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LIBRARY

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A SHORT HISTORY

OF THE

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMEEICA

BY

HENRY CABOT LODGE
AUTHOR OP '*^
"THE LIFE AND LETTERS OE GEORGE CABOT" "THE LIFE OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON"
"THE LIFE OF DANIEL WEBSTER" "STUDIES IN HISTORY" ETC.

REVISED EDITION

NEW YOEK
HARPER & BROTHERS, FRANKLIN SQUARE

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1881, by
HARPER & BROTHERS.
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.

All rights reserved.

TO
HENRY ADAMS
IN TOKEN OF GRATITUDE AND FRIENDSHIP
THIS HISTORY IS DEDICATED
H. C. L.

PREFACE.

The history of the thirteen American colonies is at best
fragmentary and, provincial, and does not assume the impor
tance and value of the history of a nation until the meeting
of the Stamp Act Congress at New York in the year 1Y65.
But who and what the people were who fought the war for
Independence and founded the United States — what was their
life, what their habits, thougtov-aiuLmanners — seemed to me,
when 1 ¦Deganmy study of American history, questions of the
deepest interest. They were questions, too, which appeared
to me never to have been answered in a compact and com
prehensive form; and this volume is an attempt to supply
the deficiency. The chapters, therefore, which purport to de
scribe the various colonies in and about the year 1Y65 repre
sent the purpose of the book. They have been worked out,
in the course of several years, from_a^mjss_ofjnai£riaLffiMch_
has been collected in all directions, and which, although wholly
in print, isjn^ many cases as generally unknown as if it still
slumbered in manuscript. To these chapters I have append
ed notes — mere references -—partly to support conclusions
which I thought might be questioned,, and^partly to .aid-ather
students "in the same_^eld. The notes represent, however,
only a portion of the books, tracts, and newspapers actually
consulted. There are many titles in my note-books of works
which yielded nothing, and of others again which offered mat
ter that, had to be laid aside from mere superabundance of
material : only the most valuable and important figure in the
notes. When I had finished these chapters for which the work was

VI PREFACE.
undertaken, and which have been in part delivered in the form
of lectures before the Lowell Institute of Boston, I felt that it
was essential to my purpose to give an outline of the political
history of each colony, in order to present a complete picture
of the various comniunTtieiT These sketches are as condensed
as I could make them, although they have run to a far greater
length than I hoped would be necessary. They make abso
lutely no pretence to original feseafeh, Fut are merely my own
presentation of facts which ought to be familiar to every one.
For this reason I have thought it entirely superfluous to en
cumber them with notes.
The question of arrangement was not an easy one where
thirteen distinct histories were involved ; but, after much re
flection, I~d-eGided_^to deal with each colony by itself, and give
its complete_.lmtory down to the year 1765. This plan is
&pen-toJiifi_chai:gfi--ofjcepetitian_; ,but it seemed to me better
than flitting from one colony to another, and thus distracting
the reader's attention more than was absolutely necessary.
The three concluding chapters are added, like those which
treat of the political history of each colony, merely for the
sake of completeness, and aim only to be a concise outline of
the events which resulted in national existence.
Many of the statistical details are, as I am only too well
aware, very dry reading, and the same may be said of the po
litical history of some of the colonies. It may be possible to
make the political history of every colony in turn picturesque
and exciting ; but I know that in regard to certain of them,
and in many portions of my histoi-y which could not be omit
ted, this was a task far beyond my powers. Yet at the same
time I cannot but feel that the condition of the people of the
American colonies in the years preceding the Eevolution, how
ever insuificiently I may have dealt with it, is a subject of
deep interest and importance. I can only say that if any
thing I have written is of assistance to students, or helps any
one to a better understanding of a nation and of a history
of which we may be rightly proud, I shall feel more than
repaid.
Heney Cabot Lodge.
East Point, Naiiant, 1881.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER L "=¦
Virginia from 1606 to 1765  1
CHAPTER n.
Virginia in 1766  41
CHAPTER in.
Maryland from 1632 to 1765  93
CHAPTER IV.
Maryland in 1765  112
CHAPTER V.
North Carolina from 1663 to 1765  132
CHAPTER VL
North Carolina in 1765  148
CHAPTER VIL
Sodth Carolina prom 1663 to 1765  158
CHAPTER VIIL
South Carolina in 1765  172
CHAPTER IX.
Georgia prom 1732 to 1765  ;  187
CHAPTER X.
Georgia in 1765  197
CHAPTER XI.
Delaware from 1609 to 1682  205
CHAPTER XII.
Pennsylvania prom 1681 to 1765  211

viii • CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XIII. PAGE
Pennsylvania and Delaware, 1765  227
CHAPTER XIV.
New Jersey prom 1664 to 1765  263
CHAPTER XV.
New Jersey in 1765  2(3
CHAPTER XVL
New York from 1609 to 1765  285
CHAPTER XVII
New York in 1765  312
CHAPTER XVIII.
Massaohuseiis prom 1620 to 1765  341
CHAPTER XIX.
CosNEOTicni phom 1635 to 1765  373
CHAPTER XX.
Rhode Island from 1636 to 1765  385
CHAPTER XXI.
New Hampshire from 1623 to 1765  , . . . . 397
CHAPTER XXII.
New England in 1765  406
CHAPTER XXIII.
Preparing for Revolution : prom 1765 to 1776  476
CHAPTER XXIV.
The War for Independence : from 1776 to 1782  501
CHAPTER XXV.
Peace : 1782  517

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE  523
IXDEX  537

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HISTORY

OF THE

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA.

Chapter I.
VIRGINIA FROM 1606 TO 1765.
When independence was declared, Virginia stood at the head of
the English colonies in America. She was the most important polit
ically, as she was the oldest and the most populous of the provinces.
Virginia was, moreover, the leader and representative of one of the
three great political groups which formed the thirteen colonies, and,
as such, she played a leauing, and for many years a controlling, part
in the history of the United States.
The colonial history of Virginia may be divided into three periods.
The first extends from 1607-1617, and is occupied with the mere
struggle for existence. The second is a period of political and mate
rial development, covering about sixty years. The third and longest
lasted for a century — from 1677 to the outbreak of the Revolution —
and was a time of material growth and political torpor. In the last
two periods the colony closely resembled the mother country, not only
in social habits but. in history. England rested after the terrible con
flicts of the seventeenth century, and so did Virginia. If Walpole
could boast that during his administration England had no history,
the same remark applies with tenfold force to Virginia; for the politi
cal repose of the parent state became stagnation in the colony. But
the forces destined to convulse the world before the eighteenth cen
tury closed were even then gathering strength, and the political ener
gies which made America foremost in that great movement were re
cuperated during these years of slothful inaction.
1

2 HISTORY OF THE
The earliest incidents in Virginian history and in the English colo
nization of America carry us back to the glories of the Elizabethan
era, to the days of Marlowe and Shakspeare, of Burleigh and Wal
singham, of Essex and Leicester, and Francis Bacon. In that great
period, the most conspicuous representative of a large class, and the
typical man of action, was Walter Raleigh, whose name is inseparably
connected with the first efforts of English colonization in America.
There is no need to dwell upon the ill-fated attempts to found a set
tlement on Roanoke Island. Raleigh's first expedition was sent out in
1584, and for many subsequent years he persevered fruitlessly in
his purpose of establishing a colony. These repeated failures .
present merely the common picture of the ill-planned, ill-managed, and
disastrous endeavors of individuals in the sixteenth century to colo
nize the New World. Raleigh lavished money and thought upon his
schemes ; but he had undertaken a task beyond his strength, or that
of any one man at a time when the art of colonization was unknown,
and its difficulties scarcely imagined. The name Virginia bestowed
upon the new colony in honor of Elizabeth is the only lasting memo
rial of Raleigh in America. To later times and to a new State has
been reserved the privilege of naming a city for the great adventurer.
These repeated disasters did not, however, cool the zeal or diminish
the confidence of those Englishmen who were interested in discovery
and were the friends of colonization. Fresh voyages kindled fresh
hopes. The successful cruise of Captain Gosnold, his prosper
ous winter in New England, and his discovery of a short north
ern passage, produced much excitement in London, and greatly en
couraged all interested in such projects, while the fortunate voyage
and favorable report of Weymouth a few years later seem to have
had a decisive effect. In the following year, on the petition of
certain " firm and hearty lovers " of colonization, James I. char
tered twb companies (the London and Plymouth) and bestowed upon
them in equal portions the vast territory included in twelve degrees of
latitude, and stretching from Cape Fear to Halifax. This charter and
the subsequent instructions are worthy of the intelligence of the first
Stuart. They are long, verbose documents, are of little historical val
ue, and have no intrinsic merit of any kind. By virtue of them a
complicated form of government was framed. For each colony sepa
rate councils, appointed by the King, were instituted in England, and
these councils were in turn to name resident councillors for the col
onies. Thirteen members constituted the resident council. They had

ENQLISS COLONIES IN AMERICA. 3
power to choose their own president, to fill vacancies in their numbers,
and, a jury being required only in capital cases, to act as a court of
last resort in all other causes. Religion was established in accordance
with the forms and doctrines of the Church of England. The advent
urers, as the members of the Company were called^ had power to coin
money and collect a revenue for twenty-one years from all vessels
trading to their ports, and they were also freed frorri taxation for-a term
of years. One article alone, and only in the most general terms, pro
vides for the liberty of the subject, as follows ; "Who (ever) shall dwell
and inhabit within every and any of said several colonies and planta
tions, and every of their children * * * shall have and enjoy all liberties,
franchises, and immunities,' within any of our other dominions, to all
intents and purposes as if they had been abiding and born within this
our realm of England." ¦ The good' faith of this clause in the charter
is somewhat shaken by the open disregard of all English rights in the
instructions ; but the principle contained in this provision, though lit
tle noticed in 1606, became of vital interest in 1774. The arguments
of statesmen and parliaments, of patriots and colonial assemblies, turn
upon the existence of this principle of citizenship and freedom con
ceded by James with the elaborate stupidity by which, in the same
paper, he evolved a system calculated to make his colonists little more
than slaves. Another clause in the instructions, as important as it was
wrong and injurious, providedfor community of goods.
A more awkward scheme could hardly have been devised. An arbi
trary and irresponsible council in America, another almost equally so
in England, the legislative powers reserved to the King, the governing
body a commercial monopoly, and the chief principle of society com
munity of property, together formed one of the^most'-ingeniously bad
systems for the government of men which could be devised. To the
first settlers this frame of government and a sealed box containing the
names of the resident council were confided. The men who composed
the expedition cared but little for forms of government. They were
imbued with the popular notions in regard to the New World. " I
tell thee," says Seagull, in Marston's play of " Eastward Ho !" writ
ten in 1605, "golde is more plentifull there than copper is with
us ; and for as much redde copper as I can bring, I'll have thrise
the weight in golde. Why, man, all their dripping-pans are pure
golde, and all the chaines with which they chaine up their streets are
massive golde ; all the prisoners they take are fettered in golde ; and
for rubies and diamonds, they goes forth in holy dayes and gather

4 HISTORY OF THE
'hem by the sea-shore, to hang on their children's coates and stick in
their children's caps, as commonly as our children wear saffron -gilt
brooches and groates with holes in them." The life in the new coun
try was to be one of ease and luxury, abounding in everything good
to eat and drink ; and last, though not least. Seagull says, " There we
shall have no more law than conscience, and not too much of eyfher.''
This was the picture of the dramatist, and was unquestionably in its
essence the theory of the first colonists. The wild anticipations of
the gold-hunter, the spirit of the conquerors of Mexico and Peru filled
the breasts and inspired the hearts of the men who embarked with
Captain Newport late in 1606, and who were destined to lay the foun
dation of a great English state in the New World.
Among the leaders of the expedition were Gosnold, the voyager and
discoverer, and a prime mover in the affair ; Wingfield, one of the
first- named patentees, John Smith, Ratcliffe, Martin, Kendall, and
Percy. Of these men John Smith has become famous. He has taken
a place among the founders of states, and a romantic interest has at
tached itself to his name. For centuries his character and deeds have
been applauded, while in late years they have become a theme for
censure and detraction. Modern investigation has relentlessly swept
away the romance, and torn in pieces many of the long accepted nar
ratives in which Smith recorded his own achievements. Yet it was
not wholly by a false and fluent pen that Smith obtained and held
his reputation. He was something more than a plausible writer of
fiction. He was the strongest and most representative man among
the Virginian colonists. He was an adventurer of a high order in
an age of adventurers, and with all the faults of his time and class
in full measure, he had also their virtues, and it was here that he
surpassed his companions. Smith was arbitrary, jealous of power,
quarrelsome, and despotic, ready to lie audaciously to serve his own
ends, and rashly over-confident. But he was also brave, energetic,
quick-witted, and full of resource. Bewitched, no doubt, by the same
visions as his companions, and far more imaginative than any of them,
he alone of all his little company had the power of recognizing exist
ing facts, and dealing with them as he found them. To buoyant hope
and sanguine belief in the unknown, so characteristic of the period.
Smith united the qualities of a leader, and some capacity for the
practical administration of the colony. The other principal men were
not of marked ability, and were, for the most part, of very indifferent
character. Percy united to a noble name honor, courage, and good

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 5
intentions. Gosnold had been a successful discoverer, and appears
also to have been an honest and sensible man. Wingfield was, with
the exception of Percy, the most important personage in point of
wealth and social position, and had served for many years in the Eu
ropean wars, but he proved incapable of governing. The remaining
leaders, and the great mass of their followers as well, were adventurers
of a low type. London was swarming with such characters, who had
been left idle by the cessation of the Spanish wars, and who now
thronged the capital restless and dissatisfied,' eager for fresh scenes in
new worlds, and thirsting for the old life of freebooting and discov
ery. Smith concisely catalogues them as " poor gentlemen, trades
men, serving-men, and libertines." They were certainly wretched ma
terial for the founders of a state, especially as the " poor gentlemen"
were, to the tradesmen and mechanics in the ratio of five to one.
With this hopeful company Newport left the Downs on the 1st of
January, 1607. The worthy Richard Hakluyt sent them a
paper containing much good advice and sQjne ingenious geo
graphical speculations, and Drayton celebrated their departure in clum
sy verses filled with high-flown compliments. The advice of the priest
and the praise of the poet were alike wasted. By an arrangement in
geniously contrived to promote discord, devised probably by royal
sagacity, the box containing the names of the council was not to be
opened until the voyagers reached their destination. Dissension broke
out almost immediately. Whatever the merits of the differences, this
much is certain, that Smith was the object of the concentrated jeal
ousy and hatred of his companions. He probably invented the story
of the erection of a pair of gallows for him at the island of Mevis,
" which he could not be persuaded to use ;" but there is no doubt of
the fact that he alone of those nominated was excluded from a seat
in the council on their arrival in Virginia. His superior abilities, his
arbitrary temper, and probable self-assertion, sufficiently account for
this attack ; but he was not long depressed by the reverse, and ob
tained his oflBce within a month after the landing.
On the 13th of May, 1607, the settlers landed at Jamestown, sent
out exploring parties, and began fortifications. A fortnight later,
under the command of Wingfield, they repulsed an attack by the
Indians ; and on the 22d of June Newport sailed for England, and
left them to their own resources. The prospect must have been a
dreary one : nothing answered to their expectations. Instead of val
uable mines, the adventurers found only a most fertile soil ; instead

6 HISTORY OF THE
of timid, trusting South American Indians, they encountered wild
tribes of hardy, crafty, and hostile savages ; instead of rich, defence
less, and barbarian cities, an easy and splendid spoil, they found a wil
derness, and the necessity of hard work. From the miserable char
acter of the settlers, dangerous factions prevailed from the first, until
Smith obtained control, and maintained some sort of order — despot
ically, perhaps, but still effectually.
No one would work, and famine and the Indians preyed upon them
mercilessly. A small fort and a few wretched, huts, built after mucii
quarrelling, represented for many months all that was accomplished.
The only relief from this dark picture of incompetent men perishing,
without achievement, and by their own folly, on the threshold of a
great undertaking, is to be found in the conduct of Smith. Despite
almost insurmountable obstacles. Smith kept the colony together for
two years. He drilled the soldiers, compelled labor, repaired the fort,
traded with the Indians, outwitted them and kept their friendship,
and made long and daring voyages of discovery. He failed to send
home a lump of gold, but he did send an excellent map of the Com
pany's territory. He did not discover the passage to the South Sea,
but he explored the great bays and rivers of Virginia. He did not
find Raleigh's lost colonists, but he managed to keep his own from
total destruction. The great result of all Smith's efforts was tho
character of permanency he gave to the settlement. Because he suc
ceeded in maintaining an English colony for two consecutive years in
America, the London Company had courage to proceed ; and this is
what constitutes Smith's strongest claim to the admiration and grat
itude of posterity. To suppose that he had the qualities of a foun
der of a state is a mistake, although in some measure he did the
work' of one. Neither Smith's character nor the nature of his ambi
tion fitted him for such a task ; but he was a quick-witted and intel
ligent man, who understood, or soon discovered, the necessary condi
tions of successful colonization. With a strong baud, therefore he
repressed the wretched malice and ignorant folly which had ruined
previous settlements; and when his opportunities and his companions
are considered, it is matter for profound astonishment that Smith
should have succeeded as he did. His veracity as a historian in the
later years of his life has been well-nigh destroyed. But little faith
can be placed in the "Generall Historic," and modern investigation has
conclusively relegated to the region of legend and of fiction the dra
matic story of Smith's rescue by Pocahontas. The shadow of doubt

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 7
rests upon all his unsupported statements ; but nothing can obscure
his great services, to which the world owes the foundation of the
first English Colony in America. Yet, after all his struggles. Smith
was severely blamed by the Company, apparently because Virginia
was not Peru. In a manly letter he sets forth the defects of the col
ony, the need of good men with families, industrious tradesmen and
farmers, not " poor gentlemen arid libertines." Before, however, the
actual orders came to supersede him, Smith resigned, or was forced
out of the govemment, and returned to England. The feeble life of
the colony wasted fast after his departure and during the sickness of
Percy, who succeeded to the command. Matters, indeed, came to
such a pass that the settlement, even after the coming of Gates and
Somers with part of the fleet, was actually abandoned, when
Lord Delaware arrived as Governor and Captain-general with
fresh men and supplies.
Misfortune had stimulated the London Company to fresh exer
tions ; their charter had been extended, and powers reserved in the old
one to the King were now given to the Company, which thus became
thoroughly democratic in its organization. Prejudice against the
colonists on account of their ill-success, and rumors that the half-
starved wretches intended to parcel out Virginia, then including a
large part of North America, among themselves, caused the Company,
acting under the new charter, to deprive the settlers of such poor
liberties as they already possessed. The Governor was in future to
exercise uncontrolled authority, and he was empowered to rule, if he
saw fit, by a code of martial law used in the Low Countries.
Lord Delaware, the first Governor under the new system, held oflSce
but a short time. He came surrounded by the pomp of the Old
World, with a train of liveried servants, whose gorgeous dresses must
have had a strange effect in the dark Virginian forests. The osten
tation of his administration, which was, on the whole, a beneficial one,
and the splendor of his train, show the profound ignorance of the
time in regard to the necessities and conditions of colonization. Lord
Delaware was soon succeeded in office by Sir Thomas Dale, to whom
Virginia is more indebted than to any of her early governors. Dale
administered his government in accordance with the martial code pre
pared for use at the Governor's discretion. By these severe and sal
utary laws he curbed the refractory temper of his worthless subjects,
and was for flve years the ruling spirit of the colony, although Gates
was for a time at the head of affairs. During this period the Com-

8 HISTORY OF THE
pany improved and increased the emigration, but the advance was
chiefly due to their Governor in Virginia. Taking advantage of the
marriage of Pocahontas, Dale continued and strengthened his success
ful Indian treaties, while at the same time he extended the settlements
and kept them in order. But that which did most credit to his wis
dom and good sense was his initiation of a reform in the manner of
holding property. He provided for the introduction of individual
proprietorship, and by thus breaking down the wretched communal
system imposed upon the colonists, he laid the foundations of future
strength and prosperity. Dale found the colony struggling for a
doubtful existence, and left it firmly established. The first period
in Virginian history was terminated by this strong and wise adminis
tration. George Yeardley, the deputy, carried on the government after Sir
1616- Thomas Dale's departure, but was soon superseded by Samuel
1617. Argall, who obtained the office of governor through the infiu
ence of the Court faction in the Company. Argall was a sea-captain
of piratical tastes, who had been conspicuous during Dale's adminis
tration for the abduction of Pocahontas, for pillaging and burning the
htits of the French fishermen in Acadia, and, as has been alleged, for
bullying the Dutch traders on Manhattan. As might have been ex
pected from his career, Argall was an active, energetic, unscrupulous
man, who, placed at the head of a government administered in accord
ance with a military code, carried it on in the spirit of a buccaneer,
and was tyrannical and extortionate. He stimulated the energy
which had flagged somewhat under the mild rule of Yeardley ; but he
did what under the circumstances was still better, he oppressed the
colonists and robbed them of their property, his especial vengeance
and greed lighting on the friends of Lord Delaware. Complaints
soon found their way to England. The Virginians had now awakened
to the fact that they were shockingly misgoverned ; that they were
left at the mercy of one man's will ; that their rights were unknown,
and that they had no protection against the tyranny of such rufflers
as Argall. The period of political development had begun.
Argall carried his oppression too far. Reports of his misrule cir
culating in England almost stopped emigration at a very critical pe
riod in the life of the colony. Moreover, Argall had chosen his time
badly. The patriot party, who were beginning to make the London
Company for Virginia a school for education in free government
found that the governorship of their colony had been stolen, and the

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 9
enterprise almost ruined by the Court minority. The grievances of
the Virginians obtained, therefore, a ready hearing from men upon
whom the hand of majesty had already begun to press.
The fortunes of the little. American settlement were caught and
swept along in the political current then just beginning to run
strongly, in England. The indignation aroused in London by
Argall's misconduct led to the instant defeat of the Court party. Sir
Edwin Sandys replaced Sir Thomas Smith as treasurer, and was in turn
succeeded by another liberal, the Earl of Southampton. A mercantile
company is at best a wretched sovereign ; but Virginia was fortunate
in falling into the hands of men who at that moment cared more for
liberal- principles than for anything else. The opposition was all-pow
erful in the Company, and they made it a battle-ground with the King.
They were at last defeated ; but in the mean time they conferred on
Virginia a representative government, and taught the colonists the
lesson of successful resistance. Thus the great political forces at
work in England gave Virginia free institutions through the strange
medium of a commercial monopoly. Sandys, Southampton, Digges,
Selden, and the rest, using the London Company as a political engine,
not only governed Virginia wisely, but, to further other ends, gave her
political opportunities from which she reaped lasting benefit.
Not content with the recall of Argall, and with despatching first
Lord Delaware, who died on the voyage, and, then Yeardley in his
stead, the Company granted a new form of political organization to
the colonists. The Governor's power was in future to be limited by
a council, and the assemblage of a representative body was author
ized. Yeardley and the colonists immediately concurred in this
measure, and the House of Burgesses met in June, 1619.
Almost their first act was to exclude the burgesses from
Martin's , hundred, because, by the .terms of their patent, they were
exempted from obedience to the laws of the colony. The burgesses
prayed the Coiiipany that the clause in the charter guaranteeing equal
laws might not be violated, and the maintenance of the great Eng
lish principle of the equality of all men before the law dignifies the
first meeting of the first representative body of America. The session
was mainly occupied with the passage of sumptuary laws and police
regulations. ¦ Appropriate ' statutes provided for the government of
the clergy, and a tax on tobacco was laid for their support. The leg
islation of these men was as unimportant as it could well be in its
general character, yet it contained the germ of that jealous resistance

10 HISTORY OF THE
to the mother country and all things proceeding thence which indel
ibly marks American colonial history. Dale's firm government had
imparted stability to the infant State, while Argall's galling tyranny
had stimulated the latent political life. Political habits, although
laid aside with difficulty, are easily resumed by all the English race.
Even in this feeble Virginian settlement, among this handful of men
scattered along the outskirts of the wilderness, the same spirit existed
which was at that very moment making itself felt in England. Ma
terial prosperity had begun, and political development was close be
hind. With Dale's administration closes the first period in Virginian
history. A year of bad government ensues,- and with the meeting of
the Burgesses the second stage is reached. The parasitic existence is
at an end, and the colony begins to have interests and a life of its
own. This year, so marked in Virginian annals by the dawn of rep
resentative government and constitutional freedom, is made still fur
ther memorable by the arrival of the first slaves in America. The
landing of this ill-omened freight was probably due to the open
ing of tbe Virginian ports to free-trade by the London Company, al
though they may have been a legacy of Argall's piratical" rule. The
year was also marked by much immigration of very varied excellence.
A large proportion of the immigration at this time consisted of boys
and girls seized by press-gangs in the streets of London, and shipped
as if they were felons condemned to transportation ; yet through
every difficulty growth and progress could be perceived.
When Virginia held her first Assembly, twenty-two Burgesses, rep
resenting eleven boroughs, composed that body. A few hundred
sturdy, liberty -loving Englishmen, bearing up against unexampled
hardships, living the rudest and most exposed lives, and striving for
sudden fortune by tobacco-growing, constituted the great State of Vir
ginia in 1619. But the prospects of future success opened by the
wealth which tobacco seemed to insure served to rapidly build up the
colony. Immigration increased and improved. The " prudent men
with families " whom Smith had sighed for began to come. The rapid
growth of the colony in numbers, wealth, and commercial importance
is shown by the increase of the population from six hundred to four
thousand within a year after the first Assembly, and by orders in
council prohibiting, free-trade. So firmly was the colony established
during Yeardley's administration, that the Indian outbreak, in which
more than three hundred persons perished, did not destroy the settle
ments. This attack occurred in the second year of the administration

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 11
of Sir Francis Wyatt, who, when he came to Virginia as Yeardley's
successor, brought a new constitution granted by the Com
pany to their colonists. Not only were the former immuni
ties and franchises confirmed, but definite provision was made for the
regular assemblage of the representative body. This further aston
ishing act of generosity and wisdom on the part of a commercial
monopoly was due to no efforts of the colonists. They had gone so
far as to complain, of Argall, and to humbly petition against unjust
and unequal patents, but, they had not yet thought of demanding
formal securities for their rights. The permission to hold an assem
bly was everything to, men who had only dared to hope for the recall
of an obnoxious governor; but to have a regular frame of constitu
tional government conferred; upon, them by the voluntary action of
the Company was something they had never even dreamed of, and
their- good fortune was due to far more powerful agencies than their
own discontents.
The rising opposition to James and to prerogative, in favor of lib
erty, indicated the growth of the great movement which brought the
next Stuart to the block, and the London Company for Virginia has
obtained lasting/ fame as the first ground occupied by the patriot
party in England. Under the democratic constitution of tho advent
urers, freedom of debate and love of independence were fostered.
James, ever jealous of any invasion, real or fancied, of his prerogative,
attempted interference at an early day; but the intrepid Company op
posed him, and set at naught his claim to nominate their officers.
James denounced the Company as " a seminary for a seditious Par
liament,", and said he would, rather they should choose the devil as
treasurer than Sir Edwin Sandys. So high did the contest run that
Chamberlain, writing to Sir Dudley Carleton, says : "The factions in
these two companies are grown so violent, as Guelfs and Ghibellines
were not more animated one against another ; and they seldom
meet upon the Exchange or in the streets, but they brabble and quar
rel." From this struggle, and the feelings it excited, the colonists ob
tained solid adva,ntages, but the doom of the Company was sealed.
James pursued them unrelentingly, the " great massacre " coming at
a moment to fan discontent and encourage his schemes. Royal com
missioners were thereupon sent to Virginia to gather materials for
the destruction of the Company. The Virginians, however, stood by
their friends. The commissioners, without producing their credcn-

12 HISTORY OF THE
tials, demanded the records of the Assembly. - The Assembly de
clined to comply. The commissioners bribed the clerk of the House
to give up the records, and the Assembly stood their clerk in the
pillory and cut off his ear. But all this patriotic resistance was
fruitless on the part of colonists and adventurers alike; the former
learned their first lesson in resisting the royal power, and the Com
pany lost its charter. A quo warranto was tried in the King's Bench,
and the charters annulled. The "London" Company and the in
trigues which gave it importance and led to its dissolution concern
us only in their immediate connection with Virginia. In obedience
to their own sentiments, and in conformity with their most cherished
principles, the London adventurers endowed Virginia with free insti
tutions, but their overthrow was none the less a distinct benefit to
the colony. It not only relieved the settlers from the cumbrous,
complicated, and uncertain government of a mercantile corporation,
but it placed them in the same direct relation with their King as his
other subjects.
Sir Francis Wyatt was continued in his office after the dissolution
1624- of the charter, and again when Charles I. came to the throne.
1635. Soon after the latter event he resigned the government to
Yeardley, and sailed for England. The five years of Wyatt's admin
istration are memorable for their legislative activity, for the formation
of political habits, and for the first opposition to the home government
which strengthened and confirmed the independent spirit of the colo
nists. The session of 1623-24, the year the royal commissioners came
to Virginia for assistance in ruining the Company, is marked in the
Statute-book by the definition and declaration of certain guiding-
political principles whioh were never after shaken. The most impor
tant were the limitations on the Governor's power ; he was not " to
lay any taxes or impositions upon the colony, their lands, or other
way than by the authority of the General Assembly, to be levied and
employed as said Assembly shall appoint." The Governor was not
to withdraw the inhabitants from their labors for his own service,
and Burgesses attending the Assembly were to be privileged from
arrest. These were the same great and fundamental principles for
which patriotic men wore then contending in England. Virginia
learned and applied the best theories of English constitutional gov
ernment with wonderful aptitude.
In this same session, besides a number of private acts and police
regulations, monthly courts, to be held by commissioners appointed by

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 13
the Governor, the commander of the place being ex officio of the quo
rum, were established in some of the more distant boroughs. One law
passed at this time curiously illustrates how thoroughly English the
Virginians were in the recognition of social position, and how the
whole state of society was destined to be a reproduction on a small
scale and in a new country of that which the colonists had left. It
was enacted, " that such persons of quality as shall be found delinquent
in their duties, being not fitt to undergoe corporal punishment, may
notwithstanding be yraprisoned at the discretion of the commander."
This delicacy in dealing with well-born malefactors shows that, though
these early settlers had a hearty love of political liberty and the en
forcement of law, they were by no means the sturdy young republi
cans they are sometimes represented. They were true Englishmen,
wedded to the traditions, prejudices, and social habits of their native
land. When Charles succeeded his father he continued Wyatt, and made
no mention of the liberties and franchises enjoyed by the settlers; for it
probably did not occur to him that such persons needed representative
government. That he discountenanced the former " popular course,"
is probable from the break in the meetings of the Assembly which
seems to have occurred at this time. But although Virginia was a
feeble colony, she produced a valuable staple. Charles wanted money,
was determined to engross the profits on tobacco, and really cared
very little how the men who raised the tobacco were governed. His
sore need of money led him into a recognition of the Assembly. With
that body he carried on his dealings, and King and burgesses haggled
over their bargains with right good-will. The burgesses declined to
accede to the proposed royal monopoly, although they offered Charies
good terms. Meantime Wyatt departed for Ireland, and on the death
of his successor the Council chose Francis West as governor, and
subsequently John Pott. The latter was soon superseded by a royal
governor, Sir John Harvey, a commissioner of the King at the
^^'^^' time of the dissolution of the Company, and between whom
and the Virginians there was but little good-will. He quickly filled
up the measure of unpopularity by assuming the power of granting
unpatented lands, and the turbulent quarrels which ensued between
governor and people show merely the former's despotic spirit and de
sire of encroaching upon the powers of the Assembly, and the rather
ill-regulated love of liberty which then characterized the Virginians.
These quarrels proved in the end to have been well timed. From com-

14 HISTORY OF THE
plaints, the colonists soon proceeded to more active measures, and
" thrust Harvey out of the government." He went to Eng-
Jg|g" land, and laid his complaints before the King. Charles was in
no mood to tolerate opposition, and reinstated the obnoxious
Governor, who continued in office three years longer, followed by the
bitter hatred of the colonists. But Charles was getting deeper and
deeper into difficulties, which rendered harsh treatment of his colonies
most unprofitable and inexpedient. He gradually relaxed his poli
cy, and in 1639 reappointed Sir Francis Wyatt to the government of
Virginia. There were during the period of Harvey's administration two events
of great importance. One was the first intercourse with another col
ony, that which settled Maryland in 1632 under the auspices of Lord
Baltimore ; the other was the rise of the Puritan party in Virginia.
The former was the main cause of Harvey's trouble. Harvey was
well disposed toward the new-comers, and treated them with fair
ness and consideration, while the Virginians swallowed their indig
nation at what they deemed a dismemberment of their territory, and
received Calvert's colonists kindly enough. But this good-nature was
of short duration. Quarrels about jurisdiction broke out almost im
mediately, and Harvey and the Marylanders alike suffered. Clay-
borne's petty wars with the Calverts excited the sympathy of Vir
ginia, but, so far as she was concerned, repay no one's study. They
served in a harsh way to accustom the Virginians to neighbors, and
taught them their first lesson of forbearance for the sake of mutual
advantage. The rise of the Puritans had a much more immediate and
marked effect upon the fortunes of Virginia. The appearance of Pu
ritans and Puritan principles was due to a small immigration of that
class many years before, and to the increasing distrust of royalty bred
by the condition of the times. Virginia had been settled before the
beginning of the struggle which afterward rent England asunder, and,
more strongly attached to the Established Church than to. any other
form of worship, the Virginians had always made it their first nominal
duty to guard and support the i-eligion of the state. They had never
felt themselves injured by the Stuarts. Both James and Charles had,
in the main, treated them well, and the difficulties with the latter had
been only the natural disagreements of buyer and seller. Ultimate
victory had crowned their resistance to Harvey ; and no principle had
been involved in any of these contests. Such a community was not
a very promising soil for the Puritans ; yet so great was the strength

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 15
of their doctrines, their party had struck its roots so deep down into
every part of English society, that they throve even in Virginia, al
though as yet the lines were not sharply drawn.
After a short term of little more than two years Wyatt was replaced
by Sir William Berkeley, who came furnished with abundance
of mild words and fair promises from Charles, then hard pushed
by his enemies. The new Governor was, of course, at the head of the
Royalist interest, governed well at first, and was generally popular. The
arrival of New England missionaries first aroused the dominant party,
and an act was passed that "all Non-.conformists shall be compelled to
depart the collony with all conveniencie." The general tone of this
Assembly shows that the religious feeling was wholly in ac-
I643" "^ofdance with the moderate party of the Established Church
in England. There was tbis act against tbe Puritans ; but, in
remembrance of Maryland, a much sterner law against Papists. The
burgesses granted two houses to Berkeley, and made good his salary ;
but they stated distinctly in the act that it was not to be drawn into
a precedent. In their revised laws they re-enacted that the Governor
was not to lay taxes without leave of the Assembly, and that burgesses
should be privileged ; they further provided that nothing was to con
travene the act of the Assembly, that every one demanding a jury had
a right to one, and that appeals could be brought from county courts
to the quarter courts, and thence to the Assembly. The general char
acter of the legislation was hostile to the prerogative, and, except for
the law against Non-conformists, was far more Puritan than Royalist.
The first step toward federation was taken in the passage of an act
ratifying and regulating commerce with Maryland.
At a great distance from England, the colonists were exempt from
civil war, and their prosperity increased rapidly, interrupted only by
a second Indian outbreak, which Berkeley quelled with vigor
and success. Yet Virginia was so exact a copy in little of
the mother country, that during this period of quiet and prosperity
the Puritan party grew so steadily that the restless Clayborne found it
worth his while to appear as one of its leaders. The execution of the
King naturally produced a violent revulsion, while the strong meas
ures of Parliament had already aided Berkeley's party, which had been
enabled to vote the Governor a guard, and to empower him to
impress troops. The sorrow and indignation of the naturally
loyal Virginians at the " murder " of the King put the Cavalier party
in fact so completely in the ascendant that laws were passed of the

16 HISTORY OF THE
very strongest nature in regard to those who dared to defend the
manner of Charles's death, or to asperse his memory. The- number
of Independents in Virginia was trifiing ; and the majority of the col
onists, not possessing the religious stimulus, shrank in undisguised
horror from what they considered the awful crime of Cromwell and
his soldiers. Virginia, therefore, went on quietly as before with a
Royalist government. The last act of Charles had been a kind one
in declining to restore the Company — which he did not then have
the power to do — and the well-known sympathy of Virginia with
the unhappy King drew many exiled Cavaliers to America, and thus
increased the Royalist strength in the colonial parties.
Berkeley's invitation to Charles II. to come to Virginia was cer
tainly made in good faith, and there is every reason to suppose that
the sentiment of the colony supported the offer of the Governor;
but the founders of the English Commonwealth were not the men to
suffer disobedience, even in the most remote corner of their posses
sions. Commissioners for the colonies were appointed — among oth
ers Clayborne — and the fleet in which they sailed arrived at
Jamestown in 1652. The Assembly and the commissioners
very soon came to an agreement. Either the ultra-loyalism produced
by Charles's execution had subsided, and the Puritan party had re
gained enough ground to enable it to act offensively upon the slight
est external encouragement, or the loyal valor of the mass of the col
onists evaporated at the sight of a fleet manned by the seamen of
Blake and Ayscue. The substantial victory, at all events, rested with
the Puritan party, and it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that
Berkeley found himself, after all his brave talk, insufficiently sup
ported. Colonies are proverbially selfish, and, despite their warlike
preparations, the Virginians appear to have shown no overwhelming
desire for bloodshed. The mildness of the terms granted accord well
with the circumstances of the times. The Pariiament was in no
mood to make fresh enemies, especially where distance rendered them
formidable ; and the Puritan party in the colony, upon whom the
home government had to rely, probably set the safety and prosperity
of Virginia far above all other considerations. The ascendancy of
the Puritan element, however, was secured in Virginia, and their
leaders adniini?tored the affairs of the colony until the Restoration.
Nothing could have been more free and independent than the govern
ment established and maintained under the auspices of Cromwell.
The Protector did not appoint one of the three Puritan governors 

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 17
Bennet, Digges, and Matthews; they were all chosen by the Assem
bly, and derived their power entirely from the representatives of the
people. The same was true of the Council, and at no period did Vir
ginia enjoy so large a measure of self-government as under the Pro
tectorate. The Parliamentary commissioners, headed by the active
Clayborne, occupied themselves chiefiy with the affairs of Maryland,
and with settling boundaries ; while the Assembly defined the powers
of the Governor and Council, and asserted the popular rights in their
fullest extent. Indeed, in their difficulty with Matthews, they re
moved and re-elected him, and succeeded perfectly in all their claims
to the supreme power in the state. They followed the principles
and example of the great Parliament in England, but acted with
more moderation and fairness, and they fortunately met no provincial
Cromwell ready and able to tear power from their grasp. That Vir
ginia prospered during the period of the .Protectorate is not surpris
ing ; for, under the guidance of the Puritan party, the liberties of the
people were quietly, legally, and successfully affirmed and established,
while their interests were prudently protected.
But, Puritanism left a more enduring mark upon the English
colonial policy than a passing alteration of particular governments.
When Berkeley was first sent to Virginia, he brought with him royal
instructions regulating trade, and requiring that all Virginian prod
ucts should be shipped to English ports alone. This was the dawn
of the famous restrictive policy ; but it was reserved to Cromwell to
put this policy into an enduring shape by means of the Navigation
Act passed as a war measure by the Long Parliament, the first of the
famous series which led ultimately to the revolt of the colonies. This
act was not observed in Virginia, despite the equivalents granted by
Parliament in the treaty, and no attempt was then made to enforce it.
The government of the colony during the term of the Puritan as
cendancy was not only wise but strong. Clayborne and Bennet, at
the head of a victorious party, were not the men to forget their for
mer difficulties and defeats in Maryland ; and backed by the Virginian
strength, and in the name of the Commonwealth, they subdued and
governed their Catholic neighbor. The theory of repressed loyalty
in Virginia can be safely abandoned. Satisfied with the triumph
of his party and its leaders, Cromwell left the colony to take care of
itself. On the other hand, his party, strong in the Protector's sup
port, governed wisely and well, oppressing no one, and making the
colony prosperous at home and respected abroad. The death of Oli-

18 HISTORY OF THE
ver and the accession of Richard were received in Virginia, as in Eng
land, without an outbreak of any kind, and Richard was universally
acknowledged. When Samuel Matthews died, shortly after, Virginia
was left without a Governor, and the abdication of Richard left Eng
land without a recognized Government.^ The Virginian Assembly,
with all the power of the state in its hands, determined to await the
arrival of commissioners, and in the mean time re-elected
¦'®^*'' Berkeley. This fatal reversion to the head of the old party
is not easy to understand. It indicates an absence of party-spirit,
and apparently a lack of leading men on the Puritan side, and was
certainly a mistake which led to many troubles subsequently. Dur
ing the Protectorate Virginia enjoyed peace, prosperity, and good
government, and at the time of the Restoration possessed free-trade,
universal suffrage, and religious freedom. There was no reason for
her craving a return to the old government. The mildness of par
ties, however, permitted the feeble Royalist reaction to go on un
checked. The general sentiment of Virginia was undoubtedly Royal
ist, but not extreme ; and, in obedience to what was at best a sen
timent, the people suffered the King's party to recover without a
struggle their power in the colony. Some of the old leaders of the
Puritan party were dead, and the survivors were neither active nor
decided. They and their followers yielded at a moment when self-
assertion would have been all- sufficient, and afterward resisted in a •
way and at a time when utter overthrow was alone possible for them.
Hope made the Royalists active, while the Puritans were inert; and
the former, aided no doubt by the general human desire of being on
the winning side, carried with them the unresisting mass of the peo
ple. This want of foresight and firmness at a critical moment after
ward cost the Virginians dear. An opportunity for the establishment
of liberal and independent government was lost, which no amount of
subsequent turbulence and rebellion could retrieve. During the pe
riod of the Commonwealth another great political question had shown
itself for the first time. Treaties had been begun with New England
and New York, and the bonds connecting Virginia and Maryland had
been drawn closer. This more general intercourse is the first faint
indication of the confederating spirit, and was largely due to the rule
of Cromwell, under which most of the colonies enjoyed the greatest
measure of freedom they ever obtained while in a state of subjection
to the parent country.
Berkeley, on his second accession, was at first disposed to obey the

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 19
Assembly, and govern after the manner of his Puritan predecessors ;
but the news of the Restoration put the public mind into the same
transport of Royalist zeal and repentance which was manifested in
England. This new popular feeling at once threw all the power into
the hands of the old Royalist faction, who were weak enough and fool
ish enough to at once push their advantages to dangerous extremes.
The Commonwealth men disappeared from the new Assembly,
and Royalists took their place. An address was voted to the
King, and a munificent outfit was granted to Berkeley, who went to
England to protest against the enforcement of the Navigation Act.
Berkeley, on his return, brought back advantageous patents for him
self, but nothing for the colony ; and Clayborne, the last of the Puritan
leaders, was displaced from his office of Secretary. The power of
taxation was put into the hands of the Governor and Council for three
years. The Church of England was re-established, and severe laws
were passed against Dissenters. Worst of all, the royal government at
home proceeded to enforce the Navigation Act; and as a consequence
of this last step, tobacco fell to a low price, and imports rose. The
persecutions of the Dissenters, who had so recently been all-povyerf ul,
and the navia-ation laws could lead only to trouble. The first
outbreak came as early as 1663, when the celebrations of the
blessed Restoration were still fresh in every one's memory. Public
feeling, however, was not yet ripe; the plot, conducted by a few ob
scure extremists of the Puritan faction, failed miserably, and some
of the ringleaders were hung. No heed was taken of this warning.
The profligate government of Charles II. cared only for the money to
be squeezed from Virginia, and enforced tho Navigation Act, until the
trade of the plantation was almost extinguished. Charles even went
farther, and granted to Lords Arlington and Culpepper the whole of
Virginia, Thus the colonists saw themselves deprived not only of
their trade, but of the very titles to the land they owned, and the vile
government in England did not in the colony lack petty imitators of
their feeble policy, or of their gross corruptions and oppressions. The
justices levied taxes for their own emolument, and a wretched policy
of severity was pursued toward the Indians, which exasperated with
out subduing them. The Church, in whose behalf the government
persecuted Dissenters, fell into contempt. The priests were licentious
and incompetent, and corruption and extortion prevailed. Frontier
forts were established, many of which were useless grievances. In
1674 a second revolt was on the point of breaking forth; but there

20 HISTORY OF TIIE
were no leaders, and the people, unable to lead themselves, were in
duced by some partial reforms to remain quiet. There had been
no election of burgesses since the Restoration, the ultra-royalist
Assembly then elected having been continued from year to year by
prorogation ; -and the mere existence of such an Assembly was a constant
reminder to the people of the liberties they had lost and of the rights
which were infringed. Everything was in a combustible condition.
An immediate grievance and a popular leader were alone required to
produce rebellion, and neither was long wanting. The Indian policy
led to an Indian war, and for some unexplained reason Berkeley dis
banded the forces gathered td repress it.
We are left to suppose that Berkeley regarded Indian troubles as a
wholesome antidote to domestic ones ; but in murders by Indians the
colonists had a sharp, pressing grievance, and in Nathaniel Bacon they
found a leader. Bacon was a young Englishman who had been but a
short time in the colony ; but he was one of the Council, and of so great
a popularity that he not improbably excited the jealousy of Berke
ley. He was brave, rich, eloquent, well-meaning, apparently ambi
tious, and certainly far from wise. It seems probable that the real
movers in the business were two planters named Drummond and Law
rence, who used Bacon and his popularity to advance their own ends,
and to accomplish changes more important than the punishment of
Indian hostilitie.s. Drummond and Lawrence, tho latter especially,
evidently intended a general reform of all the great abuses, and prob
ably used the pretext of the Indian wars for this object. Bacon, in
response to the popular call, after having in vain applied for a com
mission, marched at the head of a few men against the savages, and in
the mean time Berkeley proclaimed Bacon and his men rebels, and
pursued them vainly with troops. While Berkeley was absent the
revolt became general, breaking out in tho lower counties, and he was
obliged to retreat. The Governor, at last aware of the rising storm,
had issued writs for a new Assembly, to which Bacon was elected.
Oh his way thither Berkeley arrested him, but soon released him on
parole ; and when the Assembly met. Bacon read at the bar a written
confession and apology, and was thereupon pardoned and readmitted
to the Council. Shortly after this submission Bacon fled on suspicion
of a plot against his life, and returned to Jamestown with a large
force. After scenes of much excitement, he appealed, not without a
show of violence, to the Assembly, who made him their general, vin
dicated his course, and sent a letter approving him to England. The

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERIC.i. 21
Assembly also endeavored to reform abuses; and were resisted by Berke
ley, who, in his turn, wrote a letter to England for aid. The Assem
bly, now entirely committed to Bacon, were persisting in their redress
of grievances when Berkeley dissolved them. Bacon, powerful both
by the support of the Assembly and the troops, extorted the necessary
commissions from the Governor, and marched against the Indians. As
soon as he was gone Berkeley once more proclaimed him a rebel.
Bacon, on hearing this news, in the midst of a successful campaign,
retraced his steps ; and Berkeley, deserted by his troops, fled to Acco-
mac. Bacon was now supreme. He summoned a convention of all
the principal men at the Middle Plantation to replace the Assembly,
and pledged them to his support, and to resistance, even to England, if
their wrongs were not redressed. He then marched once more against
the Indians ; but in his absence the fleet which he had sent to capture
Berkeley was betrayed, and the Governor returned to Jamestown at
the head of his would-be captors. The Baconians in Jamestown at
once made peace with Berkeley, and Bacon once more returned. After
a mere travesty of a siege, Berkeley, again deserted by his men, fied to
Accomac ; and Bacon, entering Jamestown in triumph,burned the town.
Shortly after. Bacon died from a fever contracted in the marshes, and
his followers scattered at once, to be caught in detail and executed by
Berkeley. So ended the Virginia rebellion. Nothing was gained ; the
political energies of the people were exhausted, and they sank back
into apathy for the next century. Yet every circumstance was favor
able to the popular cause. The grievances were intolerable, the whole
people were ripe for revolt, and their oppressor, Berkeley, was a nar
row-minded and tyrannical man of the old Cavalier school, whoso pris
tine popularity had totally disappeared. As between Bacon and Berke
ley t-hei-e can be but one decision. The former was brave, impetuous,
and honest ; the latter acted with consistent bad faith from the out
set. Yet Bacon was utterly, incompetent for the task before him.
He lacked discretion, and when placed in a position too trying for his
powers wasted his opportunities, so that his death threw the whole game
into Berkeley's hands. But the real causes of the failure of this ill-
starred insurrection lay deeper. The people were dependent entirely
on leaders, or, rather, on a leading class, and could not manage for
themselves. Their sympathies were with Bacon, and when he appeared
he carried everything with him by sheer force, courage, and readiness
to bear responsibility. The whole movement rested on Bacon and his
personal popularity. When Bacon was absent, the people fell back

22 HISTORY OF THE
helplessly into the hands of Berkeley, the only other man ready to
take a determined lead. But the life of a single man was but a slen
der staff to support a successful revolution, and when it broke every
thing went to immediate wreck. The people, much as they hated
Berkeley and longed for reform, had no cohesion, no definiteness of
aim, and no persistence. The prominent gentlemen at their head hav-
ino- failed them, the Virginians could bring none from their own midst
to supply their places. With as gxK)d a cause and as general a sym
pathy as any popular movement ever had, or ever could have, Bacon's
rebellion came to nothing, and left no impress on the state, because
the people themselves were not fit to conduct their own affairs in try
ing times. In Virginia, while there was plenty of courage, love of
freedom, and good English pluck, there was not enough of that dogged
persistence and quiet sagacity which wrung victory from the Stuarts
in Old and New England. In Virginia resistance became turbulence,
and revolution degenerated into rebellion. The nature of the immigra
tion, the occupations of the people, their mode of life, and the general
structure of society all led to this result. An aristocracy governed the
country ; but in the time of Bacon it was a timid and half-grown aris
tocracy, and when the pinch came it failed. The people, deprived of
the natural leaders which circumstances gave them, had no substi
tutes to put in their place, for the powerful aristocracy of 1776 was in
its youth a century earlier, and in no condition to head, control, and
lead to a successful issue a great popular movement. Society in Vir
ginia was so constituted that without strong leaders in the ruling class
the people were helpless.
This rebellion, however, was the legitimate result of the great
movement which had just convulsed England, and which was des
tined, before it had spent its force, to remove another Stuart from
the English throne. The strength of the movement in Virginia re
sided in the Puritan party, which had grown up there during the
Protectorate. Its weakness lay in the latent royalism of the people,
in their inability to conduct a slow but persistent resistance, and in
the failure of the aristocracy. As a result, mismanagement was able
to waste the power of the movement, and to accelerate the reaction
which threw Virginia into a state of torpor for nearly a century, and
long arrested the progress of political development. W^th the failure
pf Bacon's rebellion the second period in Virginian history comes to
an end.
Shortly after Bacon's death arrived an English regiment and royal

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 23
commissioners. The King was disposed to be merciful, and had is
sued a proclamation of pardon, but it came too late. Berkeley had
already butchered a number of infiuential men, including Drummond,
and in some cases had confiscated their estates to his own use. The
Assembly repealed all Bacon's laws, although they afterward re-enacted
some of the most salutary, and proved themselves thoroughly subser
vient to Berkeley in attainting and condemning whomever he desired,
although they finally succeeded in cheeking the executions and miti
gating the punishments of the captured insurgents. At last Berkeley
was recalled, and died soon after his arrival in England, embittered in
his last moments, according to a most probable story, by the well-
earned gibe which the amiable Charles flung at him.
Colonel Herbert Jeffreys succeeded Berkeley, and ruled for
about a year, until his death in 1678. He was succeeded
by Sir Henry Chicheley, Berkeley's Deputy-governor, and he in turn
by Lord Culpepper, one of the ornaments of Charles's Court and
councils, upon whom the Governorship of Virginia had been bestow
ed for life in 1675. The bad effects arising from the failure of the
popular movement were soon perceived. The new charter which the
agents of Virginia had been urgently asking, and with a fair prospect
of success, was quickly consigned to oblivion. The Assembly was to
be summoned but once in two years, and was then to have the right
of sitting for only fourteen, days. Culpepper, on his arrival,
found Virginia tranquil. Jeffreys had made peace with the
Indians, and the people were disposed to grant anything to the dis
penser of royal pardons. Culpepper's sole object, however, was ex
tortion, which he freely practised. During his absence in England
in the following summer, the turbulence of the Virginians broke out
in renewed disturbances, caused by the low price of tobacco and the
legislative establishment of ports of shipment. Culpepper, on his re
turn, renewed the demand of the commissioners of James I. to exam
ine, in behalf of the King, the records of the Assembly — a claim the
Assembly always resisted. After hanging the leaders in the plant-
cutting riot, therefore, Culpepper turned his attention to the Assem
bly, and Robert Beverley, the clerk of the House, and a former adher
ent of Berkeley, who refused to give up the records, was persecuted al
most to death by the exasperated and arbitrary Governor. Culpepper's
administration was, as a whole, one of simple greed and violent ex
actions, varied by an extensive swindle in raising and lowering the
value of the coin. By continued absence from his post- he soon for-

1686-

24 HISTORY OF THE
felted his patent, and Lord Howard of Effingham succeeded to the
government of Virginia. He, too, came to make his fortune, and neg
lected no means to further that laudable end. He shared the clerks'
perquisites, established a new and oppressive Court, cheated
the Assembly by means of a new seal, and carried out in a
petty way the stupid tyranny of James II. By royal wis
dom printing was abolished in Virginia, the prisoners taken in Mon
mouth's rebellion were sent out as convicts, the Navigation Act was en
forced, the appointment of all small local officers was absorbed by the
Governor, and Virginia did not flourish. The Governor became rich
er, the province poorer, and the people more discontented, while vol
untary immigration almost ceased. The unregulated love of inde
pendence and the turbulence which the Virginians mistook for po
litical opposition were once more displayed. Censures, imprisonment,
and general servility were the first effects ; then more oppressions,
riots, and impending insurrection, until Effingham finally embarked
for England, only to find on his arrival that James had been driven
from the throne. Thus ended the Stuart domination. The reigns of
Charles and James, the one contemptible for its meanness and sor
did corruption, the other for its weak and stupid oppression, are the
greatest blots on the history of the English race. Bad enough at
home, they were even meaner, more oppressive, and more corrupt in
the provinces, for the people there were more helpless. Like master
like man : Charles debauched and debased England, and Culpepper
and Effingham degraded their governments and almost ruined Vir
ginia. In the whole range of American colonial history there are to
be found no administrations at once so contemptible, so sordid, and
so injurious as those infiicted upon Virginia by the noble governors
appointed by Charles II.
One event but little noticed at the time rises above the sorry details
of this period. In 1684 Virginia sent delegates to Albany to meet
the agents of Massachusetts and the Governor of New York, in order
to discuss the Indian troubles, and thus another uncertain step was
taken on the road to confederation. Every event of this nature, no
matter how trifiing, acquires importance in marking the slow stao-es
by which the principle of union rose by external pressure from the
jarring interests of separate colonics.
But little immediate benefit accrued to Virginia from the English
revolution. Her energies had been wasted in 1675 instead of being
reserved for 1689, when she could have taken advantage of the times

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 25
and made solid political gains. Effingham, in England, continued to
be Governor, and Sir Francis Nicholson, lately expelled by a
popular rising from New York, came out as deputy. Nichol
son tried to endear himself to the people by the common arts of a
demagogue, while he obeyed his patron in refusing to call an Assem
bly until absolutely forced to by popular discontent. The only
event of his administration was the grant of the charter of
William and Mary College to James Blair, who was for'many years a
noted character in Virginia. An active, energetic Scotchman, brim
ming over with the controversial spirit, more of a politician than a
clergyman, yet' zealous in both capacities, James Blair played an im
portant part in the colony. He was the head of the college and the
head of the Church ; and the latter position brought him into constant
collision with the Governor on ecclesiastical- matters, until finally he
became the leader, and often the successful leader, of the opposition
party. His success was marred by his disputatious temperament, his
readiness to quarrel, and his stubbornness of opinion. But his sturdy
good sense, official position, courage, and high character made him a
serviceable man to Virginia in days when competent party leaders
were rarely to be found in the colony.
Virginia at this time seems to have been selected as a resting-place
for all unpopular governors. Sir Edmund Andros, fresh from his
unlucky New England government, succeeded Nicholson. He ap
pears to have been somewhat sobered by the treatment of Massa
chusetts, and to have considerably softened his arbitrary tastes. His
administration was, on the whole, a good one ; but he gave offence by
enforcing the Navigation Act, and fell into the great error of a quarrel
with the commissary, Blair. After a term of six years, he was suc
ceeded by Sir Francis Nicholson, commissioned this time as
Governor-in-chief. Nicholson brawled on through his second
administration for nearly seven years, making many stupid speeches,
and quarrelling with various persons on a variety of subjects, public
and private, and ultimately with Dr. Blair, who, after a prolonged
struggle, defeated him, and drove him from the colony. Although
arbitrary, Nicholson was not corrupt ; and had he been less violent, and
not tasked a by no means powerful mind with extended schemes for
the general defence and government of the colonies, he might have
made a respectable Governor. As it was, he effected nothing, and the
most remarkable event of his administration was the control which the
Assembly succeeded in obtaining over the treasury. By Nicholson's

26 HISTORY OF THE
neglect or indifference, the burgesses made the treasurer of the colony
an officer of their own, which was a valuable gain at the time, and of
the highest importance in the future when the purse was the great
weapon of the Assembly against the Governor.
In 1704 the Earl of Orkney was made titular Governor of Virginia,
a sinecure which he held for forty years at an annual profit of
^'^^*' £1200. Edward Nott was the first deputy under this new ar
rangement, and died in office, after an uneventful administration of
two years. Robert Hunter was appointed his successor ; but the ship in
which he sailed was captured, and on his return to England he received
another government in lieu of that of Virginia. Connection with one
of the greatest Englishmen of the day has given to Hunter's name a
peculiar interest. Jonathan Swift was his friend, and desired to go
out with him as Bishop of Virginia. The plan was seriously discussed
between the two, and there are several allusions to it in Swift's jour
nals and letters ; but for some unexplained reason the scheme came
to nothing. The incident lies outside the path of Virginian history.
It concerns a Governor who never arrived, and a man who rarely re
ferred to the American colonies except as the abodes of malefactors.
Yet when the name of Swift indirectly and faintly touches the theme
of Virginian history, we cannot but turn aside to speculate on the pos
sible results to the colonies and to the world if that dark and mighty
genius of the reign of Anne had been transferred to America as the
head of the English Church in the young West.
The history of Virginia at this time becomes little more than a list
of governors, well-meaning men of ordinary abilities, who for
the most part conducted their governments in a lumbering,
quiet fashion, treating the people pretty well, and, as a rule, doing lit
tle to improve the methods of administration or develop the resources
of the country. On the other hand, the nagging resistance of the
burgesses to the Governor, simply becaiise he was a Governor, and
therefore made to quarrel with, now begins. Yet it was this snarling,
and often unreasoliable and factious but ever persistent and watchful
opposition, which slowly trained the people, accustomed them to Par
liamentary and constitutional principles, and gradually raised their
political thought to the level of 1776. In this period of rest, too, the
various social elements which had gathered in Virginia during the
stormy years of the seventeenth century crystallized. It was then
that the social fabric which we find in existence when the English
colonies entered upon their career as a nation was built up and con-

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 27
solidated. Politically barren as the eighteenth century is in Virginian,
and, indeed, in all the colonial history, it is socially the most impor
tant period. From those times we can learn who and what the peo
ple were who fought the Revolution and founded the United States.
In the interval which ensued after the death of Nott, natives of the
province, all Virginian grandees, were at the head of affairs as Presi
dents of the Council, until at last a new Governor came to them
4n the person of Alexander Spotswood, a Scotchman and a
soldier, active and energetic — the best of the eighteenth century gov
ernors — and possessed of some imagination and of enlarged views.
Spotswood brought with him the grant of the writ of Habeas Corpus,
and, thus provided, made friends with his first Assembly. He was high
ly pleased with his prospects, and his description of the colony reflects
very accurately the grateful political lethargy into which Virginia had
sunk. Spotswood says : " This government is in perfect peace and
tranquillity, under a due obedience to the royal authority, and a gen
tlemanly conformity to the Church of England." The pcilitical apa
thy of the times was deep enough, but it was not such absolute tor
por as the new- Governor supposed, and he was soon rudely unde
ceived on this point, for the next year we find him wrangling with
his burgesses.
Spotswood, however, proved himself very superior to the ordinary
run of colonial governors. His enterprise and his liberal opinions,
indeed, became the causes of his recall by the Home Government, who
did not at that period admire too great a display of such qualities;
but while in office Spotswood did much for the colony. He subdued
an insurrection in North Carolina; fought and finally made peace
with the Indians ; and endeavored sedulously, but in vain, to improve
the condition of the Church. His attempts at ecclesiastical reforms
only led him into fresh difficulties, a final collision with Commissa
ry Blair, and ultimate defeat at the hands of the vestries. Spots-
wood also, at his own expense, sought to carry out various benevolent
schemes for the civilization of the savages, and established schools
for them at outlying posts, where he placed competent teachers. The
principal school was at Christanna, where he had at one time over
seventy Indian children in regular attendance. The years of peace
with the Indians, obtained by Spotswood's policy, gave opportunity
for extending the settlements, for a great development of material
prosperity, and for the growth and consolidation of an aristocracy
capable of furnishing leaders to the people of Virginia. The Gov-

28 HISTORY OF THE
ernor's activity also brought about friendly relations with the colo
nists of the Carolinas, whom the Virginians assisted against the In
dians as well as in their domestic difficulties, and thus began to knit
the bonds which afterward held together the Southern group of colo
nies. Spotswood also directed his energies to exploration, and led a
party in person across the Blue Ridge — an expedition which made no
little noise in its day. He strove to organize the militia and put it
in good condition for service, and he strenuously urged the home
government to build a line of forts on the western frontier, to guard
against Indian attacks and possible French encroachments. The
events of the French war fully justified the soundness and wise fore
sight of this advice, but at the moment it only served to hasten the
recall of the over-zealous governor who had devised it. Spotswood
was a vigorous administrator, but, like many other men of the same
type of mind, he lacked capacity to deal successfully with those who
differed from him. He could originate and command, but he could
neither manage nor conciliate. He wrangled with the Assembly
throughout his administration, and the burgesses found him a diffi
cult man to control. Taxes were, of course, the chief bone of conten
tion ; and as the Governor was able and determined, while the bur
gesses were factious and obstinate, the course of public affairs seldom
ran very smoothly.
Spotswood was replaced by Hugh Drysdale, a great contrast to
his bustling predecessor, and a mild, inoffensive man, who
at once made peace with the opposition, and died after four
years of tranquil rule. He was succeeded by William Gooeh, an
other Scotchman and soldier, who came in with George II.
at the moment when Walpole had just obtained a fresh lease
of power. By his own shrewdness, which led him to form a coali
tion with the Council, in which the royal quit-rents alone were sacri
ficed, and by the flourishing condition of the colony, now reaping
the benefits of Spotswood's administration, Gooch ruled Viroinia
acceptably and well for twenty-two years. This long term was the
most uneventful period in the annals of the province. The Governor
was moderate and sensible, and the usual contentions were in great
measure avoided. The most important event of all these years was
the co-operation of Virginia and her sister colonies with the mother
country in the fruitless expedition against Carthagena, which ¦
served merely as one more step in the development of union.
Wealth and population increased rapidly while Gooch was ruling-

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 29
the province so quietly. Printing was introduced, education began
to be slowly diffused, and its improving effects felt among the upper
classes of society. The close of Gooch's otherwise calm administra
tion was disturbed by religious difficulties. The loose and often
licentious character of the clergy made the Established Church but
a feeble bulwark against the tide of religious enthusiasm which swept
iu with Whitefield, and the old cry was therefore raised against dis
senters by those who found the Established Church in conformity
with their habits and valuable to their worldly interests, if not bene
ficial to their souls. In submission to this feeling, Gooch attempted
to suppress heterodox opinions by all the powers of the State, and
there was a good deal of petty persecution, which left the Church
weaker and more unpopular even than before.
After Gooch's departure there was a short interval of Presidents
of the Council as acting; governors, and then a successor from
1*749*j„ .„ England, Robert Dinwiddie, whose administration was the dawn
of a new era in Virginia. The long repose was broken, and
the forces that had been gathering strength began to come in play.
Dinwiddie started with a large amount of unpopularity, which he had
incurred when surveyor of customs in the colony ; and this dislike of
the new Governor was not diinini-shed by his announcement of the
royal dissent to several bills which had received the approbation of
Gooch. He also interfered oppressively with the ordinary method
of acquiring land by a simple warrant of survey, and demanded in
stead a formal patent, accompanied by a fee for the official seal. In
1753 the Assembly remonstrated against this extortion and
1T53. injustice ; and remonstrance now had deep meaning, for the
colony was no longer poor and weak as at the time of Bacon's re
bellion. Once more, after a long interval of quiet, Virginia found
herself opposed to her Governor on a question of principle. But
times had greatly changed since she had last occupied this hostile at
titude. Her revenues were good, her population had increased and
consolidated, and there was a large, wealthy, united, and patriotic aris
tocracy ready to lead the people intelligently and well. In this first
instance of resistance the Assembly sent Peyton Randolph to Eng
land, with a handsome salary, to protest against the Governor's action,
and they denounced any one who should submit to the exactions of
the new patents. The current of parliamentary resistance in Virginia
began to flow in those channels which have always led either to re
dress or revolution. At the next session the burgesses refused sup-

30 HISTORY OF THE
plies, on the ground that their privileges were in danger. These were
ominous words, and might well have recalled to Dinwiddie the lan
guage of another English Assembly a hundred years before. At the
next meeting, in January, 1754, they voted £10,000, but clog
ged the bill with various provisos against invasions by pre
rogative. But events were near which were destined to throw power still
more into the hands of the representatives of the people. America
was on the eve of great changes, in which Virginia was to take a
prominent part. While the long repose which the policy of Walpole
gave to England and her dependencies had allowed the political en
ergies of the people to gather once more the force which had been
expended in tbe conflicts of the seventeenth century, a new and im
portant element in colonial questions had come into existence. An
other nation had gradually assumed a position which made it a
weighty factor in, the development of the English empire in America.
The French had extended their power by means of their influence
with the Indians, and having slowly worked their way to the valley
of the Ohio, now planned to connect by a chain of forts their pos
sessions in Canada and Louisiana, and thus hem in the English colo
nies and prevent their progress toward the West. It was a grand
though impracticable scheme, and its overthrow was to cost the blood
and treasure of a world-wide war.
In London, about this time, an Ohio company had been formed,
in which Dinwiddie and many prominent Virginians were inter
ested. Thus colonization was to be favored and extended, and
it was now inevitable that French and English should soon come
into collision. When they did so, the fii-.st effect was to throw the
power in the colonies into the hands of those who laid taxes. In
this way the Virginian Assembly, working on Dinwiddle's necessities,
and aided by their control of the finances through the medium of
the treasurer, affirmed and established their supremacy in the State.
That the substantial victory remained with the Assembly is shown
by the fact that in 1754 they granted £20,000 without limitations,
despite their quarrels about granting half that amount a few months
before. Thus the burgesses gained their first victory ; but the war
had two other important results, which greatly affected the future
march of events. It removed the hostile power which had served to
bind them to the powerful protection of the mother country and it
taught the colonists the force and value of united strength.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 31
To trace the history of Virginia during this great conflict is to fol
low the career of one man. The long period of dependent life is
over ; the dead level of colonial history is at an end ; the monotonous
average of provincial respectability is broken, and great men rise up
whose characters and abilities have shed an enduring lustre upon
the land which gave them birth. The time had eome when Virginia
would produce great leaders in abundance. The most illustrious of
all these distinguished men was the first to step upon the stage of
public affairs, and as we follow the early life of George Washington
we are borne on through all the swaying fortunes of his native State
in the long and bitter struggles of the old French war.
Washington sprang from a good English stock, and from one of
the best families in Virginia. As a boy he was fond of out- door
life and athletic sports; but the most striking fact, except his very
meagre education, about his early years, is the soberness of mind and
solidity of judgrnent which he displayed from the first. We can
hardly imagine Washington destitute of some heavy responsibility.
As a lad of sixteen, surveying in the wilds of West Virginia, he mani
fested the prudence and discretion which marked his subsequent ca
reer. In the care of his brother's estate he showed the same unself
ishness and fidelity as when he filled the Presidential chair, and was
trusted by a nation. His early mission to the French brought out in
the strongest way his habits of mind and great moral qualities. An
Adjutant -general and Major in the Virginian militia at the age of
nineteen, Washington was selected by Dinwiddie to negotiate with
the Indians and the French at Fort Du Quesne. His minute journal
of that expedition has been preserved, and reads like the account of
an experienced man well past middle life. Not only is there none of
the fun, but there is none of the exuberance of youth. The narrative
is clear, condensed, and vigorous ; but there is throughout the all-
pervading sense of responsibility, and the truthful, forcible simplici
ty which gave to all Washington's writings that gray soberness of
thought and expression which commands the deepest respect and
most implicit confidence, even if it does not excite our imagination.
In every event of this dangerous journey we see the unerring judg
ment, the deep sagacity, and the marvellous foresight which made
Washington a king of men. The conduct of this perilous mission
was in every way characteristic. Dangers were met and overcome ;
hardships were endured; crafty savages were outwitted and timid
ones encouraged, and neither hostile Indians nor courteous and deceit-

32 HISTORY OF THE
ful Frenchmen could divert Washington . from his object, or mislead
his understanding for a moment. All the success possible under the
circumstances was obtained, and this early mission and the journal
which preserves its history reflect alike those qualities of mind and
character with which the world has become familiar.
On his return, Washington was appointed to the second place in
the little Virginian army, and soon after marched with a small troop
, in advance of the main body against the enemy. At the Little
Meadows he surprised a party of French and Indians. A skirmish
ensued, and M. de Jumonville, a young French officer, was killed.
Thus was shed the first blood in a war which spread over the whole
globe, and the results of which were a principal factor in the Ameri
can Revolution. The death of De Jumonville is one of the trifling
events in history which gain from accidental circumstances a start
ling dramatic effect. It reveals Washington as the leading figure in
a petty affray which was the signal for a world-wide confiict, the
prologue to that great revolutionary drama which, opening in a Mas
sachusetts village, rolled on for nearly half a century, involving all
the civilized nations of the earth in its progress, and closed at last
upon the plains of Waterloo. Thus the greatest man of the great
revolutionary period was present at the obscure beginning of those
mighty changes which convulsed the world, and conducted the petty
action which was the nominal cause of a long and devastatino- war.
On leaving the Little Meadows, "V^ashington was joined by the
main body of the army, and the death of his colonel soon after left
him in command. He pushed on, and passed the Great Meadows, to
which, however, he was soon forced to return, pursued by a large body
of the enemy. Throwing himself into the stockade fort which he
had built at the Meadows, he prepared to defend himself; but he
was greatly outnumbered, and relief was hopeless. Rather than pro
long a useless contest, he therefore surrendered on honorable terms,
and returned to Virginia, where his services and misfortunes were un
derstood, and where he was received with all honor. He soon after
.stood forward as the champion of the provincial officers by refusing to
submit to the degradation in rank which they were forced to undergo
when associated with those who bore the royal commission. Rather
than suffer such an indignity and injustice, Washington resigned ; but
stirring times were at hand, and a man of his talents and reputation,
filled with longing for a military career, could not remain in retire
ment. From the feeble and inauspicious beginnino- of a handful of

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 38
provincials, the war had begun to assume vast dimensions. Edward
Braddock, general and commander-in-chief of all the forces
1755. in America, was sent out by the British Government, together
with a fine body of veteran troops. His arrival created a great sen
sation in Virginia, which looked with admiration on the splendid sol
diery of Europe. Almost his first act, and the wisest one of his brief
career in America, was to invite Washington to enter his military
family — an invitation which was at once accepted. If all Braddock's
actions had been as sensible as this, he would have met with a very
different fate ; but he had all the ignorance and arrogance of an Eng
lishman of that period in regard to America. He came prepared to
despise the provincials, and he was profoundly irritated by the apathy
of the legislatures and the difficulty of supplying his requirements ;
but as his contempt increased, so did his unpopularity. The more he
raged and stormed, the more sullen and uncomplying became the tem
per of all about him. Washington expostulated, but in vain ; and
if it had not been for the exertions of Benjamin Franklin, Brad
dock might have waited a lifetime- before he would have obtained
the necessary means of transportation. At last the army, counting
about two thousand effective men, of whom one-half were regulars,
started from Will's Creek early in June. They pushed on slowly
toward Fort Du Quesne, encountering every sort of difficulty, and
making but little headway, Washington offered a great deal of
good advice, which was sometimes taken, but much oftener rejected ;
until at last Braddock's provincial mentor was struck down by a fe
ver, and obliged to see the army march on without him. He man-
ao-ed to overtake it, however, before the culmination of the campaign,
and in season to be present at the disastrous fight near Fort Du
Quesne. Braddock, relying on discipline alone, and guided only by
European experience, marched straight into an ambush, was surprised
by a motley crowd of French and Indians, insisted on fighting in pla
toons and according to recognized principles, and saw his men picked
off by an invisible enemy without being able to return a single effec
tive shot. The result was ruin and massacre. In that scene of car
nage Washington displayed the highest courage and efficiency, and
finally brought off the wounded and dying general and the shattered
remnants of the army. The fame of this ill-starred expedition is a
good proof of its importance ; but this importance consists not so
much in the comparative magnitude of the expedition, or the sudden
ness of its destruction, as in the lessons whioh it taught. Braddock
3

34 HISTORY OF THE
and his army were typical of British arrogance, courage, and obstina
cy. They offered to the colonists the spectacle of the finest troops in
the world butchered by savages because of their own unconquerable
ignorance and unwillingness to learn. They showed conclusively,
also, that the Englishman, as such, was not necessarily braver than
the American, while the latter understood the exigencies of American
warfare far better. The awe inspired by the British arms was bro
ken, and the British army was no longer a name to conjure with.
On his return from Braddock's expedition,Washington was put in
command of all the Virginian troops. During the years of war which
followed this appointment he occupied a position curiously like that
which he filled in the war for Independence. The Assembly was
friendly and well meaning, but as incompetent in execution as most
legislative bodies. The Governor, Dinwiddie, was more competent,
perhaps, in administration than the Burgesses ; but he was unreason
able and headstrong, domineering, and at times insulting. Wash
ington, generally beloved and popular with all classes, was in a posi
tion where he was expected to accomplish wonders, without means
being- provided to effect anything. Doing the best under the circum
stances, writing bold, urgent letters to the Assembly and the Gov
ernor, planning radical remedies, and putting up with temporary ex
pedients, responsible for everything, and supported in nothing, Wash
ington appears at this time in an attitude which was typical of almost
his whole military career. But while Washington was thus contend
ing with difficulties, the war was running its course. Frenchmen and
Indians were ravaging the frontier, the inhabitants were massacred,
and the back settlements broken up. The whole country was in
alarm and constantly pillaged, vet nothino: was done. There
1756. . . J sr a 7 . a
is a famous passage in one of Washington's letters which
brings all this suffering and wretchedness vividly before us : " The
sujplicating tears of the women," he writes to Dinwiddie, " and mov
ing petitions of the men, melt me into such deadly sorrow, that I
solemnly declare, if I know my own mind, I could offer myself a
willing sacrifice to the butchering enemy, provided that would con
tribute to the people's ease." There are here revealed not only the
miseries of the country and the trials of Washington's situation, but
that keen sense of responsibility and public duty in which no other
man ever equalled him. The pathos of the sentence comes from
the passionate force of that strong reserved nature, moved at last to
open expression. For the moment it was all in vain- Lord Loudon

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 35
came and went as commander-in-chief, left his name to a Virgin
ian county — -which was all the province that he never visited, ob
tained from him as Governor and successor to Dinwiddie-^and did
nothing. The weary struggle dragged on, and even Washington,
worn out with vexation and fatigue, retired for a time. But at
last Mr. Pitt came to the head of affairs in England, and all
was altered. Francis Fauquier, ruined at the gaming-table,
but fascinating and high-bred, a gentleman and scholar, a charm
ing companion and a popular Governor, came to rule over Virginia ;
but this was the least and most unimportant of the changes. Under
Mr. Pitt men came to America to serve England; armies and fleets
were sent, and money was poured out in all directions. All were im
bued with the spirit of the great commoner. General Forbes, who
was in command in Virginia, was able to gather a numerous and ex
cellent army. Slowly and carefully, rather stupidly perhaps, Forbes
pushed on for Fort Du Quesne, not at all in the way in which Colo
nel Washington, who was in command of the advance, desired. The
capital mistakes of Braddock, however, were not repeated, although
the French surprised and nearly destroyed a large detachment sent
forward under Grant. But this was not enough to check the English.
The French stronghold, owing largely to the efforts of Mr. Pitt and
the British navy, was doomed, and the brave garrison, deserting their
hopeless post, permitted Forbes to march in unmolested, and name
his conquest Fort Pitt. This practically closed the war so far
as Virginia was concerned, and Colonel Washington was able
to withdraw to Mount Vernorf, and remain there with the wife he had
iust married. In the North the war went on for two' years
1759, longer. Wolfe took Quebec the first summer, and the next
saw Montreal and Canada in the hands of the British. Two
years now passed by. Pitt was driven from office, and peace was
concluded under the auspices of Bute, while Frederick of Prussia soon
followed England's example. The map of Europe was not changed,
but the destiny of America was determined. England retained Can
ada, the Floridas, and the Great West as -far as the Mississippi.
Henceforth the English race was to rule unquestioned upon
the North American continent. But these vast changes were
only preliminary to still greater ones. The French war had cleared
the way for the momentous questions involved in the future relations
of the English colonies with the mother country. The thirteen prov
inces were disclosed to the eyes of England in all their immense and

36 HISTORY OF THE
hitherto unnoticed value. Territories so vast, a people so numerous,
so wealthy, and so enterprising, could no longer be neglected. The
old, slow, let-alone policy of Walpole was clearly insufficient, and
must be abandoned. These were the thoughts which filled the minds
of English statesmen when the clouds of war which had so long en
veloped the world rolled slowly away. But if the lessons of the war
were just, their practical application became fatal in the hands of the
men to whom it was committed.
The teaching of the war, so much considered in England, was not
lost upon the colonies. With the close of the French war the whole
current of American history changes. Not only did that struggle
bring the colonies together in a common cause, but it destroyed the
power of France in America. Fear of France no longer bound the
colonies to the parent State. Their loyalty in the future depended
on the policy of England alone.
For Virginia these years had been especially useful. She had learned
that the King's troops were not invincible ; she had tested her own
resources, and she had proved the strength and independence of her
Assembly. While Washington was neglected on the frontier, and
even before Dinwiddie and the Assembly quarrelled, .the Governor
had discovered that without great assistance from England he was
sure to be worsted in every encounter. Whatever right there was in
the questions then at issue was probably with Dinwiddie, who had to
carry on a defensive war ; but none the less did the Assembly put
him down and assert their own independence. As the war drifted
away from her borders, Virginia, under the genial rule of Fauquier,
took breath after her exertions and hailed with delight the peace
which marked the triumphs of England. But the lull was only mo
mentary. Now that the terrible fear which hung over the West
ern border was removed, men began to watch the progress of their
domestic affairs more closely, and to scrutinize most narrowly every
incident in their relations with the mother country. The past had
shown that things never went smoothly unless the policy of non
intervention, except in a beneficent manner, was adhered to by Eng
land. Virginians were thoroughly loyal, but they liked to manage
their own affairs in their own way ; and now that they began to be
conscious of their strength, and to know their own importance, they
-were very quick to detect any meddling, and equally ready to resent it.
Interference on the part of England was certain, sooner or later, espe
cially when ministers had come to the conclusion that America was

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 37
not governed enough, and only the most delicate and judicious treat
ment could avert the worst results. The rejoicings which greeted the
return of peace had not died away when the inevitable collision came.
This first confiict was brief and comparatively unimportant ; but it
acquires an immense significance as an exponent of the new spirit
which was abroad, and was tbe forerunner of revolution.
In 1755 the Assembly passed, under the pressure of war and gen
eral distress, a relief act providing that for the next ten months all
debts due in tobacco (the standard of value in the colony) might be
paid either in kind or in mondy, at the rate of twopence per pound of
tobacco. The year was one of great scarcity, and tobacco rose to
sixpence per pound. The result of the act, therefore, was a virtual
repudiation of about sixty-six per cent, of all existing debts ; and as the
State and the great mass of the people were debtors, the act seems to
have met with general acceptance, and to have encountered but little
opposition. So satisfactory, indeed, did the act prove to the ma
jority of the voters, that in 1758, in anticipation of another short
crop of tobacco, another relief act, determining anew the rate for to-
¦ bacco in the payment of all debts, was passed. There was one class
in the community whose salary was fixed by law at 16,000 pounds
of tobacco, and upon whom this forced reduction of debts seemed
therefore to weigh with peculiar severity. This was the clergy. De
riving some benefit, probably, from the operation of the first act, the
ministers had conteutcd themselves with petitioning the Assembly
for a more liberal maintenance; but the second act fell upon them
with full force, and although there was no apparent intention of es
pecially abridging their income, they now broke out into violent op
position. A bitter controversy ensued which drew down the utmost
popular odium upon the ministers. At last the clergy appealed to
the King in Council, and Sherlock, the Bishop of London, denounced
the act as hostile to the prerogative, and tending to withdraw the alle
giance of the people froni the Crown. On the other side. Colonel
Bland defended the act as justified by its most salutary end, the pres
ervation of the people. This he boldly put forward as the highest duty,
and one which took precedence of every other, and rendered treason im
possible. The King, however, denounced the act as a usurpation, and
declared it null and void. The clergy thereupon brought suits to re
cover the unpaid salary, and the Court of Hanover County, in a test case,
decided the point of law in favor of the plaintiff, the Rev. James Mau
ry, holding that the royal disapprobation made the act void ah initio.

38 HISTORY OF THE
They ordered that the plaintiff should go before a jury to determine
the amount of damages, which, after their decision, appeared a mere
ly formal matter. The counsel for the defendants, who were the col
lectors of the county, retired from the case. It was, indeed, a foriorn-
hope, and the defendants were obliged to employ a briefless young
lawyer who, after six months' study, had just been admitted to the Bar.
But this young lawyer was Patrick Henry, and the argument he was
about to make was the second eloquent appeal, as that of Otis on the
writs of assistance had been the first, to the independence of America
from the domination of the English Crown. The son of respectable
parents, and connected with the aristocracy of Virginia, Henry was
utterly unknown, except to his immediate circle, and even there very
unfavorably. As he stood before the magistrates in the little Vir
ginia court-house in November, 1763, to defend a desperate cause,
the gentlemen on the bench could hardly have regarded him with
partial eyes. Uncouth in form and ragged in feature, as he stum
bled over the first sentences of his speech, his father's friends and
neighbors, who filled the court-room, probably expected that one more
failure was to be added to the record of an unsuccessful career. Al
though well-born, Henry appeared to those about him as the boy who
had early left school but half-oducated, to devote himself to fishing
and hunting, to indolent hours of dreaming in the woods and by the
banks of streams, and to the violin and the dances of the Virginian
plantation. His serious occupations had been even worse than his
idle amusements. An unsuccessful farmer, a broken tradesman, a
tavern-keeper, earning a precarious living, and now a hastily prepared
lawyer who had barely gained admission to the Bar, Ibis thriftless fel
low and jolly companion seemed hardly likely to sustain a failing
cause before all the respectability of his native county.
But the hour had come and the man. As Henry broke through
the trammels of hesitation and embarrassment the words began to
come, the deep -set gray eyes began to flash, and the great orator
stood forth before the astonished eyes of the planters, farmers, and
clergymen who had gathered in the Hanover Court-house. Of all
that brilliant rhetoric and savage invective not a word remains, but
the theme which drew it out is as distinct in every contemporary
record as the person of the orator himself. . Henry brushed aside all
legal points — he knew little of them, and cared less ; and, moreover,
the law was utteriy against him. With the intuitive perception of
the great advocate, he seized the one point on which he knew he could

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 39
move his countrymen. He left the nstrrow fleld of the law for the
broad ground of political principle. He did not strive to convince
men's reason, but he appealed to their innate convictions, their pas
sions, their emotions. He declared that a king who annulled good
laws dissolved his compact with the people, and was a tyrant ; that,
unless the jury were disposed to rivet the chains of bondage, they would
sustain the authority of the representatives of the people. Henry's
eloquence was irresistible, his arguments appealed to the heart of ev
ery man present, the jury awarded merely nominal damages, and the
orator was borne from the court-house upon the shoulders of his ex
cited auditors. Henry became from that moment a great popular
leader ; but the importance of the event does not lie in the fact that
a famous orator then made his first success or won a hopeless case.
"Tbe Parson's Cause" deserves lasting remembrance, because Henry
then gave utterance to the latent feeling of the community. He
owed much of his greatness to being the first in Virginia, and the
second in America, to express in words what every one was thinking
more or less indistinctly. Henry's whole speech resolves itself into
one proposition : " The Colony of Virginia must manage her own af
fairs in her own way, and she cannot brook outside interference."
Henry's voice was the voice of the people, and its warning note
sounds clearly enough now across the chasm of a century. But in
1763 it was lost in a multitude of confused ephemeral noises, and
passed by unheard. Perhaps England, if she had heard, would not
have stopped to listen and to understand ; but the next time he spoke
she heard him, and attended, although she failed to learn the great
truths of which he was the exponent. Other signs, however, were
not wanting, and they all pointed in the same direction. Some were
of little importance ; others, as, for example, the appointment of a
Bishop, and the enforcement of the laws of trade, excited the bit
terest resistance. But all alike announced in unmistakable language
that Englishmen in America were too powerful and too many not to
govern thenjselves freely through their own representatives. Unfort
unately the theory that America was not enough governed, and that
she did not contribute enough to the expenses of the mother country,
had taken deep root in the minds of English statesmen. Pitt, with
his high and generous policy and enlarged views, had gone from of
fice, and his successors were just clever enough to see the defects in
the colonial system without having the wisdom to grasp all the con
ditions of the case and apply the proper remedies. The chief objects

40 HISTORY OF THE
of the new ministers were to maintain a standing army, to enforce
the navigation laws, and to lay taxes upon the colonists in order to
exact their proper contribution to the financial burdens of the Em
pire. The execution of these plans by means of the Stamp Act and
revenue laws led to the first Congress, to the union of the colonies,
to resistance to England, and finally to war. Virginia was the first
to sound the alarm against the Stamp Act in the famous resolutions
of May, 1765, introduced by Henry and advocated by him in the
celebrated speech which compared George III. to Caesar and Charles I.
Fauquier's management prevented the choice of delegates, and Vir
ginia was not represented at the Congress in New York, but she
warmly supported its action, and sent to England a declaration of
similar principles. With the Congress of 1765, and the measures
which led to and succeeded it, the thirteen provinces began to live a
national life, and the history of Virginia unites with the great current
of the history of the United States.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 41

Chapter II.
VIRGINIA IN 1765.
Without a knowledge of her social, economical, and political con
dition, the great part played by Virginia in the history of the United
States is almost unintelligible. The always difficult task of recon
structing oh paper a past society is enhanced in the case of Virginia
by the almost total want of contemporary literature ; and this want is
not supplied by private correspondence, for if intelligent letters or jour
nals were written, they have not come down to us. In the middle of
the eighteenth century Virginian society was not much given to liter
ary pursuits of any sort ; and when the correspondence of the great
leaders of the Revolution begins, the stern interests of war and politics
drove from men's minds and from their letters the simple details of
every-day life. To summon up the past in Virginia, we must turn to
the dry narratives of travellers, the g-ossiping histories of families and
churches, and the yellow pages of old newspapers.
Virginia has altered as little probably as any State in the Union ;
but in this country of rapid changes, and after a century of hur
ried progress and unexampled development, closing with a civil war
which utterly wrecked the social system of the South, it may be safely
said that nothing now remains of the ancient Dominion of the year
1765. The great physical features of the country are of course the
same. There are still the rich soil, the genial climate, the noble rivers,
the safe and capacious harbors, which greeted the eyes of John Smith
and his companions. - The face of the country, moreover, is but little
changed since the middle of the last century. More territory has
been cleared and utilized, but great tracts of wild land still remain
untouched. Where a hundred years ago there were a few scattered
villages, there are now some respectable towns ; but no great cities,
in obedience to the laws of modern civilization, have sprung up upon
Virginian soil. Yet the whole fabric of society lias been radically

42 HISTORY OF THE
altered. Even in 1822, long before the far-reaching changes effected
by the extinction of slavery, John Randolph of Roanoke could say
with truth: "Traces of the same manners could be found some years
subsequent to the adoption of the Federal Constitution — say to the
end of the century. At this time not a vestige remains. We are a
new people."
To draw an accurate picture of the vanished society lamented by
Randolph, it is first necessary to ascertain the numbers of the people.
Accurate government statistics had then no existence, and we are
forced to rely upon the estimates of individuals. The figures gener
ally accepted, therefore, are at best only approximately true. For the
year 1650 a contemporary tract gives fifteen thousand whites and
three hundred negroes as the population of Virginia. It is worth
while to pause a moment here in order to get a general notion of
Virginia in the middle of the seventeenth century, for we are thus en
abled to see the germs of the subsequent development. From the
scanty material which the time affords, a rough sketch can be made
of the first colony planted by Englishmen in America fifty years
after its foundation. The race had then finally taken root in its new
home, and the lines of social and political development were already
marked out. The results seem at first sight small, but they represent
stability of existence, the first great prize wrung from the wilderness.
From the tract just referred to, other statistics than those of popula
tion may be gathered. Imported cattle, as well as horses, swine, goats,
and fowls, had thriven in Virginia. The flocks and herds, sure signs
of permanency and well-being, had increased and multiplied, and be
come a source of wealth to their owners. Agriculture had taken -a
firm hold, and was the main support of the people. Tobacco, the
source of Virginian wealth, was then as always the great staple ; but
the more familiar products of English soil were "not lacking. Wheat
and corn were raised in sufficient quantities to supply the plantations.
Hops were successfully cultivated, and good beer brewed, to the satis
faction, doubtless, of the colonists, who had not left their tastes and
habits behind them. Vines were indigenous, and grapes plentiful,
while imported fruit-trees took so kindly to the new soil that fine
orchards had already become a part of every plantation. Trade had
grown up with the other colonies and the West India Islands, as well
as with the mother country. Small vessels for tho coasting trade and
for fishing had been built, and pitch, potashes, furs, and lumber were
exported in considerable quantities. Other industries showed but

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 43
feeble signs of life. Efforts had been made to establish iron-works
and introduce silk culture, but with little success.
Colonel Norwood, a Royalist refugee, who was wrecked on the
American coast, left a journal recounting his adventures, and among
other incidents his first reception by a Virginia farmer. From his
brief account it may be gathered that the circumstances of this plant
er, although rough and simple, were not uncomfortable. The table
to which the shipwrecked traveller was welcomed seems to have been
plentifully supplied with the fine game of the country and the whole
some products of the plantation. The host was dressed in coarse,
strong homespun, and would seem to have been contented. This was
probably the condition of most of the planters at that period. They
had comfortable houses of wood or brick in the midst of large es
tates, which yielded all crops in profusion. They lived in compara
tive solitude, scattered along the banks of rivers and isolated in the
great forests, holding little intercourse with each other or with the
outside world. Almost the only highways were the great natural
watercourses ; and the annual ship from England, laden with goods
to pay for tobacco, was the great event in their lives. Except for tlje
little village of Jamestown, there was nothing even resembling a town.
Alone on the edge of the ocean, it seemed as if the wilderness behind
must, by the sheer force of its vast desolation, drive the colonists into
the sea. Strange stories were current of marvellous and abnormal
races of men beyond the mountains, which were supposed to be wash
ed on the other side by the waves of the Indian Ocean.' Nothino-
but the sturdy and unimaginative nature of the Anglo-Saxon race
coiild have enabled the Virginians to support their solitary life in the
seventeenth century.
Their political instincts were as keen as in the mother country,
whose customs and laws they had brought with them. Except for
the brief period of the Protectorate, the suffrage was carefully limit
ed, and class distinctions were always maintained. The Established
Church was supreme, and dissent met with harsh and intolerant treat
ment. The planters exercised their political faculties as sharply in
the little Assembly at Jamestown as did their English cousins in Lon
don. Slavery was as yet trifling in its influence ; but the convicts
and indented servants formed a servile class, and helped forward the
aristocratic system which had been founded. The professions of law
' Discoveries of John Lederer, 1671.

44 HISTORY OF THE
and medicine hardly had an existence, and merchants, as such, were
unknown. There were only two classes — landlords and servants. Nei
ther arts nor letters flourished. Every man taught his children accord
ing to his ability, and the Royalist Governor Berkeley thanked God
that there were no free schools.' The Virginians were Royalist in
their sympathies, and firm supporters of Church and State. In the
rude outlines of the seventeenth century can be seen all the great
forces which attained a vigorous life and full development in the
eighteenth. The hard life, the isolation, the great estates, and the
servile class, added to the inborn conservatism of the race, were mould
ing an aristocratic system as distinct and powerful as that which had
been left behind.
In 1671 the population, according to Berkeley," had risen to forty
thousand souls, two thousand of whom were negroes. This was prob
ably a large estimate ; but the troubles toward the end of the century
and dangers from the Indians checked the growth of the colony, which
does not seem to have numbered much more than forty thousand in
habitants in 1700. The period of quiet which then ensued, and the
vi^gorous Indian policy of Spotswood, gave repose, while the general
tranquillity of all the British dominions after the accession ofthe House
of Brunswick contributed to the same result. In the first fifty years
of the eighteenth century the white population increased from less
than sixty to more than two hundred and fifty thousand, and the hand
ful of negro slaves had grown to such a point that it more than equal
led the whites in numbers, and raised the total population to over half
a million.' It is an easier matter to determine with accuracy the Virginian rev
enues and taxes and their sources than to e-stimate the population.
Campbell, relying on the contemporary account usually attributed to
Lord Culpepper, enumerates four sources of revenue at the close of
the seventeenth century. First come the quit -rents, amounting to
about eight hundred pounds per annum, and paid to the King ; sec
ond, the export duty of two shillings per hogshead ou tobacco, and tho
port duties of fifteen pence per ton on vessels arriving, averaging three
thousand pounds a year; third, a duty of one penny in the pound
on all tobacco exported to the other colonies, amounting to one hun
dred pounds a year, and paid to William and Mary College, under the

' Foote's Slcetches of Virginia, ii., 1671.
2 Ibid., i., 10. 8 J. F. D. Smytli's Travels, i., 72.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 45
grant of 1692 ; fourth, any money-duty raised by the Assembly. There
were also three levies : the parish levy, assessed by the vestries ; the
county levy, assessed by the justices of the peace ; and the public levy,
assessed by the Assembly. All these three levies were paid in tobac
co, collected by the sheriff, assessed on the whole number of persons
in the parish, county, or colony, and divided by the number of titha-
bles. The tax so collected amounted to about one hundred pounds
of tobacco for each tithable person, and yielded between eight and
nine thousand pounds sterling annually. This system was continued
with little change, except natural increase, until the French war. The
Governors and the Assembly were in the habit of wrangling on the
question of taxes ; but all power in the matter rested with the bur
gesses, and, until the royal government interfered, they easily mas
tered their Governors. This system of taxation was of the simplest
and most direct kind, levied principally upon real estate and negroes.'
Its moderation alone made it tolerable, and the burdens created by
the French war soon caused bitter complaints of its inequality and in
justice." In that great conflict a debt of four hundred thousand
pounds was contracted, and heavy taxes were laid to sink it, while gold
and silver were banished from circulation and replaced by a depre
ciated paper currency. The hardships produced by this change in the
standard were so severe that a law to fix the rate of exchange was
passed.' Despite the defective methods of taxation, however, the colony
rapidly recovered from its financial difficulties, which were caused
solely by the exigencies of war. There were no great sources of
expenditure in time of peace, and the most costly public luxuries an
army and a navy, were wholly wanting. The only defenders of the
country were the militia, supposed to include every able-bodied free
man between the ages of sixteen and sixty." The organization of this
militia, however, was extremely loose and imperfect.' They were
called out in time of war by the Governor and Assembly, who also
had power to raise colonial troops. Washington's difficulties, when
in command during the French war, give a startling picture of the
wretched military arrangements of the province. The commander
' 'White women worlsing in fields were also held to be tithable, Beverly, p. 224 ;
and Foote, ii., 208. As to taxation generally, Burlie, ii., 137; Rochefoucauld, ii.,
47; Hening, 1644, 1645, 1657, 1769.
2 Bumaby's Travels, p. 39. = Ibid., pp. 39, 40.
* Beverly, p. 224. ^ Smyth, ii., 160.

46 HISTORY OF THE
had no voice in the choice of officers, there was no proper system
of military regulations, and the pay was irregular and uncertain.
Even when these faults had been remedied, Washington found him
self without any martial code by which he could check insubordina
tion, desertion, or the natural perverseness of his raw levies. The
militia system, as then constituted, was thoroughly insufficient except
in peace. Men were to be called out to repel invasion ; but there were
no powers to effect this, or to control them when in actual service.
There was, besides, the annoying question of rank. Every officer in
the royal army claimed to outrank every provincial officer, and this
led to continual jealousies and difficulties.' In one case Washington
refused to serve ; in another, a man who had in the last war held an
English commission of captain, refused to obey Washington, then in
command of all the Virginian troops. The frontiersmen, of course,
made good soldiers, and the young Virginians of good family were
just the stuff to make dashing and gallant officers ; but the mass of
the people, though brave find ready to fight, could not at once bear
the severe strain of a prolonged and exhausting war. Moreover, the
majority of Virginians at the time of the French war had never seen
or known any fighting; for Bacon's rebellion and the great wars
with the savages were then little more than traditions.
With the other branch of public defence it was even worse. There
was, of course, no navy whatever, nor were there even merchant-ships
to be turned into privateers. The Virginians were in no respect a
seafaring race, and did not even furnish material to man a possible
navy in the future. Other public expenses were small. The Govern
or's salary, charged on the export duties, was twelve hundred pounds
for the nominal, and seventeen hundred for the real Governor. , Three
hundred and fifty pounds were distributed among the councillors.
The other expenses for clerks, courts, etc., were all trifiing. Salaries
were small, but the income in money of even the richest Virginians
was not large. So much was afforded by a great plantation and nu
merous slaves that comparatively little ready money served to procure
every luxury; yet, if a small sum had to be suddenly provided, the
wealthiest were often obliged to seriously burden their estates. These
circumstances gave to the offices the rare attraction of yieldino- a
sure income in cash. The government was upon the familiar British
model of King and Parliament. The Governor represented the Crown,
and was a most important and very powerful personao-e. He was not
only the executive officer, the commander of the militia, and the ad-

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 47
miral of the navy, but he was also lord chancellor, chief -justice, and
practically the bishop of the province, and the dispenser of pardons,
except in capital cases. He possessed the veto power as to all legis
lation, and could convoke, prorogue, and dissolve the Assembly. He
was nominally under the control of his Council ; but the councillors
were really his creatures, appointed by him, and liable to suspension
at his hands. His patronage was another element of strength. All
offices, except those of Treasurer and Speaker of the House, and even
including the clerks of the Assembly, were in his gift. He appointed
also the sheriffs and coroners, and through the former often exerted
a decisive influence upon the elections. His power in the House of
burgesses itself was very great ; and he added largely to his salary, as
well as to his political weight, by farming the quit -rents, disposing
of unpatented lands, and profiting by the exchange of public money.
This matter of fees, especially in regard to land, was a fruitful cause
of contention with the Assembly, as wqII as a valuable source of in
come to the Governor.'
The Council came in for a goodly share of the spoils of the Execu
tive department, and a seat in this body was much sought after by
the leading men of the colony. In 1680 they had ceased to sit with
the burgesses, and had become an upper house;" and in process of
time they obtained an almost equal share of legislative power. They
were twelve in number," and by virtue of t'ueir position as councillors
were exempt from taxation, became judges,-colonels of counties, naval
officers clearing all vessels, collectors of the revenue, and farmers of
quit-rents.* After Governor and Council had been thus liberally provided for,
there was little left in the way of offices for the burgesses. Under
the Commonwealth (1653) they had successfully asserted their right
to elect their own Speaker,' and at the beginning of the next centu
ry they wrested from Nicholson the election of the Treasurer, thus
obtaining complete control of the finances, and supplementing the
power of laying taxes, which resided wholly with them." This sin
gle but all-sufficient weapon armed, them for their conflicts with the
' This account of the Governor's powers is drawn chiefly from Hartwell, Blair,
and Chilton's Present State of Virginia, 1729. But see also Beverly and Burna-
by, p. 28.
' Beverly. ' Burnaby, p. 22.
¦* Present State of Virginia, Hartwell, Blair, and Chilton ; Hening, 1637.
s Burliie, ii., 95. ° Burke, ii., 145 ; as to Privileges, Hening, 1657.

48 HISTORY OF THE
executive, and was the great safeguard of the people. There were,
in the year 1760, one hundred and ten burgesses, two from each
county, and one from Jamestown, Williamsburg, Norfolk, and the
college respectively.' They received^ one hundred and twenty pounds
of tolaaoco, or about twelve shillings a day, and were elected by the
freeholders, who were alone entitled to vote." No act could become
law without the assent of both Houses and of the Governor, besides
the ratification of the King in Council.* Such was the government
of Virginia; English and practical, but very far from being sym
metrical or theoretically perfect.
Still further removed from either symmetry or perfection was
the judicial and legal system which had grown up during the hun
dred and fifty years of the colony's existence. The machinery of the
law had been constructed to meet definite wants, and had been
amended and added to from time to time, as necessity demanded.
Provision for a judiciary followed closely the political emancipation
effected by the establishment of the House of Burgesses. Until the
year 1621, all cases were tried by the Governor and Council at James
town, whenever it was convenient. This system was awkward and
unsatisfactory, and quarter-sessions were established ; *and in the fol
lowing year inferior courts were erected.' These two courts formed
the essence of the judicial system, and continued with sundry addi
tions of jurisdiction and changes in the number of sessions practically
unaltered until the Revolution. In the year 1765 there were inferior
courts, known as county courts, sitting once a month at the county
town, and the general court, composed of the Governor and Council,
which sat twice a year at Jamestown as a court of oyer and ter
miner, and to hear appeals.' Quarter-sessions were also held at the
county towns by members of tbe quorum, and by those of the gen
eral court on the circuit.' The county courts were composed of
the gentlemen of the county, appointed as judges by the Governor.
They were eight in number, and, as finally arranged, superseded the
private courts held by individual planters in the early part of the
seventeenth' century." Four judges sufficed to constitute a quorum,
and the bench of the county court was thus filled by country gentle-
1 Burnaby, p. 22. " These figures are of 1729.
2 Beverly. '' Burnaby, p. 22.
¦¦ Burke, i., 162 ; ii., SI. ° Burnaby, p. 21 ; Smyth's Travels, i., 19, 20.
' Helling, 1661-'62. ' Hening, ibid.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 49
men or planters, " able and judicious persons," in the language of the
statute,' but wholly innocent of any legal training. With the natural
aptitude of their race, however, they administered substantial justice
between man and man, and were respected and obeyed by their neigh
bors as the best, wisest, and wealthiest men among them. They had
criminal jurisdiction in all but capital cases, and had final jurisdiction
in all civil causes involving less than twenty pounds." The county
courts were also made at an early day courts of probate, although
administrations were later recorded in the office of the Secretary of
the dolony." In cases involving more than twenty pounds there was
an appeal to the general court, composed of the Governor and five
members of the Couucil. The judges of this, the highest court,
which presented the odd combination of the executive and judicia
ry united in ono body, knew as little law as their brethren of the
lower jurisdiction ; but they were a much stronger body. Their
court was not commissioned, but was the growth of custom ; they
heard all causes involving more than twenty pounds, as well as all
appeals from the county courts, and held two sessions as a court of
oyer and terminer. In addition to all this, the general court sat in
chancery, the Governor being- chancellor, and was a court of admi
ralty and a spiritual court. There was an appeal from them to the
King in Council for all causes involving more than five hundred
pounds ; but such appeals were so expensive that the decision of the
general court was practically final.*
The right of trial by jury, after some vicissitudes in the early days
of the colony, was thoroughly established. A jury was required only
in criminal cases, but was given to all demanding it.' The jury was
selected arbitrarily by the sheriff, without a panel. Six jurors were
required from the vicinage, and the sheriff summoned always the
" best gentlemen " of the neighborhood.' A late law required that a
juror should be a freeholder, and possessed of real and personal estate
of more than one hundred -pounds in value.' Practice was simple.
Writs ran not in the name of the King, but as simple justice's war
rants, and were published at the door of the parish church.' There
were no writs of error, but appeals only, allowing no new matter, and
1 Hening, 1661-'62. « Burnaby, p. 21 ; Smyth, i., 20.
3 Hening, 1657, 1661. " Burnaby, p. 21.
« Hening, 1643 ; Present State of Virginia, Hartwell, 1729; Burke, ii., 30.
6 Beverly, App. ' Hening, 1748-'55.
^ Present State of Virginia, Hartwell, 1729 ; Beverly, App.
4

50 HISTORY OF THE
as late as 1729 there was no formal pleading.' This legal system in
dicates unmistakably the absence of a strong class of professional
lawyers. Lawyers were, in fact, only just beginning to flourish and
gain importance as a class in the years immediately preceding the
Revolution. In the early times there appears to have been a number
of sharp and unscrupulous attorneys, probably adventurers from Eng
land, whose existence called forth much hostile legislation. In 1643,
on account of the heavy fees, attorneys were compelled to take out a
license, could plead only in general court and one county court, and
fees were limited. Two years later " mercenary " attorneys were to be
expelled ; and in 1646, all fees were prohibited, and the court appoint
ed some one from the people to help the suitors, but without fees. A
few years later these enactments were repealed ; and after many fluctu
ations between no attorneys on the one hand, and no regulations for
practitioners on the other, the system of licenses and examinations was,
on account of the grievances arising from ignorant lawyers, revived
and enforced, and fees were regulated by the court." The growing im
portance of the lawyers as a class is shown about the middle of the
eighteenth century by the distinction carefully made in the statutes
between barristers and attorneys.' Such was the judicial and legal
system of Virginia. It was in many respects rude and imperfect;
but it seems to have worked well, and to have served the ends of
justice. The courts were trusted and obeyed by the people, and the
general organization, as well as the lawyers, and the knowledge of
law, kept pace with the development of the -community. As in all
the colonies, the common law was adopted and followed, except in
so far as it was modified by acts of Parliament or the local statutes.
The distribution of the population which lived under the system of
government and laws which have just been described was an important
factor in the social and political condition of Virginia. One great
element of modern life was wholly wanting. There were practically
no towns and no centres of population. The people were widely
scattered over the whole face of the country. This diffusion had be
gun at an early day, and the habit of dispersion became strongly
rooted before efforts were made to remedy the evils which it produced.
The want of trade, the loss incurred by dependence upon foreign mer
chants, and the difficulties of transportation, first led to legislative action
' Present State of Virginia, Hartwell.
" Hening, 1643-'45, 1646-'51, 1657-1742, 1746. 3 Ibid., 1748-'55.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 51
in 1661-62,' when an act was passed for the benefit of Jamestown,
where each county was required to build a house. More strenuous
measures were, however, found to be necessary, and in Lord Culpep
per's time an act known as the Cohabitation Act was passed, ordering
towns to be built at certain specified points, for the benefit of trade
and manufactures." The most eminent of the dissenting clergymen
supported this policy in a tract called a " Perswasive to Towns and
Cohabitation," urging the loss of trade, the helpless dependence upon
England and the other colonies, as arguments for the scheme;" but the
act was inoperative. Ten years later there were still no towns, but
only paltry villages ; and the legislative towns generally consisted of
one house with a store and office for the transaction of a small retail
business.* The government, however, persisted. The " paper " towns,
as they were called, were made the only ports of entry ; privileges were
offered to tradesmen who would settle in -them;' and it was further
enacted that every town should have a fair and market." Everything
failed alike — not only laws, but the much stronger influences of dimin
ishing trade, heavy losses through payments to small retailers, and the
powerful support of the Governor and of the Crown.' In 1 71 6 James
town consisted of a church, court-house, and three or four brick houses,"
and it was even worse with the " paper " towns. Colonel Byrd, in
1732, writes of Fredericksburg, that "besides Colonel Willis, who is
the top man of the place, there are only one merchant, a tailor, a
smith, an ordinary keeper, and a lady who acts both as doctress and
coffee-house keeper;" he adds that Richmond and Petersburg existed
only on paper.' Between this period and the Revolution there was
little change. At the close of the French war, Norfolk, with about
seven thousand inhabitants, was the only considerable town in Vir
ginia." Williamsburg, the gay capital and the seat of the university,
was a straggling village of about two hundred houses. Burnaby, who
visited Virginia in 1759, describes it as a pleasant little town, with
wooden houses and unpaved streets." At one end was the college,
> Hening, 1661-62. ' Ibid., 1680. ^ Makemie's " Perswasive to Towns," etc.
4 Foote i., 9. ' Maxwell's Hist. Register, i., 166.
« Hening, 1706.
' Collections of Mass. Hist. Soe, 1st series, v., 124, account of Virginia; Burke,
ii., 124.
" Huguenot Family in Virginia, p. 271. * Byrd MSS., Ii,, 9, 72.
i» Smyth, i., 11 ; Rochefoucauld, i., 6 ; Abb6 Robin, p. 107.
iJ Burnaby, p. 6.

52 HISTORY OF THE
said by Mr. Jefferson to have looked like a brickkiln with a roof,'
and at the other the Governor's palace, as it was affectedly called, like
wise of brick, and apparently the handsomest structure in Virginia.
An indifferent church and some insignificant public buildings com
pleted the architectural glories of the capital. A dozen families of
the gentry lived in the town, and the rest of the inhabitants were
tradesmen. Such life as there Vas in Williamsburg was due solely to
its selection as the seat of government." Jamestown, tbe old capital,
was utterly effaced, and the only substantial sources of growth to the
legislative towns were the Government warehouses for the inspection
of tobacco. This system had been established in the earliest times,'
and after a long period had built up Petersburg, Fredericksburg, and
Alexandria;* but these places were, after all, mere unpaved, strag
gling villages, with no business outside the tobacco-houses, and inhab
ited chiefiy by liquor-dealers, small shopkeepers, and smaller lawyers,
who preyed upon the country people of the neighborhood,' It fared
no better with the county seats established by law in each county for
the better administration of justice. These towns, planted in many
cases in the midst of the forest, usually consisted of the court-house,
the prison, and its accompaniments of stocks, pillory, whipping-post,
and ducking-stool, with one miserable inn, where the judges lodged
when they came to hold court.' Usually, too, the parish church flanked
the court-house ;' but this was not universal. Tbe Sunday services or
the sessions of the court called all the people to the county seat ; but
when these were over the town relapsed into the quiet of the wilder
ness. The explanation of this strange state of affairs lay in the char
acter of the population and their pursuits. Colonel Byrd, one of the
wealthiest of Virginian planters, who wrote against tbe legal ports of
entry, argued that the system of life, the country, and the popular
habits, were all opposed to them.' Writers on the other side admit
that the popular aversion to towns was very strong ; but they con
tend that this was due to indolence, jealoasy, and the desire of every
¦ Weld's Travels, p. 127.
' For descriptions of Williamsburg, see Burnaby, p. 6 ; Rochefoucauld, i., 24-
27; Smyth, i., 17; Weld, p. 127; Abbe Robin, p. 107; Georgia Hist. Coll., IV.,
Itin. Observations, 1745, p. 48. .^ Henin" 1633.
* Smyth, i., 62, 152, 201 ; Burnaby, p. 43 ; Brissot, p. 367.
' Rochefoucauld, i., 21.
• Ibid., i., 65 ; Hening, 1661-'62, p. 2 ; Byrd MSS., i., 72.
' Meade's Old Churches, ii., 68. » Byrd MSS. ii. 162,

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 53
planter to have the port of entry at his own door.' These reasons
undoubtedly explain the opposition to towns, and the fact of their re
maining small and insignificant villages ; but the cause of this oppo
sition is to be found in the occupations of the people, which, until fixed
and endeared, , by habit, were, of course, merely the result of circum
stances at the foundation of the settlement.
What the pursuits and occupations of Virginians were at the period
preceding the revolution it is not difficult to discover, for they were
few and simple to the last degree. The legal profession, as has been
shown by the course of legislation against attorneys, was not held in
high repute, and lawyers, as a class, were only just beginning to as
sume importance in the years immediately before the Revolution. In
early days there were evidently plenty of attorneys, so called, but they
were for the most part pettifoggers and sharpers, broken adventurers
from London, and indented servants, who,- having been convicts, chose
on their release'the profession which, in a rude state of society, gave
them the best opportunity of fleecing the community. The only man
who appears to have attained an honorable eminence in the seven
teenth century simply as a lawyer was William Fitzhugh, the de
fender of Beverly in his gallant struggle with Lord Culpepper." In
1734 two lawyers are mentioned who had displayed ability and
achieved legitimate success in their profession, although one of them
was a broken-down London practitioner.' Sir John Randolph, for
many years attorney-general, was a conspicuous and learned advocate.
But the rarity of such cases shows as clearly as the course of legisla
tion the low standing of the legal profession. The increase of wealth
and civilization effected finally a change in this respect; but.it is only
at the close of the colonial period that we find men of high position
and real talents devoting themselves to the law, and only just in sea
son to play an important and leading part in the confiict with the
mother country. It was at this period that such men as Patrick
Henry, Jefferson, George Mason, and Wythe studied law, and were
admitted to the bar, which found its crowning glory in John Marshall,
the greatest name of all those that have adorned the legal profession
in America.
The profession of medicine, which nowhere enjoyed in the eigh
teenth century the consideration that it now deservedly possesses, was
¦ Makemie,\" Perswasive to Towns ;" CoU. of Mass. Hist. Soe, L, v., 124.
» Maxwell, Hist. Register, i., 165. ' Ibid., 1, 119.

54 HISTORY OF THE
especially low in Virginia. Almost all the knowledge we have of the
medical profession is from the statutes relating to it, and this is in
itself a significant fact. In 1657 laws were passed to regulate sur
geons, and the power to settle fees was given to the courts. A few
years later bills of surgeons were made pleadable against the estate of
a deceased person, which indicates the precarious, half-recognition ex
tended to the profession. In the next century elaborate laws wero
passed in regard to physicians, because " surgeons, apothecaries, and
unskilful apprentices, who exacted unreasonable fees, and loaded
their patients with medicine," took up the practice of the healing
art, to the detriment probably bf the good people of Virginia.
Fees were fixed by this statute, one shilling per mile being the rate,
and all medicines were to be set forth in the bill. Two pounds
was to be the price of attending a common fracture, and twice as
much for a compound one. Those physicians who held university
degrees were allowed to make a double charge ;' and there were un
doubtedly a few of this last class in Virginia, men of position and
family, who had been educated abroad, and were a credit to their pro
fession." But their number was very small, and it cannot be doubted
that the dispenser of drugs, the rude village surgeon- and barber, or
the unskilful apprentice, were the representatives of medicine in Vir
ginia, and were not held in high esteem. The profession offered little
attraction to the best part of the community, was, as a rule, merely a
means to more or less ignorant men of making a living, and had nei
ther social nor political influence.
As the army and navy had no existence in Virginia, only one pro
fession now remains to be accounted for. The clergy formed the
only professedly learned class in the community." They possessed
considerable influence, and they were a picturesque element in society
— more, it must be admitted, from their failings than their virtues.
But they represented also a great institution which had an important
effect upon the people of Virginia, and to understand them and the
Church which they served involves a discussion of the whole religious
system. John Smith and his followers brought with them a worthy minis
ter of the Established Church, which from that time onward was pro
tected and fostered by the government of Virginia. During the
> Hening, 1657-'60, 1661-'62, 1666, and 1736. a Meade, i., 407.
» Foote, i., 149.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 65
seventeenth century the Puritan spirit, which leavened the whole of
English society, was felt in Virginia, and showed itself strongly in
the Church. Elaborate measures for the maintenance of the Church
and the clergy, and for the propagation of the true faith, were passed
by the early Assemblies, and re-enacted and extended by all their suc
cessors in turn.' Severe laws against Sabbath-breaking exhibit still
more strongly the puritanical spirit which pervaded the Virginian es
tablishment. Work, sport, and travel were prohibited on Sunday,
and heavy penalties were paid for absence from divine service." One
man was formally excommunicated for wearing his hat in church.*
The same stern quality of the times was manifested in the most rigid
laws for conformity.* Separatist meetings were broken up, a fine
of five thousand pounds of tobacco was exacted from the participants,
and. Non -conformists were expelled from the colony. Under the
Commonwealth there was some relaxation, but both Churchmen and
Puritans persecuted Papists and Quakers. The former were dis
abled from office ; the latter were thrown into prison without bail,
banished, and adjudged to be felons if they returned a second time.
Those who brought in or entertained Quakers were liable to heavy
fines.' With the Restoration, the Established Church again asserted its
supremacy, and all dissenters came under the ban, and were pilloried
and fined." The first sect to make head against the prevailing intol
erance was the Presbyterian. The conflict was carried on by the Rev,
Francis Makemie, and was supported by the presence of a large and
useful body of Scotch-Irish settlers. Yet pastor and people suf
fered alike from the laws, and even the emigrants from Londonderry
could not obtain recognition, but were compelled to pay tithes, and
forced out to the frontier. The Toleration Act of William and Mary
obtained only the barest sufferance for Makemie and his followers in
Virginia.'' The superstitious side of religion at this period was not
without vitality, for, as late as the year 1705, Grace Sherwood was
ducked for witchcraft."
But with the beginning of the eighteenth century the vigorous,
zealous, intolerant spirit began to decline, and the Church rapidly
' Hening, e.g., 1623-'24, 1632, 1660. « Ibid., 1629, 1632, 1643, 1691, 1705.
3 Ibid., 1640. * Ibid., 1623, 1645-'46 ; Foote, i., 23.
« Foote, i., 86 ; Hening, 1643, 1659, 1661-'63.
* Ibid. ; see also Anderson's History of Colonial Church, ii., 27 ; Burke, ii., 131 ;
and Meado, i., 283, 384.
' Foote, i., 35. ' Howe's Virginia.

56 HISTORY OF THE
lost ground among the people. In 1699 there were few dissenters
in Virginia, and three or four Presbyterian meeting-houses and a
Quaker conventicle were the only -places of worship outside the pale
of the Church.' At the time of the Revolution more than half the
population were dissenters, and in the shock of war the old Establish
ment went helplessly and hopelessly to pieces, unregretted, apparently,
by any one. The course and reasons of the change can be readily
followed. The reaction which ensued after the intense spiritual ex
citement of the seventeenth century produced a species of religious
lethargy in the eighteenth. Frigid morality, a well-bred abhorrence
of anything like zeal, and a worldly indifference, characterized the
English clergymen of the latter period, and their Virginian brethren as
well. The colonial ministers were as a class ruder and narrower than
those of the mother country, and their coldness and indifference to
great religious principles showed themselves more plainly and coarse
ly ; but the essential spirit of both the imperial and the provincial
Church was the same. The results, too, were identical. Religion de
clined, and "paganism, atheism, and sectaries" began to prevail."
" Quaker!)," says Colonel Byrd, " prevail in Nansemond County, for
the want of ministers to pilot people a better way to heaven." Cler
gymen would not go there because the tobacco, in which their sala
ries were paid, was bad ; and the honest colonel, who retained the old
spirit, and would not have permitted on Sunday any work but that
of charity, self-preservation, or necessity, wonders rather grimly that
Jesuits and Puritans have not seized on so promising a field."
Although the Jesuit and the Puritan did not come, the religious
revival which swept over England with Wesley broke out with great
force in the province. But the Virginians dealt with this movement
in more simple and vigorous fashion than did their English cousins.
Not long before, the Presbyterians, who had taken the field inore than
half a century earlier, supported by a strong and growing element of
the population, had wrested from Governor Gooch promises of tolera
tion to those of their faith who were pushing the settlements on the
western frontier.* Immediate advantage was taken of this relaxa
tion, and some of the leading clergymen, eloquent and earnest men,
began an active proselyting,' which soon aroused the latent hostility

' Mass. Hist. Soe. Collections, 1st series, v., 124.
^ Tyler's Hist, of American Literature, i., 80 ; Campbell, p. 382.
s Byrd MSS., i.,42, 153. * Foote, ii., 84, 164. ' Ibid., p. 104.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 6 7
of the ruling Church ; and the Presbyterians, who had borne for so
many years the brunt of the battle in behalf of the rights of con
science, were the first to feel the wrath aroused by their renewed activ
ity. Gooch joined in the resistance to the new doctrines, and in
dictments were found against the Presbyterian clergy for their un
licensed preaching.' But the character and respectability of the
Presbyterians saved them from the savage attacks made upon the
humbler and more energetic sects which sprang up with the revival.
The Moravians, New Lights, and Baptists were denounced by Gooch
in 1745 in a charge to the grand -jury, and in the following year
their meetings were forbidden." The Baptists suffered most severely.
Their meetings were broken up by rough crowds, their preachers
were thrown into prison, and treated with the utmost ignominy, and
the mob invaded their baptismal services, and abused and assaulted
the participants, who were beaten and maltreated in every way."
This antiquated method of dealing with religious differences of opin
ion was due not to zeal, but to interest. The Established Church
'svas one of the appendages of the Virginian aristocracy. They con
trolled the vestries and the ministers, and the parish church stood not
infrequently on the estate of the great planter who had built and
managed it.* The ruling class, therefore, regarded the revival as an
attack upon property and vested rights, and as an assault upon one
of the bulwarks of society. It was the conservative opposed to the
innovating spirit. The conservative element had the political power,
and they put down the innovators with a high hand. In all attacks
upon the Baptists, the magistrates, who were of the ruling class in the
province, were the most active,' and Peyton Randolph, bearing the
first name in Virginia, headed the opposition to giving licenses to
the Presbyterians."
Such a policy could have but one result. The dissenting sects
were full of vitality, and they grew apace, while the Established
Church, maintained simply as part of a social system, declined with
proportionate rapidity. Good judges estimated the number of dis
senters at the time of the Revolution as comprising two-thirds of the
population.' The intolerance and persecution of the ruling class
> Foote, ii., 133, 135. « Burke, iii., 119, 125.
' Semple's Hist, of the Baptists, pp. 7, 15, 17, 23 ; Hening, 1759 ; Tyler's Hist.
of American Literature, i., 90.
* Foote, i., 23. ' Burke, iii., 121. " Foote, ii., 171.
' Foote, ii., 319, citing Jefferson and Burke ; see contra, Burnaby, p. 23.

58 HISTORY OF THE
awakened the active indignation of the coming leaders in the new era
of political development. The gentle nature of young James Madi
son was deeply stirred by the harsh treatment of the sectaries, and he
exerted himself strongly against their oppressors.' The powerful hu
man sympathies and liberal views of Thomas Jefferson brought him
to similar conclusions, which rapidly gained ground among the rev
olutionary leaders. The shock of war precipitated the inevitable re
sult, for the dissenters to a man almost were on the patriotic side," and
public opinion could not consistently overlook religious freedom in a
struggle for political liberty. After a short, sharp conflict the privi
leges of the old Established Church were swept away, and all faiths
became equal before the law." The fall of the Church revealed pain
fully its low condition ; the substance had gone, and nothing remain
ed but the husks. As soon as the State support was withdrawn, the
whole edifice of the Church went to pieces, for it had no genuine
religious strength. Religious indifference was found to prevail every
where; the people seemed to have no religious sense; the churches
fell into ruin and neglect ; the service of the Church was abandoned,
not only in outlying parishes, but in many of the towns, and the leg
acy of irreligion was all that the Church of England bequeathed to
Virginia.* This religious indifference had of course existed for many years,
but it was covered up by forms and by the strong shelter of the State.
The organization of the Church had real power and meaning, although
the spiritual force had decayed. At the close of the French war there
were in Virginia sixty or seventy parishes of the Established Church,
and these were governed by the vestries, which were very important
and active bodies. They represented all the local and municipal gov
ernment there was in Virginia, and had attained, moreover, a com
manding position in Church affairs. At an early day secular func
tions were assigned to them by the Burgesses. They were to make
returns of births, marriages, and deaths, present for crimes under the
statutes against vice, command the sheriff to hold the election for Bur
gesses, and assist the county courts in building workhouses. To the
vestry belonged the duty of " processioning the land " once in four

' Rives's Life of Madison, i., 42-44.
2 Semple, p. 23 ; Foote, ii., 171. a Burke, iv., 377.
^ Weld's Travels, pp. 107, 133 ; Rochefoucauld, i., 50-56, 101. As to the gen-
eral condition of the Church, see Letter of Bishop of London in vol. iii. Doc. Kel.
to Col. Hist, of New York.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 59
years, and upon them devolved the care of roads and ferries.' Thus
far they corresponded to the English vestries and the New England
town-meeting ; and, as might be imagined, became in time of revolu
tion a nucleus of opposition." Their ecclesiastical powers were more
extended. In the time of the Commonwealth, and under Bacon's
brief rule, they obtained rights which were never wrung from them."
.The most important was the power of raising the salary of the minis
ter, and they also made good their claim to the right of controlling the
induction, after bitter contests with the Governor and Commissary.
They were able to hire their ministers from year to year, and thus
kept their pastors entirely at their mercy, crippling the Governor's
power of inducting for life completely, and not infrequently they
handled their spiritual guides very roughly.* By a law of the Com
monwealth period all affairs of the vestry and Church were assigned
to the control of the members of the parish, and the Restoration sim
ply obliged the vestry to take the oaths of supremacy, allegiance, aod
conformity to the Church of England, but did not revoke their right
of settling the minister's salary.' At the time of the Revolution the
vestries, consisting of twelve of the parish, were chosen by the heads
of families, and were in the bands of the ruling class." Washington,
Henry, the Randolphs, and the Lees fairly represent the kind of men
who sat at these local boards, and thus controlled the sources of politr
ical power.'
The h6ad of the Church was the royal Governor, to whom belong
ed, nominally at least, the right of induction, while the supervision of
ecclesiastical matters was intrusted to a commissary appointed by the
Bishop of London and paid from the royal quit-rents." Attempts
were made to substitute a bishop for the commissary ; but, though
often renewed, they never succeeded, and invariably aroused a most
bitter resistance. Among the many causes of hostility to England
was the dread of a bishop, and the efforts to bring about such an ap
pointment did much to injure the Church and render unpopular the
1 Hening, 1632-'45j 1646-'57, 1659-'60, 1668-'76, 1696, 1727, 1748 ; Foote, i., 23.
' Rives's Madison, i., 49 ; Meade, i., 151, 163.
3 Hening, 1646, 1657, 1676.
¦* Anderson's Hist, of Col. Church, i., 350, 377 ; Present State of Virginia, Hart
well ; Present State of Virginia, Jones.
' Hening, 1660. ' Present State of Virginia, Hartwell.
' Rives's Madison, i., 49 ; Meade, p. 151-160.
" Present State of Virginia, Hartwell ; Burnaby, p. 25.

60 HISTORY OF THE
clergymen who advocated it.' This office of commissary and that of
president of the college, which, except in ono case, always went with
it, was a high and important one, uniting, when in the hands of a
strong man like James Blair, much political as well as religious pow
er." But, although the commissaries were often able to successfully
resist the Governor and maintain their own independence, they were
not able to keep up the character of the clergy.
The ministers of the Church were an important class in Virginia.
By a law of 1696 their salary was fixed at 16,000 pounds of tobacco,
and this stipend was largely increased by legal fees for rharriages, fu
nerals, and christenings." They were also given by law a glebe and a
parsonage, supplied by the vestry at the cost of the parish. In the
seventeenth century, although there were undoubtedly many advent
urers and scapegraces from England* among the clergy, the body of
the profession appear to have been honest and zealous men, not highly
educated, but faithful and sufficient in their discharge of duty. Dur
ing the eighteenth century they rapidly declined in character, although
to the last they formed an important and picturesque element in Vir
ginian life. The overpowering infiuence of the vestries, the transat^
lantic patronage which filled the ministry, and the foreign extraction
of many of the incumbents of livings did much toward the degener
acy of the clergy. But the main cause was to be found in the cold
and worldly spirit which characterized the Church of England at this
time, both at home and abroad. With some exceptions, the Virginian
clergy aped the manners and habits of the laity. Most of them were
men who cultivated their glebes like other planters, preaching once a
week, and performing the other services of the Church for the sake of
an addition to their income. Their morals were loose, and the gen
eral tone of the profession was low. Here and there might be found
a man of exemplary life and high character ; but the average- parson
was coarse and rough, and his parishioners might be thankful if he
was not also a drunkard and a gambler. They hunted the fox and
raced horses, they played cards, turned marriages, christenings, and
funerals alike into revels, and sat out the stoutest planter after dinner,
to finally accompany him under the table. One reverend gentleman
bawled to his church-warden during communion, " Here, George, this
' Anderson, ii., 368 ; iii., 153 ; Meade, i., 170, 171.
^ Meade, i., 94, 160 ; Foote, ii., 153 ; Tyler's Hist, of Am. Literature, i., 90.
3 Hening, 1696; Foote, ii., 148. 1743, fees fixed by law.
¦* Foote, i., 23 ; Mrs. Behn, The Widow Ranter, iv., 115.

