Clay, Henry Speech. Baltimore, 1827. ; "I give thefe Booh \-fonJOiefmnding of a. College in this ColoiyiJ • iLiii3iB_arar - XL Baltimore patriot— extra, ? - ' August 1st, 1827. C Hie continued cat! for Mr. Clay's Speech Ha induced the Editor ofthe Patriot to is sue it in an extra sheet, preceded by General Jackson's Letter and Mr. Clay's reply, that the public may have at once a view ofthe whole ground of this important controversy. GENERAL JACKSON'S LETTER TO CARTER BEVERLEY. He„__:tag_, June 6, 1827'. Dear* Sir .•_-» Your letter of the 15th ult. from Lou. isvi|le, Ky. is just received, and in conformity with you* request, address my answer to Wheeling, Va. Ybur enquiries relative to the propositions of bargain, made through Mr. Clay's friends to some of njine, concerning the then pending Presidential election, were answered ./My and frankly at the time, but without any calculation that they were to be thrown into, the public journals— but facts cannot be altered, and as'tfaur letter seems not to nave been written for pwjjfication, I can assure you, that having no concealment mjself, por any' dread arising from what I may "have 9aid on the occasion and subject alluded to, my feelings towards you are not the least changed. I always intended, . should Mr. Clay come out, over his own name.and deny having any knowledge ofthe communication made, by hia friends to my friends and to me, that I would give him the name ofthe gentleman through whom that communication came. f ,•£»_*„., I have not seen your letter alluded to as 'hiving beet- published in the Telegraph, although that pa- per, as I am informed, is regularly mailed for me at Washington, still I receive it very irregularly, and thatcontaining your letter has not come to hand— of course, I cannot say whether your statement is sub stantially correct or not. 1 will repeat, however j ¦ again the occurrence, and to which my reply to you must have conformed, and from which,'!}" there has been any variation, yoti can correct it. It is this: Early in January, 1825, a member of Congress of high respectability visited me one morning, and pbseryed, that he had a communication he was de sirous to make to me; that he waa informed there was a great intrigue going on, and thought it was right I should be informed of it; that he came as a friend and let me receive the communication as I might, the friendly motives through which it was made, he hoped t would prevent any change of friendship or feeling with regard to him. To which I replied, from his high standing as a gentleman, ami member of Congress, and from his 'uniform friendly and gentlemanly conduct towards myself, I could hot suppose he would make any communi cation to me which he supposed was improper — therefore, his motives being pure, tet me think as 1 might of the communication, my feelings towards hit* would remain unaltered. The gentleman pro- ceedetH He said he had been informed by the friends of JJr. Clay, that the friends of Mr. Adams had made overtures to them, saying if Mr. Clay and his friends would unite in aid of the election of Mr. Adams, Mr. Clay should be Secretary of State; that,tbe friends of 'Mr. Adams were urging as a reason, to induce the friends of Mr. Clay to accede tostheir proposition, that if I was elected President Mr. Adams would be continued Secretary of State* (itiuendo, there would be no room for Kentucky.^ That the friends of 'Mr. Clay stated, the We3t did not wish to separate from the West, and if I would say, or permit any of my confidential friends to sayj that in case I was elected President, Mr. Adams should not be continued as Secretary of State, by a complete union of Mr. Clay and his friends, they would put an end to the Presidential contest in tine hour; and he was of opinion it was right to fight such intriguers with their own weapons. To which in substance I replied, that in politics, as in every thing- else, my guide was principle, and contrary to the expressed and unbiassed will of the people, or their constituted agents, I never would step into the Presidential chair, and requested him to say to Mr. Clay ajid his friends (for I did suppose he had come from Mr. Clay, although he used the terms Mr. Clay's friends, )that before I would reach tbe Presidential chair by such means of bargain and. corruption, I would see the earth open and swallotf both Mr. Clay and his friends and myself with them. If they had not confidence in me .to believe if I wa£ elected, thatl would call to myaid in the cabinet, men ofthe first virtue, talents and integrity, not to vote for me. The second day af ter this communication andreply.it was announced in the newspapers, that Mr. Clay had come out in favor of Mir Adams. It may be proper to observe, that in the supposition, that Mr.^Clay was privy to the proposition stated, I may have done injustice to him, if so the gentleman informing me can ex plain. ' 1 am, very respectfully, your most obedient ser vant, ^, v ANDREW JACKSON. Ma. Carted Beve„_t._. "y- ^ MR. CLAY'S REPLY- TO THE PUBLIC. On my arrival at Wheeling, on the 24th instant, ' I was informed that Mr. Carter Beverley, then at that place, had" received the preceding night by mail, a letter from General Jackson, which he had exhibited to several persons, and left with my pie in Ms official character. The charge in sub- friend Col. Noah Zane, for my perusal, and which stance is, that deliberate "propositions of bar- I was told formed a subject of general conversa- gain" were made by my congressional friends col. tion, and had produced much excitement in the lectivelv, through an authorised and distinguished town. The Captain ofthe Reindeer having kind- member of Congress, to Gen. Jackson: that their ly detained his steam boat for my accommodation, object was, by these "means of bargain and cor- and as I was unwilling ,'onger to delay his depar. ruption," to exclude Mr..,Ada_is from the De- ture, I had only time to obtain a lusty but _ believe partment of State, or to secure my promotion to a correct copy of the letter, and I now seize the office; and that I was privy and assented to those first moment, after my arrival at home, to present propositions, and to the employment of those ft to the public, together with the copy of another means. ** letter addressed by Mr. Beverley to Col. Zaire. Such being the accusation and the prosecutor, I purposely forbear, at this