imitate them. That day, kept for God
on that island, has sent down a blessing for all the posterity
of the Pilgrims — those costly prayers and praises — a pre
serving, sustaining influence throughout New England, to
make the descendants of the Pilgrims a Sabbath-keeping
people ; and none but a Sabbath-keeping people can be truly
free. There was a time when these men on that desolate
island, had they stayed in Europe, and attempted to keep
such a Sabbath in the country of their birth, would perhaps
have been thrown into prison for not observing the rubrics
of the Book of Sports, for not giving to the service of Satan
the time which God claimed for his service. This Sabbath
was the beginning of their perfect freedom from bondage.
How beautiful the island looks this day, in this warm light,
beneath an atmosphere of such enchanting clearness, rising
so green in the mantle of August from the sea ! It was a
different sight and a different abode to them, in the month
of December, wet, cold, icy, and shelterless. Yet there
they stood ; there they praised God ; there arose to heaven
from New England's soil the first Sabbath hymn of praise
and the first united prayer of faith, from child-like, patient,
submissive hearts, from men in resolution and endurance,
children in faith and obedience.
Amidst the storm they sang,
And the stars heard, and the sea !
And the sounding aisles of the dim woods rang
To the anthem of the free !
This beautiful painting is not that of mere imagination.
The place of that first religious meeting on New England
soil looks now entirely destitute of trees, but the Pilgrims'
Journal tells us that then this Island was thickly covered
11

242 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
with woods, as indeed the whole shores of Plymouth har
bor seem to have been wooded, down to the brink of the
sea, save where the Indians had made clearings for corn
fields. There then, the dim and icicled woods did in
deed ring to the anthems of the free ; for they surely had
a heart to sing as well as pray ; and God had brought
them, in the past day's course, through a great discipline,
not only of peril and prayers, but of deliverance and thanks
giving. Yet they rejoiced with trembling.
That Island is a very sacred spot. We would put a
monument there, sooner than on Bunker Hill ; a monu
ment to God, to the Sabbath, to the faith of the Pilgrims,
to the hidden life of social, civil, and religious freedom, of
which the Sabbath is the safeguard. A monument there,
where spiritually the first battle was fought, and the first
victory was gained, on this North Western Continent,
against the powers of darkness, against spiritual wicked
ness, in the high places of earth and of the soul.
Verily, if we may suppose the Enemy of God and man
looking on and watching that movement, that Sabbath's
work, that Sabbath's reverent and submissive stillness,
and prayer, and praise (and why may we not ? for not
alone in civilized Europe was the god of this world su
preme and busy, but here, from one end of the continent to
the other, in savage rites he had his worship) ; if we may
suppose the Enemy of mankind gazing when that island
was first trodden by the Pilgrim feet, awe-stricken would
he and his hosts have beheld the solemn employments of
that day 1 It was a most wonderful consecration of all
New England to God, this religious keeping of the first
Sabbath day spent upon its shores, amidst such storm, such
fear, such heart-chilling cold, and frightful desolation. We
should like to see a granite monument on that island, and
the words inscribed on it, The First Sabbath of the Pil
grims. We say again, a greater battle was fought and
gauied there than that on Bunker Hill, and a foundation of

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 243
Spiritual freedom was laid there, without which that last
battle for civil liberty never had been fought, nor the
institutions of freedom in this country estabhshed. That
Sabbath contained the prediction and assurance of success
to the infant colony. It was God who kept the Pilgrims,
through their Sab'bath-keeping piety. They may sneer
who please, at the strictness of the Puritan Sabbath.
Should its spirit die out of our land, there might be Romish
superstition, and French fickleness and infidelity, and
American slavery and political corruption remaining, but
the old'fashioned social, civil, and religious virtue and hap
piness of New England would be no more.
Let us count the first Sabbaths of the,Pilgrims up to the
foundation of their first local Sanctuary for the worship of
God ; — let us count their weeks by Sabbaths. By the
dates in their own Journal we learn that it was not till
Thursday, the ninth of November, 1620, that they made
land, after their long voyage of sixty-four days from Ply
mouth in the old world. This land, first made, was Cape
Cod. They were purposing to make their course some'
thirty miles south of the Cape,' but were constrained by
contrary winds to enter Cape Cod Bay, where they
anchored on Saturday, the eleventh of November, the day
in which they signed their compact. The next day, Sun
day, the twelfth, was spent on board ship. The Sabbath
of the 19th on board ship in like manner, after the return
of their first exploring expedition on foot. The Sabbath
of the 26th passed in like manner on board the May Flow
er, after the week's work in repairing the shallop. Monday,
the 27th, another exploring expedition was undertaken
with thirty-four men. The next Sabbath, the third of De
cember, found the Pilgrim congregation still assembled,
after this expedition, in their only house and church thus
far, the ship at anchor. Wednesday, the 6th of Decem
ber, they set out on the final exploring enterprise, which
issued in their landing upon Plymouth Rock. The next

244 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
Sabbath of the 10th, was that spent upon the Island, the
first upon New England soil, truly the first New England
Sabbath. The next day, Monday, the 11th, they made their first
landing in Plymouth harbor, and resolved that there was
the situation where they had best fix their abode, and plant
the Pilgrim Colony. This Monday, the 1 1th of December,
Old Style, answers to the 22d of December, New Style,
and so the 22d is the day celebrated as Forefathers' day.
It is marked in the Journal of the Pilgrims with only one
sentence, and with the most complete absence of all con
sciousness, or even dreaming imagination, that they had
then taken the stepj and were noting down the date, upon
which would be concentrated the interest, not merely his
torical or curious, but devout and prayerful, of generations
to come. " So we returned," say they, "to our ship again
with good news to the rest of our people, which did much
comfort their hearts." If was perhaps the very next day,
at any rate the 15th, that the May Flower with the whole
company of families weighed anchor and set sail for Ply
mouth harbor, where they arrived the next day, which was
Saturday, the 16th. The next day, the Sabbath of the
17th, seems to have been the last spent on board ship; for
on Saturday, the 23d, which was as soon as the severe
weather would permit, " as many as could went on shore,
felled and carried timber," and began to provide themselves
stuff for building ; and the Sabbath of the 24th, answering
to our first or second Sabbath in January, was celebrated
both on shore and in the ship.
It is interesting, in the highest degree, to a devout mind,
thus religiously to follow the footsteps of the Pilgrims. " I
gave them my Sabbaths, to be a sign between me and
them, that they might know that I am the Lord that
sanctify them." " Hallow my Sabbaths ; and they shall be
a sign between me and you, that ye may know that I am
the Lord your God." If the Sabbaths be spent prayer-

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 245
fully, SO will be the week days. The incidental notices of
devout exercises, morning and evening, in the midst of the
hurry, peril, fatigue, cold, hunger, and conflict of these
expeditions, are very striking ; the more so, as occurring
in a brief sketch, and though only once or twice set down,
yet noted in such a manner as to indicate a habit, a fixture
of daily duty. Thus, the journal of one of their most perilous
days, the day in which they had their first conflict with
the Indians, and afterwards the loss of the mast of their
shallop with imminent hazard of shipwreck, begins thus :
" About five o'clock in the morning we began to be stirring.
After prayer we prepared ourselves' for breakfast and for
a journey, it being now the twilight in the morning." The
sun was up, in such souls, and God was with them, as
speedily they found, when the savage war-whoop of their
enemies, that day for the first time heard, was yelling
around them, and their arrows flying in the air. " By the
especial Providence of God," says the journal, in a vivid
account of their battle, "none of them were hit or hurt."
" So, after we had given God thanks for our deliverance,
we took our shallop and went on our journey, and called
this place The First Encounter."
In the same devout manner opens the record of the day
of their final decision to plant themselves wheje they had
first landed at Plymouth Rock. " So in the morning, after
we had called on God for direction, we came to this resolu
tion, to go presently ashore again," &c. Never before, in
the history of the world, were the foundations of an Empire
so laid. Every step was taken, consulting and imploring
the divine guidance. There is no display of this; we
have no diary of the soul-exercises of these Pilgrims ; but
the traces of their heartfelt piety run through this little
journal like fragrant water-courses. And you see that it
is a cheerful, grateful piety ; there is no gloom about it,
even in the midst of the most darkening and discouraging
calamities. As in the heart of the first conflict with the

246 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
savages, their watch- word seems continually to be " well,
well, every one, and be of good courage." They neither
conceal nor display the great trials they endured, but
speak of them in calm and simple language, setting a mark
upon God's kind interpositions, and enduring their greatest
perils and hardships as things ordinary in so great and dif
ficult an enterprise. " And sure it was God's good Provi
dence that we found this corn, for else we know not how
we should have done." So sweetly and confidently did
they hail the finger of God's loving Providence ; and at
other times quietly endured fatigues which were to lay
them in their graves' ere the first New England spring
should open, making the simple record of one of their fear
ful nights without shelter, in these words ; " it blowed and
did snow all that day and night, and froze withall ; some
of our people that are dead, took the original of their death
here." Certainly, one great secret of their patient endurance of
almost unparalleled hardships was the confidence that they
were bearing them for God. No mere human aim or ex
pectation would have carried them through such complica
tions of disaster, and sometimes through the seeming utter
wreck of all their prospects ; because, humanly speaking,
there was nothing to justify any anticipation of success.
Their object was not the gain of merchant adventurers ; it
was the advancement of religion. Whether we put the
aspect of a missionary enterprise foremost in their under
taking, or the enjoyment of God's grace and worship
freely in their own souls and families, makes little dif
ference ; the broadest, truest shape that can be given to
the Pilgrimage of our Puritan Fathers, the most accurate
matter of fact description of it, is that of an extraordinary
enterprise for the advancement of religion. In the little
volume of the journal we meet again and again with the
declaration and the proof of this reahty. The editor of
the volume declares in 1621 to the reader that "the. desire

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 247
of carrying the gospel of Christ into these foreign parts,
amongst those people that as yet have had no knowledge
nor taste of God, as also to procure unto themselves and
others a quiet and comfortable habitation, were amongst
other things the inducements unto the undertakers of the
enterprise." And the compact on board the May Flower
opens with the assurance and continues for the furtherance,
of their great undertaking "/or the glory of God and
advancement of the Christian Faith, and honor of their
king and country, to plant the first colony." And the
schedule of reasons and considerations for their colonizing,
given at the close of the same volume of the journal in
1621, reads thus: "seeing we daily pray for the conver
sion of the heathens, we must consider whether there be
not some ordinary means and course for us to take to con
vert them, or whether prayer for them be only referred to
God's extraordinary work from heaven. Now it seemeth
unto me that we ought also to endeavour and use the means
to convert them ; and the means cannot be used, unless we
go to them or they come to us. To us they cannot come ;
our land is full. To them we may go, their land is
empty." Now to these proofs let there be added Gov. Bradford's
declaration among the reasons of the Pilgrims for leaving
the Old World, of " a great hope and inward zeal they had
of laying some good foundation, or at least to make some
way thereunto, for the propagating and advancing the_
gospel of the- Kingdom of Christ in these remote parts of
the world ; yea, though they should be but as stepping
stones unto others for performing of so great a work."
Hutchinson might well say in his History of Massa
chusetts, " whether Britain would have had any colonies
in America, if religion had not been the grand inducement,
is doubtful." Every attempt to plant settlements in New
England from ordinary and secular motives had failed.
God would have one spot in the world peopled from a

248 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
sense of duty, and a supreme regard, not to pounds and
shillings, but to his glory. He would have one spot where
a race should reside, whose fear towards God should not
be'taught by the precept of man ; that mean, craven, slavish
tetter of iniquity and bigotry, with which, just then, almost
the whole world was crusted.
One of their reasons for breaking' out from that crust
was that they might keep God's Sabbath, not man's, and
keep it through the fear of God, not by the precept of man,
either in books of sports or ceremonial rubrics. The
Sabbath was sadly and generally profaned in Holland,
while they dwelt, and the inefficacy of all their efforts to
stop that profanation, with the pernicious effect of such
examples upon their children, were strong inducements
moving them to the determination of a settlement in the
New World. Mr. Winslow details, among other con
siderations impelling them to that step, the painful dis
covery " how little good we did, or were like to do, to the
Dutch in reforming the Sabbath, how unable there to give
such education to our children as we ourselves had re
ceived." With such convictions and such motives, amidst
all these estrangements from the comforts and privileges of
their native, and afterwards adopted land, how powerfully
and sustainingly would some of the promises of God come
to their case and meet their souls ! " If thou turn away
the foot from the Sabbath, from doing thy pleasure on
my Holy Day, and call the Sabbath a delight, the Holy
of the Lord, honorable ; and shalt honor him, not doing
thine own ways, nor finding thine own pleasure, nor speak
ing thine own words : Then shalt thou delight thyself in
the Lord ; and I will cause thee to ride upon the high
places of the earth, and feed thee with the heritage of
Jacob, thy Father : for the mouth of the Lord hath spoken
it." Surely, they would say, when this promise as a flame of
fire shone before them, though Abraham be ignorant of us,

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 249
and Israel acknowledge us not, yet will God fulfil unto us
this covenant. " And the sons of the stranger that join
themselves to the Lord to serve him, and to love the name
of the Lord, to be his servants, every one that keepeth the
Sabbath from polluting it, and taketh hold of my covenant,
even them will I bring to my holy mountain, and make
them joyful in my house of prayer.''

CHAPTER XIV.

THE FIRST NEW ENGLAND MEETING-HOUSE.
Joyful in my House of Prayer ! In all places where I
record my name, I will come unto thee and bless thee I
And in his Living Temple God records his name ; and
where two or three are gathered in that name, there is his
House of Prayer. What a marvellous transfiguration from
the local into the universal, from the earthly and formal
into the spiritual, from altars into hearts, took place when
He came, in whom types and shadows, vails and engrav
ings in stone, and the places and the ceremonies of priestly
authority and sanctity, were done away, and the ministra
tion of the Spirit for the glory of the Lord was set open
in renewed hearts, changed into the same image from
glory to glory, even as by the Spirit of the Lord !
In four verses in the New Testament, the power passes
from the Temple and the Priesthood, and is enshrined
wherever there are humble, believing, praying souls, be it
in Cathedrals or Conventicles, in large upper rooms in
Judea beset by spies and persecutors of Church and State,
or in the cottages and hiding places of the Pilgrims in Eng
land, for whom the prison and the scaffold were prepared
and destined ; or in their log houses in the wilderness,
where, as free as the birds of the air, regardless of human
interdictions, they could worship God.

PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 251
" Our fathers worshipped in this mountain, and ye say
that in Jerusalem is the place where men ought to worship.
Jesus saith unto her, woman, believe me, the hour cometh,
when ye shall neither in this mountain, nor yet at Jeru
salem, worship the Father. The hour cometh, and now is,
when the true worshippers shall worship the Father in
spirit and in truth : for the Father seeketh such to worship
him. God is a Spirit, and they that worship him must
worship him in spirit and in truth."
How beautiful, how solemn, how glorious, how simple is
this designation ! Spirit and Truth, that is God's Temple,
that is God's House of Prayer, and the proofs of a place in
it, the presence of living worshippers, are the epistles of
Christ, written not with ink, but with the Spirit of the liv
ing God, not in tables of stone, but in fleshly tables of the
heart. Such was the first sanctuary in 1620 in New Eng
land. The groves there were God's first external temples,
under the roof of Heaven. By their watch-fires on the
land, and in their open shallop on the sea, our Fathers wor
shipped ; and in the cabin of the May Flower, and in all
their perilous expeditions, before yet the foundation of a
hut was laid. It was not the temple first, the consecrated
temple, and the heart afterwards, but the heart first and
the temple afterwards.
We love that old-fashioned, Pilgrim, New-England de
signation of the Meeting-house. . It seems to carry us back
to a time, when to have a meeting of any kind, was to
worship God ; where the people were all Christians, and
their meetings for devotion were so much the habit, the
joy, and the main business of life, as to Christianize even
the generic idea of a public assembly. The Sabbath meet
ings of our fathers began in the first dwelling-house ; where
the first household prayer ascended to God, there also did
the colonists gather for their Sabbath and social services.
Just so, of a long time, did Christ's early churches gather
together and worship in Jerusalem, in Antioch, in Ephesus,

252 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
in Corinth ; and the church that is in thy house became one
of the designations, local and formal, of primitive Chris
tianity. But at length there was a structure of special service
and appointment, as God's House of Prayer. That first
house for the Pilgrims was but a rude tabernacle in the
wilderness ; yet it had a beauty and a glory such as the
grandest temple since erected in all this land possesses not.
It was God's pavilion for his people, yet it had nothing of
a temple save the heavenly purposes to which, on the
Lord's Day, it was devoted. For as God meant that they
should come to this country unsanctioned, unconsecrated,
untolerated, unaccepted, unacknowledged, yea despised as
a church ; unconstituted either by King, or Priest, or Pre
late, and flung forth from a human establishment to God's
uncovenanted mercies in the wilderness, uncovenanted of
man but chosen of God ; so he meant that they should
worship in a Temple, desecrated by no mere self-willed
human consecration ; a conventicle, a garrison, not set apart
for the sacredness, but used for the convenience and se
curity of the holy duties of Divine Worship ; duties that
make the house beautiful and sacred, and not the house the
duties. God led them into it, and not they God ; it was God's
choice for them, not theirs for God ; and here, in the
following record, is the account of the ceremonies of its
construction and dedication, under date of July, 1622.
" This summer we build a Timber Fort, 'both strong and
comely, with flat roof and battlements ; on which ordnance
are mounted, a watch kept, and it also serves as a place of
public worship."
In Old England, under the Establishment, with an Arch
bishop's consecration, this would have been a place of
public worship, serving as a Fort, bristling with Bancroft's
cannon, and with the ceremonies, ordinances, command
ments, and doctrines of men.

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 253
In New England it was simply the Pilgrims' first Meet
ing-House, where b.y God's mercy they could say. Though
a host should encamp against me, my heart shall not fear.
In Old England it would have been God's house, devoted
to man's purposes ; in New England it was man's house,
devoted to God's purposes. " One thing have I desired of
the Lord, said the Pilgrims, that will I seek after ; that I
may dwell in the house of the Lord all the days of my
life, to behold the beauty of the Lord, and to inquire in his
temple." And who can tell the unspeakable delight with
which they must have enjoyed that uninterrupted com
munion with God, according to the rule of his Word, for
which they had fled into this savage wilderness, where
God's house was not only a place of spiritual freedom, but
a pavilion of defence against the heathen ! " We have
thought of thy loving kindness," said they, " O God, in the
midst of thy temple. Walk about Zion, and go round
about her : tell the towers thereof Mark ye well her
bulwarks, consider her palaces, that ye may tell it to the
generations following. For this God is our God for ever
and ever ; he will be our guide even unto death."
Here they could taste of the river, the streams whereof
make glad the city of God. Here that sacred stream, the
Word of God, from which they had been driven with penal
inflictions, glided gently for their undisturbed enjoyment,
and watered their divine abode. Here, though convulsions
shook the solid world, they had nothing to fear. The
heathen might rage, and the kingdoms be moved, but now
they could say. The Lord of Hosts is with us, the God of
Jacob is our refuge. They could raise Luther's psalm :
O Lord of Hosts, Almighty King !
While we so near thy presence dwell,
Our faith shall sit secure and sing
Defiance to the gates of hell.
And it was a great triumph of God's providence and

254 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
grace, a wonderful scene amidst the almost unbroken
wilderness of the whole Northern Continent of America, to
behold this handful of his children, beginning their service
of public as well as secret piety, and with such exceeding,
though quiet and solemn joy, laying the foundations of
many generations. Already they felt that the order of
God's house was beautiful, and though rude in circum
stance, yet in its simple spirituality, full of power.
Let strangers walk around
The city where we dwell,
Compass and view the holy ground,
And mark the building well ;
The order of thy house.
The worship of thy court.
The cheerful songs, the solemn vows,
And make a fair report.
How decent and how wise !
How glorious to behold !
Beyond the pomp that charms the eyes.
And rites adorned with gold.
Let US enter with the congregation there, on' a day like
some of our sacred days in August, a Sabbath combining
the softness of summer with the clearness and brilliancy
of autumn in the frosty October. Standing here alone, in
the still solemnity of noon upon this Hill of Graves, and
looking abroad upon the harbor and the islands, so beauti
ful at high tide, it is not difficult to go back in imagination
to the days of our Pilgrim Fathers, and to stand with them
amidst the changing scenes of their labors. Changing
they were, even then, beneath the hand of that scant indus
try, the very first year, when half the Colony died, and
there were but nineteen men to build houses and defend
them, and to clear and plant their land. But now how
changed ! That one street of seven rude dwellings, like

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 255
a prophecy in hieroglyphics upon a blank scroll, between
which and this Burial Hill there was a wide untrodden
space, as also below, down to the water's edge, has spread
into a network of streets and buildings, winding and cross
ing all around the base of this sacred mount, which itself
would perhaps have been also covered with residences,
had not its sacredness as the enclosure of the dead forbid
den. But the growth of this place is mere nothing in com
parison with that of many other towns and cities in our
country, where the wave of each successive generation
obliterates all traces of the past, and fierce remorseless
progress permits men only to compare themselves with the
future, never looking back, and hearing only the one voice
of Destiny, Clear the Way ! Glad we are that present
Plymouth is an old town and no bigger, for here imagina
tion is not so oppressed and looked out of countenance by
reality, but that it can go back two hundred years, and see
things as when our fathers landed. The houses disappear,
and the dim woods and cornfields take their places, and we
can see the solitary May Flower at anchor, and the Pil
grims on shore cutting and carrying timber, marking out
their lots, thatching their houses, impaling this Hill, under
which their little settlement is seated, and making bulwarks
or jetties whence they can defend their dwellings, by day
and by night keeping watch and ward against the Indians.
This Sabbath morning — let it be October, or the begin
ning of November, instead of August, — the smoke rises
early and peaceful on the clear frosty air, from the single
line of dwellings. There is no busy stir in or about the
little settlement, as on the week days. Almost the fir^t
sign of life that you behold, except the tell-tale smoke from
the thatched roofs, is the winding of the Pilgrims up the
path that leads from their dwellings to the Fort upon the
Hill, where they hold their worship. There goes their
venerated Elder, William Brewster, a Pilgrim older than
all the rest, already beyond the three score years of our

256 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
earthly pilgrimage, but active and cheerful ; " a good man
and full of the Holy Ghost, and much people were added
to the Lord." Yea, he is the Barnabas of this little church
and colony.
So the congregation gather into this log-fort, and begin
to praise God. They are but a very little handful, enough for
a social prayer meeting ; and some have to remain in the
dwellings, to tend the sick, and watch against surprisal
from the Indians ;/ others are on guard also at the Fort
with muskets, watching as sentinels, while all watch and
pray. If the naked children of the forest are watching
also, with bow and arrow, they hear sweet and solemn
music this morning, and it is one of God's means to keep
them in awe, and defend his people from them. The whole
congregation sing, and the hymn rises as from one heart,
with the sweetness of the unison of all voices. Our Pil
grim Fathers were good singers. We have the testimony
of Mr. Winslow to this point. When they were embark
ing from Leyden he says, " We refreshed ourselves with
singing of psalms, making joyful melody in our hearts as
well as with the voice, there being many of our congrega
tion very expert in music ; and indeed it was the sweetest
music that mine ears ever heard." It was congregational
singing, and so was it at each Sabbath's worship in this
timber-fort in the wilderness. It were well if our con
gregations in modern time would follow this delightful pil
grim and scriptural habit of expertness in music.
The song ended, they unite in prayer. Mr. Brewster
was a gifted man in this sacfed exercise, especially in the
humble confession of sin, and pleading for pardon. He
was not long in prayer, but frequent ; and he set the heart
and conscience at work, as in Paul's expression, laboring
earnestly in prayer. He prayed fervently, with and for
the people, and they with and for him. They came to God
in great want, and prayed for great blessings.
And then with equal power and beauty, under the guid-

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS.