ENGLISH OOLsONIES IN AMERICA. 61
bread is not fit for a dog." Another commemorated his church and
office by fighting a duel in the graveyard. Another received a regu
lar stipend for preaching four sermons annually against atheism, gam
bling, racing, and swearing, although he was notorious as a gambler,
swearer, and horse-racer. Still another, of great physical strength,
thrashed his vestry soundly, and then added insult to injury by preach
ing to them next day from the text, " And I contended with them,
and cursed them, and smote certain of them, and plucked off their
hair.'" One married a wealthy widow, although he had a wife liv
ing in England. Another was brought before the magistrate, a fel
low-clergyman, for drinking and carousing on Christmas-eve ; and yet
another is remembered who, after dinner every Sunday with the great
planter of the neighborhood, was tied in his chaise and sent home
.with a servant. At every race-course and cock-pit might be seen rev
erend divines betting on the contending birds or horses." The petty
tradesmen would not trust them beyond their salary, and extorted
one hundred and fifty per. cent, for interest. They were both ex
travagant and poor," and the list of clerical exploits in card-playing,
horse -racing, fox-hunting, and drinking might be extended indefi
nitely. Worthy Bishop. Meade, who recounts their doings with much
sorrow, says " There was not only defective preaching but, as might
be expected, most evil living among the clergy." The natural result,
already described, followed, and the revival of the eighteenth centu-.
ry, headed by the Baptists, Wesleyans, Moravians, and "New Lights,"
broke down the old clergy and their abuses together.. Then came
the ill-advised struggle for salaries, famous as " The Parson's Cause,''
the fatuous effort to procure a bishop, and a fatal indecision and luke-
warmness in the contest with England. The Revolution was a fin
ishing-stroke, and the old Church of Virginia perished with as much
justice, and as completely, as did the English Catholic Church under
Henry VIIL
If it fared ill with the learned professions in Virginia, the case was
no better in regard to trade and industry, which have risen to such
commanding positions in modern times. The representatives of these
important interests did not even attain to the dignity of a class. There
were a few merchants in Norfolk; but the tradesmen were merely
small shopkeepers, scattered about among the little towns. Other
> Meade, i., 18, 162, 231, 260, 275, 361, 387, 470 ; ii., 179.
s Foote, ii., 871. ' Byrd MSS., i., 46.

62 HISTORY OF THE
petty retailers were established at the county seats, where they kept
the one store of the neighborhood, which formed, with the inn and
court-house, the county town.' Others, again, travelled about the coun
try, exchanging their goods for tobacco, and pushing even beyond the
mountains to traffic with the frontiersmen and Indians for furs, the
savao-es offering an inviting and lucrative market, in which even the
great planters were not ashamed to share." These small traders car
ried on a thriving business, preying upon the necessities of the plant
ers and clergy, and extorting ruinous interest whenever they gave
credit. There was, indeed, but little encouragement for a mercantile
class. The merchants fared best ; but were obliged to give long cred
it, and take their pay in tobacco, on which, from its fluctuation, there
were often serious losses. The tradesmen had no markets, and had
either to raise corn and stock themselves, or take them in payment.
All exchange was slow and cumbrous, and business dragged heavily.
It was, in fact, essentially petty, for almost everything of necessity,
and all manufactured articles were imported by the planters direct
from England," and the shipping was entirely in the hands of Eng
lish merchants and natives of the other colonies.* Descending a step
lower, we find that, except in the immediate neighborhood of Norfolk
and the sea-coast,' there were few or no mechanics." The ruder and
most necessary arts were practised on every plantation by slaves trained
for the purpose, and each landlord had in this way his own workmen.'
All articles requiring any skill in manufacture, and even many of the
simplest in domestic use, were brought ready-made from England."
Such mechanics as there were had to gain, in many cases, a precarious
livelihood by travelling about among the plantations, obtaining the
odd bits of work for which the slaves were incompetent."
The condition of the tradesmen, merchants, and mechanics implies
great lack of variety in natural products, and a very low state of in
dustries of all sorts. Indeed, no successful attempts had been made
to utilize the resources of the country. Good cattle and horses
abounded, and the exportation of wheat had risen to five hundred
thousand bushels ;'° but other exports, which included pork, cider,
• Anburey, ii., 318. 2 Byrd MSS., i., 180.
' Foote, i., 9 ; Rives's Life of Madison, i., 543.
* Beverly. s Rochefoucauld, ii., 13.
« Hening, 1633. Early law forbidding mechanics to plant shows the tendency.
' Rochefoucauld, ii., 80. " Hening, 1659. » Mass. Hist. ColL, L, v., 124.
" Smyth, ii., 140 ; Burnaby, p. 19.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 63
bar -iron, and indigo, together with beef and lumber from Norfolk
to the West Indies, were trifling in amount.' 1'he valuable fisheries,
from which at first much had been expected, were wholly neglected."
In the earliest times great results had been anticipated from vineyards
and silk culture, and legislative encouragement had been freely given."
But neither of these industries ever came to anything. We hear of
isolated cases where wine was successfully made,* and hopes of rais
ing silk were never entirely abandoned. Here and there silk was
made and woven, and there is an account of a silk suit made by a
young Virginian girl for Washington,' but this was all. Other and
more useful manufactures fared little better. In the seventeenth
century an act of the Legislature obliged the counties to set up and
maintain looms, and employ a weaver, but even this violent legisla
tion had little effect." Cotton was grown in small quantities before
the Revolution ; and a coarse fabric used by the lower classes, and
known as Virginia cloth, was woven on the plantations.' Early en
couragement had been given by the Assembly to the manufacture of
linen ; but as late as the year 1730 it was found necessary to offer
premiums for its production, which, even with this artificial stimulus,
remained very trifling, and had little more than a bare existence." So
great was the lack of capital and enterprise that even the grist-mills
were few and poor, and the advantage of grinding their own corn was
resigned by the Virginians to other colonies." Nothing shows more
strikingly the absolute dearth of manufactures and the industrial de
pendence of the country than Beverly's lament, in 1720, over the shift-
lessness and indolence of his countrymen. Chairs, tables, stools, chests,
boxes, cart-wheels, and even bowls and birchen brooms, were imported.'"
The great mineral wealth of the country was likewise wholly unde
veloped," except as to iron, of which there was an insignificant pro
duction. Governor Spotswood and some of his friends had opened

- Burnaby, p. 21 ; Byrd MSS., i., 19. * Burnaby, p. 15 ; Smyth, i., 57.
' Force's Hist. Tracts, The Silkworm in Virginia ; Hening, 1628, 1667.
" Huguenot Family in Virginia, p. 265 (1716); Rochefoucauld, i., 87.
' Soldier and Pioneer ; Anderson.
= kening, 1666.
¦¦ Burnaby, p. 21 ; Abbfi Robin, p. 107 ; Anburey, ii., 378.
" Maxwell's Hist. Reg., i., 167 ; Burnaby, p. 21 ; Hening, 1682, 1730.
" Rochefoucauld, i., 9.
"> Beverly, book iv., 68 ; compare Hening, 1759.
" Present State of Virginia, Hartwell ; Burnaby, p. 16.

64 HISTORY OF THE
iron mines, and built forges at Germanna, and others had been started
in various parts of the province by individual planters.' The industry
reached the dignity of exportation, but it was depressed and almost
ruined by English duties and management ; and, although always re
ceiving legislative aid, its existence was so feeble that in the eighteenth
century the Assembly exempted all persons employed in the iron-works
from taxation and militia duty." Most of the forges, and, indeed, most
of the manufacturing of all sorts was carried on by the Germans and
Irish, who had settled in the West, beyond the mountains."
The explanation of the condition of trade and industry is to be
found in the absorption of the population in the cultivation of tobacco.*
There has never been a community, probably, in which any one great
staple has played such a part as in Virginia. Tobacco founded the
colony and gave it wealth. It was the currency of Virginia-; as bad a
one as could be devised, and fiuctuating with every crop ; yet it retain
ed its place as circulating medium despite the most strenuous efforts
to introduce specie.' The clergy were paid and taxes were levied by
the Burgesses in tobacco. The whole prosperity of the colony rested
upon it for more than a century, and it was not until the period of
the Revolution that other crops began to come in and replace it."
The fluctuations in tobacco caused the first confiict with England,
brought on by the violence of the clergy, and paved the way for re
sistance.' In tobacco the Virginian estimated his income and the
value of everything he possessed ; and in its various functions, as well
as in its method of cultivation, it had a strong effect upon the char
acter of the people.
As early as the year 1614 tobacco had become the staple, and
plants were growing in the streets of Jamestown. Sudden wealth,
over-production, famine," laws to limit planting and to enforce the
sowing of corn, and quarrels with England, were the first-fruits of
the new crop. Then followed more over-production, falling prices,
financial ruin, attempts to raise prices artificially, and occasional plant-
cutting riots of a desperate character." Every interest centred in the
¦ Byrd MSS., ii., 59 ; Smyth, i., 28, 67 ; ii., 177.
2 Byrd MSS., ii., 53 ; Hening, 1727, 1748. s Smyth, ii., 258.
'' Foote, i., 9 ; Abbe Robin, p. 110. 5 Foote i. 8.
° Eaynal, Rev. in America, p. 90 ; Weld, p. 116 ; Rochefoucauld, i., 57.
' Burnaby, p. 25. b Burke, i., 1614.
' Burlce, ii., 134 ; Foote, i., 7: Hening, 1629, 1632; Hist. Coll. of South Carolina ;
Young's Letters ; see also Campbell.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 65
great staple as it rose and fell with each ensuing year, while its use as
money never failed to give an unhealthy incentive to its lavish and
exclusive production. It was, too, always a sore subject with Eng
land; and the "Case of the Planters of Tobacco," in 1733, presents
a sad picture of the losses inflicted by the mother country by extor
tionate duties, and, what was much worse, by fraud, corruption, clip
ping, and favoritism of all sorts in the custom-house.' Tobacco-
planting made slaves necessary and profitable, and fastened slavery
upon the province. The method of cultivation, requiring intense la
bor and watching for a short period, and permitting ccfmplete idle
ness for the rest of the year, fostered habits which alternated between
feverish exertion and languid indolence." The immense returns, and
the fact of staking the year's income on the result of a short period,
as well as the rude practice of growing the plants until the land was
exhausted, and then letting it go wild again, and clearing fresh acres,
all tended to produce extravagance, recklessness, improvidence, and a
spirit of speculation among the people." As the whole commercial ex
istence of the State rested on obtaining a market for tobacco, the gov
ernment took every measure to maintain a high standard in respect
to quality. Warehouses were established at an early period, and a
system of inspection organized which was both severe and thorough.*
Just before the Revolution the exportation of tobacco, including a
small quantity from North Carolina, had risen from sixty thousand,
in 1759, to one hundred thousand hogsheads, was worth nearly a
million pounds sterling, and employed about three hundred vessels.'
From the distant plantations the tobacco was floated down on canoes
lashed together, and carrying eight or nine hogsheads, as far as the
head of navigation, where there was a warehouse, and a small town
springing up around it ; but the trade was chiefly carried on by the
planters themselves." The vessels from England worked their way
up the river, delivered their manufactured articles, and loaded with

' The Case of the Planters of Tobacco in Virginia, Pamphlet, 1733.
' Massachusetts Hist. Coll., I., v., 124 ; Present State of Virginia, Hartwell.
' In regard to the mode of cultivating tobacco in the last century, see full ac
counts in Anburey, ii., 344 ; Brissot, p. 375 ; Weld, pp. 116-'17 ; Rochefoucauld, i.,
80; Smyth, i., 59.
* Rochefoucauld, i., 35 ; Byrd MSS.,ii., 9 ; Anburey, ii., 314.
« Smyth, ii., 139 ; Burnaby, p. 21 ; Abbe Robin, p. 110 ; Brissot, p. 376 ; Jeffer
son's Virginia.
' Huguenot Family in Virginia, p. 388 ; Smyth, i., 33.
5

66 HISTORY OF THE
tobacco at the planter's own wharf, picking up a full cargo by a suc
cession of such visits. This simple and lordly system had begun to
decline slightly, but it was still maintained very generally at the period
of the Revolution.'
Bv a gradual process of elimination we have seen that, with the ex
ception of the clergy and the lawyers — the latter just rising into prom
inence about the middle of the eighteenth century — both numerical
ly small classes, the people of Virginia were wholly agricultural, and
further, that they were devoted to the production of a single great
staple. It only remains to trace the origin of the planters to classify
them, and become acquainted with their education, amusements, opin
ions, and daily lives and occupations, in order to understand thor
oughly the Virginia of the last century.
When Smith and his companions landed at Jamestown, the art of
colonization was but little understood. The first settlers were for the
most part idle and dissolute adventurers, attracted solely by the hope
of speedy fortune ; and they were not improved by the sweepings of
the London streets, sent out to people tbe colony and act as indented
servants, nor by tbe convicts, whose transportation to America was a
bitter grievance against the mother country, down even to the Revolu
tion." It would be wholly wrong, however, to suppose that immigrants
of this sort were a controlling element, or even one which bad a mark
ed effect on the quality of the population. The Virginians sprang
from a fine English stock. Many younger sons of wealthy or noble
families, many of the yeomanry, and many of the merchant-class came
to Virginia. The Cavalier element predominated after the great rebel
lion ; but there was also an infusion of Puritans with their charac
teristic qualities of strength and tenacity. There was, in addition, a
small Huguenot immigration, wholly good in its results, and which
was rapidly fused with the dominant race." At the beginning of the
eighteenth century a large number of Scotch-Irish 'Presbyterians came
out,* who, with Germans from the middle colonies, pushed out to the
frontier, and did much to open up the western country." Even in
the aggregate, however, the foreign elements were small, and without
effect on the people, who may be accurately described as thoroughly
and essentially English.

> Sparks's Life of Washington ; Rives's Life of Madison, i., 543.
2 Hening, 1670. « Foote, i., 166.
^ Smyth, i., 166 ; De Haas, Early Settlement of West Virginia, p. 36.
* Burnaby, p. 55 ; Smyth, ii., 257-'58.

EX J LIS H COLONIES IN AMERICA. 67
With no towns, no diversity of pursuits, no important learned pro
fessions, scarcely any opportunity for constant and liberalizing social
friction, and with a comparatively small population scattered over a
large area, much of which was still a wilderness, the structure of Vir
ginian society was, as might be expected, very simple. There were
four classes in the community. The African slaves, who formed neat
ly one-half of the population, were the lowest element; then, divided
from the negroes by the impassable gulf of race and blood, came- the
indented servants and poor whites; then the middle class of small
farmers and planters ; and then at the top the great landlords, who
ruled and represented Virginia. These divisions were supported and
maintained by a strong belief in social distinctions, and they increased
in power and meaning as they descended.'
Beginning at the bottom of the social scale, we find the African
slaves, although far from being, as they afterward became, the one
decisive influence in the conduct of Virginia, a numerous body, im
portant to the material interests of the province, and by their very
existence producing deep and lasting effects upon the character of the
whole population. For fifty years after the first ill-omened cargo of
human beings had been landed at Jamestown, but few slaves seem to
have been imported, and the sparse legislation iu regard to them
shows that they formed neither an important nor formidable ele
ment." The only severe legislation was directed to the prevention of
illicit intercourse between the races, which was punished by public
whipping and penance in . church infiicted upon the guilty white
rtian." In the year 16'67 it was declared that baptism did not exempt
from bondage;* and after this period legislation becomes rapidly more
stringent, servile rebellion begins to cast its shadow over the country,
and a tone of dread is perceptible in the acts of the Assembly, to all
of which the negro insurrection on the Northern Neck in 1687 gave
terrible meaning. From that time forth the slave laws have but one
quality, that of ferocity engendered by fear.' It is only possible to
give a bare outline of this legislation, which filled many pages of the
statute-book ; but it may be summed up in a few words. The slaves
' In regard to classes in Virginia, see Wirt's Life of Patrick Henry, p. 32 ; An
burey, ii., 330; Rochefoucauld, i., 69 ; Smyth, i., 65 ; Rives's Life of Madison, i.,
49, 78, 79 ; compare also Wirt's description of tenants in the British Spy.
« Burke, ii., 300 ; Hening, 1640, 1661-'62, 1668 ; Foote, ii., 155 ; 1671—2000
negroes in the colony.
' Hening, 1629, 1646. ¦• Ibid., 1667. ' Burke, ii., 300.

68 HISTORY OF THE
had no rights which any white man was bound to respect. They
could not'g-atlier at feasts or burials,' and if found away from their
plantation without a certificate they received twenty lashes at the
public expense, and thirty if they raised their hand against a Chris
tian." If a master killed a resisting slave, it was no felony, for no
man could be presumed to have any "malice prepense" in destroying
his own property." It was no felony to kill a slave while correcting
him,* and slaves were debarred from giving evidence except at the trial
of one of their own race for a capital offence.' If they fied from
servitude they were proclaimed by the Assembly to be outlaws, and
could then be killed at sight by any one, a reward being sometimes
offered, or castrated at the pleasure of the sheriff. The public purse
reimbursed the owner if the slave was slain, and the surgeon in the
second case was liable in damages if bis patient died from the effects
of the operation." They were not allowed to carry arms, or even to
have dogs, and the officers of militia were ordered to search all negro
huts for concealed weapons. Even the free negroes who served in
the militia were finally deprived of this privilege, and confined to
servile employments when on military duty.' Every one was de
terred from aiding or harboring runavi-ays by the severest penalties.
Stealing a slave was felony without benefit of clergy, and was ranked
among crimes as equivalent to the murder of a friendly Indian."
Great importance was attached to* keeping the races separate, and
the dominant class pure in blood. Any white man, bond or free,
marrying- a negress, was to be banished, aud at a later period was
thrown into prison and fined, while the officiating clergyman paid a
penalty of ten thousand pounds of tobacco, nearly a whole year's
salary." The doctrine of partus sequitur ventrem, rigidly enforced
against both bastards and legitimate children, had the same dividing
tendency.'" Emancipation was hampered; being in England was no
discharge, and the condition of free negroes was little better than
that of the slaves." They were simply property in tbe eyes of the
law, and, as such, were taxed, passed as chattels, and could be annexed
to the land by the tenant in tail.'" But they were a very perilous sort
of property, and their increase was very rapid and very alarming,
1 Hening, 1680. ^ Ibid. " Ibid., 1669, 1723; Foote, i., 23.
4 Hening, 1705. ' Ibid., 1732, 1744. « jbij,^ 1701, 1705, 1723.
' Ibid., 1723, 1738, 1762, 1767. " Ibid., 1670, 1732, 1748.
¦ Ibid., 1691, 1753. '» Ibid., 1661-'62, 1748; Foote, i., 23.
" Hening, 1668, 1691,1748,1762. ' " Ibid., 1682, 1726, 1727, 1732.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 69
especially toward the middle of the eighteenth century.' The anx
iety thus stimulated was first expressed in renewed legislation of the
most frightful character, which may be exemplified by a single clause
providing that slaves found abroad at night without a license should
be dismembered." This repressive movement was replaced by a de
sire to check importation, and a wish to ameliorate the condition of
the negroes. Some of the most barbarous penalties were curtailed,
better opportunity of obtaining justice in the courts was given, and
slight modifications were everywhere apparent." The movement in
this direction went so far that the slave-trade became one of the
grievances against England, embodied in the original draft of the
Declaration of Independence ; and the ideas of the Revolution even
led to projects of emancipation, and the foundation of societies for
that purpose. But even at this time the life of a black was held very
cheap. Juries would not convict for the murder of a slave, and the
interest in emancipation, which was languid at best, after the close of
the war rapidly died away. It was impossible to overcome the love
of luxury amd the commercial value of slavery.* The ferocity of Vir
ginian slave legislation shows only too clearly the manner in which
the wretched negroes were regarded, as well as the tone and temper
of the ruling class, and the atmosphere in which they lived ; but it is
far from giving a just notion of tbe treatment of the slaves in every
day practice. Here comes in th^ broad distinction in this respect be
tween Virginia and the more southern colonies. There can be no
question that Virginian slaves were almost universally well and mild
ly treated. They were fairly clothed and fed. Many of them had
gardens and poultry ; and, as they were carefully kept in a state of the
densest ignorance, it is not going too far to say that they were tolera
bly happy and contented. They were not overworked, and both the
climate and the methods of cultivating tobacco favored their well-
being.' It is in its effect upon the character and habits of the white
population that slavery in colonial Virginia becomes of the first im
portance as a factor, both in politics and society.
Slave laws, at first infrequent and unimportant, increased, as has
been seen, in number and stringency as the colony grew, until they
occupied a principal place in the statute-book. With indented white
' Huguenot Family in Virginia, p. 346. « Hening, 1748. = Ibid., 1769, 1772.
* Burnaby, p. 31 ; Brissot, p. 237, 249 ; Rochefoucauld, i., 43.
' Present State of Virginia, Jones ; Brissot, p. 240 ; Weld, p. 114 ; Abb6 Robin,
p. 112.

70 HISTORY OF THE
servants the case was exactly reversed ; they were in the beginning
the only servile and the principal laboring class. The infiux of ne
groes reduced them to insignificance, although their numbers do not
appear to have proportionately diminished. As eariy as the year
1623 laws were framed to compel obedience to masters,' and for the
next fifty years there was much severe legislation to regulate the ser
vants. They were not allowed to marry without leave of their mas
ters ; if they ran away, additional service was the punishment, and for
a second offence, branding on the cheek, while those who harbored
them were subjected to heavy penalties." If they came without indent
ures, they were to serve four years, and years of service were added
for an assanlt on their master, for engaging in trade, refusing to
work, or, in the ease of women, for having a bastard, unless the father
was also tbe master, as well as for running away." These provisions
of the law enabled grasping masters to greatly protract the period of
servitude, and rendered the condition of the servants miserable. in the
extreme. The only protection afforded them was the right of pub
lic burial, and if their death was under suspicious circumstances the
neighbors were to view the body.* Although the legislation in re
gard to servants disappears almost entirely after the middle of the
seventeenth century, the existing laws remained in force. An act
passed in 1748 provided that when a free person was liable to a fine,
a servant should be whipped ; and this illustrates their position as well
as possible in the years prior to the Revolution.' Their condition
was little better than that of slaves, Loose indentures and harsh
laws put them at the mercy of their masters. They were coarsely
clothed, and fed upon meal and water sweetened with molasses," and
were frequently punished with great barbarity. They were, as a class,
of very poor character, for the most part transported convicts and
the scum of the London streets. Many were kidnapped as children,
as the traffic was lucrative ; and in some cases, like that of James An-
nesley, who afterward established his claim to the Anglesea peerage,
they were shipped to Virginia to be put out of the way, and die on a
remote plantation.' In the seventeenth century they formed a pict
uresque and important element in society, and were considered in
1 Hening, 1623-'24. = Ibid.", 1643, 1667-1659.
' Ibid;, 1643-'67, 1696-1706, 1726, 1753. ^
¦" Ibid., 1661-'62. s jtjid., 1748.
* Anglesea Peerage Case, Howell's State Trials, xvii., 1447.
' Howell's State Trials ; Maxwell, Hist. Register, i., 166.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 71
England as typical Virginians. In this way they figured on the Lon
don stage, and served as leading characters in the novels of Defoe,
who seized upon the rough life of Virginia as a welcome aid in bis
portrayal of low and criminal adventures.' In fiction the indented
servant, either by superior virtue or superior vice, usually by the lat
ter, comtnonly rises from the most menial offices to fortune and estate,
carries off rich widows, becomes a successful and unscrupulous attor
ney, a magistrate, perhaps a clergyman, always a prominent member
of colonial society." There were, no doubt, enough instances of such
careers to justify their use in romance ; but in the great majority of
cases, when the period of servitude expired the indented servants be
came what were known as poor whites, and thus formed, whether
bond or free, the lowest class in the community. They were illit
erate, degraded, and despised even by the negroes. The presence of
an inferior and servile race made them idle, shiftless, and unenterpris
ing. They never worked except to obtain a bare subsistence, and on
the frontier they were actually barbarous." These poor whites and
the free negroes formed the criminal class ;* and crime, from their ex
istence, and owing to the unequal division of property, seems to have
been more common in Virginia than in the other colonies, where it
was exceptional and sporadic, and not so directly attributable to any
particular portion of the community.' Criminal offences and misde
meanors were punished in Virginia, as elsewhere during that period,
in a rude and simple fashion. Murder, rape, arson, and robbery were
capital crimes; while smaller offences, from swearing upward, were ex
piated by fines, lashes, exposure in the pillory or stocks, imprisonment,
and the ducking-stool ; and every county court was required to pro
vide the appurtenances necessary for these punishments." In a society
where slavery made labor a mark of shame, and where the poor-law
required those receiving public relief to wear a badge of bright color,
denoting that the possessor was a pauper,' the lowest white class nat
urally gained a livelihood by dubious and dishonest as well as preca
rious methods. Besides these darker qualities of ignorance and crime
' Mrs. Behn, the Widow Ranter ; Defoe, Moll Flanders and Captain Jack.
^ Ibid. ; and see also " The Life and Character of a Monster lately arrived in
London," Tract, 1726.
' Anburey, ii., 309-333 ; Meade, i., 366 ; Memoirs of Count Fersen, i., 63 ; Roche
foucauld, i., 69.
< Meade, i., 366. » Brissot, p. 374. « Hening, 1671, 1705, 1727, 1745, 1748.
'' Ibid., 1755 ; compare as to poor-laws at a later time, Rochefoucauld, i., 27.

72 HISTORY OF THE
these people were also illiberal, nari-ow-ininded, prying, and inquisitive.'
Their only good qualities seem to have been an easy temper, and much
real good-nature and hospitable feeling. They were fortunately few in
number, and were perfectly unimportant both socially and politically.
They were the turbulent element of Virginian life, and figured prom
inently in the crowds which gathered at the horse-race, the hustings,
or the sessions of the county court. They hung about the taverns
drinking and gambling, and on all festive occasions engaged in single
combats, and sometimes general battles." Their fighting was not sim
ply with the fists, but included the brutal practice of " gouging." A
northern man entering Virginia from Maryland rescued a fellow-trav
eller from the hands of a native who had sworn he would " try the
strength of his eye-strings." When he reached Hanover Court-house,
he found an election in progress, and the usual crowd assembled. He
was immediately invited to " swap horses and watches," narrowly es
caped a fight, and had the pleasure of witnessing a gonging-match.
One of the combatants succeeded in getting a twist in the side-locks
of his adversary, and then pressed his thumb against the eyeball of
his opponent, who bawled out "King's cruse " (enough), and the pleas
ing match terminated without mutilation, although so tame an ending
was by no means the rule." This is a fair picture of the lowest class
of Virginians — rude, noisy, brawling, drinking fellows, very laz}-, and
sometimes criminal ; but with a redeeming dash of generous and hos
pitable good-nature.*
It is not easy to distinguish between the two remaining classes in
Virginian society. The middle class, beginning with the tradesmen
and merchants, rose gradually through the farmers and small planters,
until it merged imperceptibly in the ranks of the great landholders.
The differences between the middle and upper classes were of de-
irree, not of kind. Both were of sound Eno-lish stock. Both were
landholders and slave-owners in a greater or less degree,' and marriages
served constantly to unite them more closely by the ties of blood.
This does not apply to the trading portion of the middle class, who
were regarded with great contempt by the owners of lands and slaves,
who esteemed trade a mark of inferiority, and an occupation unsuited
' Smyth, i., 71; Michaux's Travels, p. 194 ; Anburey, ii., 333.
2 Anburey, ibid. ; Weld, p. 142.
= Memoirs of Elkanah Watson, 1777, p. 32 ; see also the excellent description of
similar scenes in Rochefoucauld, i., 64.
* Smyth, i., 68. s Rochefoucauld, i., 60.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 73
to a man of birth and position.' The majority, however, of the mid
dle class were yeomen and farmers. A writer long resident in the
country describes their daily life as follows : " A man in this line rises
in the morning about six o'clock ; he then drinks a julep made of
rum, water, and sugar, but very strong; then he walks, or more gener
ally rides, round his plantation, views all his stock and all his crops,
breakfasts about ten o'clock, on cold turkey, cold meat, fried hominy,
toast, and cyder, ham, bread-and-butter, tea, coffee, or chocolate, which
last, however, is seldom tasted but by the women ; the rest of the day
he spends much in the same manner as a man of the first rank, only
cyder supplies the place of wine at dinner, and he eats no supper;
they never even think of it.""
This was the daily life of the men who formed the great mass of
the white population of Virginia. They were good specimens of the
nationality to which they belonged, and were a fine, sturdy, manly race,
aristocratic in feeling, and from the ownership of slaves despotic in
temper; but they were earnest in the maintenance of English liberty.
They lacked polish of manner, and were sadly deficient in education
and knowledge of the world, but were without exception generous
and hospitable. Their families were less ancient and respectable than
those of the first rank ; but they often acquired large fortunes, and
the successful ones worked their way to the top in the course of a few
generations. They were attached to gaming and all sorts of rude
sports, and roughness was in them always oddly mingled with gentler
qualities." Such was the vigorous class of genuine English stock
which gave strength, support, and political power to the great planters
who ruled and represented Virginia, and imparted tone and color to
the whole of her society.
Tbis upper class was Virginia, and the rest of the people were
merely modifications of the type or simple appendages. These great
planters were country gentlemen, not in the modern sense, but in that
of the eighteenth century. Many of them, no doubt, closely resem
bled the famous Squire Western of Fielding, and none of them dif
fered in any essential particular, except a more intense pride, from the
English country gentlemen of the same period. Their origin has al
ready been described, and the next step is to understand their educa
tion, and the influences which surrounded them in boyhood and youth.
The means of education were sadly deficient. In the early days
¦ Soldier and Pioneer, Anderson. " Smyth, i., 41. ' Ibid., pp. 66, 67.

74 HISTORY OF THE
worthy people in England had been profoundly impressed with the
necessity of Christianizing the Indians, and under this impulse money
was subscribed for a college in Henrico parish, an institution which
was actually started, when the great massacre swept it out of exist
ence. The East India school was started at the same time, under sim
ilar auspices, and met the same fate.' In the year 1660 there was
a movement in favor of a college, owing to the low condition of the
clergy ; and in the following year provision was made for such an
institution, and land was set apart by the Assembly. This solitary
attempt came to nothing, and the fate of like efforts on the part of
public-spirited individuals was equally unfortunate." It is probable
that there was little or no education of any sort at that period in
Virginia. An old tract refers vaguely to " a free school and petty
schools," but they must have been of the rudest kind. The govern
ment was generally lukewarm toward education, and the Stuart gov
ernors were distinctly hostile." Sir William Berkeley, in 1671, de
clared that every man instructed his children according to his ability,
and gave thanks to God that there were no free schools in Virginia,
and no probability of any for a hundred years to come.* This amia
ble prediction was substantially verified. The untiring exertions and
manly persistence of Blair succeeded in obtaining a charter for the
college of William and Mary in 1692, and in establishing it on a firm
foundation, despite the friendly .remark of Seymour, the attorney-gen
eral, who said to the Virginian applicants for a charter, when they
urged, as a reason for the higher education, the salvation of souls by
the clergy, " Souls ! Damn your souls, grow tobacco." But the col
lege was all. There is no indication in the statutes of any desire
to provide education, and np system of public schools was even at
tempted before 1776.'
In the years prior to the Revolution education in Virginia was at
as low an ebb as can well be imagined. In childhood the young Vir
ginian was brought up among the slaves and their offspring, which
had the worst possible effect upon both speech and manners," and the
1 Meade, i., 84.
' Ibid.; Foote, i., 11; Jones, Present State of Virginia. There were renewed
efforts at a much later time. Hening, l753-'56.
' Tyler's Hist, of American Literature, i., 90. ¦• Foote, i., 11.
° Hening ; and see also Rochefoucauld, i., 48.
" Life of Arthur Lee, i., 11, 12 ; Georgia Hist. Coll., Itinerant Observations, 1745,
p. 48.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 75
only resource for the first years of education was in the grammar or
country schools conducted by the parish minister, or by a freed ser
vant.' The principal branches of study were English grammar, alge
bra, surveying, and navigation ; but the quality of the instruction was
poor in the extreme, and the schools themselves were scarce." In
some of the more fortunate parishes the clergyman possessed real at
tainments and a.classical library, and received, as tutor, the sons of the
wealthy planters." In many instances, too, the boys studied at home ;
but it is to be feared that in all cases the discipline was slack, and
that many young Virginians resembled Patrick Henry in giving more
time to hunting and fishing than to their books.* The meagre school
ing received by Washington was a not uncommon example of the
education of young men even of good family. In the middle and
lower classes only the barest rudiments were taught, and those very
badly. Early in the eighteenth century the Bishop of London ad
dressed a series of questions to the Virginian clergy. One of them
was, "Are there any schools in your parish?" The uniform answer,
with but two exceptions, was, "None." Another question was, "Is
there any parish library ?" All the clergy replied, " None," except
one, who answered, " We have the Book of Homilies, the Whole
Duty of Man, and the Singing Psalms.'"
After such preliminary training as these trifiing opportunities of
fered, the young- Virginian, when his parents could afford it, was sent
to William and Mary, or to England, to complete his education. The
college founded by Blair prospered for many years under his ener
getic rule as president, and did much good ; but during the eighteenth
century it steadily degenerated, falling under the same evil influences
which ruined the Church. The officers were a president and six pro
fessors, all poorly paid, and there was a library of some three thou
sand volumes (a large collection for that day), and a cabinet for ex
periments with philosophical apparatus. The Indian department had
proved an utter failure. Courses -were given in the classics, moral
philosophy, metaphysics, mathematics, and divinity." At the close of
the old French war instruction had fallen to a low point. The pro-
' Maxwell, Hist. Reg., iii., 142; Georgia Hist. Coll., Itinerant Observations, 1745,
p. 48. ' Jones, Present State of Virginia ; Meade, ii., 90; Rochefoucauld, i., 105.
' Foote, i., 65. ' Soldier and Pioneer, Anderson. ' Meade, i., 190.
' Burnaby, p. 30 ; Smyth, p. 65 ; Abb§ Robin, p. 107 ; Maxwell, Hist. Reg., p. 67 ;
Georgia Hist. Coll., p. 48.

76 HISTORY OF THE
fessors were incompetent, and, in some cases, of dissolute lives. The
students were unrestrained and disorderly, and the vicious transatlan
tic patronage, and the old useless endowments were ruinous in their
effects.' At the time of the Revolution the college was little more
than a poor grammar-school, sustained by an occasional professor who
chanced to be worthy of his place.
Many rich Virginians, especially younger sons who desired a pro
fessional training, went to England ; but they fared little better than
their brothers who stayed at home, and brought back quite as much
vice as book-learning. The viciousness of foreign education became,
indeed, so well recognized that planters were deterred from sending
their sons abroad." There were, of course, men like Colonel Byrd of
Westover, who was educated in England, was a friend of Charles
Boyle, Earl of Orrery, was admitted to the bar in tbe Middle Temple,
and, having travelled in the Low Countries and figured at the Court of
France, came back to make the most of all the advantages of his Eu
ropean training." Byrd was, as it happened, a man of real talent, and
left the only writings produced in colonial Virginia which have gen
uine literary merit and skill. But there were others, like Arthur Lee,
who profited greatly by study at English and Scotch universities, and
it cannot be doubted that there were many members of the ruling
class who were liberally educated, and showed the results in their read
ing and tastes.* Still these were the exceptions. The mass of Vir
ginians were not well educated, and depended much more on mother-
wit, of which they had an abundant portion, than on any acquired ad
vantages for their success in life.'
To the recipients of this education the one serious occupation of
existence, after school and college had been passed, was the care of
their estates. To promote the growth of tobacco, to attend to the
sale of his crop, to import the necessary implements and the desired
luxuries, and to bring up a sufficient number of his negroes to useful
trades, were the chief employments of the Virginian gentleman. His
public duties were to act as vestryman and justice of the peace, to
hold court, and sit in the House of Burgesses, and in some cases to
serve in the militia, or as an officer of the Crown in the civil service.

' Meade, i., 175, note, and ff. ; Rochefoucauld, i., 25 ; Life of Jefferson, Parton,
or Randall.
' Governor Page was kept at home on this account ; Meade i. 147 190 • ii. 90 •
Maxwell, Hist. Reg., iii., 142. ' Byrd MSS., i., 11. -i Smyth, i., 65.
' Jones, Present State of Virginia ; Dawson's Hist. Mag., iv., 218.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 77
To such lives were the sons bred up ; while the mother and daughters
of the household were entirely occupied with domestic affairs. End
less needle-work, the training of negro maids, and the charge of the
house, filled the days of Virginian women.
The style of living was one of reckless profusion and indiscriminate
hospitality. The latter quality was fostered by circumstances. Even
in the seventeenth century the custom of receiving strangers was so
prevalent that it became a subject of legislation. " They shall be re
puted to entertayne those of curtesie," says the statute, " with whom
they make not a certain agreement,'" and the habit grew with the col
ony. Gentlemen were wont to send to the neighboring tavern and
invite any stranger home to stay as long as he pleased," and no trav
eller described his wanderings without recording his obligations to
the generous hospitality of the Virginian planters."
This unstinted welcome to strangers was due in some measure to
the isolation and monotony of life. The early settlers spread them
selves over the land, clearing plantations here and there in the wilder
ness, and this custom was always adhered to. The plantations fol
lowed the rivers, which formed for many years the only means of com
munication with the outer world. This was slow and circuitous at
best; but, although ferries, bridges, and bridle-paths were established
at an early period,* travel was difficult, and even dangerous, all through
the eighteenth century.' Roads winding along the rivers were grad
ually opened, and were sufficiently good in fair weather ; but they
passed through dense forests broken only at intervals of four or five
miles by a plantation," and wayfarers were frequently lost and obliged
to pass the night in the woods, even in the most settled parts of the
country and in the immediate neighborhood of towns.' Bridges were
scarce, and the deep and frequent rivers were crossed usually in rick
ety boats, or by swimming, which resulted in fatigue and danger to
the travellers, and great loss of horses swept away in the current."
Public coaches and post-chaises were unknown. Every one travelled
' Foote, i., 10; Hening, 1661-'62, 1667. = Rochefoucauld, ii., 70.
' Huguenot Family, p. 271 ; Rochefoucauld, ii., 117 ; Smyth, i., 65.
•¦ Hening, 1643 ; Foote, i., 10.
' Present State of Virginia, Hartwell.
' Jones, Present State of Virginia; Beverly; Anburey, ii., 300; Rochefoucauld,
ii., 121 ; Smyth, i., 16 ; Georgia Hist. Coll., Itinerant Observations, 1745.
' Weld, p. 77.
' Ibid., p. 128 ; Huguenot Family, p. 271.

78 HISTORY OF THE
on horseback or in small sulkies, while the middle classes contented
themselves with the cart and farm horses.'
The difficulty of travel, and tbe hospitality of the planters to the
few who journeyed through the country, prevented any improvement
in tbe taverns, or ordinaries, as they were commonly called. Here and
there in the towns a good inn could be found ; but in the country, and
especially in the back districts, the public-bouses were wretched, often
mere huts, affording only a shelter from the we'ather." There were
plenty of them, however, such as they were ; but they were used not
by travellers, but by the natives as places of resort for drinking and
gaming, and had such a bad effect that many acts were passed for the
restraint of " tippling-houses," as the Burgesses saw fit to style them."
The taverns, however, were probably the most uncomfortable habi
tations in the province. The homes of the Virginians, varying greatly
with the social position of tho occupant, were, as a rule, comfortable.
In the towns the houses were of wood for the poorer classes, while
the better ones were large, and built of brick.* In Norfolk they were
commonly built of Dutch brick, with thick walls and large chimneys
at each end, and the more expensive structures were handsomely wain
scoted within in hard woods." In the country wood prevailed in
buildino-. The homes of the lower classes were mean and small."
Those of the middle classes and small farmers, likewise of wood, were
larger and more convenient. They were all low, generally of one story,
with a loft-roof, and invariably built with two enormous chimneys,
one at either end, and outside the house, which gave a picturesque ap
pearance to these simple and even rude dwellings. The poorer ones
were neither lathed nor plastered, had wooden chimneys lined with
clay, and wooden shutters alone to protect the openings for. light and
air. The better sort were plastered and painted, and possessed brick
chimneys and glass windows, but the furnitnre was simple. The beds
were good, but uncurtained ; and homely wooden stools took the place
of cane chairs.'
The houses of the ruling and representative class were very differ
ent from those of the great majority of Virginians. When the trav-
1 Meade, i., 19 ; Anburey, ii., 63 ; Smyth, i., 69.
'' Anburey, ii., 303 ; Rochefoucauld, ii., 93 ; Smyth, i., 16, 60.
" Georgia Hist. Coll., Itinerant Observations, 1745 ; Hening, 1644, 1668, 1748.
'' Jones, Present State of Virginia.
' Forrest, Historical and Descriptive Sketches of Norfolk.
" Rochefoucauld, ii., 23. '' Smyth, i., 49 ; Huguenot Family, p. 265.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 79
eller came to one of the widely separated gaps in the forest and found
himself upon the borders of a great plantation, the estate presented
the appearance of a small village. In the centre stood the house of
the planter, around which were clustered the offices, all separate from
the main building, the tobacco-houses, and the numerous huts of the
negro quarters. In the fields the slaves were seen sawing wood and
making clearings, or cultivating tobacco. Not far away the herds bf
cattle were at pasture, and the whole scene recalled an English farm.'
The houses of the plantys varied, of course, greatly with the taste
of the occupants. Some were of wood, with massive timbers, and the
typical outside chimney." Many were of brick, and others still of cut
stone. Some were low and picturesque, while others piled one story
upon another as in the great Page house at Rosewell, and towered
above the trees in bare and tasteless, masses. All, however, were spa
cious, with large, low rooms, panelled and wainscoted in hard woods,
and rejoicing in great fireplaces, where wood fires blazed, and over which
were sometimes carved the armorial bearings of the family. These
great houses, with their narrow windows, diamond panes, and tall
chimneys, rising in the midst of estates of great natural beauty, strong
ly resembled the manor-houses of England, and were often furnished
with a substantial elegance not unworthy of the mother country."
The bouses indicate fairly enough the extravagance and profusion
of the Virginia planter, induced by the easily acquired wealth result
ing from the sale of tobacco raised by low-priced slaves. The con
stant fluctuations in the price of the great staple tended to increase
extravagance of living, and give a tone of reckless speculation to all
affairs of business and money-making. An amount of style was main
tained strangely at variance with the ignorance of the people, and the
isolated and commonly solitary lives of the planters. The most marked
display was in carriages and horses, due, in some measure, no doubt,
to the fact that there were no other means of getting from place to
place ; but owing still more to the fondness for show and the love of
' Anburey, ii., 287; Weld, p. 114; Beverly; Smyth, i., 16; Chateaubriand,
(Euvres, tom. vii.. Voyage en Am^rique, 1791, p. 16. *
* Anderson, Soldier and Pioneer; Weld, p. 119.
' " My Bide to the Barbecue," Description of Gates's House ; Beverly ; Meade,
i., 331, Rosewell ; Anburey, ii., 319, Randolph House at Tuckahoe; Weld, p. 113,
119 ; Smyth, i., 15, Country-seats on the James River ; p. 27, Carter Estate at Shir
ley Hundred ; p. 146, Estates on Potomac ; Byrd MSS., ii., 59, Spotswood House
at Germanna.

80 HISTORY OF THE
horse-racing. Coaches, chariots, and chaises were all in common use.'
In the year 1739 Colonel Spotswood advertises for sale "his coach,
chariot, chaise, and coach-horses ;" and the chariot is described as hav
ing been "looked upon as one of the best made, handsomest, and
easiest chariots in London." Every planter had his stud, including
fine coach-horses, hunters, and racers ; many had famous stallions, and
great attention was paid to breeding." In every great house there was
a handsome service of plate, and the table was bountiful, although
chiefly supplied by the products of the plantation." All articles of
apparel were imported and costly ; but, nevertheless, both men and
women dressed handsomely, and in the height of the English fashion.
A good deal of this splendor was crude and rough. " It is a mis
erable luxury," said Brissot, the famous Girondin ; " they wear silk
stockings and boots ;" and again he says, speaking of the showy
dresses of the women, " It is a poor luxury of high prices."* In many
houses, where the tables were bountifully spread, and masses of old
plate graced the sideboards, there were windows broken ten years be
fore, aud still unmended, buildings out of repair, and only the stables
in good condition.' Even the fine coach-horses, on v/hich they prided
themselves, were not always carefully matched." The planters lived ou
their noble estates, and kept open house with the splendor and afflu
ence of nabobs,' in the midst of retinues of slaves and studs of horses ;
but their magnificence had a certain barbaric element, was unfinished
and incomplete, and showed here and there ragged edges and coarse
linen beneath its brocaded silks. Ready money was, moreover, very
scarce, despite the apparent wealth, and luxuries had to be paid for.
The result was debt; and it seems as if the leading families must have
gone through bankruptcy once in a generation. The folly of building
great houses brought many estates to the hammer." High living and
play ruined others; and many young heirs were forced to the frontier
to begin a new career." Legislation favored the debtor class. During
a "stint" in the tobacco crop debtors were to pay only two-thirds of
their debts, a little later it was enacted that money debts were not
recoverable ; and as early as the year 1657 an approach was made to a
' Hening, 1720, 1762. ^ Anburey, ii., 320; Brissot, p. 373 ; Smyth, i., 21, 66.
= Smyth, ibid. ; Burnaby, p. 43 : Anburey, ii., 293 ; Burke, iii., 265 ; Hist. Doe,
relating to South Carolina, Young's Letters ; Huguenot Family, p. 266.
« Brissot, pp. 367, 373 ; Georgia Hist. Coll., Itinerant Observations, 1745, p. 48.
" Rochefoucauld, i., 117 ; Smyth, i., 27. ° Georgia Hist. Coll., p. 48.
' Memoirs of Elkanah Watson, p. 32. " Meade, i., 332. " Foote i. 149.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. Si
bankruptcy act by relieving poor debtors on a surrender of their prop
erty.' As time went on the habit of running in debt increased. Phy
sicians could not collect their fees ; a lawsuit was necessary for trades
men to recover payment for their goods. Lands were declared by
law not liable to seizure, and in regard to slaves and personal prop
erty the creditor was easily evaded. In an agricultural communi
ty, headed by a small body of land-owning country gentlemen, the
financial integrity so essential to the very existence of a trading
people was almost unknown." And so the extravagance and osten
tation, the generous hospitality, and the high living and running
in debt, went on, and the Virginians, for the most part, lived in
a chronic state of insolvency, and borrowed money at most extortion
ate rates of interest, and were withal very happy, and jovial, and con
tented." The home life of the Virginian gentleman was one of easy monot
ony. An observant traveller has left a detailed account of their every
day existence and habits.
" The gentleman of fortune rises about nine o'clock ; he may, per
haps, make an excursion to walk as far as his stable to sec his horses,
which is seldom more than fifty yards from his house ; he returns to
breakfast between nine and ten, which is generally tea or coffee, bread-
and-butter, and very thin slices of venison, ham, or hung-beef. He
then lies down on a pallet on the floor, in the coolest room in the
house, in his shirt and trousers only, with a negro at his head and an-:
other at his feet, to fan hirii and keep off the flies ; between twelve
and one he takes a draught of bombo, or toddy, a liquor composed of
water, sugar, rum, and nutmeg, which is made weak and kept cool ;
he dines between two and three, and at every table, whatever else there
may be, a ham and greens, or cabbage, is always a standing dish. At
dinner he drinks eider, toddy, punch, port, claret, and madeira, which
is generally excellent here ; having drank some few glasses of wine
after dinner, he returns to his pallet, with his two blacks to fan him,
and continues to drink toddy, or sangaree, all the afternoon ; he does
not always drink tea. Between nine and ten in the evening he eats a
.light supper of milk and fruit, or wine, sugai-, and fruit, etc., and al
most immediately retires to bed for the night.
" This is his general way of living in his family, when he has no
I Hening, 1640, 1643, 1645, 1657. = Rochefoucauld, ii„ 39.
' Burnaby, pp. 31, 33.

C2 HISTORY OF THE
-company. No doubt many differ from it, some in one respect, some
in another; but more follow it than do not.'"
This description may have been drawn from an extreme case;' but
the author had abundant opportunities and is supported by sober
Burnaby, who remarks with surprise that he had seen a man in the
full vigor of life lying on a couch with a negress standing by to keep
off the flies." That they were self--indulgent in other ways, high livers,
and often hard drinkers, is the testimony of all the contemporary au
thorities, native and foreign." The plantations were managed, as a rule,
by overseers,* and, except a brief and feverish interest in the tobacco
crop, there was nothing in their occupations to break the indolent
tranquillity of existence.
The domestic life of the Virginian lady was more monotonous, even
if her time was better employed, than that of the men. A letter quoted
by Bishop Meade' says, " Let ns repair to the old lady's room (Mrs.
Washington's), which is precisely in the style of our good old aunt's —
that is, nicely fixed for all sorts of work. On one side sits the cham
ber-maid with her knitting; on the other, a little colored pet, learning
to sew. An old decent woman is there with her table and shears, cut
ting out the negroes' winter clothes, while the old lady directs them
all, incessantly knitting ,herself." In these pursuits, managing the
house, training the servants, and working for tbe benefit of the -whole
establishment, the lives of Virginian women were passed. They were
notable house-keepers, and good wives and mothers. They were both
virtuous and agreeable," and intrigues and love affairs seem never to
have been in vogue. We hear of slave mistresses,' but never of the
gallantries then in fashion in Europe. Burnaby has left- an account
of the life of the Virginian ladies which, although very much colored
by English prejudices, is not without interest.
" The women (of Virginia) are, upon the whole, rather handsome,
though not to be compared with our fair countrywomen in England.
They have but few advantages, and consequently are seldom accom
plished ; this makes them reserved and unequal to any interesting or
refined conversation. They are immoderately fond of dancing, and,
indeed, it is almost the only amusement they partake of ; but even in
1 Smyth, i., 41. 2 Burnaby, p. 156.
3 Burnaby, pp. 31, 43; Jones, Pres. State of Virginia ; Anburey, ii., 293; Burke,iii.,
266 ; Memoirs of Count Fersen, i., 63 ; Hist. Doe. relating to South Carolina,Young's
Letters ; aud compare account of John Boiling in Dawson's Hist. Mao-, {y, 2I8.
* Weld, p. 114. " i., 98. " Rochefoucauld, i., 117. ' Anburey, ii.', 342.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 83
this they discover great want of taste and elegance, and seldom ap
pear with that gracefulness and ease which these movements are so
calculated to display. Toward the close of an evening, when the com
pany are pretty well tired with country-dances, it is usual to dance
jigs ; a practice originally borrowed, I am informed, from the ne
groes. The Virginian ladies, excepting these amusements, and now
and then a party of pleasure into the woods to partake of a barbacue,
chiefly spend their time in sewing and taking care of their families.'"
This description gives us a glimpse of the simple amusements
which served to break the level of daily life. A dance in the evening,
when some young neighbor, possibly Patrick Henry, or Thomas Jef
ferson, came to the hospitable house, ready to play on the violin, or,
perhaps, a picnic in the woods, were the best diversions afforded in the
solitude of the country. The great event was the annual visit on
business or pleasure, or both, to Williamsburg. Once a year, when
the House of Burgesses met, and the Supreme Court was in session,
the great coaches were brought out on the plantations, the six horses
were harnessed, and the leading families drove in state to the capital.
There the fashionable world of Virginia assembled: They spoke of
their annual gathering with all the simple and ludicrous pride of a
provincial aristocracy as rivalling the Court of St. James and the so
ciety of London. Sources of interest and excitement were not lack
ing during the season. If politics ran high, as in the years when
revolution was preparing, society could gather at the capitol and listen
to the classic oratory of Richard Henry Lee, or the fervid speeches of
Patrick Henry, dressed in his suit of peach-blossom velvet, and defy
ing King George, to the great alarm of the conservative land-owning
gentry." Perhaps the event of the year was the inauguration of a
new governor ; and glowing accounts are extant of the pomp and pa
rade which greeted Lord Botetourt, and of the feasting and the loyal
ty which hailed his entry into office." At all times the season at
Williamsburg was gay. English fashions prevailed, and the officers
of the Crown did much to promote social enjoyment. The Governor
gave balls in his palace, as it was the fashion to term his house, and
the birthnights of majesty were celebrated with great rejoicing. There
were regular assemblies, and two sets of races for subscription purses
were given annually.* In the gayeties of Williamsburg botli sexes
' Burnaby, p. 36. ' Wirt's Life of Patrick Henry, p. 90.
' Burke, iii., 342. * Jones, Present State of Virginia; Smyth, i., 20.

84 HISTORY OF THE
shared ; but the season was short, and the ladies relapsed into the rou
tine of daily plantation existence after a brief holiday. The men were
more fortunate, and made up for their indolence in regard to work by
a surprising activity in play. Their amusements were such as might
be, expected in a rural society of considerable wealth and compara
tively slight education. Horse-racing and race balls were the events,
and fox-hunting, cock-fighting, drinking, and card-playing the regular
pastimes. A contemporary sermonizer, with some severity, says of
the Virginians, " To eat and drink delicately and freely ; to feast, and
dance, and riot ; to pamper cocks and horses ; to observe tbe anxious,
important, interesting event which of two horses can run fastest, or
which of two cocks can flutter and spur most dexterously ; these are
the grand affairs that almost engross the attention of some of our
great men, and little low-lived sinners imitate them to the utmost of
their power. The low-born sinner can leave a needy family to starve
at home, and add one to a rabble at a horse-race or a cock-fight. He
can get drunk, and turn himself into a beast with the lowest as well
as his betters with more delicate liquors.'" Even the partial Burke
admits, that " The character of the people for hospitality and excess,
and those of the land proprietors, particularly on the banks of rivers,
enabled them to indulge their passions even to profusion and excess.
Drinking parties were then fashionable, in which the strongest head
or stomach gained the victory. The moments that could be spared
from the bottle were devoted to cards. Cock-fighting was also fash
ionable. I find, in 1747, a main of cocks advertised to be fought
between Gloucester and James River. The cocks on one side were
called 'Bacon's Thunder-bolts,' after the celebrated rebel of 1676.""
But fortunately there has been preserved an exact account of tho
sports in which all classes then indulged.
In the Viryinia Gazette for October, 1737, we read : " We have ad
vice from Hanover County, that on St. Andrew's .Day there are to be
Horse Races and several other Diversions, for the entertainment of
the Gentlemen and Ladies, at the Old Field, near Captain John Bick-
erton's, in that county (if permitted by tbe Hon. Wm. Byrd, Esquire,
Proprietor of said land), the substance of which is as follows, viz. :
' It is proposed that 20 Horses or Mares do run round a three miles'
course for a prize of five pounds.
" ' That a Hat of the value of 20s. be cudgelled for, and that after
' Campbell, p. 495. ' Burke, iii., 402.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 85
the first challenge made the Drums are to beat every Quarter of an
hour for three challenges round the Ring, and none to play with their
Left hand.
" ' That a violin be played for by 20 Fiddlers ; no person to have
the liberty of playing unless he bring a fiddle with him. After the
prize is won they are all to play together, and each a different tune,
and to be treated by the company.
"'That 12 Boys of 12 years of age do run 112 yards for a Hat of
the cost of 12 shillings.
'"That a Flag be flying on said Day 30 feet high.
" ' That a handsome entertainment be provided for the subscribers
and their wives ; aud such of them as are not so happy as to have
wives may treat any other lady.
" ' That Drums, Trumpets, Hautboys, &c., be provided to play at
said entertainment.
" ' That after dinner the Royal Health, His Honor the Governor's,
&c., are to be drunk.
" ' That a Quire of ballads be sung for by a number of Songsters,
all of them to have liquor sufficient to clear their Wind Pipes.
" ' That a pair of Silver Buckles be wrestled for by a number of
brisk young men.
" ' That a pair of handsome Shoes be danced for.
'"That a pair of handsome silk Stockings of one Pistole value
be given to the handsomest young country maid that appears in the
Field. With many other Whimsical and Comical Diversions too nu
merous to mention.
" ' And as this mirth is designed to be purely innocent and void of
offence, all persons resorting there are desired to behave themselves
with decency and sobriety ; the subscribers being resolved to dis
countenance all immorality with the utmost rigor.' '"
These were rough, honest English sports, whose very names sound
strange now, but much better than the card-playing and cock-fighting.
Such amusements prevailed everywhere. At Norfolk a fair was held
at regular intervals in the market-place, accompanied by sack and hogs
head races, greased poles, and bull-baiting." At Assateague the great
event of the year was the horse-penning, when the wild colts were
driven in, and the whole country- side flocked to see the show, and

' Quoted in Rives's Life of Madison, i., 87.
2 Forrest's Hist. Sketches.

86 HISTORY OF THE
join in the expected barbecue and dancing.' Public events in Eng
land were commemorated in Virginia with vast show and much loyal
effusion. The battle of Culloden was celebrated by processions, car
rying a child in a warming-pan, hanging and burning the Pretender
in effigy, and by public balls and illuminations." In fine weather
barbecues in the woods, when oxen, pigs, and sturgeon were roasted,
were frequent, and much enjoyed by all, ending usually, among the
lower classes, with much intoxication." Another great source of de
light was the cock-fight. The pit was placed in the centre of the
square formed by the two or three houses of the nearest village, and
at an eariy hour the road was alive with carriages and pedestrians on
their way to see the match. All classes crowded eageriy together
about the pit, where the fine cocks gave great sport.* It was the
same at races and fox-hunts. The isolation of their daily lives drove
men to seek every occasion for meeting. The small farmers assem
bled at the nearest tavern to play billiards and drink.' The session
of the court filled the county towns once a month with a large and
miscellaneous crowd, whose great topics of conversation were horses
and lawsuits, and a day of conviviality generally ended with fights
of a rather savage character." Duelling does not seem to have been
common, and was probably rendered fashionable by our French allies.'
In colonial times differences were usually settled by the more prim
itive fist. The evil of all these meetings, and the bane of Virginian
society, was drinking and gaming, especially the latter, which was car
ried to a frightful extent by all classes. We can trace tbe growth of
this evil in tbe laws. Statutes were passed against gaming ; and a pen
alty was exacted from innkeepers who permitted it ; it was forbidden
on race-fields ; gambling debts were declared void, and private lotteries
were suppressed as harmful to the morals of tbe people." But legis
lation was vain. The genial, dissolute, free -thinking Fauquier, who
gathered about his table the rising genius of Virginia — Jefferson,
Wythe, Mason, and the like — was a devotee, and a mined one, to high
play. The great Byrd fortune was probably but one of many dissi
pated at the gaming-table. Gambling was rife among all ranks of
society, and was the fascination and excitement on every occasion."
' Howe's Virginia. ^ Forrest's Hist. Sketches ; Howe's Virginia.
2 Weld, p. 140. '' Memoirs of Elkanah Watson, 1787.
' Rochefoucauld, ii., 21. ¦ Michaux, p. 194 ; Anburey, ii., 333.
' Abb6 Robin, p. 182. » Hening, 1744, 1748, 1769^
' Anburey, ii., 328; Brissot, p. 873; Burke, iii., 333; Weld, p. 142; Rochefou
cauld, ii., 39 ; Michaux, p. 194 ; Byrd MSS., ii., 77.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 87
In a society so constituted, and so much addicted to the amuse
ments just described, intellectual pursuits of any kind found little
room. J'auquier, with all his gambling and high living, was a patron
of arts and literature, but he found little pf either to encourage in
Virginia.' There were no arts, and the literature was next to nothing.
During the whole colonial period only three books were produced by
natives of the country which rose above the level of statistical or po
litical tracts and occasional sermons. Robert Beverly beguiled the
leisure of a country gentleman by writing an inaccurate but not unin
teresting history of the province, and the Rev. William Stith followed
his example with an exact and very dull account of the early years
of the settlement. The third Virginian author was Colonel Byrd,
whose rambling memoirs and journal of his doings as a commissioner
to run the North Carolina boundary -line exhibit strong powers of
observation, great humor, and possess genuine literary merit. Such
was the literature of Virginia. That it was so very meagre is not to
be wondered at when we remember that it was after the Restoration
that the Cavalier Berkeley gave thanks to God, not only that there
were no schools, but that there was no printing-press in Virginia, and
no prospect of. any. It was not until 1736 that the first newspaper,
the Virginia Gazette, appeared, and this remained for many years the
only journal in the colony." The first theatre was opened at Wil
liamsburg in 1752, for a company of New York comedians; so that
the drama at the period of the Revolution was of very recent date."
Intercourse with the outer world was extremely limited. The first
general post-office was established in 1692-93 ; but it was local in its
operation and very expensive.* Its sphere was gradually enlarged ; yet
even in the middle of the eighteenth century a mail from the North
a fortnight old, and a post to the South once a month, both conduct
ed by individuals, were considered expeditious and very convenient.'
English classics and a few of the standard authors of the day form
ed the resources of those who lead. Blair's "Sermons," Sterne's
works. The Spectator, the " Whole Duty of Man," and Tillotson's ¦
"Sermons," were the books most in use." In a private library at
Yorktown were found the " History of England," a collection of char
ters and bills, the works of Pope, Essays of Montaigne, " Gil Bias,"
and an essay on Women by " Mi-. Thomas," which last, we are told,
1 Burke, iii., 401. ' Ibid., iii., 125. ' Ibid.
* Hening, 1692-'93. ' Maxwell's Hist. Register, i., 67. " Meade, i., 25.

88 HISTORY OF THE
had a great popularity in all the colonies.' Such reading was good
so far as it went, but it was not extensive, and it is to be feared that
the Virginians were not ranch given to reading, nor to the sister art of
writing. Governor Spotswood, who was not slow to take every advan-
tao-e of the Burgesses in their many controversies, remarked on one oc
casion, in an officii reply to some remonstrance: " I observe that the
grand ruling party in your House has not furnished chairmen of two
of your standing committees who can spell English or write com
mon-sense, as the grievances under their own handwriting will man
ifest."" Matters no doubt improved in this respect during the
eighteenth century ; but, even in the years prior to the Revolution,
Virginians, as a rule, read little and studied less," if we except the
young and rising men who belonged to the new period then just be
ginning. Although the intellectual resources were slender, the Virginian gen
tlemen had, apart from merely physical amusements, one subject of
abiding interest. As has already been mentioned, they absorbed all
the appointed offices of the State, and they also participated actively
and steadily in current politics. After some fiuctuations during the
period of the English Commonwealth, the suffrage had been restricted
to freeholders, and finally to those owning fifty acres of land.* Im
migrants were naturalized at first, after a term of years, on taking the
oaths of allegiance and supremacy ; then by act of the Assembly ;
then by the Governor on application ; and, finally, by the Assembly
on petition.' The suffrage, therefore, was enough of a privilege to be
desired, and its exercise was further enforced by law." Voting was
oral, and if the poll was not concluded on the first day, it was adjourn
ed by the sheriff.' The leading planters usually stood for the House,
and election day was one of the great occasions similar to court day;
all the people poured into the polling-place, where there was the cus
tomary drinking and gaming, -and many rough scenes. The candi
dates were obliged on this day of the year to unbend and mingle
with the crowd. They were compelled to treat their constituents,
and sometimes walked about with a can of grog, asking the free and
' Abbe Robin, p. 142 ; compare also Burke, iii., 400.
"- Tyler'.-! Hist, of Amei-. Literature, 17l5-'80, i., 88 ; Campbell, p. 395.
' Jones's Present State of Virginia.
^ Burke, ii., 108 ; Foote, i., 13 ; Hening, 1656, 1762.
'¦ Hening, 1667, 1670-'80, 1705 ; and see petitions of later years.
» Hening, 1769. ' Ibid., 1646,1769.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 89
independent electors to drink with them.' It was a good school of
practical politics, even if somewhat rough, and the excitement, rude
as it must have been, was not without zest to the participants.
The society which was organized in this way, and lived after this
fashion, gave little opportunity for the growth of the democratic sen
timent. There was none of the friction and stimulus afforded by
large towns. There was no intercourse with the outside world
through the channels of copimerce. The people were scattered, and
wholly agricultural. The large number of convicts, of bonded ser
vants, and of negroes helped to brand very deeply the lines of de
marcation between the different members of tbe community. The
solitary life on a great plantation in the midst of inferiors and slaves,
the system of primogeniture, and the importance attached to landed
estates as the only form of wealth, all contributed powerfully to one
result. Theoretically, an aristocracy should have been developed, and
it is easy to show that it existed as really as if the members had been
distinguished by titles. In a word, Virginian society developed into
an aristocracy of commoners, but none the lesp, into a genuine aris
tocracy. The most powerful support was give.;, by the system of
entail. No estate tail over two hundred pound? was defeasible with
out an act of the Assembly, and the entailed estate passed, of course,
invariably to the eldest sons, while the younger ones \'ere brought up
to professions. In some cases land was settled on tho younger chil
dren, but the bulk of the property went to the oldest son. In the
middle of the eighteenth century legislation was lai-gely concerned
with land, and was strongly in the land -holding interest; but the
drift of public opinion then began to set against it, the business of
docking entails increased rapidly, and, finally, the whole system f-°''
during the Revolution beneath the attacks headed by Jeffsi'ion."
Prior to that time, however, it flourished in full force, nv.'Tl formed,
as primogeniture and entail always must, the surest foundation of a
strong and permanent aristocracy.
Scattered allusions also curiously illustrate the purely aristocratic
society of Virginia, of which the existence is proved by the law of
entail. The early law in regard to well-born persons has already been
adverted to, but there is much strono-er and later evidence. A letter

' Rives's Life of Madison, i., 179 ; Foote, ii., 177.
^ Howe's Virginia ; Maxwell's Hist. Register, iii., 142 ; Hening, 1727, 1748; and
from 1764 to 1773 for the business of docking entails.

90 HISTORY OF THE
is preserved, by Bishop Meade, from one Mr. Thompson, a clergyman
of the best sort, who desired to marry the widow of Governor Spots-
wood. The family objected on the score of inferiority of social posi
tion. The letter begins as follows: "Madam, — By diligently perus
ing your letter I perceive there is a material argument, which I ought
to have answered, upon which your strongest objection against com
pleting my happiness would seem to depend, viz., that you would in
cur the censures of the world for marrying a person of my station
and character. By which I understand that you think it a diminution
of your honor and the dignity of your family to marry a person in the
station of a clergyman." Then follows a curious piece of reasoning
to show the social et^uality of clergy and gentry.'
The social, distinctions were most rigidly observed in the churches,
where all classes of necessity met together. One vestryman was pub
licly thanked for displacing an unworthy woman who had ventured
to sit above her degree." The great families occupied the principal
pews, generally in the galleries, while the floor was common to all."
In some of the churches certain pews wore set apart, and marked
" Magistrates" and " Magistrates' Ladies."* It is related of the Car
ter family that they built the parish church, reserving a large pew
near the chancel, and that on Sunday the congregation waited outside
until the family arrived, and then followed them in.' A member of
a similar family " was buried, according to her own directions, beneath
the pavement of the aisle of that wing of the church which was oc
cupied by the poor. She direeted this to be done as an act of self-
abasement for the pride she had manifested and the contempt she
had exhibited toward the common people during her life, alleging that
she wished them to trample upon her when she was dead."" The old
records abound also in examples of the state kept by the old families.
A servile class rendered labor a shame, and trade was despised. It
was esteemed a disgrace for a young man to enter the counting-house
of the first merchant in Virginia.' The planters looked upon them
selves as of different clay from the rest of the community. One of
them drives his sword into a billiard-marker, but no notice is taken
of it, although the man barely escapes death." One foreign traveller
says that every proprietor would be a lord, and that they had every
' Meade, ii., 79 ; see p. 13. ' Ibid., i., 366. ' Ibid, i., 210; ii., 375.
• Maxwell, Hist. Register, v., 38. ° Meade, ii., 116. " Ibid., ii., 412.
' Fersen, i., 63 ; Anderson, Soldier and Pioneer; Anburey, ii., 293.
° Rochefoucauld, ii., 40.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 91
aristocratic principle. They took great pride " in his majestie's an
cient and great colony and dominion of Virginia;'" and one of them
declares that " Vii-ginia may be justly esteemed the happy retreat of
true Britons and true Churchmen."" But, although they held all the
offices, their fortunes were not wrapped up in the royal government.
Their loyalty was as independent as it was zealous, but with no tinge
of inferiority ; and they would not even suffer any attempt to in
troduce an etiquette other than their own." There were few Tories
among them, and while they gave freely to government, they chafed
at the duties and restrictions on trade.*
They had the vices and the virtues of an aristocracy. They were
indolent, vain,, and imperious; politically haughty, and sensitive to
any restraint.' They were neither enterprising nor inventive, but
their address was excellent ; they spoke well and fiuently ; had excel
lent sense, and much shrewdness in matters of business." Many of
them were men of liberal sentiments, enlightened understanding, and
knowledge of the world.'
Leading a life which alternated between intense bodily activity
and the most profound indolence, addicted to coarse indulgences and
rough sports, without the opportunity or desire for mental effort, the
Virginian gentleman was still essentially a patrician. As proud of
his acres, and as haughty among his dependents as the greatest Eng
lish lords, the Virginian was as sensitive in regard to his rights and
as jealous of his political position as any Puritan of New England.
A rigid code of honor was scrupulously preserved, and every gentle
man was accountable under it for his actions. The Virginian planter
was proud of his descent. He knew by heart his own genealogy and
that of all his neighbors. No peer of the realm more fully believed
himself to be of a different stuff from other mortals than the Virgin
ian. Burke's famous sentence describes them exactly : " Those who
had been accustomed to command were the last who would consent
to obey." Despite the indolent life, the boorish amusements, and the
too prevalent illiteracy, the natural genius of the great planters was
strong and sound. They looked on themselves as the governing class,
as the natural leaders of the people, and they possessed au unquestion
ed supremacy. When the shock came, they proved themselves fine
' Hening, 1699. » Jones, Present State of Virginia. " Burke, iii., 376.
* Howe's Virginia ; Burnaby, p. 35. ' Burnaby, pp. 31, 35.
° Jones, Present State of Virginia; Abb6 Robin, p. 205-'6. ' Smyth, i., 65.

92 HISTORY OF THE
soldiers, sagacious politicians, great lawyers, and statesmen. Out of
this apparently inert aristocracy, steeped as it would seem in pride
and sloth, came a set of leaders who have done the greatest honoT:
to the American name. All the stress of oppression and of war was
required to rouse the latent life ; but at the great period in our his
tory, the Virginian aristocracy proved themselves worthy of the fore
most places. The ruling class was small numerically; but a body
which produced in one generation George Washington, John Marshall,
Thomas Jefferson, Patrick Henry, and James Madison, to say nothing
of the Lees, the Randolphs, the Pendletons, Wythe, Mason, and the
rest, is one which deserves a great position not only in the hLstory of
the United States, but in that of the English race and of the world.

ENGLISH COLON ES IN AMERICA. 93

Chapter III.
MARYLAND FROM 1632 TO 1766.
The colonial history of. Maryland offers two points of especial in
terest. Maryland was the first proprietary government in America,
and she lays claim to the distinction of having been the first state
where religious toleration not only prevailed in practice, but was es
tablished by law. These two facts, their causes and results, and the
questions growing out of them, not only form the staple of her colo
nial history, but give it all the interest it possesses. From their nat
ure, too, they are closely connected with tbe characters and careers of
the founder of the settlement and his successors. They present, also,
the first instance in America of a colony upon which the infiuence of
an individual left an abiding mark, and did much to shape its future
history. George Calvert, Baron of Baltimore, began his public career under
the patronage of Robert Cecil. His talents and industry united with
a quiet moderation of character and a wise discreetness to raise him,
under James I., to the office of Secretary of State, and to the position
of a leader of the government forces in the House of Commons. In
an evil hour he resisted Buckingham, or was, at least, unlucky enough
to stand in the way of the all-powerful favorite. • George Calvert was
too prudent a man to persist in such an opposition, and, proclaiming
himself a Catholic, he resigned his office. For this loss of place he
was consoled by a peerage and a fee of £6000, paid him by his suc
cessor. Like most of the men in James's Court, Calvert had a taste
for money-getting, without being troubled by unfashionable scruples;
.but he differed from his fellow -courtiers in his ability to keep the
riches he acquired. From an early period Calvert had been interested
in schemes of colonization, and in a purely commercial way. He was
one of the patentees of the Virginia Company, and subsequently re
ceived a large grant of territory in Newfoundland. His religious

94 HISTORY OF THE
opinions, or rather the period of his conversion to Catholicism, have
been matters of warm discussion ; but the most recent investigations
make it probable that Calvert was either born a Catholic, or became
one at an early period of his life. The old and generally accepted
story that he resigned the secretaryship on account of scruples of
conscience, arising- from his recent conversion to Rome, can no longer
be sustained. Whatever else is doubtful, it is certain that
Calvert was forced out of office by Buckingham; and the
avowal of the religion he had long secretly professed served as a con
venient cloak to the real reasons for his retreat. That Calvert con
cealed his religious opinions for a long number of years, is in perfect
keeping with his character and career. The court of James I. was
not the place for a sternly religious man of hostile faith to obtain
worldly success. When Calvert, now Lord Baltimore, found himself
deprived of office, he turned his thoughts to his colony of Ferryland,
in the province of Avalon, in Newfoundland, whither he soon after
proceeded with his family. In that inhospitable region he quickly
perceived the impossibility of successful colonization, and in
1628, therefore, he sailed to the South, and landed in Virginia.
His purpose was an obvious one — the foundation of a settlement in
a country blessed with a more genial climate than that which he had
left. The Virginians tendered to him, on his arrival among them, the
oath of allegiance, which he took, and the oath of supremacy, which
he refused ; and he was then requested to depart the colony, as he
would not acknowledge the King's prerogatives. The objects of
Lord Baltimore were as plain to the Virginians as they are to us.
He was no ordinary colonist, nor wero his schemes those of even the
i-ichest planters. He came to found a state, and to be its ruler. The
Virginians had gone too far, and were too numerous to pass under his
control, nor would they voluntarily permit the erection of an impe-
rium in imperio. Courteously but firmly tliey dismissed Lord Bal
timore, and hastened his departure. He returned to Eno-land and
again visited Ferryland, where he did good service against the French;
but the remembrance of the Virginian country did not leave him,
1G32. ^"*^ ^" ^^^^ '"^ *^'®^^ ^ charter for the signature of Charies L,
granting to himself and his heirs all the country included in
the present Slate of Maryland, and a large part of what is now the
State of Delaware. Before this charter passed the seals Lord Balti
more died. From what is known of his career, it appears that in
politics he was a friend of high prerogative, and a complaisant court-

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 95
ier in a corrupt court ; that in religion he was a moderate Catholic,
and in general character a shrewd, discreet man of the world. Of
such a man worldly wisdom and good management in both public
and private affairs could be safely predicated ; but it was not from
such persons that liberal views emanated in the reign of James I.
Subservient to the slightest wishes of the' King and to the will of
Buckingham, Calvert was not the man to have far-sighted plans and
high-minded, enlightened views of religious toleration. As a Catholic,
he appreciated fully the bitter English hostility to Rome, and there
can be little doubt that he desired his provinces to be peopled with
men of his own belief, and to become in a certain sense an asylum
for English Papists. But his primary object was commercial and
financial success, and he well knew that nothing papistical could
thrive under English auspices. The merest whisper of Catholic dom
ination would have wrecked his enterprise at the start. The Cath
olics were oppressed and down-trodden, and if they happened to pos
sess political power in any dependency of England, there was but one
course compatible with existence open to them — an avowed policy of
religious toleration. There can be little doubt that such were the
views of the first Lord Baltimore, and this opinion is confirmed by
the government he erected, and by the subsequent history of the
colony. The charter drawn by Lord Baltimore was granted to his eldest
son, Cecilius. By this charter a government was framed on feudal
principles, and modelled on that of the Durham Palatinate. The ob
ject was to found an English barony, and the lord proprietary was
also invested with regal rights. The only reservation is in the annual
payment of two Indian arrows by the lord of the province to the
Crown, which was a mere recognition of the duty of allegiance, and
of the title of the King to the land as lord paramount. There is a
saving clause of the allegiance of the inhabitants, and a guarantee to
the colonists of the rights and immunities of Englishmen. The gov
ernment- set up was a copy of the English form, or, rather, of the
form of English government as it onght to have been in the opinion
of George Calvert. An Assembly of Burgesses filled the place of the
Parliament, and the lord proprietary that of the King. The consti
tution was exactly such a one as a high prerogative courtier in the
reign of James would be likely to draw if left to himself. The lord
proprietary was to have the right to make laws, not repugnant to
those of England, when the freeholders and Burgesses could not be

96 HISTORY OF THE
brought together, and he was further to have the power of granting
titles, and erecting manors and courts baron. Exemption from taxa
tion was also granted. Much of it was merely a wild scheme to
transplant decaying feudalism to the virgin soil of America. But all
this paraphernalia of a dying system proved as worthless in the face
of the strong tide of progress as the paper on which it was engrossed.
Certain other provisions, however, deserve attention from their con
nection with the vexed question of toleration.
In the second article occurs tbe usual formula, expressing, as the
reason for the grant, " a laudable and pious zeal for extending the
Christian religion." In the fourth article the right of advowsons
and patronage in the Church, as well as the license to erect chapels,
churches, etc., are granted to the lord proprietary. But these sacred
buildings were to be " dedicated and consecrated according to the
ecclesiastical laws of our kingdom of England." In the twenty-
second article, which gives to the lord proprietary the right to have
all disputed points in the charter decided in his favor, occurs this
clause, " Provided always, that no interpretation thereof be made
whereby God's holy and true Christian religion, or the allegiance due
to us, our heirs and successors, may in anywise suffer by change,
prejudice, or diminution." These three passages contain all the refer
ences to religioh in the charter. The first is purely formal, and oc
curs in all the colonial charters. The second puts the control of the
Church in the hands of the lord proprietary. That the head of the
Church in. tbe province should be a Roman Catholic was not at vari
ance with English habits. Catholic noblemen in England could pre
sent Protestant clergymen to livings of the Established Church down
to the reign of William and Mary. The Church thus given away in
the charter was the Established Church of England, and no other, and
whatever may be claimed for the English Church in the seventeenth
century, it was certainly not marked by a wise spirit of toleration.
The last passage goes even further, and provides for the exclusive
maintenance of the English Church. " God's true and holy religion,"
in 1632, was in England the religion of Charles and Laud, as distin
guished from that of Rome or Calvin. Other forms of Christian be
lief were not considered or then recognized in England by law as
" true " or " holy." To say that this clause simply meant the religion
of Maryland was not to be Turkish, Jewish, or pagan, is absurd. No
sane man, or body of men, would have enacted a law against the sub
stitution of the Koran for the Bible, the abolition of the New Testa-

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 97
ment, or the worship of an Indian Okee for the regulation of an Eng
lish colony. Under the Maryland charter there was to be but one
Church recognized by the State, the Church of England. The relig
ion of Calvert and of Calvert's followers was connived at, but it was
not safe to recognize even in a colonial charter the followers of him
whom Englishmen generally regarded as the Antichrist. Nor was it
characteristic of Charles to extend a beneficent toleration to Protes
tant sects opposed to his own. In a word, there is no toleration
about the Maryland charter. . George Calvert was too astute a man,
and had led too worldly a life, to risk a great enterprise by any talk
about toleration. He believed in toleration, because men of his creed
were oppressed ; but that he believed in it as a great general principle,
is to give the lie to his whole life and to the age in which he lived.
A man who had fostered the dark intrigues of the Spanish marriage,
and had been the close friend of Gondomar, was not likely to be the
apostle of toleration in a bitterly intolerant age. Yet there can be
no doubt of the fact of religions toleration in Maryland at the outset,
a-.id there were two very good reasons for its existence. The all-
powerful lord proprietary and the principal men in Maryland were
Catholics, and Catholicism was oppressed and hated in England. To
oppress Catholics would have been gross folly on the part of the
Protestant colonists, and to oppress Protestants would have been ruin
to the proprietary. Religious toleration in Maryland must be attrib
uted solely to the very commonplace law of self-interest; and that this
theory is the correct one the subsequent history of the colony amply
proves. On the S9th of October, 1633, Hawkins, the searcher of vessels for
London, administered the oath of alleaciance to one hundred
1633. and twenty - eight persons on board the Arh at Gravesend.
Over three hundred persons sailed in the Ark and Dove for Maryland.
At the Isle of Wight two Jesuit priests, White and Altham, were
smuggled on board. During the voyage twelve of the emigrants died,
and of these only two were confessed by the Jesuits, and acknowl
edged themselves Catholics. Lord Baltimore, writing to his father's
friend, Thomas Wentworth, describes the expedition as consisting of
" his two brothers, with very near twenty other gentlemen of very
good fashion, and three hundred laboring men, well provided in all
things." From the number who took the oath of allegiance, and from
the faith I of -those who died, together with Lord Baltimore's own ac
count, it is a fair presumption that a majority of the settlers were
7

98 HISTORY OF THE
Protestants. The " twenty gentlemen of good fashion " and their
immediate followers were probably the only Catholics. In such a
case, when a Catholic lord was the ruler of a colony largely composed
of Protestants, religious toleration was the only possible policy. Any
other would have been madness.
The ships reached the mouth of the Potomac in March, 1634. In
the previous year a petition had been sent to the King by the
Virginians, remonstrating against the encroachments of the
Baltimore patent, and the question had been referred by the King to
the Council, who had decided that Lord Baltimore should be left to
his patent, and the Virginians to the course of law. At the mouth
of the river they encountered tbe Virginians, who, in obedience to
the King's written orders, received the new-comers kindly, and fur
nished necessary supplies. Here, too, they met William Clayborne,
who spread ugly rumors among them of Indian hostility. Leonard
Calvert, in his turn, informed Clayborne that his trading settlement
on Kent Island was within the jurisdiction of the Baltimore patent.
Clayborne was the person most aggrieved by the Maryland charter.
Under a general license from Charles I. to trade, he had established
a lucrative post on Kent Island. The King, as he had an unques
tioned right to do under the theory of English law, granted to Lord
Baltimore a certain tract of wild land, including Kent Island. Clay
borne had no legal right there except as the subject of Baltimore;
but, since his real injuries coincided with the fancied ones of the Vir
ginians generally, his claim assumed importance. Calvert planted his
colony on a bluff near tbe mouth of tbe Potomac, and named the set
tlement St. Mary's. Experience had taught men now the art of col
onization. The emigrants were of the right sort, and Lord Balti
more's wise munificence, and the near neighborhood of an established
colony, freed the Maryland settlement from the privations which
marked the first years of the earlier colonies. The savages, more
over, through the infiuence of the Jesuits, were treated sensibly and
honestly ; land was from the first granted to individuals in fee-sim
ple, and the little colony prospered. A visit from Governor Harvey
assured Calvert that Clayborne could not hope for official support,
however well off he might be in the way of popular sympathy.
There was, however, so strong a feeling in favor of Clayborne in Vir
ginia, that he was soon able to send an armed pinnace up the
Chesapeake to defend his invaded rights at Kent Island, but
the expedition was unfortunate. Governor Calvert, after a sharp

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 99
encounter, captured Clayborne's pinnace, and proclaimed its owner a
rebel. Calvert then demanded that the author of this trouble should
be given up by Virginia ; but Harvey, who had been in difficulties
himself on account of his lukewarmness toward Clayborne, refused
to comply, and the rebel solved the problem in his own way by
going at once to England to attack his enemies in their stronghold.
The same year an assembly of the freeholders was held in Maryland,
and many laws were enacted, all of which Lord Baltimore refused to
sign, on the broad ground that his colonists had no right to initiate
legislation. Among these laws was one providing that all felonies
should be tried by English law, and there is a tradition of a bill of
attainder against William Clayborne, who at least left a distinct mark
upon early Maryland legislation — if not in 1635, soon after, and for
many succeeding years.
For the next three years the colony progressed peacefully, estab
lished order upon Kent Island, and was only anxious about the Indians,
whom Clayborne had remembered to infiame by various ingenious fab
rications as to the character and objects of the new settlers. Immi
gration increased, and the Protestant interest in the colony grew with
the population, and gained additional strength from the acquisition of
Kent Island, whose settlers were not only hostile to the Calvert gov
ernment in politics, but in religion as well. When the Assembly next
was called too-ether, they retaliated upon Lord Baltimore his
1638. o T J I
own action of three years before. The freemen rejected the
code of laws prepared by the proprietary, and prepared others them
selves, taking their stand on the broad ground that the initiation of
legislation belonged to them, and to them alone. Tliis point they
eventually carried, and the lord proprietary was forced to content him
self with a free exercise of the veto power in rejecting all the Assem
bly's laws. They did not at this session forget to pass bills of at
tainder against Clayborne's followers, nor had Clayborne, on his part,
been unmindful of them. On his arrival in England he had presented
a petition to the King, and by adroitly working on the cupidity of
Charles, not only came near recovering Kent Island, but almost ob
tained a large grant besides. After involving Lord Baltimore in a
good deal of litigation, Clayborne was»obliged, by an adverse decision
of the Lords Commissioners of Plantations, to abandon all hopes in
England, and therefore withdrew to Virginia, to wait for better times.
For some years Maryland throve, undisturbed except by slight In
dian outbreaks. The wise policy of toleration and the liberal land

100 HISTORY OF THE
grants increased immigration, and men of all creeds sought the peace
ful government of the Calverts.. Religious toleration, however, not
only induced persecuted Catholics, but oppressed Puritans as well, to
come to the colony ; and English Protestants soon wearied of liberal
ity when practised by men of a hated faith and less political strength
than their own. The rapid rise of the Puritan party in England
fanned this discontent, and prepared the way for radical changes.
An insight into the real purposes of the proprietary is afforded by a
letter written to Governor Calvert in 1642. Lord Baltimore
therein directed " that no ecclesiastic in -the province ought to
expect, nor is Lord Baltimore, nor any of his officers, although they are
Roman Catholics, obliged in conscience to allow such ecclesiastics any
more, or other privileges, exemptions, or immunities for their persons,
lands, or goods, than is allowed by his majesty or other officers to like
persons in England." The reason for this course was " the depend
ence of the State of Maryland on the State -of England, unto which
it must, as near as may, be conformable." Lord Baltimore was a true
son of his father, discreet and not over-zealous. He was glad to con
trol this policy in favor of the Catholics as long as he could ; but if
that policy endangered the success of his colony, the Catholics had
to go to the wall. Leonard Calvert, apparently unable to comprehend
the course of his shrewder brother in the troubled times now begin
ning:, sailed to England for instructions. He found Lord Balti-
more trying hard to keep on good terms with both parties in
England ; but dexterous as he was, this was an impossible task. Al
though anxious to preserve the favor of Parliament, he still adhered
to the King, and was commissioned by Charles to seize any Parlia
ment ships in Maryland. Unluckily, Brent, the Deputy-governor, saw
fit to execute the order, and seized the ship of one Richard Ingle,
who was also strongly suspected of piracy. The Puritan party was
roused by this step, and by the course of public affairs, to active hos
tility. Clayborne's opportunity had come, and he was not slow to
take advantage of it. He easily obtained possession of Kent
Island, and shortly after Ingle, eager to revenge the loss of his
ship, broke into the Assembly convened by Governor Calvert at St.
Mary's, at the head of an armed band, and made himself master ofthe
government. Leonard Calvert, just returned from England, was forced
to fly to Virginia. Clayborne and Ingle, acting in the name of the
Parliament, made Hill, a Virginian, governor; but their power was
badly used, their party was weak, and their rule was of short dura-

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 101
tion. The Catholics were too numerous and too active to submit to
a government of force in the hands of the small Puritan faction, while
the majority of the Protestants seem to have remained neutral through
out; and Ingle, who appears to have been more of a buccaneer than
politician, filled his ship with goods and departed. Further resistance
by Clayborne and his followers became impossible. Calvert re
turned from Virginia at the head of considerable forces, took
possession of the government, and quiet was restored. Soon after
Calvert died — a wise, prudent man, and a good governor after
the fashion of his family. He appointed as his successor
Thomas Greene, who was a Catholic, a Royalist, and the head of both
interests in the colony. He seems to have continued the judicious
government of his predecessor, and ruled peaceably, except for the
customary wrangling with the Assembly, this time on the matter of
informality in the summons. The wounds of the late rebellion were
healed by a general amnesty, from which Ingle alone was excepted.
This desirable quiet did not long endure, for the struggle in England
was too mighty to permit the smallest colony to escape its influence.
The triumph of Parliament compelled Lord Baltimore, always keenly
alive to the value of his colony and his own interests, to abandon the
policy of Catholic rule accompanied by general toleration ; but with his
wonted shrewdness, he perceived that only by timely and genuine con
cessions could he hope to save his possessions and render the province
pf a Roman Catholic nobleman acceptable to tbe Puritan party of
England. Acting upon this opinion, he removed Greene, and appointed
in his stead William Stone, a Virginian, a Protestant and a strong
supporter of the terrible Long Parliament. A Protestant secretary
and Protestant councillors were also appointed. Stone's commission
forbade him to meddle with religion, and his oath of office bound
him not to discountenance any persons who professed to believe
in Jesus Christ, nor, in particular, any Catholic. Lord Baltimore,
by the appointment of Protestants, endeavored to secure from attacks
in England his own interests in Maryland, while by the commission
¦and oath he sought to protect his Catholic subjects against Protestant
persecution. The flrst Assembly called by Governor Stone passed the
now famous " toleration act." The mixture of sects in the
colony, due to the previous policy of religious toleration, and
the presence &f a small but united body of Puritans who had been
driven from Virginia, made such a measure an absolute necessity un
less the proprietary was prepared to face an immediate insurrection,

102 HISTORY OF THE
formidable in itself, and irresistible when supported, as it would be
by the dominant party in England. The "toleration act" was proba
bly due to Lord Baltimore's influence ; but it was passed by a Protes
tant governor and Protestant councillors, while the lower house, on
the other hand, had, apparently, a majority of Catholic members.
Lord Baltimore was bound by his religion to persecute heretics, and
probably thought the tenet in the abstract a good one ; but be knew
that such a course would be fatal to any Catholic who attempted it,
whether in England or the colonies. For the sake of self-interest and
the protection of fellow -believers. Lord Baltimore got his Council
and Assembly to agree not to persecute Catholics. This is what the
famous act of toleration amounted to. Religious toleration really ex
ists only when the strong tolerate the weak, and not when the weak
by fortuitous circumstances are enabled to present the appearance of
tolerating the strong. The largest measure of toleration can exist,
moreover, only when Church and State are disunited ; but the terms
of the Maryland charter provided for an Established Church, and the
Assembly seems never to have doubted its right to interfere oppres
sively or otherwise in matters of conscience.
But to whatever causes this toleration was due, it worked well in
populating Maryland. There was an influx of immigration, composed
in part of the Puritans driven from Virginia by Berkeley. These peo
ple, although refusing the oath of fidelity, settled at Providence, near
the site of Annapolis. Not mei-ely the Protestant but the Puritan in
terest was now predominant in Maryland, and in the next As
sembly the Puritan faction had control. They elected one of
their leaders Speaker, and expelled a Catholic who refused to take an
oath requiring secrecy on the part of the Burgesses. Even if most of
the Protestant party were members of the English Church, the Puritans
were clearly the controlling element, and the objectionable clauses were
expunged from the oath of fidelity. Yet they passed stringent laws
against Clayborne, and an act reciting their affection for Lord Balti
more, who had so vivid an idea of their power that he deemed it best
to assent to Sumptuary laws of a typically Puritan character. The
Assembly appears to have acknowledged the supremacy of Parlia
ment, while their proprietary went so far in the same direction that
his loyalty was doubted, and Charles II. afterward appointed Sir Wil
liam Davenant in his place to govern Maryland. This discreet con
duct on the part of Lord Baltimore served, however, as a protection
neither to the colonists nor to the proprietary rights.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERIC.i. 103
To the next Assembly the Puritans af Prpvidence refused to send
delegates, evidently expecting a dissolution of the proprietary gov
ernment, and the consequent supremacy of their faction. Nor were
they deceived. Such had been the prudence of the Assembly and
of Lord Baltimore, that Maryland was not expressly named in the
Parliamentary commission for the "reducement" of the colonies,
but, unfortunately, Clayborne was the ruling spirit among the Parlia
mentary commissioners, and he was not the. man to let any informali
ty of wording in a document stand between him and his revenge. In.
vain did Governor Stone lend assistance to the commissioners in Vir
ginian matters. Clayborne and Richard Bennet, one of the Provi
dence settlers, and also a commissioner, soon gave their undivided
attention to Maryland. They proceeded to St. Mary's, required
of the. Governor and Council a test called the "engagement,"-
which was thereupon subscribed to, and they also demanded that writs,
etc., should be issued in the name of the Commonwealth, which was
refused. Stone was then displaced ; but at the expiration of a year
Clayborne and Bennet, requiring the aid of his popularity, reinstated
him. Stone, however, appears to have yielded to their terms, and to
have definitely sided with the Puritan party. The Council was entire
ly composed of the Providence, settlers, who were now, as they antici
pated, supreme. Stone, who seems to have been torn between his
wish to serve Lord Baltimore faithfully, and his desire to stand well
with the commissioners, soon swung back to the old proprietary rule,
under which writs again ran with Calvert's name upon them ; but he en
deavored to trim at a time when trimming was impossible. Naturally
he suited no one, and, although seemingly a very well-meaning man, he
got only hard knocks from one side and harsh words from the other.
Stone's second change, however, was a decided one. Although he
proclaimed Cromwell as Lord-Protectoi-, he carried on the govern
ment exclusively in Baltimore's interest, ejected the Puritans, recalled
the Catholic Councillors, and issued a proclamation against the in
habitants of Providence as factious and seditious. A flagrant attempt
to convert a young girl to Catholicism added fuel to the
" flames. Moderation was at an end. Clayborne and Bennet,
backed by Virginia, returned and called an Assembly, from which
Catholic^ were to be excluded. In Maryland, as in England, the ex
treme wing of the Puritan party was now in the ascendant, and ex
ercised its power oppressively and relentlessly. Stone took arms and
marched ao-ainst the Puritans. A battle was fought at Providence, in

104 HISTORY OF THE
which the Puritans, who, whatever their other failings, were always
ready in a fray, were completely victorious. A few executions and
some sequestrations followed, and severe laws against the Catholics
were passed. The policy of tbe Puritans was not toleration, and they
certainly never believed in it. Nevertheless, Lord Baltimore kept his
patent, and the Puritans did not receive in England the warm sympa
thy they had expected. CromvVell, now all-powerful, cared less than
ever for useless fighting or unnecessary extremities. He listened- to
tbe explanations of Bennet and Mathews, said he had not intended,
by his previous proclamation in favor of Lord Baltimore, to abridge
their powers, and gave his decision in favor of the government of
the commissioners. Thus the Puritan government was established in
Maryland. But Cromwell's support was too lukewarm to be at once
decisive. Although the commissioners of the Puritans were in nomi
nal as well as actual control at Providence, yet Baltimore removed
Stone, and appointed Fendall as Governor, to whom the Catholic pop
ulation of St. Mary's adhered. This state of dissension injured great
ly the prosperity of the colony, until at last Lord Baltimore
on the one side, and Bennet and Mathews on the other, came
to terms, which were carried out in the province. The proprietary
government was to be re-established and recognized, and a general
act of oblivion and indemnity was to be passed. Fendall was con
tinued as Governor, and the Assembly ratified the agreement. The
results of all this turbulence were the right to carry arms, the practi
cal assertion of the right to make laws and- lay taxes, relief from the
oath of fealty with the obnoxious clauses, and the breakdown of the
Catholic interest in Maryland politics. Toleration was wisely restored.
The solid advantages were gained by the Puritan minority at the ex
pense of the lord proprietary. In the interregnum which ensued on
,»/,/. ^''° abdication of Richard Cromwell, the Assembly met and
claimed supreme authority in the province, and denied their
responsibility to any one but the sovereign in England. Fendall, a
weak man of the agitator species, acceded to the claims of the As
sembly ; but Baltimore removed Fendall, and kept the power which
the Assembly had attempted to take away. This action of the rep
resentative body simply shows the decided political advance made in
Maryland, as in all the British dominions, under the impulse of the
Great Rebellion. Maryland did not suffer by the Restoration, as was
the ease with her sister- colonies, but gained many solid advantages.
The factious strife of years was at last allayed, and order, peace, and

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 105
stability of government supervened. • Philip Calvert, an illegitimate
son of the first proprietary, was governor for nearly two years, and
• was then succeeded by his nephew, Charles, the oldest son of
Lord Baltimore, whose administration lasted for fourteen. It
would have been difficult to find at that time better governors than
these Calverts proved themselves. Moderate and just, they adminis
tered the affairs of Maryland sensibly and well. Population increased,
and the immigration of Quakers and foreigners, and of the oppressed
of all nations, was greatly stimulated by a renewal of tbe old policy
of religious toleration. The prosperity of the colony was marked, and
its only difficulties were due principally to external causes. The over
growth of tobacco, and a corresponding scarcity of corn, were sources
of anxiety to both people and rulers. Vain attempts were made
to remedy these evils by law and by agreements with Virginia; but
these economical problems, questions of boundary with Dutch and
English, a few trifling troubles with the Indians, and Fendall's " sedi
tious practices " alone disturbed Maryland's internal tranquillity dur
ing the mild rule of the Calverts. The Assembly, unmolested in their
possession of the law-making and taxing power, were quiet and rea
sonable, and granted the proprietary an annual allowance from the
export duty on tobacco.
In 1675 Charles Calvert, the Governor, became lord proprietary by
the death of, his father, Cecilius. He instituted a thorough
revision of the laws, for which his new position and presence
in the colony gave peculiar advantages, and then, having appointed
Thomas Notly Deputy-governor, he sailed for England. His depart
ure was the signal for a renewal of the old dissensions from which
the colony had been so long exempt. As had happened twenty years
before, a minority in the colony, in sympathy with the dominant par
ty in England, wished to obtain control in matters of religion, and,
backed by the home government, renew a policy of intolerance in
their own interests. Now, of course, this minority was composed of
Protestants of the Established Church, instead of the Puritans, as in
the days of the Commonwealth. The first attack came from
the Episcopalian clergy, who complained of the bad condition
of the Church in the province, and urged Lord Baltimore to support it
with the power of government. This Lord Baltimore refused to do.
The condition of the Established Church was no doubt very bad, but,
as the lord proprietary wisely pointed out, they already had received
some assistance from the government, and the improvement of their

106 HISTORY OF THE
Church must rest with themselves. The old policy of toleration was
thus maintained for tho time, at least ; but there was great laxness in
religious matters in the province, which gave opportunities for com
plaints on the one hand, and the rapid propagation of new sects on
the other. Quakerism, then just beginning its career, took strong
hold in Maryland, and was for many years a vigorous and good in
fluence socially and politically. But the complaints of the Episcopal
clergy, though unsuccessful with Lord Baltimore, marked the begin
ning of a struggle between the Protestants of the Established Church
on tbe one side, and the Quakers and Roman Catholics on the other.
The latter appeared as the defenders of tbe toleration policy, which
the former aimed to subvert and replace with the Church and State
system then in vogue in England. Thus supported by an active par
ty, Lord Baltimore had nothing to fear in the province ; but in Eng
land the course of public affairs proved most unfavorable to his fort
unes. The excitement produced by the Popish plot and the
consequent proceedings in Parliament compelled Lord Balti
more to fill all the Maryland offices with Protestants, and served also
as a signal for numerous accusations against the proprietary of par
tiality to his fellow -believers. These attacks Lord Baltimore easily
repelled ; but there were others also forth-coming which seriously im
perilled his possessions, inasmuch as they concerned the royal coffers.
Almost the only real grievance of the Maryland colonists was the en
forcement of the Navigation Act, and the levying of customs for the
benefit of the Crown. In true colonial fashion the former was avoid
ed, and the latter both resisted and eluded. Lord Baltimore, ever
watchful of his own interests and of those of his colony, had un
doubtedly connived at these practices. The government of Charles
IL, touched by such conduct in its tenderest point, threatened a quo
warranto, and the Duke of York granted to William Penn lands lying
within the Maryland boundaries ; while a limitation of the right of suf
frage afforded a new and advantageous battle-ground for the discon
tented elements in the province, so that, although the colonists throve,
the poor proprietary was beset with difficulties. The accession of
James II. brought no relief to Lord Baltimore. Instead of sympathy
from a fellow-Catholic, he met only with oppression. The grant to
Penn, dismembering his province, was confirmed, and a fresh writ of
quo luarranta "was issued against his charter. In the province itself
the Protestants, who chafed at the spectacle of toleration, which they
knew need not exist if the proprietary power were overthrown, at

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 107
last rose in arms. This time, of course, members of the Established
Church controlled the insurrection, and only a very subordinate part
was taken by the Puritan element. An old supporter and friend of
Fendall, one John Coode, appeared at the head of the "Association
for the defence of the Protestant religion." The crisis came, as in all
the other colonies, at the moment of the Revolution in England, and
this gave force and strength to these provincial insurrections which,
in Maryland at least, they could never have acquired otherwise. The
President of the Council, Joseph, demanded an oath of fidelity from
the Assembly, and hesitated to proclaim William and Mary. This
gave the insurgents their opportunity, and they took arms to assert the
rights of William and the Protestant religion, neither of which had
been infringed. The efforts of the "Associators" were crown
ed with success. They called a convention, and forwarded an
address to William, who responded by creating a royal government —
the proprietary being excluded by the new laws against Cath
olics — and sending out Sir Lionel Copley as Governor. The
pecuniary benefits accruing to Lord Baltimore from his province were
alone left untouched. Never did an insurrection and successful revo
lution arise so absolutely without apparent cause. The government of
Maryland as administered by the Calverts was, according to modern
notions, the best, probably, at that day in existence. There was noth
ing in the least resembling oppression ; and although the feudal nat
ure of the government was an anomaly, it did not injure the people,
and the powers of the proprietary were suffering constant diminution.
According even to the address of the rebels, not one real grievance
existed. The causes of the revolution in Maryland were due to two
facts — the policy of toleration, for which the popular mind was not
yet prepared, and the eondition of affairs in England. Toleration
was even then little more than a speculative principle, and its practice
in Maryland gave a peculiar religious aspect to her whole history :
indeed, religion was at the root of all the troubles. The tolerated
party in the State was the one possessing the support of the mother
country. TTiey therefore found themselves the objects of toleration,
when, if they could once obtain control, no such thing need exist.
The result of this was that there was always a large faction in Mary
land hostile to the proprietary government, because it would not per
mit them to indulge their bigotry. Every revolution in England was
sure to produce one in Maryland, from the existence of a class of
men discontented in religious matters, and anxious to make their faith

108 HISTORY OF THE
the religion of the State, and have it enforced as such. Lord Balti
more suffered because he wisely persevered in the only policy com
patible with his interests and his religion, and because James II. in
sisted on misgoverning England.
The new royal government went on with little apparent change,
except that the King's name was substituted for that of Lord Balti
more in tbe writs. The remaining proprietary rights were protected
by the government against the attacks of the Assembly. The Church
of England was established, and taxes laid for its support.
1694^ Otber Protestant sects were practically tolerated, but Catholics
were made the subject of persecution. The public exercise of
their religion was forbidden, and their immigration was prevented by
stringent laws. In furtherance of this anti-Catholic policy the capital
was removed from St. Mary's to Annapolis, the site of the old Puritan
settlement. The period of royal government in Maryland was one of
steady decline. The establishment of a Church of which only a mi
nority of the population were members, and the general taxes laid for
its support, caused deep and ever-increasing dissatisfaction, and the
new religious policy fostered also a dislike of the external power which
alone made it possible. It bred a coolness and distrust in regard to
England, and wholly alienated large classes of the community from
the mother country. The Roman Catholics were persecuted, and
the Quakers discountenanced, and thus the two best elements in the
State lost all influence, and were forced into a bitter opposition. The
course of the provincial government of Maryland sowed the seeds, and
the establishment of the English Church prepared the soil for the
hostile feelings which ripened so readily in 1776. The effects of the
royal government and of its policy were soon apparent. Prosperity
declined, the tone of society was lowered, and a general spirit of re
sistance to the administration in the matter of the charter and of
taxes was developed. Royal requisitions at the time of the French
wars were made on the colony, and were sometimes complied with,
but were much oftener sullenly refused. At last the proprietary,
, Benedict Leonard Calvert, the son of Charles, 'changed his
1715.' religion, and, dying soon after his recognirion as proprietary,
the province devolved upon his infant heir, Charles Calvert,
and the old government was firmly re-established. At the restora
tion of Lord Baltimore, fresh efforts were made in England for an
abrogation of the charter, but, like those in the tinie of the royal gov
ernors, these attempts were defeated. The resistance of both people

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. , 109
and proprietary was crowned with success, and forty years of per
fect tranquillity ensued under the restored government of the bar
ons of Baltimore. Insignificant confiicts with the Indians, a share
in the Carthagena expedition, and disputes with Pennsylvania and
Virginia about boundaries, constitute Maryland's external history dur
ing this long period. The course of domestic affairs was hardly
more eventful. The same features were presented in Maryland as in
Virginia during the first half of the eighteenth century. A general
political indifference, followed by petty and harassing quarrels be
tween Governor and Assembly, were the political characteristics of
both colonies at this time. The first conflict arose about the intro
duction of English laws. The Assembly desired them, because they
would be beneflcial to the people ; the proprietary opposed them as
infrina-ements on his rights, and. after, ten years of rambling
argument and discussion, the Assembly prevailed. The next
discussion found its origin in that ever-fruitful source of trouble, taxa
tion. The Assembly came to the conclusion that the duties
levied by the proprietary were oppressive and unjust, and they
protested also against, the Governor's power of fixing official fees by
proclamation, and of creating, without the consent of the Assembly,
new offices and new perquisites. They finally prevailed, in a measure,
on all these points, but the tobacco and tonnage duties remained an
ever-recurring annoyance.
Maryland never displayed much readiness to join with the other
colonies in times of difficulty and danger, and when events sug
gested the necessity of union, she usually manifested great indiffer
ence. When the French war came, Maryland held aloof ; and al
though commissioners were sent to Albany, they refused to agree to
the plan of union presented by Franklin, and adopted by the Con
vention. In the actual operations of the war Maryland had but
a small share.; She suffered from the results of Braddock's
defeat, aud panic and terror spread through the province, yet noth
ing effectual was done to check the tide of Indian invasion. Fort
Cumberland, the only Maryland outpost, had been built on the west
ern frontier, in a position where it served principally as a source of
contention with Virginia. The chief exploit of the Marylanders, and '
the one certainlj' which will be longest held in remembrance, was per
formed by the commander of this fort, one Dagwortby, who had
held at one time a' royal commission as captain. On this ground he
claimed to outrank Washington, then in command on the border.

110 HISTORY OF THE
Trouble ensued, and finally Washington went to Boston, laid the
case before Shirley, the commander-in-chief, received his support, and
Dagworthy was reduced to the rank of a provincial captain.
As the war progressed the Indians ravaged the western part of the
colony, the back settlements were driven in, and one effort after an
other to repel them filled. Maryland believed that all these misfort
unes were due to her union with the other colonies, and she thereupon
resolved to devote all her strength to the defence of her own borders.
Meantime Governor Sharpe got into a dispute with the Assembly about
garrisoning Fort Cumberland. As usual, the Assembly carried their
point ; but the capture of Fort Du Quesne relieved Maryland from fur
ther anxiety, and put a stop to this particular source of contention.
Were it not for the question of toleration, the history of Maryland
would be one of the most uninteresting, although not the least in
structive, of the colonial histories. The proprietary government was
unusually mild and well administered, even though it involved the in
congruity of a third person intervening- between subject and sovereign.
Nothing but the moderation of the Calverts preserved to them their
province. Their popularity mitigated the attacks of the Assemblies,
and their high character as rulers was a barrier against assaults in
England. Yet the anomalous nature of the government led to con
stant troubles, which would otherwise have had no existence. There
was, however, no government in America which was, on the whole,
milder, and, except for a few years of disorder, less checkered by either
oppression or turbulence. The very lack of incident and of disputed
principles, although fatal to the interest of history, and indicative per
haps of a stagnation of the intellectual forces, is the best proof that
the people were contented, and the government well and prudently
administered. Apart, therefore, from religion, Maryland history is al
most perfectly featureless. The period of settlement was undistin
guished by hardships or perils ; the period of revolution was accom
panied with comparatively little injury, and was, on the whole, produc
tive of good results, while the period of political quiet preceding the
French war was more uneventful even than in the other colonies. Yet
in tbe history of tbis small and peaceful province can be seen unmis
takable indications that the very same forces were gatherino- there as
in Virginia and Massachusetts. There is the same disposition on the
part of the Assembly to assert itself and to encroach on the powers
of the Governor. The same half-expressed desire on the part of the
people for complete control which is manifested by the same persist-

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. Hi
ent wrangling with the authorities, who excite jealousy merely from
their being sustained by an external power of whose Infiuence they
are the living evidence. Despite the French war and the consequent
losses, the people were prosperous, and frugality and industry prevailed
to a greater extent than in Virginia, ready to heal the wounds of war.
The spirit of resistance to taxation by England showed itself at an
early day. The Stamp Act was bitterly attacked through the Press,
and the opposition concentrated, although the Assembly was
1765~ ^^^ ^° session. Thus Maryland drifts into the current of na
tional life. In no colony had the government been gentler or
more peaceable ; yet geographical isolation, the struggle for existence
in a new country, the absence of traditions, the sturdy independence
of character and love of local self-government inrfate in the Eng
lish race, did their work as surely in Maryland as among her more
powerful and more turbulent neighbors.

113 HISTORY OF THE

Chapter IV. '
MARYLAND IN 1765.
The materials existing for a picture of Maryland in the last century
are, ais in the case of Virginia, and for the same reasons, extremely mea
gre.' Everything, however, which relates to the latter can be applied
more or less directly to the former, and a standard of comparison is thus
furnished which is of great assistance. Maryland differed but slightly
from the great State out of which her territory was originally taken.
The modifications were due to the more northern situation of the
younger province, and the consequent influence of the Middle States,
and to the causes which led to the first settlement. Maryland was
the northern member of the group of colonies of which Virginia
was the head, and to all of which she gave a lasting impression. In
climate and natural conformation the two colonies were, of course,
practically identical. There were the same fine harbors and rivers,
the same fertile soil and boundless forests in both, and in both the
land rose gradually from the level of the coast until the spurs of the
AUeghanies were reached.
The customary policy of religious toleration, and the mild and sen
sible government of tbe Calverts after the troubled period of the
Great Rebellion, were highly favorable to the growth of population.
In 1660 the number of inhabitants was estimated at 16,000, and
bad increased to 20,000 in 1688." The best authorities put the pop-
' Some months after this chapter was written Mr. Scharf's History of Maryland
was published. The first chapter of the second volume gives a full account of the
condition of Maryland in 1755. Mr. Scharf has used the same materials that I
have used in this chapter, and has drawn conclusions, in the main, the san^e as my
own. But as he deals with only one colony, and I with thirteen, his work is full
er and more elaborate, and therefore better than mine. It is to be hoped that
the same service may be rendered to the history of every colony which Mr. Scharf
has rendered to that of Maryland.
' M'Mahon's Hist. View ; M'Sherry, Hist, of Maryland, p. 83 ; Neill, Terra Ma-
rijB.p. 138.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 113
ulation in the year 1756 at 154,000.' At the time of the Revolu
tion there were probably 250,000 people in the province, and of this
number eighty, to one hundred thousand were negroes."
The character of the immigration to Maryland had been excel
lent, if we except a large number of transported convicts. English
gentlemen, farmers and yeomen, had followed Leonard Calvert, and
founded the colony. Many of the early settlers came from Virginia,"
and were chiefly Puritans. The mass of the population at the time
of the Revolution were of English race, and drawn from the great
middle classes of the mother country.* The only foreign element of
importance were the Germans, who had built up some of the towns,
and who, as in Virginia, were to be chiefly found upon the western
frontier.' But, although the English race prevailed so strongly, the
religious freedom of Maryland had attracted the victims of persecu
tion from all countries, and the foreign races made up in variety
what they lacked in numbers. In the poorest quarter of Baltimore
a large body of the luckless Acadians obtained a resting-place and
employment as sailors ;" while in other parts of the province were to
be found Irish, Scotch, Dutch, Bohemian, Spanish, and Italian settlers.'
The government of this population was upon the usual English
model common to all the colonies, differing only in respect to the
proprietary, who interposed between the people and the Crown. The
shrewdly-drawn charter of George and Cecil Calvert assured nearly
regal powers to their successors. The proprietary held the title to

¦ M'Mahon; M'Sherry, p. 115.
^ The following figures are the evidence for this estimate, and will also serve to
show the dilEculty.of coming to any exact conclusion, and the vagueness of the
computations in regard to population in the colonies : Neill, Terra Marise, p. 204,
211, 1719—56,000 whites, 25,600 blacks; 1752—107,000 whites, 46,000 blacks;
M'Sherry, p. 115, 1761—114,000 whites, 50,000 blaclis; Burnaby, p. 67, 1759—
58,000 whites, 32,000 blacks; Smyth, ii., 187, 1770 — 275,000, one-half to two-
thirds negroes; Maryland Hist. Soe, vol. i., Allen's "Who were the early Settlers
of Maryland ;'' 1758, return to Governor Sharp, 200,000 total population. I have
relied principally upon the return to Governor Sharp, and have calculated the pro
portion of negroes, and the yearly increase of the whole population, from a com
parison of the other estimates.
* Maryland Hist. Soe, i., Allen. '' Ibid.
' Eddis, Letters from America; Smyth, ii., 187.
" Journal of Claude Blanchard, p. 171 ; Abbd Robin, p. 98.
' Maryland Hist. Soe, i., Allen ; Smyth, ii., 187-; Eddis, Letters from America ;
Georgia Hist. Coll., IV., Itin. Observations.

114 HISTORY. OF THE
all the land, was captain-general, and head of the Church. All pat
ronage, lay and clerical, amounting to fourteen or fifteen thousand
pounds a year — from the Governor, with a salary of fifteen hundred
and fifty pounds, down to the naval officers and sheriffs — was in his
hands. He had a negative upon all laws, and the power of pardon.
To the proprietary belonged the quit-rents, the tobacco and tonnage
duties, and the legal fines and forfeitures, although the Assembly vig
orously resisted this last source of emolument. The net yearly in
come of the proprietary was over twelve thousand pounds.' To the
Governor, who was appointed by the proprietary, the exercise of all
these sovereign powers was, as a rule, intrusted. The Governor rep
resented the proprietary in the province, summoned, prorogued, and
dissolved the Assembly, and assented to laws. He also claimed a
veto on legislation ; but this right was not admitted by the Burgesses.
He made all appointments to office, issued pardons, signed the war
rants for execution, and exercised great political infiuence." The leg
islative body consisted of the Council and the Burgesses, who were
divided into separate Houses in the year 1650. The Council, con
sisting of twelve members, was nominated by the Governor, and was
wholly in the proprietary interest. They received nine shillings a
day for their services, and were men of wealth and position." The
Burgesses were elected by the people. There were sixteen counties,
eight on the eastern, and eight on the western shore, the two geo
graphical divisions being always carefully balanced. Each county
was entitled to elect four Burgesses, and two were chosen in Annap
olis. Elections were triennial ; the suffrage, as in Virginia, was re
stricted by a property qualification ; and the Burgesses, " good ordinarv
householders" in the early days, were, at the time of the Revolution,
in almost all eases the leading men of the province. They had suc
ceeded in wringing from the proprietary the entire law-making pow
er, and limited the exercise of the patronage by tbe regulation of fees.
They held the purse-strings, and, as they were extremely jealous of
their liberties, were nearly always at variance with their governors,
carrying their opposition to such an extent as to sometimes hamper
the government completely, and, at the time of the French war, they
' Burnaby, pp. 67, 68 ; M'Mahon, Hist .View; Neill, Terra Mariee, pp. 216, 217,
note ; Eddis," Letters from America ; Mass. Hist. Soe. Coll., L, vii., 202 ; A Rela
tion of Maryland, Tract.
' Burnaby, pp. 67, 68 ; Neill, Terra Mariae, p. 217 ; Eddis, Letters.
s Burnaby, ibid. ; M'Mahon; Eddis; Kalm's Travels, ii., 28 ; Bozman.

.ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 115
reduced it to a state of almost entire inaction.' In forms of govern
ment, and in political training, therefore, Maryland differed but little
from her sister colonies.
The legal system of Maryland was simpler and better than that of
Virginia. There were county courts holding quarterly sessions, with
a bench of magistrates appointed by the Governor from among the
leading gentlemen, removable at pleasure, and competent to try cases
involving not more than forty shillings. No legal knowledge seems
to have been required from the members of these courts, whose prin
cipal occupation was to mete out punishment to refractory servants."
The important legal business of the colony was transacted by the
provincial court, which sat twice a year at Annapolis. The judges
of this higher court were also appointed by the Governor, but with a
due consideration for legal attainments. In early times, a general
court of assize had existed, but had been dropped as useless. There
was also a high court of appeals, and a court of chancery, both com
posed of the Governor, who was chancellor of the province, and his
Council, with an appeal to the King in Council." The common and
statute law of England prevailed when the provincial law was silent,
although there was a chronic battle as to tbe statute law, despite the
provision in the charter that no laws should be passed repugnant to
those of the mother country.*
The business of the provincial court was large, for the people were
of a litigious spirit, and this operated in favor of tbe creation of a
much better class of lawyers than in Virginia. Few lawyers were
regularly called to the bar, but there were many of deserved emi
nence. There were, of course, where the regulations were so loose,
many adventurers also who found a profit in legal pursuits through
the defective land-titles which abounded in all the colonies, and which
they bought up and defended ; but this element did not seriously
affect the good standing of the profession, which drew to its ranks
many men of ability and position.'
The government was inexpensive and taxation light, the only com
plaint being in regard to quit-rents and Church dues, both of which
' Burnaby, pp. 67, 68 ; Alsop ; M'Mahon, Hist. View ; Eddis, Letters ; Bacon,
Laws of Maryland; Smyth, ii., 182.
' Sot-'W^eed Factor, p. 16.
' Burnaby, pp. 68, 69 ; Eddis ; Maryland Hist. Soe. Coll., vol. ii.. Brown's Civil
Liberty ; Kalm's Travels, ii., 28 ; Bozman.
* M'Mahon, Hist. View. ' Eddis ; Georgia Hist. Coll., Itin. Observations.

116 HISTORY OF THE
were considered high.' The exemption from taxation granted by the
charter existed only until commerce became valuable, and in 1661 rev
enue was raised for the Crown by customs duties. These restrictions
helped to cripple trade, but did not weigh with great direct severity
upon the people." The currency was in a wretched condition^ Al
though a mint had been established as early as tbe year 1662, tobacco
was tbe common medium of exchange ; and in the eighteenth century
tbe loss of specie induced large emissions of paper money, which at
once depreciated, and was of a value so uncertain that it was not re
ceived in tbe western counties. In 1733 the state of affairs was so
bad in this respect that it was found necessary to declare tobacco a
legal tender."
The principal burdens of government — an army and navy — were, as
elsewhere, entirely wanting. T'here was a great love of military titles ;
but the militia was inefficient, badly organized, and ill-armed.*
With the exception of the legal profession, the possible occnpa-
tions in Maryland were almost wholly agricultural, and in this respect
the example of Virginia was closely copied. In the seventeenth cen
tury nothing was raised for export but tobacco, and the over-cultiva
tion of this staple was so great that the King attempted to check it.
Even royal interference was fruitless. Tobacco continued to be tbe
great interest, and brought in its train the usual difficulties of specu
lation and enormous profits, alternating with over-production and low
prices, which caused conspiracies to destroy the crop, and thus restore
artificially the value of the staple.' Despite the injurious effects of
the cultivation of tobacco, it remained the only solid staple until the
close of the French war. The average annual export amounted to
thirty thousand hogsheads, and was worth one hundred and forty thou
sand pounds, and at the time of tbe Revolution it had risen to nearly
fifty thousand hogsheads." Prior to that period, however, an impor
tant change had set in. Taught by their losses, by the low state of
agriculture, by the exhaustion of their land, and by the example of
their northern neighbors, the planters began to turn from tobacco to
grain. The improvement was rapid and marked. When the contest
' Georgia Hist. Coll., ibid., Itin. Observations. ^ M'Mahon's Hist. View.
' Ibid.; M'Sherry, p. 117; Georgia Hist. Coll., ibid.
* Georgia Hist. Coll., ibid.
" M'Mahon, Hist. View ; Alsop ; M'Sherry, p. 87 ; Neill, p. 204 ; Gentleman's
Magazine for 1732.
° Smyth, ii., 140 ; Burnaby, p. 68 ; M'Sherry, p. 117.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 117
with England opened, Maryland exported six hundred thousand bush
els of wheat — a larger amount than that sent from the great State of
Virginia. A large foreign trade in wheat and flour sprang up in Bal
timore, and, in addition to the other exports, which were similar to
those of Virginia, speedily reduced the importance of tobacco.'
The evil results of this absorption in the growth and sale of to
bacco were conspicuous, as in Virginia, by the dearth of manufactures.
Fruitless efforts had been made to establish them in the seventeenth
century ; but at the time of the Revolution petty household indus
tries were all that had grown up, and the people of Maryland were
clothed almost entirely in English stuffs, and obtained from the moth
er country almost every article of either luxury or necessity which
could not be actually grown on the plantations." A few vineyards
were successfully cultivated, but were of interest chiefiy as experi
ments." Copper-mines were opened in the year 1742; but the only
important industry which was not purely agricultural was the mining
and smelting of iron, which toward the close of the colonial period
had become large and valuable. Many forges were then in operation,
and the annual production had risen to twenty-five thousand tons of
pig, and five hundred tons of bar, iron.'
The lack of industries and the narrowly limited occupations of the
people had, during most of the colonial period, the same depressing
and dwarfing influence upon traffic, and all methods of trade, which
was so marked a feature in Virginia. There was no foreign commerce
conducted in the usual way by merchants and factors. There were a
few shopkeepers in -the towns, the familiar store-keeper in the little
villages which sprang up at the county seats, and strolling peddlers and
mechanics. All this was, of course, very petty and insignificant. The
commerce was wholly carried on by the planters themselves, who all
transacted business on their own individual account. On the great
plantations, which were villages in themselves, tbe landlord usually
kept a store, from which he and his servants were supplied. All the
plantations on the rivers had their little wharves, and constituted small
ports, where the English merchantmen touchedto gather a cargo and
' Smyth, ii., 110, 112, 128, 140, 186 ; Eddis, Grain raised by Germans ; Georgia
Hist. Soe, ibid. ; Rochefoucauld, ii., 356.
= Burnaby, p. 68; M'Mahon, Hist. View ; M'Sherry, p. 116; Magazine of Amer.
Hist., ii., 104. . •" Burnaby, p. 70.
* M'Mahon, Hist. View ; Abb6 Robin, p. 98 ; M'Sherry, p. 151.

118 HISTORY OF THE
leave the manufactures of the Old World. Tobacco was brought down
from the interior by mules attached to an axle run through the hogs
head. This isolated system of trade left the planters very much at
the mercy of their English correspondents ; but it suited their lordly
tastes, so they clung to it for more than a century, and successfully
prevented any innovation.'
Notwithstanding this conservatism, however, a change came at last
in the period prior to the Revolution, and was due, as in the case of
the grain exports, to the example of the Middle States. The altera
tion showed itself in the growth of towns, which had no existence so
long as the rude system of solitary barter was successfully maintained.
The first town, so called, was tbe little village of St. Mary's, founded
in 1634, as the capital of the colony, by Leonard Calvert." Fifteen
years later the Puritan exiles from Virginia founded Providence. At
the period of the Restoration there were still no towns. St. Mary's
had fifty or sixty houses, and Providence was a still smaller village."
The revolution of 1689 altered at once the fate of the two settle
ments. The capital was transferred to Providence, soon rechristened
Annapolis, and as the town of the Puritans rose with the aid of of
ficial standing, the little village of the Roman Catholics declined, was
deserted, and finally relapsed into the silence of the wilderness.* At
the new capital a state-house, court-house, armory, and academy were
soon built; and in the year 1708 Annapolis was made a city.' All
this, however, was artificial at best, and the town showed no real vital
ity until the middle of the eighteenth century, when a small trade,
carried on by two or three vessels, sprang up. -Thus Annapolis be
came a centre of trade as well as fashion, grew more rapidly, and at
the timo of the Revolution, although still small, had become one of
the prettiest and pleasantest towns in America. The new public
buildings were handsome, particularly the state-house, although end
less quarrels with the Assembly brought tbe Governor's palace, de
signed on a scale of great magnificence for a province, to an untimely
end. The unpaved streets radiated from the Province House, among
' Burnaby, p. 66 ; M'Mahon, Hist. View ; Neill, pp. 199, 200 ; Georgia Hist. Coll.,
Itinerant Observations ; Magazine of Amer. Hist., ii., 104.
' Relation of the Successful Beginnings in Maryland.
2 Ridgely, Annals of Annapolis ; M'Mahon's Hist. View ; M'Sherry, p. 83 ; Geo^
gia Hist. Coll., Itin. Observations.
* Ridgely, Annals of Annapolis ; Neill, pp. 200, 206, 207.
* Ridgely, Annals of Annapolis.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 119
well-built houses standing in the midst of handsome gardens, Avith
here and there an open field.'
The ill effects of having no towns had attracted, of course, general
notice, and an effort was made to remedy it by legislative enactment.
Owing to more efficient natural causes, the attempt met in some in
stances with success. Several small and thriving villages grew up at
different points ; and one of the paper towns, called Baltimore, in com
pliment to the proprietary, and founded in 1729, developed with such
rapidity that it held, forty years later, the first place in the province,
and was one of the half-dozen considerable towns on tho continent.
In 1774 Baltimore had a population of between fifteen and twenty
thousand inhabitants, was the centre of an important trade in wheat
and flour, and drew by the rivers from the back districts of Pennsyl
vania the products of the Middle States for exports. Commerce and
prosperity induced the erection of new and handsome houses; but
the rapid growth made the appearance of the town rough and crude.
There was no pavement, and no police or street lighting until after
the Revolution ; there were pools of stagnant water in the heart of
the town, and in autumn and spring the mud rendered the main
streets almost impassable." Here, however, was the source of a pros
perity and a form of interest and of occupation quite at variance with
the Virginian system, and introducing- a small but important element
of northern existence into the midst of the great planters. The im
mediate effect upon the colony was not striking, but it was wide
spread and important when the province became a State.
Only one great interest and pursuit remain now to be qonsidered —
religion and the clergy. In religious matters the origin of Maryland
led, as has already been said, to the existence of peculiar features,
which are essential to an understanding of her social condition.
From the time when Leonard Calvert took possession of the country
in the name of oiir Saviour," the history of Maryland consisted of
strenuous efforts on the part of the Roman Catholic founders, backed
by the influence of the proprietary, to maintain themselves against the
attacks of the more numerous Protestants. As a minority they ad
vocated, and when in power carried out, a policy of toleration. In the
' Smyth, ii., 185 ; Burnaby, p. 66 ; Neill, p. 206 ; Eddis ; Penn. Hist. Mag., i.. Jour
nal of 'William Black.
= Griffiths, Annals of Bait. ; Smyth, ii., 186 ; Brissot, p. 365; M'Sherry, p. 112;
Eddis; Rochefoucauld, ii., 129.
" A Relation of Maryland.