time, to make sev- and the issue between us, -have now a right to ex- eral comments which these documents authorise, pect that he will substantiate his charges by the and confine myself to a notice of the charges which exhibition of satisfactory evidence. In that event, General Jackson has brought forward in his letter, there is no punishment which would exceed the The charges are, 1st. That my friends in Con- measure of my offence. _n the opposite event, gress, early in January, 1825,proposed to him that, what ought to be the judgment of the American if he would say, or permit any of his confidential public, is cheerfully submitted to their wisdom and friends to say, that in case he was elected Presi- justice. . H. CLAY. dent, Mr. Adams should not be continued Secre tary of State, by a complete union of my myself and my friends, we would put an end to the Pre sidential contest in one hour; and 2dly. That the above proposal was made, to Gen. Jackson, tlirough a distinguished member of Congress, of high standing, with my privily and consent. Lexington, 29th June, 182. . MR. CLAY'S SPEECH, AT THE DINNER AT NOBLE's'lK-r, NEAR __ YlffOTOJT, KEBTUCKT, JUIY 12, 1827. i. Our distingvisheil Gucit, Henry Clay. — The fur nace of persecution may be heated seven times hotter, inscathed br , , „ ,- . ._i.c and seventy times more, he will come out unscath To the latter charge, I oppose a d.rect.unquahfi- h fi _/_,_„ . b;,: htc„ ,. .„ an(1 ,,„,,«,,. ^ his ed and.iud.gnant denial. ! neither made, nor an- fv]mii _,,,„. jjis eJn'emi(?3 ,ha„ sink with Ulu dross ul thotized, nor knew ot any proposttioi^whatever to thcir own v;i -, materials either ofthe three candidates who were returned M <,_ ^ aftc_ ^ above toast had been rea(j to the House ot Representatives at the last Presi- ,T „ dential election, or to the friends of either of them, addressed the company as follows: for the purpose of influencing the result ofthe c- Mr- President, Friends and Fello-w-Citizens— lection, or for any other purpose. #And all allega. I beg permission to offer my hearty thanks, and to tions, intimations and inuendoes, that my vote, on make mY respectful acknowledgments for the aSeetioff- that occasion, was offered to be given, or was in' ate reception which has been given me during my pi-e- c _* „• ; „• j *• „_ _ °. „.-_..i„*. , „ sent visit to my out Congressional district, and lor this Fact given, in consideration of any stipulation or«hfta , b|e ^/honorable lesti,_o „yor you. esteem ami understanding, expressed or implied, direct or in- c0„'f,dence. And x thank you especially for the friendly direct, written or verbal, that I was, or that any sentiments and feelings expressed in the toast which you person was not, to be Secretary of State, or that I have done me the honor to drink. I always had tbe hap- was in any other manner, to be personally bene- piness of knowing that, I enjoyed, in a high degree, th« fitted, are devoid of all truth, and destitute of any attachment of that portion of my fellow-citizens whom I, foundation whatever. And I firmlv and solemnly formerly represented: but t should nevei- have been seu- bclieve, that the first ofthe two above mentioned sible of the strength and ardoui-of their affection, except charges is alike untrue, and 'groundless. But if for the extraordinary ( character of the times For near , f v *. __. r ii u r _*_ __. r ¦ j _ r two years and a halt 1 have been assailed with a rancour (contrary to my full belief) my friends or any of and £iUe,.ness which have few exalnp,-s. t haV(! lounil them made any proposition or offer, as is asserted mvse|f the particular object of concerted and con-entra in that first charge, it was without my knowledge tP(| ab„se; and others, thrusting themselves between, and without my authority. » you and nie, have dared to arraign me for treachery to The le'tter of Gen. Jackson insinuates, rather your interests. But my former constituents, unaffected than directly makes, the further charge, that an ar- bv the calumnies which have been so perscsveringiy rangement was proposed and made between Mr. circulated to my prejudice, have stood toy me with a Adams's friend and mine, by which, in the event ^n,eroliS ?°?st?n°y an.d noble magnanimity. u of his election, I was to be appointed State. I pronounce that charge also, know or believe, to be untrue and without the y emVn.Vho are" a Targe por tfn'n' of my late ranstituents. least foundation. * I thank you, and every one of them, with all my heart, Gen. Jackson having at last voluntarily placed for the manly support which I have uniformly received. himself in the attitude of my public accuser, we are It haaseheered and consoled me, amidst all my severe now fairly at issue. I rejoice that a specific accu. trials; and may I not add that it is honpratye to the gen erous hearts and enlightened heads who resolved to pro tect the character of an old friend and faithful servant f The numerous manifestations of your confidence and attachment will be among tbe latest and most treasured recollections of ray Ufe. They impose on rae obligations which can never be weakened or cancelled. One ot in the event _enerous constancy ana nome magnanimity. i he J Se-re farv of meas"re °f their regard and confidence has risen wijh, * ** „ ' and even surpassed, that of tbe malevolence, great as it o, as tar as \ jSj 0F my personal and political foes. I thank you, gen - sation by a responsible accu.er, has at length ap peared, though at the distance of near two and a half years since the charge* was first put forth, through Mr. George Kremer. It will be univer sally admitted, that the accusation is of the most serious nature. Hardly any more atrocious . could these obligations is, that I should embrace every fair op- be preferred against a representative of the peo- portunity.to vindicate that character which you hav. ;. so generously sustained, and to evince to you and to the dial and friendly iu ail their i .tcl-ntu _. , 'private and world, that you have not yielded to the impulses of a official, as those are ofthe present President bind and enthusiastic sentiment. I feel that I aru, on Had I voted for General Jackson, in opposition to the all tit occasions, especially bountl to vindicate myself to well known opiuions which 1 entertained' ot" him, ene my lornier constituents. It was as iter representative! tenth part of the ingenuity and