257

ing of the Saviour, he opened unto them the Scriptures,
and applied both the law and the promises, being plain and
distinct, as well as affectionately stirring and moving in his
teachings. Powerfully and profitably he taught, twice
every Sabbath, to the great contentment of the hearers,
and to their comfortable edification. This he continued to
do, till the Church had another minister, and many were
brought to God by his ministry. " Yea, be did more in
their behalf in a year, than many that have their hundreds
a year do in all their lives." He was a man that had done
and suffered much for the Lord Jesus and the Gospel's
sake, and so doing and suffering, God upheld him to a
great age, and kept him actively useful to the last.
From the enjoyment of his ministrations, and of God's
Spirit in them, they would go down to their dwellings with
renewed hope and faith and courage to bear the exceeding
trials of the week. Though their outward man was weak
and wasting, yet the inward was renewed day by day, and
perhaps the darker and gloomier it grew externally, the
brighter was all within. Mr. Brewster loved to dwell
upon God's promises, and to show his faithfulness and
loving kindness in all the severe discipline they were
passing through. He preached that winter in the midst of
sickness, fears, and deaths, and the next in the midst of a
wasting famine. And hisk own confidence in God, and his
cheerful endurance of personal suffering, did much to keep
up the spirits of his fainting flock. He would address
them almost in the words of Baxter :
Why art thou, fainting soul, cast down ?
And thus disquieted with fears 1
Art thou not passing to thy crownj
Through storms of pain and floods of tears,?
Fear not, O thou of little faith !
Art thou not in thy Saviour's hand ?
Kemember what his promise saith.
For life and death are his command.

258 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
To Him thou did'st thyself intrust.
When fu-st thou did'st for Heaven embark.
And He hath proved both kind and just;
Still thou art with Him in his ark.
Could'st thou expect to see no seas ?
Nor feel no tossing wind or wave 1
It is enough that from all these
Thy faithful pilot thee will save.
Thy Lord hath taught thee how to want
A place wherein to put thy head ;
While He is thine, be thou content
To beg or lack thy daily bread. t
Heaven is thy roof, earth is thy floor ;
His love can keep thee dry and warm :
Christ and His bounty are thy store ;
His angels guard thee from all harm.
These simple lines, the language of Baxter's heart and
experience, must have beeij the tenor of many a sermon.
many a consoling exhortation from the beloved and vene
rated Elder of the Pilgrims.
It is one thing to express the thoughts and aspirations of
Christian faith, hope, and love in poetry, and a very differ
ent thing to possess and act them out amidst the pressure
of severe suffering. The Pilgrims exercised with marvel
lous cheerfulness the Christian graces of patience, perse
verance, and unshaken trust in God, amidst circumstances
that had nothing of the romantic, nothing of the imaginative
in them ; nothing to give a fictitious power of interest to
the work in which they were engaged. To our minds at
this day, every circumstance is full of interest ; there is no
want of the romantic, the imaginative, even in external
things ; and in the moral, the spiritual, how transcendently
sublime and beautiful ! But they themselves were alone,
forlorn, the outcasts of the world, counted in high places as
the offscouring of all things, and in the place of their own
high duty, pressed down, for months together, into a daily
drudgery of toil for the support of this mortal life, wasting,

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 259
dying. Put the glory where it belongs ; it was a remark
able scene of the grace of God ; they endured, as seeing
Him who is invisible.
From their Mount of God's sanctuary, their Timber- Fort
of Sabbath prayer and praise, where they dwelt upon the
promises, and held communion with the world unseen and
eternal, they went down, thoughtful, sad, yet comforted,
resigned, and trustful, to their rude and insufficient dwel
lings, to the labors of the week, to the tending of the sick,
to the burial of the dead, and the toils of the living ; always
bearing about in the body the dying of the Lord Jesus, that
the life also of Jesus might be made manifest in their mortal
body. Yea, they could have said, speaking to future gene
rations. We which live are always delivered unto death
for Jesus' sake, and death worketh us, that life may work
in you.

CHAPTER XV.

THE FIRST DEATHS AND BURIALS.
The first winter with the Pilgrim colony was a period
of fatigue, anxiety, sickness, sadness, and death. There is
but little notice of these distresses in the earliest Journal of
the Pilgrims, and it is somewhat singular that the deaths of
that winter among their small number are not named.
The omission must have been for some particular reason.
Perhaps, as they were to send this Journal for publication
in England, and the first impressions in regard to the colony
would be made upon many minds by its perusal, they dared
not let the pressure of calamity and the ravages of disease
be seen too clearly. They did not repine at God's disci
pline for themselves ; they trusted in God, although he
should slay them ; their submissive, cheerful faith was
undiminished by their trials ; but they could not in the
same way trust in man, and they had reason to be afraid
of the gloomy interpretation of God's providences by those
who knew not the secret of the Lord, nor the glory and
faithfulness of his covenant. Yet could they see and feel,
in the assurance of God's presence,
" It is no death when souls depart.
If Thou depart not from the soul."

PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 261
Six of their little company had died in December, the
second month after their arrival. The last of them,
Solomon Martin, died upon the Sabbath of the 24th, but
though the Journal makes mention of an alarm on shore
from the cry of savages, it says nothing of this visit of
death, nor of the deepening gloom of the people. Decem
ber 7th, the beloved wife of Mr. Bradford was drowned,
while her husband had gone with several other of the Pil
grims on the exploring expedition for the discovery of their
place of settlement. Although the Journal makes mention
of the comfort which their return brought to the hearts of
the little company, it says nothing of this melancholy death,
nor of the suddenness of the calamity to Bradford. The
record was found in Governor Bradford's pocket-book,
which contained a register of deaths from Nov. 6th, 1620,
to the end of March, 1621. This register was among Mr.
Prince's MSS.
The first day of the year 1621, Monday, was marked by
the death of one of their number. The next Monday,
Jan. 8th, another was taken, Mr. Christopher Martin. No
mention is made of his death in the Journal, though there
is of his sickness, in the following record : " Saturday, the
sixth of January, Master Marten was very sicke, and to
our judgment no hope of life, so Master Carver was sent
for to come aboard to speak with him about his accounts,
who came the next morning."
Mr. Carver was one of the deacons of the church in
Leyden, and the circumstance of sending for him in Martin's
illness, doubtless to minister that help and consolation in a
dying hour, which would have been the sacred duty of
their beloved pastor Robinson, had he been with them,
shows in some degree the nature of the deacon's office in
that church, as involving a participation in the pastor's
spiritual responsibilities. Their elder, William Brewster,
was with the dying man ; but Master Carver is marked as
sent for. It is not probable that the phrase " to speak with

262 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
him about his accounts" is any other than a somewhat
quaint method of intimating a preparation for the accounts
of the great day.
Monday the 29th there was another sad visit of death,
of which no note is recorded in the Journal, neither of any
funeral, but the business of the week goes on, the weather
being cold, frost, and sleet, and amidst the sickness and
mortality now increasing, the hearts of the survivors must
have been bowed down with grief Sad were those com
mittals to the grave ; perhaps some of them by night,
because of the Indians, who were watching the weakness
of the infant colony. Eight had died this month ; and of
this last death in January, the following simple record is
copied by Mr. Prince from Governor Bradford's register :
— " Jan. 29, Dies Rose, the wife of Capt. Standish."
Rose, the wife of Captain Standish ! That is all ; but
what a volume in that ! Governor Bradford's Register,
that winter, was like a book of sad engravings from a
forest of tomb-stones. The name of his own dear wife he
inscribed among the earliest ; and still, one after another
departs, and now his pen has to trace the simple, sad
record, dies Rose, the wife of Captain Standish. The
soldier's courage, we venture to say, ever after that, had
in it a sadder and a wiser energy, more of the Christian,
and less of the mere man. Standish was a man of frank,
loving, noble qualities, but brave and daring, even to rash
ness ; and He whose Providence as well as Grace was now
so severely refining and tempering the whole Colony, knew
how to subdue the natural impetuosity of his disposition,
till it should be governed by a heavenly control. Rose
Standish ! The only relic of the wife and mother, that we
know of, is that piece of needle-work by the daughter,
preserved among the curiosities in Pilgrim Hall.
And now the most vigorous of the Pilgrims, and the
foremost in all dangers and hardships, in addition to every
external toil and privation, bore about with them, one

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 263
after another, the griefs of these severe personal bereave
ments. The 21st of February, four deaths are recorded,
one of them that of Mr. Wilham White, whose wife after
wards married Governor Winslow. " And the 25th dies
Mary, the wife of Mr. Isaac Allerton." Seventeen died
in February.
The Journal of the Pilgrims ends with Friday, the -23d
of March, on^ which day, the record closes with the choice
of " our Governor for this year, which was Master John
Carver, a man well approved amongst us." The mortality
of the Winter was still going on, and the next day, Satur
day, the 24th, died Elizabeth, the wife of Mr. Edward
Winslow. Nineteen died in March. " And in three
months past," as we find in Prince's Chronological History,
from Gov. Bradford, " dies half our company ; the greatest
part, in the depths of Winter, wanting houses and other
comforts, being infected with the scurvy, and other dis
eases, which their long voyage and unaccommodate condi
tion brought upon them ; so as there die sometimes two or
three a day. Of one hundred persons, scarce fifty remain :
the living scarce able to bury the dead, the well not suffi
cient to tend the sick ; there being in their time of greatest
distress, but six or seven, who spare no pains to help them.
Two of the seven were Mr. Brewster, their Reverend
Elder, and Mr. Standish, their Captain."
This is a simple, but sad and vivid picture ; and yet the
most afflictive providence of all was before them, in the
next month, although now it pleased God that the mortality
should begin to cease, and the sick and lame recover. For,
April 5th, after mention of the May Flower sailing for
England, and their busy work in planting for the harvest,
we find from Gov. Bradford the following sorrowful
register. " While we are busy about our seed, our Governor, Mr.
Carver, comes out of the field very sick, complains greatly
of his head, within a few hours his senses fail, so as he

264 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
speaks no more, a,nd in a few days after dies, to our great
lamentation and heaviness. His care and pains were so
great for the common good, as therewith 'tis thought he
oppressed himself, and shortened his days ; of whose loss
we cannot sufficiently complain ; and his wife deceases
about five or six weeks after."
Now the simple record of these deaths is more expressive
^than anything else can be, of the depths of trial passed
through, in such patient, submissive, and even cheerful
endurance, by our Pilgrim Fathers, during the first dread
winter of their settlement. The language of Mr. Prince,
though he wrote only as a severely accurate Chronologist,
is as strikingly eloquent as anything that has ever been
penned. " Wherever they turn their eyes, nothing but
distress surrounds them. Ha,rassed for their scripture
worship in their native land, grieved for the profanation of
the holy Sabbath, and other Hcentiousness, in Holland,
fatigued with their boisterous voyage, disappointed of their
expected country, forced on this Northern shore, both
utterly unknown, and in advance of winter ; none but
prejudiced barbarians round about them, and without any
prospect of human succor; without the help or favor of
the Court of England, without a patent, without a public
promise of their religious liberties ; worn out with toil
and sufferings, without convenient shelter from the rigorous
weather ; and their hardships bringing a general sickness
on them, which reduces them to great extremities, bereaves
them of their dearest friends, and leaves many of the
children orphans. Within five months' time above half
their company are carried off, whom they account as dying
in this noble cause, whose memories they consecrate to the
dear esteem of their successors, and bear all with a Chris
tian fortitude and patience as extraordinary as their trials."
But there is little or no mention of these things as trials,
in the earliest personal Journal of the Pilgrims ; so little,
that it is almost unaccountable. With what severity of

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 265
patience, yet unrepining cheerfulness, they bore onward in
God's path, marked out for them ! Although the cases of
death are so seldom, if ever, referred to in the Journal, yet
we see here and there the causes of that winter's mortality,
plain enough. We see records of voyages in open boats,
in cold and bitter weather, with the salt sea freezing on
their clothes, and making them like coats of iron. We
see the accounts of days and nights on shore, in weariness
and faintness without food, in tempestuous rain and sleet
without shelter. We see them sometimes wading through
the icy-cold mud-flats in the harbors, sometimes through
the snow upon the land. Now and then the record of a
short period falls thus : " It blowed and did snow all that
day and night, and froze withall ; some of our people that
are dead took the original of their death here." We find
at an earlier period that by reason of their " cold and wet
lodgings," in severe weather, " scarce any of us were free
from vehement coughs." Amidst the hectic and pain of
these coughs, growing into consumptions, they went about
their work. The repairing of their shallop was the begin
ning of disease with many, when they had to work in mud
and water. " The discommodiousness of the harbor did
much hinder us, for we could neither go to nor come from
the shore but at high water, which was much to our
hindrance and hurt, for oftentimes they waded to the
middle of the thigh, 5nd oft to the knees, to go and come
from land ; some did it necessarily, and some for their own
pleasure ; but it brought to the most, if not to all, coughs
and colds, the weather proving suddenly cold and stormy,
whereof many died."
When they began to build, they measured the lots not
so much by the future need of their families, as by their
present inability to manage larger undertakings. "We
thought their properties were large enough at the first, for
houses, and gardens to impale them round, considering the
weakness of our people, many of them growing ill with
12

266 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
colds, for our former discoveries in frost and storms, and
the wading at Cape Cod, had brought much weakness
amongst us, which increased so every day more and more,
and after was the cause of many of their deaths." That
year, that first winter, they had to dig seven times as many
graves for the dead, as they were building houses for the
living. And they levelled and sowed their graves, Mr.
Holmes in his Annals tells us, for the purpose of conceal
ment, lest the Indians, counting the number of the dead,
should know the weakness of the living. Those early
graves, therefore, are lost from present knowledge, though
the place of the first burials is well known, and is pointed
out to the visitor, a little above Forefathers' Rock, in
Plymouth. We look back to the days of that dying, yet immortal
colony, as the one heroic age in our country's history ; and
sublimely such it was ; but to them, the actors, beneath
what a thick impenetrable veil, sometimes of real misery
in penury and starvation, and sometimes of darkness even
to the end of life, was the glory and the sunlight hidden 1
And yet it was an age, — those few early years of the con
flict and the triumph, — every hour of it, full of glorious
germs and prophecies. It was truly an age and race to
which, in the language of Mr. Choate, " the arts may go
back, and find real historical forms and groups, wearing
the port and grace, and going on the errands of demigods.
An age far off, on whose moral landscape the poet's eye
may light, and reproduce a grandeur and beauty, stately
and eternal, transcending that of ocean in storm or at
peace, or of mountains staying as with a charm the Eve
ning Star in his deep course ; or the twilight of a summer's
day, or voice of solemn birds ; an age from whose per
sonages and whose actions the Orator may bring away an
incident or a thought that shall kindle a fire in ten thousand
hearts as on altars to their country's glory ; to which the
discouraged teachers of patriotism and morality to cor-

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 267
rupted and expiring states may resort, for examples how
to live and how to die ! "
By the good providence of God that winter was a mild
one ; otherwise none of the Pilgrims could have survived
it. Their journal speaks of frequent rains, and sometimes
of sleet and snow, but it is evident that they experienced
no severe snow storm, nor any very great degree of cold
of long duration. Yet some of their first explorings were
made in such rainy and freezing weather united, that their
clothes became "like coats of mail." The hectic flush of
consumption was in the face of many that winter as they
bent over their work, and the incurable death-cough sound
ed amidst their painful but persevering efforts for the pre
paration of dwellings, which before they were done should
be exchanged for the grave. It was a winter of sad and
increasing mortality, when every Pilgrim whom God took
was so ill spared, and all were so dear ; six deaths in De
cember, eight in January, seventeen in February, thirteen
in March, making in all forty-four, of whom twenty-one
had subscribed the great compact on board the May Flower.
Forty-four died in those four months out of the one hun
dred whom God had brought in that little vessel ; brought
the seed to sow for glory. But how inexplicable are his
ways ! How different from man's ways ! We know in
deed that except a corn of wheat fall into the ground and
die it abideth alone ; we know that that death to self,
which God was carrying on towards perfection in these
Pilgrims, is ever the first step to life. But that God should
take so much of this precious seed, thus preparing for the
multiplication and power of the great spiritual harvest, and
put it literally into the ground, not to be raised again until
the final resurrection ; that he should bury out of human
sight and reach near one half of the little handful of his
servants, carrying them across the stormy ocean, and into
the midst of the first painful toils and discouragments of the
Colony, just to bury them ; this is inscrutable to mortal

268 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
judgment. Yet, though lost from sight, they were not lost
in influence. Those bodies of the dear ones, laid in graves,
that had to be smoothed over and made like common soil,
lest the Indians should detect the place where God's seed-
corn was lying, made still a great part of the moral power
of the little Colony.
"The dead were buried on the bank," says Holmes in
his American Annals, " at a Httle distance from the Rock
where the Fathers landed ; and lest the Indians should
take advantage of the weak and wretched state of the
English, the graves were levelled and sown for the purpose
of concealment." They would have known by the dead how
few were the living ! But they could not have known how
much dearer to the living was the home of the dead, nor
what an element of courage and. power it would have
thrown into a conflict with the savages, to have fought for
such graves. The spot where the first Governor Carver
and his wife, with Rose Standish, were buried became im
measurably more sacred for such a sacred deposit. By
the month of November as many as fifty had died and
were buried there, leaving the whole surviving band,
before the reinforcement came in the Fortune, only fifty.
Notwithstanding all that mortality, with the sad privations
and hardships the survivors had to endure and encounter,
not one Pilgrim went back to England in the May Flower.
The death of Governor Carver, so beloved, so respected,
so confided in, so faithful, self-denying, and laborious, was
a most depressing blow' to the little colony. It seemed as
if God could have spared that, but he knew better than
they what was for their good and his glory.
Mr. Choate has beautifully put into the lips of the
venerated Brewster, in a version of those days of graves,
the language of the Pilgrim souls. " This spot, he would
say, this line of shore, yea, this whole land grows dearer,
daily, were it only for the precious dust which we have
committed to its bosom. I would sleep here, when my

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 269
own hour comes, rather than elsewhere, with those who
have shared with us in our exceeding labors, and whose
burdens are now unloosed for ever. I would be near
them in the last day, and have a part in their resurrection."
This spot of the first Pilgrim burials, so solemn, so
sacred, is the first terrace or hill rising from the harbor,
above the Rock of the Pilgrims' landing. The hill or
terrace rose higher and more boldly at that time than it
does now, but the Journal speaks of it as " a high land,
where there is a great deal of ground cleared, and hath
been planted with corn three or four years ago ; and there
is a very sweet brook under the hill-side, and many delicate
springs of as good water as can be drunk." A little above
this first terrace where the earliest dead were laid, the
Pilgrims set up their first habitations for the living ; the
centre and beginning of the town of Plymouth. Higher
still above this rose another hill, the present grave-stone
mount, of which we have at first spoken, all sown thickly
over with graves and covered with monuments, but which
the Pilgrims at first selected for their fort, because of its
commanding position. They speak of it " as a great hill,
on which we point to make a platform, and plant our
ordnance, which will command all round about. From
thence we may see into the bay, and far into the sea; and
we may see thence Cape Cod."
This place, called at first Fort Hill, afterwards changed
its name to that of the Burying Hill, for it began to be
used as the place of burial soon after the first year of the
Pilgrims' settlement. In building the fort, they so con
structed it as to make it serve also for the house of pubHc
worship, where they could calmly praise God, without fear
of any sudden incursion from the savages. The founda
tions of the fort are still distinctly marked, but the last
mention of it in the town records is in 1679, at the close of
King Philip's war, when the- defences were no longer
needed. On this hill are the graves of several of the May

270 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
Flower Pilgrims, Gov. Bradford's among others, and that of
John Howland and his wife Elizabeth. The grave of
Thomas Clarke, the mate of the May Flower, is here.
This is the place also of the grave of the last ruling elder
of the first church in Plymouth, Mr. Thomas Faunce. He
died not till the j^ear 1745, in the 99th year of his age, and
of course was long the living repository of the authentic
unwritten traditions concerning the first generation of the
Pilgrims. The great age to which those lived, who sur
vived the dreadful trials of the first few years, is remarka
ble. John Alden, who came in the May Flower, died at
the age of 89, in 1687, and one of his direct descendants,
John Alden of Middleborough, died at the age of 102, in
the year 1821. The wife of Governor Bradford died at
the age of 80. Elder Brewster, John Howland and his
wife Elizabeth, Elder Cushman and his wife Mary, were
all from 80 to 90 years of age when they died. Thomas
Clarke, the supposed mate of the May Flower, was 98.
The grave stones over these Pilgrims, if you find them on
Burying Hill, are not so old as their deaths ; they are said
to have been brought over from England, and in some
cases were not put up till long after the graves of the
whole generation were made.
From the midst of these graves you have, as we have
seen, a great commanding view over the country and the
sea. It is a place for deep meditation, not merely on the
character and toils of those gone to their rest, but upon the
wonderful Providence of God in the history and govern
ment of our race, in the progress of the great plan of
redemption. Looking back to those days of toil and death
in the planting of the colony, and abroad now also upon the
face of the earth, it seems as if the whole history of man
kind passed through those straits, as through a gate, or
lock, into a new expansion. The influence of those days
is even now at work in Europe, overturning thrones, and
preparing for the great reign of righteousness and freedom

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 271
in Christ, which is to come. On the summit of the Bury
ing Hill, the spectator will perhaps think of the missionary
enterprise ; for here lies the body of him, who as one of
the Pilgrims bore testimony, that with the reasons which
constrained them to quit their native land and seek a
habitation among the heathen, was mingled the hope and
design of spreading the Gospel where the tidings of salva
tion had never reached. Their mission, they thought, was
with the Indians of this Western Continent ; but how
would they have adored the riches of God's Providence,
could they have seen in vision the rising and increase of the
American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions,
spreading its labors over the whole habitable globe ! A
missionary movement growing out of that infant colony of
New England, and which perhaps God sees to be directly
connected with the infant flame of missionary zeal which
he had kindled in the souls of those Pilgrims.
In that flame of benevolence, that sense of duty to God,
that supreme regard to his Will, Word, and Kingdom, that
religious impulse of combined civil and religious freedom,
missionary and personal, was the beginning of America.
Carlyle has intimated as much, but not in the religious
direction. And America was not only a New World, but,
ensouled by the Pilgrims, was to make a New World out
of Ihe Old. The soul of it was in that soul-seed in the
May Flower, siftedsout of God's seed in three kingdoms.
But nobody knew then what God was doing. Who knew,
or thought, or cared for the sailing of that little vessel, and
the landing and the toils of those poor men and their
families 1 Aye [ ye see your calling, brethren, if ye would
be at the foundation of so great a work for God. Not
many wise after the flesh, not many mighty, not many
noble ; perhaps, in a given case, not one. God was just
here choosing the foolish things of the world to confound
the mighty, and base things of the world, and things
despised, yea, and things that are not, to bring to naught

272 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
things that are, that no flesh should glory in his presence.
This is the beauty and the glory of this our Pilgrim
ancestry, that the more minutely we trace it, the more
directly it brings us to God, the more it throws us upon
him, the more it forbids us to glory but in him. It shows
his wonder-working Providence and grace, " deep in un
fathomable mines of never- failing skill."
" Puritanism," says Thomas Carlyle, " was only despica
ble, laughable, then ; but nobody can manage to laugh at it
now. It is one of the strongest things under the sun at
present." And how wonderfully its calm strength looms
up now before the world, in contrast with the laboring,
creaking, straining hulks of old dismasted despotisms, flying
before the revolutionary gales of Europe to swift destruc
tion. We should like to have had a man like Edmund
Burke spared to behold this scene, and to describe the
contrast. We should like to have had such a mind, touched
with divine grace, to take a view of the Providence of
God from the day of the sailing of the May Flower and the
compact in Cape Cod Harbor, down to this present
autumn of 1848. "Nothing in the history of mankind,"
said Burke in his speech upon the taxation of the colonies,
" is like their progress. For my part, I never cast an eye
on their flourishing commerce, and their cultivated and
commodious life, but they seem to me rather ancient
nations, grown to perfection through a long series of
fortunate events, and a train of successful industry, ac
cumulating wealth in many countries, than the colonies of
yesterday, than a set of miserable outcasts, a few 'years
ago not so much sent as thrown out op the bleak and
barren shore of a desolate wilderness, three thousand
miles from all civilized intercourse."
Now in fact it was this barrier of three thousand miles,
across which the exiles were thus flung in scorn out of
their native kingdom, that under God preserved them from
the infection of vicious example, and the rapacious despot-

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. ' 273
ism of a Church and State Establishment. If the ocean
had not rolled between America and England, with the
cost of a month's time, at least, to pass it, the experiment of
liberty and religion had failed. Now that God in his
Providence is so lessening time and space between us and
Europe, we may hope, notwithstanding all dangers, that he
is about tj) bring to some glorious crisis the great pur
poses of the vast Providential preparations he has been
making for two hundred years.