120 HISTORY OF THE
dark days of the Commonwealth they fell beneath the iron hand of
the Puritans. The return of the Stuarts brought back the old policy,
and instead of Puritans, the Catholics had now to face a new opposi
tion, composed of real or pretended members of the Church of Eng
land. The triumph of William and Mary brought permanent suprem
acy to the Protestant party, and the establishment of, the English
Church. The Catholics lost all political power. They were made
ineligible to office, disfranchised, and obliged to pay a double land-
tax, in addition to tithes for the support of the Church of England.'
The day had gone by for direct religious persecution ; and although
public worship in forms of the Roman Church was rigidly suppress
ed, and tbe powerful and rich organizations of Jesuits dissolved, there
was no interference with private chapels built and maintained by
wealthy planters of tbe proscribed faith." Oppressed by taxes, hostile
to the Church of England, and galled by the disfavor shown to their
relio-ion by government, the Catholics of Maryland were by no means
a loyal body of subjects. Many, no doubt, like the father of Charles
Carroll, thought seriously of retirement to the dominions of France.
At the time of the French war rumors were rife that the Papists in
tended to rise, and many of them certainly rejoiced at the defeat of
Braddock. As may be supposed, they all strongly espoused the
patriotic side when the difficulties began with the mother country."
At the period of the Revolution the Catholics, who had founded the
colony, formed a comparatively small minority of the whole pop
ulation, but were still a numerous and respectable body, comprising
many of the oldest, best, and most important families in the province.*
The Church which finally drove Catholicism to the wall was, per
haps, as contemptible an ecclesiastical organization as history can
show. It had all the vices of the Virginian Church, without one of
¦ Neill, Terra Marise, p. 216 ; Eddis.
2 Magazine of Amer. Hist, ii., 104 ; Smyth, ii., 180.
3 Neill, p. 215 ; Maryland Hist. Soe Coll., i., Allen's AVho were the early Set
tlers of Maryland.
* The authorities are very conflicting in regard to the number and quality of the
Catholics. Official reports and official and Church writers represent them as in
significant in numbers, property, and position. Outside observers, on the other
hand, speak of the Catholics as numerous and highly, respectable. For the former
view, see Hammond, in Force's Hist. Tracts ; Anderson's Hist, of Col. Church, ii.,
412 ; Eddis ; Maryland Hist. Soe, i., Allen's thorough and elaborate paper on the
early settlers of Maryland. For the latter view, see Smyth, ii., 180; Burnaby,
p. 69 ; Abb6 Robin, p. 101.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 121
its safeguards or redeeming qualities. From the early days, when a
Jamestown minister came to Kent Island, it had always maintained
itself in "a small but safe way.' Before the revolution of 1688, the
Rev. John Yeo addressed to the Archbishop of Canterbury the follow
ing " rude and undigested lines," to acquaint his grace " with the de
plorable estate and condition of the province of Maryland for want
of an established ministry. Here are in this province ten or twelve
counties, and in them at least twenty thousand soules, and but three
Protestant ministers of us that are conformable to the doctrine and
discipline of the Church of England. Others there are (I must con
fess) that runne before they are sent, and pretend they are ministers
of the Gospell, that never had a legall call or ordination to such au
holy office ; neither (indeed) are they qualified for' it, being, for the
most part, such as never understood anything of learning, and yet
take upon them to be dispensers of the Word, and to administer the
Sacrament of Baptisme ; and sow seeds of division amongst the peo
ple, and no law provided for the suppression of such in this province.
Society here is in great necessitie of able and learned men to con
fute the gainsayers, especially having soe many profest enemies as the
Popish priests and Jesuits are, who are incouraged and provided for.
And the Quaker takes care and provides for those that are speakers
in their conventicles ; but noe care is taken or provision made for the
building-up Christians in the Protestant religion, by means whereof
not only many dayly fall away either to Popery, Quakerisme, or Pha-
naticisme, but also the Lord's day is prophaned, religion despised, and
all notorious vices committed, so that it is become a Sodom of un-
cleannesse and a pest-house of iniquity."" The whole matter was re
ferred to Lord Baltimore, who pointed to the toleration acts of 1649
and 1676, said that provision had been made for four clergymen of
the English Church, and declined further interference." It was this
Church — which had not in itself enough force or enough popular sup
port to cure such a condition of affairs — that finally took advantage of
the strong arm of the government to overthrow the toleration policy,
and establish itself as part of the state upon its ruins. An act was
passed to establish the Church, fixing the marriage fees, and laying a
tax of forty pounds of tobacco per poll for the support of ministers.*
' AUen, Maryland Hist. Soe, i.
= Anderson, Hist. Col. Church, gives this letter in full, ii., 395 ; see also Neill,
Terra Manoe, p. 138. " Neill, p. 138.
* Trott's Laws of Col. Church, p. 172 ; Georgia Hist. Coll., Itin. Observations.

1-22 HISTORY OF THE
Brick parsonages were afterward built for the new pastors, and the
worthy Bray came out at once as commissary. He struggled with
every kind of difficulty; strove manfully to correct the evil living
of the clergy ; bad his powers questioned at every point, and went
back to England, leaving only the memory of his example.' The in
crease of power and profit thus obtained by the Church did not im
prove its morals or general character. A clergyman, writing in I7l4,
describes the disregard of holy things as universal ; the Sacraments as
neglected, and sometimes not celebrated at all; the manners of all
classes as dissolute; and the laws of marriage despised. Another
says the clergy were ill paid, and had to travel great distances to per
form service in various parishes, while Colonel Hart, the Governor, re
ported that some 'of the ministers were a scandal to their profession."
The Church had no government of any kind. Presentation and in
duction were in the hands of the proprietary, or his representative, the
Governor." The commissary had merely an advisory power in regard
to licenses, and his remonstrances were unheeded, while, as a rule, the
Governor would not let him even enter the province.* The Assembly
made various efforts to remedy the evils by establishing a spiritual
court of laymen ; but the opposition of the clergy prevented the as
sent of the Crown, on the ground that it would result in Presbyte-
rianlsm.' Tbe clergy, on their side, petitioned for a bishop, and the
Bishop of London directed them to choose one of their own number
for the position. They thereupon selected one Colebatch, upon whom
a writ of ne exeat regno was immediately served, so that he could not
leave the province." Not only was the infiuence of the commissary, so
valuable in Virginia, wholly lacking, but even the rude check afforded
by the power of the Virginian vestries was wanting. In Maryland, the
vestry, consisting of twelve members, besides the wardens, was utterly
powerless.' A clergyman once inducted in a living could not be re
moved, nor even controlled, no matter how abominable his conduct
might be."

¦ Anderson, ii., 412; Neill, Terra Marije, p. 188.
2 Anderson, iii., 181, 182.
' Burnaby, p. 69; M'Mahon, Hist. View; Neill, p. 213 ; Eddis; Massachusetts
Hist. Soe Coll., L, vii., 202 ; Anderson, iii., 178.
¦• Anderson, iii., 178, 190 ; Burnaby, p. 69.
' Anderson, iii., 180 and ff. ; Massachusetts Hist. Coll., ibid.
« Anderson, iii., 182, 190. ' Burnaby, p. 70.
"Neill, p. 217, note ; Massachusetts Hist. Soe Coll., ibid.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 123
Maryland, like Virginia, had also the misfortune of not receiving
ministers through the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel.
The patronage was badly administered, unworthy men were frequent
ly appointed, and the whole organization closely resembled a corrupt
civil service.' In the year 1753 a visiting clergyman wrote to the
Bishop of London that " the general character of the clergy is wretch
edly bad. It is readily confessed that there are some in the province
whose behavior is unexceptionable and exemplary ; but their number
seems to be very small in comparison — they appearing here and there
like lights shining in a dark place. It would really, my lord, make
the ears of a sober heathen tingle to hear the stories that were told
me by many serious persons of several clergymen in the neighbor
hood of tbe parish where I visited ; but I still hope that some abate
ment may be fairly made on account of the prejudices of those who
related them."" It is not easy to conceive the utter degradation of
the mass, of the Maryland clergy. Secure in their houses and glebes,
with a tax settled by law, and collected by the sheriffs" for their
benefit, they set decency and public opinion at defiance. They hunt
ed, raced horses, drank, gambled, and were the parasites and boon
companions of the wealthy planters. A common jest was the ques
tion: " 'Who is a monster of the first renown ?"
" A lettered sot, a drunkard in a gown."*
They extorted marriage fees from the poor by breaking off in the
middle of the service, and refusing to continue until they were paid.'
They became a by-word in the other colonies, and every itinerant cler
gyman who was a low fellow and a disgrace to his profession passed
under the cant name of a " Maryland parson.""
The first and the only beneficial result of this contemptible clergy
was the spread of the dissenting sects. In the year 1657 the Quak
ers first appeared, and fell at once beneath the relentless rule of the
Puritans then in power. In the simple language of the law, they
' Meade's Old Churches of Virginia, ii., 351 ; Anderson, iii., 178.
' Meade, ibid., p. 362; Bishop Meade entirely concurs' with this statement from
Dr. Chandler's letter.
' Eddis; Burnaby, p. 69 ; M'Sherry, p. 117; Neill, p. 217.
* Neill, p. 213; Coke's Sermon in Baltimore, 1784, published in London; Allen's
Sketches in Sprague's Episcopal Clergy.
' Kalm's Travels, 1748-'52, ii., 28.
' Grayson, Memoirs of a Life passed chiefiy in Pennsylvania, p. 102.

124 HISTORY OF THE
were "to be whipped from constable to constable, out of the prov
ince." Those who received them were fined and whipped. They
held up against persecution, however, and the Restoration brought
relief. The first general meeting was held under the auspices of
Fox in 1672; congregations were gathered, and the Quakers in
creased and throve. They formed an excellent element in the pop
ulation, encouraged trade, and were thrifty and industrious citizens.
In 1711 their general meetings, under the stimulus Of the Established
Church, had become so large that laws were passed to suppress drink
ing at them ; and they finally grew to be a kind of annual market or
exchange, and places of popular resort.' The same spread and prog
ress, in a less degree, attended the other sects. Scotch-Irish Pres
byterians began to come toward the close of the seventeenth cen
tury ; at a later period Methodism met with great success and accep
tance ; and in every county dissenters abounded."
How much harm was directly caused by the pernicious example of
the clergy cannot, of course, be exactly estimated, but there is no
doubt that it was the origin of the religious laxity and indifference
which prevailed extensively." The ministers of the Church were not
only despised, but they were bitterly disliked. Early in the century
the Assembly did all in its power to reduce their emoluments, and
the occasional regulations of tobacco debts led to clerical resistance, '
secret appeals to England, and additional unpopularity in conse
quence.* A majority of the population belonged to other sects, and
hated the Church and clergymen for whose support they were taxed.
The efforts to obtain a bishop formed another grievance, in which all
laymen of evei-3' denomination shared. In all these matters the clergy
displayed a short-sighted indifference to public feeling. They and the
officials of the proprietary wero the only Tories almost in the prov
ince ; and their conduct, and the condition of the Established Church,
were the principal causes of coldness toward the mother country, and
rendered the people ready to join in any opposition to English rule.'
' Maryland Hist. Soe Coll., ii., Norris, Early Friends in Maryland; Neill, Terra
Marias, p. 138.
* Neill, Terra Marije, p. 219 ; Maryland Hist. Soe, i., Allen.
3 Neill, pp. 213, 220; Eddis. « Anderson, iii., 185, 191.
" Neill, p. 215; Georgia Hist. Coll., Itin. Observations. Eddis, who was of the
official class, describes the clergy as fair, with no pluralities, and no altercation
about tithes ; but the testimony on the other side is overwhelming, and all one
way, and even Eddis admits the unpopularity of bishops.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 125
The structure of Maryland society was simple, and similar to that
of Virginia. There were the upper and middle classes, composed of
planters, farmers, and merchants, the poor whites and freedmen, and
the servile class.' This last class comprised four grades — African
slaves, convicts, indented servants, and what were called "free-will-
ers."" Slavery in Virginia is the type of that which existed in all
the colonies. It was modified and softened as one travelled north
ward, until it practically disappeared in New England, while in the
southern colonies its worst features were intensified. The condition
of the slaves deteriorated as their numbers increased. In Maryland
the Virginian type was but little changed. The slaves were less nu
merous in proportion to the whole population ; but they were intro
duced at an early day, and increased so rapidly and to such an extent
as to cause great anxiety, so that their importation came to an end
before the Revolution." The legislation in regard to them had the
same savage character as in Virginia; yet, although there was, of
course, more or less cruelty, their condition and treatment were good,
on the whole. They appear to have led generally an easy life, and
to have enjoyed a good deal of individual liberty, and met with rea
sonable justice in the courts.* The distinction of race was careful
ly maintained, and marriages between low white women and negroes
caused, in the year 1663, the passage of a law making such women
and their children slaves.' The value of slaves in growing tobacco,
and the luxury of their service, led to their being owned in large num
bers, and the whites made them their chief investments ; but slavery
was not well adapted to Maryland, and its evils were strongly felt, so
that even before the Revolution public opinion began to tell upon the
system." Next to the slaves, but separated from them by the insurmountable
barrier of race, came the convicts. The forced immigration of these
undesirable settlers began early, assumed large proportions, and con
tinued long after it had been stopped in the other colonies.' They
worked on the roads in gangs, loaded with irons, and were extensive
ly employed in building the houses of the great -planters." Tho in
dented servants differed but little from the transported criminals,
1 Neill, p. 211, 1763. '^ Eddis. ^ Neill, p. 201 ; Eddis.
¦* Neill, p. 201 ; Georgia Hist. Coll., Itin. Observations ; Eddis ; Rochefoucauld,
h., 282. ' Neill, p. 203.
• Ibid. ; Rochefoucauld, ii., 290, 356, 357. ' M'Mahon ; Eddis.
" Rochefoucauld, i., 129 ; Memoir of Col. Thomas White.

126 HISTORY OF THE
and were, in fact, chiefly convicts and paupers. Some of them were
kidnapped as children in England, and sold in Maryland. They were
regarded as little above the negroes; were ill-treated; punished for
offences by additional years of servitude ; and, if they escaped, were
sometimes sentenced to work iu the iron mines.' The women of this
class — sometimes kidnapped, but usually of doubtful character — fared
little better than the men, and were often forced to work in the
fields." The condition of the " free- willers," who sold themselves,
was hardly superior to that of the indented servants. They were
usually deceived in their contracts, and suffered all the miseries of
serfdom." When the term of servitude expired for these various classes of
white servants, some raised themselves by their own exertions to a
respectable position, and were absorbed in the middle class. Others
returned to England. Very few turned out well, and the majority re
mained where they found themselves, and form'ed the class known as
"poor whites."* This class was shiftless, ignorant, idle, and improvi
dent, as was painfully demonstrated by the poor-houses in every coun
ty, and with the freedmen, vyho were numerous in the province, com
posed the criminal portion of the communit}'. There was less crime
in Maryland than in Virginia, but more than in the northern colonies,
from the fact of the existence of such a class as has just been de
scribed. Murder was rare, but robberies were numerous; there were
highwaymen in the thinly-settled counties, and all offences were pun
ished severely, after the fashion of the day, by hanging, stripes and
exposure in the pillory or stocks, and more rarely by imprisonment.'
The better sort of " poor whites," galled by the inferiority which was
the badge of work in a slave -holding community, were constantly
leaving the coast region and pushing ont upon tbe frontier, where
there was hope of improving their fortunes. This lowest class of
freemen was at no time an important portion of society, and had no
influence of any sort. They were simply the outcome of a servile
system of labor."
The upper and middle classes differed little from each other, or
from the same classes in Virginia. The former was less compact, less
strong in every way, less distinctively marked, and less representative
1 Neill, p. 201 and fl:. ; Eddis. 2 Sot-'Weed Factor, p. 7.
" Eddis. 4 Ibid.
" Huguenot Family in Virginia, p. 308 ; Rochefoucauld, ii., 281, 282.
' Rochefoucauld, ii., 355.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 127
than its prototype in the older and larger colony ; and there was also
in. Maryland a small but respectable body of enterprising merchants,
some of whom were wealthy, who ranked with the great planters, and
increased in numbers and consideration with the development of Bal
timore. With these exceptions, the social system of the two higher
and governing classes was almcst identical with that of Virginia.
Any general description, therefore, applies to all alike, if allowance is
made for the differences of fortune which entailed modifications of
an unessential sort, and of degree only.
The people of Maryland were practically all planters. Their plan
tations were scattered through the forests, generally along the banks
of tbe rivers, which formed the principal means of communication.
Passengers for England were picked up by the passing vessel at the
plantation wharves, and all trade was carried on by water.' The fate
of those who journeyed by land was much less agreeable. The roads,
which were none of the best, wound through th^ick woods ; rivers were
crossed by ferries of a rude and often unsafe kind ; and the inns were
mere stopping-places or shelters, dirty, uncomfortable, and with most
wretched living." The method of getting from place to place was
usually on horseback ; but Maryland was not so absolutely deficient
as Virginia in this respect, and post-chaises, with horses and servants,
could be hired." At the best, however, travelling was difficult and
slow, and rarely indulged in except as a matter of necessity.
Tho plantations, isolated and scattered, were generally large, and
closely resembled a village. The family mansion stood in the centre,
flanked by numerous out-buildings and storehouses, and surrounded
by the straggling quarters of the negroes.* The houses were com
monly of wood, but the parsonages were always of brick, while on the
great plantations the manor-houses were usually of brick or stone.
These last were large, sometimes of great size, with heavy walls.
They covered a great deal of ground, and were, as a rule, not more
than two stories in height. The exterior was often bare and taste
less ; but in many instances the roof was broken with gables, and
these, with the deeply sunk and mullioned windows, presented a very
picturesque appearance. Near Annapolis were many pretty villas,
with handsome grounds and gardens. The interiors were attractive
1 Neill, Terra Mariie, p. 207.
5 Ibid., p. 208 ; Journal of 'Witham Marshe ; Eddis.
8 Burnaby, p. 73.
* Abb6 Robin, p. 103 ; Rochefoucauld, ii., 128 ; Neill, p. 199.

128 HISTORY OF THE
and spacious. Large, low rooms, wide panelled halls, sometimes
hung with portraits, wainscots everywhere of rare hard woods, and
convenient chambers, were common to all. Handsome furniture, im
ported from England, great open fireplaces, and sconces with candles
made from the wax of myrtle-berries, gave an air of comfort and lux
ury. Pewter was in common use for the table ; but there was always
a state service of plate, sometimes of great beauty and value.'
Despite the isolation of their lives, and the rough state of socie
ty, much style was maintained. The table was spread with a rude
abundance, and the cheapness of provisions was one efficient cause of
the lack of economy." Hospitality was universal and excessive, for the
usual solitude made the rare company of strangers an object of com
petition, and they were welcomed without much discrimination as to
whether they were from jail or college."
Both men and women dressed expensively, in the latest English
fashions, held the French barber in high estimation, had their slaves
richly clothed, drove light and handsome carriages, kept innumerable
horses, and lived well in every w-ay.* The extravagant expenditure,
unstinted hospitality, and free living did much to impair the fortunes
of the planters. The laws show tbe prevaleiice of bankruptcy, and
great land-owners were often obliged to fly from their English cred
itors, and leave their estates to fall into the hands of overseers and
indented servants."
The people were, as a rule, industrious, prosperous, shrewd, and
penetrating, and the general morals were good ; but the wealthier
planters were very indolent. They spoke English well; there was a
singular uniformity of speech and absence of dialects, except in the
more remote and thinly settled counties, despite the mixture of races,
and in manners they were frequently easy and well-bred."
Life in the back districts was, of course, much rougher than in
the region near tbe coast. On the frontier and in the thinly settled
counties the houses were built of logs, with only two rooms, and the
1 For this description of the great houses and their furniture, see Abb6 Robin,
p. 103 ; Eddis ; Memoir of Colonel Thomas -White ; and Magazine of Amer. Hist.,
i:., 104. 5 Neill, p. 206 ; Eddis.
^ Neill, ibid.; Georgia Hist. Soe Coll., Itin. Observations; Sot-'Weed Factor,
[¦p. 4, 5 ; Ridgely, Annals of Annapolis.
^ Ridgely, ibid. ; Abbe Robin, p. 104 ; Neill, p. 205 ; Eddis.
' Neill, p. 204 ; Eddis.
* Alsop; Neill, ibid. ; Eddis; Rochefoucauld, ii., 360.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. xliO
food was usually Indian meal.' All the magnificence of the planters,
too, had its unfinished side, and the imitation of English vices and
follies was often of a very poor sort."
The amusements were the same as in Virginia, and made up in
quantity what they lacked in qualit}'. The young men were devoted
to fox-hunting and horse-racing, while cock-fighting and gaming were
universally popular; and there was much card-playing and many dances,
sometimes of a very wild kind, at the country houses. The great day
for meeting was when the county court was in session. The little
county town was then filled with a large crowd, who drank freely at the
inn, gamed and betted, and wound up their day's pleasure by fighting."
The gayety and fashion of the colony centred at Annapolis, where
the government officials lived and the Assembly met. Many of the
wealthy planters and merchants had both a town and country house ;
and in autumn the great coach, imported from London, mado of ma
hogany, and leather topped, was brought out, the family was packed
in, the coachman and footman mounted the high box, and they drove
down to the capital.* Here there was no lack of amusements. There
was a jockey club and annual races, a South River club, with a club
house for fishing-parties and picnics. There were assemblies once in
a fortnight, grand balls given by the Governor on the birthnight of the
King and the Proprietary, and when some victory, such as Culloden,
occurred, there was general feasting and merry-making, illuminations
and processions, in which all joined, with a Puneh-and-Judy show for
the populace. At all parties there was card-playing as well as dan
cing, and elaborate suppers. Excnrsions down the bay were a favorite
diversion ; and at Christmas society assembled at the nearest country-
seats and celebrated the season in the wonted English fashion. The
Virginia comedians appeared in 1752; and in 1760 a theatre was
opened, which, with the company, was under the especial patronage
of the Governor. The patron saint-days of the various races were
carefully observed, and tbe tutelary divinity. Saint Tamina, had a so
ciety, founded in her honor, which gave balls and masquerades. Mar
riages were always celebrated at the house, aud were succeeded in
variably by dancing, supper, and cards.'
• Eddis. ^ Neill, p. 206 ; Sot-'Weed Factor, p. 7.
* Sot-'Weed Factor, p. 16; Neill, pp. 210, 212 ; Journal of Witham Marshe;
Rochefoucauld, ii., 294. * Magazine of Amer. Hist., ii., 104.
' Ridgely, Annals of Annapolis ; Smyth, ii., 185 ; Eddis ; Magazine of Amer.
Hist, ii., 104. e

130 HISTORY OF THE
One of the Virginian commissioners who came with Governor
Gooch to Annapolis in the year 1744 has left a detailed account of
fashionable life in the little provincial capital. He and his party
were, of course, entertained first by the Governor. Punch was
served before dinner, which was of great plenty and variety, with
wines of every description, and strawberries and ice-cream as rari
ties. This entertainment was followed by a series of dinners of a
similar character at all the principal houses. The dinner was at an
early hour in the afternoon, and when it was concluded tbe company
sat about conversing and drinking wine until supper was served. This
was succeeded by dancing, singing, and card-playing. The guests,
for the most part, retired at ten o'clock ; but the dancers would keep
it up until after midnight, when each gentleman escorted his partner
homo. This agreeable duty was sometimes varied, in the case of
strangers, by the young lady running away and leaving her admirer
to grope his way home ; and the diarist tells of one unlucky cava
lier who concluded his evening's entertainment by wandering into a
swamp.' The gayety of Annapolis, although imitated from the great
Eno-lish capital, bad a primitive and colonial tinge, but was none the
less enjoyable, probably, to the pleasure-loving planters of Maryland.
More intellectual amusements than those just described were totally
wanting, and the planters had but little taste for them even had they
existed. Education had never been an object of interest or solicitude.
There was no college, and King William's academy and library, found
ed at Annapolis toward the close of the seventeenth century, was the
only substitute, and probably not much better than an ordinary high-
school." In the year 1728, free schools were established by law in
every county ; but they were in the interest and under the evil influ
ence of the Church, and neither grew nor prospered." Education
among the mass of the people was almost entirely neglected, and two-
thirds of what little there was, was obtained from convicts and indent
ed servants, who were regularly advertised for sale as teachers.* The
wealthy sent their children abroad, and some of the Baltimore mer
chants sent their sons to Pennsylvania for' an education ; but the effect
upon them when they returned to take up their life in an uneducated
¦ Pennsylvania Hist. Mag., i.. Journal of William Black.
* Ridgely, Annals of Annapolis ; Burnaby, p. 70 ; M'Sherry, p. 101.
= Burnaby, p. 70 ; M'Sherry, p. 117; Neill, p. 188.
'' Neill, p. 212 ; Letter of Boucher, and advertisements in newspapers ;. Burnaby,
ibid. \

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 13 J.
society, and among inferiors and slaves, was often to make them only
more haughty and intemperate.' Literary pursuits were scarcely
known." A press for public printing was established in 1689; an
other for general work in 1726 ; and the Maryland Gazette was first
issued in 1745." The only literature, if it may be so termed, con
sisted of the Sot- Weed Factor, a rough, strong satire, by " Eben Cooke,
gentleman," an unknown author; poetical effusions and Addisonian
essays in the newspaper, and occasional political tracts and sermons.*
Private libraries were rare ; and although a post to Philadelphia was
started in 1695, communication was slow, tidings of fashions in dress
and amusement were more eagerly sought for than books, and even
the newspapers were but little read.'
In spite of the life of indolence, pleasure, coarse amusements, and
much illiteracy, the people were sensible and intelligent, with the typ
ical keenness of their race in all relating to public affairs. In the
eighteenth century a large majority of the people were natives, and
neither knew nor cared much about royalty. In the year 1722, the
Assembly declared that whoever said they had lost any of their Eng
lish liberties was an ill-wisher to the country." The independent spirit
characteristic of a new and distant country, and of an often rough
and adventurous life, was, in this instance, powerfully aided by the
hostility engendered by the Church and clergy. The great planters
cannot, as a class, bear comparison with their Virginian brethren, either
in the power they possessed or the talent they produced; but the
whole body of the upper and middle classes was sound and vigorous,
and when the stress of Revolution came, able leaders of the stamp of
Charles Carroll and Samuel Chase were not lacking.
' Griffiths, Annals of Baltimore ; Neill, ibid. " Neill, p. 214.
2 M'Mahon, Hist. View; M'Sherry, p. 111.
' Neill, p. 214;- Tyler's Hist, of Amer. Literature.
' M'Sherry, p. 101 ; Rochefoucauld, ii., 380. " Neill, p. 215.

132 HISTORY OF THE

CHfAPTER V.
NORTH CAROLINA FROM 1663 TO 1765.
North Carolina occupies in the southern group of colonies much
the same position that Rhode Island filled in the history of New Eng
land. The former was an offshoot, in large measure, of the great col
ony of Virginia ; the latter of the vigorous commonwealth of Massa
chusetts. Both became places of refuge for the lawless, the adventu
rous, and the often thriftless population, which was discontented and
restless beneath the strong and well-ordered governments of their pow
erful neighbors. The early history of Rhode Island is full of faction
and turbulence ; while her southern prototype exhibited these qualities
constantly until the Revolution, and even after the adoption of the
Constitution occasionally broke out into disorder and license. There
is, moreover, a marked absence of individuality in the history of North
Carolina ; and she was sadly deficient in men of great abilities and
commanding character, such as made Virginia illustrious. Yet it was
owing only to the natural conformation of her coast that the founda
tions of a great State were not laid upon the banks of the Roanoke
instead of by the waters of the James. To North Carolina came the
first important English expedition sent forth by Raleigh, and
led by Amidas and Barlow. On her shores Raleigh's succes
sive colonies settled, and here their author lavished his money and
crippled his fortune. All these first English settlements in America,
of which North Carolina was the scene, perished, and history has only
to record their failure. Many years elapsed before the territory of
North Carolina was again even thought of for purposes of coloniza
tion. As early as 1609 Virginian planters were on the Nansemond
river, and here and there must have pushed their way into Carolina.
In 1622 John Pory, an adventurer and traveller of the early Virginian
type, and secretary of the colony, made his way as far south as tho
Chowan, and was favorably impressed with the country. But North

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 133
Carolina did not become the subject of royal gift until 1629, when
Charles L granted it to his attorney-general. Sir Robert Heath, " as
the province of Carolana," and upon condition -that he should colo
nize it within a reasonable time. The condition was not fulfilled by
Heath, nor by Lord Maltravers, to whom Heath afterward transferred
his patent. An abortive attempt at colonization was made in 1639,
and a titular governor appeared in Virginia ; but this, and a number
of conflicting claims originating in this patent, and sufficiently trouble
some to the proprietaries of a later time, were the only results of the
grant of Charles I. This action on the part of the Crown, and the
official information received, did not, however, suffice to prevent the
Virginia Assembly lending itself to a scheme by which possession
might be obtained of the neighboring territory, or at least substantial
beneflts realized therefrom by their constituents. With this
object, they made grants to a trading company, which led,
however, only to exploration and traffic. Other grants of a similar
nature followed for the next ten years, at the expiration of
which a company of Virginians made their way from Nanse
mond to Albemarle, and established a settlement there. The Vir
ginian Burgesses granted them lands, and promised further grants
to all who would extend these settlements to the southward. Em
igration from Virginia began. Settlers, singly and in companies,
crossed the border, and made scattered and solitary clearings within
the wilds of North Carolina. Many of these people were mere advent
urers ; but some of them were of more substantial stuff, and founded
permanent settlements on the Chowan and elsewhere. Other eyes,
however, as watchful as those of the Virginians, were also turned to
the rich regions of the South. New England enterprise explored the
American coast from one end to the other, in search of lucrative trade
and new resting-places, and after a long acquaintance with the
1661~ North Carolina coast, they bought land of the Indians, near the
mouth of Cape Fear river, and settled there. For some unex
plained cause^possibly on account of the wild and dangerous charac
ter of the scattered inhabitants, who had already drifted thither from
Virginia, possibly from the reason which they themselves gave — the
New England colonists abandoned their settlement and departed, leav
ing a written opinion of the poor character of the country expressed in
very plain language and pinned to a post. Here it was found by some
wanderers from Barbadoes, who were of a different opinion from the
New Englanders as to the appearance of things ; and they according-

134 HISTORY OF THE
ly repurchased the land from the Indians and began a settlement. At
this date, therefore, there was in North Carolina this infant
settlement of the Barbadoes men, on the extreme south-east
ern point of the present State, and in the north-eastern corner the
Virginia settlers scattered about, with here a solitary plantation, and
there a little group of farms, but always a restless van of adventurers
working their way down the coast and into tbe interior. The older
colonies bad not as yet done much for North Carolina ; but a begin
ning had at least been made, and this handful of dispersed, unsocial,
lawless, and ungoverned men would in time have laid the foundations
of one more English commonwealth. But tbis slow progress was nov;
to receive a sudden impulse. Whatever rights the North Carolina
settlers may have had in the eyes of the Virginians, who had granted
them land, or in those of the Indians who had sold it, they had none
recognized by the English King, who claimed to own all that vast re
gion. It may be doubted whether anything was known of these early
colonists in England ; and their existence was certainly not regarded in
the least when Charles Il.lavished their territory, and much besides, upon
a band of his courtiers and ministers. There were many men then in
England who had deserved well of Charles Stuart, and when he was
on the throne meant to have their reward. Many men were looking
carefully about to soe what they could get from the Crown, now that
the King had his own again. Among the royal possessions were vast
tracts of wild lands in America, where innumerable States could be
parcelled out, and whose natural resources had all tbe charm of the
unknown. Charles's followers desired money above all thing.s, and
here was a field not only for a speculation of immense possibilities,
but a certainty of glory incident to the proprietors of provinces, even
if those provinces were uninhabited forests. That the gift was held
in high esteem, is shown by the fact that it fell to the share of those
who were highest in place and power under the government of the
Restoration. Great names stand in the list of those to whom was
granted a territory covering more than eight degrees south of the
thirty-sixth parallel, and stretching in the other direction from the
Atlantic to the South Sea, in accordance with the charter issued in
March, 1663. Edward, Eari of Clarendon, and George, Duke of Albe-
marie, were the firsst two of the grantees, among whom may bo found
the well-known Royalist names of Berkeley and Carteret ; while near
the end occurs the name of him who was the moving and guiding
spirit of the whole enterprise, Lord Ashley, better known a few years

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 135
before as Sir Anthony Cooper, and who has come down to posterity
by his later title of the Eari of Shaftesbury. The charter had scarce
ly been issued when the Duke of Norfolk and Sir Robert Greenfield's
heirs started up as claimants under the old Heath grant. Their claim
was soon disposed of by a declaration from the King in Council that
the Heath charter was null and void. Before this claim was quieted
another was raised by the New Englanders, through their friends in
England, for the lands purchased from the Indians at Cape Fear, and
this the proprietors found it for their interest to deal with gently.
In May the proprietaries organized, formed a joint-stock company,
decided on the general principles of the government to be founded,
divided their territory into two counties, Albemarle and Clarendon,
and prepared for colonization. They first turned their attention to
the beginnings already made in the new province. The Virginian
settlements about the Chowan had reached a considerable impor
tance, having grown largely by additions from the non-conformists of
Virginia and the badly treated sectaries of Massachusetts. Governor
Berkeley, of Virginia, himself a proprietary, was instructed in Septem
ber to settle the government of the North Carolina colony. This he
did by severing their connection with Virginia, appointing William
Drummond, afterward a leader in Bacon's rebellion. Governor, insti
tuting an Assembly, simple forms of law, and an easy tenure of land,
and then leaving the people to shift for themselves. The New England
ers were treated in a similar spirit, and were offered by the proprieta
ries every inducement to return to or remain under their government.
To Sir John Yeamans, who led a company from the Barba
does, they said, " Make things easy for the people of New Eng
land ; from thence the greatest supplies are expected." This emigra
tion from Barbadoes was the third and most successful of the purely
colonial attempts. The emigrants, settled near the mouth of the Cape
Fear river were joined by such New Englanders as may have remain
ed there, established a considerable lumber trade, and throve apace.
But while the proprietaries were encouraging other provincials to
settle their new territory and become their subjects, without expense
to the rulers, they were also engaged in examining the geography of
the region where their possessions lay. Their cupidity was excited.
They determined to enlarge their bounds, and obtained a new charter,
which granted to them the southern half of what is now the United
States as far west as the Pacific. That this charter utterly disregard
ed the rights of Virginia on the north, and of Spain on the south, was

136 HISTORY OF THE
a matter of small moment. Charies gave liberally when it cost him
nothing ; and the terms of the charter, wholly in favor of the proprie
taries, reserved but little in the interests of either Crown or colonists.
Fresh efforts signalized these new acquisitions. Agents were sent into
all parts of the British dominions to solicit emigration. Yeamans was
made Governor of the southern county. People from the Bermudas
settled on tbe Pasquotank, and New Englanders came to swell the
number of settlers on the Chowan. William Sayle explored
"t £* t* ^ the coast, and his description of the Bahamas led the proprie
taries to ask and obtain those islands in addition to their already vast
territory. In the same year Samuel Stephens was appointed to suc
ceed Drummond as Governor of Albemarle. He was assisted by a
council of twelve, one-half of whom he appointed, while the remainder
were chosen by the Assembly, consisting of twelve delegates elected
by the people. This first legislature soon met. They enact
ed laws, chiefiy with a view to populate the country, and their
principal and most characteristic measure was to make North Caro
lina a safe refuge for insolvent debtors. The proprietaries assented
to these laws, and also ordered that lands should be held in Albe
marle on the same tenure as in Virginia. Under these simple forms
of government the colony progressed peaceably and rapidly ; but such
a system was not at all in keeping with the imperial ideas of the pro
prietaries. In the seven years which had elapsed since the first grant, the pro
prietaries had done little toward colonization ; but they now began to
take more active measures for the settlement of their territory. Be
sides sending out an expedition, which landed in South Carolina, they
established an elaborate system of government, known as the "funda
mental constitutions." , The leader among the proprietaries through
out was Shaftesbury, and the new activity now displayed by them
was due to his restless energy. At this time, too, Shaftesbury drew
to his service John Locke, who engaged in the task of colonizing the
Carolinas, and who labored assiduously for some years as unofficial
secretary to the proprietaries for the advancement of their projects.
The first practical politician and the first philosopher of England
united their abilities to give a system of government to Carolina, and
the result was a simple absurdity. The "fundamental constitutions,"
amended somewhat by the proprietaries, and revised and corrected
by Shaftesbury, were drafted by John Locke. For those who are
interested in the character, career, and mental development of Locke

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 137
or Shaftesbury these constitutions possess an interest. To the stu
dent of American history they are valueless, except as one explana
tion of the turbulence and faction which prevailed in the Carolinas.
The system was a clumsy and complicated form of aristocratic gov
ernment, tricked out in the rags of feudalism. There were to be seign
iories, baronies, and manors, and there were to be four estates of the
realm — proprietaries, landgraves, caciques, and commons. The chief
power in the state was vested in a nobility which had no existence,
and in a landed aristocracy which the future was to create. What
remained was given to the people — a handful of rude settlers — who
could not comprehend the system imposed upon them, and only felt
instinctively that it was unsuitable, and probably oppressive. There
were elaborate arrangements for the government of every division
and subdivision of the provinces, and a scheme for a judiciary. The
only provision showing foresight and judgment was that which guar
anteed religious freedom. This was due to the wisdom of Locke ; but
it was marred by the clause which engrafted upon religious toleration
the establishment of the English Church as that of the State.
Delighted with their work, and having decreed that the constitu
tions should stand forever, the proprietaries organized under the new
system, and sent directions to Governor Stephens to put it in force
among- the settlers on the Chowan. Naturally enough Stephens failed
to carry out the commands of his masters, despite the most earnest
efforts. The only result of the attempt was to shake severely the
existing govei-nment then naturally developing in Carolina in accord
ance with the wishes of the people and with their conditions of life.
The lawless spirit of the settlers was still further strengthened by
the ill-judged efforts of the proprietaries to regulate and limit trade.
Religion gained a foothold, it is true, soon after, but it came through
Quaker missionaries, and not at all in conformity to the well-bred
schemes of the proprietaries. The first results of the famous con
stitutions in North Carolina were the lasting injury of the existing
government, the increase of turbulence and faction, and the establish
ment of a despised and persecuted faith. The great and varied abili
ties of Locke and Shaftesbury bore strange fruit in America.
When Stephens died, the Assembly chose Carteret, their speaker,
to succeed him. The new Governor had as little success as
the old in introducing the constitutions, and utterly failed to
preserve order. He soon departed to lay before the proprietaries the
state of the country, and the Assembly sent their new speaker, East-

138 HISTORY OF THE
church, after him to present their side of the story. The proprie
taries sensibly enough appointed Eastchurch .Governor, with a
¦'^^^' new set of instructions; but they sent with him one Miller,
who had recently been expelled from the province by the popular
partv. While Eastchurch lingered in the West Indies to woo
and win a bride, Miller proceeded on his way, and took pos
session of the government in the triple capacity of president, secreta
ry, and collector of the customs. He found himself surrounded by
difficulties. The generous laws of the province had drawn thither
large numbers of debtors and other lawless and adventurous charac
ters. North Carolina had already become a thorn in the side of
Virginia, who complained bitterly of her sister colony as a refuge for
bankrupts and criminals of every sort. There was, too, a strong ele
ment of adventurous and trading New Englanders, who had little af
fection for the Royalist proprietaries, and carried on a large illicit
traffic with great profit both to themselves and the tobacco planters.
With such a people Miller rashly endeavored not only to set up a
strong government and enforce its laws, but to carry out the Naviga
tion Act and collect revenue, which went largely into his own pocket.
The Carolinians stood it longer than might have been expected. At
last, however, they accused Miller of interfering with the freedom of
elections, with levying taxes for his own behoof, and, worst of all, with
interfering with their trade. This last grievance was decisive. An
insurrection, headed by John Culpepper, an adventurer from the
southern province, broke out, and the insurgents, getting possession
of a large sum of money in the public treasury, made themselves mas
ters of the government, which they arranged to suit them-
1 fiTS ./ o
selves. Miller escaped ; Eastchurch vvas refused admittance ;
and soon after Culpepper was sent to England to negotiate. Cul
pepper found Miller already in the field, and, though the pro
prietaries treated him sufficiently well, he was arrested just as
he was about to set sail, and tried soon after for high-treason, because
he had illegally acted as collector and embezzled the King's money.
Shaftesbury, who probably felt a sympathy for a successful rebel, in
terfered decisively, however, at this point, and Culpepper was acquit
ted. In the mean time the proprietaries had selected one of their
own number, Seth Sothel, to go out as Governor and settle the affairs
of the troubled province. Sothel was captured on his voyage by
pirates, and the government went on for some years under tempo
rary rulers, who were too feeble to establish order, and sufficiently

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 139
strong to quarrel with their subjects. At last, however, Sothel ar-
,.no„ rived. He found the colony, of course, in its normal condl-
tion of anarchy, bttt he was the last man to quell it, for he v^as
a choice specimen of the greedy, petty, and tyrannical officials who
fiourished in all parts of America under the benign auspices of Charles
and James. He robbed the people and the proprietaries alike with
perfect indifference, and devoted himself wholly to extortion and
theft for his own benefit. For some unexplained reason the colonists
bore with him for five years before they rose in arms and
drove him from power. Condemned by the Assembly, Sothel
was stripped of the government and exiled from the province.
Philip Ludwell, of Virginia, was appointed his successor. He
gave out that he was prepared to redress all grievances, and
remed)', so far as possible, the misery infiicted by his prede
cessor ; but he. resided chiefiy in Virginia, and although the people
were not oppressed as before, disorder and license continued to- pre
vail, and the colony did not prosper. The population diminished to
such an extent that in 1694 it was not more than half as large as
at the time of Miller's arrival and Culpepper's insurrection.
1693 Ludwell, after four years of ineffective service, was succeed
ed by Lillington, and then by Thomas Harvey as Deputy-governor.
At this time, under pressure of tbe revolt in South Carolina, and of
the continuing turbulence in both the northern and southern prov
inces, the proprietaries abandoned the constitutions framed for eter
nal duration, and determined to allow the colonists to govern them
selves according to the terms of the charter of Charles II. Thus, at
the expiration of twenty-three years, the work of Locke and Shaftes
bury wholly perished. Almost ludicrous in conception, the defunct
system had borne bitter fruit in broils and factions, which went on
unchecked by inefficient rulers until the proprietaries, resolving that
the best talent was needed in their possessions, sent ont John Arch-
dale — a Quaker, and one of their own number — to administer
the government of both colonies. Archdale was firm, judicious,
and wise — the first Governor of ability the province had been blessed
with. The southern colony chiefly occupied his attention, but he met
with quicker success in North Carolina, where the population was
scattered, and where many of the leading men were of his own re
ligious faith. Under Arehdale's guidance the questions most produc
tive of ill-feeling, and the long-standing quarrels, were settled in the
Assembly by suitable legislation. Order was restored, contentment

140 HISTORY OF THE
diffused, population again began to increase, and the government
1696. ^^"* <^" peaceably, after Arehdale's departure, under Harvey,
who had, a year previously, proved so incompetent. Upon
1699. Harvey's death, Henderson Walker, the President of the Coun
cil, succeeded to the government. During the five years of Walker's
administration order and tranquillity prevailed in North Carolina,
broken only by the depredations of the pirates. The impulse given
by Archdale to the affairs of the colony, and the discreet poli
cy of his successors, came, however, to an end upon the death
of Walker.
Governor Johnson, of South Carolina, now in control of both the
provinces, sent Robert Daniel to be President of the Council, rule
in the northern province, and establish there, as he had done in the
south, the Church of England. Daniel carried out his instructions
faithfully. The Church was established, and taxes laid for its sup
port. The immediate result was a union of all the dissenters with
those of South Carolina in opposition to the lord proprietaries, while
the old spirit of faction and discord was again let loose. The wild,
adventurous, and ill -educated settlers of North Carolina needed a
strong, firm government, whose policy was to interfere as little as possi
ble. Instead of that, they were burdened anew with one which was not
only weak, but meddling and aggravating. Thomas Cary suc
ceeded Daniel, being appointed Deputy-governor, but the pro
prietaries disapproved the choice, and the Council elected Glover. The
whole province was immediately plunged into a state of anarchy, pro
duced by the struggles of the contending factions. Many fied to Vir-
1710 S'"'^' ^"'^ ^* ^^^ ^^^ proprietaries removed Cary, and sent
out Edward Hyde to be Lieutenant-governor. He was well
received by both parties, and everything proceeded quietly until the
elections were held, when Cary, being defeated, put himself at the
head of an open insurrection. His complete selfishness of purpose,
and the limited amount of plunder he was able to offer, prevented his
finding much popular support. But, on the other hand, nobody came
to tbe assistance of Governor Hyde — the people apparently regard
ing tbe confiict with that perfect indifference which is the offspring
of a normal condition of political disorder and license. Governor
Hyde, however, managed to hold Cary at bay until Governor Spots-
wood, of Virginia, interfered with decisive effect, dispersing the rebels
with his troops, seizing Cary, who fied to Virginia, and finally send
ing him a prisoner in a man-of-war to England.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 141
Hardly had civil commotion begun to subside, when the unlucky
colony was visited by the scourge of Indian war. There had been
from time to time Indian outbreaks, and the North Carolina settlers
were not of a disposition to conciliate the savages ; but at last the
troubles culminated in a union of the tribes and a general
massacre of the borderers, from which the Palatines and Swiss
alone partially escaped by a treaty of neutrality. Assistance was re
ceived from South Carolina, the North Carolina militia refusing very
generally to obey the requisition of the Governor. The South Car-
, olinians inflicted one defeat upon the Indians, and then withdrew.
Soon after Hyde died, and was succeeded by Thomas Pollock,
who was made President of the Council. President Pollock
draws a black picture of the eondition of affairs when he assumed the
government, and it was but little better when the new Gov
ernor, Charles Eden, arrived. The Indian war still raged, and
fresh assistance had to be asked from both South Carolina and Vir
ginia. Aid was readily given by both, the power of the Tuscaroras
was broken, and in 1715 peace was flnally made with the other
tribes ; but intestine struggles, Indian wars, incompetent or corrupt
officials, and depreciated currency had reduced North Carolina to a low
point. Nothing gives a more striking impression of the difficulties
which had beset the colony than a comparison of the numbers of the
people in 1676 and 1717. In the former year there were fourteen
hundred tithable ; and after forty years of immigration, settlement,
and growth, there were only six hundred more.
Better prospects seemed to open with the new administration.
The laws were revised and ordered to be printed ; more bills of
credit "were issued; the establishment of the Church of England
was confirmed; but toleration was secured, and a variety of use
ful measures of police were enacted. Much of this legislation was
bad, no doubt ; but it at least showed a settled policy on the part of
the government. Still, the old factions were far from extinct. The
former partisans of Cary controlled the lower house, and opposed
every species of resistance to the Governor. In this, unfortunately,
they were much aided by Eden's complicity with Teach, the most
noted of the pirates who then infested the coast. The secretary of
the provinces, one Knight, was undoubtedly an ally of the buccaneers,
and the Governor was somewhat involved. At last Virginia
interfered once more in the affairs of her troublesome neigh
bor with decisive effect. The pirate vessel was captured. Teach

142 HISTORY OF THE
was killed in the fight, and four of his comrades were hung. Piracy
was at last sharply checked in North Carolina, but the corrupt prac;
tices of the administration did not tend to keep political factions in
order. The leaders of the opposition headed a riot, broke into the
secretary's office, and seized all the records of the State. The admin
istration proved strong enough to put down the incipient rebellion,
and throw the ringleaders into prison ; but such affairs as these and
that of the pirates indicate a low and rude state of society. The only
good sign was that the government had gained sufficient strength to
maintain itself. After this the colony rested, and Eden ruled
1723. '
in peace until his death. Two Presidents then governed in suc
cession until the arrival of the new Governor, George Burrington, who
appears to have been a mere adventurer and common brawler.
He held office for little more than a year, when he was re
moved, and his place filled by Sir Richard Everard. The event of
the new administration was the settlement of the long-pend-
1725. .
ing boundary dispute with Virginia. Everard himself was an
improvement on Burrington ; but be was far from being a good Gov
ernor. He paid little attention to the Assembly, did not try to rem
edy gross grievances, quarrelled with the Council, and effected but
slight improvement in tho affairs of the colony.
At last, despairing of success, and justly censured for their bad offi
cers, the proprietaries abandoned their attempt to rule a province.
Their authority had been for some time practically at an end in
Soutli Carolina, and they now — with the exception of Lord Carteret —
sold all their rights to the Crown. To abolish tbe clumsy form of
proprietary government, with all its attendant evils, was a step in the
right direction ; but the first move on the part of the Crown was a
sadly mistaken one. Burrington, appointed previously by royal favor,,
was reinstated, and returned to the province for a much lon
ger period of ill-doing than on the prior occasion. He began
his administration by a quarrel with tbe Council, excited general re
sentment by the appointment of assistant judges, for whom he claimed
large powers, and concluded by an open breach with the Assembly,
who wished to inquire into the abuses connected with official fees.
The representatives of the people, however, began at last to gather
strength, and learn the art of parliamentary government. They im
peached and removed a judge, who was one of the worst of the offi
cials with whom the proprietaries had cursed North Carolina ; and
they evinced in other ways an intelligent conception of the popular

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 143
grievances. Burrington continued in his old courses, scandalous in
private life, and unwise in public conduct, whether he aimed sincere
ly at reform or merely oppressed those who thwarted him. At last
complaints were sent to England, and Burrington soon follow
ed them, unwilling to await the result, although his principal
opponent, the chief-justice, was little better than himself.
A new Governor, Gabriel Johnston, was immediately appointed,
and was an improvement upon his predecessor, though by no means
an ideal officer. But he had definite views, real capacity for business,
and held office long enough to carry out a policy. To his first Legis
lature he recommended the establishment of fixed salaries ; to his sec
ond, the necessity of public education, of patronizing religion, of new
jails and sufficient execution of penal laws, and called attention to
the great defects in the methods of acquiring land. Wise as these
suggestions were, the Legislature stubbornly resisted the Governor, and
passed no bills. This was not an auspicious beginning; but, never
theless, in the course of Governor Johnston's long administration of
eighteen years many substantial advances were made. The bounda
ry-line was run between North and South Carolina, the laws were re
vised and amended, and something was done in the matters of edu
cation, religion, and land titles. A vain attempt was made to purify
the bench by driving Smith, Burrington's old enemy, from office,
but the chief-justice was protected by the Governor, and by a pack
ed majority of the Assembly. Johnston also tried, for his own pur
poses, to change the system of representation, but failed. He appear
ed to more advantage in his persistant though fruitless efforts to
check the issue of a depreciated currency ; and he effected a change
in the site of the capital after prolonged wranglings with the Assem
bly. During Johnston's term of office the colony had its share in
the Spanish war, sending its quota to the West India expedition, and
giving aid to Oglethorpe in his Florida campaigns. Johnston's rule
was, on the whole, prudent, and it was certainly beneficial. Popula
tion increased rapidly, trade fiourished, new lands were brought under
cultivation, the judicial system was extended, and was enabled to
reach the scattered and lawless inhabitants of the back counties.
When Governor Johnston died, the Assembly took advantage of
the lax rule of native presidents to issue more currency, al
though their resources were soon to be strained to the utter
most by the impending French war. The successor of Johnsion,
Arthur Dobbs, an Irishman, a friend of Swift, and a man of letters.

144 HISTORY OF THE
although of slender abilities for business, found himself on his arrival
confronted by the difficulties which beset every American colony in
the great conflict which was to have so deep an effect upon the des
tinies of the continent. North Carolina was not within immediate reach
of the French arms, but she felt that the dangers of Virginia nearly
concerned her, and she furnished men and money for the war in the
neighboring- colony and in the northern provinces. She had troubles
of her own, too, with the Indians of the Carolinas, who seized the op
portunity to break out into open and devastating hostility, which was
only checked after much hard fighting.
These various forms of war put a severe strain upon the province,
and in North Carolina, as elsewhere, led to political struggles over
civil matters between the representatives of the people and those of
the Crown, foreshadowing the dissensions which opened the way for
Independence. Like his immediate predecessor. Governor Dobbs made
a vigorous attempt to reduce the representation, and model it in such
a manner as to secure to himself the control of legislation. After
proceeding quite far in the execution of this project, he was checked
and ultimately defeated by the determined resistance of the Assem
bly ; and he was undoubtedly overawed by the riots and violence
which broke out, as they always did in North Carolina whenever the
spirit of opposition to tbe laws was aroused. The only result of this
contest was a clanse requiring- special and new charters for the estab
lishment of counties and boroughs — a device which put many large
fees into the pocket of the Governor, and which subsequently led to
much ill-feeling. The next conflict was about the old question of
the currency. Here the Governor and Council appear, as usual, in the
best attitude, resisting further issues of depreciated paper; but in all
other respects the administration put itself in the wrong. Affairs in
the province were in a bad condition. The old judiciary act had been
repealed, and there had been no courts for eight months. There had
been much turbulence, rioting, and bloodshed. The sheriffs failed to
collect the taxes properly, and the treasurers gave no satisfactory ac
counts. The Assembly endeavored to meet the difficulties by insert
ing a clause in the aid bill, compeUing the treasurers to account, and
1760 ^^ estabhshing courts, where the judges were to hold office dur
ing good behavior ; but to these measures the Governor would
not assent. Matters went from bad to worse. It was the old story :
no reforms, no money. Then came addresses and petitions to the
King against the Governor, aud tho appointment of an ao-ont in Eno--

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 145
land in tho interest of the Assembly. The next session the Governor
gave way, and assented to the court bill on condition of the subse
quent royal consent. Dobbs, however, learned nothing from this ex
perience. Fees were a fruitful source of trouble among the lawless
people of the back counties, and the extortion of Lord Granville's
agent in regard to land patents led to riotous outbreaks. The Gov
ernor, instead of trying to mitigate the evil of unjust fees, created
and exacted new and more burdensome ones. One dissension led to
another. The Governor and the Assembly quarrelled about paper-
money, about the position of the capital, about the appointment of
an agent, about public accounts, and in all the passage of the aid bill
was made the means of coercinar the executive. The disal-
17G2. lowance of the court laws did not tend to mend matters, and
of course the full weight of popular displeasure fell upon the Govern
or, now loaded with the blunders of the home government as well as
his own. A prolonged wrangle ensued between the two Houses over
a new judiciary act, which finally passed after much amend-
ment. The discontent with Dobbs > rapidly increased. He
even quarrelled about the appointment of a printer and the correction
of a private bill, and complaints poured in against him in England.
Thus beset, he asked for leave of absence ; but, before he
could take advantage of it, died at his country-seat in North
Carolina. His successor, William Tryon, was a conspicuous example of those
ill-starred selections for high provincial office by which England did
so much to precipitate revolution. He came to North Carolina at
a time when the Assembly was fresh from their altercations with his
predecessor, when riots upon one account or another were breaking
out everywhere, and when the Stamp Act was about to be enforced.
He carried matters with a high hand when it was too late to be of
any use ; and although he met with apparent success, the ultimate re
sult of his policy was to embitter the hostile feelings of the colonists,
and prepare the way for separation. He first took measures to es
tablish the Church, and then prorogued the Assembly, to avoid legis
lative resistance to the Stamp Act. In this he was successful. No
delegates were chosen, and North Carolina was not represented in the
Stamp Act Congress. The public indignation and the general hostility
to the measures of Parliament found utterance in meetings, addresses,
and pamphlets; but there was no concerted action, and the colony, as
a whole, was not involved. Thus Tryon avoided a conflict with the old
ID

146 HISTORY OF THE
Assembly, but he made no attempt to land the stamped paper, which
he knew would be resisted ; and when he met his new Assem
bly he was able to announce to them the repeal of the hated
law. From a general feeling of gratitude, the members voted flve
thousand pounds to build the Governor's palace, a fresh imposition
whioh came at an unlucky moment. The people of the back coun
ties — poor, ignorant, and lawless — suffered greatly from the extortion
ate fees exacted by all the petty officers of tbe courts and land-of
fices. Tryon showed no more real disposition than his predecessors
to reform the fees, and the cost of the new palace, greatly exagger
ated by report, still further incensed the settlers of the interior. As
sociations were formed and known as "Regulators," who rapidly ad
vanced to open violence, in accordance with the prevailing habit of ^
the country. Courts were closed ; unpopular attorneys and Crown
officers treated with brutality; and, finally, payinent of taxes was re
fused. Rioting had grown to rebellion. Tryon, at the outset, took
measures to repress the troubles, and arrested two of the ringleaders ;
but he was forced to release them, and concession proved of no avail.
Success had turned tbe heads of the insurgents. One violent act suc
ceeded another ; illegal combinations extended ; to the abolition of fees
was now added that of all debts, and terror and anarchy prevailed in
the back counties. Husbands, the leader of the rebellion, had been
chosen to the new Assembly, and was expelled from that body
as soon as it came together. The Assembly also took meas
ures to enforce the laws by the ordinary machinery of the courts, but
this was manifestly too feeble, and Tryon determined to bring mat
ters to a final decision. He called out the militia, marched into the
most disturbed county, saved his army by his energy and activity,
and utterly routed a force of insurgents three times as large as his
own. Some of the insurgents were hung, others fled, and the major
ity took advantage of Tryon's proclamation of indemnity, and submit
ted. If Tryon had been as good an administrator as he was a gen
eral, much might now have been done to remedy the evil state into
which North Carolina had fallen ; but he was not fit for the task,
and only increased the hostility to the government in the body of the
people. His successor, Josiah Martin, was a change for the woi-se. The ad
miration of Tryon by the usual supporters of the government
disgusted Martin, who strove to curry favor with the Regula
tors and the most turbulent of tbe population. In this task he sue-

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERIC.i. 147
ceeded so well that he led them into armed opposition to the Rev
olution; but he did nothing to remedy the evils, legal, financial,
and social, which beset the province. He quarrelled bitterly with the
Assembly, who, to defeat him, encouraged popular license and dis
order by advising evasion of taxes, and who themselves resisted the
establishment of proper courts. In such a colony, and among such
a people, lawless, and infiamed against all government, there was abun
dant material for the Revolution, and local quarrels fostered those
of national significance. In Governor Tryon's time strong resolu
tions had -passed the Assembly, denying generally the right of Eng
land to tax the colonies; and when the Virginian resolutions of March,
1773, were laid before them, they approved at once the action
.~~'a of their neighbor, and appointed a Committee of Correspond
ence. This done, angry domestic broils over the old subjects
of taxes, fees, courts, and the. powers of the Assembly once more su
pervened, and the great issues involving the fate of a continent were
ao-ain lost sight of. But when the summons to a Cong-ress came
from Massachusetts, North Carolina at once responded, by
choosing delegates* in a popular convention. Colonial and
provincial days were over, and the history of North Carolina became
part of that of the United States.

148 HISTORY OF THE

Chapter YI.
NORTH CAROLINA IN 1766.
North Carolina was, with perhaps the exception of the recently
settled Georgia, the least important of the southern group of colonies.
It was scarcely more than an uncivilized reproduction of Virginia, with
little individuality or force of any kind. Unsettled government, tur
bulent, and even riotous politics, and the character of the population,
had so weakened every bond, and rendered society so unstable and
loose, that it had hardly an existence.
The coast of the province was hemmed in by sand-banks, and al
most wholly deficient in safe and commodipus harbors. Near the
sea the soil was light and sandy, and great tracts of swamp and pine
barrens offered neither a profitable nor a wholesome region for colo
nization.' In the interior the soil became richer, and the country im
proved greatly as it gradually rose to the summit of the southern por
tion of the Alleghany Range.
The population at the time of the Revolution was not far from two
hundred thousand, of which one-fourth to one-half were slaves." The
white population was recruited from various sources. The controlling
element was of English origin, and composed in large measure of ad
venturers and exiles from Virginia and the other colonies, supplement
ed by emigrants from the mother country. There were also French
Huguenots, Moravians, Palatines who came under the leadership of
Graffenried, and some Swiss and Scotch in the hill country. These
foreign elements were not numerous, but they were of better quality

' Smyth, i., 234 ; ii., 94 ; Raynal, Engl. Ed., 1766 ; "Williamson, ii., 174.
° 'the statistics of North Carolina are so hopelessly vague that the roughest
approximation is alone possible in any estimate : Smyth, i., 270, puts the popula
tion at 270,000, with one-half slaves ; Martin, ii., 396, 1770, says 150,000, and one-
fifth slaves.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 149
than many of the English settlers, and, as a rule, more thrifty and
industrious.' The government under Locke's constitutions consisted of a general
court, held by the chief-magistrate, and was composed of a proprieta
ry, two assistants, and deputies chosen by the people." This was after
ward converted into the familiar form of Governor, Council; and Dep
uties. A qualification of property in land was required to hold office,
and only freeholders could vote. This system was ingrafted on the
constitution adopted when North Carolina became a State, and by
which senators were obliged to own three hundred acres of land, and
representatives one hundred, while the suffrage was restricted to free
holders of fifty acres."
For the administration of justice the province was divided into six
districts and thirty -two counties. There were two courts — the su
preme court, with very large jurisdiction, which sat twice annually at
each district town ; and the county or monthly courts, which met at
the county towns, and were limited to small causes, and the punish
ment of slaves and servants. The bench of the county courts was of
very inferior quality, and that of the supreme court was little better.*
There was also a court of chancery and admiralty, composed of the
Governor and Council. The county courts were charged with the
care of orphans, to save expense to the usually small estates, and both
these and the supreme courts were required to sit once a year for
probate and administration.' The whole legal system was very lax
and badly conducted. The terse phrase of Bancroft, " that there were
no laws and no lawyers," describes not unfairly the administration of
justice in North Carolina." The laws were not even printed, but only
read in the market-place, and the assemblies and courts met here and
there in private houses or taverns.'
Revenue was raised for tho Crown from quit-rents, tonnage duties,
and duties on rum and wine ;" while the expenses of the province were
met by simple and direct taxation of polls, tithablcs, free negroes and
their intermarriage, and by an excise on spirits." There were, in ac-
' Lawson's Description of North Carolina, p. 79 ; Martin, i., 233 ; Smyth, i., 162,
216. ^ Martin, ii., 206.
* Iredell, Laws of North Carolina ; Constitution of State.
' Smyth, i., 234 ; Iredell, 1722, 1766 ; Martin, ii., 205. ' Iredell, 1762.
° Bancroft's History of the United States, ii., 164.
' Bancroft, ibid. ; 'WiUiamson, i., 162.
• Iredell, 1738, 1749, 1756. " Ibid., 1 723, 1734, 1738.

150 HISTORY OF THE
cordance with the Virginian fashion, public, county, and parish levies,
collected by the sheriffs.' Taxation was light; but it was sedulously
avoided by the people, who were clearly of opinion that all taxes were
an evil, and was only enforced with the greatest difficulty ; so much
so that the government found it necessary to get a portion of its rev
enue by compelling tbe inhabitants to work on the roads, and keep
the streets of the towns clean."
There was an almost total absence of professions. There was no
army and no navy, and no physicians, except a few surgeons and
apothecaries in the towns, so unskilled that one traveller affirms that
neither medical attendance nor nursing could be obtained in case of
illness." Lawyers were equally rare, except in the towns, where there
were some attorneys of poor standing and attainments. The lack of
lawyers is shown by the rapid rise of such a man as Henderson, who
became a popular leader and successful man simply by his oratory at
the bar.*
Tbe case was equally bad with the clergy, and the condition of re
ligion, and everything connected with it, strongly illustrates the ex
treme rudeness of society in North Carolina. The first minister was
settled in 1703 ; tbe Church of England established in 1704 ; and the
first church built in 1705.' There were no sects, says one authority,"
and the people certainly appear to have been indifferent to theological
doctrines. When tbe Quakers appeared no objection was raised, and
the North Carolinians beguiled the hours of silent prayer by smoking,
but they indulged in no persecution.' To them one sect was as good
as another, except the Established Church, to which they had a rooted
objection, because taxes were required for its support. Twenty years
and more after the establishment of the Church but little religious
progress had been made. Colonel Byrd notes in his journal that, for
" want of men in holy orders," justices of the peace and members of
the Council were empowered to marry those who would not take each
others' word ; that marriage was a lay contract, and christening whol
ly a matter of chance. He also remarks that there was no church in
Edenton ; that the efforts of the Society for the Propagation of the
Gospel had been failures ; and that the people paid uo tribute either
to God or Csesar." This condition of affairs was in some degree at-
' Iredell, 1766. '^ Ibid., 1738. ^ g^ytij^ j _ gg^ 130.
« Ibid., i., 98, 124, 127. = Bancroft, ii., 164 ; -Williamson, i., 162.
" Bancroft, ibid. ' Martin, i., 155.
" Byrd MSS., i., 44, 46, 59, 60, 65 ; as to laclc of professions and general condilion
of North CaroUna, see Autobiog. of 'William Few, Mag. Am. Hist., Nov., 1881, p. 344.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 151
tributable to the early political confiicts ;' but when they ceased, and
the government turned its attention to the religious establishment, its
efforts were marked neither by wisdom nor success.
In the year after Colonel Byrd penned his observations, an act
was passed for the regulation and inspection of vestries and church
wardens." Ten years later, although justices of the peace were to
marry, the preference was to be given to the minister, under a heavy
penalty, and fines were exacted for marriages either within or without
the church without a license. At the same time, Sunday laws were
passed against swearing, work, and profanity on the Lord's-day, and
these, as well as the act against illicit intercourse and in regard to bas
tards, were directed to be read in all the churches. The vestries were
to be encouraged by having certain powers of local government con
ferred upon them." The futility of these attempts is clearly shown by
the continual legislation from this time on in behalf of the Church.*
Commissioners were appointed to build churches, wardens and vestries
were appointed to encourage an orthodox clergy, pastors were to have
glebes, money was raised to complete churches, and sheriffs were to
compel collectors to apply and account for their taxes.' Harsh ex
perience even taught the supporters of the State Church the need of
a little liberality for the benefit of religion in general. Quakers were
given the custody of children of their own faith, although neither
they nor the Catholics could be appointed guardians by others." A
few years later, Presbyterian ministers, but no others, were given the
right to marry by license, and all previous marriages of any kind were
declared legal.' Still later, all marriages by dissenters were legalized
through the efforts of Governor Tryon. But all legislation, wise and
unwise, on this subject was fruitless, for the simple reason that the
people paid no heed to it. It was vain to direct that the freeholders
should meet and choose vestries to lay taxes for the support of
Church and clergy, when none of the freeholders wanted them, and
when in the back counties such laws were rendered null and void by
obstinate inaction." There is " very little of the Gospel in all that
colony," says one contemporary, with more truth than kindness." At
the time of the Revolution, although ministers were nominally estab-
' ¦WilUiamson, i., 162. ^ jredell. Laws, 1729. ^ ibid., 1741.
' Iredell, 1743, and ff. = Ibid., 1749, 1764, 1769, 1760, 1770.
° Iredell, 1762. '' Ibid., 1766.
" Ibid., 1761; 'Williamson, ii., 116.
° Huguenot Family in Virginia, 1764, p. 344.

152 HISTORY OF THE
lished in every parish, there were actually only six of the English
Church in the colony. The Presbyterians had as many, and the Mo
ravians had the same number, although their followers did not num
ber more than five hundred. The Quakers were the most numerous
and extended. Besides these there were no regular denominations, but
many itinerant preachers ; Baptists, Methodists, and New Lights wan
dered through the colony, and their ardent discourses seem to have
met with general acceptance. The great majority of the people were
dissenters, and in the frontier region without any religion at all.
There is no evidence that tbis arose from any deeply grounded and
well conceived opinions, but it is perfectly clear that the peculiar an
tipathy of the North Carolinians to taxes had much to do with their
dislike of the State Church.'
The lack of professional pursuits was not made good by-any variety
in other occupations. Everybody was either a planter or a store-keeper,
and in the western counties a hunter. In tho towns there were a few
mechanics, shopkeepers, and innkeepers, the latter an infiuential and
popular class. All branches of trade and manufacture wore in the
hands of the store -keepers, who sold everything, and supplied the
planters and farmers." The people were, as a rule, wholly agricultural,
and there was a much greater variety of production than in Virginia.
Yet the agriculture was the lowest in all the English colonies. Land
was cleared by girdling trees, thus entailing loss of life and prop
erty from confiagrations and falling timber. Crops were then raised,
until the land was exhausted ; when another clearing was made and
the old process repeated, and the fallow acres remitted to trees and
underbrush." In the northern counties the Virginian example, it is
true, was followed, and tobacco was the great staple ; but in the
southern portion rice and indigo were grown, and cotton was raised
of good quality, while in the interior farm products were the principal
interest.* Throughout the province lumber, tar, and turpentine were
produced, and returned great profits to those engaged in the industry.'
Cereal and grass crops were trifling, only sufficient for home con
sumption." There were also immense herds of cattle and hogs, which
ran wild, and could be identified only by brands, which it was made

1 Smyth, i., 102, 132 ; "Williamson, ii., 180 ; Martin, ii., 396.
2 Smyth, i., 98, 99,114.
' Ibid., ii., 94, 96 ; Martin, ii., 396 ; Rochefoucauld, i., 638.
^ Smyth, i., 84 ; ii., 97. '^ Martin, ii., 395. » Byrd MSS., i., 31.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 153
penal to alter.' There were ^-aluable fisheries, but they were little
developed, nor were the opportunities for a lucrative trade with the
Indians improved."
There were no manufactures of any kind. The efforts even of the
Assembly in this direction had not gone beyond acts to encourage
leather tanning and grist-mills." Every manufactured article, with
out exception, was imported from the mother country or from the
other colonies.* At the Moravian towns, where whites w-orked, there
were some profitable industries and good farms, but they were so few
as hardly to form an exception. The province depended wholly on
the North for workmen-and sailors.' The same lack of enterprise char
acterized the commerce which was necessary to carry the products of
the colony to the markets of the world, and this commerce was by
no means unimportant. The exports amounted to over one hundred
thousand, and the imports to nearly two hundred thousand pounds."
The carrying trade was, however, in a groat measure lost. Much of
it "was engrossed by the saints of New England, who carry off a
great deal of tobacco without troubling themselves with paying that
impertinent duty of a penny a pound."' All foreign commerce was
characterized by evasion of the laws of the land, and of trade as well.
The tobacco sold was largely of a bad kind and inferior quality, and
nothing was done to improve this or other exports by government
inspection until after the middle of tbe eighteenth century." Much
of the commerce was diverted from the colony altogether, and found
vent at Norfolk on the one side, and Charleston on the other." None
of the harbors admitted ships of large burden, yet nothing was done
to improve either harbors or rivers. The act establishing ports was
repealed, because it was found that by taking away the free trade of
North Carolina it might benefit the Virginians. Small vessels cruised
up the navigable rivers, and picked up a cargo where they could.'"
All business transactions were further hampered by the scarcity of
• Iredell, 1715, 1748 ; Byrd MSS., i., 32 ; Smyth, i., 144.
' Smyth, i., 90 ; Lawson, Description, p. 86.
2 Iredell, 1727, 1748, 1758. " Lawson, p. 86.
' Smyth, i., 216 ; Rochefoucauld, ii., 13 ; Memoirs of Elkanah -Watson, p. 39.
^ Smyth, ii., 98; Martin, ii., 395.
' Byrd MSS., i., 23.
" Ibid., p. 60 ; Iredell, 1765, 1758, 1759.
' Williamson, ii., 174 ; Rochefoucauld, ii., 7 ; Lawson, p. 86.
" Ireijell, 1743 ; 'Williamson, ii., 174 ; Rochefoucauld, i., 638.

154 HISTORY OF THE
money, which induced payments in kind, and large emissions of de
preciated paper currency.'
It is needless to say that with trade in such a condition, and with
such occupations as have been described, there were no towns in
North Carolina. There were only three, when Independence was de
clared, which could by any stretch of the imagination be dignified
by such a name. These were Wilmington, Edenton, and Newbern,
sufficiently pretty little villages, each of which had been in turn the
capital, and the largest of which had a population of about six hun
dred inhabitants." The legislature had erected many villages into
towns and townships, and ordered fairs to be held in them ; but they
remained villages still, with a few scattered houses, and, except among
the Moravians, mere centres of resort on court and election days."
The structure of society was of course, as the. condition of the pro
fessions, of religion and of trade, indicates, loose and simple. At the
bottom of the social scale was a large body of African slaves and a
small number of indented white servants. The slaves were in suffi
cient numbers to cause the usual fear-inspired, and ferocious legisla
tion. Heavy fines were exacted from both minister and culprit for
the intermarriage of whites with either negroes or Indians, and also
from those who harbored runaways. Fugitives were whipped by order
of the county courts, and could be outlawed. Slaves were forbidden
to leave the plantations or to raise cattle.* They were not allowed to
carry guns, and their quarters were regularly searched for concealed
weapons." They could receive freedom only as a reward for meritori
ous service. They were kept in a state of the densest and most bar
barous ignorance ; and when the Quakers first appeared, and they were
admitted to the meetings, the slaves said, "They had always been kept
in ignorance, and disregarded as people who were not to expect any
thing from the Lord."" As in Virginia, however, their general treat
ment was said to have been mild.'
The condition of tho indented servants, although sufficiently wretch
ed, was, on account of their greater resemblance to the rest of the com
munity, better, and their rights were, in appearance at least, more pro
tected than in the northern colonies. No "imported Christian" was
¦ WilUamson, ii., 174.
2 Smyth, i., 84, 234 ; ii., 87, 89, 93 ; Byrd MSS., i., 59 ; Martin, ii., 395 ; Roche
foucauld, i., 638.
' Smyth, i., 266 ; Iredell, 1738, 1749. - Ibid., 1741.
6 Ibid., 1753. ° Life of Thomas Story. ' Rochefoucauld, i., 638.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 155
to be a servant without an indenture ; they had to be brought before
the magistrate for corporal punishment, and could complain to the
courts if they were wronged. If they ran away they had to serve a
double term, and they could not marry without leave of their masters
and the payment of lawful fees. If a woman servant gave birth to
an illegitimate child she had to serve an additional term ; and if the
master was the father, then she was sold by the church-wardens for
the public benefit.'
The bulk of the population above the servile classes consisted of
" poor whites " and small farmers. There were biit few large planters ;
but such as there were closely resembled those of Virginia, and were
often agreeable and intelligent men." These men, however, were ex
ceptional. The mass of the population were small land-owners of va
rying degrees of ignorance and poverty." The turbulent arid unset
tled character of the colony attracted many adventurers of the worst
class from the other provinces, and the coast was the favorite resort
of pirates, with whom the people had strong sympathies. , North Car
olina was the refuge of all the slaves, criminals, and debtors who fled
from Virginia, and found shelter and protection from her southern
neighbors.* There was a general dread, when the boundary-line was
run, of falling within the Virginian limits, because there some order
and government existed. In North Carolina every one did what was
right in his own eyes.' "A girl of good fortune and reputation,"
says one Virginian, no doubt with a good deal of wholesome preju
dice, " is a thing somewhat scarce in those parts, as they have no es
tablished laws and very little of the Gospel.""
From the want of commerce even the best plantations afforded lit
tle more than a coarse subsistence which was cheap and plenty. For
ieverything else the planters ran in debt at the country store, paying
in tobacco, and contriving to be generally a twelvemonth in arrear.'
This indifference to financial obligations was another effect of the want
of trades, and in the early years caused the passage of a law to prevent
the exportation of debtors without security being given." The general
feeling on the subject of debts was better refiected, however, by later
legislation, which provided amply for the relief of debtors."
The genial climate, the ease of obtaining a subsistence, and the

" Iredell, 1741. " Smyth, i., 103. » ibid. * Byrd MSS., i., 34.
° Ibid., i., 34, 46. " Huguenot Family in Virginia, p. 344, 1764.
' Smyth, i., 99 ; ' Byrd MSS., i., 31. ¦ Iredell, 1715. " Ibid., 1762, 1773.

156 HISTORY OF THE
cheapness and plenty of provisions, led to early marriages and large
families, and, joined with the contempt for labor inspired by the pres
ence of a servile class, made the men slothful and lazy to the last de
gree.' While the men lolled in bed or idled about the farm, most of
the work was done by the women, who were generally superior to their
husbands. They wove homespun to clothe the family, could handle
a canoe, and were ready to help in planting. They managed the ac
counts, and the girls were brought up to the affairs of the farm."
Daily existence was solitary in the extreme. The farmers and plant
ers saw no one outside of their families and slaves, except at long in
tervals. There was very little intercourse, and communication between
different parts of the province was extremely difficult." They wore,
*iOO, almost wholly cut off from the world. A mail from Virginia and
ihe North passed through the coast towns once in a month ; but noth
ing was done to encourage a local postal service before the year 1770.*
Travelling was almost impossible. Roads were hardly known in the
interior, such bridges as there were were dangerous, and the ferries
were few, and owned by individuals. To journey from one point to
another the traveller had to force his way through dense forests, losing
himself constantly at night in the woods and swamps. Provisions had
to be carried, for there were no inns, except near the coast, and those
wretchedly bad.'
To a people so isolated in their lives, the infrequent stranger was
a welcome guest. The poor whites had an ignorant dread of them ;
but at the plantations the traveller stopped as a matter of course, and
Was always received with a good deal of rude state and a thoroughly
generous hospitality." The profound solitude in which most of the
settlers dwelt is strongly shown, by the law providing that before
burial on a plantation the corpse, whether the deceased were bond or
free, should be seen by two or three of the neighbors.'
There was, of course, great dearth of amusements. The only meet
ings were, on court and election days, at the court-house in the midst
of the f'irest." On these occasions there was much drinking and
gaming, and rough fighting, but the young men were, nevertheless,
owing to narrow means and early marriages, neither dissolute nor
' Smyth, i., 162 ; Byrd MSS., i., 66 ; Lawson, p. 79, 86.
^ Smyth, i., 132; Lawson, p. 84. ^ Smyth, i., 110. * Iredell, 1770.
' Smyth, i., 102, 103, 112, 173, 238 ; ii., 100; Memoirs of E. 'Watson, p. 39.
" Smyth, i., 90, 99 ; "Watson, p. 39. ' Iredell, 1715. = Watson, p. 39.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. '157
prodigal.' The passion for gambling, the only form of excitement,
was probably excessive, as is shown by repeated laws against it ; but
this seems to have been the only prevalent vice, and even that could
find but rare opportunities."
There was scarcely any means of education, and no literature what
ever. Printing was not introduced until 1764 ; and at the time of the
Revolution there were only two schools, lately incorporated at New
bern and Edenton, in the whole province. An act of the year 1770,
to endow Queen's College at Charlotte, was repealed by proclamation ;
and even after the war for Independence, with the exception of a fee
ble academy at Hillsborough, in all relating to education North Car
olina was far behind the other States."
The existence of slavery made the whites an aristocracy in fact and
feeling, and drew the distinction of rank strongly at the color line ;
but among the whites themselves the democratic sentiment prevailed.
The law -n'as entirely hostile to the system of entail, and among the
settlers of the back districts there was an absolute hatred for the
word servant.*
Society in North Carolina was that of Virginia on a much smaller
and ruder scale, and with many of the most striking features of the
older colony lacking. The people were very lawless, and averse to
order and government,' although they had a keen perception of their
own rights, as is shown by the passage of an act to secure the Habeas
Corpus as early as the year 1716." They fell in eagerly with the
movement against England ; but there was also a numerous and ac
tive body of Tories, so that fierce internal dissensions were added to
the miseries of civil war.
It is not to be wondered at that such a population and such a so
ciety produced no great leaders in the Revolution, or that the State,
like its northern counterpart, Rhode Island, lagged behind tho others
in the adoption of the Constitution. But it is a strong proof of tho
vigor and soundness of the English race that this lawless, apathetic
people finally raised themselves in the scale of civilization, and built
up a strong and prosperous State.
' Watson, 1715 ; Lawson, p. 79. » Iredell, 1764, 1766, 1770.
' Ibid., 1770 ; Bancroft, ii., 164 ; Martin, ii., 395 ; Memoirs of E. Watson, 1784.
* Iredell, 1715, Act for Intestate Estates ; also 1749, 1757.
" Crfivecoeur, p. 67 ; Smyth, i.,-132 ; Byrd, i., 66 ; Iredell, Act against Sedition,
etc., 1715. " " Iredell, 1716.

158 HISTORY OF THE

Chapter "VTI.
south carolina from 1663 to 1765.
As the coast of North Carolina was the scene of the first ill-starred
attempts of Englishmen to settle in America, that of South Carolina
was the scene of the first failures of the French to colonize the New-
World. In the year 1562 Jean Ribault sailed with two ships,
under the auspices of Coligny, to explore the lately discovered
regions of the West, and find if possible a spot where the foundation
of a Huguenot state could be laid. Ribault cruised along the coast
of Florida, landing here and there, and finally left a company of thirty
men at Beaufort, in South Carolina. The men thus left behind were
more adventurers, soldiers of fortune, who erected a fort, but planted
no corn ; who hoped to find treasures of gold and silver and sud
den wealth, but had no capacity to found a state. They quarrelled
among themselves while they waited helplessly for supplies from
France. Ribault had not forgotten them ; but civil war made it im
possible to attend to the small and distant colony, and at last the lit
tle band of settlers, half-starved, and having effected nothing, built a
pinnace, ventured out to sea, and were picked up by an English ves
sel. Before they could reach home, a fresh expedition had been de
termined upon, which sailed in 1564, commanded by Rene de
Laudonniere, an old companion of Ribault. On the St. John's
River they founded their settlement, and the old story was at once
renewed. They built a fort, and then their exertions ceased. They
longed to find masses of gold and silver, and listened eagerly to the
flattering tales of the Indians. Their spirit was that of the time —
a mere lust for gold — and the usual consequences followed in quick
succession ; quarrels among themselves, treachery toward the Indians,
and war with them, and then famine, disease, and despair. Just as
they were losing all hope. Sir John Hawkins came in with his slavers,
gave them relief, and sold them ono of his ships. They wero pre-

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 159
paring to leave their settlement, when the long-expected fleet from
France arrived, commanded by Ribault. It would have seemed that
their trials were now at an end ; but the worst enemy of all was still
to come in men of their own race inspired with burning religious
hatred. Within a week after the arrival of the fleet, Pedro Menendez
appeared at the mouth of the river Mary, with Spanish ships and
Spanish soldiers, to rid the New World of the heretic Huguenots.
Part of the French fleet got to sea, part was at Fort Caroline. Me
nendez marched overland to the fort and captured it ; and then came
treachery and massacre of prisoners, the arrival of the French ships
and more treachery, more butchery of helpless prisoners, and thus the
extirpation of the Huguenots. The Spaniards followed up this bloody
beginning by founding St. Augustine, the first permanent settlement
of Europeans in the United States. France took no steps to avenge
this awful wrong; but in 1568 retribution came at the hands
of Dominique de Gourgues, a gallant adventurer of the type
peculiar to the time, who landed in Florida, surprised the forts, and
put the Spaniards to the sveord with as little mercy as they had shown
to his countrymen. The Spanish settlement survived the shock, and
struggled on, but never grew nor spread, nor came to any good. The
French efforts, however, had failed ; and South Carolina, the scene of
their first attempt, relapsed into the wilderness, where savages wander
ed undisturbed. A century passed away before a new trial was made ;
but this time the men were of another nation, one which had learned
the art of colonization, and had the natural talent of ruling races, for
founding new states, and governing distant provinces.
South Carolina was part of the magnificent territory which Charles
II. gave to Clarendon and Albemarle and others of his followers, and
for which Shaftesbury and Locke devised their famous constitution
— a monument of brilliant and futile theorizing. Several years pass
ed away after the charter was granted before the lord proprietors did
anything more than contemplate the orders of nobility, and the elab
orate system of government which Locke had produced. In 1667
William Sayle visited the coast, and his report was so favorable that
he was sent out two years later prepared to colonize. After landing
at Beaufort, Sayle made his way northward, and finally fixed
his head-quarters on the Ashley river, while a settlement was
also started lower down, at the confluence of the Ashley and Cooper
rivers — the point to which the capital was subsequently removed, and
where the present city of Charleston was founded. Sayle soon

160 HISTORY OF THE
died, and was succeeded by Sir John Yeamans, one of the landgraves
of the Locke constitutions, who ruled over the languishing colony for
about four years, with little profit to anybody except himself. Re-
turnino- to tbe Barbadoes in the year 1674, he was succeeded
1674. .^^ Joseph West, the commercial agent of the proprietaries,
under whose direction the first Assembly was called, and government
oi-o-anized on the practical English model, and without the least re
gard to Locke's beautiful and symmetrical scheme. The early settlers
were, as usual, for the most part broken-down adventurers and other
vicious characters from London, with a sprinkling of sturdy colonists
from the North, and some restless dissenters from the mother coun
try. The first necessity was order, and this West maintained, playing
the same part in South Carolina that Dale had played in Virginia,
and giving tho settlement the opportunity to strike root and acquire
permanence. W^est was a shrewd, competent man, not over-scrupu
lous, but able to govern with a strong hand tbe disorderly elements
iibout him. He found the colony loaded with debt, and embroiled
with the proprietaries ; but he held it together, and steered through
all difficulties, moving- the capital, and fighting an Indian war, which
he made profitable as well as successful by selling the prisoners into
shivery. This rather savage traffic, and his leaning to the dissenters,
brought West into disfavor with the proprietaries, and he was removed,
to be replaced by Joseph Moreton, who called another Parlia
ment or Assomb!}', which led tb an outbreak of factious con
tention, and to the usurpation of all legislative power by the people
of Charleston. This new Parliament passed a law to prevent the
prosecution of foreign debts, which so enraged the proprietaries that
they removed Moreton, and West again came in for a brief term.
The disorderly elements in South Carolina had now fairly got beyond
control, and the factious turbulence which ensued would have wreck
ed the colony if it had not been for the years of comparative quiet
(luring West's first term. Besides the troubles arising from the char
acter, of the early settlers, there were many special subjects of con
flict. The religious controversies of the mother country were trans
ferred to the colony, the only difference being that the dissenters, who
were crushed at home, were here in a majority. The Cavalier and
Church party was favored by the proprietaries, and endeavored to
keep all government in their own hands, but they were overborne by
the dissenters, upon whom West appears to have leaned. His removal
and the supremacy of the Church party only led to still fiercer con-

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERIC.i. 16.
flicts. Another subject of quarrel was the distribution of representa
tion, which resulted finally in a seizure of all legislative power by the
Charleston district,' and the practical disfranchisement of the other
counties. Still another struggle was caused by the immigration of
the Huguenots— people of most excellent character, who settled chief
ly in Craven county. The English settlers refused to give them rep-
resentatipn or political rights, and excluded them for a time from the
Assembly, although their cause was strenuously supported by the pro
prietaries. Still another source of trouble was found in the pirates
infesting the coasts, and making their head- quarters at Charleston,
where they were popular and well received because they spent money,
and brought thither their ill-gotten gains to enrich the colony. These
buccaneers preyed on , Spanish commerce and Spanish possessions ;
the Spaniards retaliated naturally on the English settlements, and the
South, Carolinians prepared to invade Florida, and were only stopped
by the proprietaries, who had no wish to see their enterprise bring
on a war between Spain and England. Attempts were made by the
gaverninent to stop this piracy; but the pirates were acquitted by the
Charleston courts, and nothing effectual was done until the general
suppression of piracy under William III. In the midst of all these
contentions, it is almost impossible to describe the parties. Each
new quarrel begot new factions. The body of tbe dissenters was
sound, and so were those who supported the government; but between
these w-as the old vicious and dissolute band of adventurers of broken
fortunes, active and unscrupulous, opposed to every form of govern
ment and order, in league with the pirates, and ready to take advan
tage of every fresh conflict. In all this confusion governors came
and went with extraordinary rapidity. West, Moreton, Kyle, Quarry,
and Colle.tonsuoceeded each other within two years. Colleton
called a Parliament on his accession, which resisted him to the
utmost,-and sent laws for approval to the proprietaries, which were in
dignantly rejected. At last parties began to crystallize into that of
the proprietaries; and that of opposition to their rule. The latter pre
vailed. In the next Parliament they attacked Colleton more fiercely
than ever, and he unwisely undertook to declare martial law. Open
revolt followed. Sothel, fresh from his exploits in North Carolina,
whence he had been driven out, appeared on the scene and usurped
t''® government in his quality of Palatine. He resorted at
once to his old extortion, corruption, and oppression, lost the
confidence of the people, over whom he tyrannized, and was finally
11

162 HISTORY OF THE
obliged to withdraw and hide in Albemarle by the orders of the pro
prietaries, now thoroughly alive to his character. He was succeeded
by Philip Ludwell, of Virginia, the first general Governor of both
Carolinas. Ludwell proved incompetent, unable to deal with piracy,
or to resist the popular factions, and was soon removed to make
room for Thomas Smith, one of the leading planters. Smith
did little better than his predecessor, but his term of office was
marked by the introduction of rice — the future source of wealth to
the colony — and by the abandonment of the attempt to establish the
"Grand Model" of Locke. The Parliament became an Assembly,
and Locke's fine scheme was at an end. Faction and disorder did not
cease, however, and on Smith's representation that only a proprietor
would suffice as Governor, Joseph Archdale, a Quaker, and one of the
proprietaries, came out and assumed the government.
The party of the proprietaries, including the officials and the
Churchmen, and the opposition, comprising the dissenters and the
groat majority of the settlers, were now fairly face to face, and feel
ing ran very high, particularly in regard to the quit-rents, which the
colonists refused to pay, and which were a standing grievance and
a constant cause of confiicts whenever efforts were made to collect
them. Archdale was a good appointment. He was not only
a dissenter, and therefore in sympathy with the colonists, but
he was a wise, tii-m, and prudent man, and a good administrator. Ho
came with almost unlimited powers, and set to work at once to allay
dissensions. He conciliated the Assembly ; appointed popular men
to the Council ; remitted arrears of quit-rents ; examined grievances
of all sorts ; made peace witli the Indians ; and provided for the de
fence of the colony. So well did he do his work during his year of
office, that his successor, Joseph Blake, a nephew of the great
admiral, was able to rule peaceably in South Carolina for the
rest of the century, and the colony gained a much needed breathing
space, and time to give attention to the development of the great ma
terial resources of the country. Even under Blake, however, the col
onists refused, in Assembly, to accept laws sent out by the proprieta
ries ; but they adopted a liberal policy toward the French refugees,
who were secured in their lands and rights, and rapidly assimilated
with the English, as tho Huguenots did in all the colonies. At the
same time, religious toleration was assured to all Christians except
Papists. As the century opened, Blake's peaceful rule was closed by his

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 163
death, and James Moore became Governor. Political strife had already
1 700 ^^^^ renewed. The lower House, under the lead of Nicholas
Trott, an active and capable popular leader, denied to the
Governor and Council the right of appointing public officers, and re
fused to recognize their appointees. Governor Moore, a needy and
adventurous man who had pushed himself into office, found this quar
rel on his hands, and matters were further complicated by the in
structions of Lord Granville, the Palatine, to introduce the Establish
ed Church. To this the Assembly, controlled by the dissenters, op
posed a stubborn and successful resistance, and they now regretted
that they had voted a salary to the rector of the Episcopal church.
Moore, however, was bent on gain, not on religion. He renewed the
infamous traffic in Indian slaves, and attempted to pass a bill giving
to himself the control of the Indian trade. This last measure was
defeated in Assembly, and Moore then threw himself into party poli
tics. Nicholas Trott was brought over to government by the office
of attorney-general, and the elections were carried for the Governor
liy force and fraud. The rupture between Spain and England, how
ever, led Moore to turn his attention to another quarter. He invaded
Florida; but the expedition failed, and the only result was a crippling
public debt. An Indian war in which Moore next engaged was more
successful, and the tribes were routed and beaten.
Moore had hardly concluded his Indian war when Sir Nathaniel
Johnson came out as his successor. The new Governor was
an incompetent and narrow-minded man, devoted to the in
terests of the Church. Backed by the officials, among y/hom Moore
and Trott were prominent, Johnson procured the passage of an act
excluding those who denied the authority of the Bible from the As
sembly, and followed it up by another law excluding all who were
not membei-s of the Church of England. The struggle now broke
forth with bitterness ; the proprietaries, appealed to by both sides, un-
•der the lead of Granville, and, despite the remonstrance of Archdale,
supported the Governor, who, encouraged by his success, proceeded
to take steps for building ehurehos, providing pastors, and for the
appointment of a commission of his own choosing to govern the
Church. The dissenters, numbering two-thirds of the population,
now. went further, and took an appeal to the House of Lords. There
the exclusion of the dissenters and the act relating to religious wor
ship were condemned, and the Queen ordered steps to be taken for
the revocation of the charter. While these matters were pending,

164 HISTORY OF THE
Johnson had an opportunity to show himself in a better light by suc
cessfully repulsing a French attack upon Charleston. As the
legal proceedings were dragging along. Lord Granville died,
and was succeeded by Lord Craven, a moderate man, who sent out
Colonel Edward Tynte as Governor, with instructions so cbn-
170S. ciliatory that it seemed as if all differences might be healed ;
but quiet had hardly been restored when Tynte unfortunately died,
and a factious and corrupt contest, resultinff in the election of
1710. Robert Gibbes, took place for the governorship. Gibbes was,
however, soon displaced by the proprietaries, who appointed Charles
Craven, brother of Lord Craven, and a represent.ative of his
moderate policy. Governor ; and under his temperate and
wise rule tbe colony obtained a brief respite from domestic discord.
His administration was marked, however, by two Indian wars — one
with the Tuscaroras for the relief of North Carolina, and the other
and more extensive one with the Yamasees. In both conflicts Cra
ven was successful, and the South Carolinians, officers and men, be
haved well ; but the result was to sink the province still f ur-
1710. .
ther in debt, and render the paper currency and the raising- of
money to meet obligations burning political questions. Craven re
turned to England after a term of four years, leaving Robert
Daniel in charge of the province until Robert Johnson, the
son of the former Governor of that name, arrived.
Johnson, unlike his father, was a good governor and competent man,
besides possessing a genuine popularity. But no amount of popular
ity or ability was sufficient to enable any man to deal successfully with
public affairs in South Carolina. The proprietary government was
radically vicious, and, whether its policy was good or bad, it invariably
ran counter to tbe wishes of the people, and there was nothing to sus
tain it against the effects of popular resentment. The attempts of the
proprietaries to force tbe Established Church upon the colonists had
produced a conflict of which the effects were still felt, and Johnson
came out hampered with instrnetions which seemed designed to take
all power from the Assembly. Not only did the King disapprove the
law for duty on imports, the only means of sinking the debt, but the
proprietaries asserted the right to repeal all acts of the A.ssembly, and
did repeal two, generally and rightly esteemed of great value — one to
regulate elections, and another to regulate the Indian trade. This sort
of interference was bad enough ; but there were other and worse griev
ances. The proprietaries encouraged every oppressive scheme put for-

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 165
ward by the officials, and strove to wring all possible revenue from tbe
province, while they utterly neglected it, and declined to give any help
in the Indian wars. This refusal to aid the colonists led them, of course,
to appeal to the Crown, and to look moi-e and more to the strong arm
of the sovereign for shelter and protection. Lands won by the sword
from the Indians, and thrown open to immigrants by the Assembly, were
torn from the settlers, and distributed in baronies and seigniories among
the proprietors. Another and still worse grievance was to be found
in the condition of the courts. Nicholas Trott, the popular leader of
early days, had improved his opportunities since he had been bought
by the attorney-generalship, and had risen to be chief-justice. By vis
iting England, he had obtained the confidijuce of the proprietaries, and
control of their secretary; to whom the management of affairs was very
largely intrtisted." In this way Trott became not only chief-justice,
judge of the vice-admiralty court., president of the Council, and some
times acting Governor, but he was mainly instrumental in causing the
ruinous policy of the propt-ietaries.
With matters in this unpromising state, new burdens were thrust
upon South Carolina. The pirates, who in earlier days had been wel
comed in Charleston, no\V ruined the commerce of the city, and sapped
the prosperity of the province. ' They were under the lead of Teach,
" Black Beard," whose head-quartefs were in North Carolina. Deter
mined efforts were at last necessary to suppress them ; and Johnson
opened the way by sending out Rhett, who captured one of the prin
cipal captains, and by going himself in pursuit of anotherj who was
finally seized after a bloody fight. Johnson's personal bravery and
enterprise won for him great popularity ; but these expeditions pro
duced more debt, and required more taxation, and thus led to renewed
and bitter controversy. The conduct of Trott, too, had 'finally become
so outrageous, and the courts so bady that the Assembly and the bar sent
out one of the Council, Francis Yonge, to remonstrate with the pro
prietaries. Their appeal was treated with contempt; and brought fresh
instructions to Johnson to enforce the rights and prerogatives of the
proprietaries, and persist in every way in the policy already entered
upon. This brought matters to a point where a trifle would cause revolu
tion, and the needed impulse came from the dread of a Spanish inva
sion. Johnson wished to put the province in a state of defence, and
asked for money. The Assembly pointed to the tax on imports, and
were told it was repealed. They declared they would enforce it, and

166 HISTORY OF THE
Trott swore that the courts would sustain those who refused to pay.
The members of the Assembly now formed associations; and when
Johnson called out the militia, to prepare for the Spaniards, the
troops revolted and went over to the Assembly, which became a con
vention, elected James Moore Governor, chose a council, and made
themselves masters of the government. The practical deposi
tion of Johnson, although he tried to maintain himself for a
year or two longer, and even ventured a futile attack on Charleston, at
tracted, of course, immediate attention in England, where the action of
the colonists harmonized too well with the general policy of convert
ing all charter and proprietary provinces into royal governments, to
be neglected. The Crown interfered ; the old inquiry of Anne's time
was revived, and the attorney-general ordered to look into the affairs
of the pi-oprietarles and find out the extent of their misgovernment.
If everything else failed, the omission of the proprietaries to spread
the Christian religion among the savages could be used for the abro
gation of the charter, of which proselyting the heathen was nominally,
at least, a main object. In the mean time. Sir Francis Nichol
son was sent out as provisional Governor. Whatever Nichol
son's faults and failings had been in the other colonies over which he
had ruled — and they had been neither few nor small — he was now, at
least, a man of wide experience in colonial administration, and he had'
learned many lessons. Coming, as he did, backed with the vast power
of the Crown, to South Carolina, which had hardly known anything
but turbulence and insurrection, he was received with joy, and with a
deep sense of relief. The proprietary party sank out of sight, and
Nicholson, free to turn his attention to the general good, treated suc
cessfully with the Indians, did much for religion and the Church, and
even made vigorous exertions to introduce some sort of public edu
cation. He withdrew after a term of four years, leaving the govern
ment in the hands of Arthur Middleton. On this change the proprie
tary party immediately revived in the province, and in England claim
ed the right first of appointing a Governor, although the writ of quo
warranto was actually issued, and then demanded the right of consent
ing to the nomination by the Crown. Fortunately for South Caro-
Una, the contest was too unequal and too hopeless to be per
sisted in, and after a year or two the proprietaries sold both
Carolinas to the Crown.
In pursuance of Nicholson's policy. Sir Alexander Cumming was
sent to push further negotiations with the Indians. Returning to

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 167.
England, he brought six chiefs with him, who went back in the fol-
1731 ^°^^'°S y«!3r with Sir Robert Johnson, the first royal Gover
nor, who, now that he was freed from his duty to the proprie
taries, was received with enthusiasm by the colonists, whose favor he
had retained through all his confiicts with them. With the estab
lishment of the royal government the whole condition of public af
fairs in South Carolina underwent a marked change. The form of
government was that common in the royal provinces — of Governor,
Council, and Assembly — the former appointed, the latter elected. But
the sense of permanence and security given by the Crown was the chief
advantage derived by the colony. The restraint upon the exportation
of rice was removed, and a bounty on hemp allowed by Parliament.
The arrears of quit-rents were remitted, and the bills of credit were
continued. Cannon were sent out, forts were built, troops were sta
tioned at Charleston, and ships-of-war were granted to defend their
commerce. These measures and the strength of the new government
drew the attention of English merchants to the province, and trade
increased with great rapidity, while large bodies of immigrants, in
cluding Scotch, Irish, and Swiss, came out to settle. Land, now easily
obtainable, rose quickly in value, and was taken up by the planters in
large tracts, too large, indeed, for the general prosperity. The estab
lishment of the colony of Georgia did much to increase the safety of
the colony by beginning a line of settlements on the southern front
ier, where the attacks of the Spaniards and Indians had hitherto been
a constant danger.
Although the fall of tho weak and ill-conducted government of the
proprietaries had put a stop to the bitter and violent factions of South
Carolina, parties were by no means extinct, and the opposition to gov
ernment, which had achieved a substantial victory by the transfer of
the province to the Crown, soon became active. The too rapid tak
ing of lands received the royal veto, and the Assembly were soon en
gaged in a vigorous contest with the courts and the law offlcers of the
Crown, and even refused to allow the writ of Habeas Corpus in favor
of those whom they committed for resistance to their will. The As
sembly also insisted on voting the salary of the Governor annually,
which caused a steady confiict with that officer. Even John-
1 735 son's popularity could not prevail here, although when he died
the Assembly erected a handsome monument to his memory.
Johnson was succeeded by Thomas Broughton — one of the old
leaders against the proprietaries — and the popular party was now in

168 HISTORY OF THE
full possession, and under his rather weak rule they still further in
flated the currency by tbe issue of one hundred- thousand pounds in
bills of credit. The unchecked sway of the Assembly seemed, indeed,
to threaten a recurrence of the old factions, and a consequent diminu
tion in the prosperity of the colony. But Broughton's term
1738" "^ office was not prolonged. He died after two years of ser
vice, and Samuel Horsley, who was appointed to succeed him,
died before leaving England; so that the government devolved on
William Bull, President of the Council,- and Lieutenant-governor.
Other events of a more serious nature also intervened to turn the
attention of the colonists from political questions. Oglethorpe, in
vaded Florida, and South Carolina troops were sent to join him.
The expedition failed; the friendly relations with Georgia changed to
dislike and suspicion ; and while the colony was thus harassed by the
danger from the Spaniards, a desperate negro insurrection oc
curred, which was only suppressed after much bloodshed; and
this was in turn followed by a fire in Charleston, which laid a large
part of the city in ashes. Despite these drawbacks, and the great in
crease of debt, the colony throve, and grew rich from the rice trade,
and from the production of indigo, which had been lately introduced."
Many of the planters made large fortunes, or rather large incomes,
and money began to be freely spent, and gTeat luxury displayed at
Charleston. Tho Spanish war was still a cause of anxiety, and a descent on tho
coast was much feared. Oglethorpe, however, succeeded in repulsing
the Spaniards at Frederica, and the dread of invasion and of
negro revolt gradually diminished. In the mean time, the con
troversy regarding the Crown-lands had gone on with increasing ac
rimony. The agent of tbe Crown, sent out hy the government to in
vestigate the matter, had been thwarted and foiled by the Governor ;
and the popular party was supposed to be encouraged by James Glen,
a South Carolina proprietor who had been appointed Governor, but
had lingered in England to care for the interests of the province. At
last Glen arrived at Charleston, where he was warmly received
as a friend of the. colony. He was reproached in England
with betraying the interests of the Crown ; but notwithstanding all
this, so ineradicable was the hostility between the Assembly and their
Governor, that Glen soon found occasion to complain of the encroach
ments of the Council, and the levelling principles of the popular rep
resentatives. Glen was, however, a good Governor, and his contests

ENGLISH COLONIES' IN AMERICA. 169
with the Assembly do not appear to have interfered for many years
with the interests of the province. He cemented arid extended the
Indian treaties, and obtained additional troops from England to se
cure the colony from Spanish invasion and negro insurrection. The
development of the colony now progressed steadily and rapidly, and
settlements were extended in all directions. ' The prosperity was un
checked; and the only trouble of importance arose from the illicit
trade which sprang up here as elsewhere under the fostering influence
of tha oppressive laws.
This happy condition of affairs, however, began to be darkened af
ter the middle of the century by the growth of the French power, and
by the extension of the French posts on the west and south. Dis
tant as South Carolina was from Canada, the danger caused by the
French system of Indian alliances began to be felt even there. Gov
ernor Glen, with wise prevision, went iu person among the Cherokees,
strengthened the old treaties, made new ones, and obtained the ces
sion of a large tract of territory, of which he took advantage
by erecting forts on the frontier in the immediate neighbor
hood of the Indians, and well adapted to protect the outlying settle
ments. When, however, he went a step farther, and attempted to
raise money in support of the war between England and France, his
normal quarrel with the Assembly reached such a height that the
grant of supplies was refused ; and South Carolina, as was only too
common in the Ariierican colonies during the whole of the war, re
mained entirely inactive. In the following year, however, Glen re
tired, and a new governor, William Lyttelton, came out from
England. He succeeded in soothing the Assembly, obtained
a grant, enlisted men, and got additional troops from the other
provinces. For a time these preparations seemed needless ; and distance from
the seat of war' and Glen's treaties appeared sufficient to save the
province. But at last tbis good fortune terminated. The Cherokees,
in accordance with their treaties, had followed Forbes in bis expedi
tion to Fort Du Quesne. On their return, they became involved in a
quarrel with the backwoods settlereof Virginia and of the Carolinas,
whose horses they stole, and several men were killed on both sides.
Their chiefs, however, desired peace, but were roughly treated by Lyt
telton, who marched against them ; and, having thoroughly exas
perated them, and made a -worthless peace, returned to Charles
ton with his armv broken bv disease. The Cherokees, maddened

170 HISTORY OF THE
by this treatment, and by the murder of some hostages, and insti
gated by French emissaries, began a general war, ravaged the fron
tier, and throw the whole province into a state of terror. At this
juncture Lyttelton, promoted to the governorship of Jamaica, de
parted; and the government devolved on his lieutenant, William Bull,
a son of the former Governor of that name, who was a man of po
sition, talent, and education, and who continued, except during the
brief administrations of Thomas Boone, Lord Charles Montague, and
Lord William Campbell, at the head of affairs until tbe Revolution.
The provincial levies were at once united with some royal troops
sent by Amherst, and a bloody but indecisive campaign followed.
Soon after the royal troops were withdrawn to tbe North, and the
province was again left to face the scourge of Indian warfare alone.
The Cherokees succeeded in capturing one of the forts, and butch
ered most of the prisoners. This led to renewed application for
troops, which were sent under Colonel Grant, who, aided by fresh pro
vincial levies, devastated the Indian country, and succeeded at last
in brina-ino- them to terms. The war was an unnecessary and
1761. . .
injurious one, resulting in great loss of life and property, and
might have been avoided by a more moderate conduct on the part of
Lyttelton. Although peace was made, the friendship of the Chero
kees was lost, and the smouldering embers blazed forth again when
revolution came.
Relieved from the stress of war. South Carolina, one of the richest
of the colonies, through her staples of rice and indigo, made rapid
strides. Her agriculture and trade alike increased, while immigration
was strenuously encouraged, and new settlements were pushed rapidly
to the westward. Among these settlers in the back country were
many loose characters, who harassed the farmers and planters by horse
stealing and other depredations. All the courts sat in Charleston, and
the local justices were either inefficient or in league with the thieves.
This state of affairs led the most respectable of the inhabitants to
form associations known as Regulators, who took the law into
1764. . o '
their own hands, and a good deal of rough-and-ready justice,
and much complaint, were the results. To settle matters. Lord Charles
Montague, then acting Governor, sent one Scovil out to deal
with the difficulties. Scovil undertook to treat the Regulators
as rioters, and arrested two of them, whom he sent to Charleston.
This injudicious course came very near causing civil war, and both
parties were ready to appeal to arms. They fortunately refrained,

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 171
however, and the establishment of district or circuit courts by the
Assembly gave the Regulators an opportunity, of which they
availed themselves, to bring criminals to justice in the ordi
nary way. The controversy, however, engendered much bitterness of
feeling, which found vent during the Revolution, when the Regulators
espoused th'e patriotic side, and the former followers of Scovil became
Tories. With this exception, peace reigned in South Carolina after the
French war. The colony was more closely connected by her trade
with the mother country than many of the others, and the general
spirit was one of loyalty to the Crown and attachment to the consti
tution. But as their whole history shows, the people of South Caro
lina were extremly jealous of any interference with their affairs, of
any manifestation of external power, and of anything like oppression.
They had, moreover, the usual grievances arising- from the laws of
trade and the restrictions on industry. The plan of taxing Ameri
ca, therefore, excited great alarm among them, and the Stamp Act
aroused deep hostility, especially among the Regulators of the back
country then engaged in a sharp conflict with the government. The
deep feeling awakened by the new policy soon found expression.
The Assembly was in session when the Massachusetts Circular ar
rived, and after a prolonged debate responded to the call. Two of
the future leaders of the Revolution appeared at New York
in the Stamp Act Congress — Christopher Gadsden and John
Rutledge. The prompt action of the Assembly was a decisive meas
ure in bringing about that Congress, and in founding the union of
States, of which South Carolina then became a part.

172 HISTORY OF THE

Chapter VIII.
SOUTH CAROLINA IN 1766.
In South Carolina we pass beyond the last traces of northern influ
ence, and the Virginian type of manners and society becomes wholly
southern, while all the essential peculiarities of the Virginian group
of colonies are intensified, and are here not only predominant but
reign alone.
The general configuration of the province did not differ greatly from
that of North Carolina. The coast was low and sandy, and the land
near the sea of inferior quality, while the interior was covered with vast
forests intersected with many fine rivers, and broken by swamps and
savannas. The low lands along the river bottoms were extremely rich,
and the soil of the whole province, except for the stretches of pine
barrens, was of good qualitj-, and improved steadily as it rose with a
gradual ascent from the sea-coast to the mountains on the western
frontier. The climate, although very variable, and exhibiting great ex
tremes of heat and cold, was distinctly tropical in character, usually
intensely warm, and marked by violent thunder-storms and wild hur
ricanes.' The population, consisting of a few thousands at the beginning of
the century, had risen at the time of the Revolution to between one
hundred and fifty and two hundred thousand. The increase was
largely due to the constant importations of African slaves at the rate
of three thousand yearly^ so that the blacks were to the whites in the
proportion of two or three to one — a circumstance which had a deep
effect upon the social condition as well as the political future of the
colony.'' • For contemporary accounts of soil, climate, etc., see Smyth's Tour, i., 202 ; ii.,
70, 73, 74 ; and Glen's Answers to the Lords of Trade, 1 749, in Doc. relating to
South Carolina, Weston, pp. 69, 71, 79.
" The estimates of population in South CaroUna vary greatly, and the statement
given above is the result of a careful comparison of the different aud differing au-

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 173
The dominant element among the whites was English ; but it was
neither so strong nor so numerous as in the other colonies, and the for
eign elements were not only many and varied, but one or two of them
almost equalled the English in power, and contributed many of the
political and social leaders. In the eariy days, writes Governor Arch
dale, " many dissenters went over, men of estates, as also many whom
the variety of fortune had engaged to seek their fortunes in the New
World. * * * The most desperate fortunes first ventured over to
break the ice, being generally the ill-livers of the pretended Church
men.'" The wretched government of tbe charter checked immigra
tion, which revived under Archdale, and brought people from New
England and Scotland, and dissenters from all parts of the English
dominions.' At a very early period an inconsiderable number of
Dutch settlers came from New York, and a few years later the immi
gration of French Protestants began, which increased after the revo
cation of the Edict of Nantes, in the year 1685, to large proportions.
This Huguenot element was larger in South Carolina than elsewhere,
and by their standing and success attracted many of their brethren
from the northern colonies. They formed an excellent and influential
part of the population, were wealthy, and of high social position, and
their descendants were conspicuous in the history of the State." In
the year 1696 a congregation came from Dorchester, Massachusetts,
under the leadership of the Rev. Joseph Lord ; and there was always
more or less emigration from Virginia, Pennsylvania, and North Car
olina, which strengthened and improved the colony. The policy of
religious toleration, finally adopted, offered strong inducements for
settlement to dissenters of all nations, and there was, in consequence,
a large German immigration, principally composed of Palatines, which
continued until it was stopped by Frederick tbe Great. These Ger
mans were thrifty and industrious, and a good population, although
they clung for a long time to their own speech, and although among
the Palatines there was much ignorance and superstition. After the
thorities. -ThefuUest data are given in Mills's Statistics of South Carolina, p. 173,
and ft. Other estimates may be found in Smyth, i., 207 ; The Case of the Dissent
ers in South Carolina, 1703 ; Glen's Report to the Lords of Trade, Hist. Coll.,
Weston ; Glen's Description of South Carolina ; Milligan's Account of South Ca;--
olina, in Carroll's Hist. Coll., ii., 24 ; Purry's Account of South Carolina, in Carroll's
Hist. Coll., ii., 128 ; Von Reek's Journal, and Bolzius.
' Arehdale's Description of South Carolina, Carroll, ii., 100. ' Ibid.
' Letter from South Carolina, p. 41, in Bishop Kennett's Tracts.

174 HISTORY OF THE
risings of 1715 and 1745, bodies of Highlanders came out and settled
in the back districts, chiefly as small farmers and Indian traders. The
largest and most steady immigration, however, came from the north
of Ireland. Those English or Scotch-Irish, with English names, and
of the Presbyterian sect, were, like the Huguenots, a strong and flour
ishing element in the community. They founded some of the most
important families, and produced some of the most brilliant leaders of
South Carolina.'
From this brief enumeration of the varied sources from which the
population of South Carolina was drawn, it may be readily inferred
that the great majority of her people dissented in religious belief
from the Church of England. The establishment of the English
Church, therefore, and the general religious policy and condition of
religion, form a most curious chapter in the history of the province.
The charter of 1669, providing for the support of the English
Church by the govenment, also guaranteed to the colonists religious
toleration. More settlers were attracted by the latter clause than
the former ; and political power remained with the dissenters. No
clergy of the English Church came to the colony for many years
after its foundation; and it was not until 1681 that an Episcopal
church was built in Charieston by private benevolence.'' Jealousy of
the growth and prosperity of the Huguenot population induced an
intolerance toward them, and a restraint of their freedom, which led
to complaints on their part, and thence, in 1697, to an act securing
liberty of worship to all Protestant sects," while in the following year
a grant was made by the Assembly for the maintenance of the single
Episcopal church, the ruling dissenters, under the lead of Governor
Blake, cheerfully giving their support to tbe act.* This policy of a
true and broad toleration met with general acquiescence, but it was
of short duration. The question of religion became involved in the
bitter, turbulent, and factious political struggles of tbe time. A\-
though two-thirds of the people, and those the richest and most com
mercial, were dissenters, a small and corrupt set of officials, sustained
by a faction of High-Churchmen, succeeded by moans of high-handed
measures, and by frauds and riots at the elections, in securing to them-
' In regard to the elements of population in South Carolina, see Doc. relating
to South Carolina, Weston, Glen's Report, p. 82, 166; Mills's Statistics, p. 173, and
ff. ; O'Neall's Annals of Newbury, pp. 27, 32.
« Anderson's Hist, of Colonial Church, ii., 328, 461. « Ibid., 465,
* Case of the Dissenters in Carolina, p. 11 ; Mills, p. 216.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 175
selves control of the government. They at once used their power to
effect the political ruin of the dissenters; and in the year 1704 passed
acts for the organization of the Church, vesting the governing power
in the hands of a lay commission, for the exclusion or disfranchise
ment of dissenters, and against occasional conformity. This policy
pleased no one. The members of the Church disliked the lay com
mission ; the dissenters were, of course, outraged beyond endurance,
and opposition also found vent among the London merchants, who saw
their trade deeply injured by this intolerance. The dissenters at once
sent an agent to England, who laid the case before Parliament. The
House of Lords passed resolutions condemning all the acts, the Queen,
on address, declared them null and void, and in 1706 they were re
pealed by the Assembly.'
Even during this brief period of absolute rule the dominant spirit
in religious matters seems to have been of a Puritanic cast. A strong
law was passed against blasphemy ; and any one denying the Trinity,
the truth of religion, or the Scriptures, was disfranchised for the flrst
offence, and outlawed for the second." The Sunday laws of a later
time partook of the same character, and showed at the same time the
real weakness of the Church party. Attendance upon some church
was required under a penalty; trade, work, and sports, as well as
drunkenness, wore prohibited on the Sabbath ; innkeepers were for
bidden to entertain any but genuine travellers, and no writ or process
could be legally served."
The obnoxious legislation of 1704 did not strengthen the Estab
lished Church, which had for many years but a feeble growth. It
retained, however, its organization and unquestioned recognition as
the State Church, and its ascendency was maintained for the next
seventy years. The province was divided politically into parishes,
and in each there was nominally at least a vestry and church-wardens
to whom certain functions of local government wero assigned. Tiiey
had charge of the poor, assessed and collected the poor rates, and
also superintended the elections.* All the clergy, dissenting and con
forming, were elected by the people, and were men of excellent char
acter. The latter were paid by the Assembly by funds raised from
tho custom duties, and were sent out by the society for the propa-
' Party Tyranny in South Carolina, 1705 ; Case of tlie Dissenters of Carolina,
1704; Mills, p. 216; Grimke, Laws of South Carolina, 1703 ; Arehdale's Descrip
tion of South Carolina, Carroll, ii., 117 ; Anderson, iii., 478.
= Grimlie, 1703-'4. ^ Ibid., 1712. " Ibid., 1712, 1721, 1722.

176 HISTORY OF THE
gation of the Gospel. They were hard-working men, who taught
schools, and labored also among the negroes ; and tho respect they in
spired is shown by the funds bequeathed to them by benevolent per
sons for educational and religious purposes. A general spirit of tol
eration prevailed after the early conflicts, and its good effects were
seen in the spread of religion, and in the high character of the min
istry. In the middle of the eighteenth century Governor Glen estimated
the members of the Established Church as forming nearly one-half
the population ; but this is probably an official exaggeration, and there
can bc little question that the dissenting sects were much the most
numerous. In Charleston the Established Church had two handsome
brick churches, while there were six meeting-houses of dissenting sects,
besides an assembly of Quakers and another of Jews. In the year
1749 the ministers were paid by the Assembly, but there were six
teen parishes, and these notoriously incomplete. The State Church
was, in fact, but a small sect, controlling probably not a flfth of the
population. The largest dissenting sect was the Presbyterian, sup
ported by tho Scotch-Irish immigration. The Quakers, who played
an important part at the beginning, gradually dwindled, and finally
became extinct, owing to their disowning slave-holders, and to their cour
ageous opposition to slavery. The clergy of the Established Church,
differing widely from those of Virginia and Maryland in their zeal,
character, and steady work, were no less distinct in their politics. Not
one-quarter of the Virginian or Maryland ministers, who were almost
all bitter Tories, espoused the patriot side ; while in South Carolina
the case was exactly reversed, and her excellent ministers, as a rule,
sided with the opposition to England. They thus retained their hold
upon the affections of the people, and preserved their organization
through the Revolution. The clergy of all sects in South Carolina
formed the principal, if not the only, learned class ; their position in
society was respectable ; and they confined themselves to their pro
fessional duties, leaving to laymen the conduct of pleasure and busi
ness.' The early government was under the charter of Charles IL, and
nominally, at least, in conformity with the famous constitutions drawn
' For this account of Church and sects in South Carolina, see Doc. relating to
South CaroHna, Weston, Glen's Report, pp. 80, 178 ; De Brahm, ibid., p. 178 ; Mills,
p. 216 ; Glen's Description, p. 78 ; Missionaries sent to Carolina, Humphreys, in
Carroll, ii. ; O'Neall, Annals of Newbury, p. 32.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 177
by Shaftesbury. The rule of the proprietaries was generally bad and
unpopular, and at one time it was found necessary to pass a law to pun
ish any one speaking against the lords proprietary ;' but the bad gov
ernment went on, the people became more and more discontented,
and remonstrated more and more frequently.'' At last the colony
was turned over to the King, and the government assumed the form
usual in the Crown. provinces. It consisted of a Governor and Coun
cil of twelve, constituting the Upper House, appointed by the King,
and an Assembly, chosen by the people. The Governor was much
less powerful than was commonly the case; and although Glen, who
held the office, wished for more power, he felt obliged to confess that
on general grounds it was very well as it was. The Governor, of
course, represented the Crown, and could convoke, prorogue, and dis
solve the Assembly. He also had the power of reprieve, until instruc
tions could be received in tbe case from England. His weakness was
due to his slender patronage, which extended only to justices of the
peace and officers of the militia. The important offices were granted
by the Crown, and included, besides the Council, the judiciary, the
secretary of the province, the attorney, and the surveyor-general, and
some lesser but more lucrative offices, such as the provost marshal
and clerk of the Crown and Pleas — sinecures held at one time by the
dramatist, Richard Cumberland, who made various attempts to capi
talize them by sale to the Assembly.
The Assembly was chosen by the freeholders voting by ballot, and
the members were required to own five hundred acres of land and ten
slaves, or be worth one thousand pounds in land, houses, and other
property. They represented the parishes in theory according to a
proportional system, but the parishes were very unequally divided ;
some towns which were entitled to representation had none ; and the
Charleston precinct returned a majority of the delegates, and absorb
ed the lion's share of the political power. The Assembly held the
purse-strings, and possessed the patronage of all the financial offices,
such as the public treasurer, the county controllers, the powder re
ceiver, and Indian commissioner."
Revenue was raised chiefiy from general duties on everything but
the manufactures of Great Britain, and from exported deer-skins.
' Grimke, 1691. ^ Party Tyranny in Carolina, 1705.
^ In rega"rd to organization of government, see Doc. relating to South Carolina ;
Glen's Report,pp. 80,105, 127 » Grimke, 1721 ; Milligan's Account, 1763, Carroll,
ii.,465. 12

178 HISTORY OF THE
There was also a direct tax on realty and personalty. The quit-rents,
when they could be collected, were paid to the Crown, to which the
duties on imported negroes and liquors were likewise granted by the
Assembly. The salaries and ordinary expenses of government absorb
ed the revenue ; but both were insignificant, and taxation was, as a
rule, very light and little felt.'
The judiciary was arranged in a rough way upon the English
model, but without any attention to legal acquirements on the part of
the judges. There was a court of chancery, consisting of the Govern
or and Council, and an admiralty court, appointed by the Lords Com
missioners of Admiralty. There was also a court of common pleas,
holding quarter-sessions in the districts, and sitting once a year as a
court of oyer and terminer. The judges of this court were appointed
by the Crown, and transacted most of the legal business of the col
ony, sitting- in Charleston exclusively until within a few years of
the Revolution. There were also small county or justices' courts,
to try petty causes, and attend to the punishment of slaves and ser
vants. These inferior eourts meted out justice in a very rough fash
ion, it is said, especially in the back districts. The power of punish
ment for contempt appears to have been freel}' exercised, and a fine
of five pounds infiicted upon tbe judge and county attorney for a per
sonal encounter in the court-room gives a curious idea of the back
woods administration of justice."
The common law prevailed, and at an early day an act was passed
for the Habeas Corpus, and certain English statutes, beginning with
Magna Charta, were declared to be in force by tbe Assembly. The
criminal laws were very severe, and crime was on the increase, owing
chiefiy, in all probability, to the savage ignorance of the negroes.
Criminals were punished in the simple fashion of the day — by whip
ping, stocks, and pillory — and any form of restraint, indeed, was prob
ably out of the question, if we may judge from the stories of the
prisoners breaking out of the court-room and fighting in the yard."
There was much litigation ; and as the administration of justice was
centred at Charleston, a good class of lawyers began to grow up in
the years preceding- the Revolution, and the profession was both re-

' Glen's Report, p. 98 ; Grimke, 1731 ; Glen's Description.
= Smyth, i., 206,207; Glen's Report, p. 80; De Brahm, p. 178; Mills, p. 192;
Grimke, 1721, 1736 ; O'Neall, Annals of Newbury, p. 18.
' Grimke, 1712; Rochefoucauld, i., 563, 565 ; O'Neall, p. 18.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 179
spectable and promising, although still numerically small.' Other pro
fessions fared less well than those of law and divinity. We hear of
no physicians, and the practice of medicine was probably, for the most
part, in rude and unskilled hands. There was no navy and no regu
lar army ; but, owing to the dread of negro insurrection, the militia,
numbering eight thousand, were efficient, well-drilled, and well-armed."
The occupations of the great body of the inhabitants were agricult
ural. Almost all thS whites were planters or farmers. The country
was roughly but effectually cleared by cutting or burning the trees,
the former being the most common and profitable, as the lumber was
exported. The chief product was rice, introduced about the year
1694. Its cultivation rapidly increased, owing to thp groat profits —
one slave raising more than his own value in a year ; but by the
middle of the century the staple was over - planted, the zenith of
great prosperity had passed, and low prices ruled. The loss of in
come thus occasioned was made good at the time, however, by the
introduction of indigo, which soon nearly equalled rice in value and
importance. Corn and cotton were also raised in large quantities, and
cattle multiplied with great rapidity. Many planters had herds of two
or three thousand head, which ran wild, and were penned and counted
yearly ; and owing to this inexpensive mode of grazing, large quan
tities of beef were exported with great profit to the West Indies."
The prosperity consequent upon these productions was of late date.
Under the rule of the proprietaries, not only the evils incident to a
new settlement — such as disease, fires, and Indian wars — had to be
encountered, but the wretched and corrupt condition of the govern
ment, and the violent and factious divisions of party, as well as the
pirates, who infested the coast, ruined trade, and were connived at
by government officials, retarded all progress. Yet even then those
of tbe colonists who were not given up to dissipation rapidly accu
mulated property.* After the establishment of the firm and well-or
dered royal government, rapid growth and prosperity ensued. The
' Rochefoucauld, i., 563.
' De Brahm, Doc. relating to South Carolina, Weston ; Dr. Milligan's Account
of South Carolina, Carroll, ii., 465.
' Smyth, ii., 63, 70, 78, 79 ; Doc. relating to South Carolina, Glen's Report ; De
Brahm, ibid. ; Mills, p. 160 ;, Glen's Description, p. 95 ; Stephens's Journal, ii., 129.
¦* Purry's Account of South Carolina, Carroll, ii., 128 ; Proceedings of South
Caroima in 1719, ibid., p. 146 ; Mills, p. 160 ; Grimke, 1685, 1703 ; Arehdale's De
scription of Carolina, Carroll, ii.

180 HISTORY OF THE
pirates were broken up, and the rice trade began. In the decade from
1730 to 1740 exports and imports doubled; and, although there was
some falling off after the decline in rice set in, they amounted at the
period of the Revolution to six or seven hundred thousand pounds an
nually, and employed between one hundred and fifty and two hundred
vessels. Much of this was due to the better system of trade in South
Carolina than in the 'other members of the southern group. Some few-
planters attempted to save money by exporting directly ; but the great
majority sold their products to the Charleston merchants, who shipped
them to England, the northern colonies, Europe, and the West Indies.
This made trade much sounder than in Virginia and Maryland, but did
not rid South Carolina of the evils of depreciated currency — dating
back to Quean Anne's wars — or of the total lack of industries. Not
only every luxury and every manufactured article was brought from
Eno-land, but even objects of prime necessity were imported. During
a large part of the colonial period the province was dependent on New
York and Philadelphia for flour and bacon. Every form of skilled
labor was high-priced, and mechanics were in great demand ; and the
carrying trade was wholly in the hands of British and New England
merchants. There were, in fact, absolutely no industries of any kind,
except those of agriculture and a profltable traffic with the Indians,
carried on by the Charleston merchants, who transported their goods
to the West on pack-horses.' Those merchants, who did so much for
the well-being of the state, were generally rich men, who did not spec
ulate, but bought from the planters, and carried on a strictly legiti
mate trade." Yet they were regarded , as an inferior class by the
planters, who formed the bulk of the population, and absolutely con
trolled the state." There were, indeed, but two classes in South Car
olina — the planters and tbe slaves — forming as pure and despotic an
aristocracy as could well be imagined. With the exception of the
Scotch Highlanders, who farmed in the back districts, small landhold
ers and poor whites were few in number, and the indented servants
were not numerous.
' Smyth, i., 208 ; ii., 63, 66, 70, 84, 86 ; Doc. relating to South Carolina, Glen,
pp. 71, 82, 190; De Brahm, ibid. ; MiUs, p. 160 ; Grimke, 1721, 1746, 1769; Glen's
Description, for account of currency; and also, p. 80, for labor ; Purry's Account,
Carroll, ii. ; Proceedings of South Carolina, 1719, ibid., p. 146, as to frauds in
currency ; also Von Reek's Journal, 1733, and Bolzius.
' Rochefoucauld, i., 677 ; Glen's Description, p. 78, and summary of occupations.
' Ibid., ii., 176.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 181
The condition of this last class did not diffe.v essentially from that
in the other colonies. They were generally " reaemptioners," who
paid their passage to America by selling themselves into service for
a term of years. Their masters were at liberty to whip them ; they
were punished with additional years of servitude if they ran away ; no
one could trade with them ; and their travel was strictly limited. At
the expiration of this degraded servitude they received a certificate
of freedom, and were soon lost among the poor whites and small
farmers.' Far more important was the still lower class of African slaves. They
greatly outnumbered all other elements of population, and were the
foundation and support of the whole industrial and economical sys
tem. They numbered more than one hundred thousand, of whom
about eighty per cent, were employed on plantations, and the remain
der as house servants, and in various menial capacities. They per
formed all the hard work of the colon}-. They cost about forty pounds
each ; and as they produced in one year more rice or indigo than suf
ficed to pay their entire value, the profit upon them was very large,
and the temptation to get all the work possible out of them very great.
The culture of both rice ahd indigo was sickly, and this, joined to un
remitting toil, wore them down rapidly, so that they became prema
turely old and shrivelled, presenting a marked contrast to the slaves
of Virginia. The slave legislation of South Carolina resembles, in a
general way, that of the northern colonies ; but a close examination
reveals some very characteristic differences. Mixture of races was
prevented, and the taint of black blood rendered hopeless by laws
making all negro, mulatto, or mestizo children follow the condition
of the mother, unless freed before the court. Slaves could be bap
tized, were not to be beaten without cause, and excessive punishments
were prohibited, and the hours of labor fixed — limitations which show
very forcibly the habits of the masters. No slave could be absent
from his plantation without a ticket, and any white person was au
thorized to stop a slave, examine and beat him, and, if he resisted,
could lawfully kill him. All persons were empowered to disperse
meetings of blacks, and those hurt in the common cause — the pursuit
of fugitive slaves — were to be rewarded at public expense. A justice
and two freeholders could try a slave for any offence, and, against
slaves and free negroes, the evidence of other slaves and of Indians was

' Grimke, 1744.