zral which have been it was in the fulfilment of a high trust which they con- employed to excite prejudices against me would have filled to me, that I have been accused of violating the held me up to universal contempt; and what would have . most sacred of duties, of treating their wishes with con- been worse, I should have felt that I really deserved it. tempt, and their interests with treachery. Nor is this Before tbe election, an attempt was made bv an a- obligation, in my conception of its import, at all weak- busivelelter, published in the Columbian Observer, at ened by the dissolution of the relations which hereto- Philadelphia, a paper which, as has since transpired, tore existed between us. I would instantly resign the was sustained by Mr. Senator Eaton, the colleague, the place I hold in the councils ot the nation, and directly friend and the biographer of General Jackson, to assail appeal to the suffrages of my late constituents, as a can- my motives, and to deter me in the exercise of my du- didate for re-election, if I did not know that my foes are ty. This letter being avowed by Mr. George Kramer, of that class whom one rising from the dead cannot con- I instantly demanded from tlie House of Kepresenla- vince, whom nothing can silence, and who wlage a war lives an investigation. A Committee was accordingly, of extermination. On theissue of such an appeal, they on the 5th day of February, 1825, appointed in the rare wouliLredoublc their abuse of me and of you; for their , mode, ol balloting by the House, instead of bv the se- hatred is common to us both. lectionof the Speaker. It was composed of 'some of 'They have compelled me so often to be the thorne of the leading members of the bodv, not one of whom was my addresses to the people, tbatl should have willingly my political friend in the preceding Presidential Can- abstained on this festive occasion, from any allusion to vass. Although Mr. Kremeiyn addressing the House, this subject, but for a new and imposing form which the bad declared his willingness to bring forward his proofs, calumny against me has recently assumed. I am again and bis readiness to abide tbe issue of "the inquiry, his put on my defence, not of any new charge nor by any fears, or other counsels than his own, prevailed uponhim new adversary; but of the old charges, clad in a new to take;j.fuge in a miserable subterfuge. Of all'possible dress, and exhibted by an open and undisguised enemy, periods' that was the most fiUing to substantiate the The fictitious names have been stricken from the foot charge, if it was true. Every circumstance was then of the indictment, itn/1 that of.a known and substantial fresh; the witnesses all Hvingand present; the election prosecutorhaste-eW voluntarily offered. Undaunted by not yet complete; and therefore the imputed corrupt . the formidable (lame of that prosecutor, I will avail my- bargain not fulfilled. AH these powerful considerations , Self, with your it dulgence, of this fit opportunity of free had no weight with the conspirators and their accessa- and unreserved intercourse with you, as a large number. Ties, and they meanly shrunk from even an attempt to of my late constituents, to make some observations on prove their charge, tor the best of all possible reasons — Jhe past and present state ol the question. When evi- because being false and fabricated, they could adduce dence shall be produced, as I have now a clear right to no proof which was not false and fabricated. demand, in support of the accusation, it will be the pro- During two years and a half, which haye now inter- per time for me to take such notice of it as its nature vened, a portion of Ibe press de.'oted to the cause of may require. ^ General Jackson, has been teeming with the vilest eat- In February, 1825, it was my duty, as the Represen- ..pmnies against me, and tlie charge, under every came- tative of this District, to vote for some one of thesthreeM. on form, lias been a thousand times repealed. Up to candidates for the Presidency, who were returned to™his lime, I have in vain invited investigation, and de- the House of Representatives. It has been established^" nianded evidence. ' None, not a particle, h^.-.'jecn ad- and can be funther proved, that, before I left this State duced. 3fibl tlie preceding fall, 1 communicated to several gentlemen The extraordinary ground has been t_ke_j^_t tbe of the highest respectability, my fixed determination accusers were not bound to establish by proof-fc guilt not to vote for General Jackson. The friends of Mr. of their designated victim. In a civilized,chi_str_i and Crawford asserted to the last, that the condition uf his free community, the monstrous principle has beei^.as- liealth was such as to enable him to administer the du- sumed, that accusation and conviction are synonymous; ties ofthe office. I thought otherwise, after 1 reached and that the persons who deliberately bring forward an Washington City, and visited him to satisfy myself; and atrocious charge are exempted from all obligations to thought that physical impediment, if there were no substantiate it! And the pretext is, that the crime, be- other objections, ought to prevent his election, Al- iug of a political nature, is shrouded in durkness,and in- though the Delegations from four States voted for him, eapable of being substantiated. _»ut is there any real and bis pretensions were zealously pressed to the very difference, in this respect between political and other last moment, it has been of late asserted, and I believe alienees? Do not all perpetrators of crime endeavor to by some of the very persons who then warmly espoused conceal iheir guilt and elude detection? if the aecusi':' liiscause,thathisiiicompetency wasso palpable asclear- of a political offence is absolved from the duty of sup- h to limit the choice to two of the Uiree returned can- porting his accusation, every other accuser of offence didates. In my view of my duty, there was no alterua- stands equally absolved. Such a principle, practically tive but that which I embraced. That I had some ob- carried into society, would subvert all luirmonj , peace jectioos to Mr. Adams, 1 am ready freely to admit; but and tranquillity. None— no age, nor se\,u_r professibn, these did not weigh a feather in comparison with the nor calling, wcjgld be safe against its baleful and over- greater and insurmountable objections, long and delib- whelming infiuence. lt would amount to an universal erately entertained against his competitor. I take this license tp universal calumny! occasion, with great satisfaction, to state, that my objec- No oue has ever contended, that the prooi should be tions to Mr. Adams arose chiefly from apprehensions exclusively that of eye-witnesses, testifying from their ¦which have not been realized. I have found him at the senses positively and directly to the fact. Politi6al,.ike head of the Government, able, enlightened, patient of all other offences, maj be established by circumstantial investigation, and ever ready to receive with respect, as wqll as positive evidence. But I do contend, that and when approved by his judgment, to act upon the some evidence, be it what it may .ought to be exhibited. counsels of his official advisers. 