12*

CHAPTER XVI.
THE FIRST FAST DAY AND THANKSGIVING.
The festival of an Annual Thanksgiving, original among
the Jews, and of God's own appointment, was never in like
manner observed among any Gentile nation, that we are
aware of, till our Pilgrim Fathers renewed it in New Eng
land. Days of feasting and merriment there have been
many ; Saints' days copied from the Romish Calendar,
almost numberless ; festivals of Christmas, and spring car
nivals, and holidays; but nothing like the Thanksgiving
feast of harvest for the annual bounties of God's providence,
of which the grateful, joyful feast of Tabernacles among
the Hebrews was so perfect and delightful an example.
Yet not as an imitation did it grow up into a habil. with
our fathers ; it was the suggestion and the dictate of their
own habitual and grateful piety ; and it is so accordant
with every impure of religion, and every feeling of a thank
ful heart, that from its home and birth-place in New Eng
land, the custom has at length found its way over the whole
United States, a custom, we trust in God, which never will
be broken. ^
We find in this volume the very first instance of the
New England Thanksgiving. It is referred to by Mr.
Winslow in his letter to a friend. It was after the gather
ing in of the harvest, and a fowHng expedition was sent out

PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND P£RSt)NS. 275
for the occasion by the Governor, that for their Thanksgiv
ing dinners and for the festivities of the week they might
have more dainty and abundant materials than ordinary.
That week they exercised in arms, and hospitably feasted
King Massasoit and ninety men. The Governor is said by
Mr. Winslow to have appointed the game-hunt after harvest,
that so thePilgrims " might after a more special manner re
joice together, after they had gathered the fruit of their la
bors." This admirable annual New England custom ot
Thanksgiving dates back therefore to the first year of our
Forefathers' arrival. The custom of an annual fast began
somewhat later, on occasion of the prospect of famine in
the infant colony, in 1623. The discipline of God's provi
dence, as well as the guidance of his word, led them onward
in the appointment and celebration of both these solemni
ties, which they did not then know God was designing to
be fixtures of devout habit from the youth to the manhood
of New England. In all things they waited on God; and
God built up all things with them and among them, not
suddenly, violently, or by any imagination of a miracle ; or
by will-worship of angels after the commandments and doc
trines of men ; but gradually, gently, naturally, by grace
and heavenly wisdom, in a growth which should be lasting,
because it came from God. ., .
Yes ! the process was kind and gentle, though with ap^.^
parent severity. And there were passages in God's word
so singularly applicable to God's discipline and the event
of it with them even from the beginning, that they must
have enjoyed peculiar delight in dwelUng upon them ; for
neither the church nor the world had ever seen a case so
marvellously resembling God's providence and grace with
his people of old under a miraculous dispensation. " And
though the Lord give you the bread of adversity and the
water of affliction, yet shall not thy teachers be removed
into a corner any more, but thine eyes shall see thy teach
ers ; and thine ears shall hear a word behind thee, saying.

276 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTBATIONS
This is the way, walk ye in it, when ye turn to the right
hand, and when ye turn to the left. Then shall he give
the rain of thy seed, that thou shalt sow the ground withal ;
and bread of the increase of the earth, and it shall be fat and
plenteous ; in that day shall thy cattle feed in large pas
tures." For a season they were shut up to the faith of Habakkuk,
that simple faith, that beautiful and unmingled faith, that
faith in God, and not in God's comforts ; that faith in God,
guided, fed, and strengthened by his word, and by no wild
imagination. " Although the fig-tree shall not blossom,
neither shall fruit be in the vines ; the labor of the olive
shall fail, and the fields shall yield no meat ; the flock shall
be cut off from the fold, and there shall be no herd in the
stalls ; — yet will I rejoice in the Lord, I will joy in the God
of my salvation."
There were such times, when they had to go to Isaiah
1. 10, and wait there till God's appearance, seeing no
light, but in his own provision for just such a case. " Who
is among you that feareth the Lord, that obeyeth the voice
of his servant, that walketh in darkness and hath no light?
Let him trust in the name of the Lord, and stay upon his
God." Times there were, when they had to say, Our God
whom we serve is able to deliver us ; but if not, if he please
not, be it known to the whole world of darkness and dis
trust around and beneath us, we still trust in him, and have
no misgivings, though he slay us.
And then, when they were ready to say, — My strength
and my hope is perished from the Lord, heard they the
voice of the Lord, and found its fulfilment, — " For a small
moment have I forsaken thee, but with everlasting mercies
will I gather thee. In a little wrath I hid my face from
thee for a moment, but with everlasting kindness will I
have mercy on thee, saith the Lord thy Redeemer." "For
the Lord will not cast off for ever ; but though he cause

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS." 277
grief, yet will he have compassion according to the multi
tude of his mercies."
The history of their first Fast is a glorious testimony to
the truth of these declarations in God's book. God planted
the seed of that victorious day, that triumph of prayer, that
day of God's own witness to his own faithfulness, at the
time when they, in dependence on him, were putting their
seed into the ground, and leaving there, under God's care,
all their external reliance for the future. God set the root
of conquest and praise in their disappointments and difficul
ties. Though he led them sometimes "three days in the
wilderness without water," yet he kept them from mur
muring ; though he brought them sometimes to a fountain,
and let them see that it was Marah, bitterness, yet his pre
venting grace suffered them not to distrust him or repine.
He built up by all this discipline, a h'ardy and a cheerful
piety, and a strong enduring faith ; fixtures of character
requisite for those who were to " raise up the foundations
of many generations ;" a faith, then most vigorous, when
deepest in adversity ; and a submissive cheerfulness, not
running as an occasional mere thread or picture through a
woof of blessings, but constituting both warp and woof) by
Gtod's grace, in the loom of his providence and word.
The history of this fast we will take mainly from Prince's
compendium of Winslow and Bradford. But to render it
more striking, by bringing into one view the successive
hardships, discouragements, and fears of the colony from
the beginning, through this particular cause of the want of
food and sore famine, even unto apprehended destruction,
we wiH set out where the Journal leaves us, just before
the lamented death of Governor Carver, in the spring of
1621. That affliction came upon them in seed-time ; but
that darkest day was at the beginning of the renewal of
God's mercy in the health and prosperity of the little com
pany. " All the summer no want ; while some were trad
ing, others were fishing cod, bass, &c. We now gather in

278 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
our harvest, and as cold weather advances, there come in
store of water-fowl, wherewith this place abounds, though
afterwards they by degrees decrease ; as also abundance
of wild turkeys, with venison, &c. Fit our houses against
winter, are in health, and have all things in plenty."
But now, even in a new cloud of mercy, lowers the
threatening of change. Nov. 9th arrived the ship Fortune
from England, the first reinforcement of the Pilgrims since
the day, precisely a year before, when the May Flower
came in sight of Cape Cod, and anchored in the harbor.
This was the first news to gladden their hearts from their
mother country, the first sail they had seen. In this ship
" comes Mr. Cushman with thirty-five persons to live in
the plantation, which not a little rejoices us. But both
ship and passengers poorly furnished with provisions,
so that we are forced to spare her some to carry her
home, which threatens a famine among us, unless we have
a timely supply."
It was excessive improvidence, and even cruelty, in
those who sent out this ship, thus miserably to furnish her
with provisions, not merely sending no food to the colony,
when they sent thirty-five new mouths to be filled, but
leaving the ship's company itself to be victualled from the
colony for a return voyage ! It was God's mercy, not
man's wisdom, that the plantation was not ruined by this
ship. Measures had now to be adopted in reference to
want. " Upon her departure, the Governor and his assistant dis
pose the late comers into several families, find their pro
visions will now scarce hold out six months at half allow
ance, and therefore put them to it, which they bare pa
tiently." " Trust not," wrote Mr. Winslow by return of this ship,
for such as might be thinking to join the plantation, " trust
not too much on us for corn at this time, for by reason of

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 279
this last' company that came depending wholly upon us, we
shall have little enough till harvest."
And now came the beginning of those straits, whereof
Mr. 'Winslow said, " such was our state, as in the morning
we had often our food to seek for the day, yet performed
the duties of our other daily labors, to provide for after-
time ; when at some times in some seasons, at noon I have
seen men stagger by reason of faintness for want of food;
yet ere night, by the good providence and blessing of God.
we have enjoyed such plenty as though the windows of
heaven had been opened unto us."
The stinted allowance continued till, under date of May
in that year, the Pilgrims find themselves under pressure
of severe want. " Our provision being ^pent, a famine be
gins to pinch us, and we look hard for supply, but none
arrives." At this time they spied a boat at sea, which proved to
be a shallop from a ship called the Sparrow, bringing
" seven passengers from Mr. Weston, but no victuals, nor
hope of any : nor have we ever any afterwards ; and by
his letters find he has quite deserted us, and is going to set
tle a plantation of his own."
This is the first notice we have of that miserable, base
colony under this WestoH, " merchant and citizen of Lon
don," which caused such great trial and injury to the Pil
grims, and in the end died out utterly in want, unthrift,
dishonesty, and wretchedness. In the end of June two
ships from this Weston came into the harbor, " having in
them some fifty or sixty men, sent over at his own charge
to plant for him." These were courteously and kindly re
ceived by the Pilgrims, notwithstanding their own great
straits. But evil was returned for good. " The body of
them refreshed themselves at Plymouth, while some most
fit sought out a. place for them. That little store of corn
we had was exceedingly wasted by the unjust and disho
nest walking of these strangers ; who, though they would

280 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
sometimes seem to help us in our labor about our corn, yet
spared not day and night to steal the same, it being then
eatable and pleasant to taste, though' green and unprofita
ble ; and though they received much kindness, set light
both by it and us, not sparing to requite the love we
showed them with secret backbitings, revilings, &c.
Nevertheless, we continued to do them whatsoever good
or furtherance we could, attributing these things to the
want of conscience and discretion, expecting each day
when God in his providence would disburden us of them,
sorrowing that their overseers were not of more ability and
fitness for their places, and much fearing what would be
the issue of such raw and unconscionable proceedings."
These miserable adventurers settled at Wessagusset,
afterwards called Weymouth, in Massachusetts Bay.
There were three things, Mr. Winslow said, which were
"the overthrow and bane of plantations ;" the third thing,
" the carelessness of those that send over supplies of men
unto them, not caring how they be qualified ; so that oft-
times they are rather the images of men endowed with
bestial, yea, diabolical affections, than the image of God,
endued with reason, understanding, and holiness. There
is no godly, honest man, but will be helpful in his kind,
and adorn his profession with an upright life and conversa
tion ; which doctrine of manners ought first to be preached
by giving good example to the poor savage heathens amongst
whom they live. Great offence hath been given by many
profane men, who, being but seeming Christians, have
made Christianity stink in the nostrils of the poor infidels."
The boat that brought the seven new mouths to be filled,
but no victuals, brought also a kindly letter from the cap
tain of a fishing ship at the eastward, Mr. John Huddle-
ston, to whom the governor of the Pilgrim Colony sent
forthwith a boat under Mr. Winslow for. provisions. By
the good providence of God he obtained so much bread as
amounted to a quarter of a pound daily for each person till

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 281
harvest, and returned in safety. The governor caused their
portion to be daily given them, or some had starved.
" The want of bread had abated the strength and flesh of
some, had swelled others ; and had they not been where
are diverse sorts of shell-fish, they must have perished.
These extremities befell us in May and June : and in the
time of these straits, the Indians began to cast forth many
insulting speeches, glorying in our weakness, and giving
out how easy it would be ere long to cut us off; which oc
casions us to erect a Fort on the hill above us."
This Fort being built, served also, thenceforward, as the
place of public worship.
Now again harvest time had come, but with it little re
lief for the present and apprehended necessities of the colo
ny. " Our crop proving scanty, partly through weakness
to tend it, for want of food, partly through other business,
and partly by much being stolen, a famine must ensue next
year, unless prevented. But by an unexpected providence
come into our harbor two ships." One of these was the
Discovery under Captain Jones, on her way from Virginia
to England. Of her, though the Pilgrims seem to have ob
tained little bread, yet they bought a store of knives and
beads which enabled them to trade with the Indians for
corn, and thus helped to save them from destruction. The
food thus obtained during the winter, by expeditions of
great difficulty and danger, amidst freezing weather, was
divided from time to time among the people.
Meantime the miserable Colony under Weston, at Wessa
gusset, in Massachusetts Bay having spenjt all their bread
and corn, and being so despised and hated of the natives, for
their ill and dishonest conduct, that they could gain no sup
ply from them, thought of making a foray upon them and tak
ing it by force. But first the overseer determined to ask
advice of the Colony at Plymouth, being persuaded thereto
by some more honestly minded. The main question in the
letter, which was sent with speed by an Indian messenger,

282 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
was whether he should take the corn by violence, on the
promise afterwards to make restitution. The answer was
not delayed, and was such as the known piety and wisdom
of the Colony would lead us to expect.
The moral superiority and power of the Pilgrims was on
such occasions signally displayed, as well as their sagacity
and judgment. After serious consultation together, the
Governor returned a warning, signed by many of the com
pany, that their violent intentions were contrary both lo
the law of God and nature, and against that propagation of
the Gospel which they were bound to seek, avoiding what
ever might prejudice that great object. The Governor bade
them remember that their case was no worse than that of
the Pilgrims at Plymouth, who had but little corn left, and
were forced to live on ground-nuts, clams, muscles, and
such other things as naturally the country afforded ; all
which things they had in abundance at Wessagusset, with
oysters in addition ; and therefore necessity could not be
said to constrain them to their intended violence. " More
over, that they should consider, if they proceeded therein,
all they could so get would maintain them but a small time,
and then they must perforce seek their food abroad; which,
having made the Indians their enemies, would be very diffi
cult for them, and therefore much better to begin a little
the sooner, and so continue their peace; after which course
they might with good conscience desire and expect the
blessing of God ; whereas on the contrary they could not."
This friendly advice and warning changed, for the pre
sent, the resolution and temper of the adventurers ; but by
the month of March the plantation' was utterly broken up
in less than a year after it was started. " And this," re
marked Governor Bradford, "is the end of those, who being
all able men, had boasted of their strength, and what they
would bring to pass, in comparison of the people of Ply
mouth, who had many women, children, and weuk ones
with them."

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 283
Up to the month of April, the pressure of want among
the Pilgrims continued, and now was increasing. "No
supply being heard of, nor knowing when to expect any,
we consider how to raise a better crop, and not languish
still in misery." It was determined that at this seedtime,
every family should plant for themselves, and even the wo
men and children went into the field to work, so that more
corn was planted than ever.
"But by the time our corn was planted, our victuals are
spent : not knowing at night where to have a bit in the
morning, and have neither bread nor corn for three or four
months together : yet bear our wants with cheerfulness, and
rest on Providence.
" Having but one boat left, we divided our men into seve
ral companies, six or seven in each : who take their turns
to go out with a net and fish, and return not till they get
some, though they be five or six days out ; knowing there's
nothing at home, and to return empty would be a great
discouragement. When they stay long or get but little,
the rest go a digging shell-fish. And thus we live the sum
mer ; only sending one or two to range the woods for deer,
they now and then get one, which we divide among the
company ; and in the winter are helped with fowl and
ground-nuts.'' By the middle of July the colonists seemed brought
to the end of all their hopes, almost to utter desperation.
" Notwithstanding our great pains and hopes of a large
crop, God seems to blast them and threaten sorer famine
by a great drought and heat, from the third week in May
to the middle of this-mdnth, so as the corn withers, both the
blade and stalk, as iPit were utterly dead. Our beans also
ran not up according to their wonted manner, but stood at
a stay, many being parched away, as though they had been
scorched before the fire. Now were our hopes overthrown
and we discouraged, our joy being turned into mourning."
To a'dd to their distress they heard of a ship in which

284 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
supplies were coming to them from England being in com
pany with another ship only 300 leagues from the coast,
and then for three months waited for her in vain, beholding
nothing but the signs of a wreck upon the shore, which
they judged must be the ruins of that ship. All things put
together, it seemed as if God had turned against the colony,
and would be favorable no more.
Yet they were not so discouraged as not to wait upon
God, but so as to wait only upon him. To him, as their
sole refuge, they fled, individually and unitedly.
" These and the like considerations," says Mr. Winslow,
" moved not only every good man privately to enter into
examination with his own estate between God and his con
science, and so to humiliation before him, but also more
solemnly to humble ourselves together before the Lord by
fasting and prayer. To that end a day was appointed by
public authority, and set apart from all other employments ;
hoping that the same God which had stirred us up hereun
to, would be moved hereby in mercy to look down upon
us, and grant the request of our dejected souls, if our conti
nuance there might stand with his glory and our good. But
Oh the mercy of our God ! who was as ready to hear as
we to ask ; for though in the morning, when we were as
sembled together, the heavens were as clear and the drought
as like to continue as ever it was, yet (our exercise conti
nuing some eight or nine hours) before our departure the
weather was overcast, the clouds gathered together on all
sides, and on the next morning distilled such soft, sweet
and moderate showers of rain, and mixed with such sea
sonable weather, as it was hard to say whether our wither-,
ed corn or drooping affections were most quickened or re
vived. Such was the bounty and goodness of our God."
Perhaps a more remarkable instance of God's interposi
tion in answer to prayer is not to be found on record. The
showers came, said Governor Bradford, " without any thun
der, wind, or violence, and by degrees and that abundance

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 285
that the earth was thoroughly soaked, and the decayed
corn and other fruits so revived as was wonderful" to see,
the Indians were astonished to behold, and gave a joyful
prospect of a fruitful harvest." The interposition was as
clearly from God as when Elijah prayed of old and the
heavens gave rain, and the earth brought forth her fruits.
It happened that the day when this solemn fast was ap
pointed, and the whole Colony were assembled in prayer,
a number of the Indians were in at the Pilgrim settlement,
among whom was Hobbamock, or Hobomok, the friend of
the colonists, and who died, as some earnestly hoped, a be
liever in the Pilgrims' God. Hobbamock and the Indians,
observing these holy exercises in the middle of the week,
remarked that it was but three days since Sunday, and
could not tell what it could mean. Hobbamock demanded
the reason of a boy whom he met, and, being told, commu
nicated it to the natives ; and their astonishment may easi
ly be conceived, when, having been instructed as to the
purpose of the day and its services, as a time for the Pil
grims to humble themselves before their God, and to seek
his mercy in prayer for rain, they saw what followed ; saw
the clouds gather and the rain begin to fall. " He and all
of them," says Mr. Winslow, " admired the goodness of our
God towards us, that wrought so great a change in so short
a time." And weU they might admire it. Even their own
dark belief in the Great Spirit made them feel that it was
the Pilgrims' God, hearing, answering, and providing for
them. If the excellent Robinson had heard of this affecting in
terposition and proof of God's goodness, and its effect upon
the minds of the savages, what tenderness and grief he
must have felt when he wrote to the Church in regard to
the first Indians killed in the confiict whh Standish in March
at Wessagusset, " 0 how happy a thing had it been, that
you had converted some, before you killed any I" But the
missionary spirit of the Pilgrims was destined not to bear

286 HISTORICAL AND 'LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
its fruits in the immediate conversion of the natives, till the
coming'and apostolic labors of Elliot. And why may we
not regard that remarkable man as an instrument raised up
and made successful in answer to the Pilgrims' prayers ?
The same God who provided them rain when they plead
ed for it, opened for them, when his set time had come,
doors wide and effectual for the power of his word, even
among the Indians.
None ever yet, with sincere purpose of heart, and a low
ly spirit, appointed a Fast-Day, but God changed it into a
Thanksgiving. In addition to the reviving rains, the Colo
ny was comforted by the return of Captain Standish, whom
the Governor had sent away to buy provisions ; and they
also learned that the ship was safe, which they had suppos
ed wrecked with their supplies, and would soon come to
them. "So that," says Mr. Winslow, "having these many
signs of God's favor and acceptation, we thought it would
be great ingratitude if secretly we should smother up the
same, or content ourselves with private thanksgiving for
that, which by private prayer could not be obtained. And
therefore another solemn day was set apart and appointed
for that end ; wherein we returned glory, honor, and praise
with all thankfulness, to our good God, which deals so gra
ciously with us ; whose name for these and all other his
mercies towards his Church and chosen ones, by them be
blessed and praised now and evermore. Amen."
In the Charlestown Records, as published by Dr. Young
in his Chronicles of Massachusetts, we find a similar change
of a Fast-Day into Thanksgiving in the Massachusetts
Colony. It was in 1831. The winter had come on, and pro
visions were so scanty, that the colonists had to live upon
clams, muscles, ground-nuts, and acorns, and these got with
much difficulty in the winter season. The last batch of
bread was in the Governor's oven. " But God, who de
lights to appear in greatest straits, did work marvellously

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS.

287

at this time ; for before the very day appointed to seek the
Lord by fasting and prayer, in comes Mr. Pearce (in a ship
from Ireland) laden with provisions. Upon which occasion
the Fast-Day was changed, and ordered to be kept as a Day
of Thanksgiving ; when provisions were by the Governor
distributed unto the people proportionable to their neces
sities.' "*
The Day of Thanksgiving appointed by the Plymouth
Pilgrims was kept out of the fulness of their hearts, for it
was a marvellous change which God had wrought for them
in answer to prayer. A blessing so public and so great
they would not smother up in mere private acknowledg
ments, but the whole Colony were gathered into their meet
ing-house in the timber-fort upon the hill, where not only
their Elder, Mr. Brewster, discoursed to them concerning
God's goodness, but the Governor himself, according to his
frequent wont, would exhort them that with such a faithful,
covenant-keeping God they should never yield to unbelief
or I'ear.
Soon after this day of thanksgiving their hearts were fur
ther gladdened with the sight of two ships with supplies en
tering their harbor, one of them perhaps the very next
morning, bringing an addition of men to the colony ; some
of them good men and true, " but others so bad," said
Governor Bradford, " that we were forced to be at the
charge to send them home next year."
When these passengers saw their poor and low condi
tion a^ore, they were much dismayed and full of sadness.
They had ever been accustomed to good fare and many
blessings, and were not prepared by God's discipline to
join in days of thanksgiving amidst seasons of adversity.
" Only our old friends," continues Governor Bradford, " re
joiced to see us, and that it was no worse, and now hoped
we should enjoy better days together. The best dish we
* Young's Chronicles of Massachusetts, 3S5.

288 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
could present them with was a lobster or piece of fish with
out bread or anything else but a cup of fair spring water :
and the long continuance of this diet, with our labors abroad,
has somewhat abated the freshness of our complexion ; but
God gives us health."
" Now our harvest came," added Governor Bradford, un
der date of September ; " instead of famine we had plenty,
and the face of things was changed to the joy of our hearts ;
nor has there been any general want of food among us
since to this day ;" from September, 1623, to the close of
the year 1646, up to which Governor Bradford carried his
history. Such is the account of the first days of Fasting and
Thanksgiving in New England. The record of God's in
terpositions amidst actual and threatening famine, with the
thanksgiving afterwards, formed an episode by itself, in the
early annals of our Pilgrim Fathers, heautifully illustrative
of God's goodness and of their faith.

CHAPTER XVII.