182 HISTORY OF THE
admissible. Heavy penalties were exacted from them for all crimes,
and especially for conspiracy. They could neither buy, nor sell, nor
hire horses, nor travel in companies of more than seven, and were
fovbiddon to learn to write. The wilful murder of a slave was expiated
by a fine of seven hundred pounds, and manslaughter by one of three
hundred and fifty. Those who harbored fugitives were heavily fined;
while enticing a slave away was, until a late period of the colony,
punished by death, which remained the penalty for stealing them.
No planter was allovyed to leave his plantation except in charge of a
white, and the law required that slaves should never bo left alone.
All whites were obliged to go armed to church, and patrols from the
militia were constantly on duty to search for arms, and give all stray
negroes whom they met twenty lashes.' This legislation shows in
every line tho atmosphere of terror in which the planters lived, and
there is a careful ferocity and well-planned barbarity which is wholly
wanting to the northward. But the grounds for this fear-inspired
code were only too real. The negroes were hopelessly degraded.
They were rarely baptized or married, but lived, like animals, in a
state of promiscuous intercourse. After six days of incessant labor
for their masters, they were permitted on the seventh to work for
themselves. Their condition, therefore, was one of almost complete
barbarism, and they retained some of the savage bravery and inde
pendence which a kinder dispensation had almost obliterated in their
Virginian brethren. The planters were always haunted by the dread
of a West Indian rising and massacre. Combinations and conspiracies
were constant sources of anxiety. It was believed that the slaves
were ever ready to run away and form frontier communities, which
would menace the safety pf the province, and it is certain that the
negroes were dangerous, discontented, hated the whites, and were
always ripe for revolt. Insurrections, involving more or less blood
shed, did, in fact, break out during the eighteenth century." In South
Carolina, too, there was none of the distinction between theory and
practice which prevailed elsewhere. The slaves were hai-shly and
cruelly treated, and grievously overworked. A clergyman who vent
ured to preach in regard to the savage treatment of tbe slaves was
I Grimke, 1712, 1740, 1743, 1746, 1751, 1764. There is a summary of this legis
lation in Rochefoucauld, i., 564.
' As to slavery in South CaroUna, see Smyth, i., 205 ; ii., 68, 70 ; Doc. relating
to South Carolina, Glen's. Report ; De Brahm, ibid. ; Milligan, Carroll, ii., 465 ; Von
Reek's Journal ; Bolzius's Journal ; Stephens's Journal, i., 399 ; ii., 129.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 183
sharply reproved by his congregation. " Sir," they said, " we pay
you a genteel salary to read to us the prayers of the liturgy, and to
explain to us such parts of the Gospel as the rule of the Church di
rects; but we do not want you to teach us what to do with our
blacks." The unlucky pastor was completely silenced.' A traveller
records the spectacle of a negro exposed alive in a cage to die of hun
ger and thirst. The miserable wretch was torn by birds, and his eyes
had been picked out. His crime was the murder of an overseer, and
the argument in favor of this ghastly punishment was the defence of
society." Such extreme barbarity was probably not common, but it
vividly illustrates the state of a society which required such a defence.
The planters who lived in the midst of such a slavery, and sustain
ed it, were not only an overwhelming majority among the whites, but
practically owned and governed the province. Approaching them as
masters, we see the worst side of South Carolinian society, but we
also clearly appreciate the fact that it was an aristocracy of the most
marked kind. Lords and slaves formed the community. The former
maintained an anxious and grinding despotism, and were, as a class,
brave, imperious, hot-tempered, and too often fierce and cruel.
The plantations were, as elsewhere, scattered through the forests
and along the banks of rivers ; but the planters did not live on their
estates unless they were in the neighborhood of Charleston, but left
them in charge of overseers. They all had houses in Charleston, and
there the whole life of the colony — social, political, legal, and com
mercial — centred. The town stood low, near the mouths of the Coo
per and Ashley rivers, and contained, at the time of the Revolution,
rather more than fifteen thousand inhabitants. The streets were well
laid out, although unpaved and sandy ; and the public buildings and
churches were handsome for the time, with some architectural preten
sions. The houses were nearly all of brick, with broad verandas, and
contrived always with a view to mitigate the intense heat. Although
the population seems small to modern notions of cities, it was by no
means so insignificant in the eighteenth century ; and the peculiar
structure of society made the wealthy and fashionable classes much
more numerous proportionally than they ever would be in a northern
or in an English town of the same size. All labor was performed ex
clusively by negroes, who formed half the population ; while the rest
of the inhabitants, with the exception of a few shopkeepers, were
' Cr^vecoeur, p. 224. " Ibid., p. 234.

184 HISTORY OF THE
officials, wealthy planters and merchants, or the best professional men
in the colony. The centralization thus effected was something quite
uncommon in the English provinces. Charieston had no rivals— the
other towns being small— and absorbed and drew to itself every inter
est of the province.' In the immediate vicinity of Charieston the
plantations were occupied by their owners, and were well maintained.
The negro huts, of course clustered about the house, gave the usual
village-like look ; but there were handsome gardens and fine avenues,
showing the effects of a close contact with society, instead of the Vir
ginian isolation." The town produced the same effect upon facilities
for travel. Although the roads were often sandy and heavy, they
were well laid out. Causeways were built over marshes, and private
roads were as good as those built by the public. This was true only
of the great roads leading north and south, and of those near Charles
ton and the sea-coast. In the interior travel was difficult, and the
roads little more than woodland paths."
Many planters lived in Charieston all the year round ; and all of
them, as well as many invalids from the West Indies, gathered there
in summer, for the relief afforded by the sea-breeze.* This constant
social contact and town life had of course a marked effect. The
South Carolinians were at bottom the same country gentlemen as
those of Virginia; but they were more polished, more men of the
world, and more refined in manners and habits of life. There was all
the gayety of a fashionable watering-place in Charleston. In winter
assemblies were held every fortnight, with " a brilliant appearance "
of well-dressed women, besides frequent dinners, balls, supper-parties,
and amateur concerts. There was also "a genteel play-house, and a
tolerable set of actors." In summer no amusements except riding
and driving were possible ; but in winter there were field-sports of
every description, such as fox-hunting and horse-racing, foot-ball, bear
and bull baiting, and entertainments described in the laws as " inter
ludes and common plays." Nothing began until after four in the af
ternoon ; and besides tho more innocent pleasures just described, the
gambling-bouses were crowded, and high play prevailed."
' For contemporary accounts of Charleston, see Michaux's Travels, p. 7 ; Smyth,
i., 202 ; ii., 82 ; Glen's Answers, in Doc. relating to South Carolina ; De Brahm, ibid.,
p. 178; Milligan, CarroU, ii., 465 ; Von Reek's Journal ; Rochefoucauld, i., 556.
* Memoirs of Elkanah Watson.
' De Bralim, p. 178; Rochefoucauld, i., 688. * Cr^vecoeur, p. 214.
' For amusements, see Crdveooeur, p. 214 ; Grimke, 1712; Milligan, Carroll, ii.,
465 ; Rochefoucauld, i., 568.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 185
The men led a rather wild and dissipated life, and drank deeply-
an intemperance which in that climate carried them off very early, and
their mortality was so marked, that the women, who contented them
selves with the brackish water of the coast, always married two or three
times. These fortunate ladies were much in society, but modest, at
tractive, and accomplished. Many of them played upon tho harp, and
sang well. The climate caused them to fade early ; and it is said they
looked old at thirty.' The life of both sexes was one of greater lux
ury than in any other American colony, and was sensual, self-indul
gent, and indolent. Women never walked, and men but rarely. No
family had less than twenty slaves as house -servants, and extrava
gance, although there were few very large fortunes, was the rule. All
had handsome equipages and horses, and kept open house. They
were extremely hospitable, and the negroes were directed in the coun
try to ask in any passing stranger. The effect of slavery and of tbe
warm climate was perceptible in the slovenliness which showed itself
even in tho most extensive establishments ; but the general character
istics were luxury and comfort."
In the back country life was much ruder, and the people of a lower
class; but except near Cape Fear, where the inhabitants, after the
North Carolina fashion, avoided taxes and quit-rents, law and order
prevailed, although the planters usually ruled with a high hand.
Thanks to the absence of freed servants and poor whites, there was
little or no poverty. All who were not rich planters were small and
self-supporting farmers and Indian traders or hunters."
General education could hardly be said to exist even after tbe Rev
olution ; there were no free and scarcely any paid schoolsi and there
was no college. The very excellent clergy did what they could to
remedy the prevailing ignorance, even among the blacks, and both
they and laymen left bequests for the foundation of school,*. But this
general illiteracy did not obtain among the numerous and powerful
body of planters.* The sons of the rich were all educated in Europe,
' Smyth, ii., 64 ; Cr^veooeur, p. 214 ; Milligan, CarroU, ii., 465 ; Purryj ibid., p. 178.
^ Smyth, ii., 83 ; Glen's Answers, p. 82 ; Milligan, Carroll, ii., 466 ; Memoirs of
Elkanah Watson ; Rochefoucauld, i., 555, 574, 591 ; De Brahm, p. 178.
" Smyth, i., 205 ; ii., 80 ; Glen's Answers, p. 67 ; O'Neall, Annals of Newbury,
p. 18.
* MiUs's Statistics of South Carolina, p. 216 ; Milligan, CarroU, ii.,465 ; O'NeaU,
generaUy, and especiaUy, pp. 86, 111, 249 ; Anderson's Hist. Col. Church, iii., 488 ;
Rochefoucauld, i., 580.

186 HISTORY OF THE
and in Charleston, besides a society for the promotion of literature,
there was also a library society, promoted by Governor Bull, which
imported many valuable books and gave them circulation ; yet despite
these societies and the comparatively high education of the upper
classes, there was no native literature of any sort. The Rev. Alex
ander Garden produced some controversial tracts under the stimulus
of Whitefield, and a few sermons found their way into print ; but this
was all. Intellectual development, except in politics and trade, did
not go farther in South Carolina than in the other southern colonies.
In all connected with these two subjects of politics and commerce,
there was no lack of acuteness and experience, nor of love of indepen
dence. The utter dependence both in exports and imports drew South
Carolina closer to England than the other provinces, and the result
was seen in the active existence of a powerful and bitter Tory party
when the Revolution came. But the strongest and best among the
planters adopted the patriot cause, and carried the State safely through
the stress of war. We find in South Carolina that the northern qual
ities perceptible in Virginia have wholly disappeared, while all the south
ern elements have been intensified. Her close slave-holding aristoc
racy produced many leaders of ability, who rendered great services to
tbe cause of the united colonies, and afterward gave their State a strong
position in the country, and a place second only to that of Virginia in
the southern group.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 187

Chapter IX.
GEORGIA FROM 1732 TO 1765.
The settlement of South Carolina, and the danger to which the in
habitants were exposed of incursions from the Spaniards and Indians,
drew early attention to the fertile region lying between the Savannah
River and the boundaries of Florida. Nothing, however, was done to
occupy this territory until after the Carolinas had formally passed into
the possession of the Crown, and that portion of the new provinces
which afterward became Georgia was retained by the King when tho
governments of the Carolinas were settled.
The Atlantic coast of the United States was from the time of its
discovery the field for many experiments. Some were Utopias de
signed for the regeneration of mankind, which never got farther than
the paper on which they were described, while others failed when put
to the hard tests of life in a new country. Even the colonies actually
founded present every variety of origin and motive, from the highest
and most far-reaching pHrposes of politics and religion to the small
beginnings of posts for thj better prosecution of the fur trade. Among
all these, Georgia was the only one to owe its foundation to charity.
The benevolent scheme, out of which a state was finally developed,
would be dull enough historically, were it not for one or two of the
principal personages who figured in the history of the youngest of the
American colonies.
Among those who led the English race into the wilds of North
America, and who there won noble places in the world's records as
founders of states and of a nation, were many strong men of striking
character and marked ability. In this goodly company there is hard
ly one who is more conspicuous or more interesting than the gallant
soldier who founded Georgia. Some of them may have been actuated
by more important principles of politics or religion ; but there is not
one who displayed greater devotion to duty or greater unselfishness,
or to wbom any colony from its inception owed more than Georgia
did to James Oglethorpe.

188 HISTORY OF THE
The colonization of Georgia is naturally the achievement by which
Oglethorpe is best known, and upon which his fame rests ; but his ca
reer was in every way a reniarkable one. His active life covered more
than three-quarters of a century. He sprang from an ancient famil}',
and one whioh had sacrificed both life and fortune in the eause of the
Stuarts. By inheritance he was a Jacobite, and was always a high
Tory ; but his loyalty to the reigning house was unstained, and he
proved his devotion by his service against the Pretender in " forty-
five." Born iust at the close of the reiffu of James II., Oglc-
1688. o 7 s
thorpe entered tbe army at an early age. He served with Marl
borough in the Low Countries, was with Peterborough in his Italian
embassy, and then, as aide-de-camp to Prince Eugene, wont through
all tbe battles fought by that commander with the Turks, and was
present at Petrawardin and the siege of Belgrade. His long life
extending to 1785, during which his powers of mind and body re
mained unimpaired, connects him with every period of tbe eighteenth
century. An officer with Marlborough and Eugene, the defender of
Atterbury, and immortalized in the familiar lines of Pope, his say
ings are also recorded by Boswell, he was the friend of Johnson, was
sneered at by Walpole, after his death, for not living longer, and is
even united to our own times by his appearance in the diary of Sam
uel Rogers, to whom he described the days when he had shot snipe
in what is now Conduit Street in London. Such a life and such a
career deserve a better relation than scanty materials have permitted ;
but even with what remains, the brave soldier, and the honest, upright,
kind-hearted gentleman, stands out clearly ; and in the early history
of Georgia there is an abundance of information which exhibits him
not only as a soldier, but as a strong leader and wise administrator.
That Oglethorpe made mistakes is not only probable, but was inevita
ble ; for, in addition to all that may be set down to human fallibili
ty under difficult circumstances, was the fact that he did his work
under an impracticable system, and to further a generous but proba
bly impossible experiment. Yet, after every deduction has boon made,
he is a man whom any state might regard with reverence and admi
ration as its founder, first ruler, and defender.
After his return from campaigning against the Turks with Prince
Eugene, Oglethorpe was chosen to Parliament. He was a use
ful and active member, a sensible and straightforward speaker,
and was especially interested in what would now be called domestic
reform. He did much for the relief of abuses, and his attention wa-=

ENGLISH COLONIES fk AMERICA. 189
at last drawn to the condition of the debtors' prisons. He obtained
the appointment of a special committee, and their investiga
tions brought to light a state of affairs which was simply fright
ful. Prosecutions and legislation followed ; but Oglethorpe, not sat
isfied with this, devised a scheme for settling members of the debtor
class in America, in the hope of giving these unfortunates an oppor
tunity to redeem their past, and at the same time relieve England
from the burden of their support. An association was formed, with
a Board of Trustees, to serve without pay, and was incorporated for
twenty-one years under a charter giving them all the territory be
tween the Savannah and the Altamaha. Upon these Trustees the
power was conferred to raise money by subscription, govern and de
fend the colony, make laws, and establish courts. The liberties, fran
chises, and immunities of citizens of Great Britain were guaranteed
to the colonists, as well as liberty of conscience to all except Papists.
The promoters of this benevolent scheme hoped to accomplish much
by their enterprise. South Carolina was to be protected by the bar-
rierof new settleinents ; the improvident debtor was to be convert
ed into a producing and profitable subject; other oppressed people
were to be invited to this haven of rest and prosperity ; independent
settlers were to come over and form a class of large landholders,
and bring servants with them ; Christianity was to be spi-ead among
the Indians, and silk, wine, oil, and dyestuffs were to be produced,
which would vastly increase the wealth and aid the manufactures
of the mother country. With such projects, visionary though they
were, and with free passage and a gratuity of tools and lands, tbe
Trustees had no lack of volunteers from whom to choose colonists.
Thirty-five of the best and soberest families were selected, and under
the charge of Oglethorpe, who had been made Governor and General,
with full powers but no pay, they sailed from England in November,
1732, and reached Charleston in the middle of the followinn-
1733. - =
January.
The emigrants were warmly received in South Carolina, both by
government and people ; and Oglethorpe at once made a journey to
the south and selected a site for the settlement. There, to a chosen
spot, a bluff overlooking the river, Oglethorpe brought his company
and founded the future city of Savannah. Under his energetic guid
ance rapid progress was made. Houses were built, supplies and mon
ey obtained, treaties made with the Indians, the town laid out in
wards and tithings, courts established, and the land divided into lots.

190 HISTORY OF THE
Ample provision was made for defence, and Fort Argyle was built on
tho Ogeechee as an outlying post. Fresh colonists arrived, among
them Jews, to whom the Trustees made objection — the first indication
of their narrow views. Money was voted by Parliament ; and in the
following year came a ship-load of the oppressed and exiled Salz-
burgers, who, under the lead of Oglethorpe, founded another town,
to which they gave the name of Ebenezer. Everything had
prospered with the new colony, and in May Oglethorpe re
turned to England, taking- with him the Indian chief, Tomochichi.
In the following year Oglethorpe returned at the head of what is
known as the "grand emigration." The news of the success-
1736." ^^^^ beginnings of the colony had spread, and settlers came from
among the Salzburgers and Moravians, as v»'ell as from Eng
land, many being of a better class than were the first beneficiaries of
the Trustees. In this second emigration, also, came two more of those
marked characters which have given a peculiar personal interest and
animation to the early history of Georgia. Charles Wesley came out
as Oglethorpe's secretary, and John Wesley as missionary to the In
dians. The former made trouble by slandering Oglethorpe, and by
injudicious and factious meddling, while the latter embroiled the
whole settlement by a love affair in which he was disappointed, and
by his zealous religious intolerance. The stay of the brothers in
Georgia was brief, however, and their departure was a relief to the
colony in which they had only made trouble. Their doings and
sayings, and their contentions, form an interesting chapter in their
biographies, and relieve the monotony of the early settlement ; but
they had no lasting influence or effect, and their sojourn in America
was to them and to Georgia simply an episode, neither creditable nor
important. John Wesley left the colony with an indictment for libel
hanging over his head, and was replaced by an equally distinguished
leader in the great religious movement of the century. This was
George Whitefield, who succeeded far better than his predecessor, and
did much more as missionary and -preacher; but he, too, came and
went without leaving any enduring impress.
Annoying as the Wesleys were, Oglethorpe brought two far more
prolific sources of trouble than the future reformers. Parliament had
seen fit to pass two acts, one excluding rum, tbe other slaves, from
the new colony. The theory of these restrictions was sound enough ;
but one was in its nature impossible, and the other was impracticable,
not only because South Carolina employed slaves, but because it was

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 191
universally believed that Georgia could not be cultivated except by
negro labor. Rum came in from the neighboring province as fi-oely
as ever, and evasion of the law was added to drunkenness. Slaves,
too, were smuggled in now and then, and the prohibition of slavery
formed a normal grievance and subject of controversy, which became
more and more serious as time went on.
Oglethorpe found the colony much extended and improved, and
set himself at once to work with his accustomed energy to still fur
ther strengthen and spread the settlements. He superintended the
removal of the Salzburgers to a new place, extended and confirmed
the Indian treaties, established a trading -post at Augusta, and
strengthened the Scotch colony at Darien. His principal work,
however, was to found Frederica, and establish there a portion of his
new emigrants. This was a task of considerable difficulty, and while
the new settlement was in its infancy Oglethorpe was in constant fear
of a Spanish attack, which would have ruined the colony and cost
him his life. By a mixture of strategy and audacity, however, he suc-
-ceeded in warding off the danger. He had an indecisive interview
with the Spanish commissioner, upon whom he imposed by a show
of force, and gained time to form some defences ; and after settling a
variety of vexatious disputes at Savannah, he again returned to Eng
land in order to obtain troops, for he plainly perceived that the col
ony, in its weak state, would quickly fall before a Spanish invasion.
On his arrival in England, he found abundance to do in dealing
with the question of the Indian trade, which had come to an issue be
tween South Carolina and Georgia, and which was mixed up with seiz
ures of South Carolina rum by the Savannah magistrates. He had
also to repel the calumnies spread against him by opponents in the
colony, and settle the difficulties raised by the Wesleys. He steadily
persevered, too, in his main purpose of procuring aid to defend the col
ony, and was appointed General for Georgia by the King, and given
authority to raise a regiment. This he at once proceeded to do, and,
besides some regular troops sent' from Gibraltar, he raised a force of
six hundred men, with which he returned to Georaia. These
1738. . .
troops were allowed to take their families, in order to induce
them to settle in the province, and there were, besides a number of
officers, young volunteers of good family.
These re-enforcements came none too soon, for the relations be
tween England and Spain had become very strained, and a rupture
was imminent. Oglethorpe immediately strengthened his posts ev-

192 HISTORY OF THE
ervwhere, and opened a road from Frederica to the sea-forts, where he
shrewdly perceived the decisive struggle would come. He then pass
ed some time at Savannah, where there was much disorder and fac
tion. He removed the Company's store-keeper, who had been corrupt
and extravagant, retrenched expenditures, and reorganized the militia.
His most important act, however, was a visit to the Creeks and Cher
okees, for he succeeded in cheeking Spanish intrigues, and in gaining
great influence over these tribes, which he never lost, and in binding
thera firmly to the English alliance. The next effort of the Spaniards
was to stir up a negro insurrection in South Carolina which proved
very formidable, but was finally put down by the exertions of the
government, and by Oglethorpe's activity in stopping the runaways.
This attack and the murders of soldiers .at outlying posts, as well as
the news from England, decided Oglethorpe that the time had
1 739. . - .
come for energetic measures, and he accordingly made a sol
emn declaration of war at Savannah.
The winter passed in raising and disposing troops, preparing forts,
summoning Indians, and in an occasional incursion into Florida, until
in the spring Admiral Vernon appeared with the English fleet. Some
ships were detached, and a combined attack was made under Ogle
thorpe on St. Augustine. After a few slight successes everything
went wrong ; the Indians deserted, some of the troops were cut off,
ships got in and relieved the town, and Oglethorpe had finally to
withdraw, and bear the loud censure of the naval officers, and
1740- . . .
of the South Carolinians, who were chiefly to blame by their
delays. This unlucky expedition, considering the undoubted military
abilities of the commander, can only be explained by a lack of cohe
sion among the troops, and an apparent failure on the part of Ogle
thorpe, despite strenuous exertions and great gallantry, to show his
usual foresight. The invasion, although a failure, had one good re
sult, for it put the Spaniards on the defensive, and gave the colony
peace for two years. In this interval Oglethorpe had time to regu
late the internal affairs of his government, which were loose and dis
ordered, as they always became except when under his immediate su
pervision. The plan of a colony as a charitable institution did not, in
fact, work well ; the rule of the Trustees was feeble and injudicious, '
and the settlements did not grow as they would have done under a
firmer government.
Having regulated matters at Savannah, Oglethorpe returned to
Frederica, now a neatly and strongly built town of about a thousand

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 193
inhabitants ; and here he established his head-quprters, and devoted
himself to further improvements in the defences. He suffered con
tinual- annoyance from the factions at Savannah, who took advantage
of the unpopularity of the slave and liquor laws to violate them, and
to intrigue against and abuse the Governor ; and he was still further
troubled by the schemes and quarrels of Whitefieldj who, both by his
preaching and by his orphan asylum, succeeded in keeping the colony
in a state of ferment. Oo-lethorpe carried himself and his government
through these difficulties with a steady hand, and remained at his post
preparing for the Spanish attack which he foresaw would be attempted.
At last news began to come of the preparations of the Spaniards,
and Oglethorpe sent to South Carolina and to Admiral Vernon for
aid. No help came; but in the summer of 1742 the Span-
iards, with five thousand men from Florida arid Havana, and
a fleet of thirty vessels, appeared off St. Simon's Island, and threat
ened Frederica. Oglethorpe called in all his troops, but could only
muster eight hundred men, and with these he determined to defend
himself to the last extremity. His first feat was to carry relief to
one of the sea-forts, forcing his way in two galleys through the Span
ish fleet, sinking four of their galleys, and returning in safety. This
exploit greatly encouraged the troops, and a stubborn resistance was
made to the passage of the sound by a few vessels, and by the shore
batteries. When the Spaniards at last got through, Oglethorpe fell
back in good order on Frederica, and his carefully planned defences
now stood him in good stead. The Spaniards, unable to reach the
town by sea, landed troops, and advanced on the road cut by Ogle
thorpe. The English troops fled at the Spanish advance ; but a de
tachment of Highlanders and Indians, concealing themselves in the
woods, fell upon the Spaniards in the rear as they were resting, and
routed them with terrible slaughter, Oglethorpe appearing with the
other troops, which he had rallied, just at the moment of victory.
This disaster caused dissensions among the Spaniards, and Oglethorpe,
assuming the aggressive, harassed them without mercy, and flnally, by
a well-conceived stratagem, and by the fortunate appearance of some
English vessels, deceived them into the belief that hea.vy re-enforce
ments were at hand, and had the satisfaction of seeing them take to
their ships in a panic and sail away. Thus Oglethorpe saved two
provinces to England by as gallant fighting and shrewd generalship
as the whole history of the American colonies can show. In the fol
lowing year he again assumed the offensive, and carried the war into
13

194 HISTORY OF THE
Florida with his faithful Indians and Highlanders, even to the walls of
St. Augustine, reducing the Spaniards to a state of timorous
defence. He soon after left Georgia, never to return ; and
on his arrival in England, having refuted various calumnious charges
made against him by one of his officers, and by the South Carolini
ans, who had used him very badly, he was promoted to be a lieuten
ant-general. Thus closed Oglethorpe's career in America ; and few
men have ever rendered better service to their own country, or to the
commonwealths they have founded.
The colony, however, in spite of Oglethorpe's exertions, had not
thriven. The policy of the Trustees had been a narrow and mistaken
one. The Rum Act had been a constant source of trouble, discontent,
and corruption on the part of the magistrates, and was at last repealed
in 1742. The tenure of land had been made that of tail-male, with
close restrictions on alienation, and this had led to much discontent,
to opposition, petitions, and resistance, until a more liberal tenure was
granted in 1739. In the matter of slaves, the course of events was
somewhat similar. The Highlanders and Salzburgers were opposed to
the introduction of negroes, but the landholders and planters at Savan
nah were most eager for them. Petitions for the introduction of slaves
began to come in 1735 ; but, although the Trustees had no objection
to modified white slavery in the way of indented servants, they held
firm against negroes. On this subject feeling soon ran high, and all
the elements of opposition united against the Trustees with a bitter
and factious hostility, which gave Oglethorpe great trouble, and final
ly reached such a point that the quarrel became the subject of Parlia
mentary investigation. Parliament exonerated the Trustees, ordered
the repeal of the Rum Act, but refused to meddle with that against
slavery. The struggle was then renewed both in Georgia and Eng
land, and became so bitter as to threaten the very existence of the
colony. At last, in 1749, in the face of the popular demand and of
the constant violation of tbe law, the Trustees gave way and admit
ted slaves, but under humane restrictions. The system of government
by bailiffs, magistrates, and town courts proved a failure also, after
causing much bickering and faction, and was changed to government
by a President and assistants.
On Oglethorpe's departure, William Stephens, the secretary, was
made President, and continued in office until 1751, when he
was succeeded by Henry Parker. The colony, when Stephens
came into office, comprised about fifteen hundred persons. It was al-

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 196
most at a stand-still. The brilliant prospects of the early days were
dissipated, and immigration had ceased, thanks to the narrow policy
and feeble government of the Trustees. An Indian rising, in 1749,
headed by Mary Musgrove, Oglethorpe's Indian interpreter, and her
husband, one Bosomworth, who laid claim to the whole country, came
near causing the destruction of the colony, and was only repressed by
much negotiation and lavish bribes.
The colony, thus feeble aud threatened, struggled on, until it was
relieved from danger from the Indian,s and from the restrictive laws,
and encouraged by the appointment of Parker, and the establishment
of a representative government. This produced a turn in the affairs
of Georgia. Trade revived, immigration was renewed, and every
thing began to wear again a more hopeful look. Just at this time,
however, the original trust was on the point of expiring by limitation.
There was a party in the colony who desired a renewal of the char
ter ; but the Trustees felt that their scheme had failed in every way,
except perhaps as a defence to South Carolina, and when the limit of
the charter was reached, they turned the colony over to tbe
Crown. Georgia then passed from the stage of philanthropic
experiment into the normal condition of a Crown province, after the
fashion of most of the American colonies, and according to the laws
which had governed the development of all the British possessions
in America, no matter what their origin had been.
A form of government was established similar to those of the other
royal provinces, and Captain John Reynolds was sent out as
the first Governor, and was joyfully received by the inhabi
tants. The new Governor was somewhat dismayed at "the wretched
appearance of the colony, but set to work to survey and improve the
forts and other defences, established a judicial system^ and called to
gether an Assembly. This last act was the signal for immediate con
tention. In the first Assembly the trouble was caused by a faction ;
and the quarrel which concerned the Indian trade almost reached
the dimensions of a revolt. After this, matters went from bad to
worse, tbe fault now being on the side of the Governor, who fell un
der the infiuence of the secretary, a corrupt and intriguing politician ;
and this resulted in so much oppression and extortion, and the com
plaints of the colonists became so repeated and loud, that Reynolds
was at last recalled, and succeeded by Henry Ellis as Lieu-
1757* tenant-governor. The change proved fortunate, and brought
rest to tho colony. Ellis ruled peaceably and with genei-al respect

196 HISTORY OF THE
for more than two years, and was then promoted to the governor
ship of Nova Scotia. , In the same year his successor arrived
at Savannah, in the person of James Wright, who continued
to govern the province until it was severed from England by the
Revolution. The feebleness of Georgia had prevented her taking part in the
union of the colonies, and she was not represented in the Congress at
Albany. Georgia also escaped the ravages of the French war, partly
by her distant situation, and partly by the prudence of Governor Ellis ;
and the conclusion of that war gave Florida to England, and relieved
the colony from the continual menace of Spanish aggression. A great
Congress of southern Governors and Indian chiefs followed, in which
Wright, more active than his predecessor, took a prominent
part. Under his energetic and ,firm rule, the colony began
to prosper greatly, and trade increased rapidly ; but the Governor
gained at the same time so much infiuence, and was a man of so much
address, that he not only held the colony down at the time of the
Stamp Act, but seriously hampered its action in the years which led
to revolution. When tbe circular from Massachusetts arrived re
garding the Stamp Act Congress, it met with general favor in the As
sembly and among the people ; for there was deep and bitter opposi
tion here as elsewhere to the new policy of taxation. Wright, how
ever, succeeded in preventing the sending of delegates to New
York, and crippled the action of Georgia, reducing it to a mere
expression of good intentions. In the months of excitement which
ensued, great disorder prevailed ; armed bands appeared at various
points ; there were mobs in Savannah, and serious attacks meditated
upon the fort and the Governor's house ; but Wright proved equal to
the emergency. With a mere handful of troops, he kept the peace,
avoided bloodshed, and although obliged to remove the stamps to the
British man-of-war in the river, he compelled their use in clearing
vessels, a. proceeding which caused deep indignation. in South Caro
lina and elsewhere. The repeal of the Stamp Act brought a tempo
rary calm ; but Georgia, although unrepresented at New York, and
although the youngest and weakest of the provinces, was drawn into
the' general current, and when the next circular letter came
from Massachusetts, was prepared to enter into confiict with
her adroit Governor, and take a part in the history of the united col
onies and in the national movement.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 197

Chapter X.
GEORGIA IN 1765.
The late settlement of Georgia, and its use as a field for the trial
of philanthropic experiments, rendered society there, at the time of
the Revolution, extremely crude and unformed, and in the country
districts rude and wild. It was on the South. Carolina model, but
had neither the stability nor the well-defined features of its older and
stronger neighbor.
So long as the province continued in the hands of the Trustees its
progress was extremely slow, and sometimes totally arrested. The
population, when Georgia passed to the Crown, did not amount to
five thousand whites, and slaves had been excluded by the policy of
the Trustees. With the establishment of the royal government, and
especially after the treaty of Paris, slaves were imported in great
numbers, and the white immigration assumed large proportions. Just
previous to the Revolution the population had risen to over fifty thou
sand souls, of whom one-half at least were slaves.' The character of
the white population was not so good as in many of the other colo
nies. Among the first settlers there were, of course, some men of
good substance, who came out at their own expense, but the great
body of immigrants were taken from the debtors' prisons in accord
ance with the humane objects of the Trustees. Some of the persons
thus released 'made the best of their opportunities, and did well in
their new home ; but many were either vitiated by the prison life, or
were by nature shiftless, bankrupt adventurers, who were an injury to
any society, and especially to one just founded and struggling for
existence. The servants, too, were the scum of the London streets,
and, unrestrained by the severe laws in vogue elsewhere, ran away to
South Carolina and Florida, or lurked in the woods and on the boun-

' Bancroft, iv., 127, note ; Smyth, ii., 46 ; Georgia Hist. Soo. Coll., iii.. Sir James
Wright's Account.

198 HISTORY OF THE
dary-lines, and preyed upon society. Gradually better elements be
gan to eome. There were Scotch settlements at Darien and Frederi
ca ; some thriving villages of Salzburgers, and later, descendants of the
Puritans, who had settled in South Carolina in 1697 ; while a Jewish
immigration, which began with promise, was checked by the Trustees.
After the establishment of the royal government, immigration in
creased and improved. A large body of Quakers came in ] 763,
besides the usual and valuable settlers always attracted by the profits
promised in agriculture and trade.'
The government founded by the Trustees was one in name alone.
There was in reality no general government. The towns either had
no government at all, or were organized according to the taste of the
inhabitants. Savannah had bailiffs and recorder, and her govern
ment was thoroughly bad. The Salzburgers had in their villages a
semi-religious system, with large tracts of communal land held by the
Church, while at Sunbury the government was on the New England
model. The legislation of the Trustees was chiefly concerned with
matters of police, and had a general character of philanthropic med
dling. Their policy of prohibiting rum and negroes, based on moral
views, and on the scheme of making the colony a sort of half mili
tary outpost, was highly distasteful to their subjects, who grumbled
that the loss of the former destroyed their trade, and the want of the
latter made agriculture impossible. In this way the Trustees became
terribly unpopular. Their cattle were killed, their laws evaded, and
their high quit-rents avoided. A war of pamphlets ensued, political
faction ran high, all progress was stayed ; until at last the Trustees, in
disgust, handed over their charter to the Crown, and Georgia entered
upon a career of prosperity."
The first Assembly, which met at Savannah in the year 1751, seems
to have been little more than a grand-jury elected to make presenta
tions of grievances to the Council ; but a few years later the govern
ment of the Crown was organized on the usual model. There was a
Governor possessing the customary powers, a Council which sat as an
' Smyth, u., 41 ; Jones, Dead Towns of Georgia ; Moore's Voyage to Georgia, p.
24; Georgia Hist. Soe. Coll., Stephens's State of the Province; Ibid., A Brief Ac
count, p. 97 ; Lee's History of Savannah ; Rochefoucauld, i., 604 ; Graham's United
States, iv., 135.
^ Jones, Dead Towns of Georgia, pp. 23, 146 ; Georgia Hist. Coll., i.. Brief Ac
count, p. 97; Ibid., True and Hist. Narratives, p. 196; Ibid., Trustees' Account;
Lee's Savannah, p. 8, 1734 ; Stephens's Journal, i., 169.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 199
Upper House, and an Assembly. All executive and judicial officers
were appointed by the Crown, and paid fixed salaries by the British
government. The delegates were required to own five hundred acres
of land; and were chosen by the freeholders, the suffrage being con
fined to those who were proprietors of fifty acres or a town lot.'
The Governor was chancellor, and sat with the Council as a court
of chancery and of admiralty. There was also a general court of
common-pleas, county Qourts, and local justices' courts. An appeal
could be carried to the Governor if involving more than three hun
dred, and to the King in Council if more than five hundred pounds."
The militia of the colony, owing to its exposed situation, was effec
tive, and included all males between sixteen and sixty. Taxation was
light. Quit-rents were paid to the King, and revenues raised on rum,
negroes, and West India produce, supplemented by a small direct tax
on lands, houses, and slaves. The salaries were few and small, and the
necessary charges of government not above four thousand pounds,
while the militia were thriftily required to furnish themselves with
arms and clothing.'
The philanthropy of the Trustees had an effect upon the material
growth of the colony no less depressing than upon its political devel
opment. They wished to achieve the impossible, to form a communi
ty, and establish methods and habits wholly at variance with the con
ditions of climate and soil. They sought to build up a society living
in towns, aud consisting of small freeholders, after the New England
fashion in the tropical region of Georgia. To prevent the formation
of large - estates, they made grants of only fifty aeres and a town lot
to each settler in tail-male, with reversion to the Trustees, and a special
license was further required for the alienation of any estate in land.
This arrangement led to frauds and dijsatisfaction, crippled the activ
ity, and cooled the interest of the colonists, and was finally abandoned
by its projectors.* In the same spirit they interfered with the natural
course of agriculture and industry. They obliged the Salzburgers to
maintain the culture of silk, considerable quantities of which were made
and exported, and which was sustained at Ebenezer even down to the
' Georgia Hist. Soe. Coll., iii.. Sir James Wright's Account ; Lee's Hist, of Savan.
nah ; Hildreth, ii., 464.
" Sir James Wright, ibid. ; Hildreth, ii., 454. ' Sir James Wright, ibid.
* Georgia Hist. Soo. CoU., i., 25 ; Ibid., Impartial Inquiry, p. 165 ; Ibid., ii., 92,
A Brief Account; Ibid., Trustees' Account; Moore's Voyage to Georgia, p. 24;
Jones, Dead Towns of Georgia,.p. 145.

200 HISTORY OF THE
Revolution by bounties. But the manufacture was carried on at a loss,
and when state aid was withdrawn this always languishing industry
speedily expired. In a similar way they strove to enforce the plant-
ino- of vineyards and the production of oil, and not wholly without
success; but both ultimately shared the fate of the silk-worm, and
were too artificial to have any real prosperity.' For moral purposes
they prohibited the importation of negroes, whose labor was essential
in that latitude, and of rum, which injured the trade with the West
Indies. Both prohibitions were evaded by encouraging and receiving-
runaways from South Carolina, and by the open sale of the forbidden
liquor, and thus a contempt for law was engendered as well as gen
eral discontent." The general result of this whole system was that
trade stagnated, and the small plantations failed.'
Under the royal government these restrictions disappeared, rapid
progress began, and at the time of the Revolution the exports and
imports were worth one hundred and fifty thousand pounds.* The
trade was principally with Great Britain, but there was also a fair traf
fic with the West Indies. The land was being rapidly cleared and oc
cupied, and, the colony had settled down to the production of rice, in
digo, lumber, and skins obtained by a lucrative and active trade with
tho Indians. Cattle had become numerous and valuable, and cheese
andi butter were made, instead of being imported from the north.
They still depended on the Middle States for flour, which drained them
of specie ; and although they grew cotton, only a small portion was
spun by tbe Scotch settlers for domestic use. They had no manufact
ures of any sort, but were wholly dependent on the mother country
— a misfortune common to all the southern group — and no mines had
been opened. Despite these drawbacks, however, and an agriculture
much lower than that of South Carolina, Georgia was prosperous, and <
the employment of over two hundred vessels, of which thirty-six were
owned in the colony, was a sure sign of active and profitable commerce.^
The towns were, of course, insignificant, although Savannah gave
' Jones, Dead Towns of Georgia, p. 23 ; Stephens's Journal, iii., 186 ; Hist. Coll.,
i., 25.
' Hist. Coll., i., p. 25 ; Ibid., ii.. True and Hist. Narrative ; Stephens's Journal, i.,
169, 273. s Jones, Dead Towns of Georgia, pp. 23, 146.
* Smyth, ii., 50 ; Hist. Coll., iii.. Sir, James Wright's Account.
' Bartram's Travels, p. 19 ; Smyth, ii., 44, 45, 53 ; Jones, Dead Towns of Geor
gia, pp. 23, 145 ; Rochefoucauld, i., 609 ; Hist. Coll., iii.. Sir James Wright's Ac
count ; Lee's History of Savannah.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 201
promise of growth and importance. At the time of the Revolution
it was a pretty country town of some twelve hundred inhabitants,
with large, cool houses, built of wood, and separated by open spaces
of garden or field. Sunbury, founded by the New England immi
grants, came next, with about a thousand inhabitants, and a good
share of the commerce ; but it had already begun to decline in im
portance, although it still retained its character for a polite and edu
cated society of wealthy planters and farmers. Augusta, above Savan
nah, at the head of navigation, was a straggling but thriving village,
where the Indian trade centred. The chief seat of the Salzburgers
at Ebenezer was a mere hamlet ; and the Scotch settlement at Fred
erica, a neat, busy little town in the early days, when it was an out
post, had been almost deserted after the withdrawal of the troops.'
It is obvious that there was nothing in Georgia which could be
properly called town life. Almost every one was a small farmer or
planter, and large estates were comparatively rare. In the neighbor
hood of Savannah and along the coasts were many pretty plantations,
some of which possessed large houses, and displayed the Virginian
magnificence, but on all the owners led an easy, tranquil existence.
In the back districts, then being rapidly settled, the life was much
ruder, more isolated, and, owing to the -proximity of Spaniards and
Indians, very dangerous. Men went to church armed, and a trip to
Savannah was a great event, as the only mode of travel was on horse
back, whether for business or pleasure. Gigs were not introduced un
til after the Revolution, and the infrequent mail was carried through
the province by riders. Among the planters of the better sort much
time was given to the simple amusements of fishing, sailing, hunting,
and riding; while as early" as the year 1748 horse-races were estab
lished at Savannah, betting began, and a club was founded. The
gambling, once started, took a strong hold upon the people, if we may
judge from the laws against betting, gaming, and lotteries. Gambling
brawls were common, and there was not only a good deal of fighting
whenever any gathering occurred, but the brutal practice of gouging
was so much indulged in that it was found necessary to make the pil
lory and lashes the punishment for the first, and death the penalty for
the second offence."
¦ Smyth, ii., 44 ; Moore's Voyage, p. 24 ; Jones, Dead Towns of Georgia, p. 23 ;
Hist. Coll., iv.. Itinerant Observations, p. 18 ; Lee's History of Savannah.
'^ Jones, Dead Towns of Georgia, pp. 23, 146 ; Georgia Laws, 1764, 1770, 1777,
1787; Stephens's Journal, i., 329 ; ii.,421; Memoirs of Elkanah Watson.

202 HISTORY OF THE
Among the whites of Georgia there were no well-defined classes.
The groat majority of the inhabitants belonged probably to the mid
dle class — as known in Virginia — and were not distinctive or peculiar
in any way. The system they had founded was unfinished and crude,
but it was essentially aristocratic in theory, and could develop only into
an aristocracy. This was, of course, determined by the introduction of
slavery under the royal government. As soon as the blacks became nu
merous and important, legislation was framed upon the ferocious model
of South Carolina, tbe code of Georgia being little more than a repe
tition of that of the older colony. Patrols were established to search
the negro quarters for arms, beat stray blacks, and break up their
meetings. Slaves could not leave the plantations without a ticket,
nor travel in companies of more than seven ; and any one who vent
ured to teach them to write incurred a heavy penalty. The punish
ment for striking a white, if it was a second offence, was death.
Slavery was said to be milder in Georgia than in South Carolina, but
the theory of their position was the same, and they probably fared
little bettor, on the whole. It is certain that they were wretchedly
fed, clothed, and housed.' The indented servants, after the royal gov
ernment came in, differed in no respect from those of the other col
onies." These servile elements furnished the criminal class, which was
numerous and dangerous, out of proportion to the size of the colon}',
being augmented by runaway servants and slaves from the other prov
inces, who escaped into Spanish territory, mingled with the Indians,
and were a source of constant peril and fear to the outlying planta
tions. These vagabonds, when captured, received a full allowance of
whipping, branding, and pillory for their robberies and cattle liftings;
but the situation of Georgia, at the extren'iity of a line of slave states,
made even the worst punishments ineffective in reducing the number
of criminals or the frequency of crime.'
The youth and unsettled condition of the colony had, of coarse,
been unfavorable to religion and education. The religious sects va
ried from the little spiritual tyranny of the Salzburgers to tbe English
Church, and the early history of religion in Georgia is one of utter
confusion and pointless wrangling. Members of every known sect
almost — Roman Catholics alone excepted — when they arrived found
' Georgia Laws, 1765, 1778 ; Rochefoucauld, i., 609 ; Memoirs of Elkanah Wat
son. '^ Georgia Laws, 1762 ; Stephens's Journal, i., 389.
" Georgia Laws, 1778 ; Stephens's Journal, i., 367, 436.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 203
themselves confronted by Wesley, with his dictatorial ways and bitter
hostility to dissenters. The royal government produced a certain calm,
and the Church of England was duly erected, vestries formed, and taxes
authorized for the support of the clergy ; and in the toleration toward
all faiths, as well as in the general tone of ecclesiastical legislation, we
see both the numerical strength of the dissenters and the influence of
the Puritan element. All persons were compelled to attend church ;
work and play were forbidden ; taverns were closed on the Sabbath ;
and the constables, in true New England fashion, were directed to patrol
the town on Sunday morning, and see that these laws were enforced
and all delinquents punished. The Church went on smoothly enough
until the Revolution, and then was abandoned as a state institution.'
Unimportant as were the clergy, and wholly devoid of influence, the
case in regard to education was even worse. Itinerant school-mas
ters, who never stayed in any one place more than three months, were
loose characters, and habitually and proverbially drunk, had a monop
oly of teaching, and nothing else was offered by state or individuals in
the cause of education." After the Revolution a state university was
established, and the New England spirit, still lingering among tho set
tlers, founded the Sunbury Academy ; but, in the colonial period, the
illiteracy iu Georgia was necessarily extreme, and few persons were
wealthy enough to relieve the general ignorance by obtaining for
their sons a foreign education. There was no literature whatever,
except the spicy and vigorous pamphlets called out in the early days
by the Oglethorpe controversy, when none of the writers were na
tives. A printing-press and the Georgia Gazette were established at
Savannah in the year 1763, but this was all that was effected for the
diffusion of knowledge.'
The general political tendencies of the colonists did not differ much
from those of their neighbors ; but there was more loyalty and de
pendence upon the Crown than elsewhere, on account of the weak
ness caused by recent settlement. The movement against Great Brit
ain started with the New England element at Sunbury, in, St. John's
parish; and this small faction finally succeeded in breaking down the
control so long maintained by Sir James Wright, and in carrying the

' Georgia Laws, 1758, 1762, 1778 ; Hist. Coll, ii., 92, Brief Account ; Ibid., True
and Historical Narrative, p. 195 ; Stephens's Journal, iii., 101.
' Miller's Bar and Bench of Georgia, i., 366.
' Tyler's American Literature ; Lee's History of Savannah.

204 HISTORY OF THE
colony over to the patriot cause.' But there was much lukewarmness
among the people. The Germans were generally on the patriotic
side, but they were not enthusiastic, and a vigorous Tory party was
developed as the war progressed. The withdrawal of the strong hand
of England, and the conquest of independence, showed at once the
crude and unformed state of society, and that Georgia had not fairly
emerged from the first stage of settlement. For many years the gov
ernment was ill-regulated and unsettled, and there was much faction
and disorder ; while the back settlors were rough and lawless, and made
continual inroads upon Florida." 'From this social and political im
maturity, Georgia played but an insignificant part either in Congress
or in the war, and produced but few able men. It was long before
she reached the position or gained the weight to which she was en
titled by her extensive territory and great natural resources.
¦ Jones, Dead Towns of Georgia. ^ Rochefoucauld, 1., 604.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 205

. Chapter XI.
DELAWARE FROM 1609 TO 1682.
Three kindred people from the north of Europe contended for
the possession of the noble bay and river of Delaware, and of the
great region which is now occupied by three States. The Dutch were
the first discoverers, and they were also the first settlers, when a por
tion of the company which came out with May landed about four miles
below the present city of Philadelphia. This post, established, as all
the early Dutch settlements were, for trade, languished, and the
North River proved more profitable than the South. On the
establishment of the Patroons, private enterprise made another attempt
to found a colony upon the Delaware, Heyes acting for the Patroons.
The settlement of Swaanendael was begun, and a fort built
near the site of the present town of Lewiston ; but the de
struction of a tin plate, bearing the arms of Holland, led to a foolish
quarrel with the Indians ; the colonists were massacred, and the settle
ment destroyed. When De; Vries came out the following year with
additional men and supplies, he found only ruins and skele
tons. He sadly concluded a peace with the murderers of his
colonists, and set about retrieving his fortunes by trade and whale-
fishery. De Vries went also to the original settlement at Fort Nas
sau, now deserted and neglected, and, after a visit to Virginia, aban
doned his whale-fishery and sailed away. After his departure, a pause
ensued in Dutch colonization on the Delaware ; but the efforts were
soon renewed. A house was ordered to be- built at Fort Nassau, and
soon after the Company bought out the Patroons, and took possession
of the South River. Their hold, however, was nominal and precarious.
Already the future masters of the continent had turned their eyes to
the region of the Delaware, and a party from Virginia seized the vacant
Dutch fort. They were speedily expelled by its rightful own
ers, who continued in possession until a third nation sent forth
its colonists to share in the vast country held by Holland.

206 HISTORY OF THE
The great Swedish king had perceived, many years before, the
necessity and value of colonies in the New World, and, per-
lele' suaded by the Amsterdam merchant Usselincx, founded, after
the Dutch fashion, a Swedish West Indian Company. But
greater matters required the attention of the Northern races. The
battles of Protestantism were to be fought upon the plains of Ger
many, and when Gustavus Adolphus fell at Lutzen, Swedish coloniza
tion in America was still unrealized. Oxenstiesn, the heir of the pol
icy of Gustavus, if not of his throne, revived the scheme soon
I ft n Q ¦/ ' '
after his master's death, and invited the co-operation of Ger
many, but nothing was effected ; and it was not until four years had
passed that Peter Minuit, ex-director of the Dutch West In-
1637, ...
dian Company, headed the first Swedish expedition to Ameri
ca. A settlement was made on the Minquas, near the present site of
Wilmington, and Fort Christina was built, while the Dutch,
through the mouth of Governor Kieft, protested, after their
usual fashion. They had watched their South River territory, al
though' they had not used it ; but they confined themselves to pro
tests, for it was at that time neither desirable nor safe to meddle with
Sweden, governed by statesmen and generals who had been trained
by Gustavus Adolphus. The Swedes, meantime, treated the Indians
well, and relied upon deeds from them as their only title to possession.
Although the governing power was in the hands of a commercial
monopoly, and under government patronage, the colonists were well
treated. Minuit started a lively trade in furs and other products of
the country, aud after a winter of privation, fresh settlers, including
many Dutchmen, arrived, and the colony prospered and grew
strong. Minuit died not long after the establishment of his
colony, and was succeeded by a Swede, one Hollandaere, who was fol
lowed by the most noted of the Swedish 'Governors, John
Printz, renowned for his violent temper, his great bulk, and
his fighting propensities.
During Hollandaere's administration came the first intimation to
tbe South River colony of the existence of the race destined to be
come their rulers, and the owners of their territory. The restless peo
ple of New England, though hardly yet fixed in their own homes, had
already begun to cast longing eyes abroad. They had ruined the
Dutch on the Connecticut, and they now prepared to get a
share in the trade and lands of the Middle States. An expe
dition from New Haven sailed up the South River, and founded two

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 207
settlements. Instinctively aware that these intruders were a com
mon foe, Dutch and Swedes united and broke up the English posts.
The confederated colonies of New England remonstrated, and fresh
trading parties issued from Connecticut ; but Printz, who had arrived
in the mean time, and built a fort, besides a fine house for himself —
"Printz Hall" — and founded a new settlement at Tinicum, twelve
miles below Philadelphia, was not the man to stand such intrusion.
The New England ships were fired on, and their crews imprisoned.
Again the Confederacy remonstrated, only to be met with a denial
of violence from Printz. Englishmen were driven from Delaware, for
the time at least.
Printz was, however, as determined and aggressive toward the Dutch
as he had been to the New Englanders, and his perpetual interfer
ence with the Dutch at Fort Nassau led at last to an open
breach between the nations. The Swedes, however, were in
the ascendant, and controlled the trade of the river. The power of
the Dutch was at a low point, and their Scandinavian rivals threaten
ed to become the possessors of the great regions of the Delaware.
This state of affairs lasted for some years, and the only settlement
possible was by force of arms. Stuyvesant, who succeeded Kieft,
was of a very different temper from his predecessor, and determined
to vindicate Dutch authority everywhere; so as soon as he could find
time from the pressing affairs of New Amsterdam, he turned his at
tention to the South River, and built below the Swedish forts
Fort Casimir, thus gaining control of navigation, and disposing
effectually of fpreign interference. Printz, perplexed by the gathering
difficulties, and unpopular from his stern rule and violent tem
per, returned to Sweden, leaving the government with his son-
in-law, John Pappegoia. Soon after came a Swedish vessel-of-war,
commanded by John Rysingh, who landed near Fort Casimir, made
himself master of the place, and expelled the Dutch without
bloodshed. Rysingh then assumed the government of the col
ony, and set about extending and consolidating the Swedish power,
now in appearance stronger than ever before. But the appearance
was deceptive and short-lived. Stuyvesant seized a vessel laden with
stores for Sweden, quietly prepared an overwhelming force for
the reduction of the South River settlements, and in early au
tumn sailed from New York with an army of six or seven hundred
men. Fort" Casimir capitulated at once at sight of the Dutch, and
Stuyvesant, marching on, compelled Rysingh to surrender Fort Chris-

208 HISTORY OF THE
tina. The Swedes were outnumbered and overawed. There was no
bloodshed ; private property was respected, and the inhabitants were
merely required to swear allegiance to the States-General. Thus fell
the Swedish empire in America. Holland was supreme upon tne Del
aware and upon the Hudson. One of the Northern races had been
conquered, and only two remained to contest tbe dominion of the
continent. Sweden complained, as Holland had done years before ;
but the positions of the two nations were now reversed. Complaints
were not listened to at the Hague, and Sweden henceforth could do
no more for her colonists than send out faithful ministers to encour
age them in the maintenance of their religion.
A year after the conquest, the West India Company sold the Dela
ware region to the city of Amsterdam. The municipality at
1656, , „ , \
once took possession ot their property, sent out a governor
and a body of emigrants, who, on arrival, named Fort Casimir New
Amstel, and took possession of it, while the Company retained
Fort Christina and the northern settlement on the Delaware.
At first the new colony planted by the Amsterdam burghers flour
ished ; but sickness and bad crops came, and, despite fresh immigra
tion, the new settlement had a hard struggle for existence. Harsh
measures on the part of the city, suspicion and desertion among the
inhabitants, combined with outbursts of famine and disease, gave the
fertile region an evil name, and brought New Amstel to a low point ;
while their difficulties were still further aggravated by troubles with
Maryland. Boundaries too were sources of disturbance, and rumors
came of armed English invasion. Stuyvesant sent troops, and nego
tiated successfully ; but the external pressure was a fresh cause of
alarm, and the new director, Hinoyossa, of discontent, while the
proposed retransfer to the Company gave good ground for re
newed popular distrust. Matters went on in this way, with the colony
thriving at last, and trade increasing, but with the director constantly
quarrelling with the Company's agent, until at last the whole South
River territory was surrendered to the city. This needed
change had hardly been accomplished, when the whole fabric of
government was overthrown by the English. The rule of the Dutch
had been sufficiently uneasy, but the Swedes were fully avenged when
Robert Carr, one of the royal commissioners, appeared in the South
Eiver to complete the seizure of the Dutch possessions in the name
of the Duke of York. The burghers and planters capitulated after a
brief delay, but the Governor and soldiers refused to assent. The

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 209
English stormed the fort ; a few bf the Dutch veere slain ; and Carr,
master of the scttleuients, proceeded at once to display the mean cru
elty and greedy rapacity which seemed inseparable from the rule of
Charles Stuart and his followers.
The Swedish government roused for a moment to revive its claim,
but it was hopeless. The Delaware settlements gave way tranquilly
to the English rule, Dutch and Swedes both prospering under their
new masters ; and being of a practical turn of mind, do not appear
to have repined much at their fate. After the first brutality of Sir
Robert Carr, the government went on peaceably enough, and the in
habitants, having at least as much liberty as they had been wont to
enjoy under the Company or the city, were contented. One outbreak
is recorded which was headed by a Swede ; but, on the whole, Dela
ware, as an appendage of New York, prospered under English rule,
and the English Governor at New York dealt so much more effective
ly with the encroachments from Maryland than the Dutch had been
able to do, that the agents of Lord Baltimore were held in check.
With the reconquest of New York by the Dutch, Delaware came
quietly again under the rule of Holland, and in little more
I674' ^^^^ ^ y®^"-' ^^^ handed back as quietly to England by the
treaty of Westminster. Thus fell the power of the second
Northern race which had contested the dominion of America with
the English. Always an appendage of New York, Delaware had
passed from the control of one nation to that of another, and her
whole history had been made up of these changes. Henceforth the
ruling nation in Delaware remained unaltered, but the colony went
on for some years longer in the old way of shifting masters. The
only difference now was that the contending rulers were all English.
The first attempt came from the New Jersey settlers, led by Fen
wick, who landed and established himself at Salem, the El-
^pH" singburg of the Swedes. Andros objected. Fenwick resist
ed, but was finally seized by the Duke's agents in Delaware
and taken to Newcastle, and thence to New York. In the following
year Fenwick was at Salem, again carrying himself as an inde-
1677- pendent proprietor. He was again arrested and sent to New
York, and his colony at Salem placed under the government
at Newcastle. The first Quaker effort on the Delaware failed. The
second was more successful. The great province of Pennsylvania
was granted to William Penn, who soon found that he needed access
to the ocean, and rights sufficient to prevent the encroachments of
14

210 HISTORY OF THE
his Maryland neighbors. Penn's influence prevailed at court. He
obtained a grant of all the Duke's interest within twelve miles of
Newcastle, and as far south as Cape Henlopen. On his ar-
1 6S2 rival, the Duke's agents met him at Newcastle, when they sur
rendered to him the South River settlements ; and thus Delaware
was finally separated from New York, passed under the government
of Penn, and formed part of his province.
The people received Penn with gladness, and, under his mild and
free government, the condition of the colony rapidly improved. Pop
ulation increased, while trade and agriculture revived and flourished,
and the colonial history of Delaware was merged in that of Pennsyl
vania.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 211

Chapter XII.
PENNSYLVANIA FROM 1681 TO 1765.
The history of the settlement of Pennsylvania is closely interwoven
with that of the man whose name was given to the new province.
Into the life of William Penn it is not necessary to enter. The story
is a familiar one, and has been spread and maintained by the once
powerful sect of which he was the most eminent leader. Penn was,
too, of all the men who founded states in America, the most cele
brated in the mother country. He was a very conspicuous figure in
England during the period of the Restoration and the closing years
of the seventeenth century. Every one knows how the son and heir
of a wealthy, worldly, and successful sailor and courtier became the
zealous and persecuted leader of a despised sect; and how his in
fluence and power steadily increased, until he became the favorite and
adviser of James. His character is a curious mingling of dissimilar
qualities. He was at once a saint and a courtier, a religious fanatic
and a shrewd man of affairs and of the world. With the controver
sies awakened by Macaulay's sweeping charges we have here nothing
to do. Penn appears in American history simply as the wise foun
der of a state, the prudent and just magistrate, the liberal-minded
lavi^-giver and ruler. His attention was first drawn to colonization by
the misfortunes of New Jersey, in which Quakers had become inter
ested, and in which he himself finally took part in hopes of ordering
and regulating the confused affairs of that province ; but he had, be
sides, two strong motives impelling him in the same direction. He
had a large inherited claim against the government, which he could
only hope, to, have paid in wild American lands; and he was the
guide and protector of a numerous, industrious, and persecuted peo
ple, admirably fitted for colonization, and eager for the peace denied
them in England.
At last, after some difficulty before the Lords of Trade, Penn's pe
tition was granted, and he received a deed from the Crown of forty

212 HISTORY OF THE
thousand square miles of territory, which was christened by the King
" Pennsylvania." Penn then issued an address setting forth
^^^^* his scheme. The government was to be a just and righteous
government, in conformity with Quaker principles. It was to be a
government of law, and the people were to be a party to it, while the
great principle that governments depend upon men, not men upon
governments, was clearly and emphatically expressed. Perfect liberty
of conscience was guaranteed to all. Capital punishment was to be
infiicted only for murder and treason ; and other penalties were to be
imposed on the theory of reformation, and not of retaliation. Trial
by jury was assured not only to white men but to Indians. The
whole document was statesman-like in tone, and broad and liberal in
principle. Penn offered land at forty shillings for a hundred acres,
subject only to a small quit-rent ; and even servants were to be allowed
to hold fifty acres in fee-simple.
The effect of these proposals was great and immediate. Quakers
from all parts of England pressed forward to join the emigration,
while Penn's fame drew other settlers from all over Europe, and nota
bly from Germany, where a company was formed, under the lead of
Franz Pastorius, which took fifteen thousand acres. Tho first year
three ships went out filled with emigrants, who established themselves
in caves aud huts on the banks of the Delaware. The following
year Penn himself, with a company of a hundred, went over
and landed at Newcastle, where he was heartily welcomed by
his Dutch and Swedish subjects, whom be naturalized, and confirmed
in their property and offices. He then proceeded up the river to
Chester, where the first Assembly of delegates, chosen by the com
missioners whom Penn had sent before him, was held, and the gov
ernment was organized. Acts of settlement and union with the old
Delaware colonies were passed, and a body of law adopted in con
formity with the principles laid down in the advertisement. He
then put in execution his Indian policy, involving a great departure
from that pursued in the other colonies. Under the famous tree at
Shackamaxon, Penn made a treaty of peace with the Indians, win
ning their confidence, and obtaining their land by fair purchase ; al
though, as walking was the method adopted for measurement, the
trained English pedestrians had much tbe same advantage over the In
dians that the Carthaginians obtained by means of the famous ox-hide.
External relations being thus settled, Penn selected tbe broad peninsula
between the Delaware and the Schuylkill, and there founded the city

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 213
of Philadelphia. He also ordered two handsome houses to be built
for himself — one in Philadelphia, and one at his manor of Pennsbury.
The auspicious beginning was followed by an emigration and a
growth of population unequalled, except in Massachusetts, in Ameri
can colonial history. In one year seven thousand settlers are said to
have arrived ; and before the century closed the colonists numbered
more than twenty thousand, and Philadelphia had grown to be a
thriving town. After two busy years, in which he had organized and
established a government and courts of justice, made firm alliances
with the Indians, and founded a city, Penn returned to Eng
land. Everything had gone smoothly thus far. The charter
provisions had been modified to suit the people, and the Assembly
had granted money to the proprietary. It seemed an opportune
moment for Penn to visit England, revive his influence at court, and
combat Lord Baltimore on the question of boundaries. On his de
parture, he left the government in the hands of Thomas Lloyd, presi
dent. Colonel Markham, secretary, and a Council composed of the
judges and other provincial officers.
Penn hardly had time to reach England before the troubles com
mon to proprietary governments broke out in Pennsylvania. The
first conflict arose between the ruling or Quaker party and some of
the more prominent men who were not of their sect. Nicholas
Moore, the chief-justice, was impeached and expelled the Asseinbly
for violence, partiality, and negligence ; and the clerk of the provin
cial court was arrested because he refused to produce his minutes.
Other troubles also broke out in the form of disorder, while immorality
and looseness prevailed in the caves of the Delaware. The need of
the proprietary was sorely felt, and yet Penn found reason to com
plain of the treatment he received ; for the impost gr^mted him was
imperfectly collected, and the people let the quit-rents fall into arrears
and resisted payment.
With matters in this unsatisfactory condition, Thomas Lloyd re
signed ; and Penn, in the hopes of quieting the province, appointed
one Blackwoll, an outsider and stranger, his deputy. Black-
well quarrelled at once with everybody. He succeeded in
breaking up the Assembly, and was then involved in a conflict with
the Council. After nine months of stormy and high-handed rule,
he withdrew, leaving the government once more with Thomas Lloyd.
The disorders of Blackwell's administration had, as their chief re
sult, the production of a new and able popular leader in the per-

214 HISTORY OF THE
son of David Lloyd — Penn's attorney-general. Blackwell had hard
ly been removed when a fresh contest arose between the province
and the Delaware territories, caused by jealousies in regard to of-
flcos ; and after much bickerino- and neo-otiation, the union was
1691. o o ' ^
dissolved. Lloyd remained at the head of the province, and
Markham, as Lieutenant-governor, with a separate legislature, took
charge of Delaware. Hard upon these political dissensions came re
ligious strife. George Keith, an active, unscrupulous, and violent zeal
ot, brought about a serious schism among the Quakers, and caused so
much irritation by his attacks, that the secular power was called in,
and he was arrested and thrown into prison. Then was heard the cry
of religious intolerance in the State devoted to liberty of conscience,
and complaints rapidly found their way to England. These accumu
lated troubles came upon Penn at an evil hour. He had gone home
to rise to the greatest height of favor and influence under James, and
had been east down and covered with suspicion and dislike by the
Revolution. In vain had he striven to prevent the disunion of the
province and the territories, to allay the political bitterness, and stifle
the schism in his sect. The conflict aroused by Keith had its dreaded
result. Religious controversy and intolerance offered a sufficient excuse
to rulers by whom Penn was regarded with disfavor. The government
was taken from him, and intrusted by royal commission to
a royal Governor — Benjamin Fletcher. To Fletcher the gov
ernment was surrendered, at Philadelphia, without resistance ; and the
new Governor, without regard to charter or laws, or to the separation
of Pennsylvania and Delaware, summoned a general Assembly from
both province and territories, and a Council on his own model, and
demanded assistance for the war with France upon the northern fron
tiers. Instead of giving mono}'-, the Assembly entered into a contro
versy with Fletcher as to his powers and their rights under the old
charter ; and, after a fruitless wrangle, the new Governor returned to
New York, to which he threatened to annex the province of the re
calcitrant Quakers. The next year Markham was left as deputy, while
Fletcher contented himself with sending- letters asking for money and
supplies, which he did not obtain.
Meanwhile Penn had gained a hearing, and a prompt acquittal of
disloyalty, and the restoration of his government followed.
Unable to leave England at that moment, he continued Mark
ham in the office of deputy. Markham, assuming that the old char
ter and laws had been abrogated by the suspension of the proprietary.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 215
convened the Assembly without regard to them. The Assembly had no
objection to this theory, for they aimed, under the able leadership of
Lloyd, to change the franie of government to suit themselves ; and this,
1 BQfl ^^^^^ ^ short struggle with Markham, and by voting money for
the war, they effected. The Assembly was to sit on its own
adjournments, originate bills, and be indissoluble during the term for
which it was elected. The Assembly was also to be elected annually,
the Council biennially, and all offices were carefully defined. The rest
of Markham's term was quiet, except for the pirates, who infested the
coast here as elsewhere, and received enough sympathy to bring the
province into disrepute. Majrkham, supported by the Assembly, took
steps to remedy this evil, which, however, was destined for a long
time to injure and disgrace the province.
As the century closed, Penn, freed at last from affairs which had
kept him in England, came out with his family and resumed
control of the province, where he intended to pass the rest
of his life. Without regard to the constitution already enacted, he
called the Assembly together, and took steps to form a new charter
and laws, while he also attempted to check the slave-trade, and suc
ceeded in having a law passed regulating the treatment and punishment
of the negroes. His Indian policy, which involved further restrictions
on tho intercourse of whites and Indians, and aimed also at a spread
of the Gospel among the savages, met with no support. The money
demanded by the Crown for the war was not given by the Assembly,
on account of religious scruples ; and in the midst of his labors Penn
received news that the policy of changing the proprietary to royal
governments was again revived. He was obliged, therefore, to push
through the charters of Philadelphia and Pennsylvania, which he was
ready to grant, and which, in view of his probable loss of the province,
he was willing to make liberal.. The city charter was easily adopted, but
the Assembly made a contest, and tried to extort the last possible con
cession from their proprietary. The government, as finally established,
differed but little from that created previously by the Assembly, and
was in accordance with the gener^ principles laid down in Penn's
original scheme. All power was vested in the Assembly, to whose
discretion the creation of courts was also given. The Council was to
be merely an advisory and executive body, and not an upper house, and
the union of the province and territories was again to be dissolved if
the people so desired, as was probable from the grumbling and dis
content once more apparent in Delaware. When this important work

216 HISTORY OF THE
was done, Penn sailed for England, never to return. He left Andrew
Hamilton, of Now Jersey, as bis deputy, and James Logan as
secretary. To Logan was also confided tbe management of
the proprietary estates ; and the secretai-y thus became -the representa
tive of Penn and his family, the leader of his party, and, as he was ii
shrewd and able man, the power behind the throne, and the principal
person in the province for many years.
Hamilton's administration was short and unfortunate. He was con
stantly at war with the Assembly and the popular party, headed by
Lloyd ; and during this time a High-Church or Crown party, small but
active, grew up under the direction of Colonel Quarry, the judge of
admiralty. This royal party delayed the confirmation of Hamilton,
and used tbe failure of the pacific Quakers to provide for defence as
an argument in England for the destruction of the proprietary gov
ernment. At the same period, too, the territories again became reG-
tive, and the province, which by this time had had enough of them,
shook them off, and let them have a legislature of their own, thus
finally severing the union.
In the year 1703 Hamilton died, and was succeeded by John
Evans, a young Welshman, who put himself wholly under Lo
gan's direction. Failing in his first scheme, which was to re
unite the province and territories, Evans at once came to blows with
the Assembly on the matter of prorogation, which the popular party
denied to the Governor. Not content with a stubborn opposition to
Evans, the Assembly sent a memorial to Penn, abusing him, and his
officers and government, most violently. The forces wore now fairly
engaged, Lloyd leading on one side, Logan on the other; the Assent-'
bly against the Council and the officers. At first the Assembly pre
vailed ; but the memorial to Penn caused a reaction, and Penn's reply
and strong support of the Governor gave the victory at last to
Logan, whose party triumphed in the elections, and returned
a House which devoted itself to passing necessary laws. Evans,
meantime, rapidly lost the ground he had gained by setting himself
against the pacific policy of the Quakers, and trying to get support
for the war. To arouse them, he caused a false alarm of invasion to
be given — a scheme in which Logan was said to be involved,
1706. .
and which only resulted in profound disgust, and a return of
the popular party to power at the next election. There was now a
new and important subject of dispute before them. The bill drawn
by Lloyd to establish a judiciary had been rejected by the privy

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 217
council through proprietary influence, and the whole question was
again open. Evans, threatening to establish a judiciary by preroga
tive, would come to no terms with the Assembly, who were deter
mined the Coiincil should not be a court of chancery ; and an in
terview between the Governor and Assembly led to a personal quarrel
with Lloyd, who was now back again as Speaker. The Assembly,
baffled and angry, voted to impeach Logan of every misdemeanor in
the calendar. The Governor denied their power. The Assembly
then drew up a remonstrance, accusing the Governor and Logan of
every form of wrong-doing, from excluding Quakers from offices to
stopping the judiciary bill, and sent this remonstrance to Penn and to
the Board of Trade. The next Assembly came together in a similar
temper, and Evans again negatived the judiciary bill, and de
clared he would do nothing until he heard from the Board of
Trade. The affair had now reached a dead-lock. The Assembly would
grant nothing to the proprietary; the Governor would not establish
courts. Pirates infested the Delaware, and disgraced the colony ; but
when Evans appealed for aid, the Assembly, after the manner of colo
nial legislatures, refused to give anything, alleging the most disingenu
ous reasons, and striving to gain a political advantage from the neces
sities of the State. The controversy had not been helped by the char
acter of Evans, who was loose in his morals, haughty, headstrong, and
imperious. Guided by Logan, he had made a strong fight; but
the remonstrance of the Assembly obliged Penn to remove him,
and send out Charles Gookin as his successor.
The Assembly at once attacked the new Governor on a number
of small points, and refused to give aid for the war, now urgent in
its demands ; and they were still further exasperated by instructions
which forbade the Governor to act without the assent of the
Council, or, as they naturally interpreted it, of Logan. This re
newed the war between Lloyd and the secretary. The latter ac
cused the former of grave misdemeanors ; but as he was unable to
sustain them, they were pronounced by the Assembly false and libel
lous. Logan then in a most insulting fashion asked them to try him
on the impeachment. The Assembly arrested him, and the Governor
released him. He then sailed for England, and thus gave the finishing
stroke to the long controversy by inducing Penn to write a letter re
proving the Assembly, and threatening an immediate cession to
the Crown, which at once brought the popular party to terms,
and in the next Assembly everything went smoothly. The right to sit

218 HISTORY OF THE-
on their own adjournment was conceded; the judiciary established
without a court of equity ,.and the expenses of the government were
cheerfully voted. The following year two thousand pounds were given
to the Crown in aid of the war, and Gookin's administration moved
easily. The government was regulated, and the importation of slaves
restrained. This relief seemed to have come too late for Penn. With his prov
ince mortgaged and harassed by creditors, he decided to sell
1712 his rights to the Crown for twelve thousand pounds ; but be
fore the sale was consummated, a stroke of apoplexy enfeebled his
mind, and put a stop to business. The province was relieved by the
failure of this scheme, for they were attached to the easy and simple
forms of the proprietary rule, and harmony continued to subsist until
the Governor, irritated by constant irregularity of payment,
quarrelled with the Assembly about his meagre salary. Once
started, he rapidly lost the ground he had gained. He insisted that
the statutes should be construed so as to make all affirmations illegal,
which tended to throw all the legal and official business of the prov
ince into disorder, for almost every one of importance was a Quaker,
and it also awakened the strong animosity of religious feeling. Still,
not content, the Governor, whose mind was probably impaired, pro
ceeded to assail Norris, the Speaker of the Assembly, and Logan, the
two chief men of the province. This produced an organized
movement for his recall, which was effectual, and Sir William
Keith came out as his successor. The new Governor was hardly es
tablished when the distineruished man who had founded the
1718. colony died ; but his death made no change in the eondition
of his province, which passed, after a protracted lawsuit, to the chil
dren of his second wife.
Sir William Keith, who came to the head of affairs just as the
great Quaker was passing away, had been surveyor of the customs
for the southern provinces, and was familiar with the affairs of Penn
sylvania. He was an adroit man, insincere, and with a good deal, of
the demagogue in his disposition. He succeeded in obtaining the
confidence of the people, put himself at the head of the popular par
ty, and, by conceding everything desired by the Assembly, he raised
his own influence to such a point that he gained all he wished for
himself. He freed himself from the control of. the Council, for which
there was no constitutional gronnd, and thus shackled Logan, who,
however, remained quietly at his post as secretary, and bided his time.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 219
Keith also succeeded in establishing the obnoxious court of equity,
with himself as chancellor. His Indian policy was wise and success
ful, and preserved the peace of the province ; but his fluancial policy,
when the fiscal affairs were in a very tangled state, was, though popu
lar, thoroughly bad. He introduced and carried through the
issue of bills of credit, saddling Pennsylvania with the curse
of a depreciated paper currency. The same year there came to Phil
adelphia a young man who soon became and continued the central
figure in Pennsylvanian provincial history. This was Benjamin
Franklin; who was almost immediately brought in contact with the
Governor. , The story of their connection is familiar, and Keith has
the almost unique honor of having overreached and deceived Franklin.
Misled by the strength of his position, Keith, in the midst of his
successes, determined to rid himself of his enemies, and on very slight
provocation removed Logan from the Council and the office of secre
tary. This was the false step for which Logan had waited. He at
once sailed for England, and his journey soon bore fruit in letters
from Hannah, Penn and the Trustees, accusing Keith of neglect of the
proprietary interest and disregard of the Council, and reproving him
severely for his issue of paper-money. Keith replied, asserting his right
to act independently, and indiscreetly laid Mrs. Penn's letter before the
Assembly, who still had great regard for the wishes of the proprietary.
Lloyd, now chief -justice, roused at the new controversy, and easily
overthrew Logan's argument in favor of the powers of the Council ;
but neither he nor Keith could destroy Logan's influence in England,
by which the latter was removed, and replaced by Patrick Gordon,
who, having been appointed by the family, and confirmed, came out
the following- year and took possession of the government.
Keith, after his deposition, entered the Assembly, and strove
to oppose and break dovfn the new Governor ; but his influence and
popularity rapidly waned, and he soon after disappears from the his
tory of the province.
Gordon's administration partook of the uneventfulness character
istic of the Walpole period in England. The Governor and the As
sembly got on very well together, and without any serious dissen
sions. The court of equity erected by Keith was abolished, and
Pennsylvania plunged still deeper into the ruin of depreciated and
popular paper-money by an additional issue of thirty thousand
pounds. Trade flourished, and population increased rapidly,
especially the German immigration, which was so large as to cause

220 HISTORY OF THE
serious alarm both in the province and England ; but the Germans
proved, as a rule, excellent citizens. This growing population, how
ever, pushing out on the frontier, came in contact with the Indians,
and there was from time to time a fear of Indian war. During this
period, too, we first perceive in Pennsylvania a vague anxiety in re
gard to the spread of the French power, which began to cast its shad
ow, dark with savage war, over the future of the colonies. There was
also a moment of brief suspicion and dread of the Roman Catholics,
and some agitation against them ; but in the land of religious tolera
tion nothing was done, and the only break in the quiet of the time
was a bitter and rather turbulent contest with Maryland on the mat
ter of boundaries.
After a peaceful administration of ten years; Governor Gordon died,
and was succeeded by James Logan, who, as President of the
Council, ruled the province in which he had so long been the
master-spirit for two uneventful years, when he was superseded by
George Thomas, a planter of Antigua, who was sent out as Governor.
Soon after the arrival of Thomas, the Maryland dispute was
finally settled, leaving Delaware intact, and arranging the oth
er differences on the general theory of uti possidetis. The new Gov
ernor had some trouble at the outset in regard to issuing warrants
for proprietary lands, which had been suspended during the minority
of the Penn heirs, and was revived with considerable opposition, es
pecially from those who, during the interval, had taken up lands with
out the formality of a warrant. With this exception, everything
promised to proceed as harmoniously as under the previous Govern
or ; but these pleasant appearances were, unfortunately, soon dissipated
1739 ^-^ *''° ^^^'' ^'^''^'^'^" Spain and England. Thomas, instead
of using a little management, attempted to argue down the
Quaker principles in regard to fighting, and the Assembly, nettled at
the attack, refused supplies. The next year came peremptory de
mands from England, and great pressure, not only from the proprie
taries, but from a portion of the people. Thus pushed, the Assem
bly, after much delay, gnmted money, but under such conditions as
to almost nullify their action. They based their renewed opposi
tion on the fact that the Governor, in raising militia, had, by enlisting
bond-servants, invaded the rights of property ; and supported by the
people, although the merchants remonstrated, the Assembly continued
to thwart and oppose every measure of the Governor for the defence
of the province, and in aid of the Crown, while they put the usual

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 2il
pressure on the Governor by withholding his salary. The Quaker
party was less strong than in the early days, and that of the Gov
ernor more vigorous, and better supported by the wealthy inhab
itants, especially in Philadelphia. The conflict became excited and
bitter, and at last resulted in a violent election riot in Philadelphia,
in which the forces of the Governor were routed. This led to fresh
quarrels ; and finally the Governor, harassed by lack of salary, made
advances of a conciliatory nature, gave way as to certain bills, and
was paid in full. There had been no difficulty in raising men, but
the narrow and selfish policy of the Assembly had reduced Pennsyl
vania to insignificance, impotence, and unpopularity during the war.
When war with France was added to the existing complications,
Thomas aa-ain went actively to work to raise men ; and as he
1744. was powerfully aided by Franklin, and supported by Logan,
the Quaker Assembly were obliged to content themselves with mere
apathy. Volunteers were enrolled, and a fort was built by means
of a lottery ; but the Assembly, uninfiuenced by all this, refused,
on one frivolous excuse and another, to take any part in the Louis-
burg, expedition, and were only forced by royal command- at the last
moment to grudgingly give money for supplies. Thus, by their con
tinued selfishness, they lost all share in the glory won by the provin
cials in tbe capture of Louisburg. They took no part, either, in the
subsequent Canada expedition which was attempted by the other
colonies, and the only gain made by the province was through the
troops raised by Thomas, which enabled him to carry out a firm
Indian policy, and prevent a border war. Soon after these events,
Thomas resigned, and was succeeded by Anthony Palmer,
President of the Council, who persisted successfully in main
taining and renewing the Indian treaties, withdrawing the tribes from
French infiuence, and thus held them in check until peace was
1748. .
declared. The quarrels between the Council and the A.ssem
bly continued undiminished on the subject of the ravages of the de
fenceless coasts and shipping by privateers, and the efforts of the
executive to ward off these attacks.
A new Governor, James Hamilton, the son of Andrew Hamil-
^ ton, the eminent lawyer and Speaker of the House, found that he
had inherited not only the dignities and duties, but the quarrels, of
his predecessors. The peace of Aix-la-Chapelle did not stop tbe
extension of French influence, nor check the dangerous schemes of
that power. The policy of making treaties with the Indians and

222 HISTORY OF THE
holding them to their alliance had to be persevered in closely ; and
this policy had now become a heavy burden to tho State. This bur
den the Assembly justly felt ought to be shared by the proprietaries,
whose wild lands were more benefited by peace than those of any oth
ers, and they therefore demanded that the proprietary estates should
be taxed. The- proprietaries replied feebly and offensively, and the
Assembly had much the better of the argument. They had, too, the
advantage of a groat leader in the person of Franklin, who
" " from being clerk had become a member of tbe Assembly, and
who managed tbe whole of the discussion. The first encounter was
without result ; but the controversy was destined to grow, and to last
many years.
Under the lead of Franklin, too, they entered upon another conflict,
in which they were as much in the wrong as they had been in the
right in the matter of tho proprietary estates. Money was scarce, and
the Assembly wished to issue more depreciated paper. The Governor
wisely and firmly opposed this scheme, although he attempted a com
promise by fixing means of redemption, and by referring to the Crown.
Both proposals were rejected. The real secret of the difference was
that the Governor was required to keep all the interest of loans
within the control of the proprietaries, and forbidden to countenance
issues of paper. The outbreak of. war and the defeat of
1754. Washington on the frontier made the need of money impera
tive. The Assembly voted thirty -five thousand pounds, fifteen of
which were for the use of the King- in bills of credit ; but the Gov
ernor still refused to assent, and sopn after gave up his office, which
he had resigned some time before.
He was succeeded by Robert Hunter Morris, son of Lewis Morris, of
New Jersey, who brought urgent instructions that Pennsylvania should
unite with the other colonies and contribute to the war. The result
was a vote of forty thousand pounds in bills of credit, twenty thou
sand being intended for the Crown. The Governor demanded that
they should be made redeemable in five years. The Assembly refused ;
and a dispute began which lasted for two years, and utteriy crippled
tbe province. As the bitter, useless quarrel progressed, Braddock
could get no assistance except from the personal exertions of Frank
lin, and then went to defeat and death on the frontier. The rout
of Braddock laid the whole border bare to the wasting and cruel
ravages of the Indians. In vain did the cry of distress go up from
the hunted people of the interior; tho wrangle at Philadelphia still

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 22a
went on. The Assembly receded from its first position, and took
up their opposition on the ground that tho proprietary estates ought
to be taxed ; and at this point another dead-lock ensued. Gradually
the terrible distress of the province forced them to dole out money
to help Massachusettc and the other eastern and northern colonies.
Under great, pressure they passed a volunteer militia bill, and, inade
quate as this was, Franklin succeeded in bringing about the enlist
ment of a considerable number of troops, and, although ho was no sol
dier, went at their head to the interior, producing a good effect upon
the Indian tribes. The Governor, from time to time, extorted a little
inoney ; but his salary remained unpaids The Indians were again
on the frontier, carrying war in all directions; and again came a
dead-lock on the proprietary estates. The controversy was
about to be renewed in all its senseless stages, when Morris
was superseded by Governor Denny.
The new Governor was received with great joy, which speedily
cooled when it was found that he could not assent to any bill which
did not give him a share in disposing of any issue of bills or money
raised by revenue ; that he could not permit the issue of more than
forty thousand pounds in bills; and that he was only to allow a par
tial taxation of the proprietary estates. The struggle was at once re
newed over a bill to lay an excise ; and the position of tbe Assembly
was defended with acute ability by Franklin. Meantime, of course,
devastation proceeded ; and, urged by commands from England, pro-
vinoial.,^troops were raised, but with no supplies. An expedition, plan
ned by Morris and led by Armstrong, infiicted a severe defeat upon
the Indians at Kittanning, and was the first gleam of light, in the dark
ness of the time. Stimulated by this success, the Assembly granted
one hundred thousand pounds, and, giving way on the proprietary
estates, sent Franklin and Norris to England to lay their grievances
before tbe King. Matters, however, did not mend. Everything sank
beneath the imbecile rule of Loudon, in command of all the coloni
al forces, and affairs went from bad to worse, until the victo-
1757. lies of Montcalm roused even Pennsylvania to authorize troops
for the protection of the frontier. Yet even at this moment of gen
eral danger, the Assembly and the Governor took occasion to have
another quarrel over a judge, attacked by the former and protected
by the latter. The strength of the Assembly in .all this weary con
test rested on the Quaker and German voters,, who were utterly op
posed to taxes and war.

224 HISTORY OF THE
At last even Pennsylvania was aroused by the ringing, commanding
voice of the "Great Commoner." Loudoun and the rest disap
peared. New men came ont full of energy and vigor, and the
letters of Pitt brought the Assembly to a sense of the needs of the
time. The Governor, foreseeing the result of Franklin's mission, of
fered to have the proprietary estates taxed by special assessors ; but
the Assembly disdained the compromise, and voted one hundred thou
sand pounds, without including the proprietaries. A quarrel, of course,
broke out, and went on between the commissioners of the Assembly
and the Governor ; but this time men and money were forthcoming,
and the province appeared to better advantage than before. Fort
Du Quesne was taken, the border of Pennsylvania was safe, Indi
an treaties were once more successfully negotiated, and the
next year came the succession of victories in the North, and
the overthrow of the French power in America. In the mean time
Franklin had been fighting adroitly and forcibly the battle of the As
sembly in England. The proprietaries addressed a long letter to the
Assembly, who refused to recede, and the Governor at last gave way,
and assented to a bill taxing the proprietary estates. This bill the
proprietaries carried to the Privy Council, and, after a sharp contest,
it received the royal approbation on the engagement of Franklin that
the Governor should have a share in the disposal of the funds, and
that the quit-rents should not be paid in bills of credit. Thus the
Assembly finally carried their point ; but in the conflict they had sac
rificed tbe honor and welfare of the province during a long and try
ing war. They took advantage of war and danger to defeat the gov
ernment; and although, with the exception of their paper-money
schemes, and their refusal to provide for redemption, they were right
in principle, their conduct was narrow, selfish, and unpatriotic. They
put the safety of the country in peril to carry a political point, and
hamper the executive. The controversy should have been postponed,
for the end did not justify the means.
Governor Denny obtained his salary by finally assenting to the
money bills ; but he lost the favor of the proprietaries, and was re
placed by James Hamilton, the former Governor, who was reappointed.
The Canadian victories, meanwhile, relieved the middle colonies of all
dangers; the forces of Pennsjdvania were disbanded ; and tbe Assembly
1761. ""<^®^'''°°^' despite Franklin's engagement, to retain the dispos
al of the funds granted by Parliament. The old contest was
thus renewed, and when a requisition came from the Crown to main-

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 225
tain two-thirds of the troops on a war footing, the Assembly flatly
refused ; and, in their quarrel with the Governor, all the supply bills
fell to the ground. The war with Spain brought a return of reason,
however, and the parliamentary allotment of 1759 was devoted to the
defences of Philadelphia. From this new strain they were soon re
lieved by the peace ; but their relief was of short duration. A
desolating Indian war broke out; the settlements were again
driven back, and the frontier forts were in danger. Individual citi
zens came forward with money ; but the everlasting conflict between
the Governor and Assembly rendered the government impotent.
Fortunately for the people, Colonel Bouquet, with the royal troops,
defeated the Indians by great skill and bravery, and restored safety to
the province ; but his victory was followed by a rising of the people,
and the wanton massacre of large bodies of friendly Indians
at Lancaster and Paxton. This was the natural outcome of
the senseless struggle for power, in a time of war, between Governor
and Assembly. The insurgents marched on Philadelphia, where the
Assembly passed a riot act, and the Governor helplessly lost his head.
The exertions of Franklin, and the spirited conduct of the people of
Philadelphia, alone saved the province, and put an end to this wretch
ed business of massacre and insurrection.
While the Indian war was still fitfully raging on the frontier, John
Penn, one of the proprietaries, came out as the successor of Hamil
ton. After another struggle and much remonstrance, the Assembly
granted money, and then started a movement to separate the govern
ment and the proprietary estates, or, in other words, to obtain a royal
government for Pennsylvania. Petitions for the change poured in,
and were sent to the English agent, with orders to push the business.
The next election, after a sharp contest, left the power in the hands
of those who favored a change, and who wore led by Franklin
1764, and Galloway, and opposed by Dickinson ; but while this was
pending, a much graver question came before all the colonies, and ab
sorbed the attention of every one. The little matter of taxing- pro
prietary estates was forgotten in the plan of the British ministry to
tax the colonies. The Assembly instructed their agent, Mr. Mauduit,
to ask a repeal of the Sugar Act, and oppose taxation ; and they fol
lowed this up by sending Franklin again to England to represent
them. The circular of Massachusetts was not laid before the Assem
bly, but as many members as could be brought together were sum
moned, and a committee was chosen. The opposition to the Stamp
15

226 HISTORY OF THE
Act was universal and deep-seated. John Hughes, the collector, was
forced to sign a pledge that he would not execute his office, and the
stamps were not allowed to be landed, and were not used. When the
Stamp Act Congress met in New York, the Pennsylvania com
mittee was among the delegates, and the history of Pennsyl
vania becomes part of that of the United Colonies,

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 227

Chapter XIII.
ijiNNSYLVANIA AND DELAWARE, 1765.
The social atmosphere changes completely as we pass from Mary^
land — the last of the southern group — into Delaware and Pennsylvar
nia. These two provinces may be treated together ; for their practi
cal union under one government, and the circumstances of their settle
ment, had effaced any distinctions that might otherwise have existed.
The oldei' and smaller colony was a mere strip of land at the mouth
of the noble river from which it takes its name, while the great prov
ince of Pennsylvania, alone among the thirteen colonies, had no coast,
and only indirect communication with the ocean. On the eastern boun
dary the rich farming land began, and stretched away — rolling and
broken, but always fertile — until the region rich in hidden iron and
coal, and, finally, the steep slopes of the Alleghany range, were reach
ed. The climate typified the geographical and political position of
the middle colonies. It was temperate in the main, but displayed
the extremes of both heat and cold, characteristic of the southern
and northern groups ; and, as Penn said, the " weather often changeth
without notice, and is constant almost in its inconstancy.'"
Bancroft estimates the population of the two colonies possessing
this large and rich territory at one hundred and ninety-five thousand
in the year 1755." At the time of tbe Revolution it had increased
probably to more than four hundred thousand, of whom one-quarter
to a third were negroes." Tho first-comers in this large and rapidly-
' Watson's Annals of Philadelphia, ii., 1683. ^ Bancrpft, iv., 129.
" The contemporary estimates are, as usual, very wild, and differ hopelessly :
Board of Trade, 1755—220,000, see Bancroft, iv., 129, note; Smyth, ii., 309—
320,000, one -third blacks; Brissot, p. 279, Payers of Capitation tax, 1760—
31,000; 1770—39,000; 1779—45,000; 1786—66,000; Burnaby, p. 80, 400,000 to
600,000, one-fifth Quakers, few negroes ; Watson's Annals, ii., Franklin's esti
mate, 1766 — 160,000 whites, one-third Quakers, one-third Germans; fitat Present
de la Pennsylvanie, 1756 — 250,000 whites ; Colonial Records, vii., 448, Peters's
estimate, 200,000, one-eighth Quakers ; Hazard, Pennsylvania Archives, 1773 —
300,000 whites, 200,000 blacks.

228 HISTORY OF THE
growing community were the Swedes, a simple, agricultural people,
peaceable alike with Dutch, English, and Indians. At the close of
the seventeenth century they were still numerous and powerful in tho
Delaware settlements, and retained their mother tongue; but after
that time they were rapidly absorbed by the new population which
surrounded them, and, unaided by fresh arrivals, lost their distinctive
qualities. They were a strong, sturdy race, and a valuable element
among the people.' The Dutch, who superseded them, left but few
settlers to survive the rush of English immigration, which, begun
by the Quakers, consisted almost exclusively of families drawn from
the middle classes of tradesmen, shopkeepers, and small farmers, with
an infusion, by no means trifiing, of convicts, indented servants, and
wandering adventurers. Many Welsh also came to Pennsylvania, and
seem to have been a valuable addition. The two foreign elements,
however, which together outnumbered the English, and gave to Penn
sylvania a character wholly different from that of any other colony,
were the Germans and Irish. The former began to come immedi
ately upon the foundation of the colony, and settled at Germantown.
These first-comers were drawn thither on acconnt of religion, and in
cluded Quakers and Palatines, and, later, Ridge Hermits, Dunkards,
Mennonists, and Pietists. Afterward the immigration thus started
grew from natural causes, until, at the time of the Revolution, they
formed nearly a third of the population, and occupied exclusively
large districts of western Pennsylvania. They were chiefly farmers,
thrifty, saving, and industrious, but stubborn, ignorant, and unrelia
ble in times of war. Their numerieal importance is shown by the
effect they had upon the language, producing a well-defined dialect
known familiarly .as Pennsylvania Dutch. The Irish immigration be
gan in the year 1719, and assumed such large proportions as to de
mand legislation ten years later. A large part of these settlers were
Scotch -Irish Presbyterians, valuable and good colonists; but there
were also many others of Irish race, who were, as a rule, a very unde
sirable addition at that period. Scarcely more than a third of the lat
ter succeeded as farmers ; and they were a hard-drinking, idle, quarrel
some, and disorderly class, always at odds with the government, and
did much to give to that government and to politics the character for
weakness aud turbulence, whioh, beginning before the Revolution, has
broken out at intervals down to the present day. This brief outline
' Pennsylvania Hist. Coll., iii., Holme's History.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 229
of the population shows the great mixture of races, and in a rough
way tho qualities of the principal elements, which had a marked ef
fect upon the society of the colony and the later history of the State.'
The people of Pennsylvania and Delaware relied chiefly upon agri
culture for support, and the great mass of them were tillers and culti
vators of the soil. But there were many merchants and tradesmen as
well, besides shopkeepers and mechanics. The radical difference be
tween the middle and southern colonies is nowhere better shown than
in the economical contrast. The single staple of Virginia was here re
placed by varied products, and the commerce of Pennsylvania was a
fruitful source of wealth. The exports and imports were worth at the
period of the Revolution more than a million pounds ; and trade, legal
and illicit, extending not only to England, but to Lisbon, Madeira, and
the West Indies, employed nearly five hundred vessels and over seven
thousand seamen." The exports embraced many natural products.
Penn had at an early day set his face against the cultivation of to
bacco, and although some was grown in the more southern districts,
the great Virginian staple was superseded. The principal exports
were grain and flour ; but timber and every kind of farm produce
were sold in large quantities, and there was an extensive and valuable
fur trade, founded by Penn himself. The imports, besides wines and
sugar, consisted, of course, mainly of manufactured articles. There
could hardly be said to be any manufactures as yet in Pennsylvania;
but the germs were there, and the flrst experiments were in progress ;
the coarser articles were made in considerable quantities, and these
indications, as well as the mining industries, clearly showed the bent
of the people. Saw-mills and grist-mills were numerous, and em
ployed, not only by the Pennsylvanians, but by their less enterprising-
neighbors of the south ; and ships were built at the Philadelphia
docks, and used by the traders of the province. As early as the end
of the seventeenth century the manufacture of paper and of glass
was tried by the Germans at Germantown and Mannheim, as well as
' Michaux's Travels, p. 31 ; Smyth's Tour, ii., 279, 309 ; Brissot, p. 290 ; Kalm,
i., 58, 216 ; Foote, Sketches of Virginia, i., 99 ; Watson's Annals, ii. ; Cr6vecoeur,
p. 48, and in regard to Irish, p. 78 ; Coll. Hist. Soe, v., Braddock's Exped., Sargent,
Convicts, etc.
* Smyth, ii., 307 ; WaUace, Inaugural Address to Hist. Soe, 1872 ; Watson's
Annals of PhUadelphia, li. ; l^tat Present de la Pennsylvanie ; Huguenot Family in
Virginia, p. 30 ; Burnaby, p. 80 ; Colonial Rec, i., 1697; Hist. Soe. CoU., ix., 1702,
Customs on goods from Pennsylvania.

230 HISTORY OF THE
that of druggets, crapes, and stockings, the last forming a thriving and
profitable industry. Some of the Irish made linen of good quality,
and homespun was in general domestic use. Vines and silk were also
tried under government auspices, as in the other colonies, and with a
like lack of success. The most marked development was seen in the
iron industry. The first furnace -was started in the year 1720, and
in 1750 three thousand tons of pig-iron were exported. The industry
had reached such proportions as to attract the notice of Parliament,
and led to an act to suppress rolling and slitting mills, and to en
courage the exportation of the raw material only for the benefit of the
mother country. The establishment of a fire-insurance company, and,
later, of one for life insurance, together with steps taken to secure pat
ents of new processes of weaving and for cleansing corn, all indicate
the existence of an active and enterprising business community. The
produce of the farms was floated down the rivers from the interior,
or brought in sacks on the backs of horses, and shipped from Phila
delphia. The farms were, as a rule, well managed, and the agricult
ure was, as compared with that of the other colonies, high and
thrifty. A hasty survey of the trade and industries of Pennsyl
vania gives at once an insight into the character of the people, and
displays a rich and growing prosperity, and a thrift in management
wholly different from the south, which stamps the middle colonies
with a peculiar character.'
The governments of Pennsylvania and Delaware consisted of a sin
gle executive for both provinces, with a legislature for each ; and it
is sufficient to describe the system of the former to understand both.
The government of Pennsylvania differed in some important respects
from those of the other colonies. With the exception of Maryland
and, of course, Delaware, it was the only proprietary government, and
the descendants of William Penn stood in a relation of quasi sover-
' As to trade and industry in Pennsylvania, see Huguenot Family in Virginia,
p. 30 ; Crevecoeur, p. 46 ; Smyth, ii., 303, 307, 308 ; Kalm, i., 62, 102, 160 ; ii. 139 ;
Burnaby, pp. 78, 80, 82 ; CoU. Hist. Soe, i., 197 ; Ibid., Republ., Watson's Annals of
Buckingham County, etc., as to late development of coal ; Watson's Annals of Phil
adelphia, ii., 1768 ; Description of Pennsylvania by Gabriel Thomas ; WaUace, Inaug.
Address, Hist. Soe, 1872 ; Hist. CoU., ix., Penn and fur trade; Pennsylvania Hist.
Mag., i., 68 ; Watson's Annals of Philadelphia, ii. ; Col. Records, iii., 1717 ; iv., 1736 ;
v., 1750; Hazard, Pennsylvania Archives, 1750, Smuggling, 1775; Rochefoucauld,
i., 32 ; Pennsylvania Laws, 1700, 1730 ; and in 1769, Laws for inspection of lumber
for protection of Province, common to all great articles of export ; for Delaware,
Brissot, p. 362 ; Pennsylvania Hist. Soe. Coll., xi., Acrelius ; Rochefoucauld, ii., 272.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 231
eignty, and drew a large revenue from the great colony which bore
their name. The executive department was composed of the Gov
ernor and his Council, who were simply advisory, and did not sit as
an Upper House, the entire legislative power being vested in a single
body of delegates chosen by the people. The deputy or acting Gov
ernor was appointed by the proprietary to serve in his absence, and
was subject to the royal approval. As in all colonies where the peo
ple were not opposed by the power of the Crown, the Governor was
of little importance. The sheriffs and coroners were elected by the
people, and all officers whose duties were fluancial were chosen either
by the people or the Assembly. The only appointments of impor
tance in the hands of the Governor were judicial, and his only valu
able prerogative was the power to pardon in all cases but those of
murder and treason, where he might grant a reprieve, subject to the
approval of the Crown. The Assembly also held the purse-strings,
excluded the Governor from Indian affairs, and, going much further
than elsewhere, sat on their own adjournment, and denied success
fully the right of the Governor to either dissolve or prorogue, al
though admitting his power to summon them by writ. The confusion
and faction of an earlier period, when Logan was wont to advise a
surrender to the Crown, had resulted in the supremacy of the Assem
bly. The representatives had a property qualification, and were voted
for by the tax-paying freemen, a more liberal suffrage than that in
vogue elsewhere, while naturalization, was, as usual, obtained by peti
tion, examined by the Governor, and recommended to the House.
The only check upon legislation was the right of repeal reserved to
the King in council.'
The proprietary drew his income from the quit-rents reserved in all
deeds, and which could be collected by distress, and from his great
manors, the taxation of which was such a fruitful source of conten
tion. Salaries were small, and taxation light. The net revenue,
raised by direct taxes, excise, and light customs, amounted to eight
thousand pounds, and one thousand pounds was derived from the
tonnage duties for the benefit of light-houses. There was no navy,
and the militia, established with difficulty on acdount of the hostility
of the Quakers, was small, no expense to the public, and wretchedly

¦ Smyth, ii., 303 ; Burnaby, pp. 82, 84 ; for Delaware, p. 74 ; Pennsylvania Laws,
1705, 1760 ; Col. Rec, iii., 1729 ; iv., 1746 ; vii., 1767 ; Hazard, Pennsylvania Ar
chives, 1775, Answer to HiUsborough ; AVatson's Annals of Philadelphia, i., 25.

232 HISTORY OF THE
inefficient, except in Delaware, where it was established by law, and
where all men between eighteen and fifty were required to serve.'
The judicial system was above the colonial standard, both as re
gards bench and bar. The early Quaker scheme of peace-makers to
act as arbitrators and prevent lawsuits seems to have met with little
success ;" and at the time of the Revolution there was an adequate and
efficient organization for the administration of the common law, which
prevailed in Pennsylvania as elsewhere, except when modified by stat
utes, imperial or provincial. All judges were appointed by the Gov
ernor. The lowest court was that ofthe local magistrate or justice of
the peace, competent to try cases involving less than forty shillings.
The next was the county court, or court of quarter-sessions, composed
of three justices, who sat by special commission as a court of common
pleas ; while the highest tribunal was the supreme court, consisting of
a chief-justice and three puisne judges, with general appellate juris
diction, and combining the functions of the English courts of com
mon pleas, king's bench, and exchequer. They held two terms, and
were also empowered to sit as a court of oyer and terminer, and
hold a general jail delivery, a power rarely exercised. Causes in
volving more than fifty pounds could be carried up from the su^
preme court to the King in council. There was no court of chan
cery. Keith had succeeded in establishing one, with himself as chan
cellor, under the charter ; but after his rule it was suppressed, and such
equity jurisdiction as was required was exercised by the common-law
courts. There was a register-general of probate and administration at
Philadelphia, and recorders of deeds appointed at an early period in
each county. There was also an English court of vice - admiralty,
from which there was an appeal to England; but this court was so
unpopular that the judge at one time complained that he could not
perform the duties of his offioe. The judiciary of Delaware was simi
lar in arrangement, but formed an independent organization.
The bar in Pennsylvania was exceptionally good, and had always
received full recognition. Practice was simple, and attorneys were
admitted by the justices after slight examination ; but the law, as a
profession, had many excellent representatives in the colony, and
drew to its ranks many men of learning and ability. Andrew Ham-
> Burnaby, p. 89; Watson's Annals, i., 26; Etat Present de la Pennsylvanie;
Col. Ree, vii., 1757, Militia ;- ix., 1767, Letter from J. Penn to Shelburne; Hazard,
Pennsylvania Archives, 1763.
^ Hist. Soo. CoU., iii.. Hist, of Bristol Borough, 1683 ; Col. Rec, ii., 1709.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 233
ilton, who defended Zenger, was the first American lawyer who gained
more than a local reputation, and the only one who did so in colonial
times.' The religious system of Pennsylvania was peculiar to that province,
and was the most important feature of her public policy, for it was the
system of Pennsylvania which received the sanction of the revolution
ary Congress and of the Convention of 1789, and which now prevails
throughout the United States. There was, with one trifling exception
due to secular causes, genuine religious freedom from the beginning.
The oppression of New England and Virginia, of Congregational ist
and Episcopalian, was unknown, and toleration did not rest on the
narrow foundation of expediency to which it owed its early adoption
in Maryland. The Quakers in power were true to the tenets which
they had preached when persecuted. Penn's followers wero, however,
a religious people, and, although they promised to all Christians per
fect toleration, a strong tone of religion pervades the " nervous proc
lamation " against vice, and the early laws of tho same character."
Yet there was but little Sabbatarian legislation such as we find upon
the statute-book of both Virginia and Massachusetts, although an un
fortunate barber was presented by the grand-jury of an early period
for " trimming on the first day.'" There is, however, no indication
that Sunday was less observed, or that the morals of the people were
worse on this account, and the same may be said in regard to the
recognition of marriages solemnized in any religious society whatever.
The generous toleration thus afforded attracted all forms and creeds to
Pennsylvania, and at the time of the Revolution the facts especially
noticed by all observers are the universal toleration, andthe number
and mixture of sects. One writer asserts that religious indifference
was a characteristic of the people owing to this mingling of sects,
and his opinion would seem to be borne out by the religious laxity in
dicated by the prevalence of church lotteries.'' The forms were cer
tainly less rigid than elsewhere ; but the piety was as genuine and re
ligion as wholesome and wide-spread as in any colony.

' As to the courts and the bar in Pennsylvania, see Burnaby, pp. 83, 84 ; for Del
aware, p. 74 ; Laws of Pennsylvania, 1705, 1713, 1715, 1722 ; Jud. Act, 1752, 1767 ;
Col. Ree, iii., 1720 ; Hazard, Pennsylvania Archives, 1727 ; Watson's Annals, i.
^ Hist. Coll., ix., 12, Penn to Logan, " Prepare a, nervous proclamation against
vice." ° Watson's Annals, i., 1703.
* Crevecoeur, p. 62; Pennsylvania Laws, 1765, 1767,1768; Memoirs of a Life
passed chiefly in Pennsylvania, p. 6.

234 HISTORY OF THE
The oldest church in the two provinces was that founded by the first
settlers, who were Swedish Lutherans, and this sect maintained itself
for more than a eentury, forming the only connecting link between
the worshippers and their mother country. The ministers came
from Sweden until the year 1786, when a petition for their discontin
uance was sent, because their speech was no longer intelligible.' But
though the distinctions of race were effaced, the creed survived, was
adopted by the Dutch, and extended by the German immigrants of
I'ke faith. The Quakers were, of course, much stronger than any other
single sect, although they speedily sank from controlling numbers to
a minority of the whole population. They had much more religious
energy than any other denomination, more fondness for their forms,
and maintained with greater solicitude their connection with the par
ent societies. The English Church, although founded at an early pe
riod, never flourished. It served as a ery to the " Hot Church party,"
which was headed by Colonel Quarry, to oppose Penn and favor a
royal government ; but it never obtained any importance, and was sus
tained only by the gifts of the Society for the Propagation of the Gos
pel. Weak as it was, however, it was the only one of the churches
which might some day be raised above the others by the strong arm
of government ; and when the Bishop of London proposed to present
a minister his right was resisted and denied by the people, and claimed
for the proprietary and Governor.
The most important sects next to the Quakers were the Lutherans
and Presbyterians, the latter supported by the Irish and Scotch set
tlers, and with an active, able, and energetic ministry, who spread their
doctrines with much success through the province. There were also
respectable bodies of Dutch Calvinists, Baptists, Anabaptists, and
Moravians. There were, too, many of the strange sects and mysti
cal societies whose members came from Germany in search of the
peace and toleration offered by the Quakers. Among these, besides
the Moravians, were Dunkards, dressed like Dominican friars, Mennon
ists, Pietists, and Ridge Hermits. Last of all come the Roman
Catholics, a small body, principally composed of Irish and Ger
mans, which was certainly insignificant, and would have remained con
tented and unmolested but for the coming of the hapless Acadians,
and the fact of the old French war. The possible danger of Indian

¦ Hist. Soe. Coll., xi., Acrelius, Hist. ; Pennsylvania Hist. Mag., p. 1, Black's Jour.
nal; Col. Records, ix., 1765.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 235
inroads, conducted by Frenchmen, was enough to rouse the two
strongest hatreds of which a man of English race was at that time
capable. Frenchmen and Papists could mean nothing but harm to
any community. The Acadians were both ; and some of the Irish and
Germans were the latter. In the year 1755 three Frenchmen were ar
rested for poisoning wells, and the excitement was at its height. The
Acadians, by tbe interposition of certain Huguenot Quakers, were pro
vided for by the Assembly ; but they were dispersed among the coun
ties, and, broken by misfortune, sank into poverty, and rapidly disap
peared. It was also said that Irish priests stirred up the people at the
mass-houses to join the French ; and as a consequence of this union,
Roman Catholics were disarmed, and their houses searched ; they were
exempted from the militia, and compelled to pay fines. Their number
in Philadelphia was not at this time over two thousand, and they were
the poorest and most ignorant of the population. Their persecution
was, however, only passing, and was due, not to religious bigotry, but
to the wave of fear which swept over the English colonies when France
let loose her savages upon their borders.' With this single exception,
the religious system of Pennsylvania was one of perfect toleration, and
the condition of religious affairs differed in no essential respect, either
social or political, from that which is common to all the United States
to-day. With this simple policy of tolerance to all, religion in Penn
sylvania plays no conspicuous part in her history. There was little os
tentation connected with the varied worships. The churches or meet
ing-houses were, as a rule, small and plain, but neat buildings, and the
clergy a respected and respectable class, honored in their calling, but
neither a picturesque body, as in Virginia, nor one of great social and
political influence, as in Massachusetts.
The standing of the lawyers and the clergy are indications of the
great differences existing between the middle and southern colonies.
Another similar and even more striking illustration is to be found
' As to Religion in Pennsylvania, see Crevecoeur, p. 62 ; Abb6 Robin, p. 93 ;
Kalm, i., 36 ; Burnaby, p. 84 ; Hist. Soe, 1., 62, Procl. of Evans ; Ibid., iii.. History
of Bristol Borough Episcopal Church, 1683; Ibid.,vi., as to Acadians; Pennsyl
vania Laws, 1700, 1705, 1724, 1726, 1756 ; Watson's Annals, i. and ii., as to Eng
lish Church and German Sects; Col. Ree, vii., 448, 1757; ix., 1756, 1766, 1757,
1765 ;' Hist. Soe. Coll., xi., Acrelius, as to Ephrata and Herrenhutters ; Huguenot
Family in Virginia, p. 301 ; Chateaubriand, vii., 18 ; Anderson's History of Colonial
Church, ii., 436 ; Chambers, A Tribute to the Irish and Scotch settlers ; Roohefou
cauld, i., 26.

236 HISTORY OF THE
in the third great profession — that of medicine. As has been re
marked, in the colonies to the south, medical men, as a class, were in
themselves of little merit, and socially and politically had no impor
tance, whereas in Pennsylvania the case was exactly reversed. Al
though Gabriel Thomas asserts, in mentioning the attractions of the
colony, that it had neither lawyers nor doctors, and was therefore
both peaceable and healthy, yet there is no doubt that two physicians
of good reputation came out with Penn, and that from that time on
the profession was respected, and was always extending its irkfluence and
its services. The country physicians, except in the back districts, where
the practice was of the rudest sort, wore apparently men of good re
pute, eking out a slender professional income by farming or shop-
keeping; but the most eminent of the profession were gathered, of
course, in Philadelphia. There were certain marks of simplicity about
them which seem odd to-day, but were then either the fashion ev
erywhere, or qualities incident to a new country. Although there
were regular druggists, yet even the best doctors were expected to bo
apothecaries as well, and dispense medicines to their patients. They
almost invariably walked in making their round of visits in the towns,
and in the country rode on horseback. Midwifery was given up exclu
sively to women. The profession, as a whole, was of remarkably good
quality, and it is said that in all Philadelphia there were not more than
two or three quacks. The services rendered to the progress of medical
science by the profession in Pennsylvania were as great, if not greater,
than in any other colony, and were in themselves very considerable.
Inoculation was successfully introduced in the year 1731, although
not without the usual hard contest with existing prejudices. Three
years later Dr. Thomas Cadwalador, a graduate of tho London schools,
published an essay upon the " Iliac Passion " — the first medical book
produced in Pennsylvania, and one of the earliest which appeared in
tho colonies. About the middle of the century he began to lecture
upon anatomy, and was the pioneer in this branch of medical instruc
tion. He was also one of the first physicians appointed to the hospi
tal founded in Philadelphia in the year 1750. Ten years later Dr. Wil
liam Shippen began a course of anatomical lectures in a private house,
and by these small beginnings he and his friend. Dr. Morgan, succeeded
in starting tho medical college which in the year 1765 was ingrafted
upon the University of Pennsylvania. Dr. Shippen subsequently did
much to raise the practice of midwifery from the rule of thumb
methods of the old women, who had a monopoly of this department.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 237
These energetic and able men — among whom Dr. Rush, famous also
by his controversy with Cobbett, held a leading place — were fair ex
amples of their profession. They were men of family, position,
and wealth, were educated abroad, and were adherents of the English
school. They not only did much to advance medical science in
America, but they helped to break the old tradition of barbers and
apothecaries, which even now weighs upon medicine in England, and
to put the profession, one of the noblest to which a man can devote
himself, in its true position, and to render it attractive, honorable, and
desirable to men of all ranks and of the highest attainments.'
Variety of pursuits and a membership representing all classes of
the community was, not confined to the learned professions. In Phil
adelphia there were great merchants, many busy shopkeepers, and not
a few ingenious artisans and mechanics." In the smaller towns there
were the petty store-keepers and the restless Indian traders, who roam
ed from the sea-coast to the AUeghanies and to the fertile region of
the Ohio in search of furs for the European market.^ There were
others of the people, too', engaged in the infant manufactures, and
in the mining industries just coming into life. Thus, although the
bulk of the population consisted of farmers, there was an active and
important element of tradesmen, great and small, which made its in
fluence felt throughout the entire community, while, in addition, the
learned professions were eagerly sought and successfully practised by
the best men in the province. Variety of interest and of occupation
was not, therefore, wanting in Pennsylvania, and it caused liberality
and enterprise among the people, and a rapid material development
which was even then in progress.
In a community with so large an interest in trade and shopkeep-
ing, there was, of course, from the outset the usual tendency to con
centrate for the better prosecution of business. Philadelphia throve
from the beginning, was in the year 1750 second only to Boston in
size and importance, and by the time of the Revolution had become
the first city in America in population. The inhabitants of tho city
' As to medicine in Pennsylvania, see Wickes, Hist, of Medicine in New Jer-
sey,pt. i. ; Raynal, Eng. ed., p. 120; Brissot, p. 301 ; Gabriel Thomas's Descript.
of Pennsylvania; Pennsylvania Laws, 1724, 1760; Wallace's Inaugural Address,
1872; Hist. Soe Coll. Republ., i., Watson's Account of Buckingham County, ete,
Med. Hist, of Pennsylvania ; Hist, of University of Pennsylvania, iii. ; Watson's
Annals of PhUadelphia, ii. ; Rochefoucauld, i., 8.
2 Kalm, i. 68. ^ Gabriel Thomas's Description.

238 HISTORY OF THE
proper numbered more than twenty-five thousand, and those of the
suburbs carried the total above thirty thousand.'
The city was laid out on the imbecile checker-board pattern now
almost universal in tbe United States, and the High Street running
through the centre of the town was the great promenade for the citi
zens. From the very outset good building was the rule ; the houses
were chiefly of brick, some of stone, and but few of wood. The pub
lic buildings were comely and useful structures, and considered in their
day imposing and handsome. The churches were small and unpre
tentious, but neat. The open squares, long rows of poplars, and large
gardens and orchards about the houses of the better sort, gave some
relief to the rigid lines of the streets. In the matter of police regu
lations, more had been done in Philadelphia at that time than in
most cities in any part of the world, and tbis was chiefly due to the
genius and the quiet energy of, Franklin. At his arrival the town
was filthy, and unpaved, unlighted, and guarded only by half a dozen
constables drawn from the citizens. When the Continental Con
gress assembled, the crossings everywhere were paved, as well as the
principal streets ; there was a regular watch to patrol the town,
cleaning was performed by contract, instead of inefficiently by con
victs, and the streets were dimly lighted. By Franklin's exertions
the city had come to be the pride of the province, and there was
abundant legislation for its benefit. The well-built houses, sometimes
rising over shops and store-houses, sometimes surrounded by gardens,
were generally in the English style of the eighteenth century. They
all had broad porches and projecting roofs and windows. Many were
adorned with balconies, and the old dials set in the walls served in large
measure as time-keepers to a race ignorant of steam-engines. The most
characteristic feature of the town was the sidewalks, marked off from
tho roadway by posts at short intervals, and by pumps, surmounted
by lamps, and thirty yards apart. Within these posts foot-passengers
found protection from vehicles ; and convivial gentlemen, groping their
' Magazine of Amer. Hist, i., 231, Narr. of Prince de Broglie, 30,000; Elkanah
Watson, 1784, 6000 houses, 60,000 people ; Etat PriSsent de la Pennsylvanie, 1766,
12,000; Michaux, 1749, 11,000; 1785,40,000: Smyth, ii., 304, 35,000 ; Abbe Ro
bin, pp. 88, 93, 1781, 20,000 ; Brissot, p. 120, 1766, 20,000 ; Kalm, i., 31, Philadelphia
second to Boston only, p. 57,1746,10,000; quadruples nearly in twenty years:
Burnaby, p. 76, 1759, 3000 houses, 18,000 to 20,000 people ; Watson's Annals, ii.,
in Philadelphia and suburbs, 1753, 2300 houses ; 1762,2969; 1769,3300; 1777,
4474 ; 25,000 to 30,000 people

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 239
way home through the faintly lighted streets, butted against them, and
were thus kept in the foot-path and out of the gutter. Houses and
sidewalks were scrupulously clean, and even the large and commodi
ous market at the end of the High Street, filled every morning with a
busy crowd, was neat, quiet, and orderly. All the foreign commerce
of the province centred in Philadelphia, and the quays along the river
were the scene of bustle and activity inseparable from thriving trade.
Great fairs brought in the country people, and these, with the seamen
and strangers, gave life and variety to the streets and squares. High
rents indicated the growth and business importance of the town,
which, small as it appears in comparison with modern cities, was
large by any standard of the eighteenth century. To Chateaubriand
Philadelphia seemed triste, and he comments on the similarity of the
houses, and the dull, monotonous aspect of the town. To Jefferson,
on the other hand, the impression of the neat, well-built, and prosper
ous, yet simple Quaker city, after the slovenly little villages of Vir
ginia, was never lost, and he wrote, many years later, that he thought
Philadelphia handsomer than either London or Paris. The truth lies
probably somewhere between. Philadelphia before the Revolution was
a genuine English country town of the best sort, well-kept and thrifty,
with unmistakable signs of the well-being of its inhabitants.'
The forces which had built up Philadelphia were not without effect
elsewhere in the province. Germantown, with its infant manufactures,
was a prosperous village. The houses were less good than in the cap
ital, and here and there were to be seen the little dwellings of the
early settlers, with gabled ends toward the streets, low rooms, and
projecting eaves. Other towns wore rapidly springing up at a greater
distance from Philadelphia. Reading, in the year 1749, had only one
house, and two years later had one hundred and thirty ; while Lancas
ter, with a German and Irish population of nearly ten thousand, was the
largest inland town in the colonies, and York did not fall far behind
it. The little town of Bristol, a fair type of the Pennsylvania village,
has been described by one who was born and lived there in tho late
' For PhUadelphia, see Huguenot Family in Virginia, pp. 301-2 ; Michaux, p. 20 ;
Smyth, ii., 303, 304, 307-9 ; Abb6 Robin, p. 93 ; Brissot, pp. 204, 207 ; Raynal, pp.
119, 120 ; Journal of Claude Blanchard, p. 135 ; Kalm, i., 34, 36, 44, 45, 57 ; Burna
by, pp. 76, 78 ; Wansey's Tour, p. 184 ; Gabriel Thomas's Description, 1698 ; Penn
sylvania Laws, 1761,1768, 1771; Pennsylvania Hist. Mag., i., Black's Journal; Wat
son's Annals of PhUadelphia, i., ii., generaUy ; Memoirs of Elkanah Watson, 1784 ;
Chateaubriand, vii., 17.

240 HISTORY OF THE
provincial times. The great road to New York "formed the prin
cipal and, indeed, the only street marked by anything like a conti.
nuity of building. A few side streets were opened from this main-
road, on which, here and there, stood an humble, solitary dwelling.
At a corner of two of these lanes was a Quaker meeting-house ; and
on a still more retired spot stood a small Episcopal church, whose
lonely graveyard, with its surrounding woody scenery, might have
furnished an appropriate theme for such a muse as Gray's. These,
together with an old brick jail (Bristol having once been the county
town of Bucks), constituted all the public edifices.'"
In Delaware, Newcastle, the capital of the lower counties, was an
ill-built and unattractive place ; but Wilmington, with an active popu
lation of merchants and mechanics, was growing rapidly. The houses
were generally of brick, and many of the quaint buildings of the Swedes
still remained. It had fairs and a good trade, and is spoken of by all
tho travellers of the time as a neat, pretty, and prosperous town. The
town life, the constant association of many members of the community
with their fellow-beings, had, of course, a marked effect upon society,
and found its fullest expression in Philadelphia."
The well-defined classes, and simple but strongly marked social and
political system of the southern States, are lost in Pennsylvania. There
was, as in all the colonies, an aristocracy composed of the descendants
of Penn's principal followers, many of whom were landed gentry, own
ino- great estates from whioh they drew their revenues, and of wealthy
farmers and successful merchants ; but this aristocracy was neither dis
tinctly marked nor homogeneous and compact. Its members received
a certain recognition, and wore often leaders in the province, but they
were not politically or socially powerful. Indeed, they were so ill-
defined as a class, that one careful observer, who lived long in Penn
sylvania, declares that there was no aristocracy in existence.' This
weakness arose in great measure from the absence of primogeniture,
excluded by Penn's hostility,* from the supineness of the upper classes
themselves, and from the character and pursuits of the mass of the
population ; for there is no indication that there was any levelling
• Memoirs of a Life passed chiefly in Pennsylvania, p. 4.
2 For smaU towns in Pennsylvania and Delaware, see Smyth, ii., 278, 279 ; Bur
naby, pp. 73, 75, 80 ; Hist. Soo. CoU., i., Republ. Conynham's Hist. Notes ; Watson's
Annals, ii. ; Brissot, p. 362 ; Kalm, i., 89, 157 ; Pennsylvania Hist. Mag., i.. Black's
Journal ; Ferris's Original Settlements on the Delaware ; Elkanah Watson's Me.
moirs, 1784. ' Crevecoeur, p. 46. ¦< Watson, i.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 241
spirit in Pennsylvania, or any of the vigorous democratic theories
which prevailed in New England. But, however weak and ill-defined
the aristocracy may have been, there is no doubt of its existence, nor
of that of the aristocratic spirit which must always be found when any
portion of the community is in a state of enforced servitude. Free
labor was the rule in Pennsylvania, and there was also free service ;
but there were, besides, bond-servants and slaves.
African slaves were brought to Pennsylvania as to the other' col
onies soon after the settlement, but they never became very numerous.
They were employed generally as house servants, and in Delaware as
field hands, but do not appear to have been much used on the Pennsyl
vania farms, and not at all in iron-works or any other of the industries.
They gathered principally at Philadelphia, and in the eastern counties.
Their insignificance as a class, and the feebleness of slavery as an insti
tution, were due to a variety of causes, of which the first and most im
portant was the supremacy of free labor, and the consequent presence
of large bodies of white men who worked themselves. The climate was
too severe for the negroes fresh from Africa or the West Indies, and
they were expensive and precarious property, while the bond-servants
were cheap and plentiful. The Quakers, as a sect — although many of
them came to hold slaves with indifference — displayed toward slavery
an unwavering hostility very bitter at the outset, and while under Penn's
immediate infiuence, but always persistent and active. They used the
arguments of religion to bring- about manumission by members of the
meeting ; and such men as Woolman and Benezet devoted their lives
to warfare upon slavery. This spirit was strongly manifested in the
slave legislation of the province, although there were, of course, harsh
clauses. Blacks received lashes for all misdemeanors for which whites
were fined. Intermarriage of the races was prohibited under heavy
penalties : the maxim partus sequitur ventrem was rigidly enforced,
and the negroes were buried in separate graveyards outside the towns.
The rights of property in slaves were scrupulously guarded by the
government ; but the general character of the laws was mild, and
slaves had some security for life and limb. The murder of a slave
was punishable with death, although public sentiment would not
sustain the infliction upon a master of such a penalty. Whippings
were generally administered by public officers at the jails, on the
request of the owners. More important than anything else were the
steady efforts of the Assembly during the eighteenth century to stop
the importation of slaves by means of a prohibitory duty, and they per-
16

242 HISTORY OF THE
sisted in this policy, despite the opposition of England, until they final
ly obtained complete success. Slaves were still sold in open market,
and driven in gangs to the southward ; but cargoes of human beings
ceased to be landed in Philadelphia some years before tbe Revolution,
and the general treatment of slaves was, in everyday practice, mild and
humane. The constant manumission by individuals either by will or
during their life increased the class of free blacks, to whom the laws
gave ample and adequate protection. They were better than the same
class in the southern States, and in a few exceptional cases were men
of ability ; but as a rule they were idle and shiftless, sometimes dis
orderly and turbulent, and it was usual for the masters to pension
their freedmen in order to prevent their becoming a burden upon tho
community.' The indented white servants in Pennsylvania formed a much larger
and more important portion of the population than the slaves, whom
they assisted in driving out by their own greater cheapness. They
were chiefly Irish and German redemptioners, who sold themselves
to pay their passage, and transported convicts, who at last became so
numerous and troublesome. that laws were passed to prevent their im
portation. There were also among these bond-servants many waifs
from the London streets — children sold by their parents, and unhap
py beings who had been kidnapped and exported sometimes to fur
ther criminal schemes. Lord Altham was of this latter description,
and romances were written by convicts and personations attempted of
those who had been wrongfully forced into servitude, as the easiest
method of disposing of them. The condition of indented servants
was unenviable enough ; but it was better in Pennsylvania than in
the southern colonies. They were more humanely treated, and bet
ter fed and clothed, and the laws did not leave them utterly at their
master's mercy. They could not be sold out of the province with
out their own consent ; and they could not be sold at all except be
fore a justice of the peace. The term of ser-vitude was four years ;
and if they had been faithful they were entitled not only to a
' As to slavery in Pennsylvania, see Kalm, i., 44, 387, and ff. ; Hist. Soe. Coll.,
i., 262 ; Pennsylvania Laws, 1700, 1710, 1724, 1761, 1771, 1773 ; Hist. Soe. CoU.,
Republ., i., Bettie, Negro Slavery in Pennsylvania ; Watson's Annals, i., 201, and
ii. ; Smith, Hist, of Delaware County, 1750 ; Col. Records, i., 1707 ; xi., 1779 ; Mag
azine Amer. Hist., i., 231. In Delaware ; Acrelius ; Rochefoucauld, ii., 272 ; Bris
sot, Free Blacks, 238 ; Kalm, i., 394 ; Hist. Soo. Coll., ii., pt. ii., Watson, Country
Towns, Wilmington.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN -AMERICA. 243
full discharge, but to a suit of clothes and some agricultural tools.
They received five days additional servitude for every day's absence
by flight, and were whipped for theft at the cart-tail. There was a
severe penalty inflicted if they married without their master's con
sent; and women having bastard children were punished by addi
tional servitude. Any one who concealed a runaway servant, or who
traded with them, was liable to a heavy fine. Many of them turned
out well after emancipation, owing to the mildness of their treatment.
The free servants who engaged by the year were a respectable class,
and were sufficiently well paid to lay up money for a wedding outfit.
They formed a comparatively small bod}', but were numerous enough
to remove in some measure the disgrace attendant upon service of
any kind in the purely slave provinces.'
From these classes, or rather from the first two, the criminals and
paupers were recruited. Crime was probably no more common in
Pennsylvania than in the other colonies, but pauperism certainly was ;
and both subjects were better understood and more thoughtfully dealt
with than elsewhere in America. In almost every English colony some
new scheme of social regeneration was attempted, and even the sober-
minded Quakers were touched with the infection of Utopian theories,
and believed that they could overcome crime by fine, restitution, and
imprisonment, without resort to the methods then in vogue. This was
the system founded by Penn, under which murder was the only capital
offence, and it was so far in advance of its time, and in details, indeed,
of what was practicable, that failure was inevitable from the outset.
It is sad as well as instructive to see how this benevolent plan went
to pieces under the harsh pressure of circumstances. Tho liberal spirit
of the founders which drew settlers was in itself a chief cause of" its
downfall, for many of the new-comers were of a very low class, and
brought crime and poverty with them. The curse of pirates and
smugglers, who infested the American coasts, fell heavily, also, upon
Pennsylvania. These outlaws brought trade and specie to the strug
gling colonists, whose virtue was not proof against the temptation.
The pirate Evans owned land in Philadelphia, and the famous Black-
beard traded in its shops; vfhile even the family of Bonn's deputy,
Markham, was mixed up with these illicit dealings. The scandal and
' As to indented servants and free blacks, see Kalm, i., 29, 387, and ff. ; Penn-
sylvania Laws, 1700, 1701, 1705, 1722 ; Hist. Soe. Coll., v., Sargent, Braddock's
Expedition, Introd. ; Watson, i, and ii, ; Smith, Hist, of Delaware County ; Col,
Becords,xi.,1777.