1 add, with unmixt ^f there be none, how do the accusers friiow that an of. .pleasure, that, from the commencemet of the Govern- fence has oeen perpetrated.' If they dp know it, let u» tnent, with the exception of Mr. Jefferson's Admiuis- have the facts on which their conviction is based. I t ration, no Chief Magistrate has found the members of will not even assert that, in public affairs, a citizen bus his Cabinet so united ou all public measures, and so cor- not a right, freely to .express his opinions of public ni.-.i, and to.«peeulate upon fee motives of their conduct. — his not receiving the Telegraph, he had not on the 6th But if he chooses to promulgate opinions, let them be June, 1827, seen Carter Beverley's famous Fayetteville (»iven as opinions. The public, will correctly judge of letter, daled the 8th of the preceding March, putilished their value and their grounds.* No one has a right to in num. rous gazettes, and published, I have very little put forth the positive assertion, that a political offence doubt, although I have not the means of ascertaining has been committed, unless be stands prepared to the fact, in the gazettes of Nashville. I will not say, sustain,, by satisfactory proof of some kind?its actual ex- contrary to General Jackson's assertion, that be had -istence. ' hfever read that letter, when he wrote that of the 6th of If he who, exhibits a charge of political crime is.from June, but I must think that it Is very strange that he its very nature, disabled to establish it, how much more should not have seen it; and that I doubt whether there difficult is tlie condition of Ihe accused? How can lie is another man ot any political eminence in the United exhibit negative proof of his innocehce, if no affirmative State's, who has uot read it. There is a remarkable proof ofhis guilt is, or can be adduced? coincidence between General Jackson and certain edi- lt must have been a conviction that the justice of the tora who espouse his interest . in relation to Mr. Bever. public required a definite charge, by a responsible ac. ley's letter. They very early took the ground, in res- cuser, that has, at last, extorted from Gen. Jackson his pect to it, that I ought, under my own signature, to letter of the 6th of June, lately published. I approach eome out an,d deny the statements. And Gen. Jack- that letter with great reluctance, not on my own ac- son now says, in his letter ot the 6th of June, that be count, for on that, I do, most heartily and sincerely re<- "always intended, should Mr.i Clay come, out over his joice that it has made its appearance. But it is a relue- own name, and deny haviiig, any knowledge of the tance, excited by the feelings of respect which I would communication made by his frignds to fny friends and anxiously have cultivated towards its author. He has, to me, that I would give him the name of the gentleman however, by that letter, created such relations between through whom that communication came-" us, that, in any language* which I may employ, in ex*. The distinguished member of Congress, who bore the amining its contents, I feel 'ihyself bound by no other alleged overture, according tb Gen. Jackson, presented obligations than those which belong to truth, to public hinris.lf with diplomatic circumspection lest he should deojDrijm, and to myself. ¦- wound the very great sensibility ot tbe General. He Theflrst consideration which must, on the perusal of avers that the communication was ftfended with the the letter, force itself upon every reflecting mind.isthat most friendly motives, "that he caideas a friend," and which arises flut of the delicate posture in which Gen. that he hoped, however it might be received, there would JaAson stands before the American public. He is a canflKlate for the Presidency, avoweirand proclaim ed. He has no competitor at present, and there is lio probability of his having any, but one. The eharges ivlii.h he has allowed himself to be the organ of com* implicating to the very nublic who is to d.6ide the ques tion ofthe Presidency, l_jou_b directly aimed at me, necessarily implicate his only competitor. Mr. Adams and myself are both guilty, or we are both innocent be no alteration in the friendly feelipgs between them.. The General graciously condescends to .H4e;ve th£ com munication, and, in consideration of the jfigh standing Sf the distinguished member, and pf bis having always e^n a professed friend, he is promised'imputiiiy, and assured that there shall' be no change of amicable ties. After all these necessary preliminaries are arranged be ns tween the high negotiating powers, the envoy proceeds: of "He had been informed by the friends of Jar. Clay, that the imputed arrangement between us. His innocence "the friends of Mr.Adams had made overturns to them, is absolutely irreconcilable with my guilt. H^eneral ^fipjng if Mr. Clay and his friends would unite in aid Jackson, therefore, can establish my guilt, andfjBy f ference, or% insinuation, that <9f liis sole rival, he m have removed' a great obstacle to the Consummation , the object of his ambition. And if he can, at the same "accede to their proposition, that if 1 was elected Pres- time. make out his own purity oi conduct, and impress "ident, Mr. Adams would be continued as Secretary the American people wilh the belief that his purity and "of State, (inueudo, there would be no room for lieu- integrity alone prevented his success before the House "tucky.") [Is this General Jackson's inuendo, or that