THE FIRST NEW ENGLAND COUNCIL, CHURCH ORGANIZATION,
AND ORDINATION.
The contrast between the first and second colonizings of
New England, between the settlement at Plymouth and
that at Salem and Boston, deserves to be noted. It seemed
as if God, by the baptism of suffering through which he led
the first band of Pilgrims, had inspired the spirit of death
to self in those who came after them. But the difference
was wide in their external appointments and prospects.
The first Pilgrim voyage in 1620 was in the little vessel of
the May Flower, with one hundred souls in all, of whom
half died within five months. The second emigration in
1630 was in four ships out of a fleet of eleven, the other
seven being destined to the same expedition, but not yet
quite ready for sea ; the ships dignified as Admiral, Vice-
Admiral, Rear- Admiral, and Captain ; the first being the
Arabella, of 350 tons, manned with fifty-two seamen and
twenty-eight guns. Fifteen hundred persons embarked
that season for Massachusetts. The colony at Boston
endured a devastating sickness, and then about a hundred
of the colonists fled back to England, relinquishing the
enterprise at the first thickening difficulties. Among them
were some in whom the colony confided as its main and
sure supporters. 1.3

290 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
There had been one settler before them at Boston, Mr.
William Blackstone, a Puritan Minister of the English
Church, of such large and determined principles of liberty
and independence that he found the colony itself afterwards
too intolerant for him, and would not be connected with
the church. "I came from England," said he, "because
I did not like the Lord-Bishops: and I cannot join with
you, because I would not be under the Lord-Brethren."
This company of colonists were full of - affectionate and
forgiving remembrance of their Mother Church, and they
besought an interest still in her prayers in Old England ;
promising a return of the same, " when we shall be in our
poor cottages in the wilderness, overshadowed with the
spirit of supplication through the manifold necessities and
tribulations, which may not altogether unexpectedly, nor
we hope unprofitably befall us."
How beautiful is this recognition of the great principle of
God's dispensations with hig people, to make them, like the
Captain of their Salvation, perfect through suffering ! They
were to be overshadowed with the great spirit of supplica
tion through the sufferings awaiting them in the wilderness !
The tribute paid by the historian Grahame to the noble
character of this consecrated band is so just both for them
and the Plymouth Pilgrims, and so eloquent in itself, ^hat
we shall quote a part of it.
" Soon after the power of the adventurers to establish
a colony was rendered complete by the royal charter,
1st May, 1629, they equipped and despatched five ships for
New England, containing three hundred and fifty emigrants,
chiefly zealous Puritans, accompanied by son^ eminent
Nonconformist ministers. The regrets which an eternal
farewell to their native land was calculated to inspire, the
distressing inconvenience of a long voyage to persons
unaccustomed to the sea, and the formidable scene of toil
and danger that confronted them in the barbarous land
where so many preceding emigrants had found an untimely

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 291
grave, seem to have vanished entirely from the minds of
these men, supported by the worth and dignity of the
design which they were combined to accomplish. Their
hearts were knit to each other by community of generous
purpose ; and they experienced none of those jealousies
which invariably spring up in confederacies for ends merely
selfish, among persons unequally qualified to promote the
object of their association. Behind them, indeed, was the
land of their fathers ; but it had long since ceased to wear
towards them a benign or paternal countenance ; and in
forsaking it, they fled from the prisons and scaffolds to
which Christians and patriots were daily consigned. Be
fore them lay a vast and dreary wilderness ; but they
hoped to irradiate its gloom, by kindling and preserving
there the sacred fire of religion and liberty."*
This second colony came out beneath the authority of a
charter, whereas the Plymouth colony had none. There
was not, therefore, a second time transacted the august
ceremony that passed in the cabin of the May Flower.
One such self-constituting act of a free community was
enough in the infancy of a nation.
But although the colony of Massachusetts was not com
pelled in the same manner with that of the Pilgrims at
Plymouth to throw itself upon a voluntary compact as a
body politic, yet precisely in the same way did God lead
them also into their religious form as an independent
church. The history of their various conferences with the
Plymouth colony is deeply interesting. There was among
the Pilgrims a physician of ability and intelligence. Dr.
Fuller, who had been a deacon in the Pilgrim church in
Leyden, and, of course, held the same office in the Pilgrim
church at Plymouth. Early in 1629, Governor Endicott
was compelled, by the sickness prevailing in the little com
pany at Salem, to send to Governor Bradford for the
services of Dr. Fuller. The Doctor seems to have been a
' Grahame's Colonial History, vol. i. 213.

292 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
man of large education, and thoroughly grounded in the
reason and practice of Congregationalism as it was esta
blished in Mr. Robinson's church. During his stay at
Salem for the healing of the people, he had no little con
ference with Mr. Endicott concerning the discipline of that
church, and found his mind already strongly attracted
towards it. The fruit of their conversations may be
gathered from the friendly Christian letter of Mr. Endicott
to Governor Bradford, of May 11th, 1629, which was as
follows : " Right worshipful sir : It is a thing not usual, that
servants to one master, and of the same household, should
be strangers to one another. I assure you I desire it not ;
nay, to speak more plainly, I cannot be so to you. God's
people are marked with one and the same mark, and have,
for the main, one and the same heart, and are guided by
one and the same spirit of Truth ; and wheresoever this is,
there can be no discord, nay, but a sweet harmony. And
this same request with you I make to the Lord, that we,
as Christian brethren, may be united by hearty and un
feigned love, bending all our hearts and forces in further
ing a work which is beyond our strength, with reverence
and fear, fastening our eyes always on Him that is only
able to direct and prosper all our ways.
" I acknowledge myself most bound to you for your kind
love and care in sending Mr. Fuller among us, and rejoice
much that I am by him satisfied touching your judgments
of the outer form of God's worship. It is as far as I can yet
gather, no other than is warranted by the evidence of
truth: and the same which I have preferred and main
tained ever since the Lord in mercy revealed himself unto
me ; being far from the common report that hath been
spread of you touching that particular: but God's children
must not look for less here below, and it is a great mercy
of God that He strengthens them to go through it."*
Meantime there had sailed from England, May 4th and
May 11th, 1629, the three first ships for the Salem Colony,
* Governor Bradford's Letter Book.

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 293
" being all three full of godly passengers, with the four
ministers for the Massachusetts."* The ministers were
Messrs. Skelton, Higginson, and Bright, the latter having
been trained up under Mr. Davenport, and Mr. Smith,
afterwards settled over the Pilgrim Church at Plymouth.
They arrived June 24th, and now the first business which
occupied the care of the Governor and the Colonists was
the Covenant of the Church and the ordaining of its minis
try. The 20th of July was appointed by the Governor as
a day of solemn prayer with fasting, for the trial and
choice of a Pastor and teacher. The forenoon they spent
in prayer, and in witnessing the exercise of the gifts of
the candidates in Teaching, and the afternoon in their
examination and election, which issued in the choice of Mr.
Skelton Pastor, and Mr. Higginson Teacher. Upon their
acceptance of the charge, Mr. Higginson, with three or
four more of the gravest members of the church, laid their
hands upon Mr. Skelton with solemn prayer, and then Mr.
Skelton and some others performed the same ceremony
with Mr. Higginson. They then appointed Thursday, the
6th of August, as another day of prayer and fasting for the
choice and ordination of Elders and Deacons. The same
day the church were to enter into Covenant. They were
thirty in number who were thus to be constituted or or
ganized. Mr. Higginson drew up for them a Confession
of Faith, and a Church Covenant, according to Scripture,
of which thirty copies were written out, and one delivered
to every member. The Church at Plymouth was invited.
to be present by their messengers, to give their advice and
assistance in this important solemnity.
When the day came, they first Hstened to the sermons of
the two ministers, together with the usual exercises of
prayer. Then in the afternoon the Confession and Cove
nant were read in the public assembly, and solemnly by
the members assumed. They then proceeded to the cere-
* Prince, 184, 185.

294 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
mony of ordination, which was performed with prayer and
the laying on of the hands of certain of the brethren ap
pointed by the Church for that purpose. This they did
with Mr. Skelton and Mr. Higginson, although they were
both before ordained by Bishops in the Church of England.
They were now ordained by those who chose them for
their ministers.*
In the midst of these ceremonies. Governor Bradford
and the other delegates from the Church of the Pilgrims
at .Plymouth presented themselves. They had set sail in
good time from Plymouth, but had been detained by ad
verse winds ; yet happily arrived in season to give the
Right Hand of Fellowship to their sister church, and to
unite with them in prayer and praise for God's blessing.
This was a sacred and remarkable day. It was the first
ceremony of the kind ever transacted on this Continent.
In its simplicity and sole dependence upon Christ, it had a
dignity and true grandeur, which could not be found in all
the gorgeous array of pomp and circumstance borrowed
in the EngHsh Establishment from the Romish Church.
And on %hat occasion of Hierarchical grandeur was
there ever a form or a document made use of, to be com
pared in value or in beauty with the following admirable
Covenant ? We here present it as given in Mather's
Magnalia ; the Covenant of the first Church of Christ ever
organized in America. Not the first church ever in
America, nor the first Independent or Congregational
Church in New England ; this last claim belongs to the
Pilgrim Church at Plymouth, which was a church already
in being and form, before its members landed from the
May Flower; but the first church organized in New
England was that church at Salem, in 1629. And the fol
lowing is doubtless the first Church Covenant ever drawn
up in America.
* Prince, 189, 191,— Mather's Magnalia, vol. i. 06.— Grahame's Colonial
History, vol. i. 214, 315.

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 295
" We covenant with our Lord, and one with another ;
and we do bind ourselves in the presence of God, to walk
together in all his ways, according as he is pleased to re
veal himself unto us in His blessed Word of Truth, and
do explicitly, in the name and fear of God, profess and
protest to walk as followeth, through the power and grace
of our Lord Jesus Christ.
We avouch the Lord to be our God, and ourselves to be
his people, in the truth and simpHcity of our spirits.
We give ourselves to the Lord Jesus Christ, and the
Word of his Grace, for the teaching, ruling, and sanctify
ing of us, in matters of worship and conversation ; resolv
ing to cleave unto Him alone for life and glory, and to
reject all contrary ways, canons, and constitutions of men
in worship.
We promise to walk with our brethren with all watch
fulness and tenderness, avoiding jealousies and suspicions,
backbitings, censurings, provokings, secret risings of spirit
against them ; but in all offences to follow the rule of our
Lord Jesus Christ, and to bear and forbear, give and forgive,
as he has taught us.
In public or private we will willingly do nothing to the
offence of the Church, but will be willing to take advice
for ourselves and ours, as occasion shall be presented.
We will not in the congregation be forward, either to
show our gifts and parts, in speaking or scrupHng ; or
there discover the weaknesses or failings of our brethren,
but attend an orderly call thereunto, knowing how much
the Lord may be dishonored, and His gospel and the pro
fession of it slighted, by our distempers and weaknesses in
public. We bind ourselves to study the advancement of the Gos
pel in all truth and peace, both in regard of those that are
within or without ; no way slighting our sister churches,
but using their counsel as need shall be ; not laying a stum
bling block before any, no, not the Indians, whose good we

296 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
desire to promote, and so to converse, as we may aVoid
the vei'y appearance of evil.
We do hereby promise to carry ourselves in all lawful
obedience to those that are over us in Church or Common
wealth, knowing how well-pleasing it will be to the Lord,
that they should have encouragement in their places by our
not grieving their spirits, through our irregularities.
We resolve . to approve ourselves to the Lord in our
particular calling, shunning idleness as the bane of any
state, nor will we deal hardly or oppressingly with any,
wherein we are the Lord's stewards.
Promising also to our best ability to teach our children
and servants the knowledge of God and of his will, that
they may serve him also ; and all this, not by any strength
of our own, but by the Lord Jesus Christ, whose blood we
desire may sprinkle this our Covenant, made in his name."
It will be noted that a special guard is introduced into
this admirable Christian agreement, against that forward
ness in the showing of gifts and parts, whether in speaking
or scrupling, in regard to which there was a spice of
anxiety and jealousy in reference to the Plymouth Church,
lest the brethren there had gone to an unwarrantable
extent of liberty. The truth is, that the Plymouth Church,
having been for many years entirely separated from the
Establishment, were entirely emancipated from its bon
dage. The Salem Church and ministers had been Non
conformists in England, but had not, till now, separated
from the Establishment, and they were still trembHng at
the largeness of their liberty in Christ. Until they came
to New England, and beheld the Plymouth Church in its
simple New Testament freedom and purity, they do not
seem to have been acquainted with the system of Congre
gationalism. But now the prediction of Robinson w'as
fulfilled ; they saw the beauty and Scriptural order and
freedom of that system, although at first with a little fear ;
and here, on this common ground of deliverance from the

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 297
laws Emd persecutions of the Established Hierarchy, and
of freedom to worship God under the sole rule of His
Word, the Separatists and the Nonconformists became
one ; or rather, not so much became one, as found them
selves to be already one, with really no points of difference
between them.
Dr. Bacon has finely remarked upon this agreement as a
proof of the clear Christian discernment of Robinson ;*
and Mr. Cotton declared, in reference to the accusation of
having imitated the Plymouth model, that " there was no
such thing as an agreement by any solemn or common
consultation ; but that it was true they did, as if they had
agreed, by the same spirit of truth and unity, set up, by the
help of Christ, the same model of Churches, one like to
another ; and so if they of Plymouth had helped any of
the first comers in their theory, by hearing and discussing
their practices, therein the Scripture was fulfilled that the
Kingdom of Heaven was like unto leaven, which a woman
took and hid in three measures of meal, till the whole was
leavened. "t
Mr. Winslow was at pains still more fully to show the
falsehood of the charge that the successive Colonists " took
Plymouth for their precedent as fast as they came ; " for
this was not bestowing honor where it was due, and the
credit of the establishment of those successive flourishing
churches on that New Testament plan belonged to the
Word of God only ; " our practice being, for aught we
know, wholly grounded on the written Word, without any
addition or human invention known to us, taking our
pattern from the primitive churches, as they were regulated
by the blessed Apostles in their own days, who were taught
and instructed by the Lord Jesus Christ, and had the
unerring and all knowing Spirit of God to bring to their
remembrance the things they had heard." " 'Tis true,"
* Bacon's Historical Discourses, 14.
t Governor Bradford's Dialogue, in Young's Chron. 426.
13*

/
298 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
says Mr. Winslow, "some of them coming over to be
freed from the burthensome ceremonies then imposed in
England, some of the chief of them advised with us how
they should do to fall upon a right platform of worship,
and desired to that end, since God had honored us to lay
the foundation of a Commonwealth, and to settle a Church
in it, to show them whereupon our practice was grounded ;
and if they found upon due search it was built upon the
Word, they should be wilHng to take up what was of God.
We accordingly showed them the primitive practice for
our warrant, taken out of the Acts of the Apostles, and the
Epistles written to the several Churches by the said Apos
tles, together with the commandments of Christ the Lord
in the Gospel, and other our warrants for every particular
we did from the Book of God. Which being by them
well weighed and considered, they also entered into cove
nant with God and one another to walk in all his ways,
revealed, or as they should be made known unto them, and
to worship Him according to His will revealed in his
written Word only, so that here also thou mayest see they
set not the Church at Plymouth before them for example,
but the primitive churches were and are their and our
mutual patterns and examples, which are only worthy to
be followed, having the blessed Apostles amongst them,
who were sent immediately by Christ himself, and enabled
and guided by the unerring Spirit of God. And truly this
is a pattern fit to be followed of all that fear God, and no
man or men to be followed further than they followed
Christ and them." *
It is truly remarkable how exactly these sentiments and
declarations accorded with th6se of the earliest Puritan in
England, Bishop Hooper, and how the complete reformation
which he, at the cost of martyrdom, projected and pro
claimed, in the Old World, had here sprung up, two
hundred years afterwards, well nigh perfected, in the JNew.
* Winslow's Brief Narration, Young's Chron. 386.

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 299
It is no reproach of the dead man, said he (alluding to the
authority of the Fathers, which he was boldly casting
aside), " but mine opinion unto all the world, that the
Scripture solely, and the Apostles' Church, is to be
FOLLOWED, AND NO MAn's AUTHORITY, BE HE AuGUSTINE,
Tertullian, OR EVEN Cherubim OR Seraphim." * Mine
opinion unto all the world ! There is great grandeur in
that declaration, from amidst the lighted torches and piled
fagots of Rome.
And the spirit of Hooper had fallen upon John Robin
son, and the Plymouth -Church. This was his parting
legacy on the verge of the sea. " Brethren, we are now
quickly to part from one another ; and whether I may ever
live to see your faces on earth any more, the God of
Heaven only knows. But whether the Lord have ap
pointed that or no, I charge you before God, and before
His blessed angels, that you follow me no further than you
have seen me follow the Lord Jesus Christ."'
* Bishop Hooper on the Authority of the Word, in his Declaration of
Christ and His Office.

CHAPTER XVIII.

THE FIRST attempt AT SCHISM.  RECALCITRATION OF THE
ESTABLISHMENT.
It was not likely that such a covenant as this, the prin
ciples of which it was clearly foreseen would govern the
infant colony, could be entered into, among a body of
adventurers of various views, and some of them of irreli
gious habits, without a jealous opposition. It was the
future world predominating over the present, and it brought
down the maxims and realities of that world into a practi
cal conflict with, and mastery over, the god, the habits,
and the forms of this. Moreover it was a complete release
of men's consciences from the church-and-state law
and power of England ; it was the practice, under charter,
of that religious freedom, which the Plymouth Pilgrims
had settled without one.
Now then there was at once an attempt on the part of
the old hierarchy to resume its power. It was found that
here into this covenanted church of Christ in the New
World men were not to be admitted merely on the ground
of National Church membership, and a sacramental oath in
the Old World. It was found, to the amazement of some,
that this new church of Christ had put itself on such a

PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 301
daring position of liberty and power under Christ's sole
authority, without any regard to the will of the monarch,
or the state, or the hierarchy, as to exclude all persons of
scandalous lives from the table of the Lord and from the
privileges of his covenant. It was found, moreover, that
these ministers and this church not only could but would
pray without a prayer-book, and that the Book of Common
Prayer, which had been imposed by violence in England,
was no more to bind them here, than the Book of Sports,
which James, Charles, and Laud were making the gospel
of the nation, or the May-pole itself, which Governor
Endicott had cut down from Mount Dagon. It was dis
covered, in fine, that what was a poor, miserable, mere,
outlawed, despised, down-trodden conventicle in England,
was going to be^r., here in the wilderness, the sole, august,
spiritual, beautiful Church of Christ, almost the Church
Triumphant, instead of the Church Militant. It seemed, to
those who had 'admired and relished the old order of things,
as if here the Old Conventicle had become the Living
Temple of God, while the Old Hierarchy would be regarded
as nothing better than Satan's Conventicle.
There was an uprising against all this, immediately.
We shall give the account of it, first, in the words of
Mr. Neal in his History of New England.
" Some of the passengers, who came over with these
first planters, observing that the ministers did not use the
Book of Common Prayer ; that they administered Baptism
and the Lord's Supper without the ceremonies [of the
Liturgy of the Church of England] ; that they refused to
admit disorderly persons, and resolved to use discipHne
against, all scandalous members of the church, set up a
separate assembly, according to the usage of the Church of
England. Of these Mr. Samuel Browne and his brother
were the chief, the one a lawyer, and the other a merchant,
both of them men of estates and figure, and of the number
of the first patentees. The Governor, perceiving the dis-

302 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
turbance that was like to arise on this occasion, sent for
the two brothers, who accused the ministers as departing
from the order of the Church of England, adding that they
were Separatists, and would shortly be Anabaptists^ but
for themselves they would hold to the orders of the Church
of England. The ministers replied that they were neither
Separatists nor Anabaptists, that they did not separate
from the Church of England, nor from the ordinances of
God there, but only from the corruptions and disorders of
that Church ; that they came away from the Common
Prayer and Ceremonies, and had suffered much for their
Nonconformity in their native land, and therefore, being in
a place where they might have their liberty, they neither
could nor would use them, because they judged the imposi
tions of these things to be sinful corruptions of the word of
God. The Governor, the Council, and the people generaHy,
approved of the ministers' answer ; but the two brothers,
not being satisfied, and endeavoring to raise a mutiny
among the people, were sent back to England by the
return of the same ships that brought them over."*
Thus far with the testimony of Mr. Neal, which in this
matter is mainly drawn from that of Cottpn Mather in his'
Magnalia. Let us now take the record of an admirable historian of
our country, whose sympathies indeed, as a religious
Scotchman of a free and generous mind, are with our Pil
grim Fathers, but who is confessed, on all hands, to have
written with great fairness and impartiality, the testimony
of Mr. Grahame, in his Colonial History of the United
States. " Two brothers," he says, " .of the name of Browne, one a
lawyer and the other a merchant, both of them men of
note, and among the original patentees, dissented from this
constitution (of the Plymouth church as copied by the
church at Salem), and arguing with great absurdity that all
* Neal's History of New England, vol. i., p. 129.

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 803
who adhered to it would infallibly become Anabaptists,
endeavored to procure converts to their opinion, and to
establish a separate congregation, on a model more
approximated to the form of the Church of England. The
defectiveness of their argument was supplied by the
vehemence of their clamor; and they obtained a favorable
audience from a few persons who regarded with unfriendly
eye the discipline which the provincial church was disposed
to exercise upon offenders against the rules of morality.
Endicott, the Governor, caHed those men together with
the ministers before a general assembly of the people, who,
after hearing both parties, repeated their approbation of
the system that had been established ; and as the two
brothers still persisted in their attempts to create a schism
in the church, an^ even endeavored to excite a mutiny
against the government, they were declared unfit to remain
in the colony, and compelled to re-embark and depart in
the vessels in which they had accompanied the other emi
grants in the voyage from England. Their departure
restored harmony to the colonists, who were endeavoring
to complete their settlement, and extend their occupation
of the country, when they were interrupted by the ap
proach of winter and the ravages of disease, which quickly
deprived them of nearly one half of their number, but pro
duced no other change on their minds than to cause the
sentiments of hope and fear to converge more steadily to
the Author of their existence."*
" Notwithstanding the censure," continues Mr. Grahame,
" with which some writers have commented on the banish
ment of the two individuals whose case we have remarked,
the justice of the proceeding must commend itself to the
sentiments of all impartial men."
Now this judgment is the more striking and trustworthy
because it comes from a man who did not fail on other
occasions to rebuke severely the spirit of intolerance, when
* Grahame's Colonial History of the United States, vol. i., p. 216.