244 HISTORY OF THE
injury which this caused to the province led finally to strenuous meas
ures' on the part of the Assembly, and piracy was suppressed, but not
wholly until twenty-flve years' had elapsed.
Besides tbis particular evil, vice in general increased under the influ
ence of a large immigration and the growth of towns. The Quakers
attempted to meet the difficulty by proclamations and laws against vice
and every form of immorality, from murder down to scolding, smok
ing in the streets, and working on Sunday, thereby trying to reach a
class of offences which legislation cannot deal with directly. Their own
morals, too, began to relax in the second generation. William Penn,
the' younger, not only went over to tbe Church of England, but, after
the fashion of young gentlemen in London, raised a riot in the quiet
Philadelphia streets, wrenched off knockers, beat the watch, and was
finally arrested and brought into court, where tbe matter was hushed
up and the watch reprimanded. At last the new theory of criminal leg
islation was abandoned, in tbe year 1718. Workhouses and jails were
established, the number of capital offences was increased from one to
fourteen ; every felony, except larceny, was made capital on a second
offence, and matters wont on in Pennsylvania in the ordinary fashion
of that day."
At the time of tbe Revolution, while, as compared with England, the
amount of crime was trifiing, it was as compared with the other col
onies very considerable; and although infrequent, there was much vari
ety. About the middle of the century there was a good deal of hang
ing for house-breaking, horse-stealing, and counterfeiting. Highway
robbery was not unknown, and informers were tarred and feathered in
the back counties by a population loyal to the cause of untaxed liquors.
In Philadelphia the disorders inaugurated by young Penn broke out
at short intervals, assuming not infrequently the proportions of a dan
gerous riot. After the French war the town was thrown into a state
of alarm by assaults with knives upon women who ventured out after
dark. The habit of rioting spread to the other towns, and the brutal
massacre by the Scotch-Irish " Paxton boys " of the Indians at Cones-
1 Pirates ; Hist. Soe Coll., iv., 1702 ; Watson's Annals, i., 120, and ii. ; Smith, Hist.
of Delaware County, 1700 ; Col. Records, ii., 1700 ; iii., 1717, 1718, 1732 ; Hist. Ree
of Pennsylvania.
« Hist. Soe Coll., i., 62, 260, 262; Pennsylvania Laws, 1700, 1701, 1705, 1718 ;
Hist. Soe, iv., 1704, Affair of W. Penn, Junior; Watson, i., 1705; Col. Ree, i.,
1697, Letter from W. Penn, 1704, W. Penn, Junior's, case ; Smith, Hist, of Dela
ware County, decrease of morality in Quakers of second generation.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 245
toga was the most notorious result of this turbulent disposition. The
rioters and the criminals were almost wholly Irish. Not one native or
Englishman was found in any ten of the inmates of jails, and the un
fortunate prominence of Pennsylvania in this respect was attributable
to the character of a large portion of her immigrants.
Rough and disorderiy as were the back counties, they did not de
velop the immorality which grew up in Philadelphia as one of the al
most inseparable concomitants of town life. Drinking was the curse
of every part of the province ; but in Philadelphia duelling, although
strongly discountenanced, was more or less practised even by the cler
gy, and there is record of one reverend gentleman who was killed by
a cornet of horse. Lotteries, at first frowned upon, came to be the
regular and recognized method of raising money for churches and pub
lic improvements, afforded an ample opportunity for general gambling,
and offered apparently the principal if not the only occasion for
this sort of dissipation. In no respect were the Quakers more active
than in their efforts to suppress all offences of a sexual nature. The
early laws regulating marriage were detailed and strict in the extreme,
and sharp measures were taken against all " lewd women." This legis
lation appears to have been effective. Prostitutes there were, of course,
in Philadelphia ; but they were only to be found along the wharves
and in the sailors' dens. The policy was, in fact, supported by public
opinion. In the country a couple whose child was born too soon after
marriage were forced to stand at the whipping-post ; and in the Scotch-
Irish communities those detected in illicit intercourse were compelled
to make public confession of their sin in church, concluding with the
words : " For my own game have done this shame,
Pray restore me to my lands again.''
The system of punishments conforming to the common theory of
the day relied principally upon " lashes well laid on." Men and wom
en were whipped for stealing, for bastards, and for all small offences.
The stripes were inflicted upon the market-day, and in the market
place, where stood the whipping-post, which was a great source of in
terest to the crowd, but fell far short of the pillory as a popular amuse
ment. The wretched criminals were placed in the pillory, the popu
lace gathered round, the price of eggs rose, and they were pelted and
abused from morning till night ; while simple vagrants were turned
loose and pelted and hunted out of town. Criminals who could not
pay fines were sold as servants for the public benefit. As late as the

246 HISTORY OF THE
year 1731 a woman was bui-nt at the stake for the murder of her hus
band, and death was the penalty for many comparatively trifling of
fences. In 1772 even, the punishment for burning the State-house was
death, and for breaking into it the pillory, lashes, and imprisonment.
The result of the constant infliction of the death penalty led gradu
ally to its evasion, as it did in England, and to its ultimate abolition.
But, although the early schemes of the Quakers had no effect upon
penalties, they bore good fruit in the matter of prisons and prison
discipline. In the year 1732 prisoners were kept in filthy cells —
usually under the court-house — naked, and covered with vermin. At
the period of the Revolution the prisons of Philadelphia and the sys
tem of management were, on the testimony of foreign observers, the
best in the world. In this direction genuine progress had been made,
and it was due wholly to the humane principles of the Quakers.'
The immigration to Pennsylvania was more fruitful of pauperism
than crime, and the laws are full of attempts to stop by legislation tho
coming of " poor and impotent persons" into the province. The un
limited opportunities of the new land did much to check the spread
of pauperism, and in the country districts there was little or none.
Such as there was in the province was concentrated in Philadelphia and
its immediate neighborhood, and the government endeavored to deal
with it systematically and thoroughly. In Philadelphia overseers of
the poor were to be appointed by the mayor and two justices, and in
the borough to be elected by the freeholders. These overseers were
to lay rates to be levied like taxes ; poor children were to be bound
out to service by the workhouse managers ; and no person was to bo
entered upon the poor-books without an order from two magistrates.
The settlement laws, modelled on those of England, were extremely
strict, and paupers were obliged to wear a large badge on their shoul
der to denote their condition ; but the whole amount of pauperism

' As to crime, punishments, and prisons in Pennsylvania, see Crevecoeur, pp. 40,
67; Brissot, p. 317; Abbe Robin, p. 96; Hist. Soe CoH., i., 262, 1744 ; Pennsylva
nia Laws, 1701, 1705, 1746, 1767, 1772; Hist. Soe Coll, ii., pt. ii., Watson's Coun
try Towns; Ibid., iii.. Hist, of Bristol Borough; Ibid., iv., 322 ; Watson's Annals,
i., 25, 103, and ff., generally, 1731, 1750, 1760, 1761 ; ii., 1693 ; and generally for
crimes, lotteries, duelling, ete ; Bupp, Hist. Lancaster County, 1739; Smith, Hist.
Delaware County, 1690, 1693, 1743 ; Chambers, A Tribute to Irish and Scotch
Settlers ; The Quaker Unmasked ; Col. Ree, ni., 1726 ; vii., 1756, 1762 ; ix., 1765 ;
Hazard, Pennsylvania Archives, 1737, 1773 ; Rochefoucauld, ii., 336, 377 ; Penn
sylvania Hist. Mag., i.. Black's Journal, WUmington ; Wansey, p. 157.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 247
was comparatively trifling, and the system shows a progressive public
opinion.' Another matter of morals, more directly connected, perhaps, with
the condition of trade than anything else, was the standard of fluan
cial honesty, and here we find a marked departure from the loose deal
ing and indiscriminate debts of the southern provinces. There were
on the statute-book the customary laws to regulate interest, and acts
characteristic of the American colonies, which released debtors on a full
assignment of their property. The colony was also cursed heavily with
the paper-money delusion, of which large amounts were emitted ; but
in other respects the commercial spirit was predominant, and the stand
ard of business morality sound. Creditors' rights were fully protect
ed, and careful provision was made to prevent fraud under the acts
for the relief of debtors. The aristocratic tendency cropped out cu
riously in a law of the year 1724, which permitted freeholders of
fifty pounds to be arrested only on suit of the King, or on refusal
to give security." The people were honest; the general tone was
sound in matters of morals ; there was no sympathy with crime or
frauds on creditors ; and failures were a matter of deep and general
regret. The enlightened spirit of the Quakers in matters of social economy
and improvement was strongly shown in their efforts to better the
condition of the sick and insane by private as well as public benev
olence. In Philadelphia was the only lunatic asylum in America,
where an attempt at least was made to alleviate the condition of this
unhappy class, rendered doubly miserable by the treatment they usual
ly were subjected to at that period ; and in this respect, as in prison
management, Pennsylvania was more advanced than Europe. Out-
,side of Philadelphia there was also a large brick hospital for nTen and
women, to which was attached a reform school. Efforts were made,
too, to combat, by proper sanitary regulations, the introduction of in
fectious diseases. There was a good soldiers' home, and various so
cieties existed for the furtherance of philanthropic objects, and for
the care of the poor, aged, and infirm. All these matters of public
health and morals show in Pennsylvania a much greater progress in
' As to pauperism, see Pennsylvania Laws, 1738, 1743, 1765, 1771 ; Poor Law,
cited in text, Watson, ii., 1719 ; Col. Rec, iv., 1738 ; Rochefoucauld, i., 8 ; ii., 272 ;
Michaux, p. 20.
, 2 Pennsylvania Laws, 1700, 1705, 1723, 1724, 1730, 1731 ; Watson, i., 174 and
ff. ; Ibid., ii.. Paper Money, 1773 ; Burnaby, p. 90.

248 HISTORY OF THE
questions of social science than can be found in any of her sister
colonies.' The life, habits, and manners of the people varied greatly. Be
tween the inhabitants of the frontier and those of Philadelphia great
differences necessarily existed ; and between these extremes wero the
different classes of farmers, ranging from the pioneer settlers of the
backwoods to the great landholders of the eastern counties. The life
of the backwoodsmen, contrasting strongly with that of the denizens
of the capital, was rude and simple in the extreme. The pioneers
cleared a little tract in the forest, began to farm in a rough sort of
fashion, and hunted, and traded with the Indians. A log-house of
the simplest construction gave shelter to the settler and his family.
The men dressed in hunting-shirts and leggings, the women in bed
gowns and linsey petticoats, while young and old went barefoot in
warm weather. The two bare rooms were festooned with the gar
ments of the family; the utensils were of pewter; china, glass, and
silver were unknown, and the furniture was all of home manufacture.
" Hog and hominy " were the principal articles of food, varied, when
the chase proved fortunate, by roast venison. The amusements were
as rude as the appliances of comfort. There was much drinking on
all occasions, wild dancing, and rough sports ; but the great event was
a marriage. The widely seattered neighbors then gathered from all
sides to fell trees, shape logs, and build the ono room, called by a
stretch of courtesy the house of the young couple. Then followed
the house-warming, with unlimited drinking and dancing. The new
ly-married pair withdrew at an early hour from the scene to the attic,
where pork and cabbage were liberally supplied to them by the com
pany below, who kept up the festivities with enduring zeal. At all
public meetings there was a good deal of pretty savage fighting,
and the border conflicts between the Irish and Germans make a
dark chapter in the colonial annals of Pennsylvania. At one time
tho former, under the lead of Cresap, endeavored systematically to
drive their more thrifty and industrious rivals from the western
country ; and another bloody struggle, extending over twenty years,
was caused by the efforts of Connecticut men to settle in Wyoming.
This came at times to open and regular war with the government,
aud resulted in the victory of the hardy intruders, and the estab-
' Smyth, U., 309 ; Abb^ Robin, p. 96 ; Brissot, pp. 167, 176 ; Burnaby, pp. 77, 95 ;
Pennsylvania Laws, 1770 ; Col. Records, iv., 1741, 1742 ; Rochefoucauld, ii., 377.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 249
lishment of the democratic govemment of the New England town
ship.' Passing from the rude outposts of civilization toward the east, we
come upon the great farming class which, in all its varieties, formed
the bulk and the strength of the Pennsylvanian population. The
farms near the border partook to a certain extent of the character
of backwoods clearings, and their occupants were rather rough in life
and habits. This was the region where the continual contest went
on with the " accursed Irish," as their German opponents styled them.
Here, too, the Irish brought on themselves the hostility of the gov
ernment, which forbade them to settle in York or Lanca.'tei-, and at
tempted to remove them to the west. From this field thev carried
their quarrels to the Assembly, and divided the legislature into two
parties — on one side the Quakers and Germans, on the other the rest
of the English and the Irish, who succeeded, usually, in obtaining the
upperhand." But these outlying settlements, with their feuds and struggles, were
not the types of tbe agricultural population. The Pennsylvania farm
ers belonged, as a rule, to the substantial, permanent, and best class
of freeholders. They were, for the period, scientific and economical
farmers, and thoroughly well off, which was especially the case with
the Germans, who were thrifty, temperate, never in debt, and whose
women-folk labored in the fields. The farms, worked for the most
part by bond - servants or hired laborers who received high wages,
were rich, and yielded good crops. The owners were themselves prac
tical farmers, working in the fields with their men, and superintending
everything. A Russian traveller, going to visit John Bartram, found
the eminent botanist in the fields with his farm-hands. The style of
living was not infrequently marked by a patriarchal simplicity. Mas
ter and men all dined together in one large room, where, at the lower
end of the table, sat the negroes ; then came the white servants and
the hired men ; and then the master and his family. Food was ev
erywhere plentiful and simple ; and the dress, generally consisting of
leather breeches and hempen jackets, was coarse and substantial. In
, ' Backwoods Life; Michaux, p. 29 ; The Olden Time, p. 141 ; Hist. Soe Coll., v.,
Sargent's Hist, of Braddock's Exped., Introd. Memoir; Rupp, Hist, of Lancaster
County; Stone's Hist, of Wyoming.
' Watson, u., 1743 ; Rupp, Hist, of Lancaster County ; Ibid., Hist, of Northamp
ton, ete ; Chambers, Defence of Scotch and Irish ; .^tat Present de la Pennsylva
nie.

250 HISTORY OF THE
the eastern counties were the Quaker farms, models of neatness and
well-being, where the houses were usually of brick, thoroughly built,
and plastered and papered ; the furniture heavy and well made ; the
linen white, and tbe glass and china of good quality. On every farm
honey was made and cattle raised, while large orchards clustered about
the houses, protected only by hurdles, and open to the wayfarers, who
plucked the fruit unmolested. In the east there were also gardens,
abounding in every sort of vegetable ; and -the estates, not only of the
wealthy but of the prosperous farmers, had each their fish-pond.'
The farms were scattered through the forest — here a group of two or
three, and then again a single clearing, but never at great distances
from each other in the older settlements. Near Philadelphia the farm
houses changed to handsome villas, and here and there were great
manors, of which the most famous was Penn's seat at Pennsbury, with
a large mansion-house richly furnished. Keith's house, which was an
other of the same class, was sixty feet front, wainscoted throughout,
with large rooms and a broad oak staircase. Baron Stiegel's house
at Mannheim was built of imported brick, and had a private chapel,
while over the high wainscots landscapes were painted or tapestry
hung on the walls, and the fireplaces were decked with porcelain tiles.
Other leading men, like Logan, had great estates, and fine houses of a
similar character.
The farming class was throughout one of great prosperity. Mar
riage was young, and very fruitful. Sons were easily provided for,
and daughters soon married. The people were temperate and healthy,
infant mortality not large, and the increase of population rapid.
Tradesmen in the small towns made money quickly, and would in
sure fortune to industrious children by establishing them on a farm
in the neighborhood. The rapid material development of Pennsylva
nia may be measured by the growth of means of transportation from
rude sleds of the early days to nine thousand wagons employed in the
farm service at the close of the French war."
Luxury was almost unknown, although solid comfort abounded.
1 Crevecoeur, pp. 1 and ff., 110 ; Brissot, pp. 164, 287 ; Kalm, i., 70, 87, 124, 149,
216, 307 ; Memoirs of Elkanah Watson, p. 31 ; Rochefoucauld, i., 8 ; Hist. Soe CoU.,
ii., pt. ii., Watson, Country Towns ; Ibid., xi., Acrelius ; Ibid, i., Watson's Account
of Bucks, etc.
2 Burnaby, pp. 75, 86 ; Hist. Soe CoU., i., Mooreland, pp. 197 aud ff. ; Ibid., Repub
lication, Keith's House; Ibid., ix., Penn's House; Pennsylvania Hist. Mag., i., 68,
Stiegel's House ; Watson's Annals, i., 19 ; ii. ; Rochefoucauld, i., 29, 32,

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 251
The daily life and habits remained primitive until the middle of the
eighteenth century, when a marked change began. Tea and coffee
were then introduced, and many of the worthy country people boiled
the leaves of the former and ate them with butter. Straw carpets,
too, began to make their appearance, but were strongly opposed by
old house-keepers, who protested that they gathered dust, and that
the bare sanded floor alone was decent. The Swedish beer, the Eng
lish ale,and the brandy of the early settlers were gradually replaced by
punch, liquors, and wines of every variety, and the same changes made
themselves felt in their amusements. In early times the great festivals
were the weddings. Then the rare flnery was put on, and there was
a great deal too much drinking, and "vain practice" of firing guns,
condemned at Quaker meeting, and games and dances of a very loose
sort, presenting scenes apparently not unlike the famous "Kermesse"
of Rubens. Gradually this sobered down. Weddings came to be held
generally at the house, and only the poor were married and proclaimed in
church ; while the riotous feasting diminished and disappeared, or drift
ed away to the borders of the province. With the last ceremonies of
death the same rule held true. The bodies were still borne out through
the woods on men's shoulders, and laid quietly and simply in mother
earth, but the subsequent eating and drinking declined.
' Other customs held their own better. The rare events of country
life were seized upon in the recurring seasons and enjoyed to the full.
Seed-time and harvest, husking and cider-pressing, heuse-raising and
vendues, shooting -matches, sleighing, and Christmas sports, were al
ways the occasions of social gatherings. There was a good deal of
drinking, and still more dancing, and in every hamlet the fiddler was
an important personage. Vendues and fairs, legal and illicit, drew
all the youth of both sexes to the little towns for a day of boister-
, ous fun, terminating frequently in fist fights of a rather brutal char
acter. In such a community, simple in tastes and habits, equal in fort
une and never idle, there was little place for a strong aristocracy ;
and yet the aristocratic principle prevailed in gentle fashion in all
the older settlements, and there was a simple, conservative, country
respect for superiors everywhere apparent. Each village had its
" squire," the local magnate and magistrate, looked up to by all, who
rode or walked about with cocked hat and powdered wig, broad ruf
fles and gold-headed cane, or who sat at the nearest inn, where he tried
the petty offenders of the neighborhood and dispensed substantial

252 HISTORY OF THE
justice.' The people were eminently social, and, despite the hard trav
elling, visited each other continually. Almost all journeys, great and
small, were made on horseback. Men and women rode to church and
to market. Tho bride went to the wedding on a pillion behind her
father, and returned seated on another behind her husband. Some time
before the Revolution chaises began to come into use ; but the roads
were so bad, even in the neighborhood of Philadelphia, that it was
pleasanter to ride for seven days to Pittsburgh than to go to the same
place on wheels. In the eastern counties stage lines were established,
in 1756, to go to New York in three days; and ten years later an
other, known as the " Flying Machine," was advertised to perform the
distance in two days. Other lines of coaches to Baltimore and to
Germantown sprang from this, and the post-chaise soon ceased to
be unknown ; but although Pennsylvania was imbued with the spirit
of trade, which did something to facilitate travel, the inns remained
deplorably bad, except in Philadelphia; and even there most of them
were simply ale-houses. Over these taverns swung the signs of the
last century, with heads of king and generals upon them, and doggerel
verses Tseneath — an English custom long since extinct. The fare af
forded by these inns was far from good ; and although travellers speak
of cleanliness as a virtue highly prized in America, yet the colonial
landlords were unable to understand why Europeans should object to
dining with the landlord — usually a leading man in the village, or
sleeping two in a bed, or should desire such luxuries as fresh sheets.
But if the inns were poor, their deficiencies were more than made up
by the genuine and universal hospitality of tht; country people. The
traveller might stop at the first farm he came to, and be sure of as
hearty a welcome nearly as he would have had at home. The deter
mination of the people to travel and move from place to place, and
the restless spirit of trade, did much more than any rude facilities to
prevent the isolation which formed so marked a feature in Virsrinian
life."

' Hist. Soe Coll., i., Mooreland, p. 197 and ff. ; Ibid., Republ., Watson's Account
of Buckingham, ete, and ii., pt. ii.. Country Towns ; Watson's Annals, i., 1 9 ; ii.. Lo
cal Magistrates, etc. ; Smith's Hist, of Delaware County ; Hist. Col., iii., Holm's
Hist. ; xi., Acrelius ; Ferris, Original Settlements on the Delaware.
= Travelling, ete ; Observations of John Bartram, p. 11 ; Rochefoucauld, i., 68,
140; Narr. of Prince de Broglie, Magazine Amer. Hist, i., 231 ; Hist. Soe Coll., i.|
Mooreland, p. 197 and ff. ; ii., Watson's Country Towns ; Huguenot FamUv in Vir
ginia, p. 302 ; Michaux, p. 29 ; CriSvecoeur, p. 72 ; Chateaubriand, vii., 17 ; Brissot,

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 253
Despite all these liberalizing and enlightening habits and opportu
nities, there was, owing to the strong infusion of foreign blood, more
superstitious ignorance among the country people of Pennsylvania
than among those of any other colony. The earliest instance ap
peared in a trial for witchcraft in the year 1683. One Margaret
Matson was tried, on perfectly trivial evidence, for bewitching cows
and geese, and appearing at the foot of the accuser's bed. Penn and
his Council had the good sense to find the woman not guilty accord
ing to the terms of the indictment, but guilty of common fame as
a witch ; and they bound her in the sum of one hundred pounds to
good behavior.' This was the only genuine witch case under the mild
Quaker rule ; but the statute of James I. was in force, was recognized
by the Assembly, and received the formal approval of George II. and
his Council." The belief in witchcraft, however, manifested itself in
other forms. About the year 1693 presentations were made by the
grand -jury against astrology, necromancy, geomaney, and divining-
rods." But the law was powerless, and superstition flourished, espe
cially among the Germans, down to the time of the Revolution. Red
ribbons were tied on the horns of cattle to guard against conjurations ;
divining-rods were in high repute ; dogs were burnt to drive away
witches ; love-spells, charms, rings, herbs, and the like, were widely
used; and when the lightning-rod appeared it was strongly resisted,
and even proscribed by some sects. Second-.sight found many believ
ers, and haunted spots and ghost-ridden houses were common to every
hamlet. So fertile a field produced the usual crop of impostors and
swindlers, who professed, after the manner of modern quacks and spir
itualists, to be possessed of devils and spirits, to see ghosts, to cure
diseases, discover hidden treasures, and reveal the places where the
pirates buried their ill-gotten gold. Most of these magicians wore of
German extraction, and in the early times there were some connected
with the fanatical sects who were not without learning. One Dj-.
Witt flourished as late as the year 1765, and as astrologer and Rosi-
crucian did a thriving business. This prevalent superstition shows a
weak element among the people of Pennsylvania, and was one which
pp. 219, 362 ; Wansey, p. 175 ; Pennsylvania Laws, 1710 ; Hist. Soe, iii.. Hist. Bris
tol Borough ; Watson's Annals, i. and ii. ; Stage-coaches and Taverns, Col. Ree, i.,
1697; vii., 1756.
' Hist. Soe CoU., iii.. Hist, of Bristol Borough, p. 8, note ; Col. Records, ii., 1700.
' Watson's Annals, i.
' Smith, Hist, of Delaware County ; Watson's Annals, i.

254 HISTORY OF THE
it took years of civilization to wholly eradicate.' It indicates, also, a
very general ignorance, which was singularly great in a population so
largely composed of the English middle and dissenting class, but
which, like the superstition, was due undoubtedly to the foreign im
migration. The Germans as a rule wore far- behind the English in
point of information, although they produced some distinguished
men, like Rittenhonse and Mulilenburg ; and the same held true of the
Swedes and Dutch, and in a less degree of the Irish. The German
and Swedish pastors made great efforts to remedy this state of affairs
by establishing schools in connection with tho churches, but they
met with little success. The Scotch and Irish Presbyterian clergy,
more active and more zealous, fared better, and did good work with
their country schools, known at this time as " log colleges." But the
general condition of education in -the rural districts was wretched in
the extreme. School-houses were few and small, and rudely built of
.logs, and even these did not begin to appear much before the middle
of the eighteenth century. The barest rudiments only were taught,
and those badly, and for small fees. There was little learning, loose
order, and much whipping everywhere. There was no public system
of schools, and education was almost wholly in the hands of itinerant
masters, who were frequently convicts and foreigners ; and even they
generally abandoned a profession where the fee of a scholar was only
five shillings a quarter. The case was a little better in the towns,
such as Wilmington ; but the educational efforts of the English, who
were the governing race, seem, except in tho case of private schools
kept by individual clergymen, to have been confined to the capital."
In Philadelphia there was much activity and progress in education
from the earliest years of the settlement. In the year 1683, Enoch
Flower, assisted by the munitiipal government, opened the first school ;
and this was followed six years later by a public school, whioh was
sustained by the Quakers, and finally chartered by Penn in 1711. In
the year 1743 the energy of FrankHn produced a plan for a universi
ty, which was abandoned at the time, but revived six years later, when
an academy, where Latin, English, and mathematics wore taught, was
' Watson's Annals, i. and ii.; Hist. Soe, Mooreland, i., 197 and ff. ; v., Sargent's
Braddock's Expedition, Introd. Memoir.
2 Brissot, p. 290 ; Hist. Coll., i., Mooreland, p. 197 and ff. ; Ibid., i., Republ., Wat
son's Country Towns ; Rupp, Hist, of Northampton County ; Chambers, A Tribute
to the Scotch and Irish ; Rochefoucauld, i., 98 ; Ferris, Original Settlements on the
Delaware ; Hist. Soe, xi., Acrelius.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 255
opened, together with charity-schools. The institution prospered, was
chartered in the year 1755, and a college was added, with tolerably
extensive courses of study. So great was the need that within seven
years there were four hundred students in all the departments ; dor
mitories were built, subscriptions raised in England as well as in the
province, and professors of good character and sufficient learning were
employed. This was the foundation of the University of Pennsyl
vania, considered at the time one of the best, if not the very best, in
the colonies, and drawing its students from the whole province.'
Philadelphia was not only the centre of education in the province,
but also of literature, arts, and science. The first two wore, of course,
still in their infancy, but they had an existence and the promise of a
good future, while in science the great name of Franklin not only placed
Pennsylvania at the head of the colonics, but gave her a high position
in the scientific world. The infiuence of that remarkable man was
felt, not only in his great discoveries, in politics, and in every form of
public improvement, but it leavened and stimulated the whole intel
lectual development of the province. The early literary efforts here,
as elsewhere in America, were devoted to descriptions of the country,
and .controversial pamphlets and sermons ; but even then was to be
found a promise of better things. James Logan, the leading man in
the province, was not only a politician, but a scholar versed in many
languages, and the author of a translation from Cicero's De Senectute.
Then came Andrew Bradford, the first printer, and the editor of the
first newspaper, with a large book-store and bindery, where he pub
lished almanacs, the popular literature of the day, and sold, besides
Bibles, dictionaries, and grammars, Virgil, the Spectator, Taller, Guar
dian, and Fenelon. His newspaper was at once a source of fame and
trouble, for liberty of the press was no better understood in the col
onies than in the mother country at that period. A very harmless
paragraph about the finances in the year 1721 brought Bradford be
fore the Council, whence he escaped with an apology and a severe rep
rimand. A few years later he was again in custody for letters which
he had allowed to appear in the Mercury. This time he stood firm,
was thrown into prison, refused to retract, the case against him was
dropped, and he gained a substantial victory as a defender of the
' Hist. Soe CoU., iii.. Hist, of University; Smyth, p. 308 ; Raynal, p. 120 ; Me
moirs of a Life in Pennsylvania, p. 16 ; Kalm, i., 45 ; Burnaby, p. 86 ; WaUace, Hist.
Address, 1872 ; Watson's Annals, i. and ii.

256 HISTORY OF THE
liberty of the press. During Bradford's career Franklin came upon
the scene, and began the publication which first made him fa
mous. Around him gathered a number of young men, members of
his club, and literary Bohemians for the most part, who wrote verses
of all degrees of merit, essays and political disquisitions, and gave to
the young press a liveliness and originality which could not be found
in any other colony. This literary activity was believed to give prom
ise of a great literary future, and it certainly led to more extended
reading and more ambitious efforts at authorship. The Letters of
Junius were read in the province as widely as in England, and called
up a crowd of imitators, while satires and epigrams were much in
vogue, and many fair translations from ancient writers found their
way into print. But among and outside of the imitators of Pope, of
the poetasters, and satirists, and writers of political tracts and squibs,
were men who did real service to their kind, and who gained and de
served enduring fame. At the head of all stands Benjamin Franklin,
versatile, subtle, acute, in some respects the greatest intellect the New
World has yet produced. There is no need to dwell upon his acts or
to recall his writings. From " Poor Richard " and the lightning-rod,
down to the fire company and the iron stove, they are all as familiar
as household words. But among Franklin's friends, and even outside
his circle, were men who did good work iu the world.
Thomas Godfrey, the glazier, a self-taught mathematician, invented
the quadrant, while his son produced the first American drama, Arta-
banus and Evanthe, and, later, the Prince of Parthia, modelled on Dry
den's Oriental plays, and not far short of their very mediocre originals
in merit. John Bartram, the simple Quaker farmer, with deep love
of nature, careful observation, and patient study, won a European rep
utation as a botanist ; and his son, William, followed in his footsteps
with considerable credit. In the year 1732 Rittenhouse was born, and
in 1768 completed his first orrery. Public encouragement was not
lacking, for at the same time the Assembly voted one hundred pounds
for a telescope, and a year later the Philosophical Society erected a
platform for the observation of the transit of Venus. In the year 1771
Rittenhouse received three hundred pounds for his orrery. Much, too,
-was done by the medical profession in the way of public instruction ;
and the lectures of Dr. Spencer on the eye, and on light and color,
accompanied by experiments with the microscope, were the fashiona
ble entertainments of the day. The desire for knowledge ran strong
ly in tho upper classes. There were many private libraries, small, but

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 257
furnished with the classics of the time — Goldsmith, Fielding, Don
Quixote, Gil Bias ; and the taste of the community is strongly shown
by the publication of Blackstone, Robertson's Charies V., and Fergu
son's Essays ; great enterprises for the time, and carried through by
the local publishers. Booksellers usually eked out their income by
the sale of more material articles, but the character of their stock of
books is the important feature in this conneotion. Besides the taste
for reading, music and painting were also cultivated by those who had
leisure, and not without success. Philadelphia, says the historian of
American literature, was a literary centre of more activity than any
except Boston.
This is apparent also in the public press. Not only newspapers
were set on foot, but magazines and reviews were attempted. At the
time of the Revolution there were two English newspapers and one
German •in the colony. They had the latest and most accurate for
eign intelligence in detail, little local news, and a correspondence sup
plying the place filled now by editorials, which was not without merit.
Philadelphia, not only as a great port, but from its geographical
position, was the centre of news on the continent. A post was first
established by Penn as soon as he had founded his colony, which ran
at great expense, and the delay of which for six weeks by snow
caused the inhabitants "to pass the time very melancholy." In the
year I7l7 mail-lines were opened to Virginia and Maryland, and let
ters were carried to the south at enormous rates of payment. Here,
too, was subsequently the head of the whole continental postal sys
tem, which it was one of , Franklin's greatest achievements to make
not only efficient but profitable. The city stood alone in possessing
two public libraries — the one founded by Franklin, the other by Lo
gan. Both had good collections of standard English works, besides
some in French and Latin ; and Franklin's contained also mathemat
ical and physical instruments. Thus Philadelphia had many advan
tages to offer. As the great news centre, she was in constant contact
with the world beyond the sea, whose thoughts and feelings were
carried to her doors by each succeeding packet; while the scientific
exploits of Franklin brought pre-eminence in one great field, and the
literary activity and budding arts showed a disposition to enter upon
others.' ' Literature, ete, in Pennsylvania, see Raynal, p. 120 ; Brissot, p. 273 ; Kalm, i.,
44, 66 ; Burnaby, p. 76 ; Hist. Soe, i., 196, 423 ; WaUace, Hist. Address, 1872 ; Phil-
17

258 HISTORY OF THE
Such intellectual development indicates a social life and habits, and
manners far more advanced than those of the country districts or of
the southern States. The Philadelphians were a trading community;
the large land -owners, supported by the revenues of their estates,
forming but a small fraction of the upper classes, which were com
posed in the main of rich merchants, carrying on an extensive trade,
and of professional men. The middle classes were made up of small
traders and shopkeepers, and the lowest of the laborers, and those who
followed the sea. There was also a large suburban and fioating pop
ulation, who came in daily to business, or flocked in twice a week to
the bustling market, and crowded the town, fllling it with life and
movement when the great fairs were held.
Most of the citizens lived in rooms over their shops, which were
tended by their wives and daughters ; aud their daily life was as
sober, monotonous, and respectable as their Quaker garb. They still
preserved the customs and traditions of their founder, which were
rapidly giving way before the accumulation of wealth, the increase
of luxury, and the presence of ever -increasing sects, whose leading
tenets were not simplicity of dress or manners. But the traders and
shopkeepers differed only^in degree from the upper classes, whose
mode of life has been preserved for us in many ways. The old
style of living was one of extreme simplicity, but luxury began to
come in rapidly after the middle of the eighteenth century, when tea
and coffee came into general use, the bare floors began to be car
peted, and the bare walls papered. There was in every way plenty of
substantial comfort. The houses were large, broad, with dormer-win
dows and balconies, and usually in tbe midst of pretty gardens. Tho
rooms were low and spacious, with heavy wainscots and large open
fireplaces ; while the furniture and silver were plain and massive, but
handsome, and often rich.
The luxury which began to show itself in the houses appeared
much sooner in the matter of dress. Philadelphia was the social cen
tre, and the English fashions came early, and were carried to a great
height. Old men carried gold-headed canes and gold snuffboxes, and
had huge silver buttons on their richly-laced drab coats as a mark of
distinction, while men of all ages wore vast wigs, and many rich velvet
adelphia Hist. Soe, Annual Discourse, 1869 ; Hist. Soe. Coll., i., Republ. Prov. Lit. ;
Hist. Soe, ii., pt. ii. ; ix., 1769, 1704, Letters from Norris to Zachary ; Hist. Mag., i..
Black's Journal ; Watson's Annals, i., ii.. Libraries and Newspapers ; Tyler, Hist.
of American Literature.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 259
and silk. The young men of fashion wore swords and laced hats
and coats, for which red cloth was common even among boys. Tho
amount of color in men's dress, according to the fashion of the times,
is now almost inconceivable. A lady, struck with the appearance of
some gay fellow at a ball, addressed him in the following lines :
" Mine a tall youth shall at a ball be seen.
Whose legs are like the spring, all clothed in green ;
A yellow ribbon ties his long cravat.
And a large knot of yellow cocks his hat."
The women dressed in the extreme of the fashion. Flowered stuffs
of every variety — brocades, satins, velvets, and silks — were much in
vogue, and hours were spent in tbe construction of tall head-dresses
and mounds of hair. They wore masks in cold weather, and carried
fans of ivory with pictured sides. Even the Quakers gave way ; and,
while the stricter members wore plain but rich, materials, a portion of
the sect, known as Wet Quakers, yielded to the fascinations of pow
der, silver buckles, and bright colors.
Tho men of Philadelphia — young and old — were regularly occu
pied with business and trade; while the women of the family in the
middle classes tended the shop; and those of higher rank cared for
the house, played the spinet, walked a great deal, and worked end
less pieces of embroidery, covered with impossible landscapes. Al
though the life of a trading town and the constant presence of
strangers chilled the hospitality which was so marked in the country
districts, there was a constant social intercourse, and an unfailing round
of amusements for both sexes. Fishing-clubs with pleasant houses on
the river, glutton clubs for the consumption of turtle and madeira,
and social clubs abounded. In winter there was sleighing and skating,
besides dancing parties and assemblies, where the social line was strict
ly drawn, as in the case of a young lady of good position, who, having
married a jeweller, was forthwith excommunicated. In summer there
were great fairs, with amusements like bear and bull baiting, and oxen
roasted whole, in which all ranks joined, and for the wealthy there
were fishing and sailing parties and picnics. To theatres there was a
strong opposition. The first company, composed of natives, was sup
pressed in the year 1749 by the magistrates; but five years later an
English company was licensed, on condition that their plays contained
nothing indecent or immoral, and they seem to have met with success,
and to have drawn fashionable audiences. In the year 1758 a theatre
was built outside the city limits, despite the relentless opposition of

260 HISTORY OF THE
both Quakers and Presbyterians, who took the matter into the courts,
where permission was obtained for the performances which thus be
came thoroughly established. As a rule, however, the spirit of tho
Quakers and of the community generally was very liberal in respect to
all forms of amusement, although one of our French allies, M. Claude
Blanchard, murmured because his landlady objected to cards on Sunday.
There was evidently abundance of comfort and good-living, although
manners were in many respects curiously primitive. In summer the
young ladies always put on full dress for the evenings, and sat in the
porches of the houses, while the young men strolled about from house
to house and made visits. Dinner, and oven fashionable dinner-par
ties, were at twelve o'clock, and in the afternoon calls were made, and
there was much tea-drinking, and at sundown supper was served. If
there were no balls, the men then went to their clubs, which were quite
numerous, and which met at the taverns, where there was more supper,
a great consumption of wine, and a plentiful flow of discussion, chiefly
of a political nature. Marriages, especially among the Quakers, were
always occasions of great festivity. The banns were pronounced at
two successive meetings, and on eaeh occurrence there was a recep
tion ; while the wedding entertainment sometimes extended over two
days, during whioh time there was open house kept for all comers.
The marriages, however, were outdone by the funerals, which were
attended with immense pomp and parade. The body was borne
from the house by friends, and was followed to the grave by a long
procession, generally on horseback, and sometimes numbering several
thousands. Then ensued the usual eating and drinking, and distribu
tion of scarfs and rings. The expense and extravagance became so
great in this respect that a strong effort, following the example of
Boston and New York, was made to stop the outlay at funerals.
From what can now be gathered, it is evident that society was agree
able in Philadelphia, and manners, if not easy, pleasant, and good-nat
ured. " They are as far behind us in etiquette," says the Abbe Robin,
" as they are ahead of us in legislation ;" and the statement is proba
bly correct. However good manners may have been, they were tinged
with provincialism, and were not highly polished. This was equally
true of the women, who were agreeable, good-looking, well-bred, and
often accomplished, but who lacked the grace and ease of Europe.
But however much elegance and refinement of manner may have
been wanting, the wholesome virtue of a simple society was still re
tained; adultery was unknown, and gallantry and intrigue had no

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 261
existence. The women prided themselves on their fidelity to their
husbands and their devotion to their children ; and the Frenchmen
of the Revolution, who paraded their mistresses in the streets, were
regarded with unfeigned disgust. Marriages were wholly from incli
nation, and there was but little parental control in such matters.
This simplicity, as has been said, did not reach dress or amusements,
nor the general style of living among the wealthy. Besides hack
ney-coaches and other conveniences of that sort, there were many
handsome private carriages and fine equipages. There were numer
ous slaves and servants in every rich family, generally in livery, and
large studs of horses were maintained. In the suburbs were exten
sive tea-gardens, places of great popular resort, where there were fire
works, billiards, and bowling-greens, and where much time was spent
in the season of pleasant weather. The whole mode of life was that
'of a rich, comfortable, and rather self-indulgent trading community,
which grew apace, and where fortunes were easily acquired.'
The political habits and modes of thought differed widely in some
respects from those of the southern and eastern groups, and were typ
ical of the middle provinces ; for narrow as were the domestic politics
of all the colonies, they were especially contracted in Pennsylvania,
which was due principally to the Quakers, who as a sect struggled
hard to retain their supremacy. The usual quarrels with the governors,
always pushed far in the stress of war, were carried to great extremes
when fortified by the peace principles of the Friends. In the French
war the selfish supineness and indifference of Pennsylvania seem al
most inconceivable when we remember the savage warfare which
raged upon the borders, and how the other colonies fought their
own and England's battles. The Quakers, who were mainly respon
sible, retained their power by playing off the Germans, with whom
they were allied, against the rest of the- English and the Scotch and
' For manners, customs, and amusements, Watson's Annals of PhUadelphia fur
nish an inexhaustible store ; see also Smyth, i., 308 ; Abb6 Robin, pp. 89, 94 ; Cha
teaubriand, vii., 17, 19 ; Brissot, pp. 160, 270, 271, 272, 276, 303, 324, 344 ; Raynal,
i., 116 ; Blanchard's Journal, p. 183 ; Memoirs of a Life in Pennsylvania, pp. 24,46,
105 ; Kalm, i., 29, 43, 54, 103 ; Burnaby, pp. 77, 86, 87 ; Wansey, p. 127 ; Memoirs
of SchuylkiU Fishing Club; Hist. Soe, i., Mooreland, p. 197 and ff., 367; Bent. Hist.
Soe, Address Wash. House ; WaUace, ibid., 1872 ; Hist. Soe CoU., ix. ; Pennsylva
nia Hist. Mag., i.. Black's Journal for Daily Life ; also for same, Shippen Papers,
edited by Thomas Balch ; Hazard, Archives of Pennsylvania, 1754 ; Elkanah Wat
son, Memoirs ; Mag. of Amer. Hist., i., 231, Narr. of Prince de Broglie ; Rochefou
cauld, u., 381, 384, 388 ; Hist. Soe, ii., pt. ii., Watson, Country Towns.

262 HISTORY OF THE
Irish, who furnished a turbulent element, which formed a strong con
trast to the peaceable politics of their opponents. Election riots were
by no means uncommon, and in the disposal of offices there appears
to have been a good deal of intrigue and corruption of the sort then
familiar in England.'
In regard to the mother country, the people, Franklin said, were
" docile, and led by a thread ;" and that the colony was warmly at
tached to England, there is here, as elsewhere, every evidence, as in the
loyal addresses called forth by the death of the Prince of Wales and
the defeat of the Pretender ; but there were also the usual grievances,
such as the injurious laws of trade, and the attempts at impressment,
while the large number of foreigners did much to weaken the bonds.
All this was enhanced by the conduct of the British, who behaved
with their customary short-sighted arrogance to the " Mohairs," as
they contemptuously termed the Americans, by whom they were al
ways treated with regard and respect. But there was nothing- strong
or aggressive in the attitude of Pennsylvania, and the Quakers were
eminently conservative and slow in action." The sense of being a col
ony, and not born to the soil, was apparently very marked. " Cette
societe," says Chateaubriand, " sans aieux et sans souvenirs ;"" and
this was to a large extent true, not only on account of the foreign
element, but because of the origin and character of the people. The
memory of great hardships, of difficulties overcome, of efforts for
great principles, which gave force and character to Virginia and Mas
sachusetts, were lacking to the middle provinces. The Pennsylvani
ans were essentially shopkeepers and traders, prosperous and content
ed, with a loose social system and a heterogeneous population. Their
politics and their character were conservative and at times timid ; and
when independence was at stake, they were a weight upon the action
of Virginia aud Massachusetts, who dragged them forward irresistibly
on the inevitable path. At the period of the adoprion of the consti
tution their conservative tendencies again came into play, and were
of vast importance ; and thus they continued the uncertain balance
between the great contending forces, social and political, of their
southern and northern brethren.

' Hist. Soe. CoU., xi., Acrelius ; Watson's Annals, i., ii. ; Quakers Unmasked ;
^tat Present de la Pennsylvanie ; Answer to a Brief Statement ; Col. Records, iv.|
1742 ; v., 1760 ; Shippen Papers, ed. by Balch.
" Memoirs of a Life in Pennsylvania ; Kalm, i,, 52 ; Burnaby, p. 86 ; Watson's
Annals, i. ; Col. Records, v., 1751 ; Hazard, Pennsylvania Archives, 1743.
° Chateaubriand, vii., 18.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 263

Chapter XIV.
NEW JERSEY FROM 1664 TO 1766.
TiiB Dutch from New York were the first to settle within the bor
ders of New Jersey, as early, it is said, as in the first quarter
of the seventeenth century ; but their settlements never grew
or reached an importance sufficient to give them a place in history ;
and it was not until after the capture of New Netherlands by the Eng
lish, and the grant by the Duke of York to Lord Berkeley and
Sir George Carteret, that the province then named New Jersey
begins to play a part in American history. Gradually the conquer
ing race swept in — Protestants from New York, Quakers from the
mother country, Puritans from New England — and a new state was
added to the British dominions.
Berkeley and Carteret first established a form of government by
an instrument known as the " Concessions." This scheme was a lib
eral one, assuring religious toleration, and a government composed of
Governor and Council appointed by the proprietaries, and a general
Assembly chosen by the people. The concessions were speedily fol
lowed by the appointment of Philip Carteret as Governor,
who went out at once with a body of emigrants. There was
some opposition from Nicolls, Governor of New York, which proved
the source of much future trouble ; but the Duke had gone too far
to retreat, and Nicolls was obliged to reluctantly admit the new
comers, who at once proceeded to allot the land at Elizabeth, and
found their towns and colony. There was some difficulty, also, with
the old settlers, but their claims were compromised, everything went
smoothly, and immigrants began to come in companies from New
England. Towns rapidly sprang up, and it was soon found necessary
to call the representatives of the people together. The first
Assembly was brief and harmonious, and in the criminal law
we see the unmistakable work of Puritans, who at once began to

264 HISTORY OP THE
impress themselves upon the colony. At the very next session came
the inevitable quarrel between Assembly and executive; in this in
stance because the Council insisted on sitting as a separate Ilouse,
instead of with tho Assembly, where they could be outvoted. Tha
contest had no result, and the Assembly adjourned, not to meet again
for seven years.
The controversy, however, took another shape, and passed to the
towns — independent corporations, and full of the New England
spirit, whose inhabitants objected to paying quit-rents. This
was sustained by the old settlers, who had paid for their lands, and
had grants from Nicolls ; and, finally, the disaffected towns held an
Assembly, and chose a new Governor, James Carteret, an illc-
1672. gitimate son of the lord proprietary. The last vestige of
power having gone, Philip Carteret, leaving John Berry as his dep
uty, betook himself to England, where tbe proprietaries, backed by
the Duke of York, sustained their officers, and sent out letters ex
tending the executive power, declaring the old grants void, and defer
ring for a short time the payment of quit-rents. This was ef
fective, and James Carteret sailed for Virginia ; but the trouble
proved sufficient to frighten Lord Berkeley, and make him part with
all his right and title in the province. Meantime, the efforts of the
proprietaries to settle the difficulties of their province were cut short
by the Dutch reconquest of New York. The inhabitants of New Jer
sey submitted quietly to the Dutch, in the antumn of 1673, on receiv
ing sufficient promises of protection and liberty, and went back as qui
etly under the English rule the following year, when peace was made.
This passing change of masters had the effect of leaving in doubt the
validity of the old grant to the Duke of York, and this grant was,
therefore, made again, and the Duke commissioned Andros as Gov
ernor of the whole territory. Charles, however, recognized Carteret's
government, and tbe Duke was obliged, in turn, to renew his former
conveyance, which was now made separately to Carteret, and included
East Now Jersey, nothing being said about the portion alienated by
1675 ¦'^'^''^^^^^y- I'I"''? Carteret again came out as Governor, and
was well received, and everything went quietly in the Assem
bly which he called in the following year;
Lord Berkeley, in the mean time, had sold his share to John Fen
wick, in trust for Edward Byliinge, both Quakers. A controversy
arose, and one-tenth was awarded by Penn, as arbitrator, to Fenwick,
and nine-tenths to Byliinge. Soon after Byliinge failed in Dusinoss. ami

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 265
his nine-tenths were assigned to trustees, with Penn at their head, for
tho benefit of his creditors ; while Fenwick also mortgaged his share,
and, having sold some lands, came out with a number of emigrants,
and settled at Salem, near the Delaware. This had hardly been done
when Andros, despite the Duke's original grant, and his own recogni
tion of the concessions, sent down officers, stopped the trade
of the Quakers, and finally arrested Fenwick and sent him to
New York, where he was soon released ; but afterward returned, and
was again released on parole. In the mean time the trustees of Byl
iinge and the mortgagees of Fenwick had combined, and effected an
agreement with Carteret, by which the province was divided into East
and West New Jersey. The Quakers then framed a government of
extreme liberality, providing for toleration in religion, for a represent
ative Assembly, and for an executive composed of commissioners to
be chosen by the freeholders. Commissioners were at once
1677. . . .
appointed, and sailed with a large number of settlers. They
were detained at New York by Andros, who denied their authority,
and who only allowed them to proceed on taking a warrant from him.
This done, they entered upon their work, allotted lands, and founded
towns ; but in the midst of their labors Fenwick appeared, released
from New York, and set up a government of his own at Salem. The
commissioners forbore to meddle with Fenwick, but Andros was not
so gentle ; and, on the former's refusal to pay customs to the
Duke's officers, arrested him again, and took him once more
to New York. Andros then went further, and undertook to enforce
the customs upon the other settlements,' which were growing rapidly;
but this produced complaints, and the proprietors had the whole ques
tion referred to Sir William Jones as arbitrator. After elaborate argu
ments. Sir William Jones decided that the Duke had no right to cus
toms ; and a new grant was then made by the Duke to the
proprietors, which, however, complicated matters still further,
by reserving the powers of government to Edward Byliinge.
Meanwhile the same policy had been attempted by the Duke's offi
cers against East New Jerso}', where everything was moving peaceably,
and where Carteret, anxious to encourage commerce, had opened Eliz
abeth as a free port, which' was strenuously resisted by Andros, who
demanded duties. Carteret refused, and Andros, with- tbis quarrel
rapidly ripening, went to England, where he received instructions to
exact the duties for three years more. On his return he paid a
visit to Carteret, who, backed by the Assembly, declined to submit ;

266 HISTORY OF THE
and soon after an armed force was sent out by Andros, and Carteret
was surprised, arrested, and taken to New York. There Carteret
was tried, and, although acquitted by the jury, was still detained as a
prisoner, while Andros tried to seize the New Jersey government, and
was baffled by the firm resistance of the Assembly. Instructions came
from the widow of Sir George Carteret, who died at this juncture, to
refuse submission to the Governor of New York ; and the Duke soon
after executed a release to the heirs of Carteret, and recalled Andros.
Tho deputy, Brockholst, made one more attempt to carry out the high
handed policy of his superior and predecessor, but was success
fully opposed by Carteret, who had been reinstated, and the
protracted contest came to an end.
Not long after the Carteret heirs sold out their property to Wil
liam Penn and others, who obtained still another release from
1682. the slippery Duke, and formed an association of twenty-four
proprietors for the government of East New Jersey. Robert Barclay,
one of the principal leaders of the Quakers, was appointed Governor,
and Thomas Rudyard was sont out as his deputy. Much practical
legislation was enacted by the new Governor and the Assembly;
counties were laid out, courts erected, and the penal code revised.
Soon after, the government was reorganized, Barclay made Govern
or for life, and Gawen Lawrie, one of the founders of West New Jer
sey, appointed deputy. Lawrie came out the year after his appoint
ment with some new concessions, whioh provided for the choice
of the Governor by the proprietors, for a representative Assem
bly, religious toleration, and other less important matters, and which
aroused considerable opposition in the province owing^to the favor
itism shown the Quakers, who were but a small minority of the in
habitants. Lawrie also became involved in a contest with Governor
Dongan, who renewed the efforts of Andros, and attempted, with the
aid of the royal collector, to force all ships to enter at New York ;
and when the proprietors remonstrated, Dongan's defence made it
evident that he aimed at the annexation of the province. . This
amiable policy reached success by the accession of James, who,
once on the throne, threw aside the underhand frauds by which
he had tried to control the Jerseys, and by the issue of a writ of
quo warranto forced the proprietors of East New Jersey to surren-
^ggg der their province, on condition that they should retain the
ownership of the soil. The fate of West New Jersey was sim
ilar. This province had increased rapidly in population and prosper-

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 267
ity, while its proprietors wrangled and quarrelled, and wound them
selves up in every form of legal and business complication. When,
however, they saw the quo warranto suspended over East New Jersey,
they followed the example of their sister province and surrendered to
the King, on the same condition of retaining the ownership of the
soil. Andros, now Governor-general of New England and New York, took
charge of the government and administered it in irresponsi
ble fashion, but mainly through the old officers ; and when the
Revolution came, there was too little harmony or sympathy between
people and proprietaries, and too little affection for the old governments
to lead to any active measures. Governors were appointed, and resist
ed by the people ; and, finally, Andrew Hamilton, who had been dep
uty at the time of the surrender, came out as Governor, and
1692. succeeded in carrying on an administration. He was also
made Governor of West New Jersey, which had passed through vari
ous hands into the possession of a society. Thus the two divisions of
New Jersey came together gradually, and the arrangement was
continued under Hamilton's successor, Jeremiah Basse. Under
the new Governor the old trouble with New York once more broke
out, and the question of customs again came before eminent lawyers,
and was again decided in favor of the proprietors. At last the seiz
ure of a vessel brought the matter to the courts, and East Jersey won
again. In the mean time Basse had lost the confidence of both peo
ple and proprietors, and was recalled. The proprietaries wished
to reappoint Hamilton, and he came out as Governor of West
Jersey, but for East Jersey the royal approbation could not be ob
tained. The people of East Jersey petitioned the Crown against the
proprietors, whose title was also contested by the King, and the Coun
cil of proprietors, now become an unwieldy body, was itself divided.
Some of them urged an immediate surrender, others sought to make
terms, and, after much bickering and bargaining, the surrender was
finally made. West Jersey followed in the same course, although
there was less faction among the people, and joined in the surrender
to Queen Anne, soon after the death of Kins William. The
1702. .
rights of the proprietors in the land were sufficiently protected,
and a form of government satisfactory to all was promised.
This new constitution was embodied in the instructions of Lord
Cornbury, who was appointed Governor of both Now York and the
Jerseys, now consolidated into one province. The form of govern-

268 HISTORY OF THE
ment thus established provided for a Governor and Council appointed
by the Crown, aud was on the common model of the royal provincial
governments of the eighteenth century. It put an end to the wretched
jarring and confused political arrangements from which New Jersey
had suffered for nearly half a century at the hands of the proprietors,
and introduced permanence and order. The proprietors, secure in
their rights of property, were simply deprived of government which
they could not carry on, while the people lost much of the entire lib
erty which they had practically enjoyed under the feeble rule of the
proprietors. There were the seeds for many future controversies in
such a condition of affairs, and before long they produced a plentiful
harvest. Lord Cornbury was well received on his arrival, and addressed the
Assembly in gracious terms, so that formal business was rapidly
transacted ; but when the settlement of proprietary rights and the
raising supplies -were reached, there was a pause, and the Assem
bly was dissolved. At the next session matters were even
1704. worse. The Assembly, after much hesitation, granted a sum
of money which the Governor thought lamentably insufficient, and
would do nothing for a military force. The result was a dissolution,
and a struggle at the elections, in which the government was beaten.
Cornbury, who was one of the most worthless of the many bad co-
Jouial governors, then unseated three members, and, having packed
the House, got through the supply and militia bills which he desired,
and made himself master of the province. For two years he retained
this ill-gotten power, troubled only by contests with some of the pro
prietors about lands ; but the spirit of discontent spread rapidly, and
at the next Assembly he found himself facing a determined
opposition, ably led by Samuel Jenings and Lewis Morris.
The Assembly drew up a memorial to the Queen and a remonstrance
to the Governor, setting forth their grievances in the failure of jus
tice, the establishment of foes, the prohibition of land grants by the
proprietors, and finally the invasion of their liberties by the removal
of the three members. Then ensued the usual conflict — replies from
the Governor, refusal of supplies, repeated dissolutions, and at
last the removal of Cornbury, against whom complaints went
up from every part of the region unfortunate enough to be governed
by him.
His successor, Lovelace, was welcomed in the province, but did
not live long enough to deal with the restrictions which the As-

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 269
sembly put on the money bill ; and his death left the government
in the hands of Ingoldsby, the Lieutenant-governor, and a tool of
Cornbury, against whom the Assembly had already addressed
the Queen. The Assembly, however, cheerfully voted three
thousand pounds in aid of the war against Canada, enlisted men, and
entered upon the favorite colonial system of paper-money by issuing
bills of credit for this purpose. They then turned their attention
to domestic affairs, and had little to do with Ingoldsby, who succeed
ed in forming a party in the Council hostile to the representatives
of the people ; but his universal unpopularity and the complaints
"ag-ainst his government soon led to his removal, and he
1710. .
was succeeded by General Hunter, who made a favorable im
pression, and gave promise of a good administration. The quarrel
wont on between the Assembly and the Ingoldsby party in the Coun
cil in regard to the attacks of the latter, the disabilities of Quakers
refusing to take an oath, and the qualification of jurors. The pop
ular grievances were laid before Hunter, who, after an impartial
consideration, removed the obnoxious members of tho Council from
office, which so restored the confidence of the Assembly that at
their next session they authorized the raising of volunteers, and
gave cheerfully five thousand pounds for the war in bills of credit.
The next Assembly, which did not meet until two years later, con
tinued to act in harmony with the Governor, voted supplies,
removed the jiisabilities of the Quakers, settled the qualifica
tions of jurors, and regulated slavery. An interval of three years
elapsed before another Assembly was summoned, and then came
the first contest with Hunter, who had been instructed to remove
the capital from Burlington to Amboy. This produced a factious
opposition, but Hunter's instructions were so plain that submission
was alone possible. The hostile faction undertook to break up the
Assembly, but the majority stood by the Governor, and the members
who absented themselves were expelled, and not allowed to sit again in
the House. After this conclusion tho attention of the Assembly was
turned to the finances of the province, which were much involved.
They tried to meet their deficiencies by more bills of credit, and did
their best to furnish proper salaries and supplies to the govern
ment ; but the close of Hunter's administration left them still
in trouble, and when his successor, William Burnet, who arrived in
the following year, met the Assembly, matters had not much improved,
and the province was still encumbered with debt. Burnet entered at

270 -HISTORY OF THE
once upon the domineering, meddling policy which he adhered to
with such pertinacity during his whole career in America, and in all
his governments. He not only demanded the settlement.of a lasting
revenue and an increase of salary from the impoverished province,
but he rebuked the Assembly for the length of its sessions, question
ed tbe validity of laws regulating the qualifications of members, and
interfered in every way with the rights and privileges of the represen
tatives. This awakened a stubborn resistance and refusal of supplies,
and sudden dissolutions followed each other in the usual fashion for
two years. Then the Governor abated somewhat his preten-
1723. sions, the Assembly voted salaries smaller than before, mado
appropriations for five years, passed laws against the Papists, and
dealt with the debt by authorizing the emission of forty thousand
pounds in bills of credit, which wore legal tender and bore interest,
and by the establishment of a loan-office. There were contests on
the judiciary and other questions ; but the measures which were pass
ed enabled the government to go on smoothly enough until the year
1727, when the people began to be restive on account of the protract
ed existence of the Assembly and the long intervals between the ses
sions. A new Assembly was therefore convened, but nothing was done,
and soon after Burnet was transferred to Massachusetts.
Burnet's successor, John Montgomerie, ruled quietly and ac
ceptably. A strong effort was made for a separation from
New York, but the movement effected nothing. On the death of
Montgomerie, Lewis Morris, as President of the Council, was
1 731. o ^ ' ?
at tho head of the government until the arrival of William
Cosby, in the following year, with a commission as Governor of New
York and New Jersey. The Assembly passed a bill providing for tri
ennial elections, and calling an Assembly at least once in three years
at Amboy and Burlington alternately, which received the assent of
the Governor, but was disallowed by the King, and, together with the
similar fate of bills regulating legal matters, caused much discontent.
Cosby was not over-popular, and the Assembly complained of his se
lections for the Council ; but, on the whole, his administration
1738' "'^* peaceful; and at the rime of bis death, the petition for a
separation from New York being finally granted, Lewis Morris
was appointed Governor of New Jerso}-.
This excellent and needed change, which brought a man identified
with New Jersey to the head of affairs, produced some alterations in
the form of government. The Council was mado a separate branch

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERIC.i. 271
of tbe legislature, and the Governor no longer presided at their meet
ings. After an exchange of courtesies and congratulations, the As
sembly got to work, and found that the former leader of the popu
lar party was no more manageable than his predecessors. The old
quarrel over fixing elections and shortening lawsuits was renewed, and
the supply bill and salaries, passed after much delay, were so highly
unsatisfactory that the Governor dissolved the Assembly in disgust.
The next Assembly, despite a sharp lecture from the Governor, was no
better; the old subjects of contention were brousht forward,
1740. . .
and matters were still further complicated by the Spanish war.
Morris refused to adjourn the House until they had given aid to the
war, and this led to the passage of a bill which opened up the ques
tion of the disposal of the revenue, and to which the Assembly ad
hered, despite the opposition of the Governor. The controversy thus
begun rapidly developed. Every possible subject of dispute was drawn
in, including fees, salaries, and meetings of the Assembly ; and the
Ilouse refused to pass supply bills until their other measures received
tho Governor's assent. They also came to an open breach with the
Council, accusing them of an improper union of offices ; there was a
further contest about a militia bill, there was no money, government
was at a standstill, and at this juncture Morris, from whose adminis
tration so much had been expected, died, and left the govern
ment in the hands of John Hamilton, the senior member of
tho Council.
The death of Morris softened the bitterness of parties, and the As-
semblj'- passed bills for raising men, and issued ten thousand pounds
for the war, in accordance with the royal instructions sent to
1747. Hamilton. Shortly after Hamilton died, the government de
volved on John Reading, another councillor, and then passed to Jon
athan Belcher, who came out as Governor. Tho peace of Aix-Ia-Cha-
pelle relieved the province from the burdens of war ; and Bel
cher, a shrewd, wary man of long political experience, put an
end to the quarrels pf his predecessors, humored the Assembly as far
as possible, assented to several bills which Morris had stoutly resisted,
and never opposed the popular wishes, except when his instructions
left him no choice, and then the Assembly wore obliged to yield.
This insured a quiet, peaceful, and prosperous administration, of which
the province stood much in need. The only break was caused by riots
arising from the knotty questions of land titles, and directed against
the courts and the old proprietors. The Asseinbly, sympathizing with

272 HISTORY OF THE
the rioters, prevented the employment of force, and the insurrection
finally subsided.
The French war affected New Jersey but little, owing to her pro
tected situation — shut in by the great colonies of New York and
Pennsylvania. While professing their readiness to resist French en
croachment. New Jersey, having no interest in the Indians or the In
dian trade, declined to meet the commissioners of the other colonies
at Albany in 1754, and promptly refused to ratify Franklin's constitu
tion, which was proposed by that meeting to all the American prov
inces. During the war New Jersey did little. The Assembly generally
complied with the requisitions made upon them, but they would refuse
or modify at their own discretion, with the exercise of which neither
Belcher nor his successors seem to have interfered. Belcher's
1757. judicious rule was closed by his death, and the government de
volved again upon Reading. Then followed several Governors for very
short terms : Francis Bernard, who was active in Indian affairs ; Thom
as Boone, soon transferred to South Carolina ; Josiah Hardy ;
1762. ^ J 1
and, finally, William Franklin, who was appointed through the
influence of Lord Bute, and held office until driven out by revolution..
The concord and good feeling produced by the great victories of
the French war, and by its successful close, were soon disturbed by the
new policy of taxation. New Jersey had been as ready as any colony,
during- the war, to oppose anything like taxation by England, so that
the Stamp Act aroused general discontent ; and, when it came to the
point, the stamp - collector resigned, without an attempt to perform
his duties. The circular of Massachusetts found the Assembly 'on
the eve of adjournment; and, owing to this and to the efforts of
Franklin, an evasive reply was returned. This produced general dis
satisfaction ; so marked, indeed, that the Speaker called a convention
of the members, denounced violently by Franklin, and delegates were
1765 ^PP°i"*^*'^> ^'^° i"et with those from the other provinces at
New York, and thus placed New Jersey among the united col
onies, and bound up her interests with theirs.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 273

Chapter XV.
NEW JERSEY IN 1766.
The province of New Jersey, stretching along the Atlantic, with
low, sandy shore, and a wide extent of low, flat country, rising gradu
ally toward the west and south, and intersected with noble rivers, oc
cupied a position wholly different from any other American colony.
New Jersey alone never had a border on the wilderness. She was
shut in by the great provinces of New York and Pennsylvania, and,
from the time the settlements were fairly founded, never knew the
dangers which haunted the frontier settlers of the other colonies, ex
cept in the case of Connecticut and Rhode Island, down even to the
period of the Revolution.
Except for-internal dissensions, and the troubles with the govern
ment of New York, there was nothing from the outset to check the
quiet and prosperous growth of the province. The population num
bered seventy-five thousand at the period of the French war, and about
one hundred thousand at the time of the Revolution. The number of
negroes was, as in Pennsylvania, comparatively small.' There was lit
tle diversity of race among the New Jersey people. The trifling Swed
ish and Dutch elements had been completely absorbed, and there were
some German settlements ; but with these exceptions the population
was of pure English stock. West New Jersey was settled by Quakers
chiefly, of whom a few had gone also to East New Jersey, which was
occupied principally by New England men and by some Scotch Pres
byterians. These were good materials, and the colony benefited from
the purity, vigor, and homogeneousness of her population."
" They are a very rustical people," said Governor Belcher, " and de
ficient in learning." A " rustical people " they certainly were, for near-
' Sussex Centenary, Edsall's Address ; Burnaby, p. 101 ; Board of Trade Esti-
njates, Bancroft, iv., 127, 129 ; HUdreth, ii., 419.
" Murray, Notes on Elizabeth ; Kalm, i., 228 ; ii., 12S ; Sussex Centenary, Edsall's
Address ; Barber's Hist. Coll. of New Jersey. 18

5;j'74, HISTORY OF THE
ly tbe whole community was absorbed in farming. Wheat and pro
visions were the staples, and tbe chief articles of commerce, and there
was also some bar-iron exported, a small traffic in fur, tar, and tim
ber, and large herds of cattle ; but the trade of New Jersey with Eng
land and Europe went out through New York and Philadelphia, and
only a small coasting and river traffic was kept np in the local ports.'
The towns were small, comely villages. Some, like Trenton, were built
on the line of travel between New York and Philadelphia, which gave
them support. A long street, down which Washington rode one fa
mous December night to turn the wavering scale of Revolution, ran
through the centre of tbe town, and was flanked by comfortable houses
close to the highway, with large gardens stretching out behind them.
Other villages were simply the centres of tbe farming district for
which they furnished supplies; while others, again, wore merely
straggling collections of two or three farms, of which the pasture-
land was held in common. So insignificant were the towns, that in
early times legislation was necessary to compel them to have " ordi
naries " for passing strangers. Some of the houses in the New Jersey
villao-es were of wood, but brick was the most usual material. They
were lightly but well built, with high stoops, where their occupants
gathered in the summer twilight to gossip with their neighbors.'
The great majority of the inhabitants were farmers, and lived in
brick or wooden farm-houses, scattered over the whole province, and
deriving a plentiful subsistence from their land. One writer, about
the middle of the eighteenth century, who probably had but slight ac
quaintance with the back districts of Pennsylvania or with any of the
southern States, says, " Farms in New Jersey, in thick woods, resem
ble the face of the sky after a tempest when the clouds are breaking
away." Yet New Jersey was the most thickly settled of any of the
colonies, except, perhaps, the coast region of New England. The in
tervals of forest between the clearings were not long ; one farm often
ran into another, and little hamlets were passed frequently by the trav
eller. The farms wore given up to the plainest kinds of country prod-
1 Huguenot FamUy in Virginia, p. 301 ; Smyth, ii., 396, 400 ; Burnaby, p. 101 ;
Gabriel Thomas, Hist, of West New Jersey ; Leaming and Spicer, Laws of New
Jersey, 1676.
"^ Huguenot FamUy in Virginia, pp. 300, 301 ; Smith, ii., 397 ; Abb6 Robin, p. 82 ;
C. Blanchard's Journal, p. 134 ; Kalm, i., 220, 228 ; Burnaby, p. 96 ; Wansey, p. 195 ;
Gabriel Thomas, History of West New Jersey ; Barber's Hist. CoU. ot New Jersey,
Early Legislation ; Rochefoucauld, i., 646.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 275
ucc. There was little or no fencing, and no walls, except to protect
the apple, peach, and cherry trees, the only fruits grown. The agri
culture was low, as in most of the other colonies, and few improve
ments were attempted.' The contemporary letter-writer, just quoted,
says, " It is as well cultivated as any of the colonies, yet is much in dis
habille, or at least seems so to one that has not seen late settled places."
There was no foreign trade, and the manufactures were trifling."
Society and social life, under such conditions, were both simple.
There was a mild recognition of social distinctions, and an acknowl
edged aristocracy of gentlemen farmers without great political influ
ence. The underlying and strongest principles were those of democ
racy, brought in by the New England immigrants, and which found
in New Jersey a favorable soil. All persons above slaves and indent
ed servants were, with the exception of the few small traders and
shopkeepers in the towns, and of those who added a profession to
agriculture, farmers of one sort or another, and the differences existing
among them were only of degree, not of kind, while the various grades
melted so imperceptibly into each other that it was not easy to mark
the various stages in the descent from the large gentleman-farmer to
the small freeholder. One reason for this slackness in class distinctions
and for the shadowy cast of the aristocratic system was the very small
number of slaves and the comparative scarcity of indented servants.
The servile classes in New Jersey seem to have been socially as well as
numerically insignificant. They were usually employed in domestic ser
vice, and the laws in regard to them were severe, like the southern codes
upon which they were modelled. The penalties for receiving or trading
with runaways were heavy, and the slaves and servants were severely
whipped for these offences. They were forbidden to carry arms, and
were burnt at the stake for murder, all their fellow-servants being sum
moned to witness the horrid spectacle. The general treatment of the
slaves was extremely mild, and the spirit of the colony was, as a rule,
so far hostile to slavery that it was stoutly and successfully resisted by
the Quakers in the southern counties, and laws were passed by the As
sembly in 1762 and 1766 to check the importation by means of du
ties. But despite all this, and the small numbers of the negroes, there
was a constant fear of insurrection ; and this uneasiness was justified
by occasional risings which were either carried out or attempted, and
' Smyth, ii., 397 ; C. Blanchard's Journal, p. 133 ; Kalm, i., 222 ; ii., 25, 196 ; Let-
ter from New Jersey, 1745-1756. ^ Burnaby, p. 101.

276 HISTORY OF THE
which resulted in the execution of several negroes. At the time of
the excitement caused by the negro-plot in New York, in the year
1741, the panic spread to New Jersey, and ,two or three wretched
blacks were burnt at tho stake.' The indented servants were not
more numerous than the slaves, and their condition did not differ
much from that of the same class in other colonies. They were, too,
of a somewhat better sort, as the jail-birds went generally to the south
ern provinces, where they were strictly indented and harshly used."
These servile classes furnished, probably, as elsewhere, the pau
pers and criminals ; but there appear to have been few of either in
New Jersey. In the towns settled by New Englanders paupers were
sold at auction, and farmed out on the simple Puritan plan; but there
was no other means taken of dealing with them, and their numbers
were very trifling. In regard to the much more serious evil, it may
be said that, practically, there was no crime in New Jersey. Houses
were left unfastened at night ; thefts and robberies were uncommon ;
pick-pockets were unknown ; and the roads were uninfested and se
cure. The failing of the population seems to have been in illicit
sexual connections, which were severely punished, after the New Eng
land fashion, by fines and whipping. Adultery was expiated by heavy
fines and many lashes ; and the whole code, in its severity against
drinking, swearing, challenges, and wearing swords, shows the New
England origin of the laws. Punishments were simple and severe.
A woman received twenty lashes, in the year 1732, for larceny; and
small offences were ordinarily dealt with by the whipping-post, stocks,
and pillory. For capital crimes, of which there were thirteen in East,
and none under the early and mild Quakers in West New Jersey, white
men were hung, and negroes were sometimes sent to the gallows and
sometimes to the stake. The methods of meeting the difficulties of
pauperism and crime were utterly rude and unimproved, and in the
fashion of the period. But, with a pure English people and plenty
of good farming land, neither of these social evils was either press
ing or important.^
1 Hist, of Salem, in West New Jersey ; Hatfield, Hist, of Elizabeth ; Barber's Hist.
Coll. ; Leaming and Spicer, Laws of New Jersey, 1682, 1686, 1693 ; Rochefoucauld,
i., 644.
' Leaming and Spicer, Laws, 1682, 1686 ; Letter from New Jersey, 1745-1766.
» Hist, of Salem, in West New Jersey; Leaming and Spicer, Laws, 1676, 1682,
1686, 1698; Letter from New Jersey; Hist. Coll., iii.. Field, Prov. Courts; vi.,
Records of Newark.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 271
Above the servile classes came the various grades of farmers. The
highest were gentlemen farmers, who lived on their own estates, and
worked them with great profit. Some of their country seats were
very handsome, bordering- on the rivers, and running far back into the
country, like the New York manors ; and the owners not infrequently
displayed in their houses a good deal of elegance. We hear of Van-
dyeks and other fine Dutch paintings in these country houses, and
there is even mention of a park, belonging to Peter Schuyler, with
tropical plants and deer. But such estates were exceptional, and on
most of them a primitive simplicity prevailed. The houses were of
wood or brick, spacious and comfortable. Through the centre ran a
wide hall, and here the wife and daughters sat at work, in the words
of a contemporary, "like Minerva and her nymphs, without head
dress, gown, shoes, or stockings." In all classes a rude plenty reign
ed ; the table was abundant and plain ; cider, which had replaced the
beer of the Dutch; was the customary drink, and every farm pro
duced the necessaries of life, including clothing, soap, and tobacco.
Even the poorest farmers lived well, and their numerous children
found ready employment. In the interior, and off the line of travel
between New York and Philadelphia, the mode of life was ruder, and
the dwellings often mere log- huts, with unstopped chinks and no
shutters, and so cold that, as Kalm, the Swedish traveller, relates, the
ink would freeze in the pen and in the inkstand.
There was a striking lack of amusements. The primitive Swed
ish customs had been driven out, and the Puritan theory of existence
held sway. The early laws were sharp against all forms of indul
gence; " stage^plays, games, masques, revels, bull-baitings, and cocfo
fighting, which excite the people to rudeness, cruelty, and irreligion,
were to be discouraged and punished;" and men were indicted for
suffering cards to be played in their houses ; while at a much later
period church lotteries were rigorously suppressed. The laws died
out, but their spirit survived, and the only relaxation of the New Jer
sey farmer was to meet with his neighbors at the club in the village
tavern to drink, and perhaps witness a horse-race, or to hang about
the court-house in the crowd which gathered there on the court day,
or go to the fairs in the small towns, once disorderly, but now quiet
by the prohibition of liquor-selling. They were a hard-headed, pros
perous, thrifty people, despite the absence of foreign trade and the cus
tomary depreciated currency. They were good-natured, friendly, and
hospitable, with little superstition, and a strong respect for law, order,

278 HISTORY OF THE
and vested rights. They recognized also the social distinctions, after
the New England fashion, and seats were held in church according to
office, age, estate, infirmity, desert, and parentage. They were sociable
too, and, especially in the winter-time, made many visits to each oth
ers' houses. The only extravagance was in the way of funerals, when
the neighbors gathered at the house of mourning to follow the body
to the graveyard attached to each farm, and always retained by the
original family. Even this was reformed when the general movement
against lavish display at funerals was made in 1764. Marriages were
quiet, by banns with the poor, and by license among the more pros
perous. The daughter of the average farmer was considered to be
well dowered if she was given a cow and a side-saddle, although the
connection between these articles is not at first apparent.' The side
saddle, however, finds its explanation in the common mode of travel,
which was on horseback. Local stages appeared as early as the year
1732, were then extended to New York, and were finally replaced by
the through lines from Philadelphia. The roads were good or bad,
according to the nature of the soil, for the people were careless about
mending them, and found it easier to go round a fallen tree than to
remove it. The fact that New Jersey became a sort of highway made
inns a necessity, and they seem to have been generally very good
and comfortable, while the constant passage of travellers did nluch
to remove the isolation and break the solitary existence so common
in tbe American colonies."
Thus far only the agricultural and farming population, which con
stituted the larger portion of the New Jersey people, has been men
tioned, but tho professions, although small, were respectable, and their
members active and influential. The churches were of every Protes
tant denomination, and from the time of the "Concessions" liberal
ity in religion, except during Lord Cornbury's rule, was the consis
tent policy of the State. The Church of England had a nominal but
no real establishment. It started in Lord Cornbury's time with laws

1 Kalm, ii., 26, 49, 123 ; Burnaby, pp. 96, 98, 99, 103 ; Gabriel Thomas, West New
Jersey ; Murray, Notes on Elizabeth ; Hist, of Salem, in West New Jersey ; Sussex
Centenary, Edsall's Address ; Mickle's Old Gloucester ; Hatfield, Hist, of Elizabeth,
Description of a Funeral; Barber's Hist. Coll. of New Jersey, Early Legislation;
Leaming and Spicer, Laws, 1682 ; Letter from New Jersey, 1745-1756 ; Hist. Soe
Proe, pp. 3, 4, Journal of Spicer ; vi., Rec. of Newark ; Rochefoucauld, i. 548.
' Journal of Claude Blanchard, p. 134 ; Kalm, ii., 24, 25 ; Mickle's Old Glouces
ter; Barber's Hist. CoU. ; Letter from New Jersey, 1745-1766.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 279
compelling the reading of the Book of Common Prayer, and a report
to the Bishop of London of all dissenting ministers — a repressive
policy from the effects of which it never recovered ; nor did it ever
gain a hold among the people. By the middle of the eighteenth cen
tury, according to the reports furnished the Society for the Propaga-
. tion of the Gospel, the Church was in a bad, unsettled way ; the peo
ple were going over to the dissenters ; the country abounded with
Anabaptists and Quakers ; children were not baptized ; godfathers and
godmothers were held in contempt ; and the church buildings were
out of repair. There were, in fact, few regular clergymen, although
the Gospel Society maintained six missionaries, who did good work.
The Governor was the head of the Church, the representative of
the Bishop of London, and entitled to hold a prerogative court ; but
his office and his duties in this respect must have been almost wholly
nominal. There were, of course, Episcopalians in New Jersey ; but
they formed only a fraction of the population, and had little zeal.
The most marked effect of the Established Church here, as in most
of the other colonies, was the dislike it aroused against England, which
was heightened by the conduct of the clergy, who were, as a rule,
Tories, sided with the mother country, and saw their churches closed
in consequence during the Revolution. The Quakers were numerous
and infiuential in the early days ; but the energetic and powerful sects
were the Scotch Presbyterians and the New England Congregational-
ists, led by active and earnest ministers of good character and no little
learning, both as divines and physicians. Their infiuence is seen in the
e^irliost legislation and in the strict Sunday laws, which forbade, under
pain of stocks, imprisonment, and lashes, any work, travelling, or rec-
realion on tbe Lord's day. These acts were somewhat modified in
Lord Cornbury's time, but they remained substantially in force down
to the period of the Revolution. The ministers were not well paid,
their fees were small, and even the revenues which they derived from
retailing licenses, through the New England custom of civil marriage,
were cut down by the justices of the peace, who were "great marriage-
mongers, and tied the knot very rapidly." Yet, despite these draw
backs, the dissenting clergy remained an excellent and active body.'
' Anderson's Col. Church, ii., 441 ; Kalm, i., 228 ; ii., 26 ; Murray, Notes on Eliz
abeth ; Hist, of Salem, in West New Jersey ; Henderson, The Days of Old ; Bar
ber's Hist. Coll. ; Leaming and Spicer, Laws, 1693 ; Letter from New Jersey, 1746 ,
-1756; Rev. Thomas Thompson's Journey; Hist. Soe CoU., vn., Elmer's Constitu
tional Government of New Jersey j Burnaby, pp. 102, 103.

280 HISTORY OF THE
To these two sects of Presbyterians and Congregationalists New
Jersey owed the great debt of such education as she possessed. As
it was, schools were few at the time of the Revolution, and school
masters poorly paid ; but such as there were, were due to no public
system, but to the New England practice of throwing the burden of
education upon the towns, and requiring the election of three men to-
lay and levy taxes for the support of a school-master. Thus, in the
towns of New England origin, schools were maintained ; and at a later
period a good grammar school was opened by private enterprise in
Elizabeth, and was well attended. There seems, too, to have been a
general readiness among the people to avail themselves of any oppor
tunities of instruction that came in their way.' The greatest service,
however, to the cause of education was that rendered by the Pres
byterians, who first brought forward in their synod a plan for a
college, which they afterward founded in the year 1746, and removed
to Princeton, where Nassau Hall was built ten years later. Here, at
the close of the old French war, in school and college were eighty
students, taught by a provost and two professors. The provost re
ceived two hundred pounds a year, and the professors fifty each;
while the annual expenses of each student amounted to about twenty-
five pounds. The instruction was of good quality so far as it went;
there were the germs of a library and some philosophical instruments,
and the college was promising and wisely administered."
In the field of general literature New Jersey had little to show.
The first press was established by James Parker in the year 1751,
at Woodbridge, where, in 1758, a magazine was issued, which had a
brief existence of two years ; but the first newspaper, the New Jersey
Gazette, did not appear until the Revolution had fairly beo-un. No
books by native authors were published; but some of the leading
men, like Governor Morris, wrote well, and had fine imported libra
ries, which indicated classical and general learning, while others con
tributed fair verses, and essays, political and otherwise, to the ga
zettes of the neighboring capitals. The geographical position of the
province gave tbe inhabitants opportunities for knowledge of the out
side worid, and for news from the journals of New York and Phila
delphia. The first mails — onoe a week in summer, and once a fort-
¦ Sussex Centenary, Edsall's Address ; Hatfield, Hist, of Elizabeth ; Leaming and
Spicer, Laws, 1682-1693 ; Hist. Coll., in., Prov. Courts, Field ; Rochefoucauld, ii.,
433. 2 Abbd Robin, p. 82 ; Claude Blanchard, p. 134 ; Murray, Notes on Elizabeth.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 281
night in winter^ — were carried on horseback in the year 1729 ; and in
1754 Franklin provided, the colony with three mails a week. Thus
New Jersey, although herself behindhand in literary development and
in outside connections, had the benefit of everything done in this di
rection by her great neighbors on the north and westi'
The two other professions of civil life did not fall behind the clergy
in character and competency. Indeed, in medicine, when it is remem
bered that there was nothing but country practice, the standing of New
Jersesy is remarkably good. Here, as in Pennsylvania, the Quakers
brought physicians with them, who eked out a slender income by
trade and farming. Few of their successors had a European train
ing. Most of them acquired their education by an apprenticeship,
involving care of the shop and many menial services, with some older
practitioner, whose daughter the student, after the apprentice fashion,
would not infrequently marry, and then succeed to his father-in-law's
business. There were, of course, many quacks ; and no improvements
were effected until they were forced upon the profession by the de
mand for surgeons in the French war. In the year 1766 a medical
society was founded, most intricate tables of small fees for every con
ceivable case were adopted, and physicians had to pass an examination
at the hands of established practitioners and before the court ; receiv
ing, if successful, a testimonial signed by the judge. This led to a
great advance in the character of the profession, which rose into im
portance only in the years preceding- the Revolution. The practice
was rough and unscientific, but in the fashion of the day, and the life
was a hard one. The doctor had to ride long distances, sometimes
across country, with his saddle-bags stuffed with drugs, and usually
consumed a fortnight in a round of visits. Midwifery continued in
the hands of women ; but the physicians, as a class, were a respectable
and efficient body."
The lawyers also appear to have been, men of ability and character.
They formed at first no regular class, and attorneys were not in good
repute. The Quakers in West New Jersey forbade any pleading for
money; but in the year 1694 an act was passed regulating attorneys;
soon after they were required to have a license from the Governor,
and as early as the year 1733 seven years' study was required to prac-
' Barber, Hist. CoU. of New Jersey; Hist. Soe CoU., iv., Morris Papers; Tyler's
Amer. Literature.
' Wickes, History of Medicine in New Jersey.

1 1

282 HISTORY OF THE
tise as an attorney, which indicates a desire to maintain a proper effi
ciency ; yet, notwithstanding these efforts, the profession and the courts
at a later time seem to have excited the popular resentment in a man
ner which recalls tbe Regulators of North Carolina. Where the fault
lay is not easy to determine ; but the lawyers were, as a rule, respect
able. Most of them espoused the popular side in the troubles with
England, the leaders of the bar, who were Tories, and later refugees,
forming the most marked exceptions.'
The early system of courts was simple in the extreme. Monthly or
town courts, and county courts with elected judges, were established
where the New England infiuence prevailed, and in the Quaker region
this example was followed. The Scotch immigrants added a court of
common right, with both law and equity jurisdiction. Then came a
court of appeals, consisting of a member of the council and justices
of the peace, and a court of oyer and terminer; with justices and one
appointed judge. This loose system was simply regulated by the royal
government, which took to itself all judicial appointments. All cases
of debt and trespass, under forty shillings, were to be tried by justices
of the peace, with an appeal to the court of sessions or the court of
common pleas, which replaced the county courts. From them there
was an appeal, in all cases involving more than ten pounds, to the su
premo court of the province, composed of appointed judges, and com
bining the jurisdiction of the English Common Pleas, King's Bench,
and Exchequer; and from this supreme court an appeal in error could
bo taken to the Governor and Council, and over two hundred pounds, to
the King in Council. The court of chancery, as first established, con
sisted of the Governor and three councillors ; but Hunter, in the year
1718, made good his claim to act alone as chancellor, and this system,
together with the fees fixed by Burnet, which led to much abuse and
extortion, remained in force until the year 1770, when the court was
enlarged and improved by William Franklin. Neither this court, how
ever, nor that of vice-admiralty, also pertaining to the Governor, had
great importance, and some of the governors did not care to take the
trouble to act as chancellors. The common law, of course, prevailed,
and there was always a great deal of litigation, often of a very frivo
lous and petty character. The simplicity of the eariy days, when Thom
as Olive, the Quaker Governor, sat on a stump in his meadow and dis
pensed justice, disappeared when the province came to the Crown. In

1 Hist. Soe Coll., iii., Field, Provincial Courts.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 283
provincial times the judges wore red gowns, with black velvet trimming,
and bag wigs, and in summer black silk gowns, which were also worn
by the members of the bar. This excellent practice of an appropriate
dress went out with the Revolution, and all' subsequent efforts to re
vive it failed. The general administration of justice was good and ef
fective, and the judges of the supreme court, though too apt to be un
der the infiuence of the Governor, were, as a rule, trained and capable
lawyers.' The government of New Jersey, at first proprietary, was ti-ansferred
to the Crown as early as the year 1702. It consisted of a Governor
appointed by the Crown ; a Council of twelve members, in theory ap
pointed by the Crown, in reality by the Governor, who took six from
East and six from West New Jersey ; and an Assembly elected by the
freeholders. The Governor could veto, prorogue, dissolve, and convene ;
the Council formed the Upper House, and each House had a veto. Tho
Governor and Council made all appointments by writ of privy seal
and in the name of the Crown, and issued patents for land, from which
the fees were considerable. The system, as a whole, differed in no es
sential respect from the ordinary royal governments in America. There
was the usual jealousy of the Governor common to all the colonies,
which found vent on all occasions, and never hesitated to gratify it
self even at the expense of the public welfare. The absence of trade
narrowed the grievances against the mother country to the protection
extended to naval deserters, for desertion was followed by tbe press-
gang, and the press by fights, lawsuits, and ill-feeling. The general
tone of the people, however, was very loyal, as is illustrated by a
curious passage in an old record, where it appears that one " Richard
Duddy was prosecuted for damning his Grace the Duke of Cumber
land." There was, indeed, no good ground for anything but loyalty.
Taxes, chiefly levied on land, were light, and although the militia in
cluded in theory every man between sixteen and sixty, the law was not
very rigidly enforced, and New Jersey was saved by her protected sit
uation from the scourge of French and Indian war."
' A detailed account of Bench and Bar in New Jersey may be found in Hist.
Soe, iii.. Field, Provincial Courts ; see also Burnaby, p. 102 ; Gabriel Thomas ;
Leaming and Spicer, New Jersey Laws, 1675, 1682; Hist. Soe CoU., vii., Elmer's
Const. Government in New Jersey.
" Burnaby, pp. 96, 101, 102 ; Murray, Notes on Elizabeth ; Leaming and Spicer,
Laws, 1675 ; Sussex Centenary, Edsall's Address ; Hist. Soe Coll., iv., Morris Pa
pers ; vii., Elmer's Const. Government in New Jersey.

284 HISTORY OF THE
The people were, as a whole, a conservative, thrifty community of
English farmers. They were pure in race, and differed in this re
spect from the other colonies of the middle group ; but they never
theless strongly partook, socially and politically, of the peculiar quali
ties which distinguish New York and Pennsylvania.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. ' 285

Chapter XVI.
NEW YORK FROM 1609 TO 1765.
In New York was made the only settlement which seemed at any
time seriously to threaten the dominion of the English race in
America. An Englishman, the famous Henry Hudson, in the
1609. D ' J '
pay of Holland, first discovered and explored the noble river
which bears his name, and one of the earliest permanent settlements
of Europeans in the New World was the result. Adventure brought
men to Virginia ; politics and religion to New England ; philanthropy
to Georgia ; but New York was founded by trade and for trade, and
for nothing else. The settlement on the island of Manhattan was due
to the active spirit of Dutch commerce. The shrewd merchants of Am
sterdam saw great profit in the cheap furs to be obtained of the In
dians, and their vessels began to come in numbers, and make repeated
voyages to the Hudson soon after the discovery of the river. A post,
consisting of a few small houses or huts, sprang up on Manhattan, and
the hardy Dutch captains and seamen began to push out in all direc
tions, extending their trade and exploring the bays and rivers of all
the adjacent coasts. Christiaenscn worked his way. up the river, built
a fort, and founded another post, near the present site of Al
bany. Adrian Block explored Long Island Sound and the
coasts of New England, while May had been to the southward as far
as the cape which bears his name.
The profits of the fur-trade were so great that others began to turn
their eyes to the new region ; and the original adventurers among the
merchants hastily formed the New Netherland Company, and
obtained a monopoly of the trade for three years. During that
period everything went on prosperously. A post was established on
the South or Delaware river, and the Dutch ships went so far, both
to the north and south, that they threatened interference with the
English of Plymouth and Virginia alike. But -while trade was thus
advanced in all directions nothing was done for colonization. The

286 HISTORY OF THE
States -general, however, gained a knowledge of tbe value of their
new possessions, and when the charter of the New Netherland Com
pany expired, they refused charters to the small merchants, and
frowned upon their trade. After an interval of uncertainty, tho
problem was solved by the establishment of the great West India
Company, similar to the immense monopoly of the East ; and
to the Amsterdam chamber of this new company the New
Netherlands were intrusted. They formally took possession, proceed
ed to stop the small private traders, and, after a year's delay, sent
out a body of Walloons, who had been driven from their
1623, homos by Spanish persecution, to settle in the new territories
of Holland. These first immigrants were planted near Albany, while
others who followed settled on the South river, on Long Island, and
some on Manhattan. The settlements prospered ; the people were
thrifty and industrious, and a lively traffic sprang up with the
icae' Indians everywhere. During this time May first acted as Di
rector ; then William Verhulst ; and, lastly, Peter Minuit, who
united all the settlements under one government, bought the island of
Manhattan from the natives, extended the settlement there, and with
drew from Fort Orange all but a small garrison, on account of Indian
troubles. The Company built warehouses. Fort Amsterdam was begun,
and relations were opened with Plymouth of a friendly character, al
though even then Bradford questioned the right of the Dutch
to their possessions. Mills were also erected, and trade rapidly
increased; but it was all trade, and colonization did not prosper nor
agriculture develop.
The Company met this difficulty by the creation of what was in
tended to be a powerful and noble class. A charter was agreed
to, which gave any member of the Company founding a colony
of fifty persons the right to an estate with a river frontage of sixteen
uiiles, and of otherwise indefinite extent, while with these estates went
every sort of feudal right, including manorial courts and the privi
lege of trading within the dominions of the Company. Leadino- di
rectors promptly took advantage of this great opportunity. Godyn
and Bloinmaort secured the region of the South river; Kiliaen Van
Rensselaer that about Albany ; and Michael Pauw that of Hobokcn.
These purchases, which were of enormous extent, alarmed the Com
pany, who ordered the patroons to take partners — a command they
easily evaded by taking each other in that capacity. Colonization
speedily followed. Rensselaer established Rensselaerswyck, near Fort

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 287
Orange; and Godyn and Blommaert, with De Vries and others, the
village of Swaanendael, on the South river. Not content with
their landed possessions, the patroons proceeded to absorb
all the trade of these vast regions ; but this was more than the Com
pany could bear. An angry order was passed forbidding all trade ex
cept that of the Company, and insuring a plentiful supply of quarrels ;
while Minuit, who was thought to favor the patroons, was re
called. On his way home he was Seized by the English, on ac
count of trading in their dominions, and was only released after a long-
correspondence. Difficulties seemed now to beset the Dutch. The In
dians tore down the arms of Holland on the South river, and this led
to a war, a massacre of the settlers, and the destruction of Swaanen
dael ; so that when De Vries, the patroon, and the best of all the Dutch
leaders, came out, he met with nothing but the ruins of his village ; and,
after a visit to Virginia, made his way to the north. There he
found, at Manhattan, a new Governor, Wouter Van Twiller, a
wretched clerk from the Company's office, appointed by Van Rensse
laer's influence, and as miserably incompetent as a man could well be
for his post. His first feat was to bluster at and threaten an English
vessel, which sailed up the river despite his threats, and which was only
brought back with difficulty by a force sent out for the purpose. His
next exploit was to refuse permission to a vessel belonging to De
Vries to sail down the Sound, and he actually brought the cannon of
the fort to bear upon her; but De Vries taunted him with the affair
with the English, and the vessel proceeded unmolested on her voyage.
These acts were fair examples of Van Twiller's miserable and ludicrous
administration. Nothing, however, could damp the spirit of trade. Corssen estab
lished a post on the Schuylkill; and Van Curler, following up the
traders in the east, built Fort Good Hope, on tho Connecticut. Down
came the Plymouth people and built another post, and the founda
tions of a fine contention ivere securely laid. Tbe Virginians also
pushed up the South river; but Van Twiller, in this instance, mus
tered enough energy to repel the intruders. The English difficulties
were carried to Europe, too, in the case of the ship expelled from the
Hudson, and a lively correspondence ensued between tho home Gov
ernments, which, after the fashion of colonial squabbles, cams to noth
ing. Meanwhile the town on Manhattan grew slowly. New houses
and a substantial church were built, while the " staple right " brought
a revenue to the town from every passing vessel. Still the colony

288 HISTORY OF THE
did not thrive. The patroon system kept settlers away, and the pa
ternal government of a trading corporation checked all vigorous and
independent growth, while Van Twiller went steadily from bad to
worse. He engaged in childish quarrels, with every one, from the
minister down, and finally sent home Van Dincklagen, the schout,
one of tbe few really competent men in the town. This utter mis-
government led at last to Van Twiller's removal. He retired in pos
session of large tracts of land, which he had succeeded in ac-
quiring, and was replaced by William Kieft, a bankrupt mer
chant of bad reputation. Kieft practically abolished the Council, and
got all power into his own hands ; but he had some sense of order.
His first report showed that Van Twiller had allowed the property
of the Company, both buildings and vessels, to go to ruin, and that
tho lawless crews of the trading -vessels smuggled goods, cheated,
and ran riot in the town. Kieft made a series of laws which
checked these abuses ; but, despite his improvements, the place re
mained a mere trading - post, and would not develop into a colo
ny. The patroons were the curse of the scheme, and too powerful
to be overthrown ; so they proposed, as a remedy for the existing
evils, that their - powers and privileges should be greatly enlarged.
The Company had bought back some of the lands ; but they were still
helpless, and the State would do nothing for them. In this crisis
they had a return of good sense, and solved the problem by de
stroying their stifling monopoly. They threw the trade to New
Netherlands open to all comers, and promised the absolute owner
ship of land on the payment of a small quit-rent. The gates were
open at last, and the tide of emigration swept in. De Vries, who had
bought land on Staten Island, came out with a company ; while ship
followed ship fllled with colonists, and English came from Virginia,
and still more from New England. Men of property and standing
began to turn their attention to the New Netherlands; fine well-
stocked farms rapidly covered Manhattan, and healthy progress had
1640 ^* '^**' ^^S""- Thus strengthened, the Company restricted the
patroons to a water-front of one mile and a depth of two, but
left them their feudal privileges, benefits which practically accrued to
Van Rensselaer, whose colony at Beverwyck had alone, among the
manors, thriven and grown at the expense of the Company.
The opening of trade proved in one respect a disaster. The cau
tious policy of the Company was abandoned, and greedy traders who
had already begun the business, and were now wholly unrestrained, has-

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 289
tened to make their fortunes by selling arms to the Indians in return
for almost unlimited quantities of furs. Thus the Mohawks obtain
ed guns enough to threaten both the Dutch and all tbe surrounding
tribes, and this perilous condition was made infinitely worse by the
mad policy of Kieft. He first tried to exact tribute from the Indians
near Manhattan, then offered a price for the head of any of the Rar-
itans who had destroyed the settlement of De Vries ; and, when a
young man was murdered by a Weckquaesgeek, the Governor plan
ned immediate war. In all this he had no sympathy from the peo
ple, who realizing their weakness, had no wish to fight, and the pop
ular feeling rose so high, even among the phlegmatic Dutch
men, that Kieft was obliged to call a public meeting, at which
twelve select-men were chosen to advise the Governor. The "twelve"
counselled peace, a demand for compensation for the murder, and that
the Governor should put himself at the head of the troops. Kieft thank
ed them for their advice, and issued a proclamation forbidding popular
meetings ; but the people of New Amsterdam could not undo the work
of the traders. The Mohawks, armed by the Dutch, swept down from
the north, driving tho river tribes before them. The fugitives sought
refuge in the Dutch settlements, and were well received, especially by De
Vries, who sought to give them every protection ; but the helpless con
dition of his former enemies only aroused Kieft to fury. Two
or three of the "twelve," who had been dissolved, met and pre
sented a petition to the Governor that the Indians should be attacked.
Acting on this illegal and fraudulent petition, Kieft, despite the remon
strances of De Vries, ordered out the troops, and sent them across
the river to Pavonia and Corlaer's Hook, where most of the runaway
Indians were assembled. The wretched fugitives, surprised by their
supposed protectors, were butchered, in the dead of a winter's night,
without mercy, and the bloody soldiers returned in the morning to
Manhattan, where they were warmly welcomed by Kieft. This mas
sacre lighted up at onoe the flames of war among all the neighboring
tribes of Algonquins. All the outlying farms were laid waste, and
their owners murdered, while the smaller settlements were destroyed.
Vriesendael alone was spared. A peace, patched up by De Vries,
gave a respite until summer, and then the war raged more flercely
than before, the Indians burning and destroying in every direction,
while trade was broken up, and the crows of the vessels slaughtered.
Popular feeling now ran so high against Kieft that his life was
in danger ; and although he tried to put down resistance with a high
19

290 HISTORY OF THE
hand, he was overborne and compelled to call a meeting of the
people. " Eight men " were chosen, who this time seized the govern
ment, organized a force of English and Dutch, under the command of
John Underbill, of Pequod fame, and, this done, addressed letters to
the Company, setting forth their miserable condition and the need of
relief to save the colony. The winter dragged heavily along, until an
appeal from the English on Long Island led to an expedition
which sacked two Indian villages, and killed a hundred warri
ors, and this was followed by another campaign directed by Underbill.
The principal Indian town in Connecticut was taken, where seven hun
dred warriors wore gathered ; the feeble defences were stormed ; the
wigwams fired, and all the savages were put to the sword. This terri
ble slaughter crippled the Eastern tribes, and put an end to their rav
ages ; but the river tribes still continued hostile, and kept the colonists
shut up in Manhattan. The "eight men " desired further vigorous meas
ures, and the employment of a hundred and fifty soldiers who had ar
rived from Cura^oa ; but there was no money, the Company was bank
rupt, and Kieft made a bad matter worse by attempting to raise a rev
enue from a tax on beer. Thus tbe government blundered on without
a single useful measure, until at last the "eight men" addressed an
other letter to the Company, demanding flatly the recall of Kieft, and
the right of choosing local officers, who should send deputies to con
fer with the Governor and Council. This deflnite request -produced
an immediate effect upon the bankrupt Company in Holland, who de
termined upon the recall of Kieft and the appointment of Stuyvesant;
but a long delay ensued before the change was actually made, and in
the interval the Indian tribes, weary at last of war, came in and
1645. made peace. Kieft continued his quarrels ; but his power was
gone, and he was hated as the principal cause of all the misfortunes
of tho colony.
The results of his miserable administration were certainly disastrous
enough. Sixteen hundred Indians had perished in the war ; but all
the outlying Dutch settlements and farms had been destroyed, and the
prosperity of the colony had received a check from which it recovered
very slowly. In Connecticut the English had left tbe Dutch merely
a nominal bold, and had really destroyed their power in the East. On
the South river the Swedes had settled, and, disregarding Kieft's blus
tering proclamations, had founded strong and growing colonies. The
restless New Englanders had come to tho same region ; but these ad
venturers, Kieft first, and then the Swedes, bad successfully expelled.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 291
Still the power of Holland sank before that of Sweden, and the ener
getic Printz bullied and abused the Dutch commanders at Fort Nas
sau, and made himself master of the Delaware. The interests of Hol
land were at a low ebb when Peter Stuyvesant, of uncertain
reputation, imperious, high-tempered, energetic, and persistent,
landed at Manhattan amid the shouts of the delighted people, and took
under his protection his beaten and hated predecessor, who was re
viled by his enemies, even at tbe moment of surrendering his office.
The matter, however, did not stop here. Kuyter and Melyn, two of the
" eight men," aud citizens of good standing, demanded a rigid inves
tigation of Kieft's administration. Stuyvesant's arrogant and tyran
nical temper at once broke out. He refused to recognize Kuyter and
Melyn officially, and with his subservient Council dismissed the com
plaint. Kieft'then turned on his assailants, accused them of getting
up the appeal to Holland, and of disturbing the peace ; and Kuyter and
Melyn were at once convicted, heavily fined, and banished, Stuyvesant
grumbling because he could not have Melyn put to death. Kieft soon
after sailed, master of an ample fortune, and taking his two foes with
him as prisoners. The vessel was wrecked on the English coast, Kieft
was drowned, and Kuyter and Melyn, who were saved, hastened to
Amsterdivm to demand relief and reparation.
This violence and injustice were fit precursors of Stuyvesant's rule.
Personally honest and very energetic, he gained the hatred of every
one by the rough-and-ready manner in which he attempted to improve
public affairs, raise money by taxation, and regulate trade. The taxes
were ill-judged, burdensome, and slowly paid ; while the Governor was
accused of illicit trade in his efforts to stop smuggling. Prosperity
diminished, the colony languished, there was no revenue, and Stuyve
sant was at last compelled to order the towns to elect representatives,
from whom a board of nine mon was to be chofeen. This board had
merely advisory powers, and some judicial duties ; six were to go out
annually, and their places wore to be filled by appointment. This
close corporation was the best substitute for popular representation
obtainable, and the only defence of the popular rights which Stuyve
sant utterly disregarded. The director adopted the same treatment
for foreign opponents that he did for the colonists. The agent of
Lady Stirling was promptly ousted from Long Island, and Stuyvesant
soon after seized a ship at New Haven for trading without license.
At this the New Englanders broke out into fierce remonstrance, and
sheltered runaway servants, while Sluyvesant retaliated by offering a

292 HISTORY OF THE
refuge to all fugitives, criminal or otherwise, from New Haven ; and
thus the foundation for a bitter quarrel was solidly laid. In the same
spirit he attempted to control the property of the Van Rensselaers ;
but their agent kept bim off, and he had only the pleasure of issuing
blustering proclamations. Matters went from bad to worse, and discon
tent grew beneath oppression, foreign quarrels, and increased taxation.
The first board of nine became intractable, and a new one was
appointed, which at once set about sending a delegation to Hol
land. Stuyvesant denied them the right of popular meeting, and threw
the leader, Van der Donck, into prison ; while Melyn's return, with a re
versal of his sentence, and a mandamus to Stuyvesant to appear and de
fend himself, added fuel to the fiames, and led to an actual brawl at a
public meeting. The popular clamor at last reached such a pitch that
Stuyvesant was forced to allow Van der Donck and two others to pro
ceed to Holland ; sending his secretary, Van Tienhoven, to defend him.
The petitioners demanded burgher government ; that Holland should
take the eolony ; and the recall of Stuyvesant, who was ably defend
ed by his secretary. The States-general passed some good measures
for the government of the colony, and ordered Stuyvesant to return ;
but tho Company did not accede, and Stuyvesant went on in the old
way. Ho refused to fill vacancies in the " nine men," tht^s dissolv
ing the board ; drove Melyn out of the town, and compelled him to
fortify himself in his manor on Staten Island ; and went about whip
ping- and imprisoning all who dared to oppose him.
In all his contests thus far Stuyvesant seems to have relied upon
his English subjects on Long Island, and he appointed two
of them boundary commissioners, who speedily concluded a
treaty with their kinsmen, by which the Dutch lost half Long Island
and the whole of Connecticut and Rhode Island. This led to fresh
complaints from the popular party ; and soon after, the States-general
,ero decreeing the establishment of burgher p-ovcrnment, includino-
lOoZ. -1-1-/? t-jo 7 o
courts and modifaeations of trade laws, the Company gave way,
and Van der Donck returned with this decree as the fruit of his toil.
Stuyvesant, in view of pending war with England, was not recalled,
and he boldly evaded the decree of the States-general by appointing
all the officers in the new government, including the obnoxious Van
Tienhoven as schout. Even this meagre concession was eagerly ac
cepted by the people, and they cheerfully aided Stuyvesant in im
proving defences against tho threatened war, which, fortunately for
the Dutch, never came to anything. The English of Connecticut

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 293
were eager to fight, but Massachusetts would not move. Rhode Isl
and, unfettered by the confederation, entered upon a ludicrous war
upon her own account ; and under her standard Underbill, who had
already been twice arrested for raising riots on Long Island, marched
with twenty men, and formally took possession of the empty Dutch
fort on the Connecticut ; selling the land twice over for his own ben
efit, and finally effacing the last vestiges of Dutch ownership in New
England. Rhode Island vessels preyed with rare impartiality, in a
small way, upon the commerce of both Holland and England, but this
was all. There were rumors of Indian wars started by Dutch influ
ence, and the towns of Connecticut became much excited ; but still
Massachusetts held back. At last Cromwell took the matter
in hand, and sent out a fleet and soldiers ; but there were
more delays, and peace relieved the New Netherlands from danger.
It was a welcome deliverance to the Dutch ; for after the first alarm
of war discontent had again sprung up in New Amsterdam, and the offi
cers of the burgher government headed the opposition, which received
a powerful addition from the English of Long Island-^Stuyvesant's
quondam allies. A convention of delegates from the towns was call
ed, in which the English — far better political agitators than their kins
men of Holland — took the lead, and a sharp memorial was drawn up
by Baxter against Stuyvesant, who denied their right to meet, and,
after much discussion, the convention sent an agent to Holland. The
news of peace, which freed the Dutch from the imminent peril of
Cromwell's soldiers and sailors, was accompanied with letters from
the Company strongly supporting the Director; and thus strengthened,
Stuyvesant arrested Baxter and Hubbard, who were raising a now re
bellion on their own account in the Long Island towns, and threw them
into prison. In appearance, at least, the Governor was stronger than
ever. During this troubled period Stuyvesant had found time to look
into the affairs of the South river, where the Dutch power, confined
to Fort Nassau, was at low ebb. The Dutch were helpless among the
Swedes, and treated as mere trespassers. Stuyvesant's first act
was to abandon Fort Nassau, and build, below the Swedish
posts. Fort Casimir, thus commanding navigation. Printz protested ;
but both parties were afraid of the English and their claims, and
nothing was done beyond the despatch of messengers to Swedea to
complain of the invasion. Printz's successor, Rysingh, coming out
with a force of three hundred men two years later, immediately capt
ured Fort Casimir, and subjected the Dutch to Swedish rule, which

294 HISTORY OF THE
caused a burst of indignation in New Netberiands and in the Company ;
and after much delay Stuyvesant sailed with seven ships and more than
six hundred men — a powerful force, which made all hope of resistance
impossible. The Swedes surrendered, and the Swedish power
was finally overthrown. Tho bankrupt Company was, how
ever, burdened with its conquest, so they gave part of it to the city of
Amsterdam ; New Amstel was founded, and emigrants came out. But
the colony did not thrive ; disease was rife, and complete possession
seemed worse than doubtful ownership of the Delaware.
While Stuyvesant was conquering the Swedes an- Indian war broke
out in the neighborhood of Manhattan ; and, in the absence of troops,
the savages massacred the inhabitants of Pavonia, and harried Long-
Island. Stuyvesant, summoned back in haste, by his bravery and vig
or checked the war, and soon after obtained peace ; but there was now
a fresh danger to New Netherlands in the advances of the French, and
only the shrewd and peaceful policy pursued by the patroon's people
at Beverwyck kept the Mohawks neutral, and saved the settle-
ments from utter destruction during a second Indian war, which
began with a massacre at Esopus, and went on, intermittently, for more
than five years. Relieved, however, from his most serious troubles, Stuy
vesant turned his energy into a new channel, and nndertook to enforce
religious uniformity by a relentless persecution of Lutherans and Quak
ers. He arrested and imprisoned the former, refused them, a meeting
house, and drove their ministers from the colony, while the Quakers
suffered still more ; they were arrested, tried, and imprisoned ; beaten,
hung up by their hands, forced to hard labor, and subjected to every
form of abuse and punishment. This policy had little result, except
to create ill feeling, and found no sympathy among a people who were
profoundly indifferent on such matters; neither did it interfere with
the prosperity and growth of New Netherlands, which seemed at last
to have reached firm ground, and was steadily advancing in wealth and
population. In these years of prosperity, however, the end of the Dutch power
drew on. The danger did not come from the Indians, nor from the
French, but from tho kindred race which was destined to rule tho
continent. At the. north, Massachusetts threatened to settle upon tbe
banks of the Hudson ; on Long Island, the English of Connecticut
pressed hard upon the boundary lines ; on the South river. New Eng
landers traded in defiance of Dutch laws and Dutch forts ; and the
southern English began to encroach upon Dutch territory. Lord Bal-

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 295
timore renewed his claim to the whole South river region ; and his
agents demanding a surrender of the province, bade fair to wrest it
from the Dutch as the latter had from the Swedes. By skilful and pro
tracted negotiation, the Dutch warded off this attack, and trans
ferred the controversy to Europe. At the same time they turn
ed over the whole province to the city of Amsterdam ; but the effort
was vain ; the colony of the south continued feeble and languishing,
and the temporary success against Lord Baltimore was soon clouded
by events at the northi In tbe charter which Winthrop obtained from
Charles IL, Connecticut and New Haven were consolidated, and
all Long Island and the northern New Netherlands were de
clared within the Connecticut boundaries. Thereupon the indepen
dent towns on Long Island fell off, and Connecticut men appeared
not only in Westchester; but among the Dutch towns of Long Island,
which they renamed, and proclaimed to be under English jurisdiction.
Stuyvesant, with an empty treasury and a breaking province, was
helpless and desperate, and a new turn of affairs only made matters
worse. One John Scott, an adventurer well known in that region,
came out with a commission, in which Maverick and Baxter were
joined, from the committee on trade and plantations. He obtained
aid from Connecticut, and then announced that all Long Island had
been granted to the Duke of York. The English, then united in
support of the new dispensation ; Scott was declared president, and,
making himself master of the Dutch towns, threatened to invade
New Amsterdam. This roused Stuyvesant to a last despairing effort.
He raised money and men, after much altercation, renewed the de
fences, and defied Scott, who was brought to terms, and agreed to
leave the Dutch towns unmolested for a year. The lull was deceitful.
The commissioners of the King of England — ^Nieolls, Carr, Cartwright,
and Maverick — soon arrived at Boston to regulate New England and
conquer the Dutch. They could get no troops from Massa
chusetts, but they did from Connecticut ; and in August, 1664,
while the Director was at Fort Orange, appeared off the Narrows,
and, before he could return, the whole squadron was assembled.
Stuyvesant strove to prepare for an energetic defence ; but the citi
zens were panic-stricken, and the soldiers mutinous ; so that the favor
able offers of Nicolls were only too readily listened to. Stuyvesant
raged and swore, and wished to make a desperate fight in his inde
fensible and terrified town ; but his struggle was vain. Nicolls guar
anteed protection of life and property, religious liberty, freedom of

296 HISTORY OF THE
trade and emigration, and representative government. Stuyvesant
was forced to ratify the treaty of surrender, aud on the Sth of Sep
tember marched out at the head of his soldiers and embarked them
for Holland, and New Amsterdam became New York; while Fort
Orange was taken by Cartwright and christened Albany. Carr re
duced Fort Casimir and the South river settlements, and the Dutch
power in America perished.
The English carefully observed the terms of the sun-onder, and
everything proceeded quietly and with little apparent change, ex
cept in the new English names. Nicolls was Governor, with an Eng
lish secretary and English councillors to assist him ; but the former
Dutch officers were consulted, and nothing was done to wound the
feelings of the people. An oath of allegiance to the Duke was exaet-
ed, and taken without much opposition. Nicolls's first trouble came
¦ from his grants in New Jersey, which were interfered with bv
the Duke's gift to Carteret and Berkeley. He was compelled
to admit tho new-comers, but at the same time wrote complainingly
to the Duke, and thus began the long and discreditable attempt to
recover what had once been given away. There were differences,
too, with Connecticut, which were finally amicably settled. New York
obtained the whole of Long Island ; and Connecticut secured the
main-land west of the Connecticut River, by a boundary which was
defined very shrewdly in the Connecticut interest, was never con
firmed, and became the source of future controversy. A code known
as the Duke's lavys was drawn up, and promulgated at first on Long
Island, where there was more interest in matters of government, and
afterward in New York. This code, with little regard for popular
representation, provided for a court of assizes annually at New York,
for courts of sessions and county officers, and for town overseers.
Land grants were to be confirmed, trade was regulated, crimes and
penalties were defined, and religious liberty assured. There was some
grumbling over English names in the municipal government of New
York, but the offices were fairly distributed between the two races.
The war in Europe did not disturb the peace, but Nicolls took every
precaution against the French, who contented themselves- with first
fighting and then making peace with the Mohawks — an event of ill
omen to the English. The only political agitation was on Long Isl-
^^^g and, among the English, in regard to quit-rents, fees, and land
grants, but Nicolls, with quiet firmness, prevailed. The news
of peace, which restored an interrupted commerce, was hailed with

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 297
delight ; and soon after Nicolls, wise, just, and an excellent Governor,
left the province, regretted by all.
Under his successor, Francis Lovelace, matters went on quietly and
in the same way. English energy and activity began to make them
selves felt in New York ; but the easy Dutch customs still prevailed,
and there was peace and comfort everywhere, except on Long Island,
where there were again disturbances on account of taxes. KW this
quiet, however, was threatened and finally broken up by the second
war between Holland and England. Lovelace was ordered to make
every preparation, and did what was in his power ; but as nothing
happened, the old feeling of security returned, and while Lovelace was
absent from the city the dreaded Dutch fleet appeared. The English
were now as helpless as their predecessors, with rotten fortifications,
a feeble garrison, and a hostile population. Manning, the lieutenant
of Lovelace, tried to protract negotiation ; but the Dutch grow impa
tient, opened fire on the fort, which was returned, landed soldiers, and
the town capitulated. The people of English blood quietly sub
mitted, the Dutch colonists rejoiced, and again there was little
change except in names. Anthony Colve was appointed Governor,
and took active measures to prepare against an invasion from New
England, which was both alarmed and enraged by tho Dutoh triumph.
Just as Colve, however, had brought all the province under Dutch
authority, the treaty of Westminster ceded New Netherlands "to the
dominions of England. The Dutch colonists were furious, but there
was nothing to be done. English frigates appeared, and Colve turned
over the province to Sir Edmund Andros ; it seemed as if the gov
ernment of Nicolls and .Lovelace had hardly been disturbed,
1(574. ¦' '
and the Dutch power, after this last returning gleam, finally
disappeared from America.
With the arrival of Andros, English energy and activity, which Vv-ere
interrupted by the war, came in again on all sides, and began to devel
op rapidly the wonderful resources of the province, which, under the
long years of Dutoh supremacy, had gathered only some seven thousand
inhabitants against the hundred and twenty thousand of their New Eng
land neighbors. The rule of Andros, although despotic, was, within tho
bounds of his province, on the whole, wise and strong. Ho quarrelled
with the people about the arbitrary customs duties imposed by the
Dutch ; but he also began and carried on the sound and essential pol
icy of detaching. the Five Nations from the French and fastening them
to the English interests. He strove in every way to thwart and check

298 HISTORY OF THE
the French power at the north, and endeavored to develop Albany,
and secure for tbe town the monopoly of the great Indian trade, of
which it was the natural centre. His foreign contrasted strongly with
his domestic policy. He felt the insignificance of his place, and to him
more than to any one was due the scheme, finally adopted when James
reaohed the throne, of uniting under one government all the northern
colonies, and he even endeavored to give effect to this policy during
his own administration. He claimed all the western portion of Con
necticut ; but when he landed at Saybrook to enforce his demands he
was driven off by a troop of New England soldiers, and was hardly
permitted to read his patent. In Maine he established a fort at Pema-
quid, as a sign of his master's ownership ; but it was an expensive and
unprofitable experiment. His chief effort was in New Jersey, where
he carried on an aggressive and violent contest to regain the province.
He strove to raise duties, seized ships and goods, arrested Fenwick
several times, and followed this up by arresting Carteret and trying
him in New York, refusing to free him, even after the jury had ac
quitted him. This quarrel in East New Jersey, although it did
not displease the Duke of York, aroused a hostility in Eng
land before which Andros had to succumb, and he was recalled.
Anthony Brockholst succeeded him, and after a brief term, distin
guished only by a violent quarrel with the merchants about duties,
which resulted in the arrest of Dyre, the collector of customs,
and by a last attempt to domineer over East Jersey, he was
in turn succeeded by Colonel Thomas Dongan, who brought with
him a charter of liberties, which gave New York her first taste of
representative government, and which was as liberal as most of the
colonial charters. It provided for a general Assembly of eighteen,
who, with the Governor and Council, were to constitute the gov
ernment of the colony. The Duke was to grant lands and estab
lish custom-houses; but no tax was to be levied without the as
sent of the Assembly. Trial by jury was assured, together with relig
ious toleration ; but no act was to become law without the assent of
the Duke, and as he s-ave his assent to no act, and revoked the
charter as soon as he came to the throne, the gleam of popu
lar government was short-lived. Dongan was sent out largely because
he was a Roman Catholic, and was therefore fitted to forward the re
ligious schemes of James; but, unfortunately, the principal events of
his administration were the struggles to maintain the Iroquois alliance,
and ward off both the armed assaults of the French upon the Five Na-

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 299
tions, and their scarcely less dangerous efforts to draw them 'away by
means of intriguing, proselyting Jesuits. James in many ways did
everything to hamper Dongan, and help the French, on account of his
bigoted love of every Catholic ; but the Governor remained true to
the interests of the province. He persisted in the policy of Andros,
supported the Iroquois with success; and did all in his power to check
the French. He continued, too, like Andros, to urge the annexation
of Connecticut, although he settled the much-disputed boundary with
that colony. He also advocated the absorption of Pennsylvania and
New Jersey, but he effected nothing; and while incurring the dis
pleasure of his master by his wise Indian policy, he gave great vitality
to the dread of Papists, always strong among a people who had known
French massacres and feared Jesuit intrigues. There was therefore
but little regret when he was removed, although the manner in
1 68S ' o
which it vpas done by annexing. New York to New England
under the rule of Andros was far from popular.
Andros was, nevertheless, well received in New York when he re
turned there with enlarged powers. He visited the Iroquois, and
cemented their alliance, and then departed, leaving the now absolute
government in the hands of the appointed Council and of Francis
Nicholson, the Lieutenant-governor. This government, in appear
ance so fairly begun, was of .short duration. In February it was
known that William had landed in England, in April that the Bos-
tonians had cast Andros into prison. Everything was prepared for
an outbreak in New York. The strong popular dread of the Papists,
inflamed by Dongan's open Catholicism and Nicholson's doubtful
Protestantism, the Dutch admiration for the Prince of Orange, and
the general hatred of Stuart government, common to all the colonies,
furnished the elements for insurrection. Nicholson and his Council
seem to have been paralyzed. They renewed the fortifications, and, call
ing- together the militia, gave the alarm of French invasion, but would
not proclaim William ; and soon after, Nicholson laid down his gov
ernment, and prepared to sail. The power, dropped in this nerveless
way, was seized, of course, by the men in arms, the militia, under the
lead of Jacob Leisler, a merchant, and captain of a train-band. An
agreement was signed, the fort taken, the Prince of Orange proclaim
ed ; and Leisler, who was at the head of the government, got the ben
efit of the confirmation of all Protestant officers, which came from
William to Nicholson. The remnant of the Council was opposed to
Leisler, who proceeded to put down all opposition with a high hand.