of Representatives, hisclaims will become absolutely ir- ofthe distinguished member of Congress?] "That the resistable. Were there ever more powerful motives to "friends of .Vir. Olay stated the West does not want to propagate,— was there ever greater interest, at all haz- "seperate from the West, and if I would say or permit ards, to prove the truth of charges?' "any of my contidental friends to say that, in case 1 was I state the-case,I hope, fairly; I mean le state it fair- "elected President, Mr. Adams should not be continu- ly and fearlessly. , If the position be one which exposes "ed Secretary of State, by a complete union of Mr. General Jackson to unfavorable suspicious, it must be "Clay and bis friends, they would put an end to the borne in mind that he has voluntarily taken it, and he "contest in one hour; and he was of opinion it was right must abide the consequences. , I am acting on the de- "to fight such intriguers with their own weapons."— fensive, and it is he who assails me, and who has called To which the General states himself to have replied in forth, by tho eternal laws of self-protection, the Bight substance; "that in politics, as in every thing else, my U> use all legitimate means of self-defence. -; "guide was^pvineiple, and contrary to the expressed General Jackson has shown, in bis letter, that" he is "will ofthe people or their constituted agents, I never not exempt from tne influence qf that bias towards one's "would step into the Presidential chair; and requested own hiterests, which is unfortunately the loo oommou ''him to say to Mr. Clay and his friends, (for I did sup- lot of human nature. It is /us interest to make out that '^ase he had come from M.r. Clay, although he used tlie he is a person of spotless innocence, antUgtonsullied in- "terms Mr. Clay's friends,) that before Iwoultt reach tegrity, and to establish, by direct charger by neces- "fhe Presidential chair by such means of bargain and sary inference, the want pftliose qualities in his rival.— "corruption, I would see the earth open and swallow Accordingly, we find throughout ihe letter, a labored "both Mr. Clay and his friends and myself with them.". attempt to set forth his own immaculate purity in strik- Now all these professions are very fine, and display ad- ing contrast with the corruption which is attributed to mildly purity. But its sublimity would be somewhat others. We would imagine fronthis letter, that he ve- miffe impressive it some person other than ¦ General ry seld-m touches a newspaper. The Telegraph is Jackson had proclaimed it. He would go into the Pres- mailed regularly for him at Washington, but it arrives idehtWl chair, but never, no! never contrary to "the ex- at the Hermitage very irregularly. He would have the pressed and unabiassed will of the people, dr tneir con- pu~lic to inter, that the Post-master at Nashvil'le.whose stituted agents;" two modes ot arriving at it the more appointment happened npt to be upon bis recomnienda- reasonable, as there happens to be uti othert-nslilution- yon, obstructed his reception Ot it. i In consequeftce of al Way; He woiiid see "the earth open and swallow 5 both Mr. Clay and his friends and myself," before he would reach the Presidential chair by "such means of bargain and corruption." I hope Gen. Jaeksondid not intend ihat the whole human race should be also swal lowed up, on the contingency he has stated, nor that they.wei. to guaranty that he has an absolute repug nance to the employment of any exceptionable means to secure his elevation to the Presidency. If he had ren dered the distinguished member of Congress a little more distinguished, by instantly ordering him from his presence, and by forthwith denouncing him and the in famous proposition which he bore to the American.pub . lie, we should be a little better prepared to admit the claims to un'arnished integrity, which the General; so modestly puts forward. i_ut,aecording to his own ae- .iount,a corrupt and scandalous proposal is made to him; the person who conveyed it advices him to accept it,aud yet that person still retains the friendship of General Jackson, who is so tender of his character that his name is carefully concealed and reserved to be hereafter brought forward as a witness! A man, who, if he be a member ofthe House of Representatives, is doubtly in famous — infamous mrthe advice for which he gave, and infamous for his willingness to connive at the corruption of the body of which he was a sworn member — is the credible witness by whom General Jackson stands ready to establish the corruption of men whose characters were never questioned! Of all the properties which belong to honorable raen, not one is so highly prized as that of character. Gen. Jackson cannot be insensible to its value, for he appears to be most anxious to sel forth the lottiness and purity of his own. — How has be treated mine? During the dis pensation of the hospitalities of the Hermitage, in the midst of a mixed company, composed of individuals from various States, he permits himself to make certain state ments respecting my friends and me, which it true, would forever dishbuor and degrade us. The words are hardly passed from his nioulh, before they are com mitted to paper, by one of his guests, and transmitted in the form of a letter to another State, where they are published in a newspaper ,an(! thence circulated through out the Union. And now he pretends that these state ments were made, "without any calculation that .they were to be thrown into the public journals." ^Does he reprove the indiscretion of the guest who had'violated the sanctity of a conversation at the hospitable board? Far from it. The public is incredulous. It cannot be lieve that General Jackson would be so wanting in deli cacy and decorum. The guest appeals to bim for the confirmation ofthe published statements; and the Gen eral promptly addresses a letter to him, in which "he "most unequivocally confirms (says Mr. C. Beverly) all "I have said regarding the overture made to him pend ing the last Presidential election before Congress; and "lie asserts a great deal more than he ever told me." — 1 should be glad to know if all the versions of the tale have now made their appearance, and whether General Jncksou will allege that he did not "calculate" upou the publication of his letter ofthe 6th ot June. The General states that