304 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
he saw it displayed in the acts or temper of any of the
Puritans. He adds that on the return of these men to
England, when they preferred their complaint and accusa
tion against the colonists for oppression towards themselves
and enmity to the Church of England, the total disregard
which their complaint experienced confirms the opinion
that the intendment of the Massachusetts Charter was to
give the colonists unrestricted liberty to regulate their own
ecclesiastical estate. They had, therefore, a legal right,
as well as the right of equity, to return these disturbers of
the peace to the bosom of that native establishment, the
laws of which the disturbers would, if they could, have
enforced upon the colony.
We regard this opinion of the historian Grahame, in the
case of these men, as a righteous and true judgment ; and
we cannot but contrast it honorably with the sneer of the
historian Bancroft, on the same occasion, " that the bless
ings of the promised land were to be kept for Puritanic
Dissenters, and that these Brownes were banished from
Salem because they were churchmen."
If indeed this had been the case, it was a lesson taught
by the churchmen themselves, who were just now endea
voring to prevent, for ever, any other lesson from being
taught or learned, either in the New World or the Old.
The truth is, if the blessings of the promised land, the
blessings of religious liberty, had not been kept for Puri
tanic Dissenters, they would neither have been permitted
to, nor enjoyed by, any other sects in the world. The
sanctuary of these Puritanic Dissenters was the only place
in the whole world where they could be enjoyed. Indeed,
it was the only place where the nature of a perfect religious
liberty was beginning to be understood. These blessings '
were not regarded as blessings by any others than these
.same Puritanic Dissenters. There were no others who"
saw far enough into the nature of the Gospel, and the pre-
ciousness and glory of a free conscience, to esteem these

or PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 305
things as the free and most precious gifts of God to man.
Nay, these blessings of free church covenants, and a church
free to exercise Christ's spiritual discipline upon scandalous
persons, and free to pray without the Common Prayer
Book, and to be baptized without the sign of the cross, and
to exercise the gifts of brethren, without the soldiers of a
High Commission committing them to prison, were re
garded as the superstitions of a knot of poor, pitiful, obsti
nate fanatics ; blessings which they of the Establishtnent
not only did not wish to share, but would not leave quietly
for the dissenters themselves to share.
They had with great difficulty been prevailed upon to
connive at this region of New England becoming a sort of
Botany Bay for those who were punished as criminals
against the Establishment ; and now they were endeavor
ing to bring the Establishment itself over into this very
Botany Bay ; they were exclaiming against the exclusive-
ness of these criminals in wishing to maintain that freedom
which had been connived at, and for the enjoyment of which
they had suffered themselves to be transported like crimi
nals, from their native land. Perhaps, if we look fairly at
both sides of the point before us, we shall find that these
men were not banished because they were churchmen, but
because they would not suffer others quietly to be dissent
ers. It was evident, beyond question, to the foresight of
Governor Endicott, that they were just introducing, with
the whole weight of the regal and ecclesiastical despotism
of England on their side, the same exclusive and tyrannical
system here, which had ground the Nonconformists into
powder there. Let them get footing with their Common •
Prayer Book and Rubrics, and their accusations against the
Pilgrim Ministers and churches, of Separatism and disobe
dience, rebellion and dissent, and how long would it have
been, before King Charles's and Archbishop Laud's troops
would have been transported from England into America,
to dragoon these rebels into submission, and to sustain here

306 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
likewise the oppressive Hierarchical system, in all its power
and 'grandeur?
The colonists had fled from the despotism of that system
in England ; they were wise and just not to admit it here,
nor even an entering wedge for it. It was as a ferocious
wild beast, whom they could not conquer there, though they
could happily fly beyond the reach of his violence here.
And now, shall they be accused of intolerance, simply be
cause here, where they could confine him, they would not
let him go at large ; or because here they shut him up in
a vessel, and transported him back to his original, national
menagerie ?
" I will be tolerant of everything else," said Mr. Coleridge,
" but every other man's intolerance." Now here it was
plainly the intolerance of others, not their religion, of which
Governor Endicott would not be tolerant. And in this
thing he and the colonists were evidently guided by Infinite
wisdom. For, if the churchmen had been permitted to go
on, there would have been an end to this sanctuary of free
dom in the, wilderness. There would have been no New
England in existence, in the history of which there should
be scope for a sneer at the piety, or the freedom, or the
superstition of its founders. Their not being suffered to go
on, is the reason why they, and all other sects, even Bun-
yan's Giant Grim, with his nails pared, are here in quiet now.
God, in his gracious divine providence, would not suffer
any others than the persecuted Puritanic Dissenters to get
footing here, until both in the Old World and the New the
great lesson of religious liberty had been more fully taught
and understood. He had much light yet for Cromwell and
the Independents of England to pour upon this question.
The sneers at the course of our Pilgrim Fathers are sneers
against the providence of God and the freedom of man.
If the Brownes had been permitted to go on in their fac
tious course, the formal church, which they were seeking
to set up, must have been an Established Church ; it must

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 307
have been a church, which, so soon as it got power, would
have put down every other church as a Conventicle, would
have compelled every other church to conform to it. And
it would have got power immediately. A single petition
to the Church and Government of England for aid would
have brought over a commission from Laud and Charles,
charged with power to uproot the dissenting heresy from
its foundations. So that, whether it were the wisdom and
foresight of Endicott and his coadjutors, or their mere fana
ticism, or not, that produced their course of conduct on this
occasion, it was the salvation of that colony, it was the pre
servation of New England liberty from extinction in the
bud. It was the providential wisdom and goodness of God,
guarding the system which the Puritans were seeking to
establish ; preserving the newly planted Vine from the boar
out of the woods and the wild boar out of the Establish
ment, that they should not devour it. Our fathers were too
vigilant and wise to tolerate in their infant church and
state what they saw plainly would utterly destroy its free
dom, and make it in the end merely a branch of the
Church-and-State system of England.
That their conclusions were true, that their foresight was
timely, that their course was the only course which a true
regard to the freedom of the colony admitted, is fully
proved by what, within a very short period, did take place
under Laud ; by the imprisonment of Winslow, and the
High Commission under Laud for overthrowing completely
the Puritan churches of New England, and establishing the
English church upon their ruins ; a _ thing which most cer
tainly would have been accomplished, if meanwhile there
had been but the very commencement of an Episcopal
church, under government of the Establishment, already
planted. Viewed as a mutinous effort against the Govern
ment, the movement of these Brownes was most justly re
strained and prevented by the Government ; viewed as
simply and merely an attempt to set up the Church of Eng-

308 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
land, and thus put down Separation and Dissent, the course
pursued by the Government must be regarded as an act of
pure self-defence, and they must be confessed to have ex
ercised great wisdom in transporting those men back to
the enjoyment of the Establishment in their own country.
It was fully proved that the Church and Dissent would not
be tolerated together by the Government of England.
Dissent had fled to New England and gained possession of
a place, where, by itself, it could live at liberty. When
the Established Church came also, it was really a question
which should be expelled. The right of previous possession
alone, were that all which could be urged in the premises,
would decide the case in favor of the right of the Puritanic
Dissenters. Dr. Bacon remai'ks, that as to the principle of requiring a
sympathy with the great design of the plantation in those
who were admitted to share its power and privileges, and
a membership in the simple Church of Christ, out of which
it was constituted, one simple fact, which the Fathers
knew right well, is the vindication of their policy. " They
knew that as soon as they should have built their houses,
and got their lands under cultivation, as soon as they should
have got enough of what was taxable and titheable to excite
covetousness, the King would be sending over his needy
profligates to govern them, and the Archbishop his sur-
pliced commissaries to gather the tithes into his storehouse.
Knowing this, they were resolved to leave no door open
for such an invasion. They came hither to establish a free
Christian commonwealth ; and to secure that end, they de
termined that in their commonwealth none should have any
civil power, who either would not or could not enter at the
door of Church Fellowship. They held themselves bound,
they said, to establish such civil order as might best con
duce to the securing the purity and peace of the ordinances
for themselves and their posterity. When they introduced
the principle, it was not for the sake of bestowing honors

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 309
or privileges upon piety, but for the sake of guarding their
liberty, and securing the end for which they had made
themselves exiles. If you call their adoption of this prin
ciple fanaticism, it is to be remembered that the same fana
ticism runs through the history of England. How long
has any man in England been permitted to hold any office
under the crown, without being a communicant in the
Church of England ? Call it fanaticism if you will. To
that fanaticism which threw off the laws of England, and
made these colonies Puritan Commonwealths, we are in
debted for our existence as a distinct and independent
nation."* * Bacon's Historical Discourses, p. 27.

CHAPTER XIX.

SLANDERS AGAINST THE COLONY.  LAUD S HIGH COMMISSION TO
OVERTURN ITS CHURCH AND GOVERNMENT.  THE CASE OF
MR. winslow's IMPRISONMENT.  THE CASE OF MR. ENDICOTT,
AND THE RED ROYAL ENSIGN.
To show the correctness of the preceding views, nothing
more is requisite than just to glance at the attempts really
made, and the steps actually taken from time to time, to
set up a church despotism in the colonies under Archbishop
Laud ; attempts signally defeated by the good Providence
of God, but which to all human appearance would have
been successful, had there been a single Established Church
set up in New England. The exclusion of the Episcopal
Hierarchy for the present from the colonies was the only
guarantee by which New England was looked to from
abroad as being, in the words of Hallam, a secure place of
refuge from present tyranny, and a boundless prospect for
future hope. Hallam says that in 1638, hopeless of the
civil and religious liberties of England, there were men of
high rank, and of capacious and commanding minds, such
as Jay, Hazlerig, Brooke, Hampden, and Cromwell, pre
paring to embark for America, when Laud, for his own
and his master's cause, procured an order of council to
stop their departure. He quotes the royal proclamation,
and remarks that any trackless wilderness seemed better

PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 311
than Laud's tyranny, and that the views of the Archbishop
were not so much directed to the security of Church and
Crown against disaffected mbn, as to the gratification of
his own malignant humor in persecuting them.*
Already, as early as the year 1633, an order had been
made in council forbidding the departure of a number of
ships then ready to sail for New England with passengers
and provisions, " because of the resorting thither of divers
persons known to be ifl affected not only with civil but
ecclesiastical government at home ; whereby such con
fusion and distraction is already grown there, in New
England, especially in point of religion, as beside the ruin
of the said plantation cannot but highly tend to the scandal
both of Church and State here." This grew out of the
slanders' perpetrated against the colony by men who had
been punished in it, or banished from it, for their crimes
and immoralities, such as the notorious Morton, the servant
Ratcliffe, and Sir Christopher Gardiner. Their gross
falsehood was proven, and the order, though headed by
Archbishop Laud himself, was not executed, but even the
king declared that the slanderers should be severely
punished, t
The slanderers and petitioners against the colony were
instigated by Sir F. Gorges and Captain Mason, who
wished for "a general government over New England ; and
in their petition they charged both colonies with intended
rebellion, that they meant to be wholly separate from the
Church and laws of England, and that their ministers and
people did continually rail against the State, the Church,
and the bishops. Messrs; Cradock, Salstonstall, and Hum
phrey, who were then in England, answered the accusa
tions on the part of the company so triumphantly that
nothing could be done against them. J
* Hallam's Constitutional History of England, p. 270.
t See a copy of the order in Hubbard, p. 152.
X Baylies' Memoir of Plymouth Colony, p. 207, vol. i.

312 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
Nevertheless, it was remarkable that that order in coun- ^
Cil should have failed ; for Laud came into his archbishopric
this year, and was carrying everything before him ; and
this was the year of his infamous cruehies against Prynne,
Bastwick, and Burton. Moreover he was already stretching
the arm of his power beyond seas, and the Puritanic refuge
from his wrath and zeal in America he hated with a raging
bitterness. This was the year in which Cotton fled to
New England, the Earl of Dorset having sent him word
that if he had been guilty of drunkenness, uncleanness, or
any such lesser fault, he could have got his pardon, but the
sin of Puritanism and Nonconformity was unpardonable,
and therefore he must fly for his safety.*
The commission by the King to Archbishop Laud in
1635, was a high commission of despotic power over the
whole colony. It was in fact the establishment of an ir
responsible ecclesiastical and civil despotism, with authority
in reference to the canons and customs of the church, and
appointment and maintenance of the clergy, to inflict
punishment upon all offenders or violators of the constitu
tion and ordinances, either by imprisonment or . other
restraint, or by loss of life or member, according as the
quality of the offence shall require ; with power to remove
governors and presidents, and appoint others, and punish
delinquents ; power to ordain temporal judges and civil
nriagistrates, and also, judges, magistrates, and officers for
arid concerning courts ecclesiastical ; and power to con
stitute and ordain tribunals and courts of justice both ec
clesiastical and civil.
This despotic commission had been brewing for a long
time, the Archbishop and King Charles having received
many complaints of the divers sects and schisms alleged to
be among the colonists, and of the spirit of liberty and
independence thus growing up, so that it was said they
would at that rate, ere long, take the royal jurisdiction itself
* Neal's Hist. Puritans, vol. ii. p. 279.

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 313
into their own hands, as they had already done the ec
clesiastical government. Laud and the King were resolved
to put a stop to all this, and to bring the colony under the
supreme dominion of the EstabHshed Church. Had there
been a branch of the EstabUshment set up in New Eng
land, beyond question this effort would have been made
much earlier, and might have been successful. As it was,
and in spite of an earnest and free remonstrance on the
part of Massachusetts, things proceeded so far, that a writ
of quo warranto was brought by Sir John Banks, the
King's Attorney General, against the Governor, deputy
Governor, and assistants of the Corporation of the Massa
chusetts ; the charter was disclaimed, and judgment was
given for the King, that the liberties and franchises of the
said Corporation of the Massachusetts should be seized
into the king's hands.* Orders in council followed, and a
letter was sent revoking the patent ; but there the mischief
stopped, and it would seem from Governor Bradford's
account, mainly through Mr. Winslow's instrumentality
in the execution of his agency for the colonies. It was
more remarkable now than before that Laud's plans should
have been thwarted, for he was in the very plenitude of
almost unrestricted power, and at the height of his malig
nant persecuting fury. It was the protecting Providence
of GodWe will begin the description of Winslow's collision
with the Archbishop by an extract from Gov. Winthrop's
Journal in October of 1635, where we find it recorded that
Mr. Winslow, the late Governor of Plymouth, being this
year in England, petitioned the council there for a com
mission to withstand the intrusion of the French and
Dutch, which was likely to take effect. Governor Winthrop
justly says here that the petition was undertaken by ill
advice, for that such precedents might endanger their
* Hutchinson's Hist. Mass. Appendix, p. 440.
t Hubbard's Gen. Hist. N. Eng. ch. xxxvi. p. 272.
U

314 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
liberties, as they should be permitted to do nothing thence
forward but by commission out of England. " However,
the Archbishop being incensed against Mr. Winslow, as
against all these plantations, informed the rest that he was
a separatist and so forth, and that he did marry and so
forth, and therefore got him committed ; but after sofne
few months he petitioned the board and was discharged."*
And a marvel it was that he escaped so easily, as we shall
see on following out this account more fully from the
detail given by Governor Bradford.
Governor Bradford says that on this agency for the
colonies Mr. Winslow encountered the slanders of their
old enemies, Morton, Gardiner, and others, whose ends
were the subversion and overthrow of the churches,
and a new and general government. Sir F. Gorges, by
Archbishop Laud's favor, was to have been sent over
Governor-General into the country, and to have had
means from the State for that end, and was now upon
dispatch and conclusion of the business. And the Arch
bishop's intent was by his means, and some he should
send with him, who were to be furnished with episcopal
power, to disturb the peace of the churches, to overthrow
their proceedings, and prevent their further growth. Mr.
Winslow's petition came to nothing, as to its immediate
point, by the influence of the Archbishop ; but nevertheless,
by God's providence, the whole plot and business of the
Archbishop and Gorges fell to the ground by what trans
pired through Winslow's evidence and petition. f
The suit of Winslow had, it seems, been granted, after
several examinations before the lords commissioners for
the plantations in America, the main point being a warrant
of right to the English Colonies to defend themselves
• Gov. 'Winthrpp's Journal under 1635, p. S9.
' t Morton's New England Memorial, 170. Hi)tphin?on, Hist. Massachu
setts, vol- ii- 409.

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 315
against all foreign enemies ; and it was just about to be
confirmed, when Archbishop Laud put a stop to it. Mr.
Winslow then again resorted to the board of Commission
ers, but meanwhile the Archbishop, with Gorges and
Mason, had got Morton to renew his complaints and slanders.
These were so thoroughly answered by Mr. Winslow,
that the board checked Morton and rebuked him sharply,
besides blaming Gorges and Mason for countenancing him.
But now the Archbishop had another card to play, to
which he was well accustomed ; he entered on an inquisi
torial examination of Mr. Winslow himself as to his con
duct as a magistrate and church-member in the Colony.
In the first place he was accused of the crime of teaching
in the church publicly, and Morton gave evidence that he
had seen and heard him do it ; and to this Mr. Winslow
answered that sometimes, in the absence and default of a
minister, he did exercise his own gift to help the edification
of his brethren when they wanted better means, which
was not often. This exercising of gifts by men not in the
Established Church Ministry was one of the Archbishop's
mortal enmities ; he would rather have a raging pestilence
in the church ; and now, after laboring with such thirsty
diligence to exterminate every such practice and liberty in
England, the sight of a freeman before him, not in prison,
who plainly avowed that at home he was in the habit of
exercising his gifts, if they were needed, was as detestable
as that of Mordecai to Hamah.
In the next place the Archbishop questioned him about
the acts of his magistracy, especially his taking authority
to perform the ceremony of marriage. As to this Mr.
Winslow also confessed that having been called to the
place of magistracy, he had sometimes married some ; and
further told their lordships that marriage was a civil thing,
and that he found nowhere in the Word of God that it was
tied to a minister ; again, they were necessitated so to do,
having for a long time together at first no minister ; besides,

316 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
it was no new thing, for he had been so married himself in
Holland, by the magistrates in their State-house.
Here was, indeed, a case for the Archbishop ; and
though the time was near when he could no longer have
all things at his pleasure by the King's will, even in Eng
land, and the hour of retribution was hastening for his long
course of cruelty, yet he still had such excessive authority
to carry his tyranny into execution, that by vehement im
portunity he prevailed with the board of Commissioners to
consent to Mr. Winslow's punishment, so that he was forth
with carried to the Fleet prison, and there lay seventeen
weeks or thereabouts, before he could get released. If
Archbishop Laud could have had his way, he would have
imprisoned or decapitated the whole colony ; but by God's
good providence they were beyond his reach, for his hands
were soon too fuH of roused adversaries in England, the
victims of his oppression, to leave him at leisure to put up
his gallows for Mordecai, or to execute his designs in the
New World. This imprisonment of Winslow was one
of the most outrageous acts of his despotism, and it shows
what he would have done with the rehgious liberties of
the colonies in New England, if by the existence of the
Hierarchy, or any small shoot of it there, he could have
had any plausible pretence for the estabhshment of supreme
Ecclesiastical authority.
On the whole, we think, instead of abusing Mr. Endicott
for his action in the premises, in sending the Brownes back
to England, the impartial historian must regard him as the
instrument of a Divine protecting providence for the salva
tion of the colony from an Ecclesiastical despotism. En
dicott is spoken of in Johnson's Wonderworking Provi
dence as " the much honored Mr. John Indicat, who came
over with them to govern ; a fit instrument to begin this
wilderness work, of courage bold, undaunted, yet sociable,
and of a cheerful spirit, loving and austere, applying him
self to either, as occasion served." Bancroft has adopted

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 317
these characteristics in his description of Endicott, as " a
man of dauntless courage, and that cheerfulness which ac
companies courage ; benevolent though austere ; firm,
though choleric ; of a rugged nature, which the sternest
form of Puritanism had not served to mellow." With
great inconsistency he afterwards speaks of him as a man
" whose self-will was inflamed by fanaticism, and whose
religious antipathies persecution had matured into hatred."
These two descriptions cannot be true. The banishment
of the Brownes was not a proof of Endicott's fanaticism,
but of his good judgment, foresight, and determination to
guard the liberty of the colonists from invasion.
The letters of the Company in England on occasion of
this difficulty, when the Brownes had been sent home, and
had presented their complaints, are to be found in Young's
Chronicles of Massachusetts. The general instructions of
the Company to Endicott and the Council are also there
printed, and are full of interest. By these instructions, and
by the Charter of the Colony, it will be found that Endicott
was fully justified so far as related to them, in taking his
prompt and energetic measures, both for the suppression
of the rioters on Mount Dagon, and of the ecclesiastical and
civil mutiny of the Brownes. No one can doubt this, when
he reads such a passage as follows, after notice of the
unanimous agreement of the ministers sent over. " Yet
because it is often found that some busy persons, led more
by their will than any good warrant out of God's Word,
take opportunities by moving needless questions to stir up
strife, and by that means to beget a question, and bring
men to declare some difference in judgment, most common
ly in things indifferent, from which small beginnings great
mischiefs have followed, we pray you and the rest of the
council, that if any such disputes shall happen amongst you,
that you suppress them, and be careful to maintain peace
and unity." •
* Young's Chronicles of Massachusetts, 160.

318 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
Endicott was a friend of Roger Williams, and much
under his influence. Mr. Williams had preached a " dis
course on the unlawfulness of aU ceremonies and symbols,
which had been borrowed from the service of idolatry or
of Popery, on the ground that their use tended to lead men
back to superstition and false religion." It was in accord
ance with this doctrine that Endicott, being the miHtary
commander, ordered the red cross to be cut from the
King's military colors.* Endicott and Williams were both
exceedingly strong in their hatred of Popery ; but Endicott
was naturally somewhat more hasty than Williams, though
the anecdote is characteristic of both. There was nothing
which Endicott regarded as a just principle, that he did
not think should be put in practice. The attention of both
these men, the preacher and the soldier, having been once
turned to the Red Cross, and the question having occurred
whether it was right to admit such a mark of the Beast in
the ensigns of the Colony, it was almost as impossible to
avoid agitation, as it is for some animals to prevent being
infuriated at the sight of a red cloak. At length Mr. En
dicott put an end to their questionings by erasing, on his
own authority, a part of the red cross in the royal colors at
Salem ; enough, we suppose, to destroy the emblem of the
cross, for their indignation was against the use of that sacred
emblem in such a place, and not against the crimson hue.
The first record of this transaction we find in Gov.
Winthrop's own Journal, of October 20th, 1634. He
states that the ensign at Salem was defaced, namely, one
part of the Red Cross taken away ; which indeed savored
of rebellion, but he says the truth was, it was done upon
this opinion, that the Red Cross was given to the King of
England by the Pope, as an ensign of victory, and so a
superstitious thing, and a relic of Antichrist.f
* Prof. Gammell's Memoir of Roger Williams. Sparks's Am. Biog. v. 14,
p. 36. •
t Gov. Winthrop's Journal, p. 73.

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 319
It is next recorded, Nov. 27th, that the Governor's
Assistants met at his house to advise concerning this
matter, when they all expressed their dislike of this thing,
and their purpose to punish the offenders ; yet they were
guarded, with as much wariness as they might use, being
themselves doubtful of the lawfulness of the Cross in an
ensign, though clear that the fact of the erasure in the
colors, as concerning the manner, was very unlawful."
The result was, that in 1635 Mr. Endicott was left out
from the magistracy at the .election, and was called in
question about defacing the cross in the ensign. A com
mittee was appointed on this case, of on^ from every town,
the magistrates also making choice of four. Their judg
ment was that the offence was great ; that Mr. Endicott
had been rash in taking more authority upon himself than
he should have done, and indiscreet in not seeking advice
of the Court ; that his conduct was unwarrantable in that,
judging the Cross to be a sin, he was content to have it
reformed at Salem, not taking care that others might be
brought out of it also ; casting thus a blemish also upon
the other magistrates, as if they would be willing to suffer
idolatry. Mr. Endicott was publicly admonished, and
rendered unable to bear office for the space of one year ;
they not being willing to deal a heavier sentence upon him,
because they were persuaded that what he had done was
out of tenderness of conscience, and not from any evil
intent.* It is evident that in the end Mr. Endicott's character did
not suffer in the least with the Colony, by these transac
tions, for he was afterwards chosen to the highest offices
in the gift of the people, and he was well known to be a
man of integrity and piety. He pursued very much the
same energetic course in regard to the King's red colors,
that he did in regard to the obnoxious May Pole on Mount
Dagon, the head quarters of Morton's revellings and insub-
* Gov. Winthrop's Journal, page 81.

320 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS.
ordmation ; but whereas in the latter case his zeal was
wisely and admirably directed against a glaring evil, in
the former it was an insignificant thing, to which his own
opinions had given a fictitious importance. A part of the
judgment of the Court is very curious ; that his offence
was the greater, because, judging the cross to be a sin, he
was content to have it reformed at Salem, not taking care
that others might be brought out of it also. One might
have thought this would have mitigated the offence,
because, it being a matter of opinion, he only bestirred
himself where he had some authority to do so, and left
others to judge and act as they pleased.
It is very clear that the antipathy of Williams and Endi
cott against all Popish emblems was shared by other as
good men as they, in both Colonies. On the return of
Governor Winthrop from his visit to the Colony at
Plymouth, it is recorded in the Governor's Journal that
they came to a place called Hue's Cross, and the Governor
was much displeased at the name, in respect that such
things might hereafter give the papists occasion to say that
their religion was first planted in these parts ; so he
changed the name, and called it Hue's Folly.* Our Pilgrim
Fathers were too near the age of martyrdom in England
not to fisel the necessity of such vigilance.
• Winthrop's Journal, Oct. 27, 1632.