300 HISTORY OF THE
He was arbitrary, inexperienced, and hot-headed. Ho crushed out his
enemies, and managed the affairs of the province despotically, taking
to himself all authority and instructions only from England. In outside
matters he appeared to better advantage. War had been declared with
France, and Frontenac, the ablest and most daring of the French gov
ernors, was in command in Canada. In tbe dead of winter his war
parties swooped down upon Schenectady, fired the village, and
slaughtered the inhabitants. The whole frontier was in danger,
and a merciless Indian war had come. Leisler called upon the other
colonies to send representatives to New York ; and in response seven
delegates appeared, chiefly from New England. An expedition was ar
ranged and quotas agreed upon ; but the expedition was a failure, al
though Leisler's military administration was vigorous and spirited. He
not only helped the expedition, but rebuilt the fort, and sent out priva
teers to attack French cruisers. Still harsher vigor in the province did
not increase his popularity, and embittered his enemies, whose opportu
nity was now at hand. Major Richard Ingoldsby arrived from
England with a company of grenadiers and demanded the sur
render of the fort ; which, as he had no commission, Leisler refused.
Firing ensued on both sides ; but the unlucky Leisler was shooting at
royal troops. At last Sloughter, a worthless fellow, appointed Govern
or more than a year before, reached New York, and Leisler was obliged
to surrender; when he and his friends were at once thrown into
prison, tried for murder and treason, found guilty, and sentenced to
death. Sloughter reprieved the prisoners until the King's pleasure
could be known, and then, as he was ordered, called an Assembly,
which, in the excitement of the times, was secured by the party of
the old councillors — Leisler's bitter enemies. With this influence,
and backed by petitions, they persuaded Sloughter, during a drink
ing bout, to sign Leisler's death-warrant, and be, together with his
son-in-law and chief-abettor, Milborne, were immediately executed.
Perhaps Leisler was technically guilty. He was a man thrown to the
surface, and strong enough to grasp power in a time of popular con
vulsion, ill led, and based on no definite principles, and he had cer
tainly acted illegally and arbitrarily. But his death was a revengeful
political murder. It was as foolish as it was cruel and unnecessary,
it created two bitter parties in New York, and left a lasting mark on
her provincial histoty. The insurrection itself was a pass
ing thing, and was otherwise without result. Sloughter him
self died soon after, when Ingoldsby held power for a short time.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 301
and then Benjamin Fletcher came out as Governor, with a royal com
mission. He brought instructions involving no change from the policy of
James, except in the recognition of the Assembly. The Governor
was to have a salary from the revenue, the Council was to be appoint
ed, all laws approved, and the Book of Common Prayer was to be in
troduced. He was also ordered to take command of the Connecticut
militia, which involved a quarrel with Governor Phips of Massachusetts,
who had received a similar order, and took Fletcher to Hartford, where
he found the general court in session. Tradition says that the militia
were drawn up to receive him, and that, when he attempted to read
his commission, the drums were beaten, and the voice of the reader
drowned. It is certain that the resistance in Conneeticut was so de
termined and forinidable that Fletcher retired to New York humili
ated and baffled. He fared better in the war with the French, who
were 'again on the frontier. They were driven off by Peter
Schuyler, after destroying the Mohawk villages, and the rest of
Frontenac's campaign came to nothing. This was the only creditable
event of Fletcher's administration. He was one of the leavings of the
Stuart period, as worthless a man as Sloughter, but not without ability,
and thoroughly corrupt. He was in league with the pirates who in
fested tbe coast, openly sold them licenses, and is even said to have
shared their spoils ; while at the same time he plundered the revenue,
and connived at smuggling and every sort of illicit trade. The prov
ince was torn with the dissensions of the Leislerian and anti-Leislerian
factions ; and, instead of trying to allay them, Fletcher devoted himself
to intriguing and quarrelling with his Assemblies for money.
At last his evil doing led to his recall, and the Earl of Bello-
mont came out as his successor.
The old policy of consolidation had been lately revived, and Bel-
loinont received the government not only of New York, but of
Massachusetts and New Hampshire. He came with excellent inten
tions, purposing to cure the evils of Fletcher's rule, stop frauds, and
provide for an honest collection of the revenue ; and, above all, sup
press piracy. In these objects he succeeded in large measure. He
liad been chiefly instrumental in sending out Kidd to break up piracy,
and was personally interested in bringing him to justice, now that he
had become the terror of the seas. This he accomplished, and he
gave a severe check to piracy everywhere. He brought the govern
ment of New York back to order and decency, and obtained from the

302 HISTORY OF THE
Assembly an act of indemnity for Leisler, whose body, with that of
Milborne's, ho caused to bo taken up and buried with public observ
ance. His efforts to remedy the injustice of his predecessors gave
him the full support and confidence of the popular party, so
^'^^^' that his death, which occurred three years after his arrival, was
much regretted.
The old party of the Council, headed by Bayard and Livingston,
took advantage of the opportunity thus afforded, and made a desper
ate attempt to regain power; but were thwarted by Nanfan, the Lieu
tenant-governor, and the popular party. Livicgston, the collector, was
declared a defaulter, and his property confiscated ; while Bayard, for
complaining of Nanfan, was tried for disturbing the peace, found
guilty, and would have been punished had it not been for the
arrival of the now Governor in the person of Lord Cornbury,
a wretched profligate and bankrupt spendthrift, for whom his royal
kinswoman made provision by thrusting him into a colonial govern
ment. His first idea was to get rich, and he opened his adminis
tration by stealing some fifteen hundred pounds which the Assembly
had voted for fortifications ; a freak which led to tbe appointment of
a treasurer by tbe Assembly to stop further thefts — a course of action
very disgusting to the Governor. He sought the support of the old
anti-Leislerian faction, thus alienating the majority of the people; and
finally lost the support of all parties by his misconduct. He was as
zealous in religion as in vice, and endeavored to enforce the worship
of the Church of England by attacking all dissenting sects, and espe
cially the Presbyterians, whose churches, parsonages, and glebes he
seized and gave to the Established Church. He incurred tho bitter
enmity in this way of the mass of the people, roused an enduring
hatred of the English Church, and established a controversy and a
grievance whioh were only appeased by the Revolution. While he
thus gained general hatred, he also won universal contempt by his
debauoherios and excesses, by bis debts, and by his habit of dress
ing as a woman. He was plunged in one long quarrel with bis As
semblies, both in New York and New Jersey, plotted with Dudley,
of Massachusetts, to destroy the free - charter governments of Con-
necticut and Rhode Island, and at last excited such loud and
strenuous opposition that ho was recalled, but could not return
to England until his accession to the Earldom of Clarendon released
him from prison, into which he had been thrown for debt.
His immediate and warmly welcomed successor. Lord Lovelace, died

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 303
soon after his accession, and the government fell into the hands of In-
1 iaf\ .Qi'o^dsby, as Lieutenant-governor, the friend of Sloughter and
Fletcher, and the tool of Cornbury. He made a wretched Gov
ernor, and was soon removed, the only event of his administration be
ing the first issue of bills of credit in aid of an invasion of Canada,
which failed miserably through the miscarriage of the English fieet.
The long, protracted war between France and England, and the contin
ual attacks from the north, excited in the colonists an eager desire to
conquer Canada, and several futile attempts were made. Peter Schuy
ler took five Iroquois chiefs to England to raise an interest in the mat
ter, and by the greatest efforts the combined English forces suc
ceeded in capturing Port Royal and getting possession of Nova
Scotia. Before this, however, Robert Hunter, a soldier and courtier, and
the friend of Swift and Addison, came out as Governor. He surround
ed himself with the aristocratic party of the Council, which thus came
again to power, and at once was in confiict with his Assembly on the
question of salaries and supplies ; for the representatives, with Corn
bury in their minds, were naturally suspicious, and in no mood to turn
over the public funds to any Governor. They all managed, however,
to unite in support of the war and a grand expedition against Canada.
New York issued ten, thousand pounds in bills of credit; there was a
congress of Governors, and the colonies raised four thousand
1711, men to mareh under the command of Nicholson against Mont
real ; but all the great hopes raised by these preparations came to
nothing. The British fleet and forces, under the command of Admiral
Walker and General Hill, miscarried stupidly and miserably' in tbe St.
Lawrence, and withdrew, and Nicholson was thereby forced to retreat.
This disastrous result caused great depression and fear at Now York,
which found expression in the discovery of a supposed "negro plot,"
and the consequent execution of nineteen wretched blacks.
The peace of Utrecht relieved the colony frort war, but it
found itself encumbered with debt, and in no very good humor with
the Governor, who persisted in fighting for salaries and revenue. He
also erected a court of chancery, with himself as chancellor — a meas
ure which produced a violent and lasting opposition. Hunter, how
ever, was sustained in England, and the court of chancery remained,
and became a standing grievance ; but after this confiict matters set
tled down, and the peaceful Walpole era began. Hunter got
the upperhand in the Assembly, and ruled wisely and judicious
ly ; so that he was able, when he left the province, to justly congrat-

30 i HISTORY OF THE
ulate the Assembly on increased prosperity, and upon the improved
condition of public affairs.
His successor was William Burnet, the son of the bishop, an active,
imperious, energetic man, with high notions of his office, and a
^'^^^' determination to carry out his schemes at all costs. He re
solved on an active policy against France, and obtained the passage
of an act forbidding all trade with Canada; thus arousing a power
ful and interested opposition on account of the interference with a
profitable trade, which went on despite the law. This resistance was
strengthened by a fresh opposition to the unpopular court of chancery;
and IBurnot, hot-tempered and the reverse of conciliatory, plunged
along from one quarrel to another — from courts to salaries and fees
and supplies — until, despite his success in cementing and extending the
Indian alliances, and establishing a trading post at Oswego, he
found himself in a hopeless minority in the Assembly, and was
transferred to Massachusetts, where still worse contests awaited him.
He was succeeded in the following year by John Montgomerie, who
died after a brief and uneventful rule of three vears. For a
1T31. . "^
few months Rip Van Dam, the president of the Council, was at
the head of affairs, and then Colonel Cosby came out from England
as Governor. Cosby was a money -getter, like most of the
royal Governors ; and, as he had been appointed nearly a year
before his arrival, he demanded that Van Dam, who had held sway in
the interval, should divide with him his salary and perquisites. Van
Dam naturally declining, there was a great equity suit, and the whole
matter drifted into politics. Van Dam being supported on general prin
ciples by the popular, and Cosby by the aristocratic party, so that the
struggle soon became bitter and violent. This contest formed the prin
cipal feature of Cosby's administration ; and although he was unpop
ular, and had the usual wrangles with the Assembly about money, and
interference with land grants and titles, nothing else happened of im
portance. Out of this controversy, however, between Van Dam and
the Governor grow another suit, which was of abiding interest. Peter
Zeuger published the New Yorh Weekly Journal; and as he used it in
behalf of the opposition, bis paper was ordered to be burned, and he
was thrown into prison and brought to trial for libel. He was de
fended by Andrew Hamilton, of Pennsylvania — born in England, and
there bred to the bar — who was tbe first lawyer to win great profes
sional fame in America. In Zenger's case, he admitted tbe publishing
and printing, but took the ground that tho truth was a justification.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 305
and that the words were neither false, scandalous, nor seditious; and
after listening to his masterly speech, the jury returned a verdict of
not guilty. Hamilton was presented with the freedom of the city in
a gold box, and departed amid the firing of salutes in his hon
or. Soon after this victory of the popular party Cosby died,
and the contest assumed a new form. Van Dam claimed the place
of acting-Governor as the oldest member of the Council ; but that
body held that he had been removed, and declared George Clarke to
be the oldest member, and Lieutenant-governor. Van Dam had the
popular support ; Clarke, who was disliked as the lineal successor of
Cosby's policy, had that of the Council and the aristocracy. Both men
assumed to hold the office and to act ; and while Clarke seized the fort,
the populace rallied about Van Dam. Feeling began to run very high,
and it looked as if there would be a resort to arms ; but a royal com
mission arrived confirming Clarke in his office, and quiet was restored.
Clarke, although a native of England, had been long in the province,
and was a shrewd and successful local politician ; so that for seven years
he contrived to prevent his being superseded by the arrival of a Gov
ernor, and during that time, despite a never-dying controversy with the
Assembly, he managed to rule peacefully by yielding to the popular
party on all important points, and confining himself to remonstrances.
He farther mitigated the opposition to his administration by offers of
office to the popular leaders, thus dividing and distracting them. The
only great event of his term was the dark misfortune of the negro
plot, with its resulting panic and judicial slaughter. This mat
ter is discussed elsewhere ; but it may be said here that the
government generally, including De Lancey, the chief-justice, on one
side, and Clarke on the other, fell in readily with the popular terror,
and supported the steps taken for the punishment of the supposed
criminals. Two years after this event a new Governor was appointed — Admi
ral Clinton, the second son of the Earl of Lincoln — who fell
1743. into the hands of De Lancey, the leader of the popular party,
and was by him persuaded to confirm the concessions of Clarke, from
whom the Assembly had extorted the right to fix the Governor's sal
ary annually, a claim which had been successfully denied by Hunter,
and strenuously resisted by his successors, until Clarke had given way.
Not content with their triumph on this point, De Lancey induced the
Governor to assent to an appropriation bill, which named the officers
to whom salaries were' to be paid, thus practically putting the control
20

306 HISTORY OF TIIE
of appointments in tbe hands of tbe A.ssembly. At last Clinton was
awakened to the effects of his acts, and the rest of his, term of of
fice was one prolonged struggle to regain lost ground, and re-establish
his enfeebled prerogatives. He quarrelled with De Lancey, and se
lected Cadwallader Golden as his chief adviser, which merely added
the hostility of the Council to that of the Assembly. He complained
bitterly to the ministers ; but even there he found no sympathy, and
was obliged to convey to De Lancey, after much delay, the commis
sion of Lieutenant-governor. The struggle began just as war with
France was declared, and the Assembly proved thoroughly intraotaT
ble, and would not make provision for defence. They finally gave
three thousand pounds for the Louisburg expedition, but raised
no men, and had no farther share in the matter. A new As
sembly proved no more compliant, and although they voted more
money for the Louisburg expedition, would do nothing for the Gov
ernor. That winter the Indians were on the frontier and destroyed
Saratoga; and the next year preparations were made for a grand
expedition against them, which failed through inaction and delay,
while the Assembly persisted in their refusal to pay the troops, both
branches uniting against the Governor. William Johnson, a friend of
the Governor and the famous agent among tbe Indians, failed to take
Crown Point; the troops mutinied and began to disperse, and this
miserable condition was only relieved by the peace of Aix-
1748. . .
la-Chapelle, which, however, gave full opportunity for political
warfare. The flght was made on the well-worn subject of permanent
supply for the government, and public feeling was still further in
flamed by attempts at impressment and by the overbearing conduct of
British officers. A dead-lock ensued which lasted nearly two years,
when the Governor gave way, and signed the obnoxious bills making
annual appropriations ; and after this decisive defeat, matters went on
more smoothly until the close of his term. He was succeeded
by Sir Danvers Osborn, who committed suicide a few days af
ter his arrival, and Clinton was thus forced to turn the government
over to his enemy, De Lancey, and return to England with such com
fort as he could derive from tbe handsome fortune which he had
amassed during his administration. Under De Lancey political har
mony was restored. The Assembly amused themselves by bringing
heavy charges against Clinton, whom they accused of every sort of
pecuniary misdeed ; but they did not gain a hearing from the Board
of Trade. Meanwhile the slowly gathering war with France began,

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 307
and De Lancey had the honor of presiding at the Albany Congress,
where he opposed Franklin's scheme of union, which provided
for a general government, with certain specified powers, chief
ly relating to war, Indians, and lands, and was to be composed of a
President and Council appointed by the Crown, and a House of Rep
resentatives elected by the colonial Assemblies. The scheme was re
jected both in England and America, by ministry and people, and De
Lancey's opposition had plenty of support.
In the following year the war became general and active, and in the
great conflict which followed New York was not only the scene
of many important battles, but played herself an important
part. At the outset Braddock was to march against Fort Du Quesne,
Shirley, with American troops, against the French at Niagara, and the
northern forces were to attack Crown Point. The story of Brad
dock's expedition and his. crushing defeat belongs to the history of
Virginia, whose soldiers shared in the.losses and did most of thefight-
ing, and does not need repetition here. To the northward the Eng
lish fared better, and Nova Scotia was reduced by Winslow. Shirley
gathered troops at Oswego, but advanced no farther, stopped, appar
ently, by rumors of superior forces, and by the depression and dismay
caused by Braddock's defeat. The other northern expedition was put
under the command of Johnson, the Indian agent. He left troops at
the Hudson, where defences were thrown up, which afterward took the
name of Fort Edward, and then moved northward to the southern ex
tremity of Lake George, where he proceeded to intrench himself and
make a base for his movement against Crown Point, and where he
heard that Baron Dieskau, with an army of French and Indians, was
rapidly pushing southward. Dieskau's first plan was to attack Fort
Edward; but he was deterred by the Indian dread of cannon, and
turned against Johnson. He surprised and routed a heavy detach
ment sent out by Johnson, and the English retreated in haste to Fort
George. A quarter of an hour gave the English time to recover
themselves ; so that when Dieskau advanced the cannon opened fire,
and the provincials, gradually gathering their senses disordered by the
sight of regular troops, began to pick off the French soldiers. The
battle soon raged furiously, Johnson was wounded, but his place was
well filled by Lyman, of Connecticut. Repeated charges were made
by the French; but all were repulsed., Dieskau was badly wounded.
The provincials rushed over the works, and with clubbed muskets
beat down the French regulars, while the Indians and Canadians fled

30a HISTORY OF THE
iu disorder. The remnant of tbe French army, surprised on their re
treat by the garrison of Fort Edward, was broken, and suffered heav
ily, and lost their baggage and ammunition. Johnson, however, did
not follow up his victory, but remained at Fort George and strength
ened his defences. He was made a baronet, and received five thou
sand pounds for his services, while the brave Lyman, whom he slighted
m his despatches, got nothing. This success did something to relieve
the gloom of Braddock's overthrow.
The same autumn a new Governor, Admiral Sir Charles Hard}-,
came out to New York; but as he suffered himself to be guided by
De Lancey, matters went on as before. The winter was passed in
futile seheming, and Shirley was removed to make room for
Lord Loudon, who summoned the colonial Governors, made
great plans, scolded the colonies, and did nothing. The English gov
ernment, both at home and abroad, seemed, to be in its dotage. With
tbe French it was very different. In Montcalm they had an able, en
ergetic leader, and a bold and enterprising general. They were beat
en back by Bradstreet, in northern New York, in several small affairs ;
but v.'hile Loudon lingered at Albany, Montcalm came down with all
his forces and captured Oswego. Loudon thereupon gave up his Ca
nadian expeditions, went into winter-quarters, and devoted himself to
strengthening Fort William Henry, at the foot of Lake George, and
Fort Edward. Soon after Hardy departed to take command
-1757j of a fleet, after urging upon the Assembly the necessity of
prosecuting the war, and left the government once more with De
Lancey. In the following spring Loudon again summoned the Gov
ernors, rated tbe colonies, and laid great schemes. The colonies again
responded, men wore furnished, and then scattered in detaohed bodies
on the frontier, while Loudon, with the other British officers, gave their
attention to an attack on Louisburg ; and as they were making up
their minds that this attempt would be hopeless, Montcalm came down
Lake Champlain and Lake George with all his forces, and captured
Fort William Henry and two thousand men. Many of tho prisoners
were butchered by the Indians ; and during the siege Webb, at Fort
Edward, with four thousand soldiers, was deaf to the entreaties of the
provincials, and refused to move to the relief of Fort William Hen
ry. This utter and disgraceiui defeat converted the campaign into
one of weak defence ; and Loudon took occasion to quarrel still fur
ther with the colonies; and almost produced riots by bis methods of
distributing aud quartering soldiers.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 309
This reign of palsied incompetence had, however, now reached an
end. Pitt had control, Loudon was removed, the spirit of the
"Great Commoner" was felt everywhere, and men and money
were readily furnished for another campaign, and in larger measure
than ever before. In June, Boseawen with his fleet, and Amherst and
Wolfe with the land-forces, took Louisburg, and large bodies of troops
were gathered to attack the French at every point. The principal ex
pedition was directed against Ticonderoga, consisted of ten thousand
provincials and seven thousand regulars, fully equipped, and was com
manded by General Aborcrombie and Lord Howe. This large army
advanced full of confidence; but in the first skirmish the advance-
guard was surprised, and Lord Howe killed. A desperate attack was
then made upon the French defences, and was kept up until two thou
sand men had fallen, when a retreat was ordered, which turned into a
precipitate flight. The dispirited and beaten army was rallied at Fort
William Henry ; but nothing was done to retrieve the disaster which
had befallen them, except by Colonel Bradstreet, who induced Abor
crombie to let him have three thousand men and some cannon. With
this force he reduced Fort Frontenac, on Lake Ontario, and fortified
Oswego, restoring safety to the northern frontier of New York, and
holding the Indians in check. Forbes, meanwhile, had captured Fort
Du Quesne, and thus, despite the terrible disaster to Aborcrombie,
the balance in the campaign was decidedly in favor of the English.
This was strongly felt in America, and, incited by Pitt, New York
and the other northern colonies mad? greater efforts than ever for
the coming campaign, which was destined to be one of great and
unalloyed triumphs. Expeditions were planned for every assailable
point, and, fortunately, all succeeded. Wolfe captured Que
bec, and, by one of the great battles of history, decided the
fate of the empire of France in tho New World. Stanwix succeeded
on the Ohio. Prideanx, who had been sent against Fort Niagara, was
killed by the bursting of a cohorn early in the siege ; and the com
mand then devolved upon Sir William Johnson, who repulsed a re
lieving force and captu^-ed the fort, thus destroying the French pow
er in the west. The hard-fought path to Canada by Lake Champlain
had been confided to Amherst, who started in July, and the French
fell back before his cautious advance from Ticonderoga to Crown
Point, and from Crown Point to Isle-aux-Noix, where they prepared
to make a stand. There the English were compelled to build a fieet,
time was consumed, and Amherst was obliged to go into winter-quar-

310 HISTORY OF THE
ters, where he occupied himself in making every arrangement for the
next year.
Now York, greatly exposed, and deeply interested in the result,
continued to make every effort in her power for the support
' of the war; but in July she had the misfortune to lose her
Lieutenant-governor, James Delancey, who had ruled wisely and well,
and shown that it was possible for a Governor and Assembly to act
unitedly in support of the war, and raise large sums of money by
taxation. He was succeeded by Cadwallader Colden, an old friend of
Clinton, unpopular, and allied to the Episcopalian and British party,
so that the hostility between Governor and Assembly which had slept
so long was at once awakened in full vigor. Meantime the war went
on ; the arrangements of Amherst were complete ; and while Havi-
land moved up tbe line of Lake Champlain, the main body, under the
commander-in-chief, made their way to the north up Lake Ontario
and down the St. Lawrence. The French fell back everywhere, sur
rendering their posts ; and the armies from Quebec and Albany met
at last before Montreal. There was no escape ; Vaudreuil capitulated,
Canada was conquered, and the French empire in America effaced.
One legacy of the conquest was the general rising of the Indian tribes
under Pontiac; but they were checked at Detroit and Niagara by the
soldiers of Amherst, and beaten by Bouquet in Pennsylvania. Hos
tilities still went on until 1764 along the frontiers, although the col
onies did not suffer severely.
Colden was superseded by General Monckton, who went away to
capture Martinique, and soon after resigned New York entire-
1762!' 'y> ®° ^^^* ^"^ interfered but little, on the whole, with the Lieu
tenant-governor. The Assembly continued to meet the requi
sitions of England, but they also began to wrangle with Colden, and
were much occupied with the contest in regard to the territory of Ver
mont. Peace was hailed with delight ; but the fair prospects which
seemed to open with the removal of the dreaded enemy on the north
were soon overclouded by the development of the ministerial policy
of taxing Amerioa. The first step -was the enforcement of the Navi
gation Act, and bore very hardly on New York, which was largely en
gaged in illicit trade, long connived at by England, with the French
and Spanish possessions ; and thus the way was prepared for the uni
versal burst of indignation which greeted the news of the Stamp Act.
Parties had always been bitter in New York, and the old lines were
rapidly drawn on the new question. New York responded readily

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA.. 311
to the invitation of Massachusetts for a Congress ; and in New York
that Congress was held, comprising twenty -eight delegates
from nine colonies, presided over by Timothy Ruggles, and
led by James Otis, of Massachusetts, and Gadsden, of South Carolina.
Thus in New York the resolutions were passed denying the right of
taxation without representation, and demanding a repeal of the Stamp
Act ; and there, by that Congress, the union of the English colonies
in America was founded.

312 HISTORY OF THE

Chapter XVII.
NEW YORK IN 1765.
The American colonies were not only governed and controlled
by the English, but in every case, except New York and Delaware,
that race laid the foundations of the future State. New York was
established, built up, and ruled for fifty years by people of a different
nationality, although of a kindred origin ; and this circumstance had
a marked effect not only upon the history of the colony, but upon
the social and political system which was gradually developed on the
banks of the Hudson.
At the time of the Revolution the population of New York
amounted to about one hundred and seventy thousand, of whom
twenty thousand were negroes.' Tho larger portion of the whites
wero still descendants of the original possessors of the province, al
though the Dutch immigration had almost entirely ceased after the
English conquest. The invaders from New England and the mother
country, besides holding their original settlements on Long Island,
spread themselves over the colony, and, with a continually strength
ening minority, were here, as elsewhere, the ruling and dominant race.
There was also a large and most excellent element of French Hugue
nots, gathered chiefly in the city of New York, which, as early even
as the year 1652, had become so numerous that the Consistory was

¦ Population, Smyth, p. 394, 1776, 200,000 ; Brissot, p. 128, 1773, 148,000; 1786,
219,000: Burnaby, 1759, 100,000 ; 15,000 to 20,000 capable of bearing arms : Doe
relating to Col. History of New York, iv., 1698, 18,000 whites, 2000 blacks ; 1712,
27,000 ; vi.. Census by Clinton, 1746, 51,000 whites, 10,000 blacks ; Doc. History!
i.. Table for years from 1703 to 1771, when population given as 148,000 whites
and 19,000 blacks ; for Board of Trade, 1755, 55,000 whites; blacks, 11,000— see
Bancroft, iv., 127 and ff. ; New York Hist. Soe. Coll., iv., 274, Smith's History,
1762, 100,000. There was in the beginning of the century a superstition whicii
interfered with obtaining a census, because it was believed to briu" sickness- see
Doc. relating to Col. History, iv., 1712.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 313
obliged to make special religious provision for them. Persecution
brought also to the settlements of the Hudson the thrifty and indus
trious Palatines, and in the city were found a small number of Jews.
But the foreign immigration, as a whole, was not important ; the bulk
of it drifted away into Pennsylvania, and left New York to the Dutch
and English.' The settlements of the people thus united began with
the little towns on the western end of Long Island, and with the city
of New York, the New Amsterdam of early days, and the villages of
the neighborhood. Thence they followed the Hudson, with its pic
turesque beauty of mountain, cliff, and meadow, until Albany was
reached, where they turned to the west, and were pushed out into
the wilderness, along the beautiful valley of the Mohawk, and into the
domains of the famous Six Nations. This brief and irregular line of
towns, villages, and farms skirting the edge of the forests was all that
then gave promise of tbe great State of the future. Indeed at that
period the province was poorly inhabited, in proportion to its oppor
tunities and capacities, labor was dear and development slow.'
The two great interests here, as in Pennsylvania, were agriculture
and trade ; but in New York the latter was the ruling and control
ling interest, even if it did not actually engage the larger number of
the people. The great staples were farm products, especially wheat,
to which attention was chiefiy given ; and the fur trade was also iu
New York of first importance. Albany was one of the centres of
this traffic ; and a usual way for a young man to begin life was to
venture to tbe west to deal in furs — an occupation which, owing to
the presence of French competitors, was one of no slight danger, but
whicli was at the same time extremely profitable. The sueces.«iful ad
venturer, returning with his furs, would make up a cargo at Albany
of skins and timber, float down the river to New York, and dispose
of his investment at a groat advance. The return cargo was light,
consisting chiefly of rum, which was not only used for barter, but to
make the Indians drunk when they met, and thus facilitate cheating.
The statistics of trade in New York are so wild that it is out of
the question to attempt an exact estimate. The imports and exports
were probably worth nearly a million pounds, and employed, including
1 American Lady, Mrs. Grant, i.,42, 200; ii.,231; Smyth, ii., 378 ; Kalm, i., 245 ;
VirginiaHist. Reg., ii., 108, 1685, Byrd's Letters; Hist. Soe CoU., iv., 274 ; Rutten-
ber's History of Newburg; Reed's Amenia ; Mag. Amer. History, i., 90 ; Huguenot
Family in "Virginia, p. 297 ; MandevUle, History of Flushing ; Wood's Long Islaud.
2 Hist. Soe Coll., iv.. Smith's History, p. 274 and ft.

314 HISTORY OF THB
coasters and small river craft, about five hundred vessels. The Dutch
spirit of enterprise in foreign trade was conspicuous in New York, and
the products of the province were carried to the West Indies, to Lis
bon, England, and Madeira ; while even the little sloops from Albany
made long voyages. It was one of these — of eighty tons burden — that
in tbe year 1785 made the voyage to China successfully. There was
also a great deal of smuggling ; smuggled tea was largely used, and an
extensive illicit trade was kept up with the French possessions in the
West Indies. There were scarcely any manufactures. The thrifty
.Dutch appear to have made sufficient progress to have alarmed their
English conquerors ; but the advance was lost in the eighteenth cen
tury ; and although there was a considerable domestic manufacture of
coarse materials for home use, almost everything else was imported.
Feeble attempts at encouragement were made by the Assembly, but
they resulted in little. The iron industry was almost wholly neglect
ed ; there was some manufacture of glass, and felt hats were made, but
neither so well nor so cheaply as in England ; and, in fact, the im
ports so predominated over the exports that it was often difficult to
find a return cargo. The trade of New York, however, equalled, if it
did not exceed, that of either Boston or Philadelphia, and the town
was already a distributing point for the other colonies. Tradesmen
and mechanics, especially among the. Germans and Dutch, were more
common than elsewhere ; and we hear of itinerant weavers who went
from bouse to house to finish work. But industries, except those of
the grist and saw mills, built in the picturesque Dutch fashion, with
wide-spread sails, could not attain any vigorous growth where land
was so plenty and so cheap. Servants, imported especially to work
at trades, betook themselves to farms as soon as they obtained their
liberty ; and the great fertility of the soil made the farmers careless
in their methods. Agriculture was low, as in the other colonies ; yet
the province, as a whole, was flourishing and prosperous, and the active
trade and energetic merchants brought much wealth to the country.'
' For trade and industry, see Huguenot Family in Virginia, p. 297 ; American
Lady, i., 77, 79, 87 ; Smyth, ii., 394 ; Brissot, p. 125 ; Kalm, i., 258 and ff. ; ii., 240,
257 ; Burnaby, p. 109 ; Pennsylvania Hist. Coll., i.. Hare's Journey ; Denton's Ac
count of New York ; Hist. Soe. Coll, iv.. Smith, p. 274 ; Munsell's Annals of Albany,
i., iv. ; Doc. relating to Col. Hist, of New York, iv., 1708 ; v., 273 ; vi., Cosby and
Moore to Lords of Trade, Clinton's Census, 1744 ; Doe History, i., 1720 and 1723 ;
iv., 1737; Acts of Assembly, 1712, 1760; Rochefoucauld, ii., 233, 235; Historic
Tales of the Olden Time, Watson, 1685.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 315
After many vicissitudes, beginning with the cornmercial despotism
of the Dutch and the oppressive rule of James IL, the political sys
tem of New York had flnally settled down to the common form of
the royal provinces ; but, owing to tbe events of the past, the gov
ernment was more corrupt, the administration more inefficient and ar
bitrary, and the power of the popular representatives feebler than any
where else. The Governor was appointed by tho Crown, had a salary
of flfteen hundred pounds a year, and perquisites amounting to as
much more, which made him the best-paid Crown officer on the con
tinent ; and his political power was, moreover, very great. The Coun
cil of twelve members was appointed by him at pleasure, sat as an
Upper House, and had a negative on legislation. The Assembly, con
vened by the Governor, consisted of twenty-seven members elected by
the freeholders of the counties, with three from the Rensselaer, Liv
ingston, and Courtland Manors respectively. Before Clarke's time the
duration of the Assembly was indeflnite ; but it was then fixed at three
years, and, later, at seven, on the English model. - The Assembly was
ill-managed, and greatly under the influence of the Governor, who gave
patents for lands to his supporters at low quit-rents ; thus keeping
down small holders, and creating, to his own advantage, a class who
fomented the dissensions between the English and Dutch. The whole
government, says William Smith, the historian and judge, who had had
a full experience in the matter, was nothing more than that of a small
corporation.' New York was by no means in so good a condition -financially as
tho other colonies; having not only the usual depreciated currency,
and a debt of three hundred thousand pounds, incurred chiefly in the
French war, but suffering also from burdensome taxation as compared
with that of the other provinces. Taxes were raised by duties on ne
groes and other imported articles, and by direct levies on real and per
sonal estate ; and as their amount was considerable, this clumsy meth
od was unjust and oppressive. Such a condition of affairs was due
not only to an ill-managed, expensive, and sometimes corrupt govern
ment, but to the exposed situation of the colony, which made the fron
tiers the scene of battle in every war, and necessitated constant expen
ditures for defence. In the early days each man contributed to stock
ade the towns ; outlying houses were built to resist attacks, the town
gates were shut at night, and every citizen took part in watch duty
' Burnaby, p. 11 1 ; Hist. Coll., iv.. Smith's History, p. 274 and ff.

316 HISTORY OF THE
and military service ; for the •Dutch West India Company had always
kept troops at New York, and the English followed their example.
At the time of the French war severe and elaborate militia laws were
passed, requiring the enlistment of every able-bodied man between six
teen and sixty, and exacting a penalty, in case of failure to obey, of
forty shillings for every three months. At the close of the French
war the militia was computed to amount to over flfteen thousand
mon, and there were twenty -six hundred regular provincial troops;
but although all this was costly enough, the army never rose to the
dignity of a profession.'
The bench and bar both suffered from the character of the govern
ment and the power of the governors, although they were beginning
to improve at the time of the Revolution. The arrangement was that
familiar in the other colonies. The lowest courts were those of the
justices competent to try cases under five pounds, aud appointed by
the Governor, who gave those places to political favorites, generally
men of no character, and some of whom could not even read or write.
Above these were the courts of sessions and common pleas, composed
of three judges, who sat twice a year, and were appointed by the Gov
ernor during his pleasure. The supreme court of the province con
sisted of a chief-justice and two associate justices, who sat four times
a year, and were appointed by the Governor, but held during good
behavior. They had jurisdiction as king's bench and common pleas,
and claimed that of equity and the exchequer ; but these last were dis
continued on account of the general opposition. There was a vice-
admiralty court, with one judge, also appointed by the Governor. Over
three hundred pounds, an appeal lay from the supreme court to the
Governor and Council, and equity was with tho Governor as chancellor,
but this court was so much disliked that its business was very small.
Probate carried on by delegates was one of the Governor's many per
quisites, and its administration in this way was exceedingly unpopu
lar. At the beginning of the eighteenth century the condition of both
bench and bar was very bad. The chief-justice was a good soldier, but
no jurist; and the lawyers so called were often of scandalous char
acter. " One of them," says a contemporary, "was a dancing-master;
another, a glover by trade ; a third, which is Mr. Jamison, was con-

' Taxation and Militia, Munsell's Annals of Albany, i. ; Watson, Historic Tales
of the Olden Times; Acts of As,sembly, 1755, 1756, 1761 ; Burnaby, pp. 108, 109,
115.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 317
demned in Scotland for burning the Bible and blasphemy ;" and near
ly all were violent demagogues. Matters improved somewhat as time
went on ; but at the period of the Revolution, although three years at
college or seven years in an office were required, the Governor licensed
everybody, and there were many practitioners, therefore, who pos
sessed neither character nor learning. The profession, of course, in an
active business community was both popular and profitable, and the
fees were high, so that it attracted the best as well as the worst ele
ments. The trouble lay in the non-enforcement of the law, and in
the bad government which admitted unfit men as freely as trained law
yers of good standing.'
Until after the French war the profession of medicine was worse
than that of law, and practised almost exclusively by a much lower
class. The only attempt to regulate it was a clause in the Duke's
Laws of the year 1665, to prevent violence on the part of doctors to
ward patients. Quacks abounded; there was no protection from mal
practice, and any one that saw fit set up as a physician, surgeon, or
apothecary, to prey on the ills of his fellows, which, thanks to the gen
eral good health, were neither many nor frequent. In the year 1753,
there were in the town of New York alone forty of these unlicensed
practitioners. Just before that time the first gleam of improvement
was perceptible in an attempt to give instruction from dissection,
then came the demand for army surgeons; and in the year 1760
the Assembly passed au act to prevent bad physicians, and ordered
that no one should practise without a certificate from three members
of the Council and the supreme court. This was a step in the right
direction. Seven years later a medical school was founded in connec
tion with the college, and two years after that a medical society was
established, and the profession began to assume a suitable position,
and attract men of ability and character."
The third and last of the learned professions, that of divinity, stood
much higher than either law or medicine. The province was estab
lished by members of the Dutch-Lutheran and Dutch-Reformed Church
es, and by English Independents and Presbyterians ; and these remained
always the leading, although not the ruling, sects. Both the Dutch and
' For full accounts of bench and bar, see Hist. Coll., iv.. Smith's History, p. 274
and ff. ; Doe relating to Col. Hist., iv., vi., 1767 ; compare also Brissot, p. 130; and
Zenger's trial for Hamilton's speech, and state of law and lawyers.
- Brissot, p. 130 ; Hist. CoU., iv.. Smith's History, p. 274 and ff. ; Acts of Assem
bly, 1760 ; Wickes, History of Medicine in New Jersey, pp. 37, 52.

318 HISTORY OP THE
English dissenting clergy were men of good character, and for a long
period were the only learned class in the colony. In the Long Island
towns the same system and the same forms prevailed as in New Eng
land. Down to the eighteenth century the people were summoned to
church by beat of drum, and constables searched the village, and espe
cially the taverns, for profaners of the Sabbath and truants from di
vine service, and punished them with fines and the lash. Amusements
were discountenanced, and Puritan strictness reigned. The same the
ory prevailed in the Dutch congregations, but was much less rigidly
carried out. The clergy, with a few exceptions, were zealous and up
right men ; and the pastor was always the chief personage in the lit
tle Dutch villages. They were generally jolly companions and free
livers, and not infrequently rough in their dealings ; but they preach
ed good morals to their congregations with perfect directness, and not
a little personality. One parishioner, severely reprimanded in the ser
mon, ventured to expostulate in church, and the pastor replied, " You,
Philip, if you can preach gospel better than I, come up here and try."
Church manners, indeed, among the Dutch, do not seem to have been
of the best. In the little church in Albany, with its pyramidal belfry,
the men sat with their high-crowned hats and muffs on, ont of respect
to tho climate. The deacons went about during the sermon with a
little black bag and bell to take up contributions, but were obliged to
resort to plates, for the shrewd traders of the congregation, when their
gift could not be seen, contented themselves with dropping anything
that had a chinking sound into the bag. The tendency to strict ob
servances in the Reformed churches is indicated by a proclamation
forbidding sports on Shrove-Tuesday ; but it is evident that the Dutch
were too stolid and good-natured to indulge in any great severity in
this respect.
The general policy under the Dutch rule was one of toleration, to
which the luckless Quakers formed the only exception. These peo
ple, who arrived in New York in the year 1657, and preached in the
streets, were at once arrested, and driven from the colony ; and when
at a later time they reappeared in Long Island, the Dutch impris
oned and maltreated them, closed their conventicles, chained them to
wheelbarrows, punished those persons married in the Quaker fashion
for adultery, and had them beaten with tarred ropes until they faint
ed, while the English whipped them through the streets for sedi
tion. This persecution was as ineffective as it was exceptional. There
were, writes Colonel Byrd, of Virginia, as many sects in New York as

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 3? 9
in Amsterdam, and all tolerated; but when the English supremacy was
assured, all this was changed. In the year 1692 an act was passed
to maintain Protestant ministers in each town and county, and ves
tries and church-wardens were established to lay rates, and call cler
gymen to officiate. Thus the English Church began its career, and,
ill-advised as its policy was in most of the colonies, it was peculiarly
foolish and unwise in New York. They continued the persecution
of the Quakers with fine, imprisonment, and harsh treatment in the
courts, and extended this intolerance to the dissenters of other sects.
This policy reached its height under Cornbury, who forced the Es
tablished Church upon English- and Dutch alike, taxed all for its
support, seized on the churches, glebes, and parsonages of the other
sects, enforced the Test Act, and carried matters everywhere with a
high hand. Makemie, the famous Virginian minister, was arrested
for preaching and thrown into prison, but was acquitted by the
jury.; A reaction ensued, and favor was shown to the dissenters by
Hunter and others, although Cornbury's policy remained substantial
ly the policy of the province. Persecution, it is true, was abandon
ed; but taxes were laid for the English Church, to which all fa
vors of government were given, and to which charters, refused to
other sects, were freely granted. This harsh and narrow policy
could have but one result. The English Church, supported by gov
ernment favor, attracted a certain number of worshippers, and was
wealthy and influential ; but yet before the Revolution it comprised
only about a fifteenth of the population, and every sort of dissent,
besides the predominant Dutoh Reformed and English Presbyterian
Churches, grew and flourished. " Freethinking," wrote Samuel John
son, the New England convert, to the Archbishop of Canterbury —
"freethinking spreads as fast as the Church." The clever young
men of the day set up a journal, called the Independent Reflector,
supported by William Smith, educated at that "nursery of sedition,
Yale College," William Livingston, John Morin Scott, and others, who
vigorously opposed the Establishment. As late as the year 1773 pe
titions came up from the Long Island towns against taxation for the
Church ; and " No Bishops" was a favorite and constant election cry.
The Church was indeed a principal grievance against the mother coun
try, and did more in New York than anything else to cool the loyalty
and alienate the feelings of the inhabitants. Politics diminished the
affection of the people for the Church, while their respect was low
ered by the " laudable " lotteries for church building, and by the free-

320 HISTORY OF THB
livino- of divines, like Dr. Cooper, who left five pounds' worth of books
in his library, and one hundred and fifty pounds' worth of wine in his
cellar.' There was one sect which met with no mercy at the hands of
either churchman or dissenter. The power of France — close on the
borders of New York, with its wide-spreading net-work of Jesuit influ
ence and political intrigue, always ready, and at short intervals letting
hordes of savages loose upon the settlements — combined with the nat
ural Protestant prejudices to raise a spirit of dread and fierce hatred
toward the Roman Catholics. In the year 1700 an act was passed
against Jesuits and Popish priests, " because they labored to destroy
and seduce the Indians ;" and all such priests were, after a certain time,
if they escaped death, to be imprisoned for life. The spirit which
produced this law — a wholly natural one under the circumstances —
never seems to have died out, and became the germ of one of the
most terrible incidents which occurred in the history of tbe American
colonies. In tbe year 1741 public feeling was aroused against Spain,
and consequently against Rome. In every slave-holding province
there is a normal suspicion and dread of the servile class ; for the
sense of awful wrong infiicted can never be separated from the lurk
ing fear that retribution is at hand. These feelings were now com
bined ; and several fires, which strongly suggested premeditation, led
to the discovery of the so-called negro plot. Into its details it is not
necessary to enter. A wretched and ignorant woman, employed in
a public-house of the lowest kind where negroes resorted, actuated
probably by revenge, denounced her landlord, his wife and maid, and
one Ury, a Roman Catholic, besides some slaves, as concerned in a
plot to burn the city. In the excited state of the public feeling, much
less than this would have created a panic ; as it was, the whole town
1 For church and clergy in New York, see Huguenot FamUy iu Virginia, p. 297 ;
American Lady, i., 42, 294 ; ii., 23 ; Anderson's Hist, of Col. Church, ii., 439 ; Kalm,
i., 250; Burnaby, p. 107; Virginia Hist. Reg., Byrd's Letters, p. 108; Foote, Sketch
es of Virginia, i., 63 ; Hist. Coll., iv.. Smith's History, p. 274 ; iii., N. S., 1774 ; Man
devUle, History of Flushing ; Life and Travels of Samuel Bownas ; Onderdonk's
Hempstead; Ruttenber's Newburg; Riker's Newtown; Munsell's Annals of Alba
ny, i., iii.; Stiles, History of Brooklyn ; Doc. relating to Col. Hist., iii., iv.,vi.; His
toric Tales of Olden Time; Doc. History, iv. ; Acts of Assembly, 1692, 1695, 1714,
1761; Wood's Long Island; Thompson's Long Island; Furman's Antiquities of
Long Island ; Long Island Hist. CoU., i., Labadists' Journal ; Tyler's American Lit
erature; Massachusetts Hist, Coll., i., 2, 150; Jones's Hist, of New York in tha
Revolution.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA.. 321
went mad. On the most insufficient evidence — chiefly that of igno
rant wretches half dead with fear — a perfect slaughter ensued. One
hundred and fifty-four negroes and twenty whites were arrested and
committed to jail. Four whites were hanged, seventy negroes trans
ported, eighteen ' hung, and thirteen burnt at the stake. Thirty-five
lives in all were sacrificed, and a large proportion suffered the most
cruel form of death. The dominant motive was the dread of the Pa
pists and Spaniards ; for even at the most excited moment no one
supposed that the miserable blacks were aught but tools. Oglethorpe
wrote from Georgia that Spanish priests were to be introduced into
families as physicians and dancing-masters, who would burn every town
in America ; and at a later time Governor Clarke wrote that he was
convinced it was Popery, and it was generally believed that Spain was
preparing to send troops to support the conspiracy. The Roman Cath
olics, at no time more than a handful of the population, were general
ly arrested, and Catholic priests were in danger of their lives. These
wild stories were firmly believed, and only too thoroughly acted on.
The negro plot belongs to the same class of popular madness as the
Salem witchcraft and the Popish plot of the time of Charles II. Such
outbursts seem to have all the qualities of an epidemic disease, like
cholera or yellow-fever, except that they are moral and mental, instead
of physical. The Salem witchcraft has been used for generations to
brand with the stain of bloody deeds the people of New England.
It occurred at the close of the seventeenth century ; it appealed to a
strong and generally accepted superstition; it was concerned with su
pernatural agencies, was recognized by law, and the best evidence at
tainable under the circumstances was introduced. The New York
negro plot happened in the middle of the eighteenth century. It was
concerned with a crime perfectly within the range of ordinary tests
and common evidence. The accused were little more than savages,
as incapable of combination as children. In Massachusetts nineteen
persons were hanged, and one, refusing to plead, pressed to death. In
New York, half a century later, twenty-two persons were hanged, and
thirteen burnt at the stake. This comparison is worthless if it shows
merely that the people of New York were no better than those of Mas
sachusetts. What it really proves is that all communities are liable to
mental disease, which, under favorable circumstances, becomes a wild
panic and convulsion, and leads to indiscriminate bloodshed. Such
events are among the miseries incident to humanity under certain
conditions, and as such should be recorded by history ; but there is
21

322 HISTORY OF THE
nothing more shallow or contemptible than to use them as a reproach
and to affix a stigma. They are not crimes ; they are misfortunes,
and only by regarding them in this way can their lessons be learned.'
The unhappy race that chiefly suffered in this outbreak was not in
New York an important element of the population, although negroes
were more numerous than would naturally be supposed when the cli
mate and productions of the province are considered. Under the
Dutch, and especially at the beginning of the eighteenth century,
large cargoes of slaves, despite the risks from pirates, were brought
into the province. The negroes thus became very numerous, and were
so riotous that Cornbury issued a proclamation ordering every one to
fire upon them if they did not obey. A few years later there was a
savage outbreak, with fire and riot, in which several whites were killed,
and of twenty-seven negroes seized and condemned, twenty-one were
executed. Some were burned, some hanged : one was broken on the
wheel, and one hung alive in chains. The lingering recollection of this
riot was a principal element in the causes which led to the negro plot
of 1741, which had no real existence, and produced so much worse re
sults. The numbers and disposition of the negroes caused objections
to them as servants, efforts to replace them with whites, and attempts
to check their importation. The result was that at the period of the
Revolution they did not comprise more than a sixth of the popula
tion. They were employed almost exclusively as domestic servants,
and only very rarely as field hands ; but almost every family of any
consequence had some of them in their household. The laws in re
gard to them wore on the Virginia model, but much less severe. They
could be punished by their masters at a discretion not extending to life
or limb ; and the same limitation was placed on the power of the jus
tices before whom they were brought for striking a white person.
They could not be witnesses except against each other in certain
specified cases, were usually handed over to a common whipper for
punishment, and for ordinary criminal offences they were whipped
where a white person was fined. For felonies they were condemned
to death in such form as the enormity of the crime warranted ; and,
instead of being hung in all cases, were not infrequently burned at
the stake. The severest laws were with reference to acts which might

¦ Horsmanden's Negro Plot ; Historic Tales of the Olden Time, Watson ; Acts of
Assembly, 1700; Valentine's History of New York, Negro Plot; Stone, Life of
Johnson, ditto ; Doe relating to Col. History of New York, ditto, vi., 1741.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 323
lead to a general rising ; and here the dread of the community found
full expression. If more than three slaves met together they were
to receive forty lashes ; and any slave out after nightfall was liable to
be declared a rogue and runaway, and treated accordingly. Flight to
Canada, while in possession of the French, was expiated by death ;
and heavy penalties were laid on all who harbored or received these
fugitives. They were in every-day practice well and kindly treated,
and properly clothed and fed. They formed part of the family, -and
it was customary to give, with some ceremony, to each child of the
master a negro child of the same age as a servant. Their religious
and secular education was but little attended to, although even here
there was a marked difference from the southern colonies. The As
sembly passed an act to encourage their baptism, which, however, ef
fected no change in their status ; and efforts were made by charitable
societies in England to provide schools for the blacks, where they
might learn to read and sew. The physical prejudice was much
stronger, both as to negroes and Indians, than in the south, and there
was very little mixture of races; but, on the whole, slavery in New
York was as mild as it could well be made. There was ver-y little
hard usage, and bad slaves, instead of being punished on the spot,
were usually sold at the coffee-houses for the West Indian market.
There were also in New York, as in the other colonies, indented ser
vants ; but they do not appear to have been very important, except
from their bad character as convicts, whose importation was encour
aged by both Dutch and English rulers, and strenuously resisted by
the colonists.'
From the negroes, the free blacks, peculiarly numerous here on
account of those formerly belonging to the Dutch West India Com
pany, from transported convicts, and from the dregs of a trading and
seafaring community, the criminal classes in New York were recruit
ed. But crime was rare, and robbery, murder, and suicide — the in
dex of misery — were alike uncommon. Life and limb and property
' Slaves and servants, American Lady, i., 51, 58, 171, 294, 304; Kalm, ii., 267;
Hist. Coll., iv., Smith, p. 274 and ff. ; Ibid., iii., N. S., Extracts from Newspapers ;
Riker's History of Newtown ; Munsell's Annals of Albany,-^., 1691 ; iv., 1702 ; x.,
1783, 1737 ; Stiles, History of Brooklyn, i. ; De Voe's Markets of New York ; Doc.
relating to Col. History, iv., v. ; Hist. Tales of Olden Time, Watson ; Acts of Assem
bly, 1702, 1705, 1706, 1709, 1714, 1733 ; Furman's Antiquities of Long Island ; Val.
entine's History of iv'ew York ; Thompson's History of Long Island ; Rochefoucauld,
L, 376 ; ii., 233, 44sr,- iTisi;, o'oU. of tiong island, i,, Labadists' Journal

324 HISTORY OF THE
were safe throughout the province, where every one had too good an
opportunity for honest success to make crime either tempting or
profitable. In early times the colpny suffered from pirates, and to a
much greater degree than elsewhere on account of the characteristic
corruption of the government. Pirates harbored iu the little Long
Island ports, and bought immunity from Governor Fletcher, at whose
house the Jacobite Club met, by gifts of ships and presents to his
wife and daughter. Protections were openly sold in New York, and
the gain was so great from this nefarious traffic that Lord Bellomont,
in suppressing it, encountered a general resistance and much unpopu
larity ; and his success against the pirates, it was generally said, cost
the province one hundred thousand pounds a year. The abolition of
piracy was succeeded by much smuggling and illicit trade; and the
opposition in New York to the English navigation laws was exception
ally bitter. Crime in general was dealt with in the usual rough and
ready fashion. There were many capital crimes expiated at the stake
and the gallows, and the lash and the pillory were the favorite penal
ties for lesser offences ; while in the Long Island towns the odd Now
England customs prevailed. Criminals were there obliged to stand in
the market-place, or sit in the stocks on court day, with placards on
their breasts, or bridles in their mouths and rods under their arras —
a spectacle and warning to the crowd. A specific case brings up be
fore us, better than any general statement, a picture of the time when
the stocks, the pillory, and the whipping-pOst were in vogue, and when
criminals were not looked upon as an oppressed class. In the year
1756 two women, for grand larceny, were carted down Broadway and
Maiden Lane to the whipping-post, where they each received thirty-
nine lashes. They were then sent to jail for a week, and, after their
liberation, banished from the city. Crowds flocked to see such sights,
and the attendance was especially numerous at an execution, as at
Poughkeepsie, before the Revolution, where a white man and a negro
were both burned at the stake for incendiarism.'
There was probably even less pauperism than crime, and such
' Crime, Hist. Coll., iv.. Smith, p. 274 and ff. ; Ibid., iii., N. S., Extracts from
Newspapers ; Mandeville, Hist, of Flushing ; Furman's Brooklyn ; Munsell, Annals,
iv., 1701 ; X., 1737 ; Stiles, Hist, of Brooklyn, ii. ; De Voe's Markets of New York ;
Moulton's New York 170 years ago ; Doc. relating to Col. Hist., iv., 1698, Bellomont
to Lords of Trade ; Hist. Tales of Olden Time, Watson ; Acts of Assembly, 1708 ;
Smith's Hist, of Dutchess County ; Bolton's Westchester, i., 436, Ballad of Captain
Kidd.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 325
as existed was dealt with, so far as any one concerned themselves
about it at all, in the New England fashion. An act of Assembly,
in the year 1691, ordered the towns to make provision for the poor,
and obliged all persons without visible means of support to give sure
ty that they would not come on the parish. In the towns paupers
were sold at auction for terms of years, and their children were sold
as appren ticeSi A characteristic example of the methods in vogue
occurs in the recprds of Brooklyn, where it is ordered that "Mad
James" be kept by Kings County generally, and that the deacons
settle the proportions of the towns for the expense.' The colonists,
it must be reraemberedj were in these matters quite as advanced as
the rest of the world, and they had an important advantage over Eu
rope, in the fact that neither crime nor pauperism were troublesome
or pressing questions.
It is a matter of surprise, when. the state of popular education in
the colonies generally is considered, that there should have been com
paratively little crime or pauperism- in any of them. In this matter
of education New York was probably as well provided as any of the
middle provinces, and much better than those of the south; and yet
education was neither widely diffused nor of good quality. Under the
Dutch, schools of fair character, sufficiently good to attract pupils from
Virginia and the south, were established at a very early period, and sup
ported in large measure by government. The instruction was simple,
and the school-master, in New , Amsterdam was clerk; chorister, and
visitor of the sick; in the little villages, sexton and chorister; and al
ways a. personage of local importance. Under the English education
seems to have fallen off. The Assembly did nothing except to pass
an act for the establishment of grammar-schools in the town of New
York; and at a much later date appropriate the proceeds of divers
lotteries to the use and benefit of the college. The best schools — rcar-
ried on generally for nine months in tbe year by itinerant masters,
who were boarded among the inhabitants and paid by fees — were to
be found in the Long Island towns, where they had been founded and
maintained by the English settlers, and in New York and its imme
diate neighborhood. TherCj about the middle of the eighteenth cen
tury. King's College was established through the exertions of Samuel
Johnson, and in connection with the Episcopal interest. The college
gave a good course of instruction in the higher branches, and tuition
' Stiles, Hist, of Brooklyn, i. ; Acts of Assembly, 1691 ; Eager's Hist, of Orange,

326 HISTORY OF THE
fees amounted to only twenty-five shillings a quarter ; but it did not
grow rapidly ; and at tbe commencement held in Trinity Church in
1773, and attende-d by a fashionable audience, only five students re
ceived degrees. One great obstacle in the way of the college was its
establishment on a narrow Episcopal basis, which aroused the hostility
of the dissenters, who opposed the charter, and subsequently attacked
the college and its administration. A similar difficulty, indeed, attend
ed the schools. The Dutch stubbornly opposed an English education,
although at the cost of ignorance ; and as late even as 1755 the Dutch
Reformed Church imported a master from Holland, who, however, fail
ed, and was obliged to add English branches. Education on the whole,
and throughout the province, was bad and insufficient, and there was
a lamentable amount of ignorance among the poor and in the interior.
The sons of rich men, after such an education as the province afford
ed, and which out of the city of New York consisted of field sports
rather than books, were usually sent either to the New England col
leges, to Princeton, or to an English university ; while the daughters
of the household remained at home, read little, and studied less.'
In another point closely connected with education the conflict of
races peculiar to New York was strongly manifested. The English
speech made its way slowly but surely from the time of the seizure
of New Netherlands. The trading habits of the Dutch drew men of
all nations to the eolony, so that even in the seventeenth century six
teen languages were said to be spoken in the province ; but one and
all gave way before the English. The Dutch adhered closely to their
mother tongue, and in the inland towns and villages clung to their
preachers and school -masters; yet before the middle of the eigh
teenth century the change had begun, and the young people not only
spoke English, but went to tbe English churches, and wished to be
comsidored Englishmen. The result of this mixture of speech among
the people generally was great corruption of language everywhere.

1 American Lady, i., 42, 67 ; Burnaby, p. 106 ; Hist. Soe Coll., iv.. Smith, 274
and ff. ; Ibid., iii., N. S., Extracts from Newspapers ; Stone's Life of Sir William
Johnson ; Onderdonk's Hempstead ; Ibid., Jamaica ; Ruttenber's History of New-
burgh ; Riker's History of Newtown ; Furman's History of Brooklyn ; Barnard's
Life of S. Van Rensselaer ; Stiles, i., 1656, and iii. ; Watson, Historic Tales of the.
Olden Time ; Doe relating to Col. History, vi., 1753 ; Doc. History ; Acts of As
sembly, 1702, 1766 ; Furman's Antiquities of Long Island ; Long Island Hist. Soe
Coll., i., Journal of Labadists ; Bolton's History of Westchester ; Tyler's American
Literature ; Massachusetts Hist. Soe Coll., i., 2, 150.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 327
English prevailed ; but in some counties there were so many Dutch
that it was difficult to flnd jurors who understood the language of the
government. The foreign tongues, however, were doomed, and the
corrupt English of the years preceding the Revolution was a sure sign
of their ultimate disappearance.'
The great mass of the people, as has already been said, were either
farmers or traders, and most of these were of the middle class of
small landholders and shopkeepers. But, besides the social distinc
tions caused by wealth, there existed in New York an upper elass,
stronger and better defined than in any northern province. Slavery
gave, of course, as in all the colonies, an aristocratic east to the whole
social and political system ; but there was also an aristocracy quite
different from anything in Pennsylvania or New England, and closely
allied to the ruling class in Virginia. They did not have the great
element of support afforded by a pure slave system, but they had the
equally important foundation of large landed estates, and were invest
ed with prerogatives of practical value unknown to the south. This
class was composed almost entirely of followers of the system, or of
the actual descendants of the great Dutch proprietors, who had re
ceived when the colony was founded land grants of almost unlimit
ed extent from the West India Company ; and they formed a very
striking and important element in the community, both socially and
politically. The most famous of these great estates was that of the
Van Rensselaers, comprising, all the territory in the neighborhood of
Albany, peopled by farmers, and containing the thriving village of
Rensselaerswyck. This manor, and those of the Cortlands and Liv
ingstons, were each entitled to a representative in the Assembly. Be
sides these thus endowed with political privileges, there was the hard
ly less celebrated and extensive Philipse manor ; and many leading
families, principally of Dutch origin — such as the Schuylers and Cuy-
lers — owned or rented great tracts of land which they leased out to
small farmers. The proprietor of a manor was invested with many
feudal privileges, and held a position more akin to that of the Old-
World nobility than any one else in the American colonies.
The Philipse manor-house at Yonkers was a large stone building,
with a high-pitched roof surmounted by a balustrade, and an inte
rior at once luxurious and spacious. The walls were wainscoted, the
1 Kalm, i., 235, 269 ; ii., 261 ; Tyler's Amer. Literature ; Brodhead, i., 748 ; ii.,
287; Rochefoucauld, ii., 233, 447.

328 HISTORY OF THE
ceilings decorated with arabesques, the chimney-pieces of carved mar
ble, and the great open fireplaces panelled with Dutch tiles ; while
out-doors and near the house was a handsome formal garden, with
walks edged with box, where the ladies of thoifamily diverted them
selves by gardening. On this estate there were two rent-days — ono
at Philipsburgh and one at Sleepy Hollow — and on these occasions
the tenants, after paying their rent in money and kind, gathered at
the manor-house and were feasted by the landlord, who maintained
thirty white and twenty colored servants in bis household. In the
neighboring village the lord of the manor held, once a year, court-
loot and court-baron, and meted out justice, sometimes in early days,
extending even to capital punishment. The other manors with their
privileges, and in a more general way all tbe great landed estates, re
sembled more or less closely that of the Pbilipses. All had large,
well-built houses of brick or stone, and were handsomely decorated
and fitted up within-doors. They all had,-too, their retinues of serv
ants, great barns, abundance of horses and cattle, large, old-fashioned
gardens, and great orchards sweeping away from the house ; and in
all reigned hospitality and good cheer. Stained glass, bearing their
arms, adorned the little church in Albany, and everywhere the sense
of a strong and acknowledged aristocracy was felt. But the New York
manors and estates had their bad as well as their good side. Lord
Bellomont, as early as tbe year 1698, wrote to the Lords of Trade that
the province was not popular, because people would not come as bare
tenants of the large proprietoi-s, when they could have land in fee-sim
ple in New Jersey or Pennsylvania for the asking; and there can be
no doubt that the great estates and land to be hold, even for as long
a time as " while water ran and grass grew," but still on the payment
of rent, did not attract settlers. The relations, too, between landlord
and tenants became more and more unpleasant. There was wrong on
both sides, and complaints of violence and extortion. Just before the
Revolution riots broke ont on some of the manors; the landlords were
attacked, the sheriff fired on, and finally the rising had to be suppress
ed by troops. In tbe war for Independence the great Philipse manor
was forfeited, and the privileges of the others were swept away. The
great land-owners, although they resided for the most part in Now
York, and only in summer on their estates, wore fully alive to the ad
vantages of their position, and took care to maintain it. The manor
of the Rensselaers descended without a will to the eldest son ; and in
other cases the Dutch habit of division among the children was essen-

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 329
tially modified. Small portions were given to- the daughters, and the
younger sons each received a larger and equal share, while to the eld
est went not only the lion's share of the property but the paternal and
family homestead ; and in this way the families were kept together and
strengthened by what was practically primogeniture. ¦ Tho influence of
those great families in the counties and outside of the town of New
York was immense. The Schuylers and Van Rensselaers were inter
married and irresistible, the Duke of Rochefoucauld tells us ; and he
adds that the former furnished the brains, and the .latter' the money.
The power of some of these great families was marked out for de
struction in the northern atmosphere, and in the progress of American
democracy; but it survived and was still vigorous, even after the nine
teenth century had fairly begun.'
The manors were the most striking feature in the country life of
New York, and yet formed -but a small part of it. From the mouth
of the Hudson to Albany, and far up the Mohawk Valley, were scat-
tered-the settlements of the Dutch, who were the prevailing race among
tho farmers. In the southern region they were more mixed with other
races, and are said to have been of a character superior to those in
the northern and western settlements, where in the eariy days the con
victs and vagabonds sent out by the government had found a res't-
ing-place; but everywhere, with tenacious and stolid conservatism,
they adhered to the manners and habits of their nation. In the ear
ly days they did all in their power to keep off their restless English
neighbors, who could only procure bad titles to land, but who, never
theless, pushed on, eame in companies, got patents from the Govern
ors, and built up towns on Long Island and in the neighborhood of
New York. After the -conquest the Dutch clung still closer to their
land, refused to sell to the English, kept their large estates, and obliged
the intruders to remain in the southern part of the province, and en
gage in trade rather than agriculture.'' This vigorous prejudice and
' Huguenot Family in Virginia, p. 296 ; Amer. Lady, i., 13, 41, 42, 92, 148, 165,
173 ; ii., 292 ; Hist. Coll., iv.. Smith, Hist, p. 274 and ff. ; WooUey's Two Years' Jour
nal in New York ; Barber's Hist. Coll. ; MandeviUe, Hist, of Flushing Old Wills ;
Barnard's S.Van Rensselaer ; MunseU's Annals, i. ; Doc. relating to Col. Hist., 1698 ;
Furman's Antiquities of Long Island, Livingston House ; Bolton's Hist, of West
chester, ii., Philipse Manor ; Smith's Hist, of Dutchess County ; Rochefoucauld, i.,
369^376. '' Dutch hostility and conservatism, see Journal of Claude Blanchard, p. 115;
Kalm, i., 272 ; ii., 264 ; Pennsylvania Hist. CoU., i., 363 ; Denton's Description, 1670.

330 HISTORY OF THE
strong spirit of exclusiveness gave to the country life of New York
along the Hudson and Mohawk an almost pure Dutch cast. In the
interior villages the utmost simplicity prevailed, and the drowsy life
of the little hamlets, where almost every one was a farmer, with here
and there a few mechanics, flowed on in peaceful uneventfulness. The
farm buildings were usually near the rivers and on the hill-sides, sur
rounded with gardens and orchards. The houses were generally of
wood, sometimes of wood filled in with yellow Holland brick, with
an overhanging second story, and the interiors were neat and com
fortable, with low roorhs — the heavy beams showing overhead — and
great fireplaces lined with pictured tiles. The Dutch used no car
pets before the Revolution, except a drugget beneath the table on
grand occasions, preferring the traditional scrubbed and sanded floor.
The furniture was plain and solid, from the great Holland bods to
the sideboards and cupboards, filled with wine, and glittering with
glasses ranged round a rack bearing a generous supply of pipes.
The table was excellent and plentiful, and good living was the rule
upon the farms. Wood and pewter were ordinarily used until the
middle of the eighteenth century, when the china hitherto kept for
company began to come into daily use. Both men and women were
comfortably dressed in homespun, and knew little of the imported
fashions of the towns. These farmers, as a class, were intent on gain,
slow of mind and body, and usually pretty ignorant. They had their
comfortable superstitions of a mild character, and believed in ghosts,
witchcraft, and witches, who in the early days were now and then
brought to trial and found guilty ; but they were also sober, indus
trious, thrifty, and prosperous. To the southward, and especially on
Long Island, the English element was more marked ; and the towns
established there, and for years at war with Stuyvesant and his pred
ecessors, maintained themselves as independent autonomies with the
paternal New England form of municipal government, and much
strife and litigation among themselves, until the advent of English
ruler.s, when they were swept in with the rest of the towns, and lost
their separate standing. The condition of the farmers of all races,
however, did not vary much. They were, as a class, remarkably well
off, the only drawback being the monotony and narrowness of their
lives. They saw little of each other except when harvest or wood
cutting called for mutual assistance ; and the only amusements were
an occasional picnic in the woods, a corn-husking, or a spinning-bee,
and in winter skating and coasting ; while in the south and on Long

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. -331
Island there were the additional entertainments of tavern parties, tur
tle feasts, and weekly bull -baitings, with an occasional horse-race.
Thus they lived on among the peaceful hills of the Hudson, sleepy
and contented and comfortable, marking the passage of time with
hour-glasses instead of clocks ; and on Long Island in like fashion,
but with a little more activity. They were simple and unaffected,
bringing up their sons to trades, and their daughters to household
arts, until after the Revolution, when tho untiring Yankees poured
in from New England in ever-inereasing numbers, and proceeded to
develop the country and obliterate the slumberous and picturesque
society of the little Dutch villages, over which an enduring halo
has been cast by the genius of Washington Irving.' There was,
in truth, nothing from without to disturb them. Men rode into Al
bany or the neighboring towns to barter country produce at the va
riety store, or to attend church, with their women-folk on a cushion
behind them, over very rough and stony roads. Saddle-horses, farm
wagons, and two-wheeled chaises were the only modes of locomotion ;
and news from abroad reached them slowly and at long intervals from
the towns. An effort was made in Dongan's timo for an extensive
continental postal service, in the interest of the Duke of York ; but
it came to nothing, and the mails to Philadelphia were carried by a
boy in saddle-bags, which no one thought of robbing, while in the
opposite direction they crept slowly up the Hudson on board the
sluggish river craft. The first stage line was opened to the south
in tbe year 1756 ; but not until after the Revolution were they es
tablished between New'York and the inland villages to the north.'
The trading habits of the people outside the agricultural interests
tended, of course, to build np towns. Albany owed its existence to the
fur trade, of which it was the great centre for the northern colonies ;
and Schenectady grew up from tbe same traffic. In the earliest times
each dwelling in Albany was also a trading-house, with store-rooms

' Smyth,ii., 878 ; American Lady, i., 95, 100, 104, 108 ; ii., 23 ; Kalm, i., 235 ; ii.,
284; Hist. CoU.,iv., Smith's Hist., p. 274 and ff. ; Weise, Hist, of Troy; Onder-
donk's Hempstead ; Riker's Newtown ; Reed's Amenia ; Stiles's Brooklyn ; Wat
son, Hist. Tales of Olden Time ; Wood's Long Island ; Jones's Lecture on Long
Island; Bolton's Westchester; Smith's Hist, of Dutchess; Memoirs of Elkanah
Watson ; Tyler's American Literature.
^ Weise, Hist, of Troy ; Huguenot Family in Virginia, p. 296 ; Munsell's Annals,
i. ; Stiles's Brooklyn, i. ; Doc. relating to Col. Hist, i. ; Watson, Historio Tales ; Acts
of Assembly, 1708.

332 HISTORY OF THE
for furs in the second story ; and the worthy burghers, in the good
Dutch fashion, mado the little town a sort of close corporation, kept
the trades to themselves, had apprenticeship carefully regulated by
law, and maintained themselves so successfully, that even as late as
the year 1790 a stranger wishing- to transact business had to pay five
pounds for admission as a freeman of the town. Albany was found
ed by the Dutch, and remained their stronghold down to the Revolu
tion long after they had lost control of the sister city at the mouth
of the river; and there the Dutch commercial spirit, selfish and often
cunning, ruled unchecked, and the Dutch peculiarities of life and man
ners appeared in full perfection., At the period of the Revolution Al
bany was a town of about five thousand inhabitants, with one long ill-
paved street, where cattle wandered unrestrained, straggling along the
river's edge. The houses, with gable-ends to the street, low and pictu
resque, with peaked roofs and long projecting spouts, were solidly built
of brick or stone, and each stood by itself, with a garden and little green
about it. Some of the houses were handsome for the time, witli spa
cious low rooms heavily wainscoted, the date of construction in iron
figures let into the yellow imported brick, and surmounted by elabo
rate gilded weather-cocks. In the door-ways of their dwellings the old
Dutchmen passed much of their time, peacefully smoking, and watch
ing the oscillations of their own and their neighbor's vanes. These
porches were the only places of social meeting, and every one who
passed had to pause and greet the occupants of the long benches on
each side of the door. They were a reserved people, shy of strangers,
showing great disfavor in the eighteenth century to those who wore
their own hair in a queue like tho dreaded Frenchmen, but withal
hospitable ^nd kindly. The rich lived in great comfort ; the poor
not so well as their country brethren. Life was quiet and unevent
ful. The only diversions were iu strolling about and sitting in the
taverns, where the men played billiards, cards, or chess; but the ab
sence of amusements did not weigh upon them. They regarded with
almost Puritanic disgust the festivities and theatricals of the British
officers at the time of the French war, and even as late as the year
1786 strongly opposed a public theatre. Everything about them was
simple and unaffected. The women worked hard, rose early, went to
bed late, were notable housewives, and neat almost to a fault. Their
worst defect, as a people, was their grasping spirit in trade ; to illus
trate which it was said that not even a Jew could hope to get a liv
ing among them ; and there is no doubt that travellers complained ve-

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 333
hemently of their extortionate prices and love of money. They kept
on in their own way, however, contentedly and prosperously until af
ter the Revolution, and then the Yankee appeared in Albany,- as he
did elsewhere, and improved the city and developed business, and cut
off the long projecting spouts which had dripped for a hundred years
on the passers-by, and ended by overwhelming tbe Dutchmen, and ab-
'iorbing them in his own pushing, driving race.'
In the city of New York the original possessors had lost their hold
at a mucli earlier period than in Albany, socially as well as politically;
but the town from the beginning, andunder every rule, was the centre
of provincial life, and the scene of constant activity. Trade brought
the Dutch adventurers to the end of Manhattan Island, where the West
India Company built its five great storehouses, and trade built up the
city, and continued to be the ruling and guiding interest. As early as
the year 1648 a weekly market was held between the Company's store
houses and the fort, and the Dutch " kermis " took place every year
for the saleof home productions. Ten years later the Broadway sham
bles came into being, with butchers holding great and small burgher's
rights ; and the cattle-market of the province was on the strand, whore
the farmers' boats landed. The narrow and careful but enterprising
Dutch spirit was manifested for years in the strict regulations for
trade and in the exclusion from handicrafts of strangers, who were
not freemen of the city, which they made the distributing point not
only for their own, but the neighboring provinces, and thus gave a
strong impulse and direction to the whole course of development.
New York became at an early day, and has remained, a great centre
for trade from all parts of the world, and this gave in colonial days
a cosmopolitan tone to the community, which contrasts strongly with
anything that can be found iu the other provinces. At the period
of the Revolution the town rose gradually from the quays which had
been built at the southern extremity of the island, and extended in
land for nearly a mile with an average width of perhaps half that
distance. The streets were paved, exoept on the high ground, fairly
elean, and drained by wide gutters in the middle of the highway, to
which rows of tall trees on each side gave a pleasant look. Many
years before the Revolution the streets were lighted and watched, al-
1 Kalm, ii., 266, 261, 262, 264, 267 ; American Lady, i., 44, 95 ; ii., 23 ; Smyth, ii.,
293 ; Brissot, p. 127 ; Pennsylvania Hist. Coll., i. 363 ; Barnes, Early Hist, of Alba
ny ; Worth, Random Recollections of Albany ; MunseU, i., vii. ; Memoirs of Elkanah
Watson.

334 HISTORY OF THE
though tho uncertain supply of oil rendered the former benefit for a
lono- time a precarious one. The old Dutch houses — which were all
built of brick or stone, commonly of the former, yellow in color, and
adorned with checker-work patterns — stood with gable ends toward the
street, thus distinguishing themselves from their more modern neigh
bors, built in much the same style but turning a full face to the road.
Almost all the houses were gabled, with high pitched roofs of shin
gles or variegated tiles surmounted by a balcony railing, within which
the occupants of the mansion were wont to sit on summer evenings
and enjoy tho vie'w^ of tho harbor. The interiors wore neat and com
fortable, with low rooms, alcoves, and window-seats, high wainscots of
painted wood-work, and whitewashed walls. The furniture was solid,
usually of mahogany; no carpets covered the sanded floors; pewter
and copper were generally used ; and china was rare, although every
family of standing- had a certain amount of massive silver. .Hangings
were seldom seen ; but the influence of trade and travel could be ob
served in the drawings and pictures which adorned the walls of most
of the houses. The public edifices by no means equalled the private
houses, and were for the most part insignificant ; the college was hard
ly finished ; and the only buildings for the purposes of charity were
the hospital for seamen and the pest-houses on the harbor islands.
Trade was better supplied, for there were coffee-houses, and an ex
change with a spreading arcade where merchants met daily. At the
time of the Revolution the town, although said to be less populous
than either Boston or -Philadelphia, numbered about fifteen to eigh
teen thousand inhabitants, and had the greatest trade in America.
New York, moreover, was not only the business centre of the prov
ince, but that of law and government as well ; besides being, until rev
olution impended, the only military post on the continent, with Eng
lish troops and officers who added much to the bustle and variety of
tho place. In addition also to the community whicli had grown up
on the soil, there was a strong foreign element ; and the result was a
mixed and polished society, as hospitable and much gayer and more
entertaining than any other in the English possessions in America.'
' Description of New York, see Huguenot Family in Virginia, p. 296 ; American
Lady, i., 42 ; Smyth's Tour, ii., 375 ; Raynal, 1766 ; Kalm, i., 248, 250, 258 ; Burna
by, pp. 106, 108, 113 ; Wansey, pp. 73, 226 ; Denton, 1670 ; Stiles's Brooklyn, i. ; De
Voe's Markets ; Watson, Historic Tales ; Doc. relating to Col. History of New York,
1744; Acts of Assembly, 1692, 1753,1761; Elkanah Watson's Memoirs, 1784;
Mad. Knight's Journal

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 335
Some of the inhabitants were the great proprietors who came to town
for the winter, and in spring went up the Hudson to their estates ;
while others, of the more wealthy class, had handsome country-seats on
Long Island, renowned in the colonies for its fine farms and high cul
tivation. But the great majority of the New York population of all
classes remained in the pleasant town all the year round. They were
all, with few exceptions, tradesmen of one sort or another, from the
great merchant whose ships sailed to Europe, down through the re
tail dealers and shopkeepers, to the young adventurer, who started off
with his pack of beads and knives to truck and barter with the In
dians. Most of them belonged to the middle class, who rose early,
breakfasted at daylight, dined at twelve, and worked hard at their
shops, which they had the good-sense to close early in order to go
forth for amusement and exercise. The Wealthiest society was very
fashionable in dress and manners, and devoted to the last London
novelties. The women wore silks and velvets, the men displayed
great luxury at their tables, and the tone of conversation aimed to
be witty, sentimental, and refined. This society had its balls, con
certs, and private theatricals ; and the gentlemen evening clubs at the
taverns. The active social life of New York is strongly shown in
this matter of clubs. As early as the beginning of the century there
was a Jacobite, an Irish, and a French club ; and later a convivial
club of professional men ; but nowhere does there appear to have
been much indulgence in the fashionable vice of extravagant gam
ing. Besides in-door amusements there were in winter sleighing-par-
ties to the neighboring country tavern, and the road was covered in
the evening with rapidly driven sleighs, which in fine weather were re
placed by picnics and fishing-parties, or turtle-feasts at some favorite
inn, when the participants drove ont in couples in the chaises universal
ly used, and returned after supper by way of the well-known kissing-
bridge. The amusements of the mass of the people did not differ much
from those of the upper class, but the tone of society was strongly
aristocratic, and the distinctions of di-ess were carefully observed.
The ladies and gentlemen of fashion wore silks and velvets, powder
and wigs, and the latter carried a sword. The wealthy tradesman
appeared in broadcloth coat, with spreading skirts and wide cuffs ;
the shopkeeper in simple homespun, except on festivals ; and the
workmen in leather aprons, which were never replaced by a long
coat. The habits and amusements of the middle and lower classes

336 HISTORY OF THE
were simple and wholesome. They strolled in the mall after the
day's work, or went, gayly dressed, on a holiday or Sunday after
noon, to see an ox roasted whole on the Battery, in the presence of
the Governor and Council, or to the customary bull-baiting, or to the
local Ranelagh and Vauxhall, where they saw fire -works and drank
beer, and then danced, and had a supper of chocolate and bread, un
til Dr. Laidlie saw fit to preach down these last harmless pleasures.
There was, indeed, no lack of public amusements. The American the
atre began its career in New York about the middle of the eighteenth
century in a house in Nassau Street, and from that time had a success
ful existence and not much opposition, until it flnally became thorough
ly domesticated. The Dutch had also a fortunate liking for holidays,
and these they kept, and gradually induced their unresting English
neighbors to do the same. There were five groat festivals — Christ
mas, New-year's, Passover, Whitsuntide, and San Claas, or St. Nich
olas-day. Besides these there were the " Vrouwen-dagh," or St. Val
entine's - day, when young girls went about the streets striking the
young men with knotted cords; Easter, May -day, with the classic
poles, and Pinkster, early in June, when there was a general exodus
to the woods. Then there were tho official English celebrations of
the Gunpowder Plot, the birthday and the coronation, when great
bonfires were lighted on the common, and there was much rejoicing
and feasting 'at the expense of the city. New-year's-day began with
firing salutes, and parties then went about the town, stopping- at ev
ery house to fire guns and drink punch, with much indiscriminate
burning of gunpowder, forbidden by the Assembly in the year 1773.
"Pinkster" was a day of especial liberty for the negroes, who had
great picnics, followed by dancing, sometimes of a most indecent char
acter, which was witnessed by all the people of the town. On all holi
days, and indeed at other times, a good deal of rough fun was en
joyed by the boys of different parts of the town, who indulged in fac
tious- fights in the streets.'
The social life of New York was, as may be seen, gay and pleasant,
- ' Amusements and habits; see Huguenot Family in Virginia, p. 296 ; Brissot, pp.
122, 128, 140 ; Wansey, pp. 74, 228 ; Kalm, i., 245 ; Smyth, ii., 376 ; Hist CoU., iv..
Smith's History, p. 274 and ff. ; IbiJ., iii., N. S., Extracts from Newspapers ; De
Voe's Markets of New York, 1735; Watson, Historio Tales of the Olden Time;
Francis, Old New York ; Mad. Knight's Journal ; Furman's Antiquities of Long
Island ; Long Island Hist Soe Coll., i.. Journal of Labadists ; Valentine's History
of New York ; Duer, New York as it Was ; Burnaby, p. 11 5 ; Rochefoucauld, U., 465.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 337
with no lack of amusements of all sorts — from bull-baiting to con
certs ; but the intellectual life was by no means equally strong. In
deed, literature in New York had a feebler existence than in any of the
northern colonies.- There was none deserving of remembrance outside
the work of Colden — a talented and versatile man — on the Five Nations,
and William Smith's History of New York. With these exceptions,
the only efforts at authorship were those of a knot of clever young-
men who wrote verses and essays for the newspapers, mostly of a
political nature, and of a perfectly ephemeral character.. In the year
1740 there was only one press in New York, and two or three weekly
gazettes alone possessed the field prior to the Revolution. Albany
had no newspaper until the year 1771, and there was none on Long
Island before the Revolution. In most houses there was no literature
except of a religious kind ; and the booksellers had little besides Bibles,
prayer-books, and spelling-books in their stock. Some of the leading
men, like, Sir William Johnson, imported many books and periodicals
from England, and good private libraries were not uncommon; but,
as a rule, there was little reading and less writing done in the prov
ince.' In regard to two of the three great events in each human life, the
customs of town and country were not essentially different. Mar
riages were, as a rule, very young, very fruitful, and apparently very
happy. Breach-of-promise suits were rare, and before the year 1786
there' is said to. have been only one case of divorce. Marriages were
at first by the publication of banns ; but this practice fell into disuse,
and was replaced by the Governor's license, which formed a fruitful
source of official revenue. The ceremony was not accompanied by
much parade, and only the immediate friends were present; but the
following day it was the custom for the groom to give a collation in
the morning, which was kept up all day, and concluded with a good
deal of hard drinking." The simplicity of the customs in relation to
marriage^ however, were more than made up for by the pomp and cir
cumstance attending funerals, which form a very striking, and, from the
' Kalm, i., 266 ; Stone's Life of Johnson ; Furman's History-of Brooklyn ; Wan
sey, pp. 75, 284, 288 ; Munsell's Annals of Albany, i. ; Stiles, History of Brooklyn,
i. ; Fvirman's Antiquities of Long Island ; Long Island Hist. Soe Coll., i.. Journal
of Labadists ; Tyler's American Literature.
' American Lady, i., 74, 92 ; Onderdonk's Hempstead ; Furman's Brooklyn ;
Munsell's Annals, i. ; Furman's Antiquities of Long Island ; Watson, Historio
Tales. 22

338 HISTORY OP THB
excess to which they were carried, a peculiar feature of New York pro
vincial life. When a man married he laid down always s'ome fine Ma
deira to bc drunk at his funeral ; and when a death occurred special
invitations were sont out, the friends gathered at the house, scarfs and
gloves wero distributed, and the mourners sat solemnly about the cof
fin drinking and smoking. After a prayer, the bier was borne to the
grave,-a long procession following; and tbe invited guests then return
ed to the house, where a generous feast was spread. In the country
only men wont to the grave, but in New York ladies went also, and
sometimes acted as pall-bearers. One or two examples bring home
this characteristic feature of a past time far better than any general
description. In the year 1756 one Lucas Wyngaard, an old bachelor,
and the last of his race, died in Albany. After the burial, the mourn
ers assembled at the house of the deceased to make a night of it.
They consumed a pipe of wine and an endless quantity of tobacco,
kept up their revels until morning, broke all the glasses and decan
ters, and wound up by making a bonfire of their scarfs on the hearth.
Such an instance shows the excesses which these funeral feasts some
times eaused ; but all were deeply marked by pomp and expense. A
funeral often cost three or four thousand dollars. The first wife of
the patroon, Stephen Van Rensselaer, was buried at a cost of twenty
thousand dollars; two thousand scarfs were distributed, and all the
tenants of the manor came into Albany, where they were entertained
for three or four days at the expense of their landlord. On the death
of any prominent man or person of wealth, a general invitation to the
obsequies was given from the pulpit, and cakes and Madeira were pro
vided for the crowds that came to partake of them. At an official fu
neral the parade was even greater; as in the case of James De Lancey,
who died in 1760. Minute-guns were fired from. the forts and ship
ping while the procession, half a mile in length, moved slowly from
the house to Trinity Church. First came the clerks of the church,
the rector, and the clergy of the Protestant denominations,- in the in
evitable chaises ; then the hearse, drawn by white horses, with tbe cof
fin, covered with a velvet pall emblazoned with gold escutcheons ; and
finally the relatives, members of the Assembly, magistrates, and gen
tlemen of the law. The body was earried from the hearse on men's
shoulders into the church, which was illuminated. A similar display
was made at the funeral of Sir Henry Moore, who died in the year
1768. It is not to be wondered at that such lavish expenditure pro
duced a reaction, and combined efforts for reform. In all the col-

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 339
onies pompous funerals wer6 the custom, and the reform movement
seems to have met with a general acceptance ; but in New York it
had apparently little effect, and the custom died by the slow process
of changing manners. The peculiar and extreme extravagance of
New York, and the endurance of the custom, are due to the Dutch,
who went far beyond the English in this matter, and to whom such
an excess of cost and parade was indeed peculiar.'
It only remains to describe briefly the character of New York poli
tics, which differed very much in some respects from those of any
other colony. Local politics were carried on with great zeal, and a
good deal of bitter feeling and popular excitement ; so much so that
elections for the Assembly caused a general stoppage of business. , For
a week the candidates kept open house and feasted their supporters,
and on election day bands of drunken electors patrolled the city, and
stopped at every house to demand votes. The character of the provin
cial politics was but a part of the broader questions connected with
the relations to the mother country. These were discussed and fought
over with a degree of virulence peculiar to New York, and due not
only to the bad quality of the administration, but still more to the fact
that here, and here alone, the territory had been settled and possessed
by one nation and conquered by another. From the time of Andros
and .Cornbury, and their oppressive rule, there was always a vigorous
resistance to the imperial government ; and there were also, of course,
the usual grievances against England here as elsewhere. In Bello-
mont's time the sheriffs could not be depended upon to seize smuggled
goods, and the English navigation laws caused intense ill-feeling among
a people so absorbed in foreign commerce. Impressment was another
-sore point; and in the year 1744 fishermen, who bad suffered from
the press-gang, burnt. the boats of an EngHsh man-of-war on the
beach. These particular grievances were, however, merely indications
of a general feeling. The ill-advised Church policy caused a continu
ous struggle between the dissenting sects and the government ; and
in the years preceding the Revolution the letters of the Governors are
filled with complaints of the opposition — invariably styled a "fac
tion." Clinton wrote to the Duke of Newcastle that the people
caught at everything to lessen the prerogative; and again, in 1747,
¦ Hist. Soe CoH., iv.. Smith, p. 278 and ff.,De Lancey Funeral; History of Troy,
Weise ; Munsell's Annals, i., Jud.ge Benson's Address ; Stiles's Brooklyn ; Watson,
Historic Tales ; Furman's Antiquities of Long Island.

340 HISTORY OF THE
that the Stamp Act proposed by Clarke was an unwise measure, and
would encounter universal resistance. There were in reality three
parties. The English officials and the wealthy Dutch merchants in
New York were very loyal ; they drank the King's health on all oc
casions, listened to sermons, draped their churches in mourning when
the Prince of Wales died, and, in 1770, had great feasting and grand
processions in honor of the erection of George the Third's statue,
destined at an early day to be run into Revolutionary bullets. At
tbe other extreme were the young mon of English race, who pub
lished the Independent Reflector, and founded the Whig Club, where,
in the words of tbe Tory historian, the New England spirit was ram
pant, Cromwell and Hampden were toasted, hatred sworn to kings
and bishops, and a constant agitation kept up against the govern^
ment. Between these two extreme parties was the great mass of
the people, the Dutch farmers and foreign settlers, and some of the.
great manorial proprietors, who returned popular candidates to the
Assembly. This third party was. either lukewarm in their loyalty
or positively indifferent, and could offer no opposition to any ac
tive faction ready to take a decisive and aggressive attitude.' With
these factious and bitter politics and strong party feelings. New York
was swept easily into the Revolutionary current, and at the same time
produced a Tory party of almost unequalled violence and activity.
Thus we eome to the end of tbe middle group. In the south is
found the Virginian influence acting upon Delaware and Pennsylva
nia, and gradually disappearing until it vanishes entirely, and New
York is reached wholly free from Virginian ideas, but strongly tinged
with those of the compact and strongly marked English communities
to the eastward. From New York we pass out of the region which
held the balance of power, and come in contact with the other great
social and political force which battled with that of Virginia for mas
tery in the coming nation.
' American Lady, ii., 231 and ff. ; Kalm, i., 264 ; Hist Coll., iii., Extracts from
Newspapers; MunseU's Annals, x., 1742; De Voe's Markets of New York; Doc.
relating to Col. Hist, of New York, iv., vi.. Letters of Governors ; Watson, Historic
Tales ; Jones, Hist, of New York in Revolution.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 341

Chapter XVIII.
MASSACHUSETTS FROM 1620 TO 1765.
From the Norsemen to John Smith none of the early and dar
ing discoverers and adventurers, if we except the remnants of the
Popham colonists, succeeded in gaining a permanent foothold on the
repellent shores of New England. The history of Massachusetts be
gins in an obscure Lincolnshire village, among a company of plain
farmers and simple rustics, who had separated from the Church of
England, and paid for their temerity by bitter and unceasing per
secution. Life became intolerable, and they resolved to fly.
Hunted even to the water's edge, they at last assembled at
Amsterdam, where they were free and safe, and could worship God
as they pleased. From Amsterdam they removed to Leyden, sup
porting themselves in both cities by the work of their own hands ;
but though they had religious freedom, the race feeling and the
love of England was strong within, them. They could not boar to
live under foreign rule, and watch their children grow up and enter
foreign service, and fall away from the faith of their fathers ; so their
thoughts turned to the New Worid, whore surely there would be room,
perhaps even an obscure corner of the vast possessions of the Brit
ish Crown in which they could find rest and peace. After prolonged
negotiations and many disappointments, a patent was at last obtain
ed ; money was raised by London merchants, who acquired a mortgage
in this way on the colony and its inhabitants, and a chosen
¦*****¦ band sailed from Delfthaven in the Speedwell, and joined the
Mayflower at Southampton. Twice they started and twice they put
back, first to Dartmouth and then to Plymouth ; and at last the May
flower sailed alone, with one hundred and two colonists. These men
and women w-ere simple rustics, farmers or workmen. The leaders
even were not, with one or two exceptions, men of any marked social
position. They were poor and friendless, separatists from the Church
and exiles from England ; but they bore with them the seeds of a

342 HISTORY OF THE
great nation and of a great system of government. They landed
at Cape Cod, and there founded a democratic republic by
"^fado *' ^^^ famous compact of the Mayflower. A few weeks later
they landed at Plymouth, the vanguard of a great column,
bearing a civilization and a system of government which was to con
front that other system founded far away to the south on the
1620. fivers of Virginia, and which, after a confiict of two centu
ries and a half, was destined to prevail throughout the length
and breadth of a continent.
I do not propose to rehearse the history of that memorable settle
ment at Plymouth. " It has all been told and painted," and the small
est details of the whole story have become household words. There
is no need again to draw the picture of that awful winter of cold, fam
ine, and disea'se ; and of the little company slowly perishing on the
sandy shores of Massachusetts Bay. There is no need to repeat the
history of their hopes returning- with the spring, of the suecessful deal
ings with the Indians, of the difficulties at Weymouth, of the conten
tions with tho genial and worthless Morton, and of the dangers from
Gorges and from England. All is familiar, all are details trivial in
themselves, but 'made grand by after results, and set down at the time
with minute care by men like Bradford, who seemed to have an in
stinct that a nation would one day long to know their struggles for
existence, and that he and bis friends were laying one of the corner
stones of a great empire. Clinging with marvellous tenacity to the
barren coast, a mere handful of persistent Englishmen, the Plymouth
people hold together. They bore up against nature and the savage,
and against their fellow-eountrymon. They held out against the har
assing complaints of the London traders who had bought their labor,
and, freeing themselves from this tyranny, took up a load of debt
which they honestly labored to discharge. They throw out trading-
posts, hunted, farmed, fished, worked, stayed, and struck root. The col
ony grew slowly, and its humble fortunes prospered in a small fash
ion ; but it did its work, and opened the way and marked the spot
for that great emigration which was to build up the powerful Puritan
commonwealths of New England.
While the people of Plymouth were struggling to establish their
colony, some of the English Puritans, restless under the growing des
potism of Charles, began to turn their eyes to New England.
Under the lead of the Rev. John White, the Dorchester Com
pany was formed for trading and fishing, and a station was established

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 343
at Cape Ann ; but the enterprise did not prosper, the colonists were
disorderly, and the Company made an arrangement for Roger Conant
and others, driven from Plymouth by the rigid principles of the Sep
aratists to come to Cape Ann. Still matters did not improve, and
tbe Company was dissolved ; but White held to his purpose,
and Conant and a few others moved to Naumkeag, and deter
mined to settle there. Conant indueed his companions to persevere,
and matters in England led to a fresh attempt, for discontent grew
rapidly as Charles proceeded in his policy. A second Dorchester Com
pany, not this time a small affair for fishing and trading, but one
backed by men of wealth and influence, was formed, and a large grant
of lands was made by the Coujicil for New England to Sir
Henry Roswoll and flve others. One of the six patentees, John
Endicott, went out during the following summer with -a small com
pany, assumed the government at Naumkeag, which was now called
Salem, and sent out exploring parties. The Company thus formed in
England was merely'a voluntary partnership, but it paved the way for
another and much larger scheme. Disaffection had become wide-spread.
The Puritans began to fear that religious and political liberty alike
were not only in danger but were doomed to destrurtion, and a large
portion of the party resolved to combine for the preservation of all
that was dearest to them by removal to the New World. The
1629. Dorchester Company was enlarged, and a royal charter was ob
tained incorporating the Governor and Company of Massachusetts Bay.
Tho freemen of the Company wore to meet four times in every year;
they could choose a Governor, deputy, and eighteen assistants, who
wore to meet every month ; they were authorized to administer oaths
of supremacy and allegiance, admit new associates, defend themselves
by arms, transport settlers, and manage in every way their o»-n affairs.
Nothing was said of religious liberty ; for this famous instrument was
as shrewdly as it was loosely drawn. Omit the word Company, and
we have the constitution of an independent state with very ill -de
fined powers.
The new scheme once started, organization proceeded rapidly. En
dicott was made local Governor, and Matthew Cradoek Governor of
the Compariy ; money was freely subscribed, and six vessels with em
igrants, supplies, and cattle, under the charge of eminent and "god
ly " ministers, were despatched at once to Massachusetts. They set
tled at Salem, established a church by mutual covenant, with Skelton
as pastor and Higginson as teacher, and sent out men to prepare for

344 HISTORY OF THE
another settlement at Charlestown. Everything seems to have been
preconcerted. There was no obstruction or discussion, and at every
step, and especially in the matter of the Church, we see the develop
ment of a well-matured plan. But these men were not separatists
like those of Plymouth. They were members of the Church of Eng
land, Puritans, and Reformers, representing a large, powerful, and ever-
increasing element in the -English race, and they had behind them re
ligious, social, and political forces unknown in the foundation of oth
er colonies. They established an independent Church at Salem, not
because they wished to break from the English Church, but because
they desired a purified Church, and under the circumstances of a new
country they were compelled to construct one upon a new and self-
sustaining model. To this course of action two of the counsellors
at Salem objected ; whereupon Endicott ordered them away, and they
betook themselves to England with their complaints of separatism.
The Company acted cautiously, but it was clear that they meant to
exercise absolute, control, and exclude opponents from their domain.
Meanwhile events moved fast in England. Charles was determined
to rule arbitrarily and alone, and tho Puritans took the next step in
their plan of colonization by resolving to remove the Company and
its government to Now England. Winthrop was chosen Governor,
and Humphrey deputy. The leaders were country gentlemen, mer
chants, and soldiers, men of- wealth and position — while the bulk of
the emigration was, as a rule, from the farmers and yeomanry, who
were people of substance. It was the migration of a people, not tbe
mere setting forth of colonists and adventurers.- The trading purposes
of tbe corporation soon disappear, we can see the whole broad .scheme
of the Puritan leaders, and how, under the disguise of a trading com
pany and a eommereial charter, they went forth to found a State, and
erect an independent government. Those of the Company who did
not go to America remained in England to enter the Long Parlia
ment, and fight in the civil wars. If we run over the names of those
connected with the Massachusetts Company we find nearly all the
leaders of the Puritan party, tbe magnitude of the scheme becomes
apparent, and we see that if all had been lost in England, there would
in a few years have sprung up in America a great Puritan State, pow
erful enough to have defied the mother country, and stood out as her
equal at the very outset. As it was, a great work was accomplished,
and the party which raised up the commonwealths of New England
with one hand tore down the Stuart throne with the other.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 345
In the spring of 1630 Winthrop and the other officers and leaders,
having published an address to their brethren in England, sail
ed with a fleet of eleven vessels ; and before the next winter
set in a thousand colonists had arrived. Winthrop found the colony
at Salem languishing from hunger and sickness, while disease and ex
posure carried off some of his own company. Attention was given
at once to choosing a new site, and the flrst attempt was made at
Charlestown, whore a church was formed on the independent model
of Salem, and courts of assistants were held to punish misdemeanors,
and provide for order and police in the various plantations. The lack
of good water drove many of the people across the river to Boston,
and there the flrst general court of the Company was held, by which
almost all power was conferred upon the assistants ; but as there were
many applications for admission to the Coinpany, it was evident that
the freemen would before long have to be still further consulted. It
was resolved soon after to build a fort at Boston, and then Newtown,
afterward Cambridge, was selected for the capital, where the Govern
or and assistants agreed to build houses. The winter passed heavily
in wretchedand imperfect shelters, and with much suffering.
At the next meeting of the general court, when the first elections
wore held, it was enacted that no one should be admitted a
freeman, and so have the right to vote, unless he was a mem
ber of one of the churches within the limits of the colony. Thus
tbe great Puritan theory of Church and State united in one organiza
tion was fairly put in practice. One hundred and eighteen persons
were admitted to the franchise, a general court was ordered to be held
every year, and the assistants were to hold from year to year unless
removed, thus concentrating the power still more in the hands of the
magistrates. Winthrop and Dudley were continued as Governor and
Deputy, the capital was soon after finally fixed at Boston, and the
government was carried on in practice wholly by the magistrates ; an
absorption which, even in those early days of battle for existence,
soon provoked opposition. A tax was laid for fortification, and
the people of Watertown refused to pay their share for fear
of " bringing themselves and posterity into bondage." They were pac
ified by Winthrop, who told them the government was in the nature
of a parliament, and that all the assistants were elected. This oppo-
. sition, however, bore fruit at the next general court, where the free
men resumed the right of electing Governor and Deputy, choosing
Winthrop and Dudley again to those positions ; and they also deter-

346 HISTORY OF THE
mined that two delegates should be chosen from every plantation
to confer with the assistants about raising- a public stock. Thus the
foundation of a Lower House was laid, and true representative and
parliamentary government begun. Meantime, a church had been start
ed at Boston, where the cabins of the settlers were increasing, and
new plantations began to spring up on the shore and in the inte
rior, unmolested by savages, who had been swept from the coast by
disease. The chief enemy was in poor crops and scarcity of sup
plies, and against those evils the colonists battled manfully. Forts
were erected to protect the town against French attacks from the
north, and the strongly-planted settlement was firmly rooted in the
new soil.
The accession of Laud to the primacy gave a fresh start to the tide
of emigration, which brought out this year Hooker, who set
tled at Newtown, and the famous John Cotton, who remained
at Boston. This renewed emigration, indeed, assumed such propor
tions as to attract attention in England, for in the previous year the
various persons who had been driven from tbe colony, backed by
Gorges aud Mason, who were jealous of their eastern gi-ants, had, ac
cused the people of Massachusetts of intending rebellion and inde
pendence. The first attack was warded off; but when suspicion was
again awakened, the detention of emigrant ships was ordered, and
Cradoek was commanded to appear and produce the charter. Then it
was known that the charter had e-one to America, and the rov-
1 CO J. ~ ' V
al government was aroused to a sense of what had happened.
While danger was preparing- at home the colony had grown to three
or four thousand inhabitants, distributed in sixteen towns. All the
freemen could not assemble, but their representatives did, and pro
ceeded to do much more than advise as to " raising public stock."
They took all power into their hands, chose Dudley Governor, to show
that no office was a freehold, rebuked the assistants, admitted free
men, passed laws, and administered oaths of allegiance, not to the king
but to the government.of tho colony ; and so after throe days quietly
adjourned, making provision for the future choice of deputies from
the towns. Representative democracy was fairly established, and the
Puritan system of a united Church and State was on trial.
Trade began, and adventurers made their way to the Connecticut
and sailed along the Sound to New York, while farms were opened
and tilled, cattle raised, and population rapidly increased. The State
was created, and it was now necessary to maintain it against attacks

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 347
in England and dissensions at home. The latter they had guarded
against by banishing disaffected persons ; the former they met boldly
and wisely. Mr. Cradoek sent a copy of the order requiring a pro
duction of the patent, and the assistants laid it on the table, and de
clined to act without authority from the general court. When the
court met it was known that a royal commission for the case of the
colonies had been organized, and that a Governor-general was to be
appointed. The court ordered new forts to be built, and the people
to be trained in arms; while Dudley, Winthrop, and three others were
appointed to manage any war that might befall ; and the ministers soon
after were called to advise with the assistants, when it was resolved
that they would not accept a general Governor, but defend their lawful
possessions. At the next general court farther steps were taken
to fortify the towns, erect beacons, arm and discipline soldiers,
and a military commission was appointed with extraordinary powers.
This was the answer of Massachusetts to tho demands of England.
Emigration was prohibited by the royal commission, the Council for
New England divided its property among twelve associates, and re
signed its charter, and a quo warranto was brought by the attorney-
general against the Massachusetts Company. Judgment was given
against Sir Henry Roswell and others of the original patentees, and.it
looked as if the end, so far as the law could go, was near ; but Mas
sachusetts disregarded all this, and events favored the colony, for ship-
money and " prelatizing " absorbed public attention in England, and
their most energetic opponent, Mason, died. While thus facing this
perilous attack from abroad, the colony had also to confront their first
serious opposition at home. Some years before Roger Williams had
come to the colony, and got into, trouble by refusing- to join the con
gregation at Boston, because they would not publicly repent having had
communion with the English Church, and he also denied the right of
magistrates to punish for breaches of the Sabbath, and of the first table
of the Decalogue. Despite the remonstrances of the assistants, he was
chosen teacher of the Salem Church ; and then for a time he lived at
Plymouth, where he published a treatise impugning the right of Massa
chusetts to her land under the King's grant. This was laid before the
magistrates ; Williams made submission, and the treatise was burned.
This was after his return to Salem, where he soon raised a ferment by
denouncing women for going unveiled, and by inciting Endicott to
cut the cross from the flag; but he was nevertheless chosen preacher in
spite of the protests of the magistrate. He was soon in trouble again

348 HISTORY OF THE
for preaching against the King's patent, and yet again for denying the
right to administer an oath to the unregenerate. He was heard before
the ministers, the quarrel extended to Salem and the Salem Church,
and at last the general court took hold of it, and ordered Williams to
leave the colony within six weeks. Tho time was extended to the fol
lowing spring; but Williams kept up the disturbance at Salem,
and the magistrates determined to send him to England. He
heard of the danger, and fled into the wilderness. The whole matter
was a mere question of policy, and not at all of religious liberty. Wil
liams attacked the right of the colonists to their land; he denied the
powers of the magistrate to enforce the laws ; he struck at allegiance
to the government ; he strove to encourage a policy which would still
further inflame the King, and embitter their relations with England ;
he stirred up disorder and dissension — and all this was done in a
time of trial and extreme danger from abroad. That at this day he
could have done and said all he did unmolested, is probable ; but even
now in time of war such a man would be regarded with suspicion.
Under the circumstances of the time and place, he was dangerous
to the State ; the magistrates had the right to turn him out, and they
acted strongly and wisely in doing so. Others were wiser than he,
submitted to punishment, and gave way. Endicott was called to ac
count for cutting the cross, was relegated to private life, and finally
disfranchised for a year; while Israel Stoughton was disabled from
office for denying the power of the magistrates.
The commonwealth, for such it had come to be, was growing and
strengthening. Courts had been established, and churches and towns
ordered and regulated on a uniform model ; and in the memorable
year which opened with confiict at home and abroad the Puritans
founded Harvard College. The previous year had brought to the col
ony, besides an increasing emigration, the younger Winthrop, bearing
a commission from Lord Say-and-Sele, Lord Brooke, and their asso
ciates, patentees of Connecticut. A movement had been begun in that
direction some two years before, and had been thwarted by tho persist
ent opposition of the magistrates; but, after much controversy, it was
found impossible to chock the migration, and Hooker had gone thither
with a large company. Arrangements were made with these settlers,
and with those from Plymouth who preceded them, the new colonies
were fairly started; -and soon freed themselves from tho protecting rule
of Massachusetts.
With the younger Winthrop came two men who played a great

ENGLISH COLONIES IN .AMERICA. 349
part in the troubled times of the Rebellion — the younger Vane and
Hugh Peter — who at once mixed themselves up in politics, undertook
to revise the administration, heal the feud between the elder Winthrop
and Dudley, and, in - concurrence with the ministers, enforce greater
strictness in every department of the State. Carried away by the
glamour of his position and by tbe brilliancy of his talents, the
freemen chose Vane Governor at the next general court, thus doing
all in their power to increase the confusion of the stormiest and
most perilous year in the early history of the colony. Vane's first
act was to get a royal flag from one of the ships, which, with bis
assent, was displayed at the fort. A committee was raised, also, to re
vise the laws. But graver matters than these pressed upon the col
ony ; trouble was brewing with the Indians, there were fights with
traders, and murders, and, finally, Endicott was sent out with three
ships and a body of soldiers. He ravaged Block-Island; whioh only en
raged the Pequods without terrifying them ; so they began to destroy
outlying settlements, and Connecticut seemed doomed to destruction.
But the little settlements raised men, and applied; to Massachusetts
and Plymouth for aid. Soldiers came, and the united forces, under
Mason and Underbill, surrounded^ the chief Pequod town, stormed
the ramparts, fired the wigwams, and put to the sword, without re
gard to age or sex, some seven- hundred of the savages. The rest of
the tribe were attacked on their retreat, and only a handful finally es
caped to New York. The work was done in true Puritan fashion ; the
Pequod tribe was literally exterminated, and the "land had rest forty
years." But while the strain of savage war was upon them, while
their so]diers were marching southward to join the. men of Connecti
cut, troubles had broken out at Boston, which arose from the actions
and sayings of Mrs. Hutchinson, an active, energetic, uneasy woman,
who had followed Cotton to America some years before. Her broth
er-in-law. Wheelwright, soon settled at Mount Wollaston, washer chief
ally, and Mrs. Hutchinson herself propounded various doctrines which
were at variance with those generally accepted. She held lectures for
women, and assailed the ministers— especially Wilson, of tbe Boston
chui-ch — accusing them of being under a covenant of works, not
of grace, and satirizing their sermons. Loud and bitter controversies
sprang up. Mrs. Hutchinson obtained the powerful support of Vane,
and of Dummer and Coddington ; and, to a certain extent, of Cotton.
Boston was in a ferment of excitement. Wilson, tho pastor of the
Boston church, where the Hutchinsonians were in the majority, was

3ti-3 HISTORY OP THB
attacked and censured ; and at the next meeting af the court the
ministers also assembled, and a fast was ordered. The ministers de
cided in conclave that for heresy and error the court might proceed
without tarrying for the Church; and thereupon Wheelwright, for a
sermon preached during the fast, was adjudged guilty of sedition by
tho court, although the Governor, some members of the House, and
the people of Boston protested. The next court for general elec
tions was held in the open air at Newtown, where Winthrop and Dud
ley were chosen Governor and Deputy, and the Hutchinsonians were
left off the board of assistants. After a scene of great violence, the
old party, backed by the ministers and the country, members, prevail
ed. Vane behaved petulantly and angrily, and, after some further
controversy with Winthrop, left the country forever. The sent-iuce
of Wheelwright was deferred ; a synod of ministers was held, eighty-
two points of doctrine held by members of the Hutchinsonian par
ty were condemned, and it looked as if peace would return without
resort to stronger measures. But in the autumn the controversy
broke out once more ; Wheelwright's sermon was again called in
question, and, as its author was contumacious, he was disfranchised
and banished, and soon after betook himself to the Piseataqua. ' Mrs.
Hutchinson was then sent for, and, after a stormy trial and fierce al
tercations, was likewise sentenced to banishment, and during the win
ter confined in her house, where she was visited by the clergy, and
gradually retracted her doctrines, but asserted that much had been
falsely attributed to her. This led to fresh controversy ; the govern
ment finally interfered, a warrant was issued for her expulsion'
1638. from the jurisdiction, and she departed to Rhode Island. Some
of her sympathizers followed her, some were disarmed and banished,
but most of them recanted and made submission. The case of Roger
Williams was political ; that of Mrs. Hutchinson was both political and
religious. Her peculiar doctrines and her sharp criticisms aroused the
undying hostility of the clergy, the most powerful class in the commu
nity ; while the action of Vane and his friends associated her with the
opposition to the old leaders. An attack upon the Church, in a. com
munity where Church and State were identical, was an attack upon
the State ; and the fierce dissension which she caused was a source of
danger to a colony in perpetual peril from English foes. The govern
ment drove her from their jurisdiction — as they had a perfect right to
do — because the clergy hated her, and because they believed the safe
ty of the State required it. There is no doubt that it was a vio-orous

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. "d&i
and arbitrary suppression of freedom of speech and opinion, and the
only question is whether, politically, and as a matter of expedienc}',
the government's high-handed measures were justified by circum
stances. No one who looks at the matter from the point of view
of the year 1637, and not from that of the nineteenth century, can
hesitate in answering the question in the affirmative. The strong pol
icy of repression, at all events, answered its purpose, and peace, quiet,
and safety were restored. The eolony prospered, legislation was im
proved, and courts extended ; while three thousand additional settlers
arrived. Another demand for the charter was made in peremptory
terms, and, after' a long pause, the court sent to the Commissioners of
Trade a firm although diplomatic refusal by the hand of Winthrop ;
but the Scots were arming; and the matter rested for the time.
Events in England had now reached a crisis, and the Puritan party,
rising rapidly into power, no longer looked to America for a
refuge. The great tide of emigration ceased to fiow ; but the
government of Massachusetts went on wisely and strongly under the
alternating rule of Winthrop, Dudley, and Bellingham. The English
troubles crippled the holders of the Mason and Gorges grants, and
the settlements in New Hampshire — whither Wheelwright had gone,
and where turbulence had reigned — were gradually added to the ju
risdiction of Massachusetts. In domestic matters everything went
smoothly. There was some trouble with Bellingham, and
Winthrop was again made Governor. The oath of allegiance
to the King taken by the magistrates was abandoned, because Charles
violated the privileges of Parliament, and the last vestige of depend
ence vanished. Massachusetts was divided into counties ; and out of
a ludicrous contest about a stray pig, in which deputies and magis
trates took different sides, grew a very important controversy as to
the powers. of deputies and assistants, whioh resulted in the di
vision of the legislature into two branches, and a consequent
improvement in the symmetry and solidity of the political system.
A short time before a far more important event had occuri-ed, when
the first attempt was made at the Federal system, which more than a
century later became the central principle in the formation of tbe
United States. Dangers from the Dutch and the Indians had almost
at the outset convinced Connecticut and New Haven that some union
of the English was necessary. Massachusetts was lukewarm ; but at
last commissioners from Connecticut, Plymouth, and New Haven eame
to Boston, and a New England Confederation was formed. This con-

352 HISTORY OF THE
federacy, which excluded Rhode Island and the Gorges settlements in
Maine, and was styled the United Colonies of New England, provided
for little more than au alliance offensive and defensive, with powers
to make war and peace; but it had a marked effect on the people
of New England — greatly increased their power, and showed even in
those early days the path by which a great nation was to be formed
from jarring States.
The confederacy thus established had at onee enough to do. They
remonstrated with the Swedes on the Delaware, who had interfered
with traders from New Haven, and checked the Dutch disposition to
interfere in Connecticut ; while Massachusetts herself dealt with the
troubles arising between D'Aulnay and La Tour in their conflict for
the governorship of Acadia. The Bay colonists would not interfere
actively, but they took advantage of the situation to open trade with
the French settlements, and suffered La Tour to enlist men in Bo.ston.
This led to serious political differences, the commissioners of tho con
federacy thought Massachusetts had gone too far, and at the next
election Winthrop was displaced, and Endicott chosen in his stead.
The opposition to Winthrop and his party took a still more marked
form in Essex County, where a combined effort was made to get con
trol of the government, and break down the power of the magistrates,
an attempt which resulted in failure. Massachusetts carried the same
independence into her dealings with King and Parliament as with the
conflicting Frenchmen. She forbade any attempt to draw together a
party for the King, and although she permitted a commissioned ship
to make a prize in the harbor, she stopped privateering there in the
interest of Parliament. The people wore also called upon to deal
with an attempt to introduce Presbyterianism, and break down the
relio-ious franchise. A synod was called, but nothino- was done ;
164G. ' o >
and soon after the general court, finding that tlie petitioners
were about to carry their cause to England, arrested them, seized their
papers, and fined them. When the remonstrants did reach England
the Presbyterians were no longer all-powerful, and a second synod
firmly established in Massachusetts the Congregational system
of independent churches. At the same time a strong effort
was mado for the work of converting the Indians, and aid obtained in
England, although the colonists proceeded in all other matters with
their customary independence. Meantime, the confederacy concluded
a treaty with D'Aulnay, who had finally got the upperhand in Acadia,
brought Stuyvesant to terms by threatening retaliation for his seizures

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERIC.i. 353
of vessels in English waters, and, after much trouble, reduced to obedi
ence the Narragan setts, who had been restless and dangerous. In the
confederacy itself everything did not proceed harmoniously. The at
tempt of Connecticut to levy a duty on ships at Saybrook was sup
ported by Plymouth and New Haven, and warmly contested by Mas
sachusetts even to the point of retaliation and a demand for
the revision of the articles. In Massachusetts itself the party
of Winthrop and Dudley again became supremo, the laws were re
vised, the revenue adjusted, and a system of common schools estab
lished at the -expense of the towns. Two years afterward
1647. Winthrop died, and was succeeded by Endicott, who, with
two intervals of a year each, held the office of Governor for tbe next
fifteen years.
The years immediately succeeding the death of Winthrop were
years of growth and prosperity, and of a still further development of
independence. Massachusetts spread her jurisdiction to the
south, and, in the north-east, obtained possession of Maine,
while her population and trade alike increased. With the new pow
ers in England she pursued tbe same wary and firm policy that she
had employed with Charles. After much deliberation she denied the
right of Parliament to meddle with her charter, and took upon herself
another attribute of sovereignty by coining money. She refused to
enter into Cromwell's scheme of transporting the colonists to Ireland,
and, later still, a similar and more cherished plan in regard to Jamaica.
In the confederacy a like cautious policy was adopted. An alliance
with New France was declined; but in the relations with the Dutch
there was more difficulty and grave dissensions; for after protracted
negotiations the other colonies pressed eagerly for war against their
neighbors, and Massachusetts as steadily refused. The contest came
near causing a rupture of the confederation, and there can be no
doubt that Massachusetts dominated the confederacy by her superior
strength without much regard to the articles of union. She succeed
ed in her wishes, however, and prevented a resort to force; and, in a
similar fashion, stopped a war which was much urged with the Nyan-
tics. Even Cromwell's fleet could not tempt them, and peace finally
removed the danger before hostilities actually occurred. With Crom
well himself Massachusetts practically maintained the relations of an
independent State. She did not proclaim him; and when a letter
came from the Council of State ordering them to proclaim his son
Richard, it was passed by without notice. In a like manner they
23

354 HISTORY OF THE
remained for throe months silent as to the restoration of Charie-s
and then news came from their agent that their affairs had
been brought before the King, and that complaints had been
made against them ; whereupon a special court was convened, and ad
dresses to the King and Pariiament, full of compliment, and praying
for favor, were despatohed.
The complaints against the colony came from two sources — the
eastern proprietors, whose territory had been absorbed, and from the
Quakers. The wild fanatics of this famous sect had selected New
England as a promising- field, and some of them appeared in 1656 at
Boston, where they were seized, and at once sent back on the ships
which brought them. Then came sharp laws providing for whipping,
mutilation, banishment, and death if they returned after being driven
away. The Quakers were drunk with religious zeal, and came a few
at a time, but did little in the way of conversion. They appeared
naked in the streets and churches, hideous with grease and lamp-black
— breaking bottles, and raising a riot and disturbance everywhere.
The magistrates began with whipping and mutilation. Then the
Quakers were banished, and came back to test the law. Two men
were hung in Boston, and a woman and a man not long after; and
then the rising popular indignation prevailed, the law was modified,
and, although the Quakers were punished from time to time, they
had won their victory. The magistrates, headed by the fiery Endi
cott and by Bellingham, and backed by the Federal commissioners,
had taken the ground that Massachusetts belonged absolutely to its
people, and that they had the right now, as in tho early days, to
put down opposition and banish all malcontents. This policy had
already been successful with Williams, Gorton, and Mrs. Hutchinson,
as well as with smaller offenders. The theory was correct enough;
the difficulty was that times had changed, and the people no longer
were ready to put the theory into practice. Absolute intolerance, sus
tained by capital punishment, was no longer possible in New Eng
land ; and the first desperate fanatic who was eager to die was able
to put it down. The Quakers made their way into Massachusetts ;
and the Baptists, who were at first arrested and dispersed, not long
after obtained a tacit recognition ; while the question of baptism be
came a subject of heated controversy in the churches of the colony.
It is not to be wondered at that the Quakers complained against
jgg^ Massachusetts as soon as they found any one to listen; but
the King's answer to the address of the general court was,

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 356
nevertheless, very gracious. It came, however,. in company with an
order to apprehend the exiles Whalley and Goffe, who had fled from
England, and had- been kindly received at Boston. The magistrates
did their duty in the premises so far as they were obliged to, and the
royal messengers scoured New England, but never reached the regi
cides. The government then proceeded to take such wary steps as
they could to win favor by condemning the doctrines of the Fifth
Monarchy men, ordering the Governor to take bonds of ships under
the Navigation Act never before enforced, and by appointing a com
mittee who reported on the rights of the colony, and admitted the duty
of allegiance to Charles. Then, after flfteen months' delay, Charles
was proclaimed. They disregarded the royal mandamus that Quak
ers should be sent to England for trial, but modified the
1662. laws, and still infiicted corporal punishment. They further
sent Bradstreet and Norton with an address to England, where they
were well received, and whence they returned with another royal and
gracious answer, which, however, demanded the oath of allegiance ;
that all laws in derogation of royal authority should be repealed ;
that the Book of Common Prayer should be permitted to all desir
ing to use it ; that the religious test for suffrage should be abolished,
and the administration of justice be in tbe King's name. With the
last of the requirements the court complied, despite much opposition,
but did nothing toward obeying the other commands, which all ex
cited bitter discontent. A year later the new court consider
ed the royal commands again, and again did nothing except
regulate navigation bonds and appoint a committee to consider the
King's letter. When they next met the committee was not
1 664 ready to report; but, in the mean time, news had eome that
royal commissioners were on their way to New England; so a fast
was ordered, measures were taken for the safety of the charter, the
train-bands were organized, and tho defences looked after. Thus pre
pared, the government of Massachusetts awaited their unwelcome vis
itors, who presently arrived with four men-of-war and troops for the
conquest of New York.
The royal commissioners, Nicolls, Carr, Cartwright, and Maverick,
brought a letter to the Governor setting forth that they were to look
into the affairs of the colony and' their relations with the Dutch and
Indians, settle boundaries, and inquire as to the former letter from the
King. The commission empowered them to hear and decide all com
plaints and appeals, military and civil; and there were besides two seta

366 HISTORY OF THE
of instructions : one public, requiring maps and a report ; and one secret,
ordering the commissioners to find out about public feeling, sound the
leading men, endeavor to found a revenue or tribute, and obtain for
the King the nomination of the Governor and of the officer at the head
of tbe militia. When the general court eame together, they passed a
resolution of loyalty to the King and adherence to the patent; and
they followed this with an order for two hundred volunteers for the
New York expedition. They also repealed the religious test for the
franchise, and substituted as a qualification that tho voters should
have certificates of good character from their ministers, and be free
holders rated at ten shillings ; and they finally appointed a commit
tee, which, after two months, reported a petition to the King, remon
strating against the powers of the commissioners, and begging in
moving terms that their charter, laws, and liberties might not be in
vaded. While this committee was at work the commissioners and their
forces sailed away to New York. The business of settling the affairs
of the easily conquered territory, and their dealings with the other New'
England colonies, occupied them nearly two years ; but at last all was
done, and they assembled in Boston for the final and decisive
struggle. Endicott was dead, and Bellingham at the helm. One
by one the commissioners laid their instructions before the court,
which sometimes received them in silence and sometimes met them
with argument. Slowly and with increasing acrimony the commis
sioners went over the failures of Massachusetts to comply with the
King's letter. They objected to the new test for suffrage, and to the
ingeniously qualified oath of allegiance devised by the magistrates ;
referred constantly to the independence assumed by the colony ; and
at last gave notice that they would hear an appeal against the Gov
ernor and Company, and set a day. The time for delay and negotia
tion was past, and when the day for the trial arrived a messenger of
the court proclaimed in the street that the appeal to the commission
ers was an infringement of the Company's patent, and would not be
permitted. The commissioners were helpless and beaten ; so they sent
in a list of amendments to existing laws, and dispersed. Cartwright,
to whom the papers were intrusted, was captured at sea ; and while
he waited in England for copies indignation had time to cool, and
other events and political changes pushed Massachusetts aside. A let
ter eame from the King, during the contest with the commissioners,
reproaching the court with contempt for his jurisdiction, and requir-

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 357
ing some of the leaders to come to England ; but for some months
the court went on with military defences against the Dutch, and then
replied that they had given their reasons for not submitting to the
commissioners before, and had nothing to add. Not long after they
sent to England a present of masts for the royal navj', and prepared
to aid in the war concluded by the peace of Breda. In the
following year, after a long interval, the Federal commission
ers met again ; but New Haven was gone, and the vigor of the old
organization seemed to have departed. Massachusetts, however, re
sumed her sway in Maine, which the royal commissioners had med
dled with, and faced England with apparently undiminished strength.
For eight years after her victory, Massachusetts was employed in
nothing more important than questions of religious doctrines and the
affairs of the college. It was well for her that she had this period of
rest and prosperity, for misfortunes were at hand, which came thick
and fast when they once began to come, and which racked the body
politic, and put the direst strain upon the strength and resources of
the people. For more than the lifetime of a generation there had
been no trouble with the savages more serious than a trivial quarrel,
which had been speedily allayed. But while New England was oc
cupied with the royal commission, and during the succeeding years
of peace, rumors of Indian plots came thicker and thicker, and seem
ed to have their origin with Philip, who had succeeded his father
Massasoit, the chief of the Pokanokets, and the old friend of Plym
outh. Philip was called to account, and made submission several
times; but at last sure information was received that he was plot
ting, and the murder of the informer, and the conviction and death
of the murderers, brought matters to a crisis. In June, 1675,
the town of Swanzey was twice attacked, the houses burned,
and the people slain ; and this was the beginning of the fiercest and
most prolonged of the many Indian wars in which the English col
onies engaged. It lasted for two years, and is one long story of
burning and massacre. The outlying farms were broken up, and
their owners shot down by hidden savages ; while the smaller set
tlements were ravaged and destroyed, and on several bloody fields
the troops were surprised, caught in an ambush, and slaughtered.
Beginning in Rhode Island, the war rapidly spreaid through the west
and north, and then to the eastward, until all New England was en
gaged in a desperate struggle against desolation and death. At the
close of the first year the Narragansetts broke their treaty, but before

35S HISTORY OF THE
they could move the combined forces of the colonies were on the
march. The great Narragansett fort was stormed with heavy loss of
life, and after a terrible fight the wigwams were fired, the Indians
cut down without mercy, and the military strength of this formidable
tribe forever broken. After this success the fighting drifted away to
the west, and the Connecticut Valley and all the frontier towns were
assailed, the war raging with greater ferocity than ever, and with va
rying success. Gradually, however, the tide turned in favor of the
English, the Indians were hunted and attacked in large bodies, and
slain by hundreds, for the day of mercy had passed, and the fight
ing spirit of the Puritans had reached its highest pitch. In the sum
mer, Philip, who had wandered back, with disaster, defeat, and submis
sion on every side, was tracked to his lair at Mount Hope, and
killed by the forces under the command of Church, the most
daring and jovial of Indian fighters. In the south and west the war
was now nearly over; but for more than a year it continued in the
east, and the settlements in that region were in large measure ruined.
Troops were sent from Massachusetts, and, after much sano-ui-
nary fighting, the Indians were finally brought to terms, and the
war ended; but this long and desperate conflict fell upon New England
with crushing effect. A vast amount of property had been destroy
ed, and there was mourning in every household. The colonies were
loaded with debt, while tbe enormous expenditure of men and money
had crippled the public- resources, weakened the government, and de
pressed the spirit of the people. It was the evil hour of Massachu
setts, and the opportunity of her enemies, who were not slow to take
advantage of it.
Tbe claims of Mason and Gorges, and the hostility of the London
merchants to New England, for her evasion of the navigation laws,
were the moving causes of this renewed attack. The opinion of the
solicitor-general was favorable to the claims ; the Lords of Trade de
cided that the time had come to regulate New England affairs, and
Edward Randolph was sent out as agent. He arrived in the midst
of the Indian war, and at once laid before the Governor and assist
ants a royal letter, requiring them to send agents to answer the claims
of Mason and Gorges. He was told that an answer should be sent,
and then devoted himself to stirring up a party for the Crown in .Bos
ton, working on the fears of the smaller eolonies, and preparing com
plaints of the infractions of tbe Navigation Act. He finally returned
to England full of accusations of all sorts, from coining money to

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 359
not observing Christmas, and on no good terms with the magistrates.
He was soon followed by Stqughton and Bulkeley as agents of the
general court, and the last struggle was fairly opened. Into the de
tails of that prolonged contest, covering nearly eight years, it is im
possible here to enter. Massachusetts temporized, procrastinated, and
resisted at all points, yielding here and there, but rarely in essentials,
postponing the evil day as long as possible, and buying off Gorges
quietly, to the intense disgust of the King. In England matters
went steadily against the colony. Mason was sustained, and royal
reproofs came with increasing severity, while, worst of all, Randolph
succeeded in building up a party of submission to the Crown, led by
Joseph Dudley, and comprising some of the foremost men in the
colony. There was no mistaking the issue. The independence of the
commonwealth was at stake, and the contest was desperate. At last
Charles sent a peremptory letter, requiring agents to bo despatch
ed to give in unqualifled submission. The court had to yield,
and sent Dudley and Richards, the former unpopular at home, but
representing the party of the Crown. They carried with them, how
ever, a letter so unyielding in tone that the King's patience gave way,
and a writ of quo warranto was issued against the Company.
This writ Randolph took to Massachusetts, where he had work
ed so well that the magistrates voted to give way, and let the King
regulate their charter and their laws ; but the deputies stood flrm,
and resolved J to defend themselves to the last. Their ease,
however, was hopeless, and the charter was annulled; but be
fore the official announcement reached them Charles was dead, and
James was proclaimed at Boston. By the advice of Ran
dolph a provisional government bj' commission, with the now
hated Dudley as president, was formed, against which the general
court protested, and relapsed into helpless silence. Colonel Kirke, who
had been chosen by Charles, and conflrmed by James as the ruler of
New England, was detained by Monmouth's rebellion ; and the provi
sional government went on for a year, doing little, and hated
much, until the long-dreaded Governor-general arrived in the
person of Sir Edmund Andros.
With the charter were swept away representative government, and
every right and every political institution reared during half a cen
tury of conflict. The rule of Andros was on the model dear to
the heart of his royal master — a harsh despotism, but neither strong
nor wise ; it was wretched misgovernment, and stupid, blundering

360 HISTORY OF THB
oppression, ami this arbitrary nnd miserable system Andros under
took to force upon a people of English race, who had been inde
pendent and self-governing for fifty years. He laid taxes at his own
pleasure, and not even according to previous rates, as he had prom
ised ; he denied the Habeas Corpus to John Wise, the intrepid min
ister of Ipswich, arrested for preaching against taxation without rep
resentation, and he awakened a like resistance in all directions. He
instituted fees, was believed to pack juries, and made Randolph li
censer of the press. Worst of all, he struck at property, demanded
the examination of tbe old titles, declared them worthless, extorted
quit-rents for renewal, and issued writs of intrusion against those who
resisted ; while, not content with attacking political liberty and the
rights of property, he excited religious animosity by forbidding civil
marriages, seizing the old South church for the Episcopal service,
and introducing swearing by the Book in courts of justice. He left
nothing undone to enrage the people and prepare for revolu
tion ; and when he returned from unsuccessful Indian war
fare in the east, the storm was ready to burst. News came of the
landing; of the Prince of Orange. Andros arrested the bearer
16S9 of the tidings, and issued a proclamation against the Prince ;
but the act was vain. Without apparent concert or preparation Bos
ton rose in arms, the signal-fire blazed on Beacon Hill, and the country
people poured in, hot for revenge. Some of the old magistrates met
at the town-house, and read a " declaration of tbe gentlemen, mer
chants, and inhabitants," setting forth the misdeeds of Andros, tbe il
legality of the Dudley government by commission, and the wrongful
suppression of the charter. Andros and Dudley were arrested and
thrown into prison, together with the captain of the Rose frigate,
which lay helpless beneath the giins of tbe fort, and a provisional
government was established, with Bradstreet at its head. William and
Mary were proclaimed, the revolution was complete, and Andros soon
went back a prisoner to England.
Affairs went on quietly under the provisional government. In
crease Mather was in England as agent for the colony, and Cooke and
Oakes were associated with him by the general court. In the first
burst of joy on the success of the revolution it seemed as if the colo
nists would regain their old charter, but time passed, the active opposi
tion of Randolph and Andros gathered strength, tho King had no mind
to give more than was necessary, or to treat tho colonies like English
towns in a similar condition, and the agents finally had to be content

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 361
with a new provincial charter. The absolute independence of the old
charter was lost, but the frame of government was far more
liberal than that of most of the royal provinces. The Crown
was to appoint the Governor, deputy, and secretary, who in turn ap
pointed the judiciary ; the Governor's assent was now necessary to leg
islation, and he could summon, dissolve, and prorogue tbe deputies.
The Council, however, was to be chosen by the House, subject to the
approval of the Governor, and the whole power of the purse was given
to tho representatives of the people. The religious test for the fran
chise was replaced.by a property qualification, so that religious liberty
was assured. Plymouth, which had grown slowly since its settlement,
but remained weak and unprotected, was refused a charter, and incor
porated with Massachusetts, as well as the district of Maine and Nova
Scotia, while New Hampshire became finally a separate government.
Other royal officers, in the shape of a surveyor of woods, collector of
customs, and admiralty judge, were to appear and perform' their un
welcome duties in Massachusetts.
The selection of officers for tbe new government was left to Mather,
who picked out Sir William Phips for the place of Governor, probably
as a man whom he could control. Phips was a native of Maine ; he had
mado his fortune by raising a Spanish galleon, his reputation and title
by his capture of Port Royal and conquest of Nova Scotia in 1690, and
his popularity by his payment of the soldiers after the failure of the
attempt on Canada in tbe same year. He was a hot-headed, energetic,
vain man of slight political capacity, and his administration was nei
ther successful nor important. The opening years of his term were
clouded by the terrible tragedies of the witchcraft delusion, which I
have discussed elsewhere ; while in public affairs a strong opposition
was formed against him by the friends of tbe old charter, which check
ed his movements and irritated his temper. He failed in an Indian
expedition, and quarrelled violently and openly with the royal officers.
His political strength was in the country, and he succeeded in break
ing the power of Boston by a law requiring deputies to reside in the
town they represented — a pernicious principle of local political resi
dence which has become embedded in the political systems of the
United States. His lack of wisdom and bis violent quarrels
* finally led to his reoall, to answer the charges made against bim
in London, where he died in tho following year. Under Phips the
current of Massachusetts history changes, and becomes like that of
other royal provinces. The great Puritan experiment of Church and

362 HISTORY OF THE.
State united had failed, and was at an end, and the strength of the
once all-powerful clergy was rapidly declining. The political strug
gle was no longer that of Massachusetts against England, but of the
people of Massachusetts against. tho royal Governors, and this contest
is one familiar to us in all the colonies.
The withdrawal and death of Phips left the government in the hands
of the Lieutenant-governor, William Stoughton, bitteriy unpopular as
one of the party of the Crown in the dark days when the life of the
old charter was- at stake. He was chiefly occupied during his term of
office with the Indian wars, bequeathed to him by Phips, in the north
and east, a part of the great struggle between France and England,
and instigated by the French Jesuits in Maine, among whom Stephen
Rasle now assumes an evil prominence. After a gloomy but not un
successful administration of nearly five years, Stoughton was
superseded by Lord Bellomont, who, appointed some time be
fore, had been delayed upon his journey, and then by his government
in New York. Bellomont was well reeeived, and the Legislature made
him a generous allowance, about which he grumbled after the fashion
of his kind, but they refused to fix a permanent salary ; and they suc
ceeded also in establishing a judiciary, their former efforts in this di
rection having been defeated in England. Bellomont favored the pop
ular party in Massachusetts as in New York, and carefully investigated
the affairs of the province, occupying himself principally with
the suppression of piracy and with bringing Kidd to justice.
He appears to have been much liked, but he only remained in the
province a little more than a year, and soon after died in New York,
when the government once more devolved upon Stoughton, who died
a few months later; and in the following year Joseph Dudley attained
the summit of his ambition, and came out with a royal commission to
govern his nati\-e province and that of New Hampshire. Joseph Dud
ley, untrue to his country and to the honored name he bore, had been
the principal leader of the Crown party against the old charter. Re
warded by tbe presidency of the government by commission and by the
chief-justiceship of New York, he had gone to England and been made
Governor of the Isle of Wight, and chosen a member of Parliament.
Defeated in his hopes by the- appointment of Bellomont, the death
of his successful rival left the field open before him, and he received
a commission from Anne, and came out to rule over his fellow-citizens,
who for the most part thoroughly disliked him. Dudley was, how
ever, a man of force and ability, and had certain advantages as a Puri-

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 363
tan and dissenter, so that he gradually built up a party bound together
by ties of self-interest, but he failed to gain political supremacy, and
the people never forgot his past career. At the outset he demanded
a permanent salary, which was refused, and he immediately exercised
his power of rejecting counsellors, thus opening a fresh and bitter
source of controversy. In this same way his administration went on
to the end, with con.stant wrangles about salaries, appropriations, and
counsellors, and upon every point on which a difference could arise.
Dudley was proud and overbearing, strongly suspected of dealings
which savored of fraud and treason, and for which his supposed ac
complices suffered, and became more unpopular as time went on, while
in every essential point he was baffled by the shrewd, persistent, pop
ular opposition led principally by Elisha Cooke, but perfectly capable
of dealing with the Governor without leaders. Cotton Mather, who
had helped Dudley to his appointment, found he could not rule him,
and the pair soon fell out. The clergy generally joined the opposi
tion, but, headed by the two Mathers, they were defeated in regard to
the college, and thus lost their last stronghold. The principal events
pf Dudley's term of office were connected with the war between France
and England, renewed on the accession of Anne to the throne.
1T02. o '
In New England this war meant Indian atrocities. Instigated
and led by the French, the savages broke in upon the settlements of
Maine and the Conneeticut valley, pillaging, slaying, and burning in
the usual manner, and once more ruining many of the already blood
stained settlements of the east. Colonel Church was sent to the re
lief of these settlements, but effected little, and the war went on for
years with savage reprisals on both sides, but little result, and with
the balance of suffering against the English. At last Dudley raised
a force of a thousand mon in New England for an expedition
against Port Royal ; but the campaign was a failure, and the
army wasted away with disease. Three years later, with English aid,
obtained by Schuyler and Nicholson, tho combined forces of
the colonies reduced Port Royal, a success which was overbal
anced by the disaster in the next year of Hill and Walker, in which
Massachusetts suffered heavy losses both .of mon and money. Tho
peace of Utrecht finally brought the much needed relief; and after
three years more of domestic quarrel George I. came to tho throne, the
Whigs were again supreme, the complaints of Massachusetts were at
tended to, and Dudley was .refused a new commission.
The government devolved upon Tailor, the Lieutenant-governor, dis-

364 HISTORY OF THB
tinguished at Port Roytil, and under whom the popular party had things
pretty much their own way. The principal political question
o-rew out of the financial difficulties-, the debt and the paper-
money of the colony. Colonel Burgess, who received tho appoint
ment of Governor, was understood to favor the "private bank" scheme,
and was therefore bought off for a thousand pounds by the agents of
Massachusetts, through whose influence new appointments were made,
and Samuel Shute, a soldier, and William Dummer, a native of
1716. ' ' Massachusetts, came out as Governor and Lieutenant, Shute
was an honest man, but with a rigid military sense of obedience to in
structions, and of the sacredness of order and discipline ; and his throw
ing himself upon Dudley's party for support, though perhaps inevita
ble, did not help him. He was not, in fact, fitted to rule over a wary
and astute set of popular politicians, and his whole administration was
made up of a series of quarrels on a variety of points, some new and
some old. One of the new questions was in regard to the forests and
the trees marked by the royal surveyor with the broad arrow for the
King's use. The back settlers, who had won their land by hard fight
ing from nature and from the savages, had no mind to submit to this
loss of their most valuable export ; so while the surveyor, John Bridges,
marked trees, the farmers cut them down, and the whole frontier was in
a ferment. Complaints came to Boston of the action of the surveyor ;
Cooke supported them, and the Governor turned him out of the Coun
cil, whereupon the general court remonstrated, and printed their re
monstrance despite the prohibition of the Governor. They further
elected Cooke Speaker, but Shute refused to confirm him, claiming
that right as part of his prerogative, and dissolved the court, thus
opening a new source of controversy and dispute. The Legislature
had, however, much the best of the Governor in the chronic- quarrel
about salaries, and they used this power to hamper him in every
new difference. They not only adhered firmly to their refusal to
grant a permanent salary, but, to emphasize their displeasure, they
cut down the annual allowance year by year, until the Lieutenant-
governor's became so small that Dummer refused to accept it. A
matter, of much more serious interest to the welfare of the colony
was the long - standing financial trouble growing out of the expen
ditures in the French and Indian wars, which bore fruit in debts and
depreciated bills of credit. One party favored resumption in gold
and silver ; another desired a private bank and unlimited paper ; a
third urged a public bank, with careful limitation and regulation of

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 365
bills of credit. In regard to all these schemes public feeling ran high.
Burgess had been bought off because he favored the private bank, and
Shute incurred the enmity of this faction by supporting the public
bank, which was far better, and was at last established, but
nothing, however, could check the heedless issues of more and
more paper currency, untireven the small token-money consisted of
ragged bits of paper, and a depreciation set in which was really
frightful. Another source of dispute grew out of renewed troubles with the
eastern Indians, who were continually incited to hostilities by the
French rulers and the Jesuit priests; Shute urged the establishment
of public trading-posts, to stop the sharp dealings of private traders ;
but his scheme was frustrated by the never-ceasing political dissen
sions. He also endeavored, unsuccessfully, to negotiate with the tribes,
and to send a Puritan minister among them; but they would not
make peace, and would not desert the Jesuits, so that at last war broke
out, with the usual surprises and slaughtering in the outlying settle
ments, and bringing in its train a fresh political quarrel. The general
court, dissatisfied with thfe conduct of the campaigns, undertook to
get control of the troops, appoint the officers, and coerce and punish
them by withholding their pay. They had no possible right under
the charter to seize military control ; but they crippled the operations
of the war, and finally drove the harassed Governor to England
1723. in search of relief. William Dummer, upon whom the gov
ernment devolved, was a temperate and intelligent man ; but he was
assailed, as his predecessor had been, in regard to military matters, and
found that he could expect no mercy in this respect. He, however,
stood his ground firmly, and, after much wrangling, the general court
gave way, the contest was allayed, and the war prosecuted with some
vigor. In the following year an expedition was sent out, directed
against the centre of intrigue and hostility. Rasle's settlement was
surprised and destroyed, and Rasle himself, the prime mover of all the
burning and murdering, was righteously shot by a Massachusetts sol
dier. The war went on in guerilla fashion for nearly two years more,
with its usual accompaniments of ambuscades, massacres, and
bloody fighting, until at last the Indians, worn out and de
prived of their guide and counsellor, made peace.
Shute, meantime, had been at work in London, whither the court
also sent agents — Jeremiah Dummer and Cooke — -to oppose him.
Shutc's complaints, however, in many respects only too well founded.