the unknown envoy used the terms, "Mr.Clay's friends," to the exclusion, therefore, of myself, but he nevertheless inferred that he had come from me. Now why did he draw this inference contrary to the import of the statement which he re ceived? Does not this disposition to deduce conclusions unfavorable to me manifest the spirit which actuates him? And does not General Jackson exhibit throughout his letter a desire to give a coloring to the statements of liii friend, the distinguished member of Congress, high er than they would justify? No one should ever resort to implication bui from necessity. Why did he not as certain from the envoy if he had come from me? Was any thing more natural than that Gen. Jackson should ascertain the persons who had deputed the envoy? If his shocked sensibility and indignant virtue and patriot ism would not allow him to inquire into particulars, ought he to have hazarded the assertion,that I was privy to the proposal, without assuring himself of the fact? Could he not, after rejecting the proposal, continuing as he did, on friendly terms with the organ of it, have satisfied himself if I were conusant of it? If he had not time then, might he not have ascertained the f .ct from his friend or from me, during the intervening two and a half years? The compunctions of his own conscience, for a moment, appears to have visited hb_ towards the conclusion of his letter, for he there does say, "that in "the supposition stated, I may have done injustice to "Mr. Clay; if so, the gentleman informing me can ex- "plain." No good or honorable man will do another voluntarily any injustice. ' It was not necessary that General Jackson should have done me any. And he cannot acquit himself ofthe rashness and iniquity of his conduct towards me by referring, at this late day, to a person, whose name is withheld from the public. This compendious mode of administering justice, by first hanging and then trying a man, however justifiable it maj be, according to the precepts ofthe Jackson code, is sanctioned by no respectable system of jurisprudence. It is stated in the letter ofthe 6th of June, that the overture was made early in January; and that the second day after the communication, it "was "announced in the newspapers, that Mr. Clay had "come out openly and avowedly in favor of Mr. "Adams," The object of this statement is obvi ous. It is to intimate that the proposal which was rejected with disdain by General Jackson* was ac cepted with promptitude by Mr. Adams. This renders the fact as to the time of the alleged an nunciation very important. It is to be regretted that General Jackson had not been a little more precise. It was early in January that the overture was made, and the second day after, the annuncia tion of my intention took place. Now, I will not assert that there may not have been some specula tions in the newspapers about that time, (although I do not believe that there were even any specula' tions so early,) as to the probable vote which I should give; but I should be glad lo see any news paper which, the second day after early in January, asserted in its columns, that I had come ouf"open- ly and avowedly in favor of Mr. Adams." I chal lenge the production of such a paper. I do not believe my intention so to vote for Mr, Adams was announced in the newspapers openly and avowed ly during the whole month of January, or at any rate until late in the month. The only avowal oi my intention to vote for him, which was publicly made in the newspapers, prior to the election, is contained in my letter to Judge Brooke, which is dated the 28th January. It was first published in the Enquirer at Richmond, some time in the ensu ing month. I go further; I do not believe any newspaper at Washington can be produced an nouncing before the latter part of January, the fact, whether upon my avowal or not, of my intention to vote for Mr. Adams. Gen. Jackson's memory must deceive him. He must have confounded e- vents and circumstances. His friend, Mr. George Kremel^'in his letter to the Columbian Observer, bearing date the 25th January, has, according to my recollection of the public prints, aclaim to the merit of being the first, or among the first, to an nounce to the public my intended vote. That let ter was first published at Philadelphia and return- ed in the Columbian Observer to Washington City on the 31st January, How long before its date that letter was written for Mr. Kremer, it does not ap- 6 pear. Whether there be any connexion between the communication made by the distinguished member of Congress, and that letter, perhaps Gen. Jackson can explain. ( At the end of more than two years after a cor rupt overture is made to Gen. Jackson, he now, for the first time, openly proclaims it. It is true, as I have ascertained since the publication of Mr, Beverley's Fayetteville letter.the General has been for a long time secretly circulating the charge. Immediately on the appearance at Washington of that letter in the public prints, the editor of the Telegraph asserted, in his paper, that Gen, Jack son had communicated the overture to him about the period of the election, not as he now states, but according to Mr. Beverley's version ofthe tale. Since I left Washington on the 10th bf last month, I have understood that Gen. Jackson has made a similar communication to several other persons, at different and distant points. Why has the over ture been thus clandestinely circulated? Was it that through the medium ofthe Telegraph, the leading, paper supporting the interest of General Jackson, and through his other depositories, the belief of the charge should be daily and gradually infused into the public mind; and thus contribute to the support of his cause' The zeal and industry with which it has been propagated, the daily co lumns of certain newspapers can testify. Finding the public still unconvinced, has the General found it to be necessary to come out in proper person, through the thin veil of Mr. Carter Beverley's a- gency ! When the alleged overture was made, the elec tion remained undecided. Why did not General Jackson then hold up to universal scorn and indig nation the infamous bearer of the proposal, and those who dared to insult his honor, and tamper with his integrity? If he had, at that time, de nounced all the infamous parties concerned, de manded an inquiry in the House of Representa