CHAPTER XX.
THE FIRST IMPOSITION OF A MINISTER, AND THE CHARACTER
AND END OF THE MAN AND THE EFFORT.  CONSPIRACY OF
LYFORD AND OLDHAM.  ENERGY AND PRUDENCE OF THE
GOVERNOR. The colony of Pilgrims were evidently well supplied
with an orderly and devout ministration of the Gospel, in
the case of Mr. Brewster. There were some, however,
in England, who insisted on their having an ordained mi
nister, though doubtless mainly because they hoped thereby
the more effectually to prevent Mr. Robinson from joining
the colony, with the rest of the church in Leyden. There
was, even at a very early period, a strong faction among
the Merchant Adventurers, opposed to the Pilgrims, and to
the influence of Robinson over them, and to his intention
of joining them. In a letter in 1823, Robinson speaks in a
saddened and desponding tone, both a# to the state of the
Church in Leyden, and the prospect of their ever getting
to Plymouth. Doubtless the church suffered by the draw
ing away of so great a portion of its vitality, the Pilgrims
being evidently amongst the most energetic and faithful
of its members. And the faithful Pastor began to find
himself in a trying position. He speaks of the good news
they hear from the Pilgrims, " which makes us with the
more patience bear our languishing state, and the deferring
14*

322 'Historical and local illustrations
of our desired transportation, which I call desired rather
than hoped for, whatsoever you are borne in hand with by
others." He then speaks of five or six of their bitter pro
fessed adversaries among the Adventurers, and of certain
forward preachers of great influence, who of all others are
unwilling that Robinson should join the Colony, having an
eye themselves that way, and thinking, if^he should go,
" their market would be marred in many regards." " And
for these adversaries, if they have but half their wiU to their
malice, they will stop my course when they see it intended."
" Your God and ours and the God of all his, bring us to
gether, if it be his will, and keep us in the mean while and
always to his glory, and make us serviceable to his majesty,
and faithful to the end. Amen."
But Robinson's work on earth was now nearly done ;
and so, in little more than two years after this, God called
him home to his rest, away from the evil to come. Mean
while, let us see how fully his predictions were fulfilled,
and his discernment sustained in regard to the plottings
against himself and the colony. His enemies in England
were resolved, if possible, to break up the independent go
vernment of the colony, both civil and religious, and to
establish an Episcopacy upon its ruins. For this purpose
a plan was laid, and a fit instrument being found, the faction
of Adventurers began to put it in execution. Mr. Winslow
and Mr. Cushman were at this time in England on the
business of the Pilgrims, but it is evident were not aware
of the plot formed, nor of the character and designs of the
agent employed, under the garb and profession of a preacher
for the Colony.
The first rather quaint and curious notice of this affair
we have in Gov. Bradford's notice of Mr. Cushman's letter
to the Colony at the close of 1623, "wherein he writes that
they (the Adventurers with Mr. Cushman) send a carpenter
to build two ketches, a lighter, and six or seven shallop^ ;
a saltman, to make salt ; and a preacher, though not the

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PER^S. 323
most eminent, for whose going (says Cushman) Mr. Winslow
and I gave way to give content to some at London."*
This is the only instance we can discover of t]ie colonists
giving way to- expediency before principle in any of their
religious interests, and in this instance it was done perhaps
to avoid an open quarrel with the Adventurers. But as
suredly Mr. Winslow and Mr. Cushman should have
paused before giving their consent to the sending of a ques
tionable minister in the place of Robinson as the preacher
to the Colony. It is evident they had no great opinion of
his qualifications, and yielded only to necessity.
Let us now follow the result of this hazardous experi
ment, a most instructive one to the Pilgrims, but which
would have proved of irreparable mischief, had it not been
for the kind care of God, through the great wisdom and
energy of Governor Bradford. We will take the curious
record of the manner in which the three supplies turned
out ; carpenter, salt-man, and minister. It is to be found
in Prince's New England Chronology under the year 1624,
from Gov. Bradford's manuscript.
" The ship-carpenter sent us is an honest and very in
dustrious man, quickly builds us two very good and strong
shallops, with a great and strong lighter, and had hewn
timber for two ketches; but this is spoilt; for in the hot
season of the year he falls into a fever and dies, to our
great loss and sorrow.
" But the salt-man is an ignorant, fooHsh, and self-willed
man, who chooses a spot for his salt-works, will have eight
or ten men to help him, is confident the ground is good,
makes a carpenter rear a great frame of a house for the
salt and other like uses, but finds himself deceived in the
bottom : will then have a lighter to carry clay, and so
forth, yet all in vain. He could do nothing but boil salt
in pans. The next year is sent to Cape Ann, and then the
pans are set up by the fishery ; but before the summer is
* Bradford in Prince, 14C.

324 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
out he burns the house and spoils the pans, and there is an
end of this chargeable business.
" The minister is Mr. John Lyford, whom a faction of
the Adventurers send to hinder Mr. Robifison. At his
arrival he appears exceeding complaisant and humble,
sheds many tears, blesses God that had brought him to see
our faces, and so forth. We give him the best entertain
ment we can ; at his desire we receive him into our
church, when he blesses God for this opportunity and free
dom to enjoy his ordinances in purity among his people.
We make him larger allowance than any other [for his
support] ; and as the Governor used in weighty matters to
consult with Elder Brewster, with the Assistants, so now
he calls Mr. Lyford to council alsq. But Mr. Lyford soon
joins with Mr. John Oldham, a private instrument of the
factious part of the Adventurers in England, whom we had
also called to council in our chief affairs without distrust.
Yet they fall a-plotting both against our church and
government, and endeavour to overthrow them."*
We will now change into the historic form the record
which Mr. Prince thus faithfully presents from Governor
Bradford. The uncovering and proof of this conspiracy,
fraught with such unmingled evil to the colony, was
brought about by admirable wisdom and energy on the
part of the Governor. The movements and intentions of
Lyford and Oldham having become manifest, he watched
their proceedings very closely, and judging them to be in
communication with that inimical faction among the
Adventurers, of which already the brethren Winslow,
Cushman, and Mr. Robinson himself had given account in
their letters, and Mr. Winslow by his presence, he deter
mined to intercept their measures. It is very likely that
he already judged Lyford to be one of those "forward
preachers," of whom Robinson had spoken so quaintly, as
having a hank upon the professors, and as being deter-
• Prince, from Bradford, pp. 148, 149.

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 325
mined with all malice to use that hank, or influence, against?
himself His forward extreme professions and demonstra
tions of tears, complaisances, and blessings at the outset,
were not likely to commend him to a man of Governor
Bradford's openness, sincerity, and quiet simpHcity of
character, but would rather, if anything, render him an
object of suspicion to the Pilgrims, who had nothing of this
hypocritical spirit or demeanor among them ; so that they
must have received him somewhat as Christian and Hope
ful regarded Talkative, when he presented himself so
plausibly and glibly to join them.
The master of the ship in which Lyford came was a
thorough friend to Governor Bradford and the colony, and
saw how things were going. They kept quiet till the ship
was to return, and the letters from Lyford and Oldham to
the conspirators in England had been prepared and put on
board. Then, when the ship set sail towards evening, the
Governor manned a shallop, went out in company with the
ship three or four miles to sea, and there taking the corres
pondence of Lyford and Oldham, with the full consent of
Captain Pierce the commander, who was aware of their
actions, discovered, on examination, their whole treachery.
Amongst other letters, one was found directed to John
Pemberton, a minister, and a violent enemy to the qplony ;
in this letter copies of a letter were found inclosed, which
had been written by a gentleman in England to Mr.
Brewster, and also of another letter which Winslow had
written to Mr. Robinson. These letters had been lying in
the cabin of the ship in which Lyford embarked for
"America, and while she was anchored at Gravesend he
opened arid copied them.*
The Governor knew his man, and dealt with the fool
according to his folly. It had been observed before the
ship sailed that Lyford was much engaged in writing, and
indeed he had been so careless and confident as to disclose
• Baylies' Hist. Mem. of Plymouth, p. 12S.

326 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
Bi^rls of his correspondence to those with whom he was
intimate, who made little secret of his communications, but
boasted openly that they should have a change in the
colony before long. The suspicions of the Governor being
thus excited, and at length arising in his mind to a com
plete conviction, he deemed it his duty to act as he did for
the safety of the colony. '
The Governor raturned on shore during the night, bring
ing some of the letters back with him for proof, but kept
everything as yet private, till the conspirators should open
their plot plainly. This they speedily did, so soon as
Lyford and the few accomplices whom the factious part of
the Adventurers had sent out, judged their party strong
enough. They rose up, opposed the government and the
church, drew a company apart, and set up for themselves,
Lyford declaring that he would administer the sacrament
to them by his Episcopal calling.
Upon this proceeding. Governor Bradford called a court
and summoned the whole company to appear, and charged
Lyford and Oldham with plotting and writing against them,
all which they denied, not having the least suspicion of
what was in reserve. Governor Bradford then produced
their own letters, so that they were utterly confounded and
convicted. Oldham became so outrageous that he would
have faised a mutiny, but his party abandoned him, and
the court expelled them from the colony. Lyford confessed
his villany before the Court, acknowledging the falsehood
of all that he had written, and afterwards did the same be
fore the Church, begging their forgiveness with many
tears, so that they even restored him to his office of teach
ing. This was a very hasty and inexpedient kindness, for
in less than two months he was at his old work of slander,
and wrote another letter to England, which came into the
hands of the Governor. But his wickedness was not fully
exposed till the coming of Messrs. Winslow and Pierce
from England in the spring, with an account of all the evil

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 327
of Lyford's calumniating letters there, and of the develop
ment of previously unknown crimes while he was a minis
ter in Ireland, on account of which he had been compelled
to leave that kingdom. Upon this new discovery he was
immediately deposed from the ministry.*
Lyford is said to have discovered the malignity of a
demon, who was sent to mar the happiness of the settle
ment, and disturb the peace of the church. " The air was
tainted with the slanders he wrote and spread, for the ser
vice of men who were enemies of the plantation. He was
employed by those who, being inimical to all dissenters
from the Established Church, and every species of Repub
lican Government, wished to destroy this rising Common
wealth. The spies of Charles's court would search the
uttermost part of the earth, for the sake of destroying men's
liberty."t Oldham returned to Plymouth, and there behaved again
so outrageously that he was publicly sentenced " to pass
through a guard of soldiers, receiving from each a blow on
his hinder part with their muskets," after which he was
shipped away. A year afterwards, being in extreme
danger of death, he made a free and full confession of all
the wrongs he had done the church and people.
Thus ended this affair, and with it all present effort after
any other minister than Elder Brewster. About two*years
afterwards Mr. Allerton brought over from England for
the colony "^one Mr. Rodgers, a young man, for minister ;"
but within a year, " proving crazied in his brain, they were
forced to be at further charge in sending him back, after
losing all the cost expended in bringing him over, which
was not small."J •
In the year 1629, Mr. Smith, one of the four ministers
who came over with the Salem oolonists, went with his
* Prince, p. 149, 153.
t Collections of Mass. Historical Society, for the year 1800, p. 274
t Bradford in Prince, p. 193.

329 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS.
family to some straggling people at Natasco ; and we find
the following rather curious record from Governor Brad
ford's Journal in regard to his final settlement for some
years at Plymouth : " Some Plymouth people," he says,
" putting in with a boat at Natasco (the old name for Nan
tasket, a peninsula near the entrance of Boston Harbor,
now caUed Hull), find Mr. Smith in a poor house that
would not keep him dry. He desires them to carry himto
Plymouth ; and seeing him to be a grave man, and under
standing he had been a minister, they bring him hither ;
where we kindly entertain him, send for his goods and
servants, desire him to exercise his gifts among us ; after
wards choose him into the ministry, wherein he remains
for sundry years."
Alden Bradford, in his History of Massachusetts, says of
Smith, that he was of an odd temperament, and supposed
sometimes to be partly insane.*
He was not in all respects fitted for his station, and
indeed it was many years before the church at Plymouth
enjoyed anything like the power and beauty of the minis
trations of their first beloved Pastor.
* Bradford's History of Mass., p. 21.

CHAPTER XXI.
THE FIRST CIVIL OFFENCE AND PUNISHMENT.  MILDNESS, FOR
BEARANCE, SELF-RESPECT, AND KINDNESS OF THE PILGRIMS.
¦  THE FIRST MURDERER AND HIS END.  THEIR VIEWS OF
CAPITAL PUNISHMENT FOR MURDER.  THE GREATNESS A.ND
WISDOM OF THEIR LEGAL REFORMS.
All the transactions of the colony described in the
earliest and most authentic records show the Plymouth
Pilgrims to have been as kind, patient, persevering, and
judicious a set of men as the Providence of God ever
coHected in one community. They manifested great
qualities both of mind and heart, of natural temperament
and piety. They maintained a very natural superiority
over all the successive settlements of New England, not
merely because theirs was the gfeat honor of pioneers in
suffering, but because, though in some after emigrations
there was greater dignity of circumstance, yet there was
never better stuff, nor equal endurance. They were up
right, generous, manly in character and sentiment. There
was a stamp of natural nobleness, openness, and courage,
as well as constant reliance upon God. They were above
every meanness and had a pure and high morality, and
though in an obscure, unthought of theatre, so acted in all
things, that now, when their whole stage with all the

330 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
scenery and persons is lifted into light with a world
critically gazing at it, there is nothing seen but what is as
noble and truly dignified as if it had been acted for the
world. The reason is, because it was not acted for the
world, but irrespective of the world, for conscience and
for God. The total absence of the fear of man has pro
duced the noblest epic in action of all secular ages.
The very first instances of crime among them being imi
tations in low life of English court bravery and gentility,
were such as stamped disgrace and ridicule upon it for all
coming time. It was good to have examples , of fashion
able wickedness put in so low and contemptible a setting
as that to which the Pilgrims shut it up, when the founda
tions of many generations were building. It was better
than the device of the Spartans to make their slaves drunk
that their children might abhor the beastly vice of intem
perance. Neck and heels of a serving man tied together
is a good posture for the perpetual effigy of a New Eng
land duellist. If the Pilgrims had set their ingenuity to
manufacture a caricature of affairs of honor for immortal
opprobrium and ridicule, they could not have done better.
It was only the second offence in the whole year's history
of the colony. Prince takes the account from Governor
Bradford's Register thus :
"June 18, 1621. The second offence is the first duel
fought in New England upon a challenge at single combat
with sword and dagger, between Edward Doty and
Edward Leister, servants of Mr. Hopkins. Both being
wounded, the one in the hand, the other in the thigh, they
are adjudged by the whole company to have their head and
feet tied together, and so to lie for twenty-four hours, with
out meat or drink: which is begun to be inflicted, but
within an hour, because of their great pains, at their own
and their master's humble request, upon promise of better
carriage, they are released by the Governor."
We should like to see all the duellists in the world tied

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENUJSB, AND PERSONS. 331
thus, neck and heels together ; honor to whom honor is
due. This punishment seems to have been very effectual.
It was used in the case of the first offence committed in
the colony, which was that of John Billington, a profane,
miserable wretch, " shuffled in" by some unaccountable
trickery among the Pilgrims at London, but who after
wards was hung for murder. March 24th 1621, he was
" convicted before the whole company for his contempt of
Captain Standish's lawful command with opprobrious
speeches : for which he was adjudged to have his neck and
heels tied together ; but upon humbling himself and craving
pardon, and it being the first offence, he is forgiven."
Governor Bradford, with an almost prophetic discern
ment «f the elements of character and their consequences,
declared in a letter to Mr. Cushman in 1624, concerning
this miserable fellow, who for some cause was a great
enemy of Cushman, that he was " a knave, and as such
would live and die." It was the Governor's opinion that he
was smuggled in most improperly among the Pilgrims in
England, at their first embarkation, but how he knew not.
He stained the soil of New England with the first murder,
being truly the Cain of that Eden of the New World. Mr.
Hubbard gives the account of his unprovoked crime and
its just retribution, in the following words ;
" About September, 1630, was one Billington executed at
Plymouth, for murder. When the world was first peopled,
and but one family to do that, there was yet too many to
live peaceably together ; so, when this wilderness began
first to be peopled by the English, when there was but one
poor town, another Cain was found therein, who malicious
ly slew his neighbor in the field, as he accidentally met him,
as himself was going to shoot deer. The poor fellow,
perceiving the intent of this Billington, his mortal enemy,
sheltered himself behind trees as well as he could for a
while ; but the other not being so ill a marksman as to ruin
his aim, made a shot at him, and struck him on the

332 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
shoulder, with which he died soon after. The murderer
expected that either for want of power to execute for
capital offences, or for want of people to increase the
plantation, he should have his life spared ; but justice other
wise determined, and rewarded him, the first murderer of
his neighbor there, with the deserved punishment of death,
for a warning to others."*
The trial of this murderer was a most important occa
sion. The colony were somewhat in doubt whether the
patent gave them authority in cases of life and death to
pass and execute judgment. They might deduce that au
thority from their own compact, but they were anxious to
proceed legally as well as justly, in right form as well as
in reality. They sought the advice of their brethf en in
Massachusetts, the case occurring in the same year with
the arrival of Governor Winthrop and the company of colo
nists along with him. Governor Winthrop in his journal
merely mentions the execution thus : "Billington executed at
Plymouth for murdering." But it appears from Hutchin
son, who, as Mr. Savage remarks, has perhaps digested all
that can be known in regard to that trial, that Mr. Win
throp, having consulted with the ablest gentlemen there,
concurred with the opinion at Plymouth that the man
ought to die, and the land be purged from blood. This was
founded on the divine command, "Whosoever sheddeth
man's blood, by man shall his blood be shed ; which was
not, in any case, to be dispensed with."f Hutchinson re
marks that they observed all the forms of law, there being
both grand jury and petty jury impanelled, and after in
dictment, verdict, and sentence, the criminal was executed.
They took their authority and obHgation of punishment by
death for the crime of murder directly from the Word of
God, regarding the old ordinance given to Noah as of uni
versal appointment for the guidance of mankind.
* Hubbard's Gen. Hist. New England, ch. xvii., p. 101. Mass. Hist. Coll.
t Hutchinson's Hist. Mass., vol. ii,, p, 413.

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 333
" They had need be very good artists," said Mr. Hubbard
on another occasion, " and go exactly to work, that lay the
foundation of a building ; for a little error there, may ap
pear very great and formidable in the superstructure, if
any thing be done out of square in the bottom, which at the
first is not easily discerned."
Now it is remarkable that in the first great instance of
capital legislation in this country, our Pilgrim Fathers went
not to the laws of England for their guidance, but to those
of God. On this point Dr. Bacon of New Haven has writ
ten admirably. What system of legislation should the oo
lonists take in founding a New World ? They could not
instantly frame a new system ; it must be the work of time
and experience. Should they take the laws of England ?
" Those were the very laws from which they fled. Those
laws would subject them at once to the king, to the parHa-
ment, and to the prelates, in their several jurisdictions.
The adoption of the laws of England -would have been fatal
to the object of their emigration." They could not take
the Roman civil law ; but they had a code of laws in every
man's hand in the Bible, laws given to a community emi
grating, like themselves, from their native country, for the
great purpose of maintaining in simplicity and purity the
worship of the one true God. Like the Israelites of old,
they were to be a people surrounded by the heathen, and
intermingled among them, and needing the influence of laws
framed with a special reference to such a corrupting neigh
borhood and intercourse. Like the Hebrews also they
were a free republican people, and needed laws for a com
munity where there was no absolute power, where there
were no privileged classes ; laws, whose aim should be that
equal and exact justice which is the only freedom.
Dr. Bacon proceeds to remark upon two of the most im
portant effects of their renouncing the laws of England and
adopting the Mosaic law ; first, the change of theiprinciple
on which inheritances were to be divided, rejecting the

334 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
English rule of giving all real estate to the eldest son, thus
doing away with the system of English aristocracy, and
promoting equality among the people ; and second, the
change in respect to the inflicting of capital punishment.
By this bold reformation, taking the Hebrew laws instead
of the laws of England, the colonists reduced the bloody
catalogue of crimes punishable by English law with death,
down at once from one hundred and fifty to eleven' ! Dr.
Bacon well remarks that " the greatest and boldest im
provement which has been made in criminal jurisprudence
by any one act since the dark ages, was that which was
made by our fathers, when they determined that the judi
cial laws of God as they were delivered by Moses, should be
accounted of moral equity, and generally bind aO offenders,
and be a rule to all the courts."*
On the greatness and wisdom of their legal reforms and
precedents, Prescott Hall has likewise written with great
beauty and power, somewhat in detail. He says that near
ly all the important alterations made in the jurisprudence of
New York within the last fifty years have been borrowed,
directly or indirectly, from the laws of New England, and
especiaHy from those of Connecticut. " Indeed, I may go
further, and say that there is scarcely a change, or an im
provement, called for or suggested by the distinguished
Lord Brougham in his great speech upon law reforms in
England, delivered in the House of Commons in the year
1828, but what may be found among the enactments of le
gislatures and the practice of courts in the Eastern States."
These great improvements were begun at once. " With
a bold defiance," says Mr. HaH, " of customs immemorial,
and of forms rendered sacred by antiquity, they commenced
the progress of legal ?eform from the moment their feet
first pressed the sqd of their new found country. With no
affected disregard for the wisdom and learning of their an
cestors, with no pretensions to a more perfect knowledge
* Bacon's Historical Discourses.

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 335
of man's true social condition than that which prevailed at
home, they did nevertheless at once institute the inquiry as
to how much of an antiquated system was suited to their
wants and condition. Having the common Statute law of
England open and before them, and with a steady eye up
on ancient precedents, they began a system of legal change
at once radical, yet conservative." Mr. Hall speaks of the
subject of non-imprisonment for debt, as considered and
acted on in New England two hundred years ago, and upon
the law for a complete registration of lands, and upon the
explosion of the complicated unnecessary forms in civil and
other proceedings ; simple and clear statements, and direct
straightforward pleadings coming in their place.
"And then," says he, "as to that law that prefers the
first born son to all others, in itself so iniquitous, what had
our ancestors to say to that ? They said it should be blot
ted out from the statute-book, once and for ever.
" How otherwise could equal rights be maintained or Re
publican forms of government be preserved ? In the proud
monarchies of Europe it became the policy of the aristo
cracy to preserve great estates in the same family in a di
rect line, that their influence might remain continuous and
unbroken— thus transmitting from father to son not only the
wealth of the ancestor but his political influence also.
" But in a free country how should we stand, if even
without political authority, the parent might entail upon his
son whole towns, and counties, and states ? Would free
men contentedly ride for thirty-seven miles by the side of
a great estate (as you may now in some parts of Great
Britain), with the reflection in their minds that in all time
to come, the influence of that proprietor and his descend
ants must remain unchecked and undisturbed ?
" What caused the first outbreaks among the people of
Rome when they left their city to take refuge on the sacred
Mount ? The monopoly of lands by the rich. What was
the remedy there? A division of those lands among

336 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
people who had no claim upon them but hard necessity.
But what agrarian law did our ancestors provide to check,
if not effectually destroy, this dangerous accumulation of
wealth in the same hands ? They said that lands, where
there was no will to direct otherwise, should descend to the
heirs alike. That personal property should be equally dis
tributed, and the power of entailment so limited that it must
be renewed in every generation, in order to be kept alive.
' This,' says Judge Story, ' is the true agrarian law which
in all time to come will guard the just rights of acquirement
and possession, and correct the great public evils of inor
dinate accumulations ; and you see how instantly our an
cestors seized upon and adopted this indispensable im
provement.' " Then the criminal laws of England, more bloody than
the laws of Draco, were all remodelled and their severities
softened down, even at that time when men's minds had not
begun much to consider this important matter. In all
things, I assert with confidence, in relation to the laws,
both public and private, our ancestors made great and mar
vellous improvements upon those of the land from whence
they took their origin. And these reforms became after
wards matters of the highest political concernment when
they had shaken off the control of the mother country. Re
publican in their habits of thinking and acting — republican
in their frugality — republican in their laws and forms of go
vernment, the States of New England were early prepared
for that great change wrought out for them by the War of
the Revolution.
" Their civil and political rights were well understood
from the very beginning: — they were preserved and cherish
ed through all their early struggles for existence — and were
all prepared to be acted upon when the day of trial came."*
* W. Prescott Hall's New England Society Address.

CHAPTER XXII.