366 HISTORY OP THE
prevailed; and first came a remonstrance, and then an explanatory
charter, whioh the court was forced to accept, and which, denying
them the right to adjourn themselves for more than two days,
also gave the Governor the power to confirm the Speaker.
While Shute was preparing to return to tbe colony, which was well
satisfied with Dummer, George I. died, Shute was put aside, and Mas
sachusetts and New Hampshire conferred upon William Bur-
173S. . .
net, who arrived in the following- year, and whose brief admin
istration was one continuous and bitter fight over the salary question,
to which the court added the claim to audit the accounts, and for-
lud the Governor to draw from a general appropriation by his simple
warrant. Burnet's instructions wore peremptory to obtain a fixed
salary, and he was not a man to yield a jot. He combatted the court
earnestly and angrily, dissolved and prorogued them, adjourned them
to Salem and Cambridge — a new and bitter grievance — and, lectured
and scolded them unceasingly. The court met argument with argu
ment, were to the full as stubborn as the Governor, and could not be
moved. When the confiict was at its height, Burnet died sud-
1729. denly of a fever, and the court, which had received him lavishly
and thwarted him steadily, gave him a sumptuous funerah
Dummer, again at the head of affairs, refused to accept anything
except A permanent salary; and the court, although unyielding here,
gave way for tho time on the matter of auditing accounts, and sup
plied tho treasury. Burnet's successor soon came out in the person
of Jonathan Belcher- — a native of Massachusetts — an adroit and not
over-sensitive politician, who had of late years taken the popu
lar side, and a good manager, but a man of narrow mind and
contracted views. He brought with him instructions as to the salary
as decided as those given to Burnet, accompanied with a threat to
bring the whole matter before Parliament. The House, however, was
not in tho least disturbed, but stood their ground without fiinching,
and refused all compromises urged by the Council, until at last, as
everything was at a stand, they sent a memorial to the King, asking
that Belcher be allowed to accept their temporary grants. For three
years this assent was accorded, and then the Privy Council
gave way, and the House triumphed, for they had fairly won
the power to keep the Governor in order by an annual allowance.
Belcher had undertaken to build up a party devoted to himself by
a redistribution of the offices — a proceeding very distasteful to the
people — and he had broken the power of Cooke, the popular lead-

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 367
er, by getting him into a judgeship; .but, despite the ill-feeling thus
aroused, and the defeat on the salary, he gained a substantial victory
over the House as to their right to audit accounts. The Governor
was not distressed by an empty treasury, unpaid officials, and neg
lected public business, but tho people were,; so the House had to
give way, and allow the Governor to draw by his warrant without
special act. This contest was revived when war came with Spain,
and prevented Massachusetts from taking much part in that struggle ;
but the victory, on the whole, was unquestionably with tbe Governor.
The chief troubles of Belcher's administration were,'of course, con
nected with the, wretched financial condition of the colony, now made
worse by floods of bills from Rhode Island; and fresh issues and
deeper depreciation make up the history of the currency. In the
midst of this a wild scheme of a land-bank was proposed, which was
very popular, but did not receive the sanction of Parliament, so that
the Company was dissolved. Against this land-bank scheme Belcher
set his face, removed officers right and left, and disallowed the elec
tions of those int(3rested in the project, a course which stirred up a
host of active enemies ; while another source of hostility came from
the settlement of the New Hampshire boundary, in which the Gov
ernor was said to be dishopestly interested, and where he certainly
offended many persons. His popularity did not increase, and
his combined opponents finally obtained his removal ; so that
long before be could vindicate himself, his successor, William Shirley,
who had lived some years in the province, was appointed.
Shirley found himself face to face with the financial difficulties, en-^
bancod by the land-bank scheme and by the approaching day of re
demption, after which time he was forbidden to allow the continu
ance of bills of credit ; but, in deference to the wishes of the court
and the popular dread of severe taxation, he boldly violated his in
structions, and allowed the bills to be continued. He also suecoeded
in securing the confidence of the deputies, and in establishing for the
first time harmony between the various branches of the government.
When political matters were quiet, the province was shaken by the
religious revival, and by the work of Edwards and Whitefield, which
produced much excitement and some controversy, but did not enter
into politics. While Massachusetts was thus engaged, the storm
of war was slowly gathering between France and England, and
broke at last, threatening the colonies, as usual, with the terrors of
savage hordes from the north. Shirley, who, although bred a lawyer.

368 HISTORY OF THE
was not without boldness and imagination as a soldier, formed an ex
tensive plan for the capture of the great stronghold of Louisburg by
New England, aided by the English fleet. The general court, doubt
ing and amazed, fell in with the Governor's plan ; an array was raised
of twenty-two hundred men from Massachusetts, and some eight hun
dred from Connecticut and New Hampshire, while the co-operation of
the English fleet under Warren was secured. William Pepperell com
manded the provincial troops, who were safely landed at Louisburg,
_ where the outlying batteries were stormed and taken, the town
invested, the English fleet blocked the harbor, and the French,
worn down by hunger and fighting, surrendered. It was a gallant ex
ploit — almost the only glory of an unsuccessful war. Pepperell was
made a baronet, and he and Shirley were both made colonels. The
further expedition against Canada, in planning which Shirley took a
conspicuous part, came to nothing, and the truce or peace of Aix-la-
Chapelle put an end to a confiict in which New England had suf
fered much and gained little. Her expenditures were reimbursed ;
and Massachusetts, to whom the lion's share fell, received her pay
ment in silver and copper, thanks to the exertions of Bollan and
Hutchinson. The depreciated currency was called in and replaced
by coin thus obtained, laws were passed excluding the paper of oth
er colonies, and the finances of the province were at last upon a sure
and strong foundation ; but beyond this Ma.ssaohn setts gained noth
ing. Peace gave Louisburg back to France, the prize-money was en
tirely absorbed by the English navy, and Commodore Knowles came
with his fleet to Boston, where, as a mark of respect, he sent his press-
gangs on shore and seized men for his vessels. A fierce riot broke
out in Boston; Shirley withdrew to the Castle, English officers were
seized, and Knowles threatened to bombard the town; but the general
court restored order, the officers were given up, and the impressed
seamen returned. There can be no doubt that the whole movement,
though apparently a riot, was managed by shrewd and leading men; and
the affair did not tend to increase the popular affection for England.
After the peace, Shirley went to England, leaving his government
in the hands of Spencer Phips, in order to urge the fortifi-
\1^' cation of Crown Point; and while there, he was one of a
175o. . . . ' \
commission to settle boundaries with France, whicli proved fu
tile, so that he returned to Massachusetts eager for a renewal of the
conflict between the French and English, and full of schemes of con
quest. War was, in fact, on the verge of breaking out, and hostilities

ENGLISH COLONIES iN AMERICA. 369
whioh are associated with the name of Washington were already be
ginning in the valley of the Ohio. The death-struggle of the two
great powers striving for a continent was af hand, and into this
conflict Shiriey, inflamed by his success at Louisburg, eageriy threw
himself. He was the most distinguished of colonial governors — san
guine, high-spirited, adroit, and popular in Massachusetts. He took
a leading part in the Congress of Governors at Albany, and warm
ly supported the abortive scheme of union proposed by Franklin.
He also had a large share in the campaigns of the following year,
heading in person the expedition against Fort Niagara, whioh
went no farther than Oswego, and planning that under John
son, which resulted in the defeat of Dieskau. In all he was sustained
by Massachusetts, whose troops bore a prominent part in every expe
dition. Tho principal event of the year was the conquest of Acadia,
planned in Massachusetts, and carried out by New England troops un
der the lead of Winslow, who reduced the country and captured the
forts. The conquest was marked by the expulsion of the simple and
inoffensive Acadians, in accordance with instructions from England,
and was due to a policy in which Shirley had an important part;
but the terrible scenes accompanying the removal of these harmless
people from their homes are dark stains upon the English in the
conduct of this great war.
The conquest of Acadia and the defeat of Dieskau, however, did
little more than balance the awful disaster of Braddock. Shir
ley, who had now reached his highest point, was commander-
in-chief of all the forces, and, at a meeting of Governors, in his usual
grand manner proposed three expeditions — against Fort Du Quesne,
Fort Frontenac, and Ticonderoga, respectively. His plans were accept
ed; but confldence in his ability had begun to wane in Massachusetts,
where he only succeeded iu getting men by advancing to the eolony
money received from England. The truth was that Shirley's success
at Louisburg had created the impression that ho was a man, of mili
tary genius, whioh was far from being the case. He was brilliant,
fertile, and plausible; but engaged in war. on a large scale his real
incapacity was soon revealed ; his enemies, too, were active, and he
had hardly begun to use his powers as generabin-chief when he was
recalled. Lord Loudon came out to take command of the army, and
on the death of Phips, the Lieutenant-governor, Thomas Pow-
nall, one of Shirley's opponents, appeared in Boston as Gov
ernor. While these changes were in progress, Massachusetts contin-
24

370 HISTORY OF THE
ued to raise men, and take an active part in the war; but under Lord
Loudon matters went rapidly from bad to worse. Shirley's brilliant
schemes were abandoned, a weak policy of defence was assumed, Mont
calm swept down upon Oswego, and in the following year appeared
on the lakes and took Fort William Henry. By subjecting provin
cial to royal officers Loudon bred ill-feeling in all directions, and this,
combined with his wretched mismanagement and overbearing ways,
led to quarrels with the colonial assemblies, and consequent refusal
of men. The colonies began to look out for themselves without a
thought of union, and the frontiers were defenceless. At this junc
ture Pitt again came to the head of affairs, provincial officers were
given proper standing, and twenty thousand men responded to his
summons for troops. Ships and men and money, and, above all,
good generals, came from England, and the war took on a 'new
appearance. Three great expeditions were planned — against Du
Quesne, Ticonderoga, and Louisburg. Forbes took Fort Du Quesne,
and Wolfe and Amherst carried Louisburg ; but the grand army, di
rected against Ticonderoga, in which wore five thousand men from
Massachusetts, was repulsed with heavy losses, including Lord Howe,
to whom the province raised a monument in Westminster Abbey.
The only relief to this misfortune was the capture of Fort Fronte
nac by the brave Bradstreet, the defender of Oswego, and the most
distinguished of the Massachusetts soldiers. Undeterred, hovs^ever,
by the defeat of Abercrombie, Pitt urged on still more ex
tensive plans for the following year. Parliament, under his
guidance, gave money freely to the colonies, and Massachusetts alone
raised seven thousand men. The campaign was one of unbroken tri
umph. Wolfe, at Quebec ; Stanwix, on the Ohio ; Johnson, at Fort
Niagara — all won great victories ; while on tbe lakes, where the in
terest of New England centred, the French were driven back from
Ticonderoga to the Isle. aux Noix. The next year Amherst
reduced Montreal, and the empire of France in America fell
forever. Pownall, who had been prudent and popular, was in this same year
transferred to South Carolina, and was succeeded by Francis Bernard,
the Governor of New Jersey. Relieved from the stress of war, pub
lic attention was again turned to home politics, and causes of differ
ence were not wanting. Shirley and others of his stamp had in their
schemes of conquest eagerly urged union, taxation of the colonies, and
a stronger exercise of the prerogative ; while, on tbe other hand, tbe

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 371
attitude of the colonies under Lord Loudon had shown how quickly
they would resent such doctrines. The broad views of Pitt, and the
enthusiasm he excited, had pushed aside all these subjects of contest ;
but with the conquest of Canada they began once more'to come to
the surface. England had already begun to meddle. The iron in
dustry had been checked, and the Sugar Act, raising a revenue on
that staple, and thus striking at the chief commercial interest of New
England, was revived. Under this act there had been many seizures
and much ill-feeling, until at last suit was brought against the offi
cers, and decided in their favor. They then asked for writs of assist-
 , ance to enable them to search for contraband goods. When
1761. ,
the case came to trial, Thomas Hutchinson, the native leader
of the Crown party, was on the bench as chief-justice, and James
Otis at the bar. In arguing against the writs, Oxenbridge Thacher
took the technical position that the writs were beyond the power of
the court ; but Otis, going outside of this, took up in a speech of
fiery eloquence the broad ground that such writs were an invasion
of the rights of Englishmen. He triumphed at the moment, but
Hutchinson succeeded in having the case continued, and got author
ity from England to issue the writs. The next struggle was with the
Governor, who, by provisions for the payment of the crews of ships,
was accused by the House of striking at the right of taxation ; but
these controversies were only the forerunners of the gathering tem
pest, and simply show a greater watchfulness and a more ready op
position in Massachusetts than elsewhere.
Far more serious measures were, indeed, preparing in England, where
a new King had come to the throne, and small men occupied
the place once filled by William Pitt. Peace, whioh gave such
joy to the colonists, was merely the opportunity for the new policy.
A resolution was passed to raise a revenue from America, and the
ships of war were ordered to assist. officers of the customs. When
Grenville came to the head of affairs he turned his attention to the
extension of the stamp duties to the colonies ; and it cannot be doubt
ed that behind all this was a far-reaching purpose to entirely reorgan
ize the colonial governments and make them mere provinces.
Massachusetts was alive to the danger vfhich threatened her, and
the House instructed their agent to protest against the Sugar Act, as
well as any other forms of taxation. Still the ministry pushed on.
Notice was given of the coming Stamp Act, and a bill raising reve
nue from sugar and other foreign products was introduced. Excite-

372 HISTORY OF THE
ment in Massachusetts rose rapidly. Otis used both pen and voice
to arouse the people ; a committee of correspondence was establish
ed; and at last the Governor, after much delay, was compelled to
summon the House. After much opposition in the Council, a very
moderate address to the King was agreed upon, and the representa
tives were greatly encouraged by the still stronger resolution of Vir
ginia and New York. Early in the following year came tidings of the
passage of the Stamp Act, under the pressure of which public feeling
rapidly rose, and the popular determination to resist became
more and more apparent. When the general court assembled
the House voted that there ought to be a meeting of colonial dele
gates ; and, despite the opposition of Hutchinson and Bernard, a cir
cular letter of invitation went forth to all the colonies. All sympa
thized, and eight responded by sending delegates, who met with those
of Massachusetts, headed by James Otis, at New York in October.
This call was the first formal summons to union, and with that great
act the history of Massachusetts is joined to that of her sister col
onies.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 373

Chapter XIX.
CONNECTICUT FROM 1635 TO 1765.
The history of Massachusetts, in its main features and in all exter
nal matters — as in the condition and form of its society — is the his
tory of the other three New England colonies, which were offshoots
of the great colony of the Bay, and peopled by men and women of
the same hardy stock. This was especially true of Connecticut. The
Plymoiith people 'and the Dutch set up trading-posts, and contend
ed for the dominion of the Comiecticut valley ; but the future pos
sessors of that pleasant region came from Massachusetts. Even in
the earliest days emigration was discussed in the towns near Bos
ton ; and, although the magistrates frowned upon the scheme, set
tlers pushed out and made their way to the river valley. Two
years later John Winthrop, the younger, came out as Governor
of Connecticut under the patent of Lord Brooke and Lord Say-and-
Sele, and, taking formal possession of the country, tore down the
Dutch arms and built a fort at Saybrook. Emigration now increased
rapidly ; and a year later Hooker, the great rival of Cotton in the cler
gy of Massachusetts — at the head of the whole congregation
of the Newtown church-^journeyed through the woods and
settled at Hartford. For a year the little towns thus founded were
governed under a .commission from Massachusetts, Winthrop's settle
ment being little more than a military post ; but when the time of
the commission expired the towns chose representatives, and
held a general court at Hartford. While the feeble colony
was thus struggling for existence, it was suddenly threatened with all
the horrors of Indian war. The trouble with the Pequods belonged
to Massachusetts and Plymouth ; but while it was a peril to those col
onies, it meant extermination and death to the settlers of Connecticut,
where the savages were already murdering and burning on the outly
ing farms. The colonists faced the danger with stern Puritan courage.
Tlieir fixrhting men were mustered, and put under the command of John

374 HISTORY OF THE
Mason, who led them against the stronghold of the Indians ; and in
the desperate assault upon the Pequod fort the men of Connecticut
bore the heaviest share, and did more than any others to break the
power of their formidable enemies, and give the land the peace of
forty years. The order for the Pequod war came from the general
court at Hartford ; and its results bore heavily upon the settlers, bur
dened them with debts, and entailed serious losses by the interrup
tion of agriculture. But the men who had overthrown tbe Pequods
were able to cope with any difficulties. They levied taxes, toiled at
their farms, and in a short time established a government with the
first written constitution in America. The form of government was
purely democratic and wholly independent; all power being vested in
the freemen, who' chose the general court, the assistants, and
Governor. The first Governor was John Haynes, who had al
ready held the same office in Massachusetts ; the second was Edward
Hopkins ; and these two men were elected alternately to the Govern
orship for many years.
During the Pequod war another settlement was made in Connec
ticut still farther to the south. A body of emigrants of property
and respectability — under the leadership of John Davenport, a min
ister, and Theophilus Eaton, a wealthy London merchant — came to
Massachusetts. Deterred either by the heated religious conflicts, or
desiring to try plans of their own undisturbed, these new colonists
did not remain in Massachusetts, but sailed away to the south, and
settled at Quinnipiack, on the Sound, thirty miles west of the Con
neeticut river, where they lived for a year, under no rule other than
a compact to obey the Scriptures. They then met in a barn, and,
in accordance with the Bible phrase, chose seven men as the " seven
pillars," who formed a Church, which, in this most intensely religious
of all the New England colonies, was the State, and church member-.
ship and citizenship were of course identical. Two months later
they again met, and formed a civil government — another indepen
dent religious democracy like that of Connecticut — with Theophilus
Eaton as Governor. The tide of immigration now flowed steadily ;
other churches were gathered on the New Haven model, and other
towns sprang up. Some fell within the Connecticut jurisdiction,
and sent representatives to Hartford ; while others for years gov
erned themselves each in its own way. Springfield was resigned to
Massachusetts; but the towns of Connecticut steadily increased, and
the Puritans spread themselves through the river valley and along

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 375
the shores of the Sound and of Long Island. Slowly and surely
the English, who had come to stay, drove out the Dutch, who mere
ly came to trade ; and they even' began to encroach upon Dutch ter
ritory. Despite their growth and prosperity, however, the situation
of these scattered settlements was precarious, for they were surround
ed by savages, and next door to the Dutch ; so that they felt strong
ly the need of union, and their efforts finally resulted in the
formation of the New England Confederacy, which greatly
strengthened the position of Connecticut and New Haven. It ena
bled the latter to look after her traders in the Delaware, with whom
the Swedes had meddled, and it gave both colonies great weight in
their difficulties with the Dutch, which now came thick and fast, in
volving questions of boundary jurisdiction and payment of duties on
ships. In domestic affairs the Connecticut people prospered steadily.
Both settlements increased, the laws were codified, and government was
administered in the most rigid Puritan fashion, and by constantly re
elected magistrates.
Notwithstanding the advantages of the confederacy, however, every
thing did not go smoothly. Connecticut undertook to lay a duty
upon the Springfield vessels passing Saybrook ; Massachusetts
1649* remonstrated, and the quarrel, which threatened to break up
the confederacy, was protracted for nearly two years. The
preponderating influence of Massachusetts could not be overcome, and
the smaller colonies had to sacrifice their pride, and submit, as a rule,
to her dictation. In the year following Stuyvesant came to Hartford,
and soon after a boundary was settled, which was much to the
advantage of the English ; but still, Conneeticut and New Ha
ven remained uneasy and suspicious, and rumors of Indian conspira
cies, instigated by the Dutch, together with the war in Europe,
moved them to put their defences in order, and urge upon the
confederacy the necessity of war. Massachusetts held back ; her peo
ple were disinclined to fight unless the need was very clear, and the
proofs of Dutch hostility and Indian conspiracy were by,no means in
disputable. The commissioners, however, with the exception of Brad
street, voted for war, and assigned the quotas of the colonies; but Mas
sachusetts refused to be bound, and, with Connecticut and New Haven
clamoring for war, it seemed, after a prolonged controversy, as if the
union must be dissolved. A similar policy was pursued then, and later,
by Massachusetts, in regard to the Nyantics, when the smaller colonies
were again compelled to give way. So long as the confederacy acted

376 HISTORY OF THE
in accordance with the wishes, of Massachusetts, all went well; but
when she differed from the others, she was ready to dissolve the
union rather than yield. Despairing of aid from Massachusetts, Con
necticut and New Haven at an eariy day appealed to England for
help, and received with great joy the news of the setting forth
1654. ^^ Leverett and Sedgewick with ships and men. Both colo
nies eageriy prepared for the expedition against New Netberiands,
and raised troops and voted money ; but peace in Europe came in
season to prevent the expedition, and saved the Dutch from the colo
nists of Connecticut, to the great chagrin 'of the latter. In the tran
quillity brought by peace, domestic affairs were ordered and regu
lated, and both colonies continued to thrive as before, and increase
in population and wealth. This was particularly true of Con
necticut, who spread her settlements in all directions, and fur
ther strengthened herself by choosing John Winthrop, the younger,
Governor. The wisdom of this choice was soon shown. At the Restoration,
New Haven and Connecticut found themselves confronted by
a Stuart king, and utteriy unprotected by a charter, as was the
case with Massachusetts. New Haven hesitated, and only acknowledged
and proclaimed Charles after much delay ; but Connecticut acted at
once. An address, in flattering language, was drawn up and given to
Winthrop, who was despatched to London to present it to the King,
and was further empowered to obtain a confirmation of the Say-and-
Sele patent, or, if possible, a royal charter. Winthrop was admira
bly adapted for the work. . He was graceful, courteous, diplomatic ; he
not only engaged the assistance of all sympathizers with the Puritans,
but by his own address and by his scientific tastes he had won many
friends, especially among the members of the Royal Society, just then
in high favor with Charles. By his own skill, and aided by the min
isterial desire to break tbe confederacy, raise up a rival to Massachu
setts, and extinguish the intense Puritanism of New Haven, with its re
ligious franchise, he obtained in a few months a charter of the most
liberal kind. Nineteen patentees, and such as they should as
sociate with themselves, were constituted a corporation, under
the title of the Governor and Company of Connecticut. All power was
given to the freemen of the towns, who were to choose a governor, dep
uty, assistants, and representatives, and the only restriction was the -very
vague one that the laws should not be contrary to those of England.
To this corporation was given all tho territory from Narragansett Bay

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 317
to the Pacific, thus including land from Massachusetts, Rhode Island,
and New Netherlands, and the whole of New Haven. Winthrop had
promised that New Haven should have the liberty of choice ; but the
people of Connecticut, who received the charter with great joy, had
no such views, and set to work at once to incorporate towns and ter
ritory in all directions, and to unite New Haven without delay or con
cession. New Haven stubbornly resisted, and was supported at the
meeting of the Federal commissioners by Massachusetts and Plym
outh ; but Connecticut went on its way, despite the remonstrances of
Winthrop, and rapidly drew in the southern towns. New Haven held
out through all .with like obstinacy, as town after town fell away
-from her jurisdiction, until the arrival of the royal commis
sioners, and their subsequent conquest of New York. Only
three towns then remained outside the Connecticut government, and
it was obvious that the whole of southern Connecticut, and New
Haven as well, would be absorbed in New York, unless the controver
sy was quickly ended. A consolidation was tbe only hope of escape,
and New- Haven, with grief and bitterness, gave way ; her government
was dissolved, her towns sent , representatives to Hartford, and her
separate existence came to an end. The union greatly strengthened
their position, but they still had to deal with the royal commission
ers, who, having settled affairs in New York, then visited the
smaller New England colonies, reserving Massachusetts to the
last. They made the sameidemands of Connecticut which had been
made and complied with in Plymouth, asking that all householders
should take the oath of allegiance, and that justice should be admin
istered in the King's name ; that all men of competent estate should
be admitted as freemen, aud to office ; that all persons of orthodox
opinions and decent lives should be admitted to communion, and that
all laws derogatory to the King should be repealed. These requests
were not in conflict either with the practice or policy of Connecticut,
and were at once obeyed ; but they were a bitter infliction to the
recently annexed New Haven towns, where a system of Church and
State had prevailed even more rigid than that of Massachusetts. But
as Connecticut was in the ascendant, her policy had to be followed,
and New Haven was left to make the best of it.
Quiet and prosperity reigned after the departure of the royal com
missioners, and Winthrop was continued from year to year in the of
fice of Governor. The Federal commissioners resumed their meet
ings; but the confederacy, shorn of one member by the annexation

378 HISTORY OF THE
of New Haven, seemed to have lost not only its balance, but its ac
tivity as well. The most exciting subjects of public interest during
these years were a prolonged discussion about baptism, which led to
a synod, and a proposition from Nicolls to join in his expedition
against Canada, whioh met with a very cold reception. The tran
quillity of the colony was at last broken by the reappearance
of their former foes — the Dutch — and the reconquest of New
York. The old spirit was again awakened in Connecticut. She in
terfered for the protection of the Long Island towns, sent defiant
messages to the Dutch — who treated them contemptuously — raised
troops, and appealed to the Federal commissioners. Massachusetts,
as of yore, held back, but finally began to arm ; and the Connecticut
forces had already repulsed the Dutch on Long Island, when
news came of peace, and of the transfer of New York to the
English, followed very shortly by the appearance of Major Edmund
Andros as Governor of New York, which, under the new patent taken
out by the duke, extended to the Connecticut river. Andros at once
raised his claim to western Connecticut, and sent copies of the
patent to Hartford. The court replied that the boundaries
had been settled by the royal commission, and denied that Andros
had any rights. Hearing of Indian troubles, however, Andros an
nounced that he must attend to the defence of the duke's property,
and accordingly appeared at Saybrook, whither Connecticut troops had
been sent with instructions to receive him civilly, but prevent his pas
sage up the river by force if necessary. Andros landed, read the pat
ent and his commission, heard a protest read, and then departed, ut
terly unable to effect anything.
The rumors of Indian wars, which had furnished an excuse for the
visit of Andros, were the first mutterings of the terrible storm of Phil
ip's war. In that fierce conflict Connecticut did her share of gallant
fighting, although, from her position, she suffered but little from In
dian attack, except on her northern frontier, and the current of her
prosperous growth was not seriously checked. In the first year
of the war she lost by death her excellent Governor, the yonng-
er Winthrop ; but the government went on as successfully and quietlv
as ever; agriculture improved, and trade grew and extended. The only
serious trouble arose from the complications in regard to the Rhode
Island boundary, a tangled dispute which was mixed up with various
other claims by the Atherton Company and by Massachusetts and
which was carried hither and thither from colony to colony, and from

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 379
the Federal commissioners to the Privy Council. Feeling at last ran
so high against the Rhode Island people, who continued to come upon
the disputed lands, that Connecticut began to arm to repel the
intruders. This induced a pause, and two years later colonial
commissioners, appointed by the King, heard the case, and set aside
the claims of Rhode Island, who refused to appear. During
all these years Connecticut had constantly given expression to
the loyalty which distinguished her from the other New England eol
onies ; and Randolph, then in the midst of his warfare upon Massachu
setts, not only left Connecticut alone, but even cultivated her jf^ood-
will. At the meeting of the boundary commission, ho started an old
claim of the Duke of Hamilton against the colony for lands ; anu
though the commission would only transmit the papers, and the case
finally went against the claimants, it remained open, and an
noyed Connecticut for many years. Not long after, the con
federation, which had been languishing, held its last meeting, and tbe
death of Charles II. left Connecticut to deal with the difficul
ties of Stuart rule, which she had hitherto so prudently and
successfully avoided.
James II. was at once proclaimed, and loyal addresses of condolence,
and congratulation, and beseeching favor were sent to England, where
they arrived about the same time as a list of charges from Randolph,
who was now giving attention to Connecticut. His accusations in
volved the crimes of independent government, laws contrary to those
of England, hostility to the Established Church, and more of the
same sort, with which long practice had made Randolph familiar.
The charges were referred to the attorney-general, with orders to pre
pare a writ of quo warranto, and in the following year Ran
dolph sent word from Boston that he was the bearer of the
writ. He omitted to state that the time for appearance to contest
the writ had passed ; but he demanded that the eolony should yield
up its charter without more ado and submit. Two weeks later he
appeared in person at Hartford to urge his demands, and the court re
plied by a humble address to the King, and by appointing an agent to
represent them and employ counsel. They likewise declined to come
under the government of Dudley, even at the risk of annexation to
New York, and they judiciously tried to keep on good terms with
Dongan ; but their hearts were heavy, they had slight expectations
of justice from the English courts, and the arrival of Andros as Gov
ernor-general seemed to put an end to all hopes. Andros sent imme-

380 HISTORY OF THE
diate notice to the colony that he expected the surrender of the char
ter, and Randolph in insolent terms informed them that an-
^^^'" other writ had been issued. Tbe government congratulated
Andros upon his arrival, and sent a letter couched in ambiguous lan
guage to the Secretary of State, Lord Sunderland, who construed it
as a submission ; but beyond this they would not go. They met
and transacted no business, while Andros pushed intrigues for surren
der in all directions, and their agent Whiting, in London, although
with slight hope, succeeded in putting off the dreaded trial of the
quo warranto. At last Andros resolved to go in person to Connec
ticut, and with a large escort proceeded to Hartford, where he met
the Governor and Council, to whom the court had intrusted the sole
management of their desperate affairs. In the evening a conference
was held, and tradition asserts that the lights were suddenly extin
guished, and the charter carried off and concealed. Either the orig
inal or a duplicate was safely preserved ; and it is also certain that
the next day Andros took possession, was acknowledged, and appoint
ed counsellors, and that the free -charter government of Connecticut
was, in appearance at least, finally overthrown. Andros interfered but
little with Connecticut, which remained quiet, and bided its time
without murmuring. When the news arrived of the deposi-
1690. . . .
tion of Andros, that time had come. The principal men of
the towns came together, the old government with the same officers
was re-established, the courts were opened, the military organization
was confirmed, and a month later the general court again convened,
and joyfully proclaimed William and Mary. The shrewd and concili-'
atory policy of Conneeticut, which Massachusetts had been too strong
and too proud to adopt, had postponed Randolph's attacks until the
accession of James. By tbis delay Connecticut saved her charter;
while Massachusetts, where every inch of ground was contested, lost
hers. After the attack was made the same yielding policy was pur
sued, and fortune also favored Connecticut. Her apparent submis
sion, and tbe delays ,of the law encouraged by her agent, resulted in
leaving her charter untouched when the Revolution came. Connecti
cut, by addresses and through her agent, begged for a formal confir
mation, which was never given ; but Increase Mather obtained from
the law-officers of the Crown the opinion, that as the surrender had
not been under tbe common seal, nor enrolled, nor recorded, and as
there was no judgment of record against it, the charter was intact.
Efforts were made to destroy it, and at one time to annex Connecti-

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 381
out to New York, but all provfed futile. The free charter government
was safe.
From the accession of William and Mary until the Revolution, the af
fairs of Conneeticut were conducted in the old, simple, and quiet fash
ion. With the exception of Rhode Island, it was the only one of all
the colonies which was wholly free from the contests over salaries, fees,
prerogatives, rights, and privileges which form so marked a feature in
the colonial history of the eighteenth century. Having a government
chosen by the freemen throughout, there was no representative of the
Crown to fight with, and no liberties to be jealously guarded, while
the dangers of outside interference practically disappeared with the
-Stuarts. Connecticut readily took part in aiding her neighbors in
their difficulties ; helping Massachusetts in the east with men and
money, and sustaining Leisler by sending soldiers. In the luckless
Canadian expedition^ which was to have met Phips at Montreal, Con
necticut had a leading part, and sharp quarrels with Leisler. She suc
cessfully kept at arm's-length the right of appeal from her courts to
'England, and in the matter of military control resisted the efforts to
give it to Phips and Fletcher ; sending the latter home from a
1693. ^ ' sr TO
visit to Hartford, helpless and grumbling at the curt refusal
of the Puritan magistrates. Free from harassing Indian wars and from
the religious troubles of Rhode Island, with an independent govern
ment, Connecticut was the most peaceful, the most prosperous, and the
happiest of the colonies. Her schools flourished, her towns throve,
the franchise was extended, legislation improved, debt avoided, faithful
magistrates continued long in office, and great attention paid to every
thing calculatedto improve the welfare of the people. The only trou
blesome question was that of boundaries on the north and east, which
remained open for many years, and gave rise to much heart-burning ;
until finally, on the east', the Rhode Island construction was accepted.
Connecticut took little part in Queen Anne's war during its early
years, and refused to help Dudley, for whom she had no love,
in his expedition against Port Royal ; but that same year,-
Fitz-John Winthrop, who had been Governor for ten years, died, and
was succeeded by Gurdon Saltonstall, who induced the adoption of
a more energetic war policy. For the Canadian expedition of 1709,
which never even reached the border, Connecticut raised men and
money ; the next year she sent three hundred men and five transports
to share in the capture of Port Royal, and again she sent men under
the lead of Saltonstall as far as Albany, to support the disastrous ex-

383 HISTORY OP THE
pedition attempted by Walker and Hill in tbe St. Lawrence. Money
for these campaigns was obtained by bills of credit; but the
' financial arrangements were so sound that tbe bills hardly
depreciated at all, and the debt was slowly and surely extinguished.
Not long after the end of the war the northern boundary was
finally settled, and Connecticut gained over a hundred thou
sand acres. During this period Dudley was at work against the char
ter, and a bill was introduced in Parliament to vacate all charters;
but despite this, and trouble with the Mohegan claims, all attacks
were warded off. During the war, too, the ecclesiastical system was
reorganized, with provision for association, and for a closer union
than had hitherto been the custom in New England ; while more im
portant than any other event in the domestic history of tbe time was
the foundation and development of Yale College.
In the years which followed the accession of the House of Bruns
wick, there is the same quiet growth, thrift, and prosperity, and the
same uneventful history to be recorded of Connecticut. Sporadic at
tacks of varying danger were made against the charter, principally in-'
stigated by merchants annoyed at the disregard of the laws of trade ;
but they were all defeated by the exertions of Ashurst, and, above
all, of Jeremiah Dummer, the great defender of the charters. Out
side of this there was little to break the repose of the colony. Con
necticut took no part in the wars stirred up by Rasle, and the most
serious affairs were those of the college, the Mohegan claims, the fa
naticism of the Rogerenes, and the final running of the Rhode Island
line. After sixteen years of wise, strong rule, and of great infiuence
during a period of transition, and often of difficulty, Gurdon
Saltonstall died, and was succeeded by Joseph Taleott, who for
a like period continued in office, until he, too, was removed by death.
During Taloott's long term, the happy period of the quieta non mo-
vere policy of Robert Walpole, Connecticut history offers nothing for
record except the more rapid growth of the colony in trade, popula
tion, and prosperity, and tho quick increase of towns. The general
courts came and went year after year, made necessary and wholesome
laws, kept the finances sound and pure, and free from the paper con
tagion, encouraged their college, looked after their rights in England,
and carried on a steady, frugal government, which was probably one
of the best the worid has ever seen, and offers no material for
history. When Taleott died, bis lieutenant, Jonathan Law, was
promoted, and Roger Wolcott was put in the place of Law — a change

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 383
of magistrates which made no alteration whatever in the conduct of
public affairs, but was very nearly coincident with the close of the pe
riod of profound peace and the outbreak of the wretched war with
Spain, to which Conneeticut freely gave both money and men, most
of whom never returned from Vernon's expedition. The war drag
ged along, until at last France entered the field ; and the dread of
their old enemy, with the still fresh recollection of his terrible raids
from the north, roused all New England. When Shirley's plan was
proposed, Governor Law called a special court, and Connecti
cut readily sent five hundred men, under the command of
Lieutenant-governor Roger Wolcott, to take part in the capture and
defence of Louisburg, which refiected so much glory on New England.
In the expedition of the following year, which was one of the many
fruitless attempts to conquer Canada, Connecticut again took an ac
tive part, and raised a thousand mon ; but peace soou put an end to
her exertions, which had burdened the colony with a heavy debt, a
source of trouble previously unknown, and one which weighed upon
the people for many years. In the great French war to which that
of 1744 was but a preliminary, the conduct of Connecticut contin
ued the same. With an independent and united government she
was spared political wrangles, and from beginning to end poured
forth men and money against England's enemies and her own. The
part taken by Connecticut in the French war corresponded with that
of Massachusetts, and there is no need to rehearse again the events of
that great struggle. It left no mark upon Connecticut except in the
loss of life and treasure, and in the benefit less important to her than
to others of the removal of the constant peril at the north.
Connecticut was one of the first among the colonies to raise oppo
sition to the policy of taxation, which soon succeeded the victories of
tbe war; and when the news of the coming Stamp Act reached Hart
ford, able arguments and defences of the chartered rights, and of the
illegality of such taxation, were sent to England in charge of the agent,
Jared IngersoU. After this prompt action the condition of public feel
ing seemed to become apathetic, probably from long years of uninter
rupted independence, and from a disbelief in the reality of the danger;
so that when the news arrived that the Stamp Act had become law,
it seemed as if in the independent colony of Connecticut it was about
to find its strongest support. Governor Fitch, and many of
the leading men and ministers, counselled submission ; but they
had strangely mistaken the people among whom they lived. The can-

384 HISTORY OF THE
tions, yielding policy of the previous century had long since ceased to
be possible. Articles began to appear in the newspapers, resistance
boo-an to crop up here and there, the feeling of hostility, the dread of
oppression spread rapidly, and Sons of Liberty were soon numerous and
active. When Governor Fitch proposed to the Council to take the
oath. Colonel Trumbull left the room, followed by a majority of the
as.sistants ; and the arrival of IngersoU with a commission as Stamp
Collector was the signal for a general rising in all the towns. The
Sons of Liberty began to gather. IngersoU was met on the road by
large bodies of armed men, and forced to resign his office. His cap
tors rode with him to Hartford, where the ceremony was repeated,
and where the timid Governor was instructed in his duty by Colonel
Putnam, one of the popular leaders. This event occurred in Septem
ber, very early in the contest, for Connecticut had no one to thwart
the will of the people ; and in the following month delegates, chosen
by the general court, met with those of the other colonies in Congress
at New York.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 3SS

Chapter XX.
RHODE ISLAND FROM 1636 TO 1765.
Very different from the strong, well-equipped bands of prosperous
Englishmen who left Massachusetts to -win the region of the Con
necticut were those who founded the little colony of Rhode Island.
Roger Williams, fleeing from banishment, and from, a government
to which he would not submit, passed a dreary winter among the
Indians, was warned off by the Plymouth people, and flnally,
with flve companions, established at the head of Narragansett
Bay a little settlement to which he gave tho name of Providence.
For ten years scarcely anything is known of the fortunes of this
small and struggling community. They formed a township where
the majority of householders, and such as they chose to admit,
ruled ; while Williams's relations with the Indians, and knowledge of
their language, served to protect them from the savages; and two
years after their arrival, another flerce conflict in Massachusetts
brought fresh exiles to Rhode Island. Mrs. Hutchinson and her
friends, acting on the advice of Williams, bought from the
1638. ? o 7 a
Indians the Island of Aquetnet, and formed a settlement at
Portsmouth. There they organized a government, with Coddington
as judge, and Aspinwall as secretary ; but they brought faction and
dissension with them, and before the year was out Coddington was
displaced, and Aspinwall formally accused of seditious practices. Cod
dington and his friends thereupon went farther south, and
founded Newport. Emigrants came in small numbers ; they
acknowledged their allegiance to the King, and wrote to Vane to got
a patent. In another year the divided settlements were united, the
offices were shared between them, and Coddington was once more
chosen Governor. These loosely organized communities went on in
this way for two years quarrelling among themselves, until the gener
al court of Rhode Island appointed a committee to take steps to pro
cure a patent. The people of Providence had a similar desire, and
25

386 HISTORY OF THE
Roger Williams was finally selected, and sent to England to act for
them all. He sailed from Now Amsterdam, and on his arrival
was well received in London, where his views as to freedom of
conscience wore just then in favor.
The first settlers of both Providence and Newport were the ex
treme fanatics who always come to the surface in a period of in
tense religious fervor. They were men and women who could not
submit to a strong and well-ordered government- — tbe factious and
turbulent elements of the rigid, order-loving, and strong communities
of Connecticut and Massachusetts. Roger Williams, the ablest and
most imaginative among them, had been driven out not because he
believed in freedom of conscience, but because his acts were political
ly dangerous. To a man of his liberal but loose mind, the treatment
he had received nourished the belief in religious toleration, and he
engrafted that principle on the settlements he founded, and then de
viated from it in various ways when he came to face the task of
government. The other settlers of Rhode Island, less highly endow
ed than Williams, were far more factious and turbulent ; and wheu
they were driven from Massachusetts, and had no government to re
sist, they fell to quarrelling among themselves, and kept up their
wrangles for a long series of years. The disorderiy character of
these settlements shut them out from the confederacy, checked their
growth, and produced endless disputes, of which the detailed history
is neither instructive nor profitable. For the present purpose it is
sufficient to sketch them in the barest outline, and there is no need
to follow them out or attempt to unravel the tangled skein of their
history. The first serious disturbance involved Massachusetts. One of Wil
liams's settlements was much annoyed by the presence of a lawless
and disorderly set of men under the load of Gorton, Holden, and
Greene, who had all been in trouble, and been punished and driven
out of Massachusetts and Plymouth, and who, after figuring in New
port and elsewhere, had finally settled down near Providence, where
they became a curse to tbe neighboring country. The settlers on the
Pawtuxet appealed to Massachusetts for protection, and were told that
nothing could be done unless they acknowledged some jurisdiction.
They accordingly came under the government of Massachusetts, while
the affair was further complicated by conflicting Indian claims, and by
a war between the Narragansetts and Mohegans, in whicli Miantonomo
was captured by Uncas and killed. At last Massachusetts warned off

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 387
Gorton and his followers. Holden returned an insulting answer ; and
then commissioners came with soldiers, the settlement was broken up,
and Gorton and his followers brought as prisoners to Boston, where
they were sentenced to jail and hard labor for blasphemy — Massachu
setts not caring to deal with them for appeals to the King'and
meddling with the Indians. After a few months they were re
leased, returned to Rhode Island, regained their old influence with the
Narragansetts — who were persuaded to put themselves and their land
under the dominion of the King — and then proceeded to excite them
against Massachusetts. For a time it seemed as if there would be a
great Indian war; but the Narragansetts were finally brought to terms,
a truce was concluded, the danger was avoided for the moment, and
the kindly efforts of Gorton and his friends were frustrated. Gorton,
however, who was full of energy, carried his grievances to England,
where he got from the commissioners of Parliament an order that his
people should be undisturbed, and should be allowed to pass peace
ably to their settlements. His further attempts were cheeked as soon
as Winslow arrived as agent of Massachusetts; and when Gorton went
out he was arrested at Boston, and released only in consideration of a
letter from the Earl of Warwick. He then betook himself to Sbawo-
met, which received the name of Warwick; and the turbulent
' settlement finally gave up quarrelling, and became orderly and
decent. The whole of the Gorton affair is typical of the class of peo
ple who gathered in, Rhode Island. Gorton and his friends were per
haps the worst of their kind, but they were nevertheless representative.
They were as sturdy, pertinacious, and bold as the Puritans of Massa
chusetts, but had none of the love of rigid order or of the strong con
servatism which reigned in the Bay colony and in Connecticut. It is
not to be wondered at that such people were sharp thorns in the side
of New England, were excluded from the confederacy, and led a po
litical existence in which their hand was against every man's, and ev
ery man's hand against them.
Before Gorton left America, Williams had obtained through the in
fluence of Vane a patent for the Providence plantations, which per
mitted the erection of any government desired by the inhabitants.
With this liberal instrument Williams returned, and was re
ceived at Providence with great enthusiasm. But neither this
generous charter, nor the pressure of outside danger from Massachu
setts and Plymouth — claiming all the territory both of Providence
and Newport — could unite the factious settlements, which obstinately

388 HISTORY OF THE
held aloof from each other, and carried on internal confiict with undi
minished zeal. Williams withdrew to the Narragansett coun
try, and was returned as a deputy from Providence, when, af
ter a struggle of three years, a government was finally formed under
the patent by a convention of the Narragansett settlements. Cog-
geshall was elected President, and Williams and Coddington were two
of the assistants ; but in three years more the crazy structure fell to
pieces. Williams strove to promote harmony, but in vain. There
were bitter attacks on Coddington and other leaders ; it was impos
sible to get a President, there were frauds in the elections, and men
wore sent as deputies so unfit that the court vacated their seats. At
last everything came to a standstill, and there were renewed ef
forts to send Williams to England to do over again the work
of obtaining a charter. The fanaticism and extreme independence of
the settlers rendered them unfit for organized government ; and the
strong confederacy of the other colonies let them severely alone —
content to have a place whither all the disorderly characters who
were dangerous to settled government could find a refuge with those
of a like way of thinking, and could quarrel with each other as much
as they liked.
Coddington, disgusted at his deposition, and at the attacks upon
him, went to England, whence he returned with a commission
making him Governor of Rhode Island for life, with a board
of six assistants to be chosen by the freeholders. This, of course,
aroused a strong opposition, especially among the Baptists, who had
gradually risen to great importance in Rhode Island, much to the dis
satisfaction of Massachusetts, where severe laws were passed against
them. This new party, headed by John Clarke, determined to over
throw Coddington, who leaned strongly to the confederacy, and a con
sequent alliance with the hated- colony of the Bay. Clarke and two
friends — Holmes aud Crandall — at once set out for Massachusetts, to
show, probably, tbe tendency of Codding-ton's policy. If they want
ed persecution, they got it in the form of whippings, fines, and impris
onment ; and so supplied with grievances, Clarke started for England,
where he was joined by Williams, sent out as agent by Providence and
Warwick. Coddington meantime set up and carried on with some
success his rather arbitrary government. Providence and Warwick,
1653 *^^^ °'^* °^' ^^°* "'^ ^^^'^ ^ burlesque of government under
the patent ; and when Gorton was chosen president, and felt
tho responsibilities of office, he proceeded to lay a heavy hand upon

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 389
his enemies, and degrade and punish them. Coddington by .this time
was, of course, thoroughly embroiled ; and it looked so much like
complete dissolution that, with the. news from England of the revoca
tion of Cpddington's commission through the influence of Clarke and
Williams, an attempt, was made to again unite the four towns. > The
scheme not only failed, but produced still wider estrangement, and two
hostile governments at Providence and Newport ; while, with affairs in
this wretched condition, Rhode Island entered into war with the Dutch,
commissioned privateei-s,,and erected an admiralty court. This led to
fresh wrangles at home, and,- to piracy at sea — ^the Rhode Island:eruis-
ers preying onFrench, Dutch, and English, and making endless trouble
for her neighbors of the confederacy — until the disorders, indeed, be
came so bad that they drew forth an angry letter from Vane,
the friend and protector of the colony. Armed with this letter,
Williams returned to the scene of dissension, and by strenuous efforts
brought about a meeting of commissioners and a reunion of the towns
under the patent government, in which he was chosen president. Not
long after there was a riot at, Providence, growing out of differences
of religious opinion, and this produced laws to maintain the
peace, and send disturbers to England. Coddington was again
fiercely attacked, and with difficulty allowed to sit as a deputy, al
though he submitted entirely ; while a fresh agitation was soon after
aroused by William Harris, one of Williams's old associates and ad
mirers, who was a great believer in freedom of conscience, and so hot
an agitator that Williams, cooled in his feeling .for universal toleration-
by tbe cares of office, had him arraigned for high-treason, and
put under bonds for good behavior. This effort to preserve
order led to Williams's, defeat at the next election, and to the choice
of Benedict Arnold as president. The only substantial gain since the
reunion was in the annexation of the little Pawtuxet settlement, owing
to the withdrawal of Massachusetts and Plymouth.
Clarke remained in .England after the departure of Williams, and
looked after the affairs of the colony. Through him was transmitted
the congratulatory address to Richard Cromwell : and when
Charles was restored, Rhode Island instantly proclaimed him,
ordered writs to run in his name, and sent a formal commission to
Clarke to act as their agent. Clarke was an adroit and able man;
and when the younger, Winthrop thought he had settled everything,
he found that Clarke had obtained promises which, if carried out in
the Rhode Island charter, would greatly curtail the territory of Con-

390 HISTORY OF THB
necticut. The whole matter of boundary was also complicated by the
lands of the Atherton Company, who gained royal favor, and desired
to be within the Connecticut jurisdiction. The confiict, in fact,
endangered both charters, and was finally patched np by Win
throp and Clarke in ambiguous and impossible terms, which avoided
present trouble, and laid the foundation for half a century of tedious,
bitter, and ill-tempered dispute. Clarke's charter soon after passed
tbe seals, and the Governor and Company of Rhode Island and Prov
idence Plantations were fairly incorpdrated. This charter, like that
given to Connecticut, was drawn in the most liberal terms possible —
establishing a purely popular elective government — while it bore the
mark of its authors in the provision that no one should be molested
for any religious opinion if the peace was kept. No oath of allegi
ance was demanded, and free passage through the other colonies was
secured to the inhabitants of Rhode Island. The ministry of Claren
don was glad and ready enough to favor the colony excluded from
the confederacy of the suspected Puritan commonwealths.
The charter was received in Rhode Island with great joy, and a
government immediately constituted, with Arnold as Governor, and
Williams among the Jtssistants. Thus compacted at last into
some sort of political system, Rhode Island turned her atten
tion to dispossessing the settlers on the land of the Atherton Com
pany, which had selected the jurisdiction of Connecticut, and to be
ginning with the same colony and with Massachusetts the intormina-
•ble boundary disputes. But these little matters of domestic interest
were soon overshadowed by tho arrival of the royal commission, with
general powers to regulate all the New England colonies. The dis
favor with which Rhode Island was regarded by her neighbors had
been of great service to her as a suitor in England, where she had
invariably reeeived generous treatment ; so she had little to fear, ap
parently, from the commissioners, to whom she was perfectly ready
to grant all that they wished. Their first act, on their return
from New York, was to take the whole Narragansett country
— including the Atherton lands — away from all the colonies, on the
ground of the cession made by the Indians in Gorton's time to the
Crown, and then convert it into the "King's Province," under the tem
porary management of Rhode Island. In Rhode Island itself all their
^^^^ demands met with prompt compliance, and they were allowed
without a murmur to hear appeals in various causes ; so that,
as may be supposed, their report was, of course, most favorable, and

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 391
the colony backed it up with a loyal and flattering address, in which
the commissioners were highly complimented.
In the years following this event, Rhode Island went on under the
charter government, not very successfully, it is true, but still so much
better than before that a great step was made, for any government at
all was a gain, even if it was weak and disorderly. The interest in the
new system soon abated, audit became necessary to impose heavy
flnes in order to persuade men to attend to their duties. There was
a bitter quarrel over Clarke's accounts, and threats of armed resistance
to the assessment laid to meet them, while to all forms of taxation
there was a steady and determined opposition. Harris again came to
the surface, agitated more -violently than ever, nearly raised an insur
rection, and was flnally arrested on information from Williams, upon
a charge of traitorous correspondence with Connecticut. Dur
ing tbis period, also, a new element came into Rhode Island,
in the shape of the Quakers, who rapidly increased, and gained a con
trolling influence ; so much so that Easton, one of their number, soon
rose to be Governor. During his administration George Fox appear
ed in Rhode Island, where he was well received, and was a guest of
the Governor; but while he was at .Newport, Roger Williams came
down from Providence and challenged him to public discussion. The
challenge was accepted, and an angry debate of three days ensued,
raising to white-heat the old religious discord, and resulting in thick
volumes on both sides, fllled with the direst invective. In the midst
of all this dissension and disorder at home, Rhode Island did not for
get her external affairs. She strove to stir up the other colonies
against the Dutch when they reconquered New York, and with un
wearying pertinacity labored to regain the Narragansett country and
push back tbe boundaries of Connecticut — a vital struggle, in which
defeat meant territorial insignificance.
In Philip's war, Rhode Island was the scene of many massacres and
much hard fighting, for in that region the war broke out, there
1676' '¦^'^ great fort of the Nari'agansetts was taken, and there Philip
was tracked to bis lair and killed. The war was carried on
by the forces of the strong confederate colonies ; but although Rhode
Island sent no troops, her sufferings were by no means slight. War
wick was destroyed entirely. Providence partially, and great difficul
ty and expense were incurred in guarding- the island settlements. In
the quickly following struggle with England, Rhode Island fared bet
ter, as she was not disturbed by Randolph, and her government and

392 HISTORY OF THE
society were beginning slowly to improve. Clarke, Williams, Codding
ton, and others of tbe old leaders died, and the younger generation
was more inclined to order and quiet, and less violent in matters af-
fectino- religious belief. The old policy of entire submission and loy
alty was steadily pursued, and King James was proclaimed and pro
pitiated with a humble address ; but even this could not save them.
Randolph had neglected, but had not forgotten them ; and when Mas
sachusetts was overthrown, he brought charges of illegal impositions,
denial of appeals, disloyalty, and evasions of the Navigation Act in the
usual form against Rhode Island, and obtained a writ of quo warranto,
which he served soon after his arrival with Dudley's commis
sion. The Assembly, on receiving the writ, determined not to
stand suit with his Majesty, but sent an address petitioning for a con
tinuance of the rights and privileges of the charter ; a course of ac
tion which it is hardly necessary to say caused deep dissensions. The
Quakers sent an address of their own, and still another party sent one
in favor of a fuller submission than had been made by tbe govern
ment. The Narragansett country was promptly absorbed by Dudley's
government, while the address to the King served to bring Rhode Isl
and at once within the commission of Andros, to whom the colony
submitted without a murmur. The charter was given up, counsellors
who never attended were appointed, and Rhode Island sank into a
new and complete quiet under Andros, who devoted himself to ob
taining for the Crown complete possession of the Narragansett coun
try to the exclusion of all others interested. When- the news was re
ceived of the fall of the Governor-general, delegates from the
towns assembled, and re-established the old charter govern
ment under the old officers, with the exception of Walter Clarke, the
Governor, who had been superseded and now refused to serve, so that
Rhode Island went on for some time without a chief magistrate.
The change effected by the Revolution was by no means so wel
come in Rhode Island as elsewhere, for the despotism of Andros had
been wholesome, and had given the colony more rest and quiet than
it had ever before known. But as the charter had never been va
cated, the old government, whioh had been revived by the Revolution,
went on in a lame and impotent fashion, some governors declining to
serve, others serving weakly and unprofitably for short terms,
until at last Samuel Cranston was elected, and continued to be
chosen annually for the next thirty years. Although Rhode Island
was so submissive to the Crown, she retained plenty of her old fight-

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 393
¦ing qualities in other directions. The commission of Phips to com
mand her militia aroused a determined opposition, sharpened by the
old and lasting hatred of Massachusetts ; so an agent was sent to Eng
land, and a comprornise effected by which the colony retained practi
cal control of her soldiers. The weak and unsettled condition of her
government, however, at last brought Rhode Island into deep disre
pute in England, which was especially duo to Lord Bellomont, who,
full of the business of extirpating pirates, had his attention strongly
drawn to Narragansett Bay, where the buccaneers constantly
resorted. Lord Bellomont went in person to Rhode Island to
investigate their affairs, and sent home a report full of charges against
the colonists for ignorance, corruption, connivance with the pirates,
poor public officers, and evasions of laws of trade. The Governor and
Council deprecated his action, after some difficulty got an agent
1701I '° England, and passed an act to show an ostensible compliance
with the Navigation Act. Rhode Island was at last reaping
the fruits of her early follies. Dudley also, who was resisted in his
efforts to command tjie militia, and to check the unlicensed privateer
ing in which Rhode Island indulged, sent home, after a visit
to that colony, reports as dark as those of Bellomont, calling
the province a ',' receptacle of rogues and pirates." The Massachu
setts Governor no doubt exaggerated, but the condition of affairs was
wretched enough, and eame very near bringing a royal Governor upon
them. In the protracted war of Anne's time, Rhode Island, under much
pressure, took at first a spasmodic part, and finally sent men regularly
for the Canadian expeditions; but this public spirit resulted in the is
sue of bills of credit, which became a pest to the other colonies, and
in a financial condition worse, more hopeless, and more prolonged,
than was to be found anywhere else.
Nothing, in fact, could have been more unfavorable to suecessful
colonization than the whole course of events in Rhode Island. Yet,
with all this disorder and disturbance, in addition to the unavoidable
difficulties of settlement, such was the vigor of the race that Rhode
Island grew slowly but steadily ; her government very gradually gain
ed permanency and consistency, and an extensive trade in all direc
tions bore witness to an enterprise and persistence which nothing
could quench. The colony had its troubles abroad, and its selfish
policy, moreover, and inherited dislike of its neighbors, did not
*'***" help it. When George I. ascended the throne, and again seven
years later, their charter was menaced, and was saved, like that of

394 HISTORY OF THE
Connecticut, by the exertions of Dummer. Their situation protected
them from Indian wars ; so that when Shute appealed for aid they
considered the matter for two years, and decided to do nothing except
inform Vaudreuil, the Governor of Canada, that if he did not desist from
his intrigues with the Indians he would incur the heavy penalty of their
hostility. Their laws were loose, conflicting, and uncertain, tbe finances
were ruinous, taxation was difficult and slight, and the administration
of justice was v6ry poor. The complete religious license which pre
vailed made the colony a fertile soil for fanatical and peculiar sects,
which sprang up, disturbed the community, hurt its reputation, check
ed its prosperity for the moment, and then disappeared. Neverthe
less, there was a steady growth and improvement, sometimes creeping
and imperceptible, sometimes more marked, as in the franchise
which was finally limited to freeholders worth one hundred
pounds ; and again in the case of the chaotic militia, when, after a
protracted and for a long time uncertain confiict, elected offi
cers wore done away with. Thus the colony went on prosper
ing, developing, and showing the best proof of progress under the cir
cumstances by an uneventful history, broken only by a violent
1734^ (dispute between Jenckes, the successor of Cranston, and the
Assembly, on the question of paper-money, about which the
Governor held sound and courageous views, which cost him his office.
The war with Spain offered a fine field for Rhode Island privateer
ing, and a small body of Rhode Island troops suffered with Vernon
at Carthagena. When war with France came, the Assembly took
prompt measures for strengthening their defences and improving and
increasing their forces. When Shirley's invitation was received for
the attack on Louisburg, the Assembly voted one hundred and fifty
men, who arrived too late to take part in the siege, and a sloop-of-
,„.- war, which went with the Connecticut transports, and had an
indecisive engagement with a French frigate. But now, as
at the beginning of the Spanish war, the chief services of Rhode Isl
and wore in the risky but profitable work of privateering ; and in
the next year the colony contributed to the Canadian expedition, and
anxiously prepared to defend itself against the expected French fleet.
1747 '^^^ ^'®^'' ^°'^°^'*"S the long contested northern boundary —
although there were quarrels and even riots before the line
was finally run— was settled, giving a large addition of territory, and
leaving the colony at last with undisputed jurisdiction, and free from
harassing controversy. Rhode Island did not reap from tbe war the

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 395
great benefit derived by Massachusetts from the indemnity -money
devoted to redemption of the currency. Neither Connecticut nor
Rhode Island followed this wise policy; the old financial troubles
went on unchecked, trade was severely injured by the failure to grasp
the opportunity, and there was a good deal of distress among
the people when the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle was made. The
currency, rendered more worthless by exclusion from Massachusetts,
went on increasing and depreciating, and the colony plunged deeper
and deeper into the inflation policy, which flnally brought on wide
spread distress and many heavy failures among merchants.
1763* This bad eondition of affairs was of course much enhanced by
the great war with France. Rhode Island from th'? beginning
to the end contributed freely, giving both soldiers and sai'ors to the
full extent of her power ; but all the increased expenditure was met
by fresh issues of vast amounts of nearly worthless bills. Irsolvenoy
became so common that a general insolvent law was passed ; and to
ward the end of the struggle taxation became a subject of bitter po
litical feeling, which was always familiar in Rhode Island, and which
ran very high at this time in the determined personal contest, carric(I
on with varying success, between Ward and Hopkins for political su
premacy. While the peace gave the colony opportunity to regulate in some
degree its wretched finances, the new policy of colonial rule
was begun in England. The first symptom was the increased
activity and vigilance in the collection of the revenue, which came
home to Rhode Island — wholly dependent on trade, and entirely used
to constant evasions of the Navigation Act — with peculiar sharpness.
The cruisers ordered to enforce the revenue laws were especially ob
noxious, and troubles began with their offieers, which increased rapid
ly in frequency and violence, from throats to open fire from the forts,
to riots and burning the boats of the men-of-war. By her
1764 agent, too, Rhode Island protested vigorously against the re
vival of the Sugar Act ; and when it was known that that act had
passed, a committee of correspondence was appointed, and the agent
was instructed to oppose both that and other measures to raise a
revenue. The public mind was fully prepared, therefore, for
a vigorous resistance to the Stamp Act when the news of its
passage was received. Strong resolutions were passed in response to
the circular of Massachusetts ; and the stamp-collector, who was also
the attorney-general, resigned his new office at onee because it was

396 HISTORY OP THE
against the will of the people. Riots broke out in Newport, the rev
enue officers took flight, and an attack upon tbe royal cruiser Cygnet
was planned. When the General Assembly came together, steps were
taken to preserve order, a committee was appointed to consider the
proper course to be pursued in regard to the Stamp Act, and delegates
were chosen, who met those from the other colonies at the October
Congress in New York.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 397

Chapter XXI.
NEW HAMPSHIRE FROM 1623 TO 1765.
When the Colony of Plymouth was struggling into existence, two
companies of settlers came out under the auspices of Mason
and Gorges, to whom the eastern region of New England
had been granted, and planted settlements at Portsmouth and Dover.
There they struggled on for many years, hunting, fishing, and trading
with the Indians, but making little progress, for Mason and Gorges
were filled with the wild ideas common at that period, and believed
that gold would be discovered ; so that their colonists were mere
adventurers, for the most part, who looked to England for support.
When Mason and Gorges divided their property, Maine fell to
the latter, and New Hampshire to the former, including the two
little settlements, which were each ruled by a separate agent, and which .
quarrelled- heartily on slight provocation. Under these circumstances,
the settlements, naturally enough, did not flourish, but exhausted the
resources of their founders, who made every exertion to sustain,
them. The death of Mason, and the surrender of the charter of the
Company of New England, left the colonists to themselves ; for the
heirs, weary of the expense of the undertaking, withdrew their
settlers, and were left with only a claim to a, vast extent of
wilderness. In the mean time, Wiggin, the superintendent, brought
over some puritan families to Dover, where a church was built, and
a government erected which was at once torn with controversies be
tween the new-comers and the old settlers. /"At Portsmouth, a hand
ful of settlers, under the Mason grant, still remained ; and in a few
years the Antihomians, under the lead of Wheelwright, flee-
ing from the stern rule of the Bay Company, settled at Ex
eter ; while in the same year men from Massachusetts, and emigrants
from England, founded a colony at Hampton. Thus were formed
four independent churches, and four little republics, on the familiar
New England model. They were very disorderly little republics too,

398 HISTORY OP THE
with many hostile, jarring elements, and so turbulent that, after a few
years of violent and petty controversy, they came willingly un-
' der the strong jurisdiction of Massachusetts, within which they
continued for thirty-eight years. During that time tbe history of the
two colonies is one and the same in all respects, and has already been
told. The first warning of a change came with the Restora-
1 RCA tion, when Robert Tufton, who took the name of Mason, re
vived the dormant Mason claim. This claim was one ostensible cause
of the movement immediately set on foot against Massachusetts, was
thwarted by that colony when the royal commissioners retired dis
comfited from Boston, and was warded off for many years. It again
became prominent during Philip's war, in which, as in all Indian wars,
both then and for many years afterward, the frontier settlements of
New Hampshire suffered severely. The Mason claim was again made
the first ground of attack against Massachusetts by Randolph, and on
the report of the law-officers of the Crown that Mason had a
good title, Massachusetts was summoned to answer the com
plaints. The court decided that Massachusetts had no jurisdiction
over the New Hampshire towns, but they also decided that
1677. .
Mason had no claim to the government ; and under these cir
cumstances, the King took the matter into his own hands, a commis
sion passed the great seal separating the two colonies, and New
Hampshire was turned into a royal province, with a govern-,
ment of President and Council appointed by the Crown, and
an Assembly to be chosen by the people.
Of the new government thus established, John Cutts was made
president, and almost the first act of the province after the
arrival of the royal commission, and the formation of the
government, was to address a letter of gratitude and regret to Mas
sachusetts, to which the. enforced separation was not more grievous
than it was to them. Laws were adopted, regulations made, and
the militia organized quietly and thoroughly in the manner to which
the people had long been accustomed ; while a firm and vigorous op
position was at once begun against tbe meddling of Randolph, who
was now collector of customs, and against his deputy. Barefoot. Ma
son also appeared on the scene as counsellor to look after his inter
ests, and proceeded to demand leases for his lands. He was order
ed to desist by the Council, defied them, and then a warrant
being issued for his arrest, escaped to England. Soon after
Cutts died, and was succeeded by the deputy, Major Waldron who

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 399
in turn was replaced by Edward Cranfield as royal Governor, whose
appointment was obtained through the influence of Mason, and by
his surrender of one-fifth of his quit-rents for the Governor's support.
Cranfield was one of the typical men of the day — one of the greedy,
arbitrary fortune-hunters, of whom there were always plenty
about Charles II. His commission gave him power to remove
counsellors, and thus incapacitate them from serving as deputies, of
convoking, dissolving, and proroguing the legislature, of vetoing bills,
erecting courts, 'and appointing all officers, from the Deputy-governor
down. Almost his first act was to remove Waldron and Martyn from
the Council, in order to pack that body and all other offices with his
own and Randolph's henchmen ; but the poverty of the province so an
noyed him that he speedily quarrelled with Mason as well, and
the Assembly, pleased at this turn of affairs, voted him a gratu
ity. Cranfield, however, went back at once to his old position, and, as
the Assembly differed with him, dissolved them and gave the charge
of tbe fort to Barefoot. This dissolution, a proceeding hitherto un
known, was regarded as so tyrannous that an insurrection broke out
at Hampton; but the rising was quelled, and Gove, the ringleader,
was arrested, convicted of high-treason, and sent to England, where he
was ultimately pardoned. Thus strengthened, Cranfield gave notice
that all the inhabitants must take leases from Mason, under pain of
forfeiture, which produced, of course, general resistance. The first
suit was against Waldron. The jury was packed. Mason had been
made Chancellor, and Waldron, not being- allowed to challenge jurors,
withdrew,, and lost judgment by default. The same course was pur
sued with others ; but it had no effect except to excite bitter hatred,
for no one would buy the forfeited lands. In all the misgovernment
to which the colonies were at various times subject, there is no in
stance of more unmitigated tyranny and oppression than was used
by Cranfield, and that, too, against a people who for nearly half a
century had possessed complete self-government. Cranfield and his
associates, not content with attacking property, prosecuted Martyn,
the former treasurer, excluded Massachusetts vessels from the river,
altered the value of coin, changed town boundaries, and would not
permit tho towns to levy taxes until those of the province had been
paid. The burden. at last became so heavy that the people secretly
raised money, and sent Nathaniel Weare to England to plead
with the King. Soon after Cranfield, compelled by necessity
and impending war, called the Assembly together ; but they would not

400 HISTORY OF THE
do his bidding, and were dissolved. Not satisfied with what he had
accomplished thus far, he now struck at religion, demanding that Mr.
Moody, tbe Portsmouth minister, should give the Communion to him
in the Episcopal form. Moody refused, was convicted under the Act
of Uniformity, sentenced to prison for six months, and his " benefice "
forfeited, while the magistrates who dissented from tbe decision were
deposed, and the clergyman at Hampton, upon whom the same de
mand had been made, fied to Boston. Not long after Cranfield took
tbe last step in his course of oppression by levying taxes without tbe
consent of the Assembly. Meantime Weare had gained a hearing
from tho Privy Council, who sent word to Cranfield that he must
not attempt to crush the presentation of the case ag-ainst him. Dis
gusted with his failure to make money, Cranfield had already asked
leave to withdraw, and this order in Council was not an agreeable ad
dition. Worst of all, the illegal taxes led to a general revolt, the col
lectors were assaulted, abused, and beaten, and the troops refused to
turn out. Permission to retire came when this turbulence was
at its height, and Cranfield hastily departed to the West In
dies, leaving Barefoot as deputy at the head of the government; a
change which was no improvement, and the disturbance went on un
til New Hampshire was again united to Massachusetts, under the gov
ernment of Dudley and the commission. The old union, renewed
under such different and unhappy circumstances, continued unbroken
through the tyranny of Andros, and was cemented by the re-estab
lishment of the old and beloved charter government, when New
Hampshire, asking to again be incorporated, was admitted as
before, and everything went on in the old fashion.
This popular arrangement was not destined to long continuance, for
the new government in England refused to include New Hampshire
within the jurisdiction of Massachusetts. It was determined
1692. to erect a separate government, and Samuel Allen, who had
bought up the Mason claims, was made Governor, and his son-in-law,
John Usher, his lieutenant, to act in his absence. Usher at once en
tered upon his government, which was upon the model common in the
royal provinces. His administration was disturbed and unprofitable.
The long Indian wars of the east had begun, and they fell with terri
ble force upon tho exposed New Hampshire towns. The people were
poor, and the growth of the colony slow. The iron courage and per
sistence of the settlers alone kept them up against the enduring war
fare of the savages. They took land where they desired, won it from

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. -40.1
the wilderness, and paid for it with hard fighting, so that they natu
rally resisted stoutly all the attempts of Usher to assert proprietary
rights in the soil. Usher was active in providing for defence; but he
was in confiict with the people about lands, and most unwisely became
embroiled with Phips when the strength of Massachusetts alone could
avail against the Indians. His position was certainly not attractive.
The people were very poor, the revenue was very slender — not enough
to pay for defences — the Assembly would give him nothing; and
as his father-in-law, Allen, was equally obdurate, Usher asked to be
relieved. A successor, William Partridge, the treasurer of the
1697. province, was, however, already on the way; but when he ar
rived Usher found his dislike of office vanish, disputed Partridge's cre
dentials, and resumed control of the province. A letter from the Lords
of Trade confirming Partridge drove Usher into retirement, and soon
after Lord Bellomont appeared as Governor, and was formally
proclaimed, with Partridge as his lieutenant. Bellomont was
popular in New Hampshire as elsewhere, and the Assembly gave lib
erally from their seanty resources, but were absolutely unable to take
the measures of defence which their Governor thought proper. They
were further troubled by Allen and his land claims, which made but
slow progress among the sturdy frontiersmen ; and, after much
discussion, the question was taken to England shortly after
the death of Bellomont, Usher going to represent Allen, and Vaughan
the province.
The policy of confiding New Hampshire to the Governor of Massa
chusetts, which was begun with Bellomont, was continued in England.
Dudley, although disliked in Massachusetts, was not unpopular in the
smaller colony, where the Assembly gave five hundred pounds for
fortifications, and voted further a fixed annual salary of one
1703. hundred and sixty pounds. This secured the Governor's good
will, although he complained on other points ; for New Hampshire,
while yielding on the salary question, was as ill-behaved as Massachu
setts and other colonies in her disregard of the laws of trade. Par
tridge was replaced by Usher as Lieutenant-governor, which
was in practice the executive office of the province. The
troublesome question of the Mason claims continued to be the most
important matter in public affairs, while Queen Anne's war kept alive
the normal and distressing hostilities of the Indians. The province
was too poor to lend aid to the Canadian expeditions ; but the settlers
fought on doggedly in defence of their homes, supported by Massa-
26

402 HISTORY OF THE
chusetts, and no part of New England suffered more than New Hamp
shire through all those trying years. The Allen claim, sent back by
the Privy Council to the provincial courts, was decided there adversely
to the claimants ; and, in order to avoid another appeal, the province
offered to concede all the wild lands, to give five thousand acres Ie
the settled districts for a quit-claim deed of the rest, and, in addition.
they agreed to pay two thousand pounds. Allen died before he could
accept this generous offer, and the litigation was inherited by his son,
who obtained a royal order for a new trial, with instructions for a spe
cial verdict. Again Waldron's title, which made the test case, was tried,
and once more the jury, disregarding orders, refused a special verdict,
and gave a general one in favor of the defendant. Before another
appeal could be taken, Allen's son died; his heirs were minors, who
did not push tho controversy, and the claim sank out of sight,
to the great relief of the New Hampshire people, whose right
to their homes had been so long in contest.
The second administration of Usher closely resembled the first.
He carried on the Indian wars with energy and activity ; but he soon
quarrelled with tho people, and also with Dudley, by whom he had at
the outset been favored. The personal controversy became very bit
ter, and Dudley forced Waldron, Usher's principal opponent, into the
council. Attacked on all sides. Usher fell from power with Dudley,
wbom the province had steadily supported after the death of Anne,
and, being replaced by George Vaughan, retired to his home in Mas
sachusetts. Vaughan was popular in the province, but ho got on no
better with his superior officer. Governor Shute, than Usher had with
Dudley. Shute had early difficulties with the Assembly in regard to
money, and Vaughan, carried away by the apparent strength of his
position, refused to obey Shute's orders unless he was actually present
in the province ; going so far in his disobedience and opposition that
he even lost his hold partially upon the people, while the com
plaints of Shute were listened to in England and caused his re
moval. He was succeeded by John Wentworth, a native of the prov
ince, and a wealthy merchant, who administered his trust well for thir
teen years, and desisted from opposition to his superior officer. Tho
respite dt this period from Indian wars gave the colony opportunity
for growth and improvement, and the hardy settlers were not slow to
take advantage of the first opening thus afforded by peace. Trade
was rapidly developed, farms and settlements extended, and population
increased. A company of Irish Presbyterians came out, and Went-

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 403
-avorth, brushing aside the old claims which seemed about to revive,
gave them lands on the Merrimac, where they founded the thriving
town of Londonderry. With increase of strength there was an in
crease of the natural opposition to the royal government ; and the con
fiict in regard to the surveyor of woods was especially fierce in New
Hampshire, where they never ceased from their attacks upon these of
ficers of the Crown. They remonstrated with Shute for not
1722. calling a new Assembly for five years ; and when the new As
sembly met, they opened the question of a fixed salary, taking the
ground of Massachusetts. On Shute's departure, Wentworth was left
at the head of the administration, and for six years he conducted the
affairs of the province as a separate government. The war incited by
Rasle in the east fell, as usual, most heavily upon New Hampshire,
whose history for half a century, indeed, was little more than that of a
life-and-deatli struggle with the savages. The death of Rasle brought
relief and comparative quiet, which was assured by the treaty
made by Dummer at Falmouth, and the Assembly then con
tinued their contest over the salary, insisting on the principle of an
annual allowance, and subsequently passed an act limiting the
life of an Assembly to three years, and made a fruitless strug
gle over the Governor's power to negative the choice of a speaker,
a point settled by the Explanatory Charter of Massachusetts.
The contest thus begun went on with increasing vehemence
and obstructions on both sides, until the House voted an address to
the King, praying for annexation to Massachusetts ; and it was while
matters were in this eondition that the arrival of Burnet again brought
the two provinces under one head. Burnet had the same instructions
in regard to New Hampshire as to Massachusetts touching the salary
question, but he encountered no opposition with the Asseinbly of the
former, who voted him an annual salary of two hundred pounds while
be remained in office.
Belcher's administration, which followed that of Burnet, was a period
of violent political controversy. The Governor, after his man-
1730* .
ner, went to work at once to build up a party in his own inter
est, a project in which he was largely successful. He quarrelled with
Wentworth, whom he wished to reduce to insignificance and depen
dence; but Wentworth's death, instead of clearing his path, only made
way for a much more obnoxious and combative man — one David
Dunbar, an Irishman — who had been appointed surveyor of woods, and
was already cordially disliked in Massachusetts on account of attempt-

404 HISTORY OF THE
ed settlements and land speculations to the eastward, and through ef
forts to disturb the Massachusetts pest at Pemaquid. His schemes
had been frustrated, and Belcher had worked against his appointment,
so that he took offioe with strong feelings of enmity toward
his superior. He at onoe sot up the old claim to independent
action, when the Governor was not in the province, and succeeded in
getting a following whioh was strong enough to control the House.
Belcher's party desired annexation to Massachusetts, a scheme not liked
in England, whore an unchartered royal province was highly prized ;
while, on the other hand, Dunbar's party wished that there should be a
complete separation of the provinces, and that New Hampshire should
have a Governor of her own. The principal objection to separation
lay in the poverty of the smaller colony. Governor and Lieutenant
worked incessantly for each -other's removal, and Dunbar, by his con
trol of the Assembly, kept the treasury empty, and hampered Belcher
at all points. The final settlement by the royal commission of tho
eastern boundary dispute with Massachusetts in favor of New Hamp
shire, and a series of defeats by Belcher's use of his higher powers,
drove Dunbar to Pemaquid to surveys of the woods, and more
difficulties, and finally to England to seek promotion. He there
renewed his fight against the Governor, and it was largely through
^ ,, his exertions that Belcher, whb had become unpopular in both
1741. . , , '^ ^
provinces, was at last removed.
The favorable decision of the King in the previous year in regard
to the boundaries added territory to New Hampshire, and strengthen
ed tho province. Dunbar's policy, backed by the popular party, pre
vailed, and Benning Wentworth, the true leader of that party, return
ed from England as royal Governor, and was welcomed with enthusi
asm at Portsmouth. The long political battle was at an end, and the
colony had an opportunity for quiet and for rapid progress, which en-
abled her to send three hundred men to take an active and
1745. conspicuous part in the siege of Louisburg. Encouraged by
this success, the province readily voted men and money for the abor
tive expedition against Canada; but her strength was fully employr
ed in preparing to repel the French fleet, and in meeting the inevi
table Indian war whioh then and for some years longer devastated
the frontier. In the midst of the conflict the Mason claim was
1749 ^°"-?^* "P ^y ^ company which at once released the already
settled lands, and that vexed question was, after more than a
century of dispute, disposed of. The return of peace gave room foi

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 405
controversies between the Governor and Assembly, which had been
suspended by the exigencies of war. The Governor, desiring money
for fortiflcation which the Assembly would not give, undertook to en
large the representation and pack the House, a proceeding which the
Assembly stubbornly resisted. No more vital point of attack could
have been chosen ; and, unjust as the Governor's claim undoubtedly
was, it had a practical force from the unfortunate fact that the right
of representation rested only on his commission and instructions. Af
ter a deadlock of three years, during which public business was para
lyzed, the treasury empty, and the soldiers unpaid, a new As
sembly met, the matter of representation was adjusted, and qui
et was restored. Despite the political struggle, which, indeed, show
ed the increasing strength of the colony, and of a popular party, the
province rapidly gained ground ; the population increased to thirty
thousand, new settlements sprang up, and Wentworth began to make
lavish grants in Vermont, already claimed by New York, and which
were a fruitful source of future difficulty.
In the French war New Hampshire took an active part, contribut
ing freely both men and money, although the Indians broke out at
onee on her frontiers, and renewed the familiar scenes of massacre
and pillage. No colony sent better troops into the field ; and her
" Rangers," inured to savage warfare, gained a continental reputation.
Peace brought a fresh rush of immigration, and a renewal of grants,
a source of great emolument to the Governor, who contended stoutly
with the Governor of New York for the profits from the Vermont
lands, which were fast bringing on a confiict in which an actual re
sort to force seemed probable. But while the colony was thus rap
idly prospering the new policy of taxation was begun, and feeling
rose in New Hampshise as in the other colonies. Less secure in her
rights than her neighbors, and with an able and experienced Govern
or, the action of the people was crippled, and Wentworth suc
ceeded in preventing the choice of delegates in response to
the Massachusetts circular. New Hampshire was not represented at
New York; but the excitement against the Stamp Act could not be
checked ; there were outbreaks at Portsmouth, and Meserve, the col
lector, was forced to resign. Thus New Hamshire drifted into the
movement and the general policy which united the colonies, and pre
pared the way for the overthrow of the English power in America.

406 HISTORY OF THE

Chapter XXII.
NEW ENGLAND IN 1765.
The last group of English colonies in America were those whose
political history has been briefly traced in the preceding chapters,
known collectively as New England, and comprising, at the time of
the Revolution, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, and Con
necticut. Massachusetts then included what is now the State of Maine,
and New Hampshire had claims to what afterward became part of
Vermont. These colonies, in the same latitude as New York, occu
pied until the conquest of Canada, the most eastern portion of the
British dominion in America. In Vermont and the valley of the
Conneeticut river were farming lands of fair quality, and scattered
here and there through New England were tracts of more or less fer
tility ; but the soil generally was thin and poor. Great rock forma
tions, lying near the surface, were everywhere .predominant. North
of Cape Cod the shore was rugged and forbidding; while to the south
ward sand ran from the beaches many miles inland, and treacherous.
shoals infested the approaches to the coast. There were vast and
noble forests, affording a generous supply of timber, fine rivers with
plenty of undeveloped water-power, and ample and safe harbors ; but
there was nothing else. Tho climate was one of violent extremes,
with magnificent summers and autumns, terrible winters, and harsh,
inclement springs. Nature gave almost nothing ; and all that man
obtained in New England had to be won by unflinching and incessant
toil. Not wealth and prosperity merely, but even a bare subsistence
had to be wrung from a niggardly soil, and from the cold and stormy
sea which washed the coasts and lashed the jagged cliffs.
In this region Englishmen made their homes, founded and built up
rich and powerful States, and covered the land with prosperous vil
lages, and the coasts with thriving towns. The people who did this
were of pure English race. Between the years 1629 and 1639 
during the period of Strafford and Laud's supremacy — twenty thou-

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 407
sand Puritans came to America; and from these twenty thousand,
and from a small but steady immigration of exactly the same kind
during the seventeenth century, sprang the people of New England.
There came also a few Normans from the Channel Islands, some Hu
guenots from France, and some Scotch -Irish to New Hampshire —
all excellent elements, sturdy and vigorous, but so trifling in amount
that they produced no effect upon the general character of the pop
ulation. At the time of the Revolution the people of New England
Were pure Englishmen, the purest part of the race, perhaps ; for dur
ing a century and a half they had lived in a New World, and received
no infusion of fresh blood from any race but their own. This purity
of race, free from any admixture, was something unknown in the mid
dle provinces, and was by no means equalled in the south, even in Vir
ginia, where the foreign elements were practically unimportant. It
formed a conspicuous characteristic of the New England people, and
was fully recognized in the other provinces, where it was one cause of
the dislike not uncommonly felt toward the inhabitants of the eastern
colonies.' Purity of race simplifles in one important point the difficulty of
any attempt to revive the New England of the past; but there is also
uniformity in many other ways, which not only enables us to treat the
New England colonies as one province, but which makes easy the ef
fort to understand and appreciate their social and political condition
in the last century. Race, language, religious belief, manners, cus
toms, and habits of mind and thought were the same from the forests
- of Maine to the shores of Long Island Sound. In some respects
the people of the large coast towns differed from those of the inland
villages, as city always differs from country, and there was still fur
ther difference between the old settlements and those of the northern
frontier ; but these differences were of degree only, and not essen
tial. Other variations may be discovered on close investigation, but
they are so slight as to be of no practigal value, and do not affect the
general proposition. The only important exception to the predomi
nant uniformity was in the case of Rhode Island, where in early times
not only the more liberal in religious matters, but the radical, disor
derly, restless elements of the Puritan communities to the north and
west, had found an abiding place. The result was, that this little
colony was for many years the scene of faction and turbulence ; a
¦ Crevecoeur, The American Farmer, p. 48 ; Rochefoucauld, ii., 214.

408 HISTORY OF THE
sharp thorn in the sides of its neighbors ; a constant source of trou
ble, and of little comfort or value to itself or anybody else. But
the stock was good, and Rhode Island gradually settled down into a
thriving and prosperous community. The old spirit of faction and
pettiness broke out from time to time, notably under the confedera
tion, and in the refusal to accede to the Constitution ; but the best
trait of the eariy differences, that of religious toleration, was the long
est lived and the most prominent, as was shown in tbe diversity of
belief, and in the many sects which flourished in Rhode Island. Ex
cept in this particular, it did not at the time of the Revolution differ
materially from the rest of New England.
At the outbreak of the Revolution, the total population of New
England did not fall far short of seven hundred thousand. Massa
chusetts and the district of Maine had over three hundred thousand
inhabitants, Conneeticut two hundred, New Hampshire seventy-five,
and Rhode Island over fifty thousand. In New Hampshire there
were some seven hundred slaves, in Massachusetts about five thousand,
in Connecticut about six thousand, and in Rhode Island perhaps
half that number. Here too, therefore, was an important variation
from the other colonies in the insignificance of a servile and inferior
race.' Community of race was strengthened, and its effects increased by
community of class. The settlers of New England were drawn from
the country gentlemen, small farmers, and yeomanry of the mother
country. In England they formed the famous "country party" which
sent Hampden, Pym, and Cromwell to the House of Commons, and
fought afterward the battles of the Long Parliament in the field.
Many of tbe emigrants were men of wealth, as the old lists show,
and all of them, with few exceptions, were men of property and good
' Some of the best estimates and most exact statistics of the population of New
England are as foUows : New Hampshire, Burnaby, p. 151, 1759 — 40,000; Census
of 1774, Prov. Paper, x., 636—72,000 whites, 674 blacks ; Massacjiusetts, Burnaby,
136—200,000, 40,000 bear arms ; 1763, Barry's Hist, ii., 272—245,000 whites, 5000
blacks ; Rhode Island Col. Records, 1749, v., 270 — 28,000 whites, 3000 blacks ; Me
moirs of Ellianah Watson, 1778—60,000; Burnaby, p. 121, 1759— 35,000 whites,
several hundred blacks ; Connecticut, Mass. Hist. So?. I., vii., 1773—191,000 whites,
6000 blacks ; Hinman, Conn. Antiq., p. 362, Governor to Lords of Trade, 70,000
whites, 1000 blacks, militia 10,000; Fowler's Hist, of Durham, Governor's letter,
1774, to Lords of Trade, 191,000 whites, 6000 blacks ; New Hampshire Hist. Coll.,
i.,227, 1730— 10,000 whites, 200 blacks; Mass. Hist. Coll., L,iv., 196, 1763— 5000
slaves, 45 whites to 1 black.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 409
standing. They did not belong to the classes from which emigra
tion is usually supplied, for they all had a stake in the country they
left behind them. This apparent anomaly was due to the causes
which led to their emigration. They left England not for the sake
of adventure, discovery, or trade, but solely from political and relig
ious motives ; and in this fact is to be found the reason of the
high average and even quality of the Puritan emigration to New Eng
land. They felt this strongly themselves, and were encouraged in
their notions by their peculiar religious views. "God sifted a whole
nation," said stern old Governor Stoughton, "that be might send
choice grain over into this wilderness." Such was the rooted belief
of the people of New England, and there was in it a large element
of truth, for there has never been in modern times such an emigra
tion from one country to another. This strong pride of race and
origin has been one reason for the unpopularity of the people of
New England in later as well as in colonial times; but it was then,
as in Virginia, and in all parts of the world, one of the characteris
tics of a superior and dominant race, and is one important secret of
their success.'
Such were the people who sought to found States in New England.
Material success was more difficult of attainment than political, and
had to be extorted from an unfriendly soil and a stormy ocean. The
flrst resort of the colonists was agriculture, which they soon supple
mented by trade ; and from the latter, wholly the result of their own
skill and energy, they derived their wealth. The interests of the
population were pretty evenly divided between these two branches of
industry. In New Hampshire the colonists were for the most part
farmers ; in Maine and Massachusetts the people were divided ; in
Rhode Island trade predominated; and in Connecticut agriculture.
Except in the latter colony, the farms produced little more than a
comfortable subsistence for their owners, and the methods of cultiva
tion, on account of the poor character of the soil, wore superior to
those in use elsewhere. In the valley of the Connecticut and in the
province of the same name, land was better, and farming much ruder
and more profitable than to the north. The chief products were hay,
grain, and cattle, which were exported to New York, Philadelphia,
' As to the wealth, position, and character of the Puritan emigrants, proofs
abound ; but see, e. g., HoUister's History of Connecticut, i., 419, and New England
Genealogical Register, vol. xxx., 155.

410 HISTORY OF THE
and the West Indies, and which found an outlet through Boston,
Rhode Island, and New York, and sometimes by small craft, which
ascended the rivers and took ventures from tbe farmers, to the West
Indies, bringing back slaves or casks of sugar. In tbis way a frugal
and hard-working population derived a subsistence from the soil of
New England, while their wealth came from the sea. The principal
source of profit was in the whale and cod fisheries. The homes of
the fishermen lined the coast of New England, and they ventured in
the severest weather to the dangerous regions of the Great Bank.
The fisheries of Massachusetts alone were estimated to be worth two
hundred and fifty thousand pounds a year. The fish thus caught
were dried, and exported in vast quantities — the best to Spain and
Portugal, the poorer to the West Indies — and formed the principal
article of export; but there were besides fish - oil, timber, and ships
built in -the ports of Maine and Massachusetts. Wines were brought
back in return from Madeira and Malaga, and sugar and molasses
from the West Indies, to be distilled into rum, some of which was
consumed in New England and some re-exported. The bulk of the
return cargoes, however, consisted of manufactures, and the balance was
heavily against the colonists. The exports of New England in the
year 1770 were only one hundred and fifty thousand pounds, while
the imports were nearly four hundred thousand ; a great gap which
was filled up by the carrying-trade, developed entirely by the native
energy of the people. They not only carried for the other colonies,
especially for those to the south, but for Europe as well. The New
England captain would take his cargo of fish to the West Indies, load
with the products of the island, carry them to Europe, and after sell
ing not only the cargo, but frequently his vessel, would charter an
English ship and come home with British manufactures. The for
eign commerce of Boston alone employed six hundred vessels, and
more than a thousand were engaged in the fisheries and coast trade.
The little colony of Rhode Island, with narrow limits and sterile soil,
offered the best example of this untiring energy. By carrying the
products of her neighbors and of foreign countries, she became a
prosperous State, although it is to be feared that the traffic was not
always as honest as it was profitable ; for, in addition to slave-carrying
to and from the West Indies and the southern provinces, there was a
great deal of smuggling and privateering. Newport was stigmatized
at one time with more force, perhaps, than justice, as a nest of corsairs,
and the famous Godfrey Malbone was said to have gained his great

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 411
wealth from illicit trade. This, however, was exceptional. The trade
of New England was, as a rule, honest and fairly earned, and is the
greatest proof of the enterprise and sagacity of the people.
The hard struggle for existence which nature had forced upon New
England led to the development of other fields. Every man almost
was of necessity a mechanic, and learned to work with poor and
coarse tools with- a remarkable degree of success. The result of this
was remarked by foreign travellers, to whom the New England vil
lages recalled Europe, and who noted the streets lined with shops
where every form of trade was busily plied. In this intensity of in
dustry the germs of the great manufacturing interests of New Eng
land may be readiljs traced; but at the time of the Revolution, thanks
to the policy of the mother country, they amounted to little. There
was.no mineral wealth, and copper was unprofitable; but iron was
mined in Connecticut, and both there and in Massachusetts worked
from early times with encouraging success. The rivers turned tbe
wheels of saw and grist mills, which were common everywhere, tim
ber was cut for exportation, and corn ground not only for the native
farmers, but for the inhabitants of other colonies. Other industries
were in their infancy. Paper was made in small quantities, and bea
ver hats of coarse quality were manufactured. Linens and coarse
woollens were made chiefly by Scotch -Irish in Massachusetts and
New Hampshire ; leather was prepared by tanners and curriers, who
did a thriving business ; and there were several large distilleries of
New England rum. Domestic manufactures were, however, the most
important, and wore so large as to make New England far more in
dependent and self-supporting than any of the other colonies, and to
such an extent that the conflict with the mother country told less
severely upon her resources than on those of her neighbors. Com
mon furniture, implements, and utensils were almost always made by
the farmer and his sons, who needed them ; and almost all the cloth
ing, from dressing the flax to cutting the cloth, was made by the
women of the family. In every household the spinning-wheel was
conspicuous, and homespun and coarse linen, and on the frontier
dressed deer-skin, were universally worn. This simplicity of dress was
due in large measure to the evenness of social condition, which made
it possible ; but it was part also of the general result of a struggle
for existence and material prosperity so hard that nothing was too
trifling to be passed over, and in which every opportunity was turned
to the best account. To this struggle, too, is due the versatility and

412 HISTORY OP THE
quickness of mind and body, well exemplified in the trade and man
ufactures of colonial New England, which became and has continued
to be during a century a national characteristic'
The governments of the New England provinces differed among
themselves, and still more from those of the other colonies. When
New Hampshire was taken from Massachusetts a royal government
was erected, which conformed to that ordinarily found in the Anglo-
American dominions. The Governor and Council were appointed by
the Crown, constituted the Executive department, and formed the Up
per House ; while the Lower House was composed of representatives
elected by the freemen. In Massachusetts, after the loss of the old
charter, a new charter was obtained, which established a form of gov
ernment more closely resembling its predecessor than the common
provincial government from which some features were taken. Under
the old system the charter of a trading corporation, drawn with in
tentional vagueness, had, without color of law, been converted into
tho foundation of an independent State. The tests of citizenship were
religious profession and property ; but once within the pale, the sys
tem was that of a pure democracy. The Governor, the Assistants, or
Upper House, and the Lower House were all chosen annually by the
freemen ; but by the new charter the appointment of the Governor
was given to the Crown, the assistants or Council were chosen by the
Assembly, subject to the Governor's approval, and tbe representatives
still continued to be elected by the people, while under an earlier
pressure the religious test had been removed. The Governor was de
pendent for his salary upon the votes of the representatives, and his
' Trade, Agriculture, and Industry in New England, Hildreth, ii., 559, General
Table of Exports, etc. — Massachusetts, Brissot, p. 101 ; Abbe Robin, pp. 17, 19,
23 ; Burnaby, pp. 131, 136, 137 ; Pennsylvania Hist. Soe. Coll., i., 376, Hare's Jour
ney; Long Island Hist. Coll., i., Journal of the Labadists; Proo. Massachusetts
Hist. Soe, iii., 109, Bennet's MS. Hist, of New England; New England Hist. Gen.
Register, Early Ship- building, vi., 265; xiii., 23, 38; Byrd MSS., i., S; Rochefou
cauld, i., 398,417,427,481 ; Voyages and Travels of Capt. Nath.Uring, 1709, p. 110;
Massachusetts Hist. Soe. Coll., I., viii., 202 ; III., vii., 199— New Hampshire, Prov.
Paper?, vi., 8, 1750 ; Bouton's Hist, of Concord, p. 621 ; Brissot, 387 ; New Hamp
shire Soe. Hist. Coll., i., 227, Answer to Lords of Trade; Burnabv, p. 151— Rhode
Island, Abb6 Robin, p. 33 ; Burnaby, p. 172 ; Memoirs ot Elkanah Watson ; Roche
foucauld, i., 496, 504 ; Chastellux, i., 19— Connecticut, Massachusetts Hist. Coll., I.,
vii., 234, and ff. ; Rochefoucauld, i., 510; ii., 13; Chastellux, i., 30; Hinman, Con
necticut Antiq., p. 362, 1749 ; Barber's Hist. Coll., p. 204; Hist, of Glastenbury, p.
130 ; Hist, of New London, p. 267 ; Litchfield County Centennial, p. 36, Iron ; Hist.
of Norwich, Caulkins, p. 367 ; Fowler's Hist, of Durham, p. 156.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 413
appointments required the assent of the Council ; so that, besides the
ordinary points of dispute, the charter of Massachusetts offered spe
cial opportunities for conflict between the executive and the people.
Massachusetts occupied a half-way position between the common form
of royal provincial government and the free-charter governments of
Connecticut and Rhode Island, whore the early charters, drawn as if
for corporations simply, partly by the insigniflcance of the provinces,
partly by adroit management, and in some measure by good fortune,
escaped the storm which overwhelmed the Company of the Bay, and
floated safely into the calmer political waters of the Protestant Suc
cession. In Connecticut and Rhode Island, although the religious
test for the suffrage had ceased in the one case and was never en
forced in the other, the early Puritan democracy survived in all its
purity, and endured down even to the middle of the nineteenth cen
tury. In both these colonies the Governor, Deputy, Assistants, and
House were elected annually by all the freemen voting under a
property qualiflcation, no act was valid without the consent of both
Houses, and all appointments wore made by Governor, Council, and
Houses in general court assembled. Year after year the same men
were chosen to office, and tfie sovereignty was wholly with the peo
ple. The omission of the King's name in certain public documents
was the only mark of the Revolution ; and the inherent conservatism
and toughness of these simple systems were so great that -they with
stood not only the shock of war, but for more than half a century
the even greater strain of new and changing principles of society and
politics. The great features of the New England governments were
the extent of tho popular power, the almost entire independence of
the mother country, and the simplicity and conservatism of practical
administration. In all the colonies of the east taxes were low, and
salaries very small. The royal Governor of New Hampshire received
six hundred pounds a year, but the Governor of Connecticut only half
as much, and in all cases assistants and representatives reeeived a few
shillings a day. The revenue, except a small amount from excise in
New Hampshire, was raised by a tax on land, on polls, and on per
sonal property, or " faculty," as it was commonly called. The theory
of taxation was simple and democratic — to levy on all property with
out distinction ; and although a system suited to the condition of a
colony has long been outgrown, it still prevails not only in New Eng
land, but in many parts of the United States, a monument of Puritan
policy and of conservatism of thought and habit.

414 HISIORY OF THB
There is one other feature of the New England g-overnments wholly
distinctive, although now extended far beyond its original limits, and
upon whioh the whole system rested. This was the principle of town
government. The town was tbe political unit, and as such was rep
resented in the legislature. The Puritan emigrants, reproduced in
the New World, unconsciously, of course, but in all essential features
the village community which the Saxons, Angles, and Jutes brought
to England more than a thousand years before from the forests of
Germany. In other provinces settlers slowly gathered, until they
built up a town or formed a county ; but iu New England, as a rule,
entire communities settled down from the beginning in certain places,
and erected at once a township, which was not merely an aggregation
of human beings nor a mere municipal organization, but a well-defined
and represented political entity. Each member of this community
had his due share in the land of the town, a home lot in the village,
a farm lot and certain rights in the common belonging to the whole
community. To this day these commons, with their cattle, sheep, an
other rights, may be found in different parts of New England, a direct
survival among direct descendants of the same and kindred races, of
customs which flourished before Julius ^Csesar founded tho Roman
Empire. These communal organizations were born of circumstances,
and of the doctrines which found their flrst expression in the compact
made on board the Mayflower; and like all thoroughly wholesome pO'
litical institutions, they were the creatures of time, place, and necessi
ty, modified by the political habits of thought of their creators. The
communal system, in its fullest extent as attempted at Plymouth, soon
died out ; but from the germ thus planted sprang the municipal or
ganizations known as towns, which present the fullest and most per
fect example of local self-government either then or now in existence.
These village communities, besides their right of representation in the
General Assembly, had charge of every local interest; providing for
religion, for roads and bridges, for levying taxes, for the poor, for
police, and for every municipal want. In the town meeting all the
freemen gathered, and every ono took part in tbe proceedings and the
debates. The State might fall to pieces, and the towns would still
supply all the wants of every-day government. The next step was to
federation, to form the State ; the next to a union of States, which
composed the New England confederacy ; and then, at last, to the con
stitution of 1789, which found its strongest support among the de
scendants of the Puritans. On the towns rested the whole political

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 415
structure, and from them came the capacity for practical self-govern
ment, the readiness for federation, and the keen sense of local rights.
Among all the institutions of the Puritans the town government is
pre-eminent, not only as a distinctive mark, but for its strength, use
fulness, intrinsic sense, and political importance.'
Second in importance, of course, only to the system of government
and administration, was the judicial system ot New England, which
did not, however, differ materially from that of the other, colonies.
In Massachusetts, under the original charter, the power of establish
ing courts of justice was without any warrant assumed, like many oth
er powers, by the colonists. At first the general court exercised the
whole judicial as well as legislative authority, and decided cases by
a majority of votes ; but owing to the pressure of business, inferior
courts were established in the year 1639, the general court retaining
only an appellate jurisdiction in certain specified cases. The highest
of the inferior tribunals waa -^he court of assistants, or "great quarter
court," composed of the Governov, Deputy-governor, and assistants.
They had general appellate jurisdiction, and heard all capital cases and
cases of divorce ; were held to combine all the powers of the King's
Bench, Common Pleas, and other English courts ; exercised admiralty
jurisdiction ; and in the year 1673 were empowered to try certain
causes without a jury, which was a great innovation in New England.
Below the court of assistants came the county courts, with jurisdic
tion extending to all causes, civil and criminal, except capital cases
and cases of divorce, and analogous to the English courts of quarter
sessions. They were composed of an assistant, or magistrate, residing
in the county, or of one specially appointed by the general court,
aided by commissioners, nominated by the freemen, and appointed
by the general court. These county courts, besides their purely legal
powers, had authority to lay out highways, license public-houses, see
that an able ministry was supported, admit freemen, exercise probate,
' The New England systems of government and the town systems are described
in many histories, notably Palfrey and Bancroft, and; among foreign writers, Tocque-
ville. For special descriptions, and for such points as salaries, taxes, offices, etc.,
see Burnaby, pp. 121, 139; Proc. Massachusetts Hist. Soe, iii., 109, Bennet's MS.
History ; New Hampshire Hist. Soe, i., 227, Answer to Lords of Trade ; Roche
foucauld, ii., 144, 190; Massachusetts Hist. Soe. Coll., 1, vii.. Description of Connec
ticut'; Hinman, Connecticut Antiquities, p. 362 ; New England Gen. Hist. Reg., vii..
Case of Common Rights at Marblehead ; Parker, Origin of Towns, iu Massachu
setts Hist. Soe. Proc, vii., 14.

416 HISTORY OP THE
and grant administration, while their clerks were ex officio recorders.
Below the county courts were the local tribunals, corresponding to
those of justices of the peace or magistrates in the other colonies. They
were held by an assistant or magistrate, if such a person lived in the
town, by "commissioners of small causes," elected by the people, and
sometimes by the select-men of the town. These courts tried small
cases, and punished for petty offences. Outside this general system,
there was a " strangers' or merchants' court," held by the Governor
or Deputy, and two magistrates, for tho benefit of strangers trading to
the colony, and with an appeal to the court of assistants. Chancery
jurisdiction, so far as it was required, was retained and exercised by
the general court until the year 1685, when they erected a court com
posed of the magistrates of the county courts, chosen by the free
men to hear causes " containing matters of apparent equity,'' and
with an appeal to the court of assistants. The old Puritan system,
as a whole, fully and sufficiently met the needs of the society for
which it was formed. It was administered admirably, and substan
tial justice was obtained through men of no special legal training,
but with the natural aptitude and respect for law and its tradi
tions which are such striking features of the early New England char
acter. The judicial system, as finally established under the provincial char
ter, was simplified and separated from the executive and legislative
departments, but did not in other respects differ essentially from that
of the colony which had preceded it. The lowest courts were those
of the justices competent to try all causes under forty shillings, when
land was not concerned, and to punish for petty offences. The busi
ness of the old county courts was divided under the new system. A
court of quarter sessions, or general sessions of the peace, composed
of the justices of the peace of the county, was established, and hold
quarterly. They had the care of roads, bridges, inns, etc., and the
criminal jurisdiction of the old county courts, while the whole civil
jurisdiction was given to courts of common pleas, composed of four
judges specially appointed for each county. The highest court in the
province, replacing that of the assistants and the general court, was
the superior court, consisting of a chief-justice aud four associate jus
tices, who were appointed by the Governor at pleasure, but were, un
til the year 1772, dependent up6n the Legislature for their salaries.
Their jurisdiction extended to all actions, civil or criminal, with gen
eral appellate jurisdiction, including appeals, reviews, and writs of er-

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. Ail
ror, " as fully and amply to all intents and purposes whatsoever as the
courts of King's Bench, Common Pleas, and Exchequer, within his
Majesty's kingdom of England." To the judges of the superior court
was given the power to issue the writ of Habeas Corpus; and after the
failure to establish a court of chancery by the act of 1692 they exer
cised all the equitable jurisdiction required iu the colony. The Gov
ernor and Council formed the supreme court of probate, and, by the
right of substitution as a civil law court, appointed judges of probate
for each county, a system which was loosely administered ; but not,
apparently, in such a way as to do harm, or fail in the performance
of its duties. There was also a vice-admiralty court, with a judge ap
pointed by the Crown, which was in Massachusetts, as elsewhere, gen
erally unpopular, and came not infrequently into collision with the
superior court of the province.
This provincial system too, as a whole, worked well ; the law was
properly administered, and justice done. The bench — filled at first by
men of social and political eminence, and of high character, but of no
special training, except in some instances for the ministry — gradually
changed its character during the eighteenth century, as the legal pro
fession became an important pursuit, and drew to itself much of the
best ability in the province. At the period of the Revolution some
of the judges were thoroughly trained lawyers ; and a picture of the
court, as it appeared at the time of the writs of assistance, has eome
down to us in a letter from John Adams : " The scene is the Council-
chamber in the old Town-house in Boston. The date is in the month
of February, 1761. The Council-chamber was as respectable an apart
ment as the House of Commons or the House of Lords in Great Brit
ain, in proportion, or that in the State-house in Philadelphia, in which
the Declaration of Independence was signed in 1776. In this cham
ber, round a great fire, were seated five judges, with Lieutenant-gov
ernor Hutchinson at their head as chief-justice, all arrayed in their
new, fresh, rich robes of scarlet English broadcloth, in their large cam
bric bands and immense judicial wigs. In this chamber were seated,
at a long table, all the barristers-at-law of Boston, and of the neigh
boring County of Middlesex, in gowns, bands, and tie-wigs. They
were not seated on ivory chairs, but their dress was more solemn and
more pompous than that of the Roman Senate when the Gauls broke
in upon thern. Two portraits, at more than full length, of King
Charles the Second and King James the Second, in splendid gold
frames, were hung up on the most conspicuous sides of the apart-
27

418 HISTORY OF THE
ment.'" The bench and bar of Massachusetts, as they appear before
us in that celebrated trial, are both a respectable and imposing body.
In the other New England colonies tbe judicial system did not dif
fer materially from that of Massachusetts. New Hampshire as a roy
al province bad its highest court of appeals in the Council of twelve
members, but there was the same stubborn and effective popular re
sistance to a court of chancery as in Massachusetts. In Connecti
cut there was ono supreme court, with a chief-justice and four asso
ciate justices, sitting twice a year in eaeh county ; while the county
courts consisted of one judge and two or more justices of the
quorum. There were eighteen probate districts, with a judge for
each, justices' courts in every town, and a sheriff and King's attorney
in every county. The Rhode Island system was substantially the
same.'' The bar in New England, as in the other American provinces, did
not come into prominence until the generation which carried through
the Revolution was upon the stage. The first barrister, in the strict
sense of tbe word, does not appear in Massachusetts before the year
1688. This was owing undoubtedly to the absence of any opportu
nities for study, to the attractions offered to men of intellectual tastes
by the ministry, and to tbe fact that legal training was not necessary
to obtain a seat on the Bench. Attorneys were plenty, and laymen
wero ready to argue their own causes ; but there was no lack of busi
ness, for the people were very litigious, especially in Connecticut, and
rejoiced greatly in the sturdy and frequent contests between towns
for tracts of land. The only wonder is that a field so promising, and
offering such an opening for men with special training, should have
been so long neglected by a people who were ready to seize on every
opportunity to earn a living. The change came before the middle
of the eighteenth century in the towns, and somewhat later in the
country districts, in proportion as the claims of the Church weakened,
and the importance of the judiciary and of the business of the law
increased. Many of the ablest graduates of the colleges, particularly
those who were the architects of their own fortunes, turned to the law
for support and advancement ; and at the period of the writs of as-
' Works of John Adams, a., 244 ; see also Tudor's Life of James Otis, pp. 60, 61.
2 Aa to courts, jurisdiction, etc., see Charters of filiode Island and Connecticut ;
Washburn's Judicial History of Massachusetts ; Massachusetts Hist. Soe. Coll., I.,
vii.. Description of Connecticut ; Hinman, Connecticut Antiquities, p. 362 ; New
Hampshire Prov. Papers, iv., 479 ; Hildreth, ii., 355.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 419
sistance the bar of Boston was composed of such men as James Otis,
John Adams, Samuel Gridley, Samuel Quincy, Oxenbridge Thacher,
Robert Auchmuty, and others ; some destined to great places in the
world's history, and all sound and good lawyers. A similar improve
ment took place throughout New England ; and at the time of the
Revolution, and afterward, the lawyers had become a powerful and
influential class in the community, and one conspicuous in politics ;
the profession was eagerly sought, and chiefly filled by men of social
position and marked abilities. By the description just quoted from
the letter of John Adams, it may be seen that the dress and appear
ance traditional in the English courts was preserved not only by the
bench, but by the members of the bar as well, who came into court
in silken gowns, bands, and tie-wigs. The opportunities for study
continued to be very meagre, and had to be supplemented by zeal
and perseverance, especially as the crude system in vogue required a
practitioner to be equally well versed in every branch of the law.
Practice was very loose, but was for actual use an improvement on
the technicalities which held sway in England. Litigation was easy
and cheap, so far as the courts were concerned, but the amount of
business and good fees made the profession lucrative. The counsel
road the complaint, explained the nature of the evidence, and then
put it in ; and the plaintiff and defendant were always heard if, as
oftenn happened, they wanted to address the court. The oratory at
first was very bad, but gradually improved with the development of
the profession. No record of causes was kept, and appeals were fre
quent. A jury considered several cases at onee, and were allowed
while in session to wander freely about. Special pleadings and de
murrers were not admitted ; the general issue was always pleaded,
and defects in form were not suffered to abate the writ. There were,
of course, no suits in equity, but the judges, not being bound by strict
law, could give equitable construction ; and it cannot be doubted that
substantial justice was obtained, or that the system, on the whole,
worked satisfactorily. In the year 1761 the distinction between bar
risters and attorneys was introduced, and three years' practice in the
inferior court demanded before admission could be obtained to the
superior court. Five years later, three years' study was required to
be an attorney, two more to be a counsellor, and two more to become
a barrister. The law was the common law of England, and the stat
utes of the realm and of the province. At the period of the Revolu
tion the bar of Massachusetts was, in point of learning, practice, and

420 HISTORY OP THE
general standing — with the exception, perhaps, of Virginia — the best
in America.'
The compact population and extensive mercantile : interests which
did so much to push forward the legal profession when it once began
to assume its proper place, assisted also the development of tho prac
tice of medicine, whioh, however, was never in the hands of such du
bious characters as was the ease at first in the other colonies. Many
of the emigrant clergy studied medicine before they embarked, while
others were brought up to both professions ; so that even in the sev
enteenth century most of the physicians were learned men, possessed
of more or less special training. Sometimes tbe school -master was
the village doctor, and much mora rarely the healing art was found
in combination with some trade, like mendicg shoes. The first med
ical work which appeared in Am?rica was 'Xiacher's ''^ Brief Rule to
guide the People in Small-pox," published in 1677. Early in the fol
lowing century the profession had many men exclusively devoted to
its pursuit, and a general interest -was felt in it, and in questions con
nected with it, as is shown by the character of the controversy which
raged in Boston about the year 1720 in regard to inoculation. To
Zabdiel Boylston belongs the credit of its introduction ; but tho con
fiict spread to all classes, and especially interested the clergy, perhaps
on account of their earlier connection with medicine. The great
champion of inoculation was Cotton Mather, who appeared at this
time in a better light than at any other period of his life; but his en
lightened advocaoy of the new theory called out the bitterest attacks.
Inoculation was opposed on both religious aud economical grounds,
because it anticipated the action of the Almighty, and because it was
very expensive. Cotton Mather writes, in the year 1721, of a "spite
ful town and poisoned country," and of his " sufferings from a bar
barous and bloody people," and gives thanks for his " late miraculous
escape " from a " granado " which some friend of old-fashioned small
pox threw in at his window. Although inoculation slowly made its
way, the opposition was stubborn and long-lived ; and as late as the
year 1774 the hospital on Cat Island was burned, because it was fear
ed that it would be turned into' an inoculating hospital, and the mob
1 Brissot, p. 90 ; TJpham's Salem Witchcraft, i.. Introduction ; Proc. Massachu
setts Hist. Soe, iii., 109, Bennet's MS. History ; New England Hist. Gen. Reg., xxx.,
206 ; New Hampshire Hist. Soe. Coll., iv., 38 ; History of New Boston, p. 201 ; Bou-
ton. History of Concord — Rhode Island, Greene's History of East Greenwich, p. 166
— Connecticut, Rochefoucauld, p. 536.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 421
protected the incendiaries against the officers of the. law. At the be
ginning of this controversy the clergy had abandoned medicine, and
trained men had not yet taken it up; Doctors were primarily drug
gists, but they were well paid, and in the towns had a large prac
tice, owing to the strangers brought thither by trade. Special edu
cation, however, was even then appreciated,. and had its reward; and
the physicians rose rapidly in the social scale, became a learned and
respectable body, and at the time of the Revolution more numerous
than either lawyers or clergy. In Maine and the outlying districts
.there.were few. or no physicians or surgeons, and the people were
much at the mercy of quacks; but, on the whole, the profession was
made up of excellent men, who were looked up to by the communi
ty, and held in high consideration. Little was done for the public
health. A hospital on Rainsford Island, in Boston harbor, seems to
have been almost the only effort in this direction, and here New Eng
land fell behind Pennsylvania. Nor was so much done for medical
education as in the middle provinces. The first course of lectures
in America were those on anatomy, delivered in Newport by Wil
liam Hunter, one of the famous Scotch family of that name, about
tbe year 1764; but this was exceptional. There was no organized
system of study even at the seats of learning, and medical associa
tions were not established until just before the Revolution, and then
only in a few places.'
The army and navy, strictly speaking, had no more existence as
professions in New England than in the other colonies, but the ma
terial for both was more abundant and better trained than anywhere
else, while the sea gave careers to a large portion of the boldest and
most enterprising part of the population. The English Puritan was
essentially a fighting man, and excelled in the art of war. Many of
the early leaders had, seen service in Europe, and others of a later
time had followed Cromwell to battle, and been trained in the harsh
school of the civil wars. Dangers from the Indians kept this war-
' Rochefoucauld, i., 427 ; Brissot, p. 89 ; Dunton's Letters (Bullivant and Oakes),
p. 37 ; Wickes, History of Med. in New Jersey, pp. 14, 32, 37 ; Massachusetts
Hist. Soe. CoU., IL, i., 81, 105, Medicine in Massachusetts; II;, vii., 71, Letter from
Franklin ; I'V., ii., Douglass to Colden ; -V., vi., 133, Sewall Diary ; IV., vii., Mather
Papers, 1721 ; New Hampshire Hist. Soe. Coll., i., 157 ; iv., 38 ; v., 135 ; History of
New Boston, p. 201 ; History of Chester ; History of Rindge — Rhode Island, Greene's
History of East Greenwich — Connecticut, Litchfield County Centennial, p. 61 ; His
tory of Norwich, Caulkins, pp. 193, 426.

422 HISTORY OF THE
like habit in full exercise, and the Puritan at the very outset dealt
with the Pequods with an effectiveness and completeness unequalled
in tho annals of the time. In the seventeenth century all men went
armed; even the farmers wore swords, and the military spirit was
wide -spread and ardent. All adults were in the militia, and the
training-day, when the soldiery went ont to drill with pike and mus
ket, was the great break in the dark monotony of daily life. This
custom and tho military, tradition endured until the Revolution, when
the militia appear under the famous name of Minute -men. In
Connecticut alone there were eighteen regiments of foot, and troops
of horse. The train -bands of each town turned out four times a
year, and the muster was always full. The training opened with
prayer; .then came drill, shooting at a mark, feasting, and great con
sumption of cakes, ale, and cider. The soldiers armed themselves,
and chose their own officers, and although they had not the disci
pline of a regular army, they furnished the best material for one.
Fort William, in Boston harbor, was heavily armed, and garrisoned
in time of peace by one hundred men; and on the appearance of an
enemy, the signal was flashed from tbe light-house to the fort, thence
to the town, and thence throughout the country. The lighting of
the beacon on Beacon Hill, in Boston, would, when the revolution
ary troubles began, bring forty thousand armed men to the town
within twenty-four hours. From Virginia to New Hampshire, says
Chastellux, all men had seen service, and the experiences of tho old
French war were still fresh in the minds of every one.' The flght-
ing capacity of New England, however, may be best judged from a
report made to Congress in the year 1790, by which it appears that
Massachusetts alone had furnished more men in the war for Inde
pendence than all the colonies south of Delaware together."
The sea offered a livelihood to many of the New England people.
Every port on the rugged coast had its little town from whose har
bor issued the flshermen and coasters, who faced the storms of the
North Atlantic, and did as much as any single class to build np the
fortunes of the Eastern provinces. Besides these, many large vessels
' Abb(5 Robin, p. 16; Journal of Labadists, Long Island Hist. Soe. Coll, i. ;
Upham, Salem Witchcraft, i.. Introduction; Proc. Massachusetts Hist. Soe, iii.,
Bennet's MS. Hist, p. 109 ; Letters of John Dunton — Connecticut, Massachusetts
Hist. Soe, I., vii., 234 and ff. ; History of New London, p. 406 ; Westerly and its
Witnesses, p. 142 ; Chastellux's Travels, i., 19.
' American State Papers, Military Affairs, i., 14.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 423
sailed from New England to trade to all parts of the world, giving
great opportunities to men of courage and sagacity. The crews of
the coasters and the fishermen were a rough but hardy race, who
combined the tenacious and combative qualities of the English sea
man with an intelligence and quickness peculiarly their own. They
manned the innumerable privateers of the Revolution, which inflicted
such terrible injuries on the commerce of England, and largely con
tributed to the brilliant success of our little navy in tbe war of 1812.
In the merchant- service men of a superior class, and often of the
best standing and condition, found the path of fortune and advance
ment, and many of those who then reached the quarter-deck, a high
ly-respected position in New England, afterward attained the highest
rank both in public and private life, and became leaders in the state
and nation.'
The last profession which remains to be considered is that of the
clergy, who not only occupied in New England a wholly exceptional
position, but drew to their ranks a large proportion of the ability and
strength of the community. The Puritan theory of a system where
Church and State were one and the same, was tried fairly and fully
nowhere except in New England ; and one result of the experiment
was to produce a government which was largely theocratic, and whicli
gave to the priesthood a social and political power rare at any pe
riod or in any nation, but unknown in modern times in a free state.
The failure of the Puritan theory, carried out as it was with rigid
completeness, may be traced in the decline of the theocracy, and in
its ultimate breakdown- as the controlling force in the state. But
although the system came to an end politically in a little more than
fifty years, the class which it had welded and built up endured, with
all its traditions and much of its infiuence, for nearly two centuries.
The ministers of the Puritan emigration were men of birth, educa
tion, and breeding. Many of them had been driven from the pulpits
of the English Church, and all possessed the sternest courage and
deepest convictions. They were without exception leaders in every
way among the people, formed the strongest class in the communi
ty, and were bold, vigorous, intolerant, able men, who set their mark
indelibly upon the early institutions of New England. In accord
ance with their views the laws were framed; by their opinions much
' As to the seamen and fishermen of such towns as Portsmouth and Marble
head, see Drake's Nooks and Corners of the New England Coast.