tives, and established, by satisfactory proof, the truth of his accusation, there might, and probably would have been, a different result to the election. Why, when at my instance, a committee was on the 5th day of February, )S25, (only four days before the election), appointed to investigate the charges of Mr. Kremer, did not Gen. Jackson present him self and establish their truth? Why, on the 7th of that month, two days before the election, when the committee reported that Mr. Kremer declined to come forward, and that "\fthey knew of any rea son for such investigation, they would have asked to be clothed with the proper power, but not hav ing themselves any such knowledge, they have felt it to be their duly only to lay before the House the communication which they have received;" why did not Gen. Jackson authorise a motion tp recom mit the report, and manfully come forward with all his information?1" The Congress ofthe nation is in session. _ An important election has devolved on it. All eyes are turned towards Washington. The re fult isawaited with intense anxiety and breathless expectation. A corrupt proposition, affecting the election, is made to one of the candidates. He re ceives it, is advised to accept it, deliberates, de cides upon it, A committee is in session to inves. tigate tie very charge. The candidate, notwith standing, remains profoundly silent, and, after the lapse of more than two years, when the period of another election is rapidly approaching, in which he is the only competitor for the office, for the first time, announces it to the American public! They must have more than an ordinary share of credulity who do not believe that Gen. Jackson labors un der some extraordinary delusion. It is possible that he may urge, by way of excuse for what must be deemed his culpable concealment of meditated corruption, that he did not like to volunteer as a witness before the committee, or to transmit toitthe name of his friend, the distinguish ed Member of the House of Representatives, al though it is not very easy to discern any just rea son for his volunteering now, which would not have applied with more force at that time. But what apology can be made for his failure to discharge his sacred duty as an American Senator? More than two months after the alleged overture, my nomination to the office which I now hold, wa. made to the Senate ofthe United States, of which General Jackson was then a sworn member. On that nomination", he had to deliberate and act in the most solemn manner. If I were privy to a corrupt proposal to Gen. Jackson, touching the recent election; if I had entered into a corrupt bargain with Mr. Adams to secure his elevation, I was un worthy the office to which I was nominated ; and it was the duty of Gen. Jackson, if he really posses sed the information which he now puts forward, to have moved the Senate to appoint a committee of enquiry, and by establishing my guilt, to have pre served the National Councils from an abominable ' contamination. As the conspiracy of George Kre mer & Co. had a short time before, meanly shrunk from appearing before the committee of the House of Representatives, to make good their charges, I requested a Senator of the United Stales, when my nomination should be taken up, to ask ofthe Senate the appointment of a committee of inquiry, unless it should appear to him to be altogether un. necessary. One of our own Senators was compel led, by the urgency of his private business, to leave Washington before my nomination was disposed of; and as I had but little confidence in the fidelity and professed friendship of the other, I was constrain ed to present my application to a Senator from another State. I was afterwards informed, that when it was acted upon, Gen. Jackson and every other Senator present was silent as to the imputa tions now made, no one presuming to question my honor or integrity. How can Gen. Jackson justify to his conscience or to his country this palpable breach of his public duty ? If is in vain to say tbat he gave a silent negative vote. He was in posses sion of information which, if true, must have occa sioned the rejection of my nomination. It does not appear that any other Senator possessed the same information. Investigation was alike due to the purity ofthe National Councils, to me, and, as an act of strict justice, to all the other parties impli cated. It is impossible for hiui to escape from the dilemma that he has been faithless, as a Senator of the United States, or has lent himself to the circu lation of an atrocious calumny- After the election, Gen. Jackson was amongthe first who eagerly pressed his congratulations upon his successful rival. If Mr. Adams had been guiity .of the employment of impure means to effect his election, Gen. Jackson ought to have disdained to stilly his own hands by touching those of his corrupt ad-Un'the w___rt_-..,--' J competitor.! ____i .. _ •««= i-hot «. ents? In my Lewisburg Speech? And may I not duct? If r . ? , , en°r_°_ mv P-Ub,ic "* »«i inn;; m mc msms- .»"<» to tiia f .. dnpei ti,,- i,,.,,i.,. •¦, -i tion of Gen. Jackson, a corrupt arrangement had tend to give a ^S^i^^^hT^ beeq made between Mr. Adams and me-after the tinction betwen Tx~t ___ » !' ? ' ? actual terminationof an election, the issueof which tm^^t^^^^^^ was brought about, according to Gen. Jackson, by that the former is always 'addressed to .he mem the basest of means, he was unwilling to accept ben of the House of Representatives, and 1 th_l™. the honors of a public dinner, lest it shpuld imply ter only to the Senators of the Unit, d *-?,.