THE FIRST TOWN MEETING.  PROVIDENTIAL DISCIPLINE AND
DEVELOPMENT OF FREEDOM.
From the Town meetings of New England, De Tocque-
ville deduces the whole grand fabric of civil liberty in these
United States. There is much truth in the conclusion.
The habit of thus meeting for consultation and decision on
all common and important business, constituted a discipline
of independence, freedom, and self-government, in the
State, of which the pattern was first taken from the
congregational independence and self-government under
Christ, which had for so many years been practised in the
Pilgrim Churches. This habit was the cradle of a well-
ordered civil, as well as religious liberty. These Town
meetings were at first composed mainly of members of the
Church ; for the greater number of the early Colonists
were such, by profession and covenant. And in the
manner of this action in civil affairs, they naturally and
spontaneously went on according to the habit they had
formed in religious affairs. The one ran into the other as
naturally as the oak grows out of the acorn, as sponta
neously as from the hidden germinating power and process
in the seed, or growth in the tree, spring to their develop
ment the blossom and the fruit. It was thus that the Vine
IS

338 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
out of Egypt, being caused to take deep root, filled the
land. The hills were covered with the shadows of it, and
the boughs thereof were like the goodly cedars. She sent
out her boughs unto the sea, and her branches unto the
river. They became so tough and strong, that the boar
out of the European woods might whet his tusks upon
them, but could not harm them.
The record of the first town meeting in New England,
nay, we might probably say in the whole world (for this
was quite an original phenomenon), is in this Journal of the
Pilgrims. The Era of the Town itself is fixed by Mr.
Prince, not upon the day on which the Pilgrims first broke
ground for building, nor the day on which they began to
erect the first house for settlement, but about a week after
wards, on the last day in the year 1620 (being the first
Lord's Day that any kept the Sabbath in the place of their
building), they having, up to that time, assembled on board
the May Flower, no other shelter being possible. There
is great propriety and beauty in this ; if the Pilgrims could
have determined upon it, they would have desired just such
a record. " At this time," says Mr. Prince, " we therefore
fix the Era of their settlement here ; to which they give
the name of Plymouth, the first English town in all this
country, in a grateful memory of the Christian friends they
found at Plymouth in England, as of the last town they
left in that their native land."
The labor of building the Town goes on through the
month of January, doubtless under the superintendence of
Governor Carver, whom they had chosen on board the
May Flower. We may say that all their consultations and
determinations, as on January 9th, concerning the manner
and division of labor in building, were the apparent germs
or buds of the future fully developed institutions of the
Town meeting. But the first decisive record is on Feb.
17th, when they met to appoint " military orders," and chose
and invested whh power accordingly. Miles Standish for

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 339
Captain. This, however, being mainly, if not solely, a
meeting fixed for those miHtary purposes alone, and having
been moreover interrupted by the first alarming presenta
tion of savages near the Town, which interruption was
renewed on two other occasions on which they had a
similar meeting, we pass to the last record in the Journal,
March 23, 1621, where the bud is, as it were, in full and
manifest development. It is a regular Town Meeting for
common business, as well as for the completion of their
" military orders," and for the forming of other laws con
venient for their present state. They then likewise re
elected Governor Carver for the following year.
Soon after this. Governor Carver having been removed
by death, there was another Town Meeting, at which Mr.
Bradford was chosen governor, with Mr. Allerton for his
assistant. June 18th, there was another, in which those
extraordinary duellists, the two family servants of Mr.
Hopkins, were " adjudged by the whole company " to their
suitable and disgraceful punishment. July 2d, there was
another Town Meeting ; August 13th, another, on a very
important occasion, called by the Governor, for aid of
council. Thus these Town Meetings, begun in the infancy
of the Colony, became its habit into manhood. They
were assemblies of the freest, most independent, most
mutually confidential character ; for consultation, delibe
ration, decision, on the most important affairs that could
come before the community. The Governor asked advice
at those meetings.
March 23d, 1623, we find the record of one of them as
follows : " Being a Yearly Court Day, the Governor com
municates his intelligence to the whole company (alarming
intelligence in regard to a conspiracy among the Indians),
and asks their advice ; who leave it to the Governor, with
his assistant and the Captain, to do as they think most
meet." The election days were Town Meeting days. In
the spring of 1624, we find the record of their proceed-

340 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
ings, in Prince's Chronology, as follows : " The time of our
electing officers for the year arriving, the Governor desires
the people both to change the persons, and add more
assistants to the Governor for council and help ; showing
the necessity of it ; that if it were a benefit or honor, it
was fit others should be partakers ; or if a burthen, it was
but equal others should help to bear it ; and that this was
to be the end of yearly elections. Yet they chose the
same Governor, namely, Mr. Bradford. But whereas there
was but one assistant, they now choose five, and give
the Governor a double voice."
Thus the discipline of the Colony in self-government
under God's good providence went on from year to year,
from less to greater, from very small assembhes to very
large ones, with which, if the Colony had begun, they
would not also have begun in them these all important,
open, free, deliberative meetings. God in his providence
taught them little by Httle. And he let all these fixtures of
the habits of a free State and people be confirmed and
rendered more complete for several years, before he let the
new and larger Colony at Salem come over to determine
their settlement and fixtures. When they did come, they
naturally fell, both in religious and civil affairs, into the
same excellent habits, in their church covenant and busi
ness, and in free deliberation in Town Meetings, into which
God had disciplined the Plymouth Pilgrims before them,
and which by their example he had shown to be so admi
rably fitted for the purposes of piety, industry, virtue,
public spirit, self denial, firmness, brotherly kindness,
patience, wisdom, and freedom.
The origin of town governments, which Mr. Baylies
thinks involved in some obscurity, seems very plainly to
be found in the condition of the Colony of Plymouth dur
ing the first twelve years, in which the town, being the
whole Colony, " exercised all those functions of govern
ment, which are now performed in towns, counties, and

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 341
commonwealths."* The town was also the Church. After
wards, when other settlements were made, churches were
formed to make them, and then by acts of incorporation
they became towns. Even the ministers were settled by
the towns in town meetings, and the salary was established
and annually voted. Thus it is true that to the independ
ent churches is to be traced the origin of those independent
communities, which assumed the name of towns ; in the
independent churches, indeed, is the germ of all our liberties,
both civil and religious.
Mr. Baylies has remarked that the system of town-go-
vernmentsis neither known in England, nor does it prevail
in the Southern States. " Those who are strangers to our
customs are surprised to find the whole of New England
divided into a vast number of little democratic republics,
which have full power to do all those things which most
essentially concern the comforts, happiness, and wants of
the people. Under the government of these Httle repub
lics, society is trained in habits of order, and the whole
people acquire a practical knowledge of legislation within
their own sphere. To this mode of government may be
attributed that sober and reflecting character, almost pe
culiar to the people of New England, and their general
knowledge of politics and legislation. Many distinguished
orators and statesmen have made their first essays in town
meetings." Truly it was a process of God's guidance with our
fathers, which we can never enough admire, in which he
wrought out, by their gradual experience, the frame and
model, the statutes and habits, of a free, well-ordered, self-
governed. Christian State. This was not speculation on
government, either ecclesiastical or civil, by men's theories,
but action, by the light of God's Word, under the leadings
of God's Providence. It was neither Milton, nor Alger
non Sidney, nor Hooker, nor Bacon, teaching how a Chris-
* Baylies' Hist. Memoir of Plymouth, 240, 241, 256.

342 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
tian freedom might be man's possibility and privilege ; it
was God revealing it in actual possession.
They were humble, unostentatious, obscure men, most of
them, whom God chose as his instruments in this demon
stration ; men schooled in self-denial, prepared by a baptism
in hardship and suffering ; men of calm resolution, unrepin
ing endurance, and cheerful trust in God. These men, and
not the speculative philosophers of Church and State des
potisms, were the instruments of God in opening and
demonstrating to the world the truths essential to the
world's peace, on which only the world's welfare could
rest, by the working of which alone the world's kingdoms
could be conducted to the enjoyment of an indestructible
liberty. And not the Courts of regal, or representative,
or hierarchical grandeur ; not the parliaments, or diets, or
consulting assemblages of kingdoms a thousand years old ;
nor yet the applauded public stage of great cities, nor
palace halls beneath the shadow of grand cathedrals, nor
the magnificent cathedrals themselves, were the places •
which God chose for these last and grandest " births of
time," for the suggestion or the demonstration of these
simple, yet mighty truths ; but the shadows of the primeval
forest, log-huts in the wilderness, rough unbuilded hamlets
of poor, wasted, dying men ; conventicles, wigwams, and
Town-meetings. The opening of these truths was to be from point to point,
not all at once, as a flood of supernatural light, but disci
plinary, providential. And the experimental demonstration
of these truths was to be as gradual as the growth of a
vigorous, free. Christian State, in perfect religious liberty,
beneath their light and influence. As a child passes from
discipline to discipline, from school to school, from lower
to higher masters and branches of knowledge, so from step
to step God led on our Fathers. He led them so naturaHy,
that at that time they could no more see the great end to
which he was bringing them, or the expected and intended

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 343
oonsummation of light, than a being ignorant of the material
processes of our world, who should be placed for the first
time where he could watch the dawning of the day, could
measure the stealthy imperceptible steps of the morning,
or predict the glorious appearance of the sun. Indeed, at
the time, they were often so overwhelmed with difficulties,
and absorbed in the questions of this day's and the morrow's
preservation, that as to God's providence and intentions, or
their own discoveries of his ftiture will, they were like men
lost in catacombs, and feeling their way in almost total
darkness. Nevertheless, they were coming to discoveries
which were to renew the face of the earth ; they were
working out problems, by the solution of which the world
was to be brought from its abode with the dead into the
light of the Hving. Problems they were, upon the solution
of which they could merely enter, merely take the first
steps, while other generations would be requisite to com
plete them ; but the right entrance was essential, a begin
ning in and from God's Word ; and- had not the first steps
been steps in God, the after-progress would have been
from intricacy to intricacy, instead of opening into perfect
day. It is one of the most instructive things in the world,
to watch the beginnings and utter shipwreck and failure oi
several other enterprises, side by side with that of our
Pilgrim Fathers, but not, like that, conducted with a su
preme regard to God's glory, in obedience to God's Word,
and in entire dependence on God's providence and grace.

CHAPTER XXIII.

GOVERNOR BRADFORD S LETTER BOOK.
It was an incomparable and most grievous carelessness
that suffered the precious manuscript of Governor Brad
ford's Letter Book to be lost. The only remnant saved is
to be found in the volume of the Massachusetts Historical
Collections for 1794, having been accidentally discovered
in a grocer's shop in Halifax. It begins on the 339th page,
the whole 338 preceding pages being lost irrecoverably.
Into this work Governor Bradford seems to have systema
tically copied the whole of his correspondence relating to
the affairs of the colony, interspersing and connecting it
with remarks illustrative, and of the deepest interest, so
that the whole formed an invaluable history.
The first document in it is a letter to Bradford, Allerton,
and Winslow, and the rest of the colony through them,
written doubtless by Mr. Sherley, but signed by eight
among the Adventurers, who were of a good spirit, if the
temper of the letter were theirs collectively, as it surely
was of some severally. The letter is dated April 7, 1624.
Of the man Weston it speaks in the following terms :
" It is a dangerous case, when a man groweth naught in
prosperity, and worse in adversity ; and what can the end
of all this be, but more and more misery? And for con-

PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 345
elusion with him, you may show him what we have wrote
about him ; and if that satisfy him not, but that he shaU
still follow his mad and malicious practices against you,
warn him out of your precincts, and let it be upon his peril
to set foot thereon ; it being indeed no reason that a whole
plantation should be disturbed or indamaged by the frantic
humors of any one man whatsoever."
There are the foHowing admirable Christian counsels
set down in this letter, and worthy to be extracted and
read. " Let it not offend you that we wish you to look to your
selves, as first, that you walk close with God, being fre
quent and fervent in prayer, instruction, and doctrine, both
openly and privately. Secondly, that you instruct and
bring up your young ones in the knowledge and fear of
God, restraining them from idleness and profanation of the
Sabbath. Thirdly, that you freely and readily entertain
any honest men into your church estate and society, though
with great infirmities and difference of judgment ; taking
heed of too great straitness and singularity even in that
particular. Fourthly, that there be fervent love and close
cleaving together among you that are fearers of God,
without secret whispering or undermining one of another,
and without contempt or neglect of such as are weak and
helpless, if honest, amongst you. This do, and in all things
be humble, cheerful, and thankful ; that if you cannot grow
rich in this world, yet you may be rich in grace ; and if
you can send us no other treasure, yet let all that visit you
bring from you the fame of honesty, religion, and godliness,
which we trust shall comfort us more than all else you can
send us in this world."
It was comforting to the Pilgrims to know that there
were some men of this spirit of piety still standing by
them among the Adventurers ; and it was good to receive -
such counsels, for it made the colonists see and feel how
the eyes of the world were upon them.
15*

346 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
The next letter. Governor Bradford says, is the first
received from England after the breach and separation
between the Adventurers and the Pilgrims. It is signed
by Messrs. Sherley, Collier, Fletcher, and Holland ; but as
Sherley at that time was sick, and thought to be nigh unto
death. Governor Bradford concludes that the letter was
written by Mr. Cushman at the request of the others. It
bears internal evidence of being Mr. Cushman's. The
following extract may show its excellent spirit and tenor
in respect to advice and counsel.
"Seeing our generality (that is, the Company of Adven
turers) here is dissolved, let yours be the more firm ; and
do not you like those carnal people, which run into evils
and inconveniences by examples, but rather be warned by
your harms, to cleave faster together hereafter. Take
heed of long and sharp disputes and opposition ; give no
passage to the waters, no, not a tittle ; let not hatred or
heart-burning be harbored in the breast of any of you one
moment, but forgive and forget all former failings and
abuses, and renew your love and friendship together daily.
There is often more sound friendship and sweeter fellow
ship in afflictions and crosses, than in prosperity and
favors ; and there is reason for it ; because envy flieth
away, when there is nothing but necessities to be looked
on, but is always a bold guest where prosperity shows
itself" " And although we here, which are hedged about with so
many favors and helps in worldly things and comforts, for
get friendship and love, and oftentimes fall out for trifles,
yet must not you do so, but must in these things turn a
new leaf, and be of another spirit. We here can fall out
with a friend and lose him to-day, and find another to
morrow ; but you cannot do so ; you have no such choice ;
you must make much of them you l^ve, and count him a
very good friend, which is not a professed enemy. We
have a trade and custom of tale-bearing, whispering, and

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 347
changing of old friends for new, and these things with us
are incurable. But you, which do, as it were, begin a new
world, and lay the foundation of sound piety and humanity
for others to follow, must suffer no such weeds in your
garden, but nip them in the head, and cast them out for
ever ; and must follow peace and study quietness, having
fervent love amongst yourselves, as a perfect and entire
bond to uphold you when all else fails you.
" And albeit the company here, as a company, hath lost
¦ you ; you know when Saul left David, yea and pursued
him, yet David did not abuse his allegiance and loyalty to
him ; no more should you : the evil pf us here cannot
justify any evil in you, but you must still do your duty,
though we neglect ours. We think it but reason, that
after your necessities are served, you gather together such
commodities as the country yields, and send them over to
pay debts and clear engagements here, which are not less
than 1400 pounds.
" Have an eye rather on your ill-deservings at God's
hand, than upon the failings of your friends towards you ;
and wait on him. with patience and good conscience ;
rather admiring his mercies than repining at his crosses,
with the assurance of faith, that what is wanting here
shall be made up in glory a thousand fold. Go on, good
friends, comfortably pluck up your hearts cheerfully, and
quit yourselves like men in all difficulties, that through dis
pleasure and threats of men, yet the work may go on
which you are about, and not be neglected, which is as
much for the glory of God and the furtherance of our
countrymen, -as that a man may with the more comfort
spend his life in it, than Hve the life of Methusaleh in
wasting the plenty of a tilled land, or eating the fruit of a
grown tree."
This curious letter, which Governor Bradford says is in
Cushman's hand, bears marks of the same style of author
ship conspicuous in the discourse on self-love, which Mr.

348 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
Cushman deHvered to the Pilgrims when he was himself
at Plymouth in 1621. But it is evident that he would not
have written it,^except at the desire and in behalf of the
adventurers. It is an apology for their own ill conduct,
and a deprecation of any retaliation for the same on the
part of the Pilgrims. The Adventurers wish to secure them
selves, and although in breaking up the Company, and the
greater part of them turning against the Colony, they had
forfeited all legal claim on account of the partnership, yet
they must have their debts paid, and the other Pilgrims must
pay them.
And whereas vicious courses may be pursued in Eng
land, and much worldly comfort still retained, and new
friends gained in the place of old ones discarded, yet
seeing this cannot be the case among the Pilgrims, they
must at all hazards pursue the path of self-denial, and stick
close to habits of virtue. And whereas in England money
and goods were to be got at six per cent, interest, the
Colony, as expecting hardships, and now in some measure
accustomed to them, must not think strange if they have to
pay seventy per cent, for the same. " And it standeth you
in need the more carefully to look to, and make much of all
your commodities, by how much the more they are
chargeable to you ; and though we hope you shall not
want things necessary, yet we think the harder they are got
the more carefully they wiH be husbanded. Good friends,
as you buy them, keep a decorum in distributing them, and
let none have varieties and things for delight, when others
want for their mere necessities."
This was written to a people, who were all laboring
with their hands for their daily bread, and struggling also
for the subsistence of others thrown upon them. Little need
there was, truly, of cautioning them to make much of such
costly commodities, and to have a decorum about dis
tributing them for mere delight and variety, when they
were charged for them seventy per cent, advance on the

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 349
prices which they cost the Adventurers in England I And
yet these commodities about which they were to be so
careful lest any should have them for superfluities, were
the very necessaries of life to the Colony ; as cattle, cloth,
hose, shoes, leather, and so forth. The Adventurers
thought the harder they were got, the more carefully they
would be husbanded; and therefore with kindly foresight
made them seventy per cent, more costly than they were
at home ! A sure way to encourage industry, self-denial,
and economical husbandry !
We think neither Mr. Sheriey nor Mr. Cushman could
have been partners, except from sheer necessity, and to
avoid a greater evil, to such transactions. Indeed, we
doubt if Mr. Sherley knew anything about the detail of
these measures, for he was at this time at 'the point of
death. And Mr. Cushman wrote, on his behalf and his
own, to Governor Bradford, as follows :
"Mr. Sherley, who lieth even at the point of death, en
treated me, even with tears, to write to excuse him, and
signify how it was with him. He remembers his hearty,
and as he thinks last salutations, to you and all the rest,
who love our common cause. And if God does again
raise him up, he will be more for you, I am persuaded,
than ever he was. His unfeigned love towards us hath
been such as I cannot express ; and though he be a man not
swayed with passion, or led by uninformed affections, yet
hath he cloven to us still, amidst all persuasions of op
posites, and could not be moved to have an evil thought of
us, for all their clamors. His patience and contentment
in being oppressed hath been much. He hath sometimes
lent 800 pounds at one time, for other men to adventure in
this business, all to draw them on ; and hath indeed by his
free-heartedness, been the only glue of the company.
And if God should take him now away, I scarce think much
more would be done, save to inquire as to the dividend,
what is to be had."

350 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
This last sarcastic sentence shows Mr. Cushman's own
opinion as to the ihen they had to deal with. Mr.
Sheriey was the only glue of the company.
Mr. Cushman himself was intending now to quit England
for' ever, and join the Pilgrims. In this, which was the
last letter he ever wrote, he begs Governor Bradford to
take care of his son, who was already in the Colony,
as of his own ; and he says, " I hope the next ships to
come to you ; in the mean space and ever, the Lord be
all your direction, and turn all our crosses and troubles to
hi^ own glory and our comforts ; and give you to walk so
wisely and hoHly, as none may justly say but they have
always found you honestly minded, though never so poor."
This letter was dated December 22, 1 624, and it was his
last. Instead of Mr. Sherley, he himself was taken, and
Governor Bradford remarks, while recording his death,
what cause have we ever to be ready ! " He was now
taken from these troubles, into which, by this division, we
were so deeply plunged. And here I must leave him to
rest with the Lord."
Governor Bradford's own letter in answer to Mr. Cush
man reached London of course, not till after Mr. Cushman's
death. It is affecting to see in it the proofs of familiar con
fidence and love, and the interchange of Httle messages of
affection. " Your son and all of us," he says, " are in good
health, blessed be God, and he received the things you sent
him. I hope God will make him a good man. My wife
remembers her love unto you, and thanks you for her spice.
Billington still rails against you, and threatens to arrest
you, I know not wherefore. He is a knave, and so will
live and die."
This Billington was the same who committed the first
offence in the Colony at Plymouth. He was a profane,
hardened wretch, and came to his death on the gallows, for
the crime of murder.
Governor Bradford says in this letter, " Except we may

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 351
have things, both more serviceable and at better rates, we
shall never be able to rub through. Our people will never
agree any way, again to unite with the Company, who
have cast them off with such reproach and contempt, and
also returned their bills and all debts upon their heads.
But as for those our loving friends, who have and still do
stick to us, and are deeply engaged for us, and are most
careful of our goods, for our parts we will ever be ready
to do anything that shall be thought equal and meet.
" But I think it will be best to press a clearance with the
Company, either by coming to a dividend, or some other
indifferent course of composition ; for the longer we hang
and continue in this confused and lingering condition, the
worse it will be, for it takes away all heart and courage
from men to do anything. For notwithstanding any per
suasion to the contrary, many protest they will never build
houses or plant fruits for those, ¦who not only forsake them,
but use them as enemies, loading them with reproach and
contumely. Nay, they will rather ruin that which is done,
than they should possess it. Whereas, if they knew what
they should trust to, the place would quickly grow and
flourish with plenty, for they never felt the sweetness of
the country till this year ; and now not only we, but all
planters in the land begin to do it. The Lord hath so gra
ciously disposed, that when our opposites thought that
many would have followed their faction, they so distasted
their palpable dishonest dealings, that they stuck more
firmly unto us, and joined themselves to the Church."
The next thing Governor Bradford did in this business,
was to write a letter to the Council of New England,
supplicating their help in compelling the Adventurers to
come to some just composition. For the carrying and
pursuit of this application in London, the Colony chose
Captain Miles Standish, who, as we have seen, arrived on
his business in the midst of a fervent pestilence, by reason
of which he could accomplish little or nothing.