- even an exception against the result of the election, Gen Jackson professes in his letter of the fid. of disWio^. "V^tttZZ *&%££ -U"_\r I^otf.a^>nh» words, "to have always in- gislature to issue a mandatory instruction to the tended, should Mr. Clay come out over his own Representatives of the people. Such a riirht has signature and deny having any knowledge ofthe no foundation in the Constitution, in the reason or communication made by his friends to my friends nature of things, nor in the usage of the Kentucky and to me, that I would give him the name of the Legislature. Its exercise would be a manifest gentleman through whom that communication usurpation. The General Assembly has the incon. came. He pretends never to have seen the Fay- trovertible right to express its opinion and to pro- etteville letter; and yet the pretext of a denial un- claim its wishes on any polical subject whatever; der my signature is precisely that whichi had been and to such an expression great deference and res! urged by the principal editors who sustain his pect are due; but it is not obligatory. The peo- cause. If this be an unconverted, it is neverthe- pie, when, in August 1824, they elected members less a most wonderful coincidence. The General to the General Assembly, did not invest them with never communicated to me his professed intention, any power to regulate or control the exercise of but left me in entire ignorance of his generous the discretion of the Kentucky delegation in the purpose; like , the overture it9elf, it was profoundly Congress of the United States. I put it to the concealed from me. There was an authorized de. candour of every elector present, if he intended to nial from me, which went the circle or the public part with his own right, or anticipate the exertion prints, immediately after the arrival at Washington of any such power by the legislature,when he gave of the Fayetteville letter. J-, that denial my words his vote in August, 1824? are given. They were contained in a letter dated The only instruction which I received frbm a le. j. at Washington City on the 18th day of April last, gitimate source, emanated from a respectable por- and are correctly stated" to have been "that the tion of my immediate constituents; and that di- statement that his (my) friends had made such a rected me to exercise my own -discretion, regard- proposition as the letter describes to the friends of less "of the will of the legijature. You subse- General Jackson was, as far as he knew or believ- quently ratified my vote by unequivocal demon- ed,"iitterly destitute o£ foundation;, that he was un- strations repeatedly given of your affectionate at. willing to believe that Ge-n. Jackson had made any tachment and your unshaken confidence. You such statement; but- that no matter with whom it ratified it two years ago by the election of my per- had originated, he wa9 fully persuaded it was a sonal and poUtical friend (Judge Clarke) to suc- gross fabrication} ofthe sajne calumnious character ceed me in the House of Representatives, who had with the Krem^ story, pub forth for the double himself subscribed the only legitimate instruction purpose of injuring his public character, and prop- which I received. You ratify it by the presence ping the cause of Gen. Jackson; and that for him- and the approbation of this vast and respectable as- self and for his friends he defied the substantiation ^pmblage. of the charge befafe any, fair tribunal whatever." _ rejoice again and again, that the contest has at Such were my own words transmitted in the form last assumed its present practical form. Hereto- of a letter from a friend to a known person. Where- fore, malignant whispers and dark surmises have as the charge which, they repelled was contained been clandestinely circulated, or openly or un- in a letter written by a person then unknown to blushingly uttered by irresponsible agents. Tbey some, person also unknown. Did I not de% the were borne upon the winds, and like them were charge under my own signature in my Card, of the invisible and intangible. No responsible man 31st January, 1825, published iti tbe National In- stood forward to sustain them, with his a'cknowl- telligencer? Was not there a Ittbstantial denial, of edged authority. They have at last a local habi- it in my letter to Judge Brooke, daled the 28th of Ration and a name. General Jackson has now the same month? In my Circular to njy Constitu- 'thrown off the mask, and comes confessedly forth from beli ind "his concealed batteries.puhlicly to jc- cuse and convict me. We stand confronted be fore the American people. Pronouncing the charg- es, as I again do, destitute of all foundation, and gross aspersions, whether clandestinely or openly issued from the halls of the Capitol, the saloons of the Hermitage, or by press, by pen, or by tongue; and safely resting on my conscious integ rity, I demand the witness, and await the event With fearless confidence. The issue is fairly joined. The imputed offence does not comprehend a single friend, but the col lective body of my friends in Congress; and it ac cuses them of offering, and me with sanctioning corrupt propositions, derogating from honor,and in violation ofthe most sacred of duties The charge has been made after two years deliberation. Gen. Jackson has voluntarily taken his position, and without provocation. In voting against him as President ofthe Uuited States, 1 gave him no just cause of offence. I exercised no more than my indisputable privilege, as, on a subsequent occa sion, of which I have never complained, he exer cised his in voting against me as Secretary of State. Had I voted for him, I must have gone counterjo every fixed principle of my public life. I believed him incompetent, and his election fraught with danger. At this early period ofthe Republic, keep ing steadily in view the dangers which had over turned every other Free State, I believed it to be essential to the lasting preservation of our liberties, that a man, devoid of civil talents, and offering no recommendation but one founded on military ser vice, should not be selected to administer the Go vernment. I believe so yet; and I shall consider the days ofthe Commonwealth numbered, when an upposite principle is established. I believed, and still believe, that now, when our institutions are in comparative infancy, is the time to establish the great principle, that military qualification a- lone is not a sufficient title to the Presidency. If we start right, we may run a long race of liberty, happiness, and glory. If we stumble in setting out, we shall fall as others have, fallen befdpe us, and fall without even -a elaijn to the regrets or. sympathies of mankind; ',* I bare never done Gen. Jackson, knowingly.any injustice. I have taken pleasure, on every proper occasion, to bestow on him Merited praise for the glorious issue ofthe battle of New Orleans. ¦' Jfo American citizen enjoyed higher satisfaction .han I did with the event I heai'd it for the first time on the Boulevards of Paris; and I eagerly 'perused the details ofthe action, with the anxious hope that I should find that the gallant militia