352 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
In this letter to the Council, Governor Bradford speaks
of the many necessities the Pilgrims have undergone,
"incident to the raw and immature beginnings of such
great exertions, and the more to which they are still
subject." " We ^re many people consisting of all sorts, as well
women and children, as men ; and are now left and forsa
ken of our Adventurers, who wiH neither supply us with
necessaries for our subsistence, nor suffer others that would
be willing ; neither can we be at liberty to deal with
others, or provide for ourselves, but they keep us tied to
them, and yet they will be loose from us. They have not
only cast us off, but entered into particular courses of
trading, and have by violence and force taken at their
pleasure our possessions at Cape Ann. Traducing us with
unjust and dishonest clamors abroad, disturbing our peace
at home, and some of them threatening that if ever we
grow to any good estate, they will nip us in the head.
Which discouragements do cause us to slack our diligence
and our care to build and plant, not knowing for whom we
work, whether friends or enemies. Our humble suit there
fore to your good lordships and honors is, that seeing they
have so unjustly forsaken us, that you would vouchsafe to
convene them before you, and take such order, as we may
be free from them, and they come to a division with us,
that we and ours may be delivered from their evil intents
against us."
The visit of Captain Standish, though in the midst of the
plague, was doubtless of some benefit towards inclining
the Adventurers to come to some agreement with the
Colony ; and the next year, 1626, Mr. AHerton was sent to
England to see, what could be done. The documents are
set down in Governor Bradford's Letter Book ; first the
bond of the Colonists, by which Mr. Allerton succeeded in
getting a loan of 200 pounds, at thirty per cent, interest,
as is stated in Governor Bradford's own words, as follows ;

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 353
" Upon this order he got two hundred pounds, but it was
at thirty in the hundred interest, by which it appears in
what straits we were. And yet this was upon better terms
than the goods which were sent us the year before, being
at forty-five per cent., so that it was God's marvellous
providence that we were ever able to wade through
things ; as wiH better appear, if God give me life and
opportunity to handle them more particularly, in another
treatise more at large, as I desire and purpose, if God
permit, with many other things, in a better order."
Besides getting this supply of money at such usurious
and destructive interest, Mr. AHerton succeeded in bring
ing the Adventurers to a composition and agreement, the
deed of which is recorded in full in the Letter Book, with
the signatures of the Adventurers thereto, in number forty-
two. By this deed the Adventurers sold to Isaac Allerton,
in behalf of the planters at New Plymouth, in consideration
of the sum of eighteen hundred pounds sterling, all their
property and right in the stocks, shares, lands, merchandise,
and chattels of the Colony. The money to be paid 200
pounds yearly, beginning on the feast day of St. Michael,
1628. " Thus all now is become our own," adds Governor Brad
ford, " and doubtless this was a great mercy of God with
us, and a great means of our peace and better subsistence,
and wholly dashed all the plots and devices of our enemies
both there and here, who daily expected our ruin, disper
sion, and utter subversion by the same ; but their hopes
were thus far prevented, though with great care and labor
we were left to struggle with the payment of the money."
The next letter in Governor Bradford's Letter Book is
from Mr. Sherley to his friend the Governor, dated London,
Dec. 27, 1627, concerning the conclusion of this same
agreement. He says, " we cannot but all take notice how
the Lord hath been pleased to cross our proceedings, and
caused many disasters to befall us therein ; and sure I con-

354 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
ceive the only cause to be that we, or many of us here,
aimed at other ends than God's glory ; but now I hope that
cause is taken away, the bargain being fully completed."
He speaks of the malice of some against himself on account
of his unshaken friendship for the Pilgrims and the colony ;
and he says, that now, if they do but have content and
peace among themselves and with the natives, doubtless
" the God of peace will bless your going out and returning
in, and cause all to which you set your hand to prosper ;
the which I shall ever pray the Lord to grant, if it be his
most blessed will, and that for Jesus Christ's sake."
Governor Bradford, out of the fulness of his heart, sets a
star to this prophecy of God's blessing, and says in a note,
" He hath hitherto done it, blessed be his name !"
In a letter of Mr. Sherley's to Governor Bradford, in
November, 1628, he says, " It is true, as you write, your
engagements are great, not only the purchase, but you are
yet necessitated to take up the stock you work upon, and
that not at six or eight per cent., as it is here let out, but at
thirty, forty, yea and some fifty per cent., which were not
your gains great, and God's blessing on your honest endea
vors more than ordinary, it could not be that you should
long subsist, in the maintaining and upholding of your
worldly affairs."
After this letter follows a copy of the agreement made,
as noted in Chapter III., between eight of the principal Pil
grims and the rest of the colony, for an exclusive pursuit of
the trade of the colony for six years, in consideration of
which they, the eight aforesaid, and four others, whom they
procured to join them in London in this bargain, took upon
themselves the payment of all the debts of the colony; the
trade to return to the colony as before at the expiration of
the six years. The Governor gives the reasons for this
engagement, particularly their desire to transport as many
of their Leyden brethren to the colony as possible, they
being unable to come of themselves. The whole arrange-

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 355
ment was one of admirable wisdom,.and issued in complete
success. The four friendly adventurers of London, who
were helpers in it, were, Sherley, Beauchamp, Andrews, and
Hatherly. Mr. Sherley wrote in 1629, as follows : " In all
respects I do not see but you have done marvellously dis
creetly and advisedly, and no doubt it gives all parties
good content." Mingled with these business letters are
ever and anon interspersed pleasant and homely memorials
of love. " My wife desires to be remembered to you and
yours, and I think she has put up a small token, as a pair
of stockings, for you."
" Mr. Bradford," adds Mr. Sherley in a postscript, " give
me leave to put you in mind of one thing. Mr. Allerton
hath been a trusty, honest friend to you all, either there or
here ; and if any do speak ill of him, believe them not.
Indeed, they have been unreasonably chargeable, yet grudge,
and are not contented. Verily, their indiscreet carriage
here hath so abated my affection towards them, as, were
Mrs. Robinson well over, I would not disburse one penny
for the rest."
The Governor then explains this, saying that the offence
was given by some of their Leyden friends, whom they had
undertaken to transport to the colony, but redounded to the
prejudice of the whole. He says that this company were
fewer in number than the one previous, though their ex
penses came to a hundred pounds more. " And notwith
standing this indiscretion, yet they were such as feared
God, and were to us both welcome and useful for the most
part ; they were also kept at our charge eighteen months,
and all new apparelled, and all other charges defrayed."
The next letter is from Mr. Sherley to the Governor and
the Pilgrims, giving an account of the immense labor, tur
moil, and expense, which it had cost Mr. Allerton to get a
new patent of incorporation, for which they were suing ;
how he was put off and referred from one to another, and
from place to place, day after day, from Lord Keeper to

356 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
Lord Treasurer, and from Lord Treasurer to the Council
Table, and at great cost of " many riddles which must be
re-solved, and many locks opened with the silver, nay,
the golden key ; a costly and tedious business."
" Loving friends and partners," says Mr. Sherley, " be
no ways discouraged with the greatness of the debt. Let
us not fulfil the proverb, ' bestow twelve pence on a purse,
and put sixpence in it ;' but as you and we have been at
great charge, and undergone much for settling of you there,
and to gain experience, so, as God shall please to enable
us, let us make use of it, and not think with fifty pounds a
year sent over, to raise such means to pay our debts." " I
know I write to godly, wise, and understanding men, such
as have learned to bear one another's infirmities, and re
joice at any one's prosperity ; and if I were able, I would
press this the more, because it is hopedby some of your and
our enemies, that you will fall out among yourselves, and so
overthrow our hopeful business. Nay, I have heard it cre
dibly reported that some have said, that till you be disjointed
by discontents and factions amongst yourselves, it boots not
for any to go over, in hope of getting or doing good in
these parts ; but we hope better things of you."
Experience is indeed a costly commodity. What a pic
ture is here of the malignity which the Pilgrims had to en
counter. This fierce and spiteful hope against them was
nothing less than an expectation and desire of the entire
up-breaking of their whole system of religion, church, go
vernment, and colony ; and then a plantation of the Estab
lishment of England should have been settled " to do good
in those parts."
Governor Bradford adds some particulars as to the great
ness of the debts they had to assume and incur. " The
last company of our friends," he says, " came at such a
time of the year, as we were fain to keep them eighteen
months at our charge, ere they could reap any harvest to
live upon ; all which together fell heavy upon us, and made

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 357
the burthen greater ; that if it had not been God's mercy,
it is a wonder we had not sunk under it, especially other
things occurring, whereby we were greatly crossed in our
supplies for trade, by which these sums should have been
repaid." From the perusal of these extracts my readers will see
both with what method and care Governor Bradford kept
his various records for the History of the Colony, and what
great and valuable light the contents of his Letter Book
must have shed upon the continuous course of their affairs
from the beginning. Three hundred and thirty-eight pages
of that precious register served as the wrappers of English
groceries in Halifax.

CHAPTER XXIV.

THE ANTiaUITIES OF PLYMOUTH.  THE HOUSES AND ARMOR
OF THE PILGRIMS.  DESCRIPTION OP THEIR MODE OP PUB
LIC WORSHIP.
It is pleasant to feel, in visiting Plymouth, that there is
no possibility of misplaced or mistaken enthusiasm. You
may without doubt press with your own feet the spot first
trodden by your fathers, to lay there the foundation of your
New England home. The way in which this certainty has
been preserved, and made now inextinguishable, is of no
Httle interest. In the year 1741, there was living near Ply
mouth the last ruling elder in the first church of Plymouth,
Thomas Faunce by name. He died not tiH the year 1745,
at the great age of 99. Holmes, in his American Annals,
says that Elder Faunce knew well the Rock on which the
Pilgrims first landed, and that it was his tears, perhaps,
"which saved it from oblivion. In 1741, it formed part of the
natural shore of the harbor, where the water flowed at
highest tide, as when the Pilgrims stepped out from their
shaHop. There seems to have been neither wharf nor made
land interrupting or concealing it. In that year the pro
ject was entertained of building a wharf, which would co
ver it, and the idea of thus losing from sight this sacred
memorial of the Pilgrims, was so distressing to the vene-

PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 359
rable patriarch, that he wept on hearing of it, left his home
at the age of 95, and " in the presence of many citizens" at
Plymouth, pointed out that Rock as the very spot declared
by the Pilgrims themselves, with whom he had been con
temporary, to be the' identical rock on which they landed.
Deacon Ephraim Spooner, who was 52 years town clerk of
Plymouth, and who died in 1818, at the age of 83, was pre
sent at the above-mentioned interview of the citizens at the
Rock with Elder Faunce, in the year 1741.
When the Revolutionary conflict was impending, just
before the breaking out of the war, the patriots of Plymouth
are described as having undertaken, in the earnestness of
their zeal, to remove the whole Pilgrim Rock, or a large
part of it, to the Town Square, in order to make there a
patriotic rendezvous and liberty-pulpit, to excite the people
against the oppressions of England. In these energetic
efforts, having split off a huge fragment of the Rock, they
concluded to let the original ledge remain as it was, and by
means of some twenty yoke of oxen dragged their prize, to
the Town Square, where they put up a liberty pole, and
made the Rock one of4;he stepping-stones of American inde
pendence. There it remained till 1834, when it was with
suitable ceremonies inaugurated as a sort of monumental sar
cophagus, within the iron railing in front of Pilgrim Hall,
where it is now to be seen. The people of Plymouth will
not have done their duty to the original Rock, till they
make a little park around it, down to the water's edge,
where annually there might be a pleasant ceremony of
landing from the sea, as solemn and magnificent as that of
dropping a ring into the Adriatic at Venice, and much more
glorious in its meaning. The Rock now in front of the
Hall, with the inscribed names in black around it, might be
apt to suggest to the mind the idea of a coffin or monumen
tal urn, with the pall-bearers. It looks too hearse-like, for
a pleasant impression, such as one would wish to have be-

360 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
fore that relic, which is the emblem of life, not death, for
New England.
The antiquities of the first band of the Puritans in New
England are few, and therefore the more precious. What
there are, are quite undoubted, and we have a feeling for
them like that of Paul, when he spoke of the golden pot
that had the manna, and Aaron's rod that budded ; things,
however sacred, which God did not suffer to be preserved,
any more than the brazen serpent in the wilderness, lest
they should produce a mongrel superstitious Romanism be
fore its time ; an earnest of the idolatry of the Man of Sin
and Son of Perdition before his development. Neverthe
less, we would have been grateful had there been preserv
ed one or two houses, with their furniture, of the earliest
Pilgrim settlers in Plymouth. It is little more than two
hundred years, and yet not a dwelling remains.
The first habitations constructed must have been inferior
and rude, and in the whole of the first year's time they had
but seven. Their houses were of thatched roofs, and-from
Mr. Winslow's letter contained in the volume of their
Journal, it would appear that for windows, to keep out the
weather and let in the light, they used paper, saturated with
linseed oil. On occasions of state, such as the reception of
Massasoit, the Indian king, they had a green rug that they
could spread, and some cushions. From the beautiful spe
cimen preserved in Pilgrim Hall, of the needlework of one
of the daughters of Captain Miles Standish, we see that the
New England women knew how-to adorn their houses and
make them comfortable. " She seeketh wool and flax, and
worketh willingly with her hands. She layeth her hands
to the spindle, and her hands hold the distaff. She is not
afraid of the snow for her household, for all her household
are clothed with double garments." Not afraid of the
snow ! A New England characteristic, that. And how
beautiful, with all that economy and industry of household

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 361
comfort, the higher delineation of the sacred writer, " She
stretcheth out her hand to the poor, yea, she reacheth forth
her hands to the needy."
They were all poor and sad and needy that first year
and many were dying ; yet did they work while the day
lasted, with cheerful, indefatigable courage. " We agreed,"
say the Pilgrims in their Journal, " that every man should
build his own house, thinking by that course men would
make more haste than working in common. The common
house, in which for the first year we made our rendezvous,
being nearly finished (a month or so after the landing),
wanted only covering, it being about twenty feet square.
Some should make mortar, and some gather thatch ; so that
in four days half of it was thatched. Frost and foul wea
ther hindered us much." Little room there was for orna
ment. Each man building his own house in this winter
weather, would think himself but too happy in a dwelling
of rough logs. And the timber had to be feHed, and the
stuff provided, in intervals between storms, an^sometimes
with musket in hand, for fear of sudden assaults from the
savages. Would that one of those earliest houses, erected
that first winter, had been preserved !
We have spoken of the mildness of this first winter.
Wood says, in his New England's Prospect,* that it is ob
served by the Indians that every ten years there is little or
no winter, an observation confirmed by the experience of
the English ; for the year of the Plymouth men's arrival
was no winter in comparison ; and in the tenth year like
wise after that, when the great company settled in Massa
chusetts Bay, it was a very mild season. There was little
frost and less snow, but clear serene weather, with but few
Northwest winds, which was a great mercy to the settlers,
so little protected from the severity of the weather. He
adds that the climate is much less cold-catching tha!n in
England, and in proof of this he gives the decorum of
* Wood's New England Prospect, p. 5.
16

362 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
men's noses at meeting. In the public assemblies he says
it is strange to hear a man sneeze or cough as ordinarily
they do in Old England.
We find from the Journal that the Pilgrims not only had
muskets and other weapons, but some of them went clad
in suits of complete armor, as is manifest from the descrip
tion of their encounters with the Indians. Sometimes they
were surprised without their armor, which would be a com
plete defence against the arrows of their enemies. They
had their armor at hand, on the morning of the great en
counter with some twenty or thirty of the savages, Dec.
8th, 1620 ; but it being yet dark, and just after morning
prayers, and they just preparing for breakfast, when they
had just camped and gathered fire- wood, they had not yet
girded it on ; and indeed, not expecting any use for it that
day, they were for carrying it down to the shallop, where
it would be all ready for their embarkation. Two or three
among them declared they would not carry theirs, till they
were ready to go themselves. Meantime some had^arried
theirs down, and left it lying on the sands, while they them
selves came up again for breakfast ; when suddenly a ter
rific war-whoop sounded from the woods, and a whole vol
ley of arrows came flying in amongst them. The men ran
out, and by the good providence of God, say the Pilgrims,
recovered their arms, but they could not then have had
time to buckle on their armor. Yet not a single arrow hit
any one of them, though the conflict lasted a good while.
They had nothing but matchlocks to their muskets, so that
it took some time to light their matches, and while doing
this with the firebrands, they afforded a plain mark for the
Indians. In the dark of the morning, as they said, they
could not themselves so well discern the Indians among the
trees, as the Indians could see them by their fire-side. It
was a most perilous interruption of their breakfast, and al
together a terrible encounter, though most providentially,
with not the slightest injury on their part. They gathered

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 363
up eighteen of the arrows, brazen-headed, horn-headed, and
otherwise, and sent them to their friends in England.
Their armor is described in some of the records of
the Colonists. Of the settlers at Virginia, Captain John
Smith says that they all had, besides each his " peice," a
jack, coat of mail, and sword, or rapier. In a record con
cerning the Salem Colonists in 1629,* there is note of an
agreement " with Mr. Thomas Stevens, Armorer in But-
tolph Lane, for twenty arms, namely, corset, breast, back,
culet, gorget, tasses and head piece to each, varnished all
black, with leathers and buckles, at seventeen shillings
each armour, excepting four which are to be with close
head pieces, and these four armours at twenty-four shillings
a piece." Forty bandileers of neat's leather in broad girdles
with boxes for twelve cartridges were also contracted for.
For a scouting party, or a tramp through the woods, this
heavy armor must have been a great incumbrance, but it
would render them fire-J3roof against all the weapons of the
Indians. On one occasion they say, we marched through
boughs and bushes, and under hills and valleys, which tore
our very armor in pieces. They were then in pursuit of
the Indians, whom they had followed long already without
success, and who now took to another wood, and set their
pursuers, with their armor and snaphances, at defiance.
Indeed, what could a heavy armed warrior of the dis
appearing a^e of knighthood do in the chase with a half
naked savage, as fleet and accustomed to the woods as a
panther !
Thus much for their material armor. They were all expe
rienced Christian soldiers, but with the wars and weapons of
this world they had little to do. God had appointed for them
one disciplined military hero, and but one. Captain Standish,
to be the soul and leader in every enterprise, where
martial discipline and skill were requisite. And so well
fitted was he, by a vigorous judgment, and a daring, ener-
* Felt's Annals of Salem. Vol, i., p. 64,

364 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
getic, almost reckless courage, for the post he occupied,
that after the Indians had gained, by one or two experiences,
some little knowledge of his character, the very terror of
his name was a defence to the Colony. But they were
Pilgrims, aH the way through life, and the weapons of their
warfare were spiritual, not carnal, and well, with the whole
armor of God, did they wrestle against principalities,
against powers, against the rulers of the darkness of this
world, against spiritual wickedness in high places. Their
feet were shod with the preparation of the gospel of peace,
their loins were girt about with truth, and they had on the
breast-plate of righteousness, and theirs was the shield of
faith, and the helmet of salvation, and the sword of the Spirit
which is the Word of God, and they prayed always, with
all prayer and supplication in the Spirit, watching there
unto. Yea, they were overshadowed, according to that
touching letter to the Church of England, in which the
second Colony of Pilgrims from the Mother Country poured
out the desires of their hearts for her welfare, with the
spirit of supplications, in their poor cottages in the wil
derness. Twenty years after the May Flower anchored in Ply
mouth Harbor, only twenty years after the first New
England Sabbath, there was a circle of sister churches,
one after another, like unseen consteUations, in the
beautiful imagery used by Cotton Mather, silently stolen
into the sky, where the order of Christ's House was
to be seen in its primitive simplicity, perhaps more
comely and holy than anywhere else in the world. And
yet the order of those simple services seemed strange and
rude to the European gazers, so long had the world been
accustomed to the prodigality and pomp of circumstance
and ceremony, native and home-born in the Papacy, or
borrowed from that. What a forcible, heavenly, significant
contrast of Spirit and Truth, against rites and traditions, in
the free, rising, prophesying Churches of New England !

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 365
A minute and interesting account of the manner of public
worship in the meeting-houses there, at the close of twenty
years from the first planting of the Vine in the Wilderness,
was published at London in the year 1641, in a curious
volume, from which we take the following extracts :
" The public worship is in as fair a meeting-house as
they can provide, wherein, in most cases, they have been
at great charges. Every Sabbath or Lord's Day they
come together at Boston by ringing of a bell about nine of
the clock or before. The pastor begins with solemn
prayer, continuing about a quarter of an hour. The
teacher then readeth and expoundeth a chapter ; then a
psalm is sung, whichever one of the ruling elders dictates.
After that the pastor preacheth a sermon, and sometimes
ex tempore exhorts. Then the teacher concludes with
prayer and a blessing.
" Once a month is a Sacrament of the Lord's Supper,
whereof notice is usually given a fortnight before, and
then all others departing except the Church, which is a
great deal less in number than those that go away, they
receive the Sacrament, the ministers and ruling elders
sitting at the table, the rest in their seats or upon forms.
Any one, though not of the church, may in Boston come
in and see the Sacrament administered, if he will. But
none of any church in the country may receive the Sacra
ment there, without leave of the congregation, for which
purpose he comes to one of the ruling elders, who pro-
•pounds his name to the congregation, before they go to the
Sacrament. " About two in the afternoon they repair to the meeting
house again ; and then the pastor begins, as before noon,
and a psalm being sung, the teacher makes a sermon. He
was wont, when I came first, to read and expound a chap
ter also before his sermon in the. afternoon. After and
before his sermon he prayeth.
" After that ensues baptism, if there be any, which is

366

HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS

done either by pastor or teacher, in the deacons' seat, the
most eminent place in the church, next under the elders'
seat. The pastor most commonly makes a speech or
exhortation to the church and parents concerning baptism,
and then prayeth before and after. It is done by washing
or sprinkling. One of the parents being of the church, the
child may be baptized. No sureties are required.
" Which ended, follows the contribution, one of the
deacons saying. Brethren of the congregation, now there
is time left for contribution, wherefore as God hath pros
pered you, so freely offer. Upon some extraordinary
occasions, as building and repairing of churches, or meet
ing-houses, or other necessities, the ministers press a liberal
contribution, with effectual exhortations out of Scripture.
The magistrates and chief gentlemen first, and then the
elders, and all the congregation of men, and most of them
that are not of the church, all single persons, widows, and
women in absence of their husbands, come up, one after
another, one way, and bring their offerings to the deacon
at his seat, and put it into a box of wood for the purpose,
if it be money or papers; if it be any other chattel, they
set or lay it down before the deacons, and so pass another '
way to their seats again. This contribution is of money,
or of papers prom'ising so much money. I have seen a
fair gilt cup with a cover offered there by one, which is
still used at the communion. Which moneys and goods
the deacons dispose towards the maintenance of the minis
ters, and the poor of the church, and the church's occasionsy.
without making account ordinarily.
" Also when a minister preacheth abroad, in. another
congregation, the ruling elder of the place, after the psalm
sung, saying publicly, ' If this present brother hath any
word of exhortation for the people at this time, in the name
of God let him say on.' This is held prophesying. Also
when a brother exerciseth in his own congregation, taking
a text of Scripture, and handling the same according to

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 367
his ability. Notwithstanding, it is generally held in the
Bay by, some of the most grave and learned men among
them, that none should undertake to prophesy in public,
unless he intend the work of the ministry."*
Here we close these chapters of attempted historical
and illustrative notices of the developments of God's pro
vidence and grace. In recounting some of those particu
lars upon which we have dwelt, I have quoted from the
historian Grahame. The reperusal of a part of the Poet
Grahame's fine descriptive sketches of the Sabbath in Scot
land brings to mind a class of Christians, with whom the
stern experiences and noble qualities of our Pilgrim Fathers
link them in many points of resemblance. And i know
not how I can more fitly end this volume, than with
Grahame's beautiful description of the character and
Sabbath of the Scottish Covenanters, hunted and perse
cuted, because they would be free to worship God
O BLISSFUL day !
When all men worship God as conscience wills.
Far other times our fathers' grandsires knew,
A virtuous race, to godliness devote.
What though the sceptic's scorn hath dared to soli
The record of their fame ! What though the men
Of worldly minds have dared to stigmatize
The sister-cause, religion and the law.
With superstition's name ! yet, yet their deeds.
Their constancy in torture, and in death, —
These on tradition's tongue still live ; these shall
On history's honest page he pictured bright
To latest times. Perhaps some hard, whose muse
Disdains the servile strain of fashion's quire.
May celebrate their unambitious names.
With them each day was holy, every hour
They stood prepared to di«, a people doom'd
To death : — old men, and youths, and simple maids.
With them each day -was holy ; but that morn
* Lechford's Plain Dealing, Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, third series, vol. iii.

368 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS
On which the angel said. See wliere ihe Lord
Was laid, joyous arose ; to die that day
Was bliss. Long ere the dawn, by devious ways.
O'er hills, thro' woods, o'er dreary wastes, they sought
The upland moors, where rivers, there but brooks.
Dispart to different seas. Fast by such brooks,
A little glen is sometimes scoop'd, a plat
With green sward gay, and flowers that strangers seem
Amid the heathery wild, that all around
Fatigues the eye : in solitudes like these
Thy persecuted children, Scotia, foil'd
A tyrant's and a bigot's bloody laws :
There, leaning on his spear (one of the array.
Whose gleam, in former days, had scathed the rose
On England's banner, and had powerless struck
The infatuate monarch and his wavering host),
The lyart veteran heard the word of God
By Cameron tbunder'd, or by Renwick pour'd
In gentle stream: then rose the song, the loud
Acclaim of praise : the wheeling plover ceased
Her plaint : the solitary place was glad.
And on the distant cairns, the watcher's ear *
Caught doubtfully at times the breeze-borne note.
But years more gloomy follow'd ; and no more
The assembled people dared, in face of day,
- To worship God, or even at the dead
Of night, save when the wintry storm raved fierce.
And thunder peals compell'd the men of blood
To couch within their dens ; then dauntlessly
The scatter'd few would meet, in some deep dell
By rocks o'er-canopied, to hear the voice,
Their faithful pastor's voice : He, by the gleam
Of sheeted lightning, oped the sacred book.
And words of comfort spake : Over their souls
His accents soothing came, — as to her young
The heathfowl's plumes, when, at the close of eve,
She gathers in, mournful, her brood dispersed
By murderous sport, and o'er the remnant spreads
Fondly her wings ; close nestling 'neath her breast, ,
They, cherish'd, cower amid the purple blooms.
• Sentinels were placed on the surrounding hills, to give warning of the
approach of the military.

OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 369
There is now a Free Church in Scotland, as there is in
New England, because the ancestral piety of both countries
was that of a free, voluntary covenant with God.
The Old World are even yet but beginning to learn the
nature, the truth, and the power, of a voluntary piety, a
voluntary covenant, and voluntary churches. Men are
beginning to see that a state can be religious only in pro
portion as the individuals who compose it are true volun
tary Christians, and the acts and laws that emanate from it
and manifest its character are in correspondence with the
Gospel ; that the grace of God alone, and not an Ecclesi
astical or State-Sacrament, can make Christians ; that the
grace of God is free, and makes men freemen; that the
Church does not include the State, except as God, by his
grace, brings the subjects of the State into Christ's fold ;
and that the State does not include the Church in its spirit
ual existence and privileges, as contained in its charter
in God's Word, and has no authority over it, and no
responsibility in regard to it, except to protect the Christian
and civil liberties of all its members, as of all citizens, from
all annoyance and all injury. When these principles are
thoroughly learned, and prevalent, then, and not till then,
will the fever of intolerance and the fire of persecution die
out of existence. When Christ reigns, then, and not till
then, will the world rest.

THE END.

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