424 HISTORY OF THE: ,
of tbe public policy was directed; for them the college was founded,
and they alone were thought worthy of the, highest education. To
them the people looked up with a voluntary i-evereiico and with pro
found awe ; while from their pulpits they wielded an authority and
exercised a power which was simply overwhelming. The vigor and
force of the damnatory passages in the sermons of Hooker, who led
his flock into the wilderness of Connecticut, are marvellous, and
Hooker was simply a conspicuous example of his class. "I love to
sweeten my mouth with a piece of Calvin before I sleep," said John
Cotton; and the awful doctrines -of the Swiss reformer -lost none of
their effect in the hands of the New England clergy. But the Puri
tan ministers did not rule over congregations of ignorant and super
stitious peasants. They had to deal with hard-headed, educated, and
thinking English farmers and country gentlemen. They bad to prove
their right to their high office not only by strong and irreproachable
character, but by the breadth and depth of their acquirements. Their
sermons were monuments of learning, and they were without excep
tion profound scholars. Chauncy, the President of Harvard College,
had the Hebrew Bible read in the morning, the Greek Testament in
the afternoon, and commented upon them extempore in Latin. They
were all versed in ancient languages, and perfect masters of them, and
sometimes of modern tongues as well. The same deep learning char
acterized the Mathers, Willard, and all the loaders, and in a greater or
less degree the whole body of the clergy.
The affection and veneration in which they were held is shown by
the account given, in a journal, toward the end.of the seventeenth cen
tury, of the proceedings on the occasion of the illness of a prominent
clergyman, when a day of fasting and prayer was appointed to be
held in the church. First came a prayer of two hours, then a ser
mon of an hour, then more prayers and psalm singing, the whole oc
cupying about four hours, and the services being conducted by three
ministers. Even when the Puritan system, gave way, and the indif
ference and worldliness of the eighteenth century were strongly felt
in New England, the zeal and power of the clergy suffered little abate
ment. One of the early resolutions of Jonathan Edwards was, "to
live with all my might while I do live ;" and with such a spirit as
this among the clergy, it is not to be wondered at that they remain
ed a strong influential class, comprising many of the. best minds and
strongest characters in the community. In colonial times the coun
try pastors had a glebe, and a fixed salary raised by collections ; while

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 426
in the towns they were paid wholly by the contributions of the pa
rishioners. After the Revolution and the adoption of the new con
stitution, they still continued to form a compact and energetic body,
supported by state laws and by state taxation. They were the heads
of all colleges; admitted only teachers of their own persuasion, and con
trolled the, higher education of the state. The latitudinarian move
ment of the eighteenth century begun by Jeremiah Dummer, the po
litical writer and friend of Harley and St. John, did much in Massa
chusetts to modify their opinions and liberalize their sentiments, thus
prolonging in a milder form their influence and position. In Connec
ticut they had greater power, and used it more unsparingly ; so that
they continued to be not only the stronge.st class in the community,
but to possess an almost unlimited authority until they were oyer-
thrown in the conflict with the Episcopalians in the year 1818.'
The position and character of the clergy, however, is but an intro
duction to the great subject of religion, which was for many years
the ruling force in New England, was always a predominant interest,
and which left a peculiar and enduring imprint on every form of
social and political life. In any community religion is an important
element if we wish to understand the people, but in New England it
was so essential, and filled so great a space in life and thought, that
w-ithout a full knowledge of its forms and conditions it would be fu
tile to, hope for even the slenderest appreciation of the society in
which it was at first the albabsorbing and at every period a prevail
ing interest. This applies not so much to the doctrinal points as to
the religious habits and observances, and to the part which religion
played in common every-day existence. Of the former it is sufficient
to say that the generally accepted tenets were those of Calvin, and
that their discussion and development formed during the seventeenth
century the only intellectual excitement of the people. Points of
doctrine and questions of interpretation were argued with a zeal
which equalled that of the preachers of Crusades, and with a subtlety
and learning which would have done honor to the schoolmen. The
history of this side of New England religion comes out strongly in
their literature, which will afford a better opportunity for its descrip
tion. At present it will suffice to confine ourselves to the broad field
' Proc. Massacliusetts Hist. Soe, iii., 109 and ff., Bennet's MS. Hist. ; Brissot,
p. 78 ; Jffuvnal of the Labadists, Long Island Hist. Soe. Coll., i. ; Tyler's Am. Lit
erature, i., 189 ; Rochefoucauld, ii., 214; John Dunton's Letters; HoUister's His
tory of Connecticut, i., 424.

426 HISTORY OF THE
of the forms, observances, and effects of religion in the ordinary life
of the people.
The organization of the churches was that known at the time of the
Great Rebellion as the Independent form. Each church was a self-
sustaining, independent body, and the sovereign power rested with the
congregation. The officers consisted of the pastor, lecturers, teaching
elders, and deacons, who were chosen by and were dependent upon the
congregation. Synods were held from time to time ; but they grad
ually fell into comparative disuse, and never exercised great infiuence
as such among the clergy or laity, nor were they invested with any
very extensive authority. The vigorous intolerance of the early Church
in New England is one of the most familiar facts in our history ; but
this softened greatly toward the close of tbe seventeenth century, when
John Eliot sadly bewailed the decline of religion ; and in the eigh
teenth century it had almost wholly disappeared. " The present gen
eration in Now England," says Douglass, in his summary in the year
1749, "are of an extensive charity to all Protestants, though differing
in some peculiar but not essential modes or ways of worship ;" and
again the same writer says, " At present the Congregationalists of New
England may be esteemed among- the most moderate and charitable
of Christian professions.'' At a much later period Brissot stated that
the ministers of Boston rarely preached dogmatically, and that the
American principle of universal toleration was then strong in Massa
chusetts. The contrast, indeed, between the conduct of the men who
drove out Williams and Anne Hutchinson, and that of their successors
of the eighteenth century, is very striking. Intolerance at that time
still lingered in customs and observances, but in public policy a per
fect religious toleration prevailed. A peculiar hatred had been devel
oped in New England toward the Church which they had left, and
many of whose rites and ceremonies they had abandoned. There was
long and stubborn resistance to the introduction by government of
worship in the forms of the English Church ; and it was a bitter trial
to Boston when Andros took possession of the Old South Meeting
house for that purpose. At an earlier period there was strenuous op
position to the use of the Prayer-book anywhere in New England,
and the sound of its noble sentences, when (permitted, caused the
most thorough disgust and anger. The diary of Judge Sewall— that
wonderful picture of declining Puritanism — strongly reflects this same
feeling. The worthy magistrate notes every year with pleasure that
Christmas is not yet observed except in official circles, but that the peo-

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 427
pie go about their business as usual upon that day ; while on another
occasion he records his disgust at the crosses worn and the healths
drunk on April 23d in honor of the "fictitious St. George." This
feeling was deep and wide-spread, unquestionably, but it found no
practical expression, although, as the province and town grew, and
official society and importance grew with them, the Episcopal Church,
countenanced and approved, of course, by the executive government,
had in Boston a rapid increase. It met with no bitter opposition,
however, even in society, although fervent ministers had days for pri
vate fasting and prayer for those who turned to the Church of Eng
land, and against its being set up here. The clergy in Massachusetts
generally wrote and declaimed against the Church of England, and
inveighed against the Connecticut- ministers, who went over to the
Episcopalians, as they did against Jonathan Edwards, and then against
Whitefield and the itinerant preachers of the great revival, and final
ly against the Reverend East Apthorp, sent out to Cambridge by the
Society for the Propagation of the Gospel ; but words were the worst.
that came of all this. With a royal Governor strong measures could
not have been taken against the Church of England, and it is not ap
parent that they were desired, for nothing was done to suppress the
New Lights. Even Apthorp, much as he was written down, was — as
we are informed by no less a person than the Archbishop of Canter
bury — well treated by the ver-y heathen he was sent to convert. But
Episcopalianism had, on the whole, little success in the two northern
provinces outside of Boston and Portsmouth, never spreading into the
country, nor obtaining- any hold upon the mass of the people. The
feeling in this matter was, therefore, milder in New England than
elsewhere, and less of a grievance at the revolutionary period, for no
attempt had been made to force the English Church upon the Puritan
polity, but merely to obtain for it a foothold. On the subject of a
colonial bishop alone — an innovation of which there was a keen
dread — did religious matters tend to embitter the colonists against
the mother country, although difference of creed had in an imper
ceptible fashion done much to alienate them.
In Connecticut, where the old charter government still endured,
there was rather less toleration than in Massachusetts. When the
flrst attempt was made in New Haven, in tbe year 1736, to found an
Episcopal church, only one churchman was discovered in the town,
and the would-be founder was driven off by the people; but by
the middle of the century, the numbers of churchmen increased.

428 HISTORY OF THE
and Episcopal churches were started in various places. At the same
time several clergymen, headed by Samuel Johnson, seceded from the
church of their fathers, and were driven out of the colony by the bit
ter hostility of the Congregational ministers, who were still albpower-
ful, and who controlled the college and the education of the state.
At tbe time of the great revival under Whitefield the Congregation
al party went even further, procured legislation against the- " Ne-w
Lights," and suspended several pastors for heresy. Thus the ancient
authority was preserved intact; but in the year 1818 ft finally broke
down completely under the strain which had unwisely been put upon
it in a time when the old theories no. longer appealed to the public
sympathy. In Rhode Island the whole history and position of religion was ut
terly different from that common to her sister provinces. The settle
ment was formed by men in opposition to the accepted Puritan pob
icy, the founders belonged to the class of extremists generated in a
period of intense religious excitement, and all the radical, lawless, and
adventurous spirits flocked to the new colony. Inability to conform
to any settled system was the characteristic of the early settlers of
Rhode Island, and tbe principle of toleration which they advocated
resulted for many years in nothing but faction, turbulence, and loose
government, which left a lasting mark upon the community. Perfect
toleration was established, and finally bore good fruit ; and members
of every despised sect found a resting-place and recognition in Rhode
Island. The , charter of Brown College, which divided tbe trustees
among the Baptists — the predominant sect — the Friends, Episcopa
lians, and Congregationalists, is a good illustration of the Rhode Isl
and policy. But the religious conflicts and varying creeds which had
given birth to tbe colony bore fruit also in numerous religious fanat
ics and crazy sects, such as the Beldenites, Wilkinsonians, and Morse-
itcs, which sprang up and flourished in the congenial soil, and pro
duced more or less commotion and disorder.'

' As to religion in Massachusetts, see Anderson's Colonial Church, iii., 407
Douglass, Summary, i., 432, 441 ; Brissot, p. 74 ; Burnaby, p. 134 ; Wansey, pp. 31
43 ; Long Island Hist. Soe, i.. Journal of Labadists ; Nason's Life of Frankland
New England Gen. Hist. Reg., x., 322 ; xiv., 204 ; John Dunton's Letters, p. 66
Doc. relating to Col. History of New Yorlc, vi., Johnson to Seeker, etc., 1753, 1759
Uring's "Voyages, p. 110 ; Massachusetts Hist. Soe Coll., IL, ii., S. Johnson, etc. ; II.,
viii., 72 ; \X., iv., 421 ; New Hampshire Hist. Soe, iv., 37 ; Brewster, Rambles about
Portsmouth, Second Series, p. 367 ; Prov. Papers, iv., 650 — Rhode Island, Burnaby,

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA.. 42&
Such were the general aspects of religion in the New England
provinces in the eighteenth century; but its real character, and its
effect upon life and society, require more detail for a complete under
standing. The most striking part of New England religion, and one
which presents a vivid picture of New England daily life, is to be
found in the forms of worship, in the observance of Sunday, and in
its laws and customs. The Puritan Sabbath was observed with strict
uniformity throughout New England ; and although its' stern features
soften as we approach the Revolution, it is still essentially the same
as during the old charter government. The Sabbath laws formed an
important part of the Puritan legislation; they were rigidly enforced
by the early immigrants, and produced a day of rest which was ab
solutely terrible in its grimness. The Sabbath began at six o'clock
in the evening on Saturday, and lasted until sunset on Sunday. All
work of every description was suspended; while amusements and
sports, rare enough on week-days, were absolutely prohibited. There
was no travelling, no movement in the streets, nothing but religious
exercises at home and in church. No traveller could be entertained,
and the constables made the rounds of the town on Saturday even
ing to see that all taverns were closed ; and if any one was absent
from church for more than one Sunday, the tything-men sought the
offender out, and he was obliged to offer sufficient defence or be
fined, set in the stocks or in a wooden cage, or whipped. The or
der maintained in church was of the severest kind. A luckless maid
servant of Plymouth, who in the early days smiled in church, was
threatened with banishment as a vagabond. Sunday was no day for
smiling in the Puritan theory, and such it remained for more than
a century. These principles began to relax at the close of the sev
enteenth century, and were modified a great deal during that which
followed ; but this was not the case with their customs. Toward the
end of the seventeenth century Robert Pike, the sturdy opponent of
witchcraft, had one Sunday urgent business which called him from
home. He waited impatiently for the close of the day, and as the
sun .sank into a bank of clouds, he mounted his horse and rode away.
As he passed the door of an unfriendly neighbor, the treacherous sun
gleamed out through a rift in the clouds upon horse and rider ; and
p. 117 ; Rochefoucauld, i., 496 ; Cahoon, Sketches of Newport, p. 43, 136 ; Greene's
East Greenwich, p. 161 — Connecticut, New Haven Hist. Soe, i., 63 ; History of New
London, p. 442 ; HoUister's History of Connecticut, i., 469.

430 HISTORY OF THE
next day Robert Pike was fined for travelling on Sunday. Increase Ma
ther, in a sermon, attributed the terrible confiagration in Boston, in the
year l7ll,to carrying burdens and practising servile employments,
such as baking, upon the Sabbath ; and his son. Cotton Mather, said
it was a warning from the Holy One for non-attendance on the Thurs
day lecture. This spirit suffered little diminution. In the middle of
the eighteenth century no one was allowed in Boston to go in or
out of town ; the gates were shut, the ferry guarded, and men were
seized in the country. There was no trading, no walking to the
water's edge, or even in summer on the common. No barber could
ply his trade, no public-house was open, two or -three people talking
in the street wore likely to be dispersed or arrested, and justices went
about with constables to enforce the laws. At the period of the Rev
olution everything stopped on Sunday ; the streets were deserted, ex
cept between services, for every one was either in his own house or
at church. The most innocent amusements were forbidden, and a
young Frenchman, one of our allies, venturing to dispel tbe ennui r
the day by playing on the flute, an angry mob gathered about the
house, and he was compelled by his host to desist. Even at that
time men were arrested for carrying. bundles in the street, and the
select-men of the country towns stopped all travellers who eame with
in their reach. There have been great changes since then ; but in
no respect has the strength of tho Puritan character, and the depth of
the impression they left on their race, been more forcibly shown than
in the fact that it is their Sabbath which in all essentials endures to
this day among the English-speaking race throughout Great Britain
and the United States.'
The church services corresponded to the general character of the
day. Long prayers and longer sermons were the predominant feat
ures, the sermon alone often occupying two hours, with the prayers
in proportion. After the regular services all the members took the

' Sunday Observances, Massachusetts, Abbe Robin, pp. 10, 11 ; Journal of
Claude Blanchard, p. 183 ; Life of Robert Pike, p. 94 ; Journal of tlie Labadists,
Long Island Hist. Soe, i. ; Tyler's Amer. Literature, i., 104,189 ; Proc. Massachusetts
Hist. Soe, iii., Bennet's MS. Hist., 109 and ff. ; Rochefoucauld, i.,427; Anburey,
ii., 58 ; Massachusetts Hist. Soe Coll., i.-v., 53 ; Ibid., V., vi., Sewall's Diary, ii.,
323 — New Hampshire, Rochefoucauld, ii., 190 ; Wilton Centenary, Peabody, p. 61;
History of Rindge, p. 383 — Connecticut, Fowler's History of Durham, p. 171;
History of Meriden and Wallingford, p. 402 ; Abbe Robin, p. 41 ; Rochefoucauld,
i., 527.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 431
sacrament, and those who were not yet admitted looked on ; but the
spectators were few, for every boy and girl on coming to a fit age was
required or induced to take the covenant.' A curious and character
istic trait, strongly illustrative of the studied indifference, or, perhaps,
dislike, of anything agreeable, and of the tenacious conservatism of the
Puritan character, is exhibited in the matter of church music. Dur
ing almost the whole of the colonial and provincial periods this music
consisted wholly of congregational singing. The hymns of the Bay
Psalm-book, for a long time the only ones in vogue, have a roughness
of language and versification which is appalling, and these verses were
given out by leaders, a line at a time, and chanted by the whole con
gregation, who did not at the outside know more than five tunes.
, This singing " by rule " sounded, says one of its opponents, " like five
hundred different tunes roared out at the same time," an effect which
must have been greatly heightened by the pause after each line, while
the leader or precentor gave out the next. Early in the eighteenth
century this organized discord produced resistance, and a reform was
begun with a view to substituting singing by note for singing by rule,
which led to a prolonged struggle all over New England, and partic
ularly in Massachusetts, tbe contest being carried on with an interest
and a bitterness which are almost inconceivable, and whioh display
vividly the intense feeling in regard to all religious customs. Singing
by note prevailed in the course of fifty years in the large towns, and
the Abbe Robin speaks of the majestic and impressive manner of
chanting the Psalms in the Boston churches. But in the country the
old style hold its own much better, enduring into the present century,
and yielding very slowly. "Leaders and lining "did not disappear
from New Hampshire until after the Revolution. In tbe little town
of Harwinton, in Connecticut, when the now singing was introduced,
in the year 1773, one of the deacons rose and left the church, cry
ing, " Popery ! popery !" an objection apparently very common among
the lovers of the old fashions.^
In the church buildings there was a change similar in character to
' John Dunton's Letters ; Sibley's Harvard Graduates, p. 566 ; Tyler's Amer.
Literature, i., 189 ; Upham's Salem Witchcraft, i.
* Hood's History of Music in New England; Abb6 Robin, p. 11; New England
Gen. Hist. Reg., viii., 272 ; Ibid., xx., 122— New Hampshire, Bouton's History of
Concord — Connecticut, History of Glastenbury, p. 77 ; History of Harwinton, p.
113 ; Timlow's Sketches of Southington, p. 192 ; History of Meriden and WalUng-
ford, p. 403 ; Claude Blanchard's Journal, p. 112.

432 HISTORY OF THB
that in the singing ; but it does not appear to have met with opposi
tion, nor to have been carried very far. The earliest churches were
simply barns of rude construction ; then came those with the square
tunnel roof, improved in the middle of the eighteenth century by
the addition of a steeple, which continued down almost to the pres
ent day the typical country meeting-house, although further changes
were made in the churches of the principal towns during the provin
cial period. The architecture of Queen Anne's time was adopted
somewhat for exteriors and much more for interiors, and many of the
latter had a good deal of simple and grave beauty, despite the inferior
style to which they belong. As a rule, however, the characteristic
quality of the New England church, within and without, was unre
lieved bareness. The walls of the houses of God were as devoid of
ornament as the forms of worship were of pomp or ceremony.'
Changes there were, too, in the appearance of the congregation.
The meetings on Sunday among the early Puritans are impressive
pictures, even as we look at them through the mists of more than two
centuries. In a rude building of logs, perhaps in a barn, the settlers
gathered at the beat of a drum or the sound of a horn ; and more than
three generations passed away before bells were in general use. For
many dreary years the savages lurked near the villages ; and Sunday,
wheu all were gathered in church, was a time of especial danger.
The minister at the desk was armed, all the men were armed, sentinels
were posted at the door, and others kept watch outside. Thus the
early Puritans worshipped God ; and cases like the famous attack on
Hadley, when the war-whoop rose above the voice of prayer, and men
rushed from church to fight for their homes, were not lacking to show
the need of such precautions. Gradually the danger, receding from
the coast, died away, and the congregation could gather undisturbed ;
but the mere physical discomfort was still great enough to require a
good deal of fortitude and religious zeal. There were no means of
heating the church except to open the doors to the sun. In eariy
times men drew bags over their feet and women carried heated stones
in their muffs, and later little hand-stoves. Seated on hard benches,
and exposed to the cold, they listened for hours to the exhortations
of their pastor ; and after the servioe they filed up the aisle, each
contributing his portion to tho support of the church and the salary

' Drake's Nooks and Corners of the New England Coast; Rochefoucauld i. 400-
Abb6 Robin, p. 11.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 433
of the clergyman. As time went on, matters somewhat improved ;
the churches were better built, and pews took the place of hard
benches. Strict discipline was always observed, and any tendency to
fall asleep was promptly checked. Below the pulpit sat the elders
and deacons; in the body ofthe church were ranged the congregation,
the men on one side, the women on the other, according to age, rank,
aud social condition. In the back seats or in the gallery were placed
the children and negroes, and behind all, the tithing-men with long
staves tipped with brass, with which they rapped unmercifully the
heads of slumbering or disorderly boys or men ; while for delinquents
of the fair sex they contented- themselves with brushing their faces
with a hare's foot appended to the rod.
In the country there was an element in going to church which gave
it a pleasanter side than vras to be found in the towns ; and it must be
remembered that in every village there was a church and pastor, ex
cept in some of the wild districts of Maine, where they depended on
itinerant preachers, for the first thing done by every band of settlers
was to build a church. The Sunday services were in the country for
many years the only occasion for social intercourse. Every one went;
families from a distance came for the whole day, bringing their din
ner with thein, and leaving one child at home to watch the house and
prepare the supper. The elders rode, carrying their wives on pillions;
and long sheds, where a hundred horses might often be seen, became
the invariable accompaniment of the meeting-house. The young peo
ple walked to church, sometimes many miles; and were wont, with
a thrifty regard for appearances, to stop and change their shoes and
stockings just before they reached the church. Between serviees was
the great occasion of the week. Then all the news and gossip of
the neighborhood were interchanged, and formed, with the sermon,,
the topics of discussion. This brief interval of friendly meeting is
the one gleam of enjoyment which relieves the New England Sab
bath. The Puritans effaced from Sunday every trace of its holiday
character, such as it has in Europe, as a mark of popery, and they
fastened upon their race the - Sabbath with which English-speaking
people are familiar at the present day."

' Tyler'sAmer. Literature, i., 189 ; Claude Blanchard, p.ll2; Massachusetts Hist.
Soe CoU., III., iii., 331 ; Upham's Salem Witchcraft, i., 20, 122 ; New England Hist.
Gen. Reg., pp. 28, 243 ; John Dunton's Letters ; Rochefoucauld, i., 400, 427 — New
Hampshire, Wilton Centennial, p. 61 ; Bouton's History of Concord, p. 528 ; Parker's

434 HISTORY OF THE
But the observance of Sunday, although a chief part of New England
religious life, was still only a part, for religion, among the Puritans,
was never absent from their thoughts, and entered into all their daily
life. The custom of private fasts was common, with days spent in
prayer for the family, for politics, for the Church, and for the state of
England. Morning and evening, and every meal, were occasions for
prayer, and every. religious obligation was fulfilled with rigid severity,
Children were taken within a week after their birth to be baptized,
no matter what the weather might be; and at weddings and burials,
on private and public occurrences, the resort of the Puritan was to hi;-
Bible, and to immediate communion with an ever-present God. In ,-
society where religion was so deeply felt, and where so much impor
tance was attached to its practice, it cannot be doubted that there was
more or less hypocrisy ; but it is equally certain that the great mass
of the people had a deep and profound sincerity. In nothing is the
deoline of Puritanism so marked as in the gradual and sluggish dis
appearance of religious rites from every-day life during the eighteenth
century.' Another trait of the New England religion, which gradually disap
peared in the last century, was the element of superstition. The most
striking example of this, and one whioh has acquired a world-wide re
nown, and given rise to an almost proportionate amount of misun
derstanding, is, of course, the Salem witchcraft. Volumes have been
written upon this famous subject, and it is only necessary to refer to
it here as an illustration of one side of the New England religious
character. The Salem witchcraft was a virulent case of mental dis
ease, marked, as such epidemics always are, by contagious panic, and
having its origin in many co-operating circumstances. The general
causes are to be foui^d in the gloom of nature which beset the early
settlers, in the hard toil in cultivating the sterile soil, the desolate and
unending forests, the dread of Indian attacks, and constant losses from
them ; all of which, combined with a severe and terrible religious faith,
gave a dark tinge and brooding melancholy cast to the minds of the
people. With those general causes, speoial ones were united toward

Londonderry, p. 138 ; History of Hollis— Connecticut, Fowler's History of Dur
ham, p. 168 ; Bouton's History of Norwalk, p. 32 ; Caulkins's History of Norwich
p. 121. '
1 Massachusetts Hist. Coll., V., v., vi., Sewall's Diary generally, and, e. g., p. 216 ;
John Dunton's Letters; Wilton Centennial, Reminiscences of Abiel Abbot- Par
ker's Londonderry, p. 70.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 435
the close of the seventeenth century. Pirates had begun to infest the
coast, commerce had declined, the old charter, dearly beloved and ab
most sacred in the eyes of the people, had been taken away ; there was
universal, political, and financial, depression, and the scourge of Indian
warfare had just swept over the land, leaving a heavy legacy of debts
and taxes. The natural gloom of Puritan society had thus deepened
until it had become morbid, and wild beliefs needed only a spark to
set them into a blaze of fanatical and blood-thirsty fear. To a peo--
pie of this sort, who were familiar to a high degree with Biblical the
ories, witchcraft and the intervention of Satan came as terrible but
natural affiictions; while the course of the clergy, striving at that period
to retain their power, and urged on by the fanaticism of Cotton Ma
ther, fanned the flame. The belief in witches was then general and
unquestioned in all parts of the civilized world ; and when the delusion
became active anywhere, with favorable influences, it went to awful
lengths; for, the possibility of witchcraft being once admitted, over
whelming evidence could always be produced. The panic spread, the
people of Salem and its neighborhood went mad, and nineteen per
sons, including Giles Corey, who was pressed to death, were executed on
the gallows. Two more died in prison, and hundreds were committed.
The tempest raged furiously, spent its force, and then the reaction
followed, and nothing more was heard of witchcraft in New England.
This panic has already been contrasted with that which occurred more
than fifty years later in New York. Both the Salem witchcraft and the
negro plot belong to the same class of popular mental disease ; both were
awful in their results, but neither is a fit subject for reproach. In one
case the disease took a religious, in the other a secular form, owing to
the difference in the two communities; but both may be traced to
specific causes which it is important to understand for the sake of sci
ence and truth ; but neither is a fit theme for abuse or a ground to re
vile the people who were so unfortunate as to be afflicted with them.
Elsewhere and at other times in New England there were sporadic
cases of witchcraft, such as we find in all the English colonies in Amer
ica; but they have no special or peculiar significance. The supersti
tion of New England took another form, very Biblical, but neither
very practical nor very ignorant. The Puritans were men who dream
ed dreams and saw visions ; and they pondered deeply on those oc
currences as being, perhaps, communications from the Almighty. Ev
ery portentous and monstrous birth, every extraordinary and inexpli
cable event, was ascribed to the immediate intervention of God. Man-

436 HISTORY OF THE
ifestations of Satan were expected and found, noises were heard in the
air, and signs seen in the heavens ; and all became subjects of inter
pretation and conjecture. In the diary of Noadiah Russell, a tutor at
Cambridge toward the close of the seventeenth century, we find en
tries recording the appearance of figures in the heavens — one of a ship,
another of the devil ; and, also, an account of a man in Connecticut
who prophesied four dreadful judgments on New England. Then
comes the inevitable New England shrewdness after this solemn rec
ord ; we must pay heed to these revelations, says the worthy tutor,
but not aeoept them as oracles. The one fact, however, which comes
out strongly in a consideration of New England superstition is the
small amount of it. Everything tended to its development. Intense
religious zeal and absorption, a life of deadly monotony, a constant
struggle with Indians and with nature for existence, and a morbid
habit of introspection, would seem to make extreme and violent su
perstition almost a necessity. That there was so very little of it, is
the strongest testimony possible of the hard sense, robnst character,
and sharp intelligence of the New England people.'
With a religious life so strong and so peculiar, it -becomes of great
importance to learn its effect upon the closely connected subject of
general morality ; for it is not only necessary to have a general idea
of the state of public and private morals, but of the results produced
by a faith so dark in its tenets, so intense, and so absorbing. Among
the early Puritans the belief that they were a chosen people was very
strong, and every affliction which visited the community was regarded
as the direct action of God, to punish the people because the churches
had become worldly, or for neglect of religious observances, or for sin
of one sort or another. With such opinions, and guided largely in
practice by tho Old Testament, the Puritans not only made religion a
test of citizenship, and enforced to the last point the performance of
religious duties, but they legislated in tbe most parental and sump
tuary fashion about everything, no matter how trifling, which they
conceived could in any way affect morals. The representatives and
the magistrates dealt by law with what men and women thought,
said, or did in public or private affairs ; and they strove to regulate

' Upham's Salem Witchcraft, i., ii., generaUy ; New England Hist. Gen. Reg., vii..
Diary of Noadiah RusseU ; Massachusetts Hist. Coll.,-V"., v., vi., Sewall's Diary"; New
Hampshire Hist. Soe, 1., 255 ; iii.. Journal of John Pike— Rhode Island, Greene's
History of East Greenwich, p. 161.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 437
what they should eat and drink and wear, and how they should de
mean themselves under all circumstances. They exacted in the most
stringent manner respect for parents ; and for misconduct in this re
spect, in strict law, the penalty was death. One John Porter, of Sa
lem, for abusing his father was made to stand on the gallows with a
rope round his neck, was soundly whipped, fined, and imprisoned, and
only saved from death by the intercession of his mother. The son of
Major Waldron, of New Hampshire, for drinking, disorderly conduct,
and abuse of his father, was, on the latter's complaint, arrested, chain
ed to a post, whipped if he did not work, and his labor sold for the
benefit of the public. Duelling was strongly condemned, and partici
pants in the few combats which occurred in Boston were forced to
flee the country. The strictest and most perfect order was maintain
ed in the towns and villages. The constables made the rounds ev
ery evening, arrested all loose characters, and followed strangers into
taverns, in order to be satisfied as to their conduct and purposes.
Two specific examples will give better than anything else an idea of
the extent to which the civil power dealt with private morals and in
dividual opinion. In the year 1662 John Spofford, of Boston, cursed
certain merchants because they refused to sell corn in a time of scar
city, and for this offence was brought before the court and tried for a
misdemeanor. He was acquitted, however, on pleading from Prov
erbs,' "He that withholdeth corn, the people shall curse him; but
blessing shall be upon the head of him that selleth it." The quota
tion was certainly in point, and Solomon, although not an authority
known to the common law, was fully recognized as a learned judge in
New England. In New Haven, a few years earlier, one John Meigs, a
currier and tanner, fell under the displeasure of the town for the qual
ity of his leather and shoes, and was brought into court, where he had
apparently been before on a like charge, to be punished for his of
fences. In delivering judgment, the court said, " In a single pair of
shoes several evils appear : such as contempt of court, continued un
righteousness, and other similar evils ; and how many shoes he had
made and sold of such faulty materials, and so loaded with evils, the
court say they know not." The offending cobbler was soon after
obliged to leave the colony. Besides the action of the civil power,
the Church and the community itself sometimes undertook to regulate
morals and manners, the ministers, of course, taking the lead. John
' xi., 26.

438 HISTORY OF THE
Cotton and Elder Cushing petitioned to have the taverns closed to
check drunkenness ; and a minister's wife, at the same period, who
was thought to dress too finely, was denounced for " carnal-minded-
ness." Dress was a fruitful topic for reproof, as it was a fertile occa
sion for the exhibition of a worldly spirit. The mode of wearing the
hair was especially disquieting. Among the early Puritans long hair,
or love-locks — recalling the Cavaliers, those sons of Belial — came to
be regarded with particular abhorrence, and an association, headed by
John Endicott, was formed for its suppression ; while at a later time
it was stroiigly denounced by Wigglesworth, eminent among New Eng
land divines, as effeminate, vicious, and indicative of pride. The in
troduction of wigs was another subject of sore trouble and anxiety
to the strict members of tho Church ; and Sewall, " the judge of tho
great assize," who felt deeply the evil of this new fashion, expostu
lated with those who adopted it, and filled his diary with lamentations
over this grievous sin.
Such, in mere outline, was the general character of Puritan morali
ty, sharply watched and guarded by both Church and State ; and such,
in all essential points, it remained down to the Revolution. Here, as
elsewhere, the only change was in a gradual softening and inodifica-
tion of the original system. Puritan austerity slowly relaxed every
where, but more rapidly in Boston, from the effects of the society
formed by the officers of the Crown. Yet, despite this relaxation,
when the fact was known that Sir Harry Frankland kept Agnes Sur-
riage in his house as his mistress, the popular indignation was so great
that, although Frankland was the most important Crown officer, next
to the Governor, he was obliged to withdraw into the country, taking
the fair but erring Agnes with him. There was a still further relaxa
tion during and after the French war ; but, as a rule, the morality of
New England remained of a very rigid quality. There were, of course,
outbreaks against so severe a system, even in the earliest times ; and
when the stringency diminished, there was a general lowering of tho
standard. The two failings to which there was always the greatest in
clination were intemperance and incontinence — the latter increased, no
doubt, by the curious practice of " bundling or tarrying," which must
have produced a good deal of trouble from its very nature, although
the balance of evidence is in favor of the general innocence of the habit.
But even in these respects the laxity of morals was anything but ex
treme, and probably less than in most communities; while in other
directions the public and private morals were very high, and it is not

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 439
a little curious that there was no violent reaction and no outburst
of vice when the old iron system gave way.'
Passing from general morality to the more specific question of
crime and its close ally, pauperism, we find but trifiing differences be
tween New England and the other colonies. Crime, especially of an
aggravated sort, was somewhat rarer in the eastern even than in the
middle or southern provinces ; and after the dread of savages had pass
ed away, doors and windows were always left unbarred in the country.
The roads were perfectly safe. Young girls not only travelled alone in
public conveyances, where they were universally well treated and pro
tected, but rode through lonely woods after nightfall, unguarded and
without fear or molestation. The early penal codes were, perhaps,
severer than those elsewhere, but at a later time the practice did not
vary much from the common standard of the eighteenth century. Tbe
law affixed the extreme penalty to many offences. Not only murder,
but arson, blasphemy, rape, adultery, abuse of parents by a child over
sixteen years of age, and repetitions of theft or highway-robbery, were
punished with death, although the sentence was not often carried out,
except for the first two mentioned. The ordinary mode of inflicting
death was by hanging; but there were a few instances after 1681 of
negroes, male and female, burned at the stake for murder or arson.
The peculiar feature of the Puritan criminal system was the extreirie
publicity which they aimed to give it. Murderers were always brought
into church on the Sunday before their execution, and preached to by
some learned divine for nearly two hours. To this were added lengthy
prayers at the scaffold, set up in- some public place, where the people
flocked to see the punishment inflicted. The suppression of the pirates
afforded great opportunities in this respect, and on several occasions
they were marshalled in small squads in one of the principal Boston
churches, to serve as an edifying text for a long discourse. One
of them balked this proceeding by refusing to go to church, and by
jumping into the cart with a nosegay in his button-hole, and going-
smiling aud bowing to the gallows in true London fashion, instead of
' Brissot, p. 71 ; Nason's Life of Frankland ; Upham's Salem Witchcraft, i.
Tyler's American Literature, i., 104 ; Proo. Massachusetts Hist. Sqc, iii., 165 ; Mas
sachusetts Hist. Soe, Coll., IV., v., 56, 269 ; New England Hist. Gen. Reg., i.. Wiggles
worth ; ix., 318 ; John Dunton's Letters ; Anburey, ii., 39 ; CoU. Massachusetts Hist.
Soe, IIL, iii., 326^New Hanjpshire, Massachusetts Hist. Soe Proc, 1878, Waldron
Parker's Londonderry — Connecticut, Peters's General History ; New Haven Hist.
Soe, i., 39; History of Glastenbury ; History of Durham, p. 171.

440 HISTORY OF. THB
in a state of horror-stricken gloom. But, as a rule, criminals of this
sort not only suffered death, but endured many fervent delineations,
both of their earthly crimes and of the eternal torture which awaited
them. The Puritan theory was that sin, public or private, must be
repented of, and expiated, if necessary, in all its deformity and with
tho utmost publicity. From Charles Stuart to the meanest malefactor,
all sinners and criminals were not only to receive punishment in the
full glare of noonday, but were to be held up and expatiated upon for
the benefit and solemn warning of the people. The same theory ran
through their whole system of dealing with petty offences and misde
meanors. Jails, of course, they had — dark, mean, repulsive places, and
usually in conspicuous positions, like the gallows and whipping-post ;
and at the time of the Revolution convicts were sent to Castle Island,
near Boston, and put to hard labor at making nails; but even then
their prison system was very rude, and far behind that of Pennsylva
nia. There was no faith in confinement, labor, or prison discipline,
as a punishment or remedy for crime, and it was long- before this doc
trine was eradicated. Fines were the mildest form of penalty, and the
punishments commonly in vogue were whipping, branding, cropping,
mutilation, the pillory, or the stocks. All were arranged in such a
way as to make the culprit's offence as conspicuous and public as pos
sible, and call attention to it in every conceivable way, great inge
nuity being manifested in accomplishing these purposes in both seri
ous and light cases. The burned sear was the worst mark, but letters
of brilliant color, worn for a term of years and indicative of certain
crimes, were a favorite device to at once brand and punish. Scolds
were gagged and set at their own doors, subjects of contemplation
for the passers-by, and many offences were expiated not only by stripes,
but by sitting on the gallows or on a raised platform, with a placard
on the breast, on market-days. There was but little change in the man
ner of dealing with crime during the eighteenth century. Some of
the odd Puritan fancies disappeared ; but the lash, the branding-iron,
and tho pillory continued in general use in New England, as in all the
other dominions of Great Britain, down to the Revolution.'
1 Claude Blanchard, p. 185 ; Long Island Hist. Soe, i.. Journal of the Labadists ;
Drake, Nooks and Corners of the New England Coast — Jails, Pirates ; Proc. Massa
chusetts Hist. Soe, i., 320 ; iii., Bennet's MS. Hist., p. 109 ; New England Hist. Gen.
Reg., ix., 45 ; John Dunton's Letters ; Rochefoucauld, i., 405 ; Massachusetts Hist.
Soe CoU., L, v., 53 ; IL, i., 1769, 1797 ; V., vi.. Ill— New Hampshire, Proe Massa
chusetts Hist. Soe, 1878 ; Rochefoucauld, ii, 190 ; Hist, of Barnstead, Court Rec-

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 441
Travellers at tho period of the war and shortly after, assert that nei
ther poor persons nor strolling beggars were ever seen in New Eng
land. There was, in fact, comparatively little pauperism in the conn-
try, in many places none at all prior to the Revolution ; but there was
always more or less of it in the large towns, although it did not ap
pear on the surface. The settlement laws, which gave a residence af
ter three months, were very strict, and rigidly enforced. A stranger
coming to any town or village, was at once sought out by tbe officers,
and compelled to satisfy them that he could support himself and fam
ily. If this assurance was not furnished, the new-comer was forth
with " warned off," and if he did not heed the warning, he received
twenty lashes and was driven from the town. Such paupers as there
were were treated on a simple and practical system characteristic of
New England, but which spread far beyond its original limits. Pau
pers were set up at auction, and sold to the lowest bidder for their
support, who took them for such work as he thought he could get
out of them. Debtors occasionally made an assignment of all their
property, and were then supported directly by the town, but the or
dinary way was by auction. In Boston, as in all towns of any size,
and possessing commerce, there was a considerable number of poor
persons, who received much charity both private and public, and were
kindly dealt with ; and there, too, there were from a comparatively
early time both workhouses and almshouses, which were very rare in
the country and smaller towns. The usual method was that just de
scribed, by. which the pauper was rendered as self-supporting as, pos
sible, and which, although harsh, and probably abused in some cases,
was thoroughly carried out, did much toward checking pauperism, and,
although rough, was certainly effective and economical.'
One cause of the greater rarity of crime and pauperism in New
England than in the other colonies is to be found in the fact that the
servile classes were numerically very small. For a long time convicts
and indented servants were unknown, and when the latter boffan to

ord — Connecticut, Abb^ Robin, p. 42 ; Brissot, p. 109 ; Rochefoucauld, i., 527 ,- Bar
ber's Hist. CoU., p. 56 ; HoUister's History of Connecticut, i., 428 — Rhode Island,
Greene's East Greenwich, p. 19.
' Proo. Massachusetts Hist. Soe, iii., Bennet's MS. Hist., p. 109 ; Coll. Massa
chusetts Hist. Soe, v., vi., Sewall, p. 8 — New Hampshire, Chase, Hist, of Chester,
p. 253 ; Hist, of Rindge, p. 385 ; Hist, of Dumbarton, p. 138 — Connectic.nt, Wansey,
p. 61 ; Hist, of New London, p. 474 ; Hist, of Durham, p. 165 — Rhode Island, Wes
terly and its Witnesses, p. 139.

442 HISTORY OF THE
come they were well treated, the laws for their government were mild,
and their rights were protected. There were " redemptioners " in ^the
eighteenth century, and down to the Revolution advertisements " of
parcels of Irish servants for sale" are found in the newspapers; but
they were so few, and their opportunities for advancement were so
good in a region where labor was not a disgrace, that they rapidly
merged themselves in the body of the people, and wero as a class
perfectly insignificant.' The same, as may be seen from the esti
mates of popularion, held true in large measure of the negro slaves.
Slaves there were in Massachusetts and elsewhere in New England
from the earliest rimes, but the general drift of public opinion was
against slavery ; and such a man as Samuel Sewall published a tract
against it at the very beginning of the eighteenth century. Their
intermarriage with whites was forbidden under heavy penalties, but
marriages among themselves were authorized and guarded. The laws,
as a rule, were mild in regard to them, and punishment was carefully
limited. They were easily manuniitted, and soon after the Revolution
were slaves only in name. They were most numerous in Boston and
Connecticut, and were invariably employed as domestic servants, kind
ly treated, and instructed in reading, and in tbe Bible. So great, in
deed, was the apparent equality of master and slave in Connecticut
that a Boston lady, early in the eighteenth century, speaks of it with
surprise and dislike, having seen negroes eat at their owner's table,
and having heard of a case of arbitration between a master and his
slave. Slaves, in fact, as a class, were wholly unimportant, and as a
domestic institution had little or no effect."
Feeble, however, as slavery undoubtedly was in New England, its
mere existence, carrying with it the principle of a servile class, had
some infiuence probably in the maintenance of strong social distinc
tions. An aristocracy unquestionably existed in New England from
the beginning, always possessing great power, and fully recognized ;
but it rested neither on great landed estates nor on a system of
primogeniture, and flourished in the midst of a society which was
in theory democratic. The foundations of rank were birth, ances-
' Barber's Hist. Coll. of Conn., p. 166 ; Westerly and its Witnesses, p. 143.
- Upham's Salem Witchcraft, i.. Introduction ; Proe. Massachusetts Hist. Soe, iii.,
Bennet, p. 109 ; Massachusetts Hist. Soe Coll., T., v., 163, Sewall's Tract against
Slavery ; V., vi., Sewall, 16, 143 ; Ibid., I., iv., 196 ; IL, i., 81 — New Hampshire,
Rochefoucauld, ii., 190 — Connecticut, Rochefoucauld, i., 530 ; Mad. Knight's Jour
nal ; Fowler's History of Durham, p. 161.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 443
tral or individual service to the state, ability, education, and, to some
extent, wealth. The aristocracy thus produced was respected and ac
knowledged, but its existence was uncertain and precarious, without
the usual, essential, and only enduring supports of great estates and
of primogeniture. There were some large landed estates in New
England ; but they were neither numerous nor important, and earried
nothing- with them. Sir William Pepperell, it was said, could ride from
Portsmouth to Saco without leaving his own acres, and in the other
New England colonies tliere were a few large domains, but they had
no real hold upon either the social or political system. They were not
congenial either to the character, habits, or pursuits of the people, or
to the climate and nature of the soil and country. The New England
aristocracy was to be found chiefly in the larger towns, although ev
ery village had its local "Squire," who stood at the head of society.
This absence of landed estates had a strong tendency to discourage
any system of entail, even if the people had been inclined to it. The
method of descent was that familiar to tho English law as gavelkind,
land being held under the charter in free and common socage of the
manor of East Greenwich and according to the custom of Kent.
There was always perfect freedom of bequest throughout New Eng
land, and although the Biblical double portion to the eldest son was
recognized in the "Body of Liberties," and continued down to the year
1789 in the distribution of intestate estates, besides being always
common in wills, yet law and custom united in giving ample provi
sion both to the younger sons and the daughters. The tendency, there
fore, was in favor of the division of property, and against the preser
vation and establishment of large estates and wealthy families. The
main supports of an aristocracy were, therefore, wanting, and when oth
er causes ceased to operate, the aristocratic system fell rapidly to pieces
in a society which was in fact and theory democratic. But down to
the Revolution, and, indeed, for many years subsequently, these other
causes wore vigorous, and aristocracy flourished and was strong. The
robust conservatism of their race led the people of New England to
regard with great respect their public officers and magistrates. Birth,
wealth, and social position were almost necessary qualities for the at
tainment of high office, and simplicity and dignity characterized the
rulers elected by the people. Bradstreet, the last of the colonial gov
ernors, lived in a house of ordinary appearance, and not one of tho
most costly. He dressed in black silk, but not sumptuously, and his
manner was quiet and grave. Trumbull, the war-governor of Connec-

444 HISTORY OP THE
ticu'i;, -impressed Chastellux as the great magistrate of a small repub
lic ; and this was the type of the rulers of New England. They re
spected their office, but regarded it as a posirion to which they were
in a measure entitled by their standing in the community. The weight
of social position in such matters is aptly illustrated by an incident
which occurred in Boston in the year 1759. The removal of a cer
tain Mr. Phelps from the commission of the peace was urged because
he was the son of a bricklayer, and not of a magistrate. The ground
of objection was admitted without question to be perfectly sufficient,
and the only effort was to disprove the fact. Social distinctions were
fully recognized and carefully observed in matters relating to public
office; but in every-day life and in common affairs they were carried
even further.
At the very outset, in the letters in answer to the proposals of Lord
Say and Lord Brooke — which aimed at the establishment of nobili
ty — classes were recognized, and the practice thus begun was never
abandoned in the provinces. All the leaders of the great emigration,
and many of their followers, were drawn from the English gentry,
were men of property and position, and proud of their descent. The
difference thus established between gentlemen, yeomen, merohants, and
mechanics was never lost sight of, although the lines were not drawn
quite so sharply as in the mother country. The flrst named were the
best educated men, and of the best families in the community, who
sometimes farmed large estates, but as a rule filled the pulpit, the
bar, the magistracy, the bench, and the profession of medicine. Titles
were sparingly but carefully used. Honorable was applied only to
governors, esquire was at first rarely used except of men in high of
fice, and master and mistress belonged to those alone who had birth,
education, and position. Among the mass of the people the ordinary
prefix was merely good-man or good-wife, or, still more simply, neigh
bor. These distinctions had great importance in the churches and col
leges. In tbe former the seats wore " dignified," and the congrega
tion was arranged " according to the places they are in, the age they
bear, the estates they enjoy;" or, in another formula, according to
" authority, age, wealth, house-lots." The business of thus distribut
ing the pews and seating people according to rank was a work of
great delicacy, and an event of deep interest in every village. It
gave rise to many heart-burnings, quarrels, and complaints, but it was
none the less enforced, and scrupulously carried out. In the college
the lists of students drawn up durina: the freshman vear were m.idc

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. Uo
out on the same system, and excited great interest. It was easy to
fix on the students for the top and bottom of the list, but the in
termediate places roused much contention. When the list was com
pleted it was hung up in the college buttery, and every student retain
ed throughout the course the place thus assigned, unless he was de
graded. Besides the social recognition thus conveyed, the students at
the top of the list had most influence and tbe best rooms. Yale
abolished the system in 1^68, and Harvard five years later, substitut
ing an alphabetical arrangement ; but the classes of provincial times
still appear in the catalogues, graded according to social position, a
puzzle to their democratic posterity. In Boston and some of the
larger towns the aristocracy, influenced by the presence and society
of the Crown officials, made more display of their rank than their
predeeessors, or than their country brethren. They had fine houses,
estates in the country, and many slaves ; they put their coats-of-arms
upon their coaches, and wore cloth, velvet, and lace, while the mass
of the people dressed in homespun. But the great body of the New
England aristocracy adhered to the ways of their fathers. No mat
ter what their social and official rank might be, they were all brought
up to work with their hands; the children were expected to earn their
living by professions or otherwise, and no drones were permitted in
the hive.
The most striking and most important feature, and the one show
ing most clearly the existence and strength of the aristocracy, was con
nected with the franchise, for which religion was one test, property in
land the other. When the former was abolished, the latter was con
tinued, and survived even the Revolution. A conversation which has
been preserved, and which occurred at the very end of the eighteenth
century, between Increase Sumner — afterward Governor of Massachu
setts — and Fisher Ames, affords an excellent illustration of this point.
A law was before the legislature to modify the qualification for vot
ing, and Ames said it would give any man who earned sixty pounds a
year, but had no property, the right to vote. " Why," replied Judge
Suinner, " that construction never entered any man's head. It amounts
almost to universal suffrage. It never will prevail ; but if it does,
Brother Ames, my confidence in it (the government) is very much di
minished." Yet the spirit of equality reigned even then, and French
dukes remarked with surprise that the rich shook hands with the poor.
In every department of life, in fact, the aristocratic system prevail
ed ; and, maintained as it was solely by the conservative instincts of

446 HISTORY OF THE
the people, and the ability of its defenders, it is surprising that it
lasted so long, and held such complete sway. The aristocracy of New
England did not have at bottom any of the great strength of that in
Virginia, but its existence was as real, and its power almost as great
and unquestioned.'
Although great estates were few, large and costly houses were nu
merous, and afforded an opportunity, readily taken advantage of, for
comfort and display. From tbe earliest times the magistrates and the
wealthy citizens had dwellings of a superior kind, while to the clergy
were given the best houses the people could afford. Handsome houses
woro most numerous in tbe seaport and larger inland towns, and their
neighborhood. They lined tbe roads for twenty miles about Boston,
and a few were found scattered through tho country districts. Ox\
many of them sums of money were expended which in those days
amounted to a large fortune. The Lee house, at Marblehead, which
was said to have cost ten thousand pounds, was built of stone, hand
somely fitted up with pictures set as panels, and wainscoted walls
hung with tapestry. Twenty thousand pounds of the doubtfully-
acquired fortune of Godfrey Malbone were sunk in his house in
Newport, and the same gentleman had, besides, a beautiful villa out
side the town. In Portsmouth were the Cutts and Pepperell houses,
of a similar character, and the more famous Wentworth house, the
home of the Governors, a great, rambling mansion, with flfty -two
rooms, endless panelling, carved mantel-pieces, and every architectural
extravagance of the time. In Boston and its immediate neighbor
hood there were many such houses, built generally of stone or brick,
and sometimes of wood, with largo, low rooms, broad, easy staircases,
and great fireplaces. All were wainscoted with hard wood, sometimes
with mahogany from the West Indies, and were adorned with tapes
tries, until the fashion of plaster and wall-papers began to come in
just before the Revolution. Numerous as these houses, the sure marks

' Long Island Hist. Soe Coll., i.. Journal of Labadists ; Hazard's State Papers, i.,
S77 ; Nason's Life of Frankland ; Proc. Massachusetts Hist. Soe,'Vl., p. 32 ; VIL.
118 ; New England Hist. Soe Reg., ii.. Old Wills ; viii., 115 ; xi., 79 ; xx., 122 ; xxiii.j
38; Mag.Amer.History, i., 260; Rochefoucauld, i., 405 ; ii., 214— New Hampshire,
ibid., ii., 190— Connecticut, Wansey, p. 61 ; Massachusetts Hist. Soe Coll., L, x., 99 ;
Chastellux, p. 30; Peters's General History, p. 220; History of Windham County^
p. 93 ; History of New London, p. 380 ; Bouton, Hist. Discourse of Norwalk, p. 52 ;
Caulkins, History of Norwich, p. 122; Timlow, Sketches of Southington, p. 181,'
HolUster's History of Connecticut, i., 421— Rhode Island, Claude Blanchard, p. 78!

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 447
of solid fortunes, were, they were still only the houses of the aristoc
racy, and the homes of the body of the people were of much simpler
construction. When the villages were first settled, the church and the
block-house, with its overhanging upper story, rose side by side, and
the latter remained conspicuous for generations, long after its loop-
holed walls had ceased to have any practical significance. Around
this building clustered the rude dwellings of the pioneers. Gradual
ly the log hut was replaced by the "lean-to," a frame house with
steep pitched roof, and of the simplest construction ; and this in its
turn was succeeded by the gambrel or hipped-roofed houses, of which
many still remain in undisturbed corners. These frame houses, with
gambrolled and gabled roofs, were universal throughout New England,
varying in size with the wealth and position ofthe possessor. Both
they and their ruder predecessor, the " lean-to," were very solidly built,
with low-studded rooms, heavy hewn-oak timbers, almost as enduring
as stone, great fireplaces, masses of heavy stone chimneys, and diamond
panes in the windows. The chief characteristics of the New England
country houses, even of those, and they were many, which had but one
story and an attic, were simplicity, solidity, and neatness. Occasion
ally there was found in some quiet village a house like that to which
Sir Harry Frankland and Agnes Surriage retreated to find shelter from
the virtuous indignation of Boston. The Frankland house, at Hopkin-
ton, stood in the midst of gardens, laid out in the old style with box
hedges and terraces. The house itself was a spacious, comfortable
building, rising picturesquely among the trees, with dormer-windows,
great chimneys, and an interior hung throughout with tapestry and
decorated with carving and painting. Such a house, however, was ex
ceptional. Almost all were of the kind just described, and were tbe
dwellings which, with orchards and gardens, gave the air of thrift,
prosperity, and comfort which every traveller remarked in the New
England villages, and even on the outlying farms, for agriculture was
then the great interest, and the homestead was a source of pride as
it descended from generation to generation of permanent families.'
' Brissot, p. 101 ; Nason's Life of Frankland, p. 41 ; Drake, Nooks and Corners
Df the New England Coast ; Upham's Salem Witchcraft, i.. Introduction ; Roche
foucauld, i., 400, 473 ; ii., 202 ; New England Hist. Gen. Reg., xxv., 37— New Hamp
shire, Drake, ibid. ; New Hampshire Hist. Soo. Coll., i., 167 ; Parker's Londonderry,
pp. 76, 94 — Connecticut, Abbe Robin, p. 40; History of Durham, p. 165 ; Norwalk,
Bouton, p. 39; HoUister's History of Connecticut, i.,428 — Rhode Island, Elkanah
Watson's Memoirs ; Chastellux, i., 107 ; Greene's East Greenwich, p. 158.

448 HISTORY OF THE
The general similarity in the matter of houses was but part of the
wider uniformity in manners, customs, and habits of thought which
has been already alluded to. In all these respects the people of New
England, from Maine to the western border of Connecticut, were sub
stantially the same. On one side only did they have neighbors ; but
while there was a strong infusion of New England manners in New
York, Dutch influence had produced no effect upon New England.
Such differences as there were among the people of the eastern group
of provinces were simply those differences of degree which always sub
sist between town and eountry, and whioh in this case might almost
be still more narrowly limited, as those between Boston and the rest
of tbe provinces ; for in the smaller towns the distinction was by no
means strongly marked.
In tho country, therefore, it is necessary to look for the type of
New England life and manners, since only a small portion of the pop
ulation was gathered in the large towns. Yet, at the same time, it
must be remembered that one strong characteristic of the New Eng
land civilization, as contrasted with that of Virginia, was the fact
that the country was settled and occupied not by individuals but by
groups of persons, or communities famous in history as the township,
the organization of which has already been described. " There were, of
course, on the frontiers, and here and there in remote places, isolated
farms ; but these were marked exceptions, and the country was cover
ed with little towns. In these villages the church, the block-house,
the town-house, the school, and the variety store, well stocked to sup
ply everything needed by the farmers and their families, were built
near together, and formed a central point. Around them, and in close
proximity, were the homes of the minister and of the teacher, and the
houses and shops of those who plied the various trades, always well
conducted and well represented in every New England village. Be
yond and around this little nucleus of houses were scattered the homes
of the farmers, some very near, others at a considerable distance alone
on outlying tracts. In this arrangement there was always a point
whore the life of the neighborhood centered, where some social inter
course could bo obtained ; and circumscribed as this life was, it was
nevertheless far removed from the absolute solitude so common in
Virginia, and was not without marked effect upon the character of
the population. The striking features of this New England society
were general well - being, increasing industry, and equality of condi
tion. There was neither indigence nor wealth, neither very rich nor

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 449
very poor, but an entire community of men and women in good cir
cumstances, and maintained there by. unrelenting toil. In Rhode
Island the standard was somewhat lower, owing to the manner of
settlement ; the people were poorer, agriculture was ruder, there was
more idleness and litigiousness, the towns were less well ordered, and
the roads and bridges less well kept up than in the adjoining prov
inces. But with this exception, which did not go very deep, hard-
earned and deserved but moderate prosperity prevailed. Every one
worked, both men and women, all day and every day, except Sundaj^,
the former on the farms, the ktter in-doors at household affairs, and
with the unceasing spinning-wheel, and sometimes in the fields. All
the sons and daughters, were taught trades, besides learning to man
age the farm. In that climate, and with that soil, man could never
let go his hold of nature, and that he did not do so is one of the great
est proofs that we have of the iron persistence of the English race.
Thus the struggle, not only to make advances, but even to retain that
which had been already won from earth and air, was constant and
severe, leaving a deep impression upon those who fought the battle.
The conflict marked them both physically and ment£^lly, although they
were still conspicuous for purity of blood and fineness, of race. The
round, red look of the Englishman had gone, and the New Englander
was a tall, sinewy, powerful but spare man, with rather a gaunt look,
and a face in which all the lines and contours had been sharpened and
strengthened. The women were noted for their beauty, which was
remarked by travellers from other colonies, and from the Old World;
but these same observers also record the fact that this beauty faded
early, and that the delicate tints disappeared, which they attribute to
immoderate indulgence in hot tea and hotter bread, with consequent
indigestion, prosaic reasons which accounted also for the loss and de
cay of teeth noticeable in both sexes.
As the features of the men had grown sharp, and those of the
women more delicate in the New World, so did their minds grow
more acute. The people of New England were very shrewd, quick,
and inquisitive. A Virginia gentleman, who travelled a good deal in
the eastern provinces, said that on arriving at an inn he always, in
order to avoid the. delay caused by inevitable questions, made a brief
statement as to himself and his- business, told those about that he
knew no more, and then asked for supper for himself and his horse.
Yet, with all their queries, they were at bottom kind and hospitable,
although they were very formal, stiff, and reserved with strangers af-
29

450 HISTORY OF THB
ter the fashion of their race and creed. Their failing was in pushing
too far their natural acuteness. They were great adepts at bargains
and trade ; and although they adhered to the letter of the -law with
scrupulous fidelity, they were far too ready to infringe its spirit.
Necessity, working on strong intelligence, had made them an ingen
ious, enterprising, and inventive people, with a readiness and capacity
to do any work in life with fair success, a quality which has grown
into a national attribute. They were almost universally frugal, hard
working, thrifty, intelligent, and honest ; but they were also hard, of
ten narrow, averse to spending money, and not generous either in their
conception or mode of life. They had a rigid sense of duty and of
religion, and a lurking inherited distrust of enjoyment, for which they
made np in some measure by keen perceptions, a strong sense of the
ridiculous, and a dry, caustic wit mingling with an odd sort of humor,
which is of a fine and peculiar sort, and which was possible only in a
community where the whole body of tbe people was at once shrewd
and educated.
In every way they were a simple, unpretentious race. Everything
about them and their houses was neat and clean, and of good quality,
but not showy. The men wore homespun, and in many places moose-
hide or sheepskin breeches, while the women's dresses were of coarse,
strong linen. On Sunday, partly from the immense importance at
tached to the day, and partly from the love of finery innate in human
nature, there was much dressing in every little town, and even in the
wild border settlements of Maine. The men put on their cloth coats
and black beaver hats, the women their carefully preserved silk or
brocade, and then dressed and powdered their hair, usually worn in a
simple braid, but now built up and decorated in the fashion of the
day, and thus they went to church, reminding the soldiers of Louis
XVI. of thrifty French burghers.
The houses were cold, so cold that ink and wine froze often in the
rooms where a generous wood-fire blazed upon the hearth. This was
the only method in general use both for heating and cooking, and
around the great kitchen fireplace with its projecting crane, the whole
family were wont to gather in the evening. The furniture was plain,
strori'g, and sufficient, but rarely handsome. Sundials served usually in
stead of clocks, which were scarce and dear; while pewter and wood
took the place of china, which was kept for state occasions, and tho
table, though plentiful, was extremely simple. The people were much
addicted to a vegetable diet, and to the consumption of Indian meal

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 451
in every form, particularly with molasses, which was a staple article
in every household. Meat was abundant, except in remote districts,
where its daily appearancd was a mark of wealth ; and fruits, both
wild and cultivated, were very plentiful. Tea was extensively used,
coffee rarely, and the ancestral beer was entirely replaced by cider,
which was drunk everywhere, and, if something stronger was desired.
New England rum was always produced.
In the matter of furniture and dress a curious trait of the New
England character was manifested. Almost every respectable family
had more or less handsome silver, which appears in the inventories sAr
tached to wills, and seems to have been hoarded and kept out of sight,
together with rich suits of velvet, handsome arms, and costly stuffs.
All these articles, indicative of prosperity, seem to have been prized
merely for the sense of ownership and the love of heirlooms, and
never to have been put to practical use until their possessor turned
them over to his descendants, to retire again into the recesses of cup
boards and chests. The farms were in comparatively high cultiva
tion, and presented a good appearance, and to them the men of the
family devoted their lives, while their sons were generally content to
come after them, although the movement to new regions went on with
steady increase. The women were constantly employed within-doors ;
the girls wei-e free, not bashful, but never licentious, and the matrons
virtuous and prudish. They were rarely accomplished, but not in
frequently possessed of a heavy learning in Latin and Greek, derived
from tho minister, and with a taste for theological controversy.'
Tho manners and customs of the people in the larger towns differ
ed but little from those of the country. Almost all the towns, oth
er than Boston, of any importance, were scattered along the coast,
' Brissot, p. 101 ; Pennsylvania Hist. Coll., i., 376, Hare's Journey, 1774 ; Baron
Ricdesel, i., 226 ; Life of Robert Pike, p. 224; Drake's Nooks and Corners; Up
ham's Salem Witchcraft, i., Introduction ; Uring's Voyages, p. 1 10 ; Rochefoucauld,
i.,427; ii.,202; Anburey, ii.,46 — New Hampshire, Drake ; Uring,p.ll3; Wilton
Centennial, p. 61 ; Parker's Londonderry, p. 128 ; Chase, History of Chester, p. 413 ;
History of Bedford, p. 133 ; Bouton, History of Concord, pp. 520, 621, 524— Con
necticut, Abbe Robin, pp. 39, 43 ; Claude Blanchard, p. 1 1 2 ; Journal of Mad.
Knight; Rochefoucauld, i., 536 ; Chastellux, pp. 30, 41, 48; Peters's General His
tory, p. 224 ; History of New London, p. 267 ; Litchfield County Centennial, pp. 44,
112 ; History of Durham, pp. 157, 167 ; History of Norwich, p. 76 ; HoUister's His
tory of Connecticut, i., 428, 433 — Rhode Island, Claude Blanchard, pp. 44, 52,
78 ; Burnaby, p. 126 ; Memoirs of Count Fersen, i., 40, 61 ; Rochefoucauld, i., 496 ;
Chastellux, i., 19.

452 HISTORY OF THE
Worcester and Hartford, which were the most important of the inland
towns, being little more than large villages. The houses were chiefly
of wood, and the streets broad and shaded Vith handsome trees; more
trades were carried on than in the purely country districts, and the
immediate neighborhood of both was covered with farms in a state
of comparatively high cultivation. On the seaboard, to the north of
Boston, were Salem and Portsmouth, both^ supported by trade, and
both well built, with many houses of brick and stone ; and the for
mer even threatened to become the rival of Boston. Portsmouth
was the capital of New Hampshire, and, therefore, the centre of gov
ernment and the home of the Crown officials. To the southward
were Providence and Newport. The former was a flourishing town
of some five thousand inhabitants, and growing rapidly ; but the lat
ter was already in great measure eclipsed, and had sunk into a pret
ty quiet town, built almost entirely of wood, and already, from the
appearance of Southern planters in summer, giving promise of the
watering-place of the future. Now Haven was the chief town of
Connecticut, an important point of trade, and the seat of learning.
All these towns were characterized by neatness of appearance, good
order, and prosperity ; but the life of their inhabitants did not vary
much from that led by the people of the conntry villages. There
was more wealth, handsomer dressing, larger and better houses, more
china, silver, and tapestry, and an important class of wealthy and
successful merchants ; but the essentials of life and the modes of
thought were the same as in the country. The general simplicity of
manners and distrust of innovations, is, perhaps, as well illustrated by
-the fact that the owner of the first chaise in Norwich in the middle
of the eighteenth century was fined for riding in it to church, as by
anything else. Greater opportunities for social intercourse, and a
closer connection with the outside world, tended to liberalize the pop
ulation of the seaports, but this was the most marked distinction.
Where society in the towns differed from that in the country it ap
proached that of Boston, which requires a separate description ; and
in a general way it may be said of New England that, while it was
made up of towns, there were hardly any large ones.'
' Wansey, p. 62 ; Pennsylvania Hist. Soe' Coll., i., 376, Hare's Journey ; E.
Watson's Memoirs; New England Hist. Gen. Reg., xx., 122 — New Hampshire,
Burnaby, p. 160; New Hampshire Hist. Soe. Coll., v., 83; Rambles about Ports
mouth, Second Series, pp. 76, 90^Connecticut, Abbe Robin, pp. 39, 66 ; Brissot, pp.
106, 111 ; Litchfield County, p. 44 ; Caulkins's History of Norwich, pp. 325, 332-»-

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 45a
The general aspect of life, even in the larger towns, was sober in the
extreme. There was great precision required in every way, and the
monotony of existence must have been intense. The Puritan system
frowned severely on amusements, for enjoyment was no part of their
theory of earthly existence. Against this doctrine human nature re
belled, even under the strictest dispensation of the early times. Neigh
bors would gather about the great fireplaces to shell nuts and make
brooms, or chat and tell stories, and sometimes simple games were
started, and, in moments of great conviviality, a dance. The shovel-
board of Shakspeare's time was almost the only game not expressly
prohibited, and was much in vogue ; but even 'this was regarded with
disfavor, and the minister of Salem was urged to refuse the com
munion -to Bridget Bishop, one of the victims of the later witchcraft
delusion, because she kept her public-house open at a late hour, and
permitted shovel-board to be played on her premises. This impos
sible system of restraint, however, gradually gave way before the ab
solute necessity of some slight relaxation, and certain amusements
came into fashion, and gained a firm foothold. Besides the weekly
gathering between services on Sunday, and the monthly meeting at
the county-town when the court was in session, there was a great
deal of visiting done by the women in the country, who would go
constantly to each other's houses, taking their children and their work
with them, and spend an hour or two in cheerful gossip. A more
marked occasion was the house-raising, which grew out of the readi
ness of the people to assist each other, and in which every one bore
a part. After the house was up, there was feasting, dancing, and
drinking, but very rarely intoxication, although New England rum was
the common drink. Besides this, there were quiltings, huskings, and
spinning-bees, all concluding with a simple supper and a dance. As
time went on, sleigh-rides, picnics, tea-parties, supper-parties, and dan
cing-parties became common ; and on great occasions — such as the
ordination of a new minister — there was a grand ball, got up by the
young men, to which the whole country-side was invited. Holidays
were few, but were highly prized. Two were religious-^thanksgiving
and fast day — and two civil — election, and training which occurred
four times yearly. Fast-day was wholly given up to religious exer-
Rhode Island, Abb6 Robin, p. 33 ; Claude Blanchard, pp. 41, 78, 151 ; Burnaby,
117; E.Watson's Memoirs; Rochefoucauld, i., 496 ; Chastellux, i., 19; Channing's
Early Recollections of Newport, p. 22 ; Old Times in Connecticut, by Leonard Ba
con, New Englander, Jan., 1882.

454 HISTORY OF THE
eises ; but on the others, after the sermon, tbe voting, or the drill,
all the young men of the neighborhood gathered on the green, and
indulged in every kind of athletic sports, which were very popular
in New England, the favorites being running, wrestling, boxing, pitoh-
ing quoits, and sometimes shooting at a mark. The day always con
cluded with feasting and a dance, in which all participated. In the
larger towns the amusements were of a very similar character, supple
mented by hunting, fishing, and riding, and by a boisterous celebra
tion of the fifth of November, which it was found necessary to sup
press by law. Outside the towns were often inns, with gardens and
bowling-greens, where people resorted in fine weather to drink tea
or play games ; and after the middle of the eighteenth century, we
hear of horse-races and bull-baitings, but these were very exceptional ;
and as late as the year 1762 stage-plays were prohibited by law in
Rhode Island. There were in the towns more balls and parties of
a very simple kind, and more good eating and drinking than in the
country ; but everything was plain and primitive, even among the
wealthiest, and was kept within very narrow bounds of decorum.' .^
If it had not been for the town system, and the social intercourse
afforded by it, life in New England, as in the other colonies, would
have been isolated and solitary in the extreme. There was no regular
connection with the outer world except on the seaboard, and means of
communication in the interior were very limited. The postal service
for the colonies was consolidated, soon after the act of union with
Scotland, with the chief offices at New York, Boston, and Philadel
phia. The letters were brought by ship captains, who were required,
under a penalty, to deliver them to the deputy post-master. A large
proportion of the mails, therefore, passed through the New England
towns, and all tho principal seaports were in the line of tbe post, which
ran regularly from Portsmouth to Philadelphia, along the seaboard ;
and thence, when sufficient letters were collected, at uncertain inter
vals, to Williamsburg. Thus, news came earlier, oftener, and in greater
' Upham's Salem Witchcraft, i. ; New England Hist. Gen. Reg., xiv., 164; An
burey, ii., 87— New Hampshire, Wilton Centennial, p. 61 ; Parker's Londonderry,
p. 77 ; Rambles about Portsmouth, Second Series, p. 171 ; Bouton, History of Con
cord, p. 534 — Connecticut, Abbfe Robin, p. 40; Peters's General History, p. 221 ;
History of New London, pp. 406, 481 ; Litchfield County, p. 35 ; History of Dur
ham, pp. 167, 168, 170 ; Norwalk, Bouton's Hist. Discpurse, p. 39 ; Caulkins, His
tory of Norwich, p. 331 ; HoUister's History of Connecticut, i., 433, 438— Rhode
Island, Claude Blanchard, p. 56 ; Col. Records, vi., 325. ' ,/

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 456
abundance to New England, and at more points, than elsewhere, and
the roads and bridges north and south from Boston were exception
ally good ; but in the interior the case was quite different. No post
seems to have run to the inland towns before the Revolution, and
the people depended on chance visits to the seaports for news. The
roads, although better, usually, than in the other colonies, were often
neglected, as in Rhode Island, and were of very rude construction in
the outlying districts. No public conveyances made their appearance
until shortly before the Revolution, and one of the first was a curricle
carrying three persons, which ran from Portsmouth to Boston in two
days ; while the "stages to New York were four days on the way, even
after the Revolution. In the large towns, and on the coast, coaches
were somewhat used, while in Boston cabs had been for some time com
mon ; but chaises became, during the eighteenth century, the almost
universal vehicle. No wheeled carriages, however, appeared in the in
terior much before the Revolution. Produce and supplies were carried
on sleds in winter, and ox-carts in summer; and all journeys, whether
for business or pleasure, to church or to court, were made on horseback
or on foot. Every one who could afford it rode, and the women and
little children sat behind on the pillion. The roads were not only
of fair quality, but the forest was constantly broken, not by solitary
plantations, as in the South, but by thriving villages of considerable
extent. The inns of the large towns were exactly like their prototypes in
the mother country, and we find in Boston that they had characteris
tic English names, such as the " Bunch of Grapes," the " Cromwell
Head," the "Anchor," and the " Cross -keys." In the country the
inns, which were none of the best, although better than those in the
other colonies, were in some ways peculiar. The early Puritan policy
had been to regulate public-houses with great severity, and licenses
were issued only to thoroughly responsible persons ; the result of
which was that the country innkeeper was generally one of tbe lead
ing men of the neighborhood, a colonel of militia, and a person of
wide acquaintance and much influence. They often received traveb
lers in their own homes, and there was in every village at least one
house of this sort— half tavern and half private dwelling. The lodg
ing thus obtained was good, and the prices reasonable ; but the fare
consisted too much of ill-baked bread, had too little variety, and the
wines were generally of inferior quality. The character and position
of these landlords made them excessively indifferent to their guests,

456 HISTORY OF THE
whom they regarded frequently as a source of trouble rather than of
profit. The mixture of privacy and publicity, and the ea.gerness for
gain, produced another peculiarity in the custom of expecting to be
paid by every stranger, whether the host kept an inn Or not. Chas
tellux mentions several cases where he brought letters of introduction
to his hosts, who received him kindly and treated him well, an<i then
charged him as if he had been at a tavern, neither excessively nor very
moderately, but exactly what seemed just for the trouble and expense
to which they had been put. These customs gave a peculiar stamp
to travelling in New England, and explain also the prominence of inn
keepers, as a class, in all public affairs. On the whole, however, trav
elling was easier, and communication more frequent in New England
than in any other part of the British dominions in America.'
In this general survey of New England everything has been in
cluded exoept Boston, the seat of Puritan government, the capital of
Massachusetts, and the chief city of tbe eastern provinces. At the
close of the seventeenth century Boston was by far the largest, wealth
iest, busiest, and most important town in America. There was the
seat of government for Massachusetts, and the centre of trade, leam
ing, and society for all the New England provinces. Boston continued
to stand at the head of the American cities until after the middle of
the eighteenth century, when Philadelphia caught up with her in point
of population, extent, and wealth. At the period of the Revolution,
the population of Boston was about the same as that of the Quaker
City, and was apparently in the neighborhood of twenty-five thou
sand."

' Claude Blanchard, p. 48 ; Douglass, Summary, p. 457, full account of Post-of
fice, and p. 471 ; Brissot, pp. 97, 98, 384 ; Wansey, pp. 38, 41, 42, 52 ; Pennsylvania
Hist. Coll., i., 376, Hare's Journey ; Upham's Salem Witchcraft ; Proc. Massachu
setts Hist. Soe, iii., Bennet's MS. History, p. 109 and ff. ; John Dunton''s Letters ;
Uring's Voyages, p. 1 10 — New Hampshire, Hist. Soe Coll., iii., 190 ; v., 83 ; Parker's
Londonderry, p. 127 ; Adams, Annals of Portsmouth, p. 204 ; Rambles about Ports
mouth, Second Series, p. 362 ; Chase, History of Chester, p. 429 ; History of Rindge,
p. 358; Bouton, History of Concord, p. 513 — Connecticut, Claude Blanchard, p. 112 ;
Rochefoucauld, i., 510 ; Chastellux, i., 30; Peters's General History, p. 220; Hinman,
Connecticut Antiquities, 1674, 1693, p. 193, Post-ofiices; Litchfield County Centen
nial, p. 35 ; History of Norwich, p. 100— Rhode Island, Claude Blanchard, p. 42.
2 SmaU as these numbers appear now, they were, as has been said with reference
to Philadelphia, very large for the time. Boston was then one of the most con
siderable towns in the British empire, and we find it compared with Liverpool and
Bristol. The estimates of population vary, of course, widely and wUdly, and the

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 457
As seen from the harbor, Boston was formed of an amphitheatre of
houses, rising gradually one above the other from the water's edge.
There were many wharves, built out with much industry ; and CDUspic-
uous among them was the " Long " wharf, esteemed a prodigious work
at tbe time, which was two thousand feet in length, and covered with
handsome warehouses. From Long wharf ran King Street, then the
principal business street, through the heart of the town, and at its head
was the Town-house, where the state government in all its branches
met, and beneath which the merchants held their exchange and book
sellers their stalls. The streets were sufficiently wide, but crooked and
irregular, paved with cobble-stones, with gutters in the middle, and
sidewalks marked off by a line of posts and chains. The streets were
clean and well kept, and although they were not lighted with any suf
ficiency before the year 1773, were quiet and orderly. In the day
time the streets and squares swarmed with the bustling life of a driv
ing, trading community ; and there were many fine and well-stocked
shops, as well as two fairs, one at each end of the town, which were
held daily for ordinary traffic. To the south of the town there was a
small but pleasant common, where, even at the end of the seventeenth
century, John Dunton writes that "gallants were wont to walk with
their marmalet madams as we do in Moorfield." Besides the Town
house there were some very respectable public buildings, such as Fa
neuil Hall, and the Province House, where the royal Governor lived.
There were also some twenty churches, all of which were solidly built,
and many with handsome interiors, in the style of Queen Anne's time.
The houses were at first of wood, and the consequence was the oc
currence of disastrous fires, accompanied with considerable loss of life,
in 1679, l7ll, and 1761. The first produced sharp legislation in re
gard to building materials, and by the middle of the eighteenth con
figures in the text are simply the best approximates possible. See Abb6 Robin,
p. 9, 6000 houses and 30,000 population, 1783 ; Byrd MSS., i., 8, middle of eigh
teenth century, 8000 houses, 40,000 population; Raynal, i., 85, 1766, population
from hills of mortality, 30,000 ; Anderson's Colonial Church, iii., 407, 1723, popula
tion 20,000; Burnaby, pp. 13.S, 134, 3000 houses, 18,000 to 20,000 populatiou,l759;
Wansey, 1794, after deoline caused by war, p. 39, population 18,000 ; Watson, popu
lation, 1778, 25,000; Nason's Frankland, 1741, population 16,000, 1500 negroes;
Coll. Hist. Soe. of Massachusetts, I., iii., 152, 1742, population 16,000, 1200 houses,
1300 negroes; Uring's Voyages, p. 110; 1709, 4000 houses, 18,000 population;
Drake's Old Landmarks of Boston, p. 20 — estimates of population from 1639 to
Census of 1870, Drake gives 16,000 in 1765. The estimate in the text is, I
think, rather under than over.

458 HISTORY OP THE
tury a large proportion of the private houses were of stone or brick.
The new ones at first resembled those of London after the great fire,
and continued to be erected by wealthy persons on the outskirts of the
town, where they had space for fine gardens. The old houses whicji
fire had spared were heavily built of wood after the country fashion,
with gambrel roofs and gables, and balustrades around the top. The
general appearance of Boston was that of an old English country
town, while the business streets strongly recalled to travellers those
of London.'
For many years the manners and habits of society in Boston differed
in no respect from those of the country towns, which were all founded
upon the same principles as tbe capital ; but changes came, and con
siderable and inevitable alterations were effected by the growth of
trade, wealth, and population. Elements wholly unknown in the sim-
p'le villages of the interior were furnished by the officers of the Crown,
who were for the most part Englishmen, together with the set which
associated with them and copied their manners, and by the rich mer
chants who, like John Dunton's friend, Mr. White, of an earlier period,
" crossed both tbe torrid and the frozen zone midst rocks and swallow
ing gulfs for gainful trade." The families of the English' officials set
the fashion, and were implicitly followed by those who made up so
ciety in the technical sense, although there was a large class, possessing
both birth and property, who adhered steadily to the sober habits of
their ancestors. This official society attended the Episcopal Church,
and figured conspicuously on all public occasions. They introduced
a great deal of gayety into the old town, and stood out in bright re
lief against the darkly tinted background of the Puritan past, affect
ing more or less even those who clung to traditions and held aloof
from the more modern ways. The change, however, came chiefiy from
the fact that Boston became a rich commercial town, and commerce
brought in its train liberality and luxury.
The houses were large, spacious, and well furnished. Their owners
suffered from cold, for the only method of heating was by wood-fires,
1 Abbe Robin, pp. 8, 9 ; Brissot, pp. ^0, 87 ; Burnaby, pp. 133, 134 ; Wansey, pp.
38, 39 ; Long Island Hist. Soe Coll., i.. Journal of the Labadists ; Memoirs of E.
Watson ; Nason's Life of Frankland ; Proc. Massachusetts Hist. Soe, Iii., Bennet's
MS. History, p. 109 and ff. ; Ibid., vi., 322 ; New England Gen. Hist. Reg., xvi.. Laws
on Building; xxiv., Goellet's Diary; CoU. Massachusetts Hist. Soc.,V., v., vi., Sew
all's Diary ; John Dunton's Letters, p. 66 ; Rochefoucauld, i., 406 ; Uring's Voy
ages, p. 110 ; Massachusetts Hist. Soe Coll., L, iv., 188 ; L, ii., 81 ; IIL, iii., 319.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 459
and these were insufficient for the climate. " 'Tis dreadful cold,"
writes Cotton Mather, in the year 1720, with his wonted simplicity of
expression ; " my ink-glass in my standish is froze and splitt in my
very stove. My ink in my very pen suffers a congelation." This
probably continued to be the case down to the Revolution ; but in
all other respects the woU-to-do people of Boston had every comfort
that money could purchase. In every house there was abundance of
handsome furniture, and a good deal of decoration. Many had large
estates in the country, whither they went in summer; and there was
a strong tendency, especially among the merchants, toward the life of
a country gentleman. Every family of position had stores of silver,
glass, china, and tapestry. The markets were well stocked, food cheap,
aud the tables were well supplied and well served ; while good wines,
especially those of Spain and Madeira, were found in every cellar, and
were freely used. There was a great deal of handsome and even ex
travagant dressing. Men wore broadcloth and velvet, lace ruffles, silk
stockings, and diamond shoe-buckles, powdered their hair, and carried
swords. The women, who were pale and faded early, but were also
well made and handsome in youth, dressed even more richly and ex
travagantly, in silks and brocades, with high head-dresses and ostrich
feathers, although it must be confessed that such good judges as the
Prince de Broglie thought their magnificence of a very tasteless sort.
Ladies rarely went abroad except in a chaise accompanied by a negro
servant ; while the gentlemen generally rode, and thoy, too, always had
a black in attendance. The first coaches were those of the Govern
ors, who, early in the eighteenth century, drove in them with six horses
richly harnessed ; but at the period of the Revolution coaches and
four were also used by the wealthiest among the private citizens.
The mass of the inhabitants lived more soberly and dressed more qui
etly, and mechanics wore the dress of their trade ; but the general ef
fect was one of wealth and good living. Tho people of Boston were
kindly and hospitable, with more readiness to receive strangers, who
found the town and its inhabitants very agreeable, than was common
in the smaller towns. They knew more of the world, and had more
of its habits than their brethren in tbe eountry ; but they could not
shake off their inheritances, and underneath the exterior which wealth
and foreign commerce gave they were the same race, and the pecu
liarities cropped out with unfailing certainty. They were sharp in
trade and quick at bargains. The men were stiff and formal, the
women cold and reserved. Riches, official society, and intercourse

460 HISTORY OF THE
with the world softened them and modified their character ; but at bot
tom they were tbe true descendants of the Puritans, stern, hard, strong,
and acute ; and a plain simplicity of thought and life was remarked
beneath tbe surface by every careful observer.'
Amusements in Boston, after the Puritan austerity disappeared,
were of course more varied and less simple than in the country. Be
sides the universal athletic sports, and riding, hunting, fishing, shoot
ing, and skating, there were slcigh-rides in winter to some neighboring
tavern, followed by a supper and dance, and, in summer,, excursions
down the harbor, picnics on the islands, and little parties into the
country to drink tea and drive home by moonlight. Theatres were
strongly resisted, and do not seem to have been fairly established and
accepted until after the Revolution. In the year 1767 Andrew Eliot
writes to Hollis: " I am no enemy of innocent amusements, but I have
lono- thouarht our modern theatre the bane of virtue. I had such an
opinion of their pernicious tendency, especially in a young country,
that I had exerted myself to procure an act to prohibit them when
introduced some years ago. This does not wholly prevent them, but
so many are engaged to prevent them that they will not soon be tol
erated." This was probably a fair expression of Boston opinion at
the time, but the ultimate result was very different from that antici
pated by the letter-writer. There were no coffee-houses except the
one at the Merchants' Exchange, but there were numerous clubs,
which met at private houses or at taverns, and which were well at
tended and much enjoyed. On a coronation or royal birthdayj or on
great public occasions — such as the taking of Louisburg — there were
extensive celebrations ; the town was illuminated, bonfires were light
ed, and the streets were filled with people.
Entertainment of a quieter and more every-day kind was found by
ladies and gentlemen in walking in the mall every fine afternoon, and
then going to each other's houses to pass the evening, unless they went
to lecture, which was possible on six nights out of seven. These were
narrow limits, for not only were plays and music-houses discounte
nanced, but dancing-parties and balls were by no .means encouraged.

" Abb6 Robin, p. 14; Brissot, pp. 70,73, 80; Nason's Life of Frankland; Proe
Massachusetts Hist. Soe, iii., Bennet's MS. History, p. 109 and ff. ; New England
Gen. Hist. Reg., IL, vi., WUIs ; Mag. Amer. History, Prince de BrogUe, p. 379
John Dunton's Letters ; Rochefoucauld, i., 406; ii., 175, 214; Anburey ii. 61 62
Uring's Voyages, p. 110 ; CoU. Massachusetts Hist. Soe, IV, vii., Mather Papers
v., v., vi., Sewall's Diary, and, c. g., ii., 59.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 461
"Of late," says one writer, in the year 1740, "they have set up an as
sembly, to which some of the ladies resort. But they are looked upon
to be none the nicest in regard to their reputation, and it is thought
it will soon be suppressed, for it is much taken notice of and exploded
by the religious and sober part of the people." Yet they did not
seem dispirited or moping for lack of amusement; and the same
writer says elsewhere: "The ladies here visit, drink tea, and indulge
in every little piece of gentility to the height of the mode, and neglect
the affairs of their family with as good a grace aa the finest ladies in
London." The old system, in fact, was giving way before the pres
ence of an energetic and pleasure-loving social element, and balls and
parties soon became an unquestioned part of social life. After the
troops were quartered in Boston, an attempt was even made to infringe
upon the Sabbath. " We have had an innovation here never known
before," writes a worthy citizen, in the year 1773. "A drum or rout
given by the admiral last Saturday evening, which did not break up
till two or three o'clock on Sunday morning, their chief amusement
being playing cards." This innovation was a step too far, and disap
peared with the English soldiers ; but, nevertheless, at the time of the
Revolution, the old abhorrence of amusements was nearly gone, and so
cial life in Boston was by no means sombre or depressing ; so that
those who found time in the midst of an active life for relaxation had
no lack of opportunities.'
In social habits nothing now remains to be described but the two
important, although very common, incidents of marriage and death,
and the observances connected with them, which were substantially the
same in tov/n and country throughout New England. On every in
stitution, public and private, the Puritan laid his hand, and dealt with
each after his own fashion. They determined that marriage was sim
ply a civil contract; hardly any weddings were solemnized by ministers
before the eighteenth century, and clergymen were even obliged to
get a special commission in order to officiate. " We do not wish to in
troduce here," said John Winthrop, " the English custom of solemnities
at a marriage. If any minister is present, he might bestow an ex
hortation ; but we adhere to the strict Protestant principle that mar
riage is purely a civil right." To this doctrine there was rigid adher-
' Brissot, p. 80 ; Wansey, p. 42 ; Nason's Life of Frankland ; Proe Massachu
setts Hist. Sbc, iii., Bennet, p. 109 and ff., 1740 ; Ibid., vi., 322 ; John Dunton's
Letters ; CoU. Massachusetts Hist. Soe, L, i., 49 ; IV., iv., Eliot to HoUis.

462 HISTORY OF THE
ence for neariy a century. Weddings were usually celebrated very
quietly at the home of the bride, in tbe presence of a few friends,
and by a justice of the peace ; but the extreme simplicity thus en
forced led gradually to the overthrow of the system. The religious
theory of marriage never reached great importance, but the severe ab
stinence from any form of celebration gave way entirely. Marriages
took place usually at a very early. period of life, many girls becom
ing wives at sixteen or seventeen. John Dunton speaks of a Miss
Wilkins, an old maid of twenty-six, looked on in Boston as " a dis
mal spectacle ;" and John Higginson writes of some young ladies
that they " are like to continue ancient maids, Sarah being twenty-
five or twenty-six years old." This was at tbe close of the seven
teenth century; but the custom not only of young, but of repeat
ed marriages, continued down to the Revolution ; and as these mar
riages were very fruitful, families were large, and thus the population
was supplied which overflowed New England, and pushed out to the
fertile lands of the north and west. Marriage wrought a marked
change in the position of a woman. Young girls were allowed an
amount of liberty whioh would now be inconceivable if remnants of
it did not still survive; but when they married all freedom was at an
end. The wives and mothers were not only very domestic, but ex
tremely prudish ; anything but tho simplest dress was looked upon
with marked disfavor, and intrigue, gallantry, or adultery were so rare
as to be almost unknown. As has just been said, the extreme privacy
and quiet of the early marriages wholly disappeared. At first feast
ing was added to singing psalms and prayer, and then weddings be
came occasions for much social festivity. All the friends were enter
tained at the bride's home with a collation or supper, and afterward
a dance ; while in the coiintry they were the most important social
events. The banns were proclaimed in church, and all tbe neighbors
were invited from the pulpit to attend the ceremony. On the day
of the wedding muskets were fired, a procession was formed, and
marched to the bride's house, where the marriage took place ; and
then came a dinner, a dance, and great merry-making. Usually these
wedding-feasts lasted through tbe day and evening, but they were
souictimes kept up for two or three days. On one occasion at New
London there was a great wedding dance on the day after the mar
riage, when ninety-two ladies and gentlemen assembled and proceeded
to dance ninety-two jigs, fifty-two contra-dances, forty-five minuets,
and seventeen hornpipes. This was probably an extreme case ; but all

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 463
over New England weddings were great occasions, and were celebrated
with much pomp and rejoicing."
With the same unsparing hand the early Puritans strove to cut
down to the last point the flnal offices of respect to the dead, and the
flrst settlers carried their dead from the house on their shoulders after
a brief prayer, and silently laid them in the earth. But death was
too grand a theme for moralizing to be passed over so simply. The
Puritans became dissatisfied with their own experiment on this point,
and long before the seventeenth century closed funerals had become
important and observed occasions. The religious rites continued to
be very simple ; but great state and pomp were introduced into the
last obsequies. At the funeral of Governor Leverett the hearse came
first, with four gentlemen carrying banner rolls, then four more carry
ing the armor and sword of the dead man, then two leading the horse,
and again fonr with banners, and finally a long train of citizens. In
a less degree this came to be the practice at every funeral. There
were always. pall-bearers from among the loading men of the commu
nity, a long procession to the grave, great distribution of scarfs, gloves,
and rings, and, to close the day, baked meats and drinking. A list of
charges at a private funeral in Boston in the middle of the eighteenth
century includes twelve pounds for scarfs and gloves, nine pounds for
a barrel of wine, and three shillings for tobacco. At the funeral of
Governor Belcher's wife one thousand scarfs and pairs of gloves were
given away, and it was even customary for the towns to supply scarfs
and gloves on the burial of a pauper. The fashion of expensive funer
als was carried to such extremes, and the extravagance was so great,
especially in Massachusetts, that it was found necessary in that prov
ince to regulate these ceremonies by law, in order to make them less
costly. In the country the system was substantially the same. If a
death occurred in the night the bell was tolled at sunrise ; if in the
daytime, at sunset, once for a child, twice for a woman, thrice for a
man. The funeral was somewhat simpler than in the capital, but itr.
' Brissot, p. 72; Proc. Massachusetts Hist. Soe, ii., 283; Ibid., iii., Bennet, p.
109 and ff. ; Proo. Massachusetts Hist. Soe, vi., 322 ; New England Hist. Gen. Reg.,
vi. ; xi., 263 ; xx., 122 ; John Dunton's Letters ; Anburey, ii., 88 ; Massachusetts Hist.
Soe Coll., IIL, vii., 199 ; V., vi., 24— New Hampshire, Hist. Soe Coll., iii., 190 ; Par
ker's Londonderry, p. 74 — Connecticut, Rochefoucauld, i., 636 ; Chastellux, i., 79 ;
History of New London, pp. 194, 406 ; History of Norwich, Caulkins, pp. 177, 332 ;
History of Meriden and WaUingford, p. 408 ; HoUister's History of Connecticut, i.,
438— Rhode Island, Westerly and its Witnesses, p. 142.

464 HISTORY OF THE
main features were the same. All work was suspended, and every one
in the village gathered at the house of mourning, whence the coffin
was borne to the grave on men's shoulders, followed by a long pro
cession. When the burial was over all returned to the house, and
feasting and drinking ensued. This celebration of funerals was, as
has been seen, common to all the northern and middle colonies, and
was carried to strange extremes, borrowed originally from English
customs.' In many respects, for one reason or another, New England differed,
sometimes for better and sometimes for worse, from the other colonies,
often very slightly, and then again very widely; but there was one
point on which the dissimilarity was more marked than on any other.
This was education. The Puritan theory of a direct personal com
munion between each human being and his Maker, and the consequent
interest in divine precepts, made the Bible and the capacity to read
it an essential part of their system of society. The tradition of a
time when the Bible was chained up in churches, when it was the
privilege of the priesthood and denied to the people, was still fresh in
their thoughts. Ignorance, slavery, and papacy were to their minds
inseparable, and to unbar the gates of knowledge and keep them open
for all and each was one of their chief political and religious doctrines.
With strong, unfiinching narrowness they strove to regulate every detail
of human life, with rigid intolerance they persisted in attempts to bind
opinions and check their utterance unless they accorded with certain
well-defined principles ; yet, even while they did this, they made it one
of their cardinal doctrines to strike off the shackles from the mind,
and put knowledge within the reach of every one. The two policies
thus inevitably united were, of course, hopelessly inconsistent. The
Puritans held down liberty of thought and action with one hand, and
raised up intellectual freedom with the other. From their race, and
from the conditions of their development, they could not do otherwise,
and this contradictory policy could have but one result. They freed
the human mind, and then tried to limit it in a new fashion. The
effort was vain. The liberated intelligence broke the bonds of Calvin
ns it had those of Rome ; and the spirit of inquiry proved as fatal to
1 New England Hist. Gen.Reg., viii., 212 • Coll. Massachusetts Hist. Soe, IL, vui.,
44; Ibid., v., v., vi., Sewall's Diary generaUy— New Hampshire, Parker's London
derry, p. 76 ; Rambles about Portsmouth, Second Series, p. 334 ; Bouton, History of
Concord, p. 612 — Connecticut, History of New London, p. 267 ; History of Meriden
and WaUingford, p. 380 ; HoUister's History of Connecticut, i.,438.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERIC.i. 466
the peculiar political and social system of the Puritans as it had to
the tyranny of the Popish hierarchy. On one side the Puritan was
the dark, unrelenting, religious enthusiast, fierce of spirit and gloomy
in creed ; on the other, he was the champion of education, and ren
dered unequalled services to the enlightenment of the human race.
Thus it was that one of the earliest acts of the settlers- of New Eng
land was to found a system of public schools. A certain number of
families were required by law to maintain a grammar-school, and free
Latin schools were sometimes established in county towns by general
law, and sometimes in the principal city by special act, as at Ports
mouth and Boston. In many cases in Massachusetts the towns and
the schools were founded apparently almost together, and date back
to the early years of the Puritan immigration. By the year 1649 ed
ucation was comp-jlsory everywhere in New England except in Rhode
Island. Throughout New England the school-house followed hard
upon the church and block-house, which were the first buildings erect
ed when a new community was organized. At first, of course, teach
ers were not plentiful, and there was home instruction, the children
of every family being taught the rudiments by their parents until
they were able to go to the nearest grammar-school ; and this con
tinued to be the case in New Hampshire and in outiying districts
down to the time of the Revolution. The home instruction of the
first settlers was followed by dames' schools, itinerant teachers, and
sometimes by settled masters who were offlcers of the town. The in
struction in these schools was of course very simple and rudimentary,
but it served as a beginning, and growing steadily developed into a
universal .system of public common schools. These were supple
mented by Latin schools; and where the latter were not established
boys were fitted for college by private instruction from the clergyman
of the parish. The result was that at the time of the Revolution
everybody could read from one end of New England to the other,
and illiteraoy, except on the wild frontiers of Maine, was almost
wholly unknown. The children of the very poorest parents had all
some education, so that they cannot be compared with the ignorant
classes of Europe, and those of more prosperous families were as well
educated as in England. The boys when they left school were sent
to college, the girls were taught fine work, music, and dancing. There
was no need to send children abroad for an education, as was so much
the practice in the southern provinces, and it was very rarely done.
More remarkable even than the foundation of the public school sys-
30

466 HISTORY OP THE
tem was the establishment of a college for the cultivation of the
highest learning by the general court of Massachusetts, within seven
years from the time when Endicott and his followers landed at Salem.
There is no need to trace the history of Harvard College, thus found
ed to train up "learned and godly ministers," for it is part of the
history of the colony itself. It was sustained and carried through
many long years of discouragement by the enei-gy of a powerful
clergy, and the support of an intelligent and far-sighted people. Tbe
learning of the New England clergy was very great, and so wss that
of the college they administered. At the period of the Revolution
the college probably afforded in theology, philosophy, and the classics
as good an education as could be obtained in Europe, for tho professors
were men of character and learning, and some of them eminent. The
college had some goodly brick buildings, a library of five thousand
volumes, and good sets of astronomical and philosophical apparatus.
The education of the common schools and the higher education went
hand in hand in Massachusetts, and by the grants of tbe legislature,
by tbe gifts of towns, and by the legacies of individuals, can be seen
the deep and, wide-spread popular interest felt in these subjects.
In Conneeticut, Yale College was founded at the very beginning of
the eighteenth eentury, and entered on a career of usefulness and suc
cess which fell little short of that of the older university. At a later
period Dartmouth College was founded in New Hampshire, and well
managed ; and, still later, Brown College in Rhode Island. In this
last colony education was not so good as in the other New England
provinces. There were, of course, public schools, but of less high
quality, and for the best and final education the children of those who
could afford it were usually sent to Massachusetts or Connecticut.
The striking fact about New England education was the high aver
age. Every one could read, write, and cipher, and ignorance was
even more uncommon than pauperism.'
I Abb6 Robin, p. 24 ; Upham's Salem Witchcraft, i. ; Proc. Massachusetts Hist.
Soe, iii., Bennet's MS. Hist., p. 109 and ff. ; New England Hist. Gen. Reg., vi.. School
in Ipswich; Rochefoucauld, ii., 214; Tyler's American Literature, i., 98 ; Coll. Mas
sachusetts Hist. Soe, IL, iv.. Schools in Plymouth- New Hampshire, Rochefou
cauld, ii., 196; Hist. Soe CoU., i., 157; iv., 15; Prov. Papers, iii., 364; History of
Rindge, p. 273— Connecticut, Abh6 Robin, p. 41 ; Wansey, p. 67 ; Rochefoucauld,
i., 627; Barber's Hist. Coll., p. 146; History of Glastenbury, p. 110; History of
New London, p. 395 ; Litchfield County Centennial, p. 48 ; History of Norwich, p.
92— Rhode Island, Claude Blanchard, p. 43 ; Rochefoucauld, i., 496, 604 ; Cahoon,
Sketches of Newport, pp. 43, 56 ; Col. Records, vi., 385.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 467
Where education both in school and college was so general and
wide-spread, the atmosphere was much more favorable to literature
and other purely intellectual pursuits than in the other colonies. The
Puritan leaders and the Puritan clergy brought with them a strong
love of letters, and even in the very infancy of the colony, in the
midst of the hard struggle for existence in the wilderness, they did
not neglect them. Through the dark period of settlement and iso
lation the Puritan clergy carried the light of literature undimmed.
They sedulously maintained their connection with their brethren in
England, and the chain of thought was never broken, nor was the at
tachment to the learning and scholarship of the Old World ever less
ened. In this way there grew up in New England a native literature,
strengthened by its connection with Europe, but bearing the deep im
pression of the peculiarities and characteristics of the people, among
whom it had developed. The proportion of learned men, including
the clergy, among the early settlers was very large. It has' been com
puted that there was one Cambridge. graduate to every two hundred
and fifty immigrants; and the result of this and of the maintenance
of learning in the provinces was a great literary activity in the seven
teenth century, which was continued, with some abatement and slight
changes, through the eighteenth down to the Revolutionary epoch.
As the chief purely intellectual interest was religion, so the principal
part of New England literature was polemical divinity ; but there was
also a literature of politics, memoirs, poetry, and history, all deeply
tinged with religious thought, a qualityi which gradually fades away
as the eighteenth century advances.
The political and religious beliefs which led to the Puritan im
migration impressed the participants in that movement with a deep,
sense of the vastness of their undertaking, and the importance of
preserving personal records of events; This feeling gave us the di
ary of Bradford, of Plymouth ; the diary of Governor Winthrop, the
most interesting of all, and of considerable literary merit ; the jour
nal of Francis Higginson ; and a number of others of less importance.
Then comes a second period of native diarists, among whom Samuel
Sewall is conspicuous, covering the close of the colonial and the first
thirty years of the' provincial period. In all these diaries the marked
quality is the introspection and constant religious and moral question
ings of the writers, accompanied by a minute record of public and pri
vate events, with appropriate reflections exhibiting a great deal of pen
etration and shrewd observation. These memoirs reflect the thought,

468 HISTORY OF THB
and, are literary examples of the period in which they were composed,
but their publication was left, 'of course, to a late posterity.
Sooial and political tracts made their appearance in the eariiest days
of the settiement, and continued to be published by both laymen and
ministers until the period of the Revolution. The clergy predomi
nated among the writers at first very largely, but eariy in the seven
teenth century they began to lose their leadership. Sewall, among
others, published an able attack on slavery; and Jeremiah Dummer's
Defence of the Charters was, perhaps, the most powerful of the New
England political tracts. At the beginning of the troubles with Eng
land the change had gone still farther, and political writing passed
into the hands of the laity, and particularly of the lawyers. In the
eariy days, also, there was a good deal of verse written, chiefiy by
clergymen ; but the best and most conspicuous of the verse writers
was Anne Bradstreet, the daughter of the elder Dudley. She was
a follower of Quarles and Withers, and tbe euphuists — a pernicious
style very popular in New England ; but some of her shorter and
simpler poems are not without merit. The literary development of
New England can, however, be best traced in the writings of the
clergy, who were the great repositories of learning, and the real ex
ponents of New England literature. The line of clerical writers is
a long and famous one, and their activity extended into every field.
Besides an unbroken and immense series of published sermons, 'they
produced many more extensive and ambitious works in theology, doc
trinal controversy, history, politics, and poetry, of which even the most
purely secular were strongly tinged with the religious feeling. De
scriptions of the country were among the earliest writings ; but the
most successful of these first efforts was the fierce satire of Nathaniel
Ward, tbe " simple cobbler of Agawam," brimming over with attacks
upon manners in New and Old England, and full of bitter intolerance
and invective against such matters as long hair and woman's dress.
All tbe clergy had a great fancy for versifying. The fearful verse
of the Bay Psalm-book was tbe work of eminent ministers like Weld,
Eliot, and the first Mather. Cotton and Wilson, the first ministers of
the Boston church, both indulged in bad verse ; John Norton and John
Rogers were followers of Anne Bradstreet ; and Urian Oakes, the Pres
ident of Harvard College, attempted an elegy on Shepard. In all
alike there is a dire struggle for the expression of genuine feeling in
harsh and stilted lines. The most prolific poet was of a later time,
Michael Wigglesworth, who embodied in interminable verses the doo--

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 469
mas of Calvinism. His masterpiece was the "Day of Doom," redo
lent with the fire and smoke of the Calvinistic hell. The elaborate
account of the fate of the wicked concludes as follows :
" Die fain they would, if die they oould.
But death will not be had ;
God's direful wrath their bodies hath
Forever immortal made.
They live to lie in misery
And bear eternal woe ;
And live they must whilst God is just.
That he may plague them so."
Then follows a description of the happiness of the saints, " who re
joice to see judgment executed upon the wicked world." The passage
just quoted is very mild in tone, but shows the utter failure of the stiff
New England mind to deal with poetry. The subject, it is true, was
an impossible one to anything short of the genius of Milton, but nev
ertheless Wigglesworth, although master of a good vooabulary, was
clearly painfully deficient as a poet; yet his works had an immense
sale, and were read by every one in New England, and reprinted
in London. Wigglesworth was, however, much the best of the verse-
makers. After his time the wretched school of the euphuists grad
ually died out, and was followed by equally poor ballad-makers, and
by bad imitators of Pope, such as the eminent divines Colman and
Byles. Poetry continued to be cultivated, however, and in the year
1762, a series of adulatory poems, on the accession of George III., en
titled " Pietas et Gratulatio," emanated from tbe college. They were
written in faultless Latin, and were fully up to the level of the English
universities, but they evinced nothing but learning.
In other fields the clergy appeared to better advantage. The pro
found learning of the early clergy has already been alluded to, and its
tradition was never lost. Conspicuous among them was the Mather
family, eminent for four generations. Increase Mather, second in tho
succession, was not only a foremost man in polities, but was a prodigy
of learning. He could read and write Hebrew and Greek with per
fect ease, and speak Latin fiuently when he graduated ; and his pub
lished works, including a history of the Indian wars, numbered nine
ty-two. In the way of literary productions, however, he was far sur-'
passed by his son, Cotton Mather, aptly styled by the historian of
American literature " the literary behemoth " of New England. Cot
ton Mather published three hundred and eighty-three books and pam-

470 HISTORY OF THE
phlets, which comprised many sermons, treatises on every possible
topic, and the great folio of the " Magnalia Christi." Cotton Mather
was a man of undoubted ability and vast erudition, and much of his
work may still be read with curiosity and interest ; but as a historian
he was untrustworthy, and his style, overcharged and involved, was the
worst, as it was the last, in the fantastic fashion of the seventeenth
century. Besides the Mathers, there were many who attained repu
tation by their writings. Samuel Willard gained fame by a massive
folio, entitled the " Complete Body of Divinity," a posthumous pub
lication. Benjamin Colman, for many years tbe first preacher in Bos
ton, was a graceful and eloquent man, familiar with English society,
and master of the polished Addisonian style. Mather Byles, " aristo
crat and apostle," the last of the long line — although driven from
his pulpit as a Tory by the storm of the Revolution — was a court
ly, elegant, refined man, very witty in society, and very eloquent as
a preacher — a curious contrast to tbe men of 1629, whom he suc
ceeded, and a strange witness to the process of development. A fa
mous contemporary and champion of tbe patriot side was Jonathan
Mayhew, a forcible and infiuential controversialist. The wide range
of pulpit subjects gave great scope ' at every period to the talents
of the ministers ; but the clergy of the eighteenth century included
in their ranks one man who, with the exception of Franklin, was the
greatest of the New England minds during the colonial period. Jon
athan Edwards, like Franklin, achieved a European reputation, and his
powerful reasoning was renowned wherever the doctrines of Calvin
were revered. When a mere child, he could read Greek, Latin, and
Hebrew, and tbe most abstruse English. He wrote on metaphysics
while still in college, and subsequently achieved distinction as a phi
losopher, and by his acquirements in physical science. He was the
loader of a great party in the Church, and as a reasoner upon doc
trinal questions he displayed a mental vigor and severity of logic
which has seldom been surpassed ; while his work upon the " Free
dom of the Will " is still a masterpiece in its particular field.
The clergy at first monopolized the department of history, as they
did most others, and Hubbard and Increase Mather were the lead
ers in this branch ; but in the eighteenth century the historians in-
¦ creased in number, and included many of the laity. To this second
period belong Calef, Seottow, Penhallow, Church, Douglass, Prince,
and Hutchinson, all of whom produced valuable and important books;
while some of them — such as Hutchinson, the last of the series— had

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 471
real literary merit, and others — like Church — besides possessing this
quality, narrate personal experiences with a strong dash of quaint
humor, and much originality.
The literary activity of New England, and the intellectual tastes of
the people, find abundant evidence in other ways. The first printing-
press in America was started in Cambridge, in the year 1639, just ten
years after the settlement, and its career was never checked or broken.
In 1662 heresy was thought to be about, and the press was put under
the charge of official licensers, a restraint which was not removed un
til 1755; but the work of this early press — its effects and its results
— were of vast importance, and show conclusively the vigor of intel
lectual life in New England. The earliest form of current literature
was the Almanac, a species of publication of great importance, and
widely read throughout the English colonies. The first was issued
from the Cambridge press in 1639; and the next colony to have one
was Pennsylvania, in 1686. They gradually appeared in all the col
onies, and were crowned finally by " Poor Richard," who has gained
a world-wide fame. The flrst newspaper, too, appeared in Boston
in 1690. It was entitled Public Occurrences, and was promptly sup
pressed for " uttering reflections of a very high nature." The next
newspaper, and the first permanent one in the colonies, was the Bos
ton News-letter, which appeared in 1704 ; and in 1764 there were four
newspapers in New England, all published in Boston. The following
year, the Connecticut Gazette was started in New Haven, and three
years later the Summary appeared at New London. In 1776 Boston
had five newspapers, and Salem, Newburyport, and Portsmouth one
each. These journals were universally read, and could be foiind in
the remotest farm-houses, where they were regularly taken. They
formed, however, but a small part of the reading of the people. The
best literature of the day, and the English classics, were always in the
hands ofthe educated classes. Even so strict a Puritan as Samuel
Sewall records in his diary that he read Ben Jonson ; and the Spec
tator and its successors, and the novels of Richardson, found their
way regularly to the homes of Boston merchants. A simple mechanic
like Franklin's father had a good library of polemical divinity, and
hardly any New England family was so poor as not to possess a
number of books, comnionly of a religious character. Besides this
private effort, book companies were formed — some as early as 1737
— for the importation of books ; and at the time of the Revolution
there was a subscription library in almost every township.

472 HISTORY OF THE
Science was never carried far, and the appliances for its study were
almost wholly wanting, except at Cambridge. Yet from the time of
John Winthrop, of Connecticut, one of the eariy members of the Roy
al Society, and a man of broad learning, there were always in New
England a few men zealously engaged in scientific investigation. The
arts can hardly be said to have existed. There was neither the oppor
tunity nor the wealth so essential to their development. Sewall speaks
of the death of " Tom Child, the Painter," and there was a succession
of portrait-painters in Boston during the eighteenth century, ineluding
Pelham and Smibert, and concluding with the famous Copley. There
wore a few portraits in Faneuil Hall and in the college, and here and
there fine pietu'res bought in Europe could be found in the homes of
wealthy merchants ; but art was wholly exotic and very limited, and
entered in no perceptible degree into the life of the people. The first
faint indications could be discerned, but that was all. Yet, as we sur
vey the whole field of literature, science, and art, the vigorous, intel
lectual life of the people is very marked, of much greater strength, and
far more widely diffused and desired, than in any other part of the
English possessions.'
The only intellectual interest which entered at all into competi
tion with religioii among the New England people was that of poli
tics. Not only was the pure religion to find a refuge in the New
World, but there the Puritan state was to be built up if Charles suc
ceeded in establishing a despotism in the mother country. The trad
ing charter of tbe Bay Company was but a thin veil concealing the
really independent state which grew up in Massachusetts. The sys
tem was in theory thoroughly democratic, and political equality was
one of the corner-stones of the structure. In a similar fashion the
settlements of Connecticut and Rhode Island developed into indepen
dent communities, and so- continued down to and beyond the Revolu
tion. The old charter in Massachusetts was lost, and New Hampshire

> Brissot, p. 86 ; Tyler's History of American Literature, ii., 98 and ff. ; Wan
sey, p. 47 ; Nason's Life of Frankland ; Thomas's History of Printing ; Mag. Amer.
History, ii., 247; Rochefoucauld, ii., 214; Coll. Massachusetts Hist. Soe, V., vi.,
167, 170, Sewall ; Works of Franklin, i., 15 ; CoU. Massachusetts Hist. Soe, IV., ii.,
Douglas, Letters to Colden ; Ibid., IV., vii., Mather Papers — New Hampshire, Far
mer's Hist. Coll., ii., 174, 176; Annals of Portsmouth, Adams, p. 189 — Connecti
cut, Barber's Hist. Coll., p. 164; New Haven, Hist. CoU., i., 147; History of New
London, p. 472 ; History of Durham, p. 104 — Rhode Island, Chastellu.x, p. 19 ; Ca
hoon, Sketches of Newport, p. 56.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 473
became a royal province, but the spirit of the people was unchanged.
Constant conflicts with successive governors were carried on unceas
ingly, and with rare ability, so that not only did prerogative fail to
make any advance, but it was steadily pushed back. The jealousy
of external power never slept. Sewall knew of no power, he said, to
take pirates out of the colony for trial in England, and the seizure of
sailors for men-of-war was steadily opposed and openly resisted. A
little incident, eariy in the eighteenth century, shows the underlying
• sense of equality before God and tho law which reigned in New Eng
land, despite the conservative recognition of ranks and distinction.
The Governor's coach in winter met some carts in a narrow road, and
the teamsters not getting quickly out of the way. Governor Dudley
and his son alighted, ordered the men aside, and drew their swords
upon them. Blows followed. " I am as good flesh and blood as you !"
said the carter, closing with the Governor, and breaking- his sword.
The carters were soon after arrested and sent to prison, pursued by
the Governor with a bitter spirit of revenge, but when they eame be
fore the court and the evidence was all in, they were discharged. The
"Governor was powerless, for public sentiment sustained the men who
had been dealt with as if they were inferiors and entitled to no rights.
Another feature of the New England character which helped to
increase tbe love of political independence and self-government, was
the keen dislike of foreigners and great pride of race. Except the
few French Huguenots of the seyenteenth eentury, who were gladly
welcomed in New England, no foreigners came among them. They
hated Papists, and Irish, and Frenchmen with a bitter hatred. Even the
Scotch Presbyterians of Londonderry were distrusted and disliked, be
cause papacy was suspected in all who came from Ireland ; and even
the timely help of France in the Revolution could not obliterate the
sense of inherited enmity and deep suspici'on. The process of natu
ralization was slow, difficult, and very rare, and the practice was utter
ly discouraged. As soon as England put herself in the position of an
external and^oreign power this deep-rooted dislike of foreigners ex
tended to her, and combined with the strong spirit of liberty and ha
tred of interference to bring on the resort to arms.
Yet with all this there were few grievances, and the people were
thoroughly loyal. Apart from an angry dread of a colonial bishop,
there was none of the Church oppression which did so much to alien
ate the other colonies. The laws of trade bore hardly upon New
England ; but they were so generally evaded and disregarded, either

474 HISTORY OF THE
by the venality of the collectors, a post highly valued on this account,
or by open and unpunished violation, that in practice they were not
folt. When the British ministry began to enforce them, the first
sense of oppression was given to the New England people. The
genuine loyalty of the people was unquestioned. All the best evi
dence of the time concurs on this point, and we have the direct opin
ion of such a man as John Adams as to its truth. The deepest in
terest was felt in every public event in England, and tbe Protestant
succession was very dear to the descendants of the Puritans. They
rejoiced publicly on every victory of the English arms ; they cele
brated royal births, marriages, and coronations with all the pomp they
could muster. They mourned formally and carefully on the occasion
of every death in the royal family, and these outward manifestations
were not tainted with hypocrisy. They still looked back to England
as the home of their race, and her glory was theirs. But everybody
in New England was a politician. " They are all politicians down
to the house-maids," says Rochefoucauld, " and read two newspapers
a day." Politics alwiiys ran high, and parties were strong and ac
tive. There was no need of an elaborate warning to such people'
that their rights were invaded. They all knew it by instinct, and,
once aroused, the old spirit of independent government and the ha
tred of outside interference broke out and could not be quenched.
Thus it was that, when England began to meddle with the colonies
which Sir Robert Walpole had so. wisely neglected, the opposition
began, and tbe war opened on the soil of New England. There were
no special grievances, there was no peculiar disloyalty; but there was
a thoroughly homogeneous people, pure of race, wedded to indepen
dence, all educated, all keen politicians, hating external power, and still
imbued with the traditions of their fathers, who had fought tbe great
Rebellion and brought a king to execution. Such a people could not
be governed exoept as seemed right in their own eyes ; and when an
attempt was made to rule them in other ways the war for indepen
dence began.' ^
' Abb6 Robin, pp. 22, 26, 28 ; Claude Blanchard, p. 48 ; Brissot, p. 87 ; Journal
of Labadists, Long Island Hist. Soe Coll.,i. ; Nason's Life of Frankland; Proc.
Massachusetts Hist. Soe, ii., 337, Naturalization ; New England Hist. Gen. Reg., xiii.,
328 ; XXX., 328, Letters of Jay and Adams on Loyalty of Colonies ; Rochefoucauld,
i., 398 ; Coll. Massachusetts Hist. Soe, III., ii., 26 ; IV., ii., Douglass to Colden ; V.,
vi., 4, 144,, 317, 327 — New Hampshire Hist. Soe, i., 155; vii.; 35; Parker's Lon
donderry, pp. 70, 77 ; Connecticut, History of New Londou, p. 406 ; Rhode Island,
Fersen, p. 40 ; Rochefoucauld, i., 496.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 473
New England is the last of the three groups of colonies. It is easy
to see the qualities which were peculiar to her people, and tbe great
divergence between their system and that of the South. The former
were pure in race, simple and frugal in their lives, thrifty, prosperous,
and enterprising, a population of small freeholders, with slight in
equalities of condition, and a wide-spread and high average of educa
tion and intelligence. Their system was democratic, with a voluntary
recognition of aristocracy. From this strong and vigorous race came
many great leaders, eminent in civil and military life ; but the great
strength was in the body of the people. They were all imbued with
the same principles, they all had the same unyielding tenacity of pur
pose, reckless audacity, shrewdness, and. force. They carried their
principles into the new national government of the United Colonies.
Between them and Virginia was the contest for supremacy, while the
great middle colonies held the balance ; and the history of that con=
flict of ideas is the history of the United States.

476 HISTORY OF THE

Chapter XXIII.
PREPARING FOR REVOLUTION: FROM 1765 TO 1776.
In October, 1766, the representatives of nine colonies met in Con
gress at New York and founded the American Union, for the
example of federation once given was not forgotten, and was
quickly followed. Timothy Ruggles, of Massachusetts, was chosen Pres
ident ; but the leaders on the fioor were Gadsden and Rutiedge, of
South Carolina, and Otis, of Massachusetts. Under the lead of South
Carolina, the arguments founded on chartered privileges were laid aside,
and the broad doctrines of inalienable rights and liberties were adopt
ed. In a series of resolutions and memorials to both Houses of Par
liament the .Congress asserted the right to trial by jury against an ex
tended admiralty jurisdiction, the right to freedom from taxation, ex
cept by tbe colonial assemblies, as the people could not be represented
in Parliament, and, therefore, that Parliament could not constitution
ally tax them. They complained of tbe acts of trade, admitted a due
submission to King and Parliament, and the right of Parliament to
legislate generally and to regulate trade ; but beyond tbis they would
not go. Ruggles, of Massachusetts, and Ogden, of New Jersey, alone
refused to sign, and the Ijitter was hung in effigy for his pains. Mean
time the current of popular resistance fiowed on stronger and fuller
than ever. Agreements not to import English manufactures were rap
idly formed. Everywhere there was a general opposition to the Stamp
Act, and mobs forced the collectors to resign. On the first day of
November, when the act was to take effect, bells were tolled, proces
sions formed, and the goddess of liberty buried. No ono would use
the stamps. In Connecticut the newspapers appeared without them.
In Boston there was a fierce mob, which, after compelling Oliver to
resign his offioe in the presence of a great crowd, ran riot, and sack
ed the house of Hutchinson, the Lieutenant-governor. In New York
the " Sons of Liberty," guided by Isaac Sears, tbe popular leader of
tbe town, boldly faced Colden, who had prepared to use the Eng-

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 477
lish troops, burnt him in effigy, sacked tho house of a British officer,
and finally obliged the reluctant Governor to yield the stamps into the
keeping of the city government. They followed this up by seizing
the stamped paper intended for Connecticut, and burning it in the
streets. The Maryland distributor fled to New York, only to be ar
rested there by the watchful Sons of Liberty, and forced to resign.
In Charleston the act was burnt, and the bells of the city tolled. The
Stamp Act was annulled in America.
While the storm raged in the colonies, the Rockingham ministry
met Parliament. They were not prepared then to deal with the
American question, and. when they met again after tbe recess they
had reached no agreement. The matter, however, could not be post
poned, and the debate opened on the address to the King.
On that memorable night Pitt took the floor, and, while up
holding the povper of Parliament to legislate generally and to control
trade, denied their right to lay internal taxes on the colonies. Gren
ville ably defended the act of which he was the author; and then
Pitt spoke again, contrary to rule, and uttered the famous sentence
which rang through two continents : " Sir, I rejoice that America has
resisted." At last the ministry had a policy, tbe one pointed out by
the great commoner. They brought in two acts, one declaring the
power of Parliament to be supreme over the colonies in every respect,
and another repealing the Stamp Act. A month passed in the exam
ination of witnesses by the Commons, and in debates by tbe Lords.
Camden defended with splendid eloquence the position that taxation
without representation was unconstitutional, and put the matter fur
ther on the broad and statesman-like ground that, however the law
might be, the great principles of justice demanded that the Ameri
cans should be allowed to tax themselves. He was answered by Mans-
fleld in a speech of consummate ability, and was hopelessly defeat
ed on a division. Parliament would not accept the doctrine of Pitt.
On the seventeenth of February, Conway, who had never faltered or
changed in his opposition to the Stamp Act, brought in a resolution
for its repeal ; there was another great debate, and tho resolutior,
passed. The conflict was protracted still longer, but at last both the
repeal and the act declaratory of the supreme power of Parliament
passed both Houses. The theory was maintained, but the practice
was abandoned, for the pressure in England had become too great to
be borne. The non-importation agreements of the colonies had struck
home to the pockets of the English manufacturers, and eager crowds

478 HISTORY OF THE
had filled tbe lobbies, and hailed with shouts the appearance of Con
way, after his memorable victory of the seventeenth of February.
The news of the repeal fllled America with rejoicing and happiness.
Portraits and statues of Pitt and Conway, of Bai-r6 and of the King,
were ordered by the grateful assemblies ; and celebrations of the
great event were held everywhere, and the defenders of American lib
erty were toasted and applauded.
All this rejoicing was as natural as it was unfounded. The Stamp
Act had been repealed, the immediate grievance had been remedied;
but the new policy of taxation was checked, not defeated; the princi
ple of the supreme power of Parliament had been strongly asserted,
and was more full of vitality and meaning than ever before. The
great debate, in which all the eloquence and reason of England's
statesmen had been employed, had resulted in the establishment of
the principle and the defeat of a particular measure. Pitt's position
was that of a great statesman, of a broad and liberal-minded man, but
his theory was untenable. There was no middle ground between the
doctrine of Mansfield that Parliament was everywhere supreme, and
that of some of the Americans that internal and external taxation
were alike unconstitutional. If Pitt's theory had been adopted and
acted upon as he himself would have acted upon it, all would have
gone well. It would have been neither the flrst nor the last impossi
ble compromise in the history of the English race to have met with
success. But Parliament was logical, if nothing else, and it believed
its own power to be supreme and complete, and so declared it. That
it would soon put its theory in practice, and that America would soon
take up the opposite and equally logical position, was certain; the
only question was one of time, and events moved rapidly.
The sound of the rejoicings called forth by the repeal of the Stamp
Act had hardly died away before it was seen how littie had really
been gained beyond immediate and temporary relief. The Stamp
Act was gone, but the Declaratory Act, and the Sugar Act, and the
Mutiny Act, requiring quarters to be provided for English troops,
and recently extended to the colonies, remained unmodified and un
changed. The Rockingham ministry was dissolved; Pitt came again
to the helm, and was made the Eari of Chatham. The clouds of his
strange illness gathered about the prime-minister, and the conduet of
affairs fell into the hands of Charles Townshend, a believer in the
Stamp Act, and with no faith in Pitt's distinction between internal '
and external taxation. He was determined to pursue the policy of

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 479
Grenville, and laid his plans to quarter garrisons in the large towns of
America, and have them supported by the colonial assemblies, and to
exact a revenue from tbe colonies. The trouble had, indeed, already
begun in New York, where the Assembly, which had passed a limited
act for the supply of two regiments in December, 1766, refused to
provide for quartering troops, and stood firm through a long contro
versy with Sir Henry Moore. In the following spring, Parliament,
under the lead of Townshend, suspended the legislative powers
of New York, as a punishment for their disobedience. This
was a warning which could not be mistaken. In the other colonies,
even when requisitions were complied with, there was careful evasion
of obedience to the terms of the act, and sympathy with New York
spread far and wide, carrying with it deep disquiet and indignation.
Not content with beginning to enforce the Mutiny Act, Townshend
carried measures to impose port duties on wine, oil, and fruit from
Spain and Portugal, and on glass, paper, lead, colors, and tea. The
revenue thus raised was to be used for the payment of the Crown
officers, and for the establishment of a civil list. This was a blow at
the most vital rights of the colonies, for it took from them the con
trol of their governments. The new ^liey, unchecked by the death of
Townshend in tbe autumn of 1767, excited the utmost apprehension
in America, and fanned into fiame the smouldering embers of the op
position to the Stamp Act. Again non-importation agreements were
discussed, but without combination or effect ; and Massachusetts, thor
oughly alarmed at tbe prospect of independent Crown officers, de
termined on stronger measures. The Assembly resolved to
send a petition to the King, and letters to the statesmen of
England. In the petition drawn, probably, by Samuel Adams, the
Assembly set forth the conditions of their settlement, argued against
taxation without representation, and protested against tho presence of
a standing army, and the project of rendering the judicial and execu
tive officers independent of the people. They followed this action by
a resolve inviting the other colonies to unite with them in petitions
to the King against the new taxation. At every step Bernard and
Hutchinson resisted the Assembly, which moved forward steadily,
cautiously, and firmly, making no mistakes, and giving no openings.
Bernard and tho Crown offieers met the action of the Assembly by a
counter -memorial, inveighing against the freedom and independent
temper of the colonists, and advising the immediate presence of fieets
and armies ; supporting their requests with tales of projected riots, for

480 HISTORY OP THE
the people had begun to be restiess, although there was really no dan
ger of any serious outbreak.
Hillsborough, the new Secretary of State, and the King's friends
were indignant at the action of Massachusetts, and letters were sent to
the other colonies denouncing the Massachusetts circular, and to Ber
nard, instructing him to order the House to rescind their resolve, and,
if they refused, to dissolve them. Meantime, the excitement increased.
John Hancock's sloop. Liberty, was seized, on the ground of evasion
of the customs. There was a slight disturbance, and revenue officers,
in pretended fear of their lives, took refuge on the Romney man-of-
war, while the town and the Governor quarrelled about the affair.
When the general court met, strengthened by the sympathy of Con
necticut and New Jersej^, and by the letter of Virginia, where their
principles had been sustained by resolutions of the Burgesses, Hills
borough's letter was presented. The House, by an overwhelming vote,
refused to rescind ; the court was dissolved, and Massachusetts was
left without a legislature. Boston town-meeting took into its hands
the power which Hillsborough and Bernard sought to crush. They
called a convention of delegates from the towns of the province while
troops were on their way to Massachusetts ; and this convention came
together, demanded in vain a general court, passed strong resolutions
against taxation and a standing army, and adjourned, while the Coun
cil refused to make provision for the expected soldiers until the bar
racks were filled, and the old beacon was prepared as in the days of
Andros. Soon after the convention dissolved, two regiments, present
ly increased to four, and artillery, landed and marched into tbe town.
The Council refused quarters until the barracks were occupied ; and,
after camping for some time in the open air, the troops were finally
quartered and supplied at the expense of the Crown. No measure
oould possibly have been taken better calculated to produce civil war.
The troops v/ere sent to overawe, and they merely irritated the people.
Into a peaceful town, into a province which had simply remonstrated
and petitioned legally and properly in defence of their rights, were
suddenly thrust royal regiments. The strong feeling of independence
in a country where garrisons were absolutely unknown was outraged,
while the bad character and licentious habits of the soldiery incensed
a rigid, austere, and sober people. Attempts at military coercion and
the presence of troops were sure to breed trouble ; and, worse than
this, they not only awakened the sympathy of the other colQuies,
but alarmed them for their own safety. Tt was outside pressure and

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 481
peril in its strongest form, and nothing tended so strongly to produce
that union which alone could be fatal to English rule.
In Virginia, when the Burgesses met, resolutions were passed de-
claring against taxation, and asserting the right to trial by a
jury of the vicinag^, and to combination among the colonies.
Botetourt dissolved the Assembly, and the Burgesses met in conven
tion and formed a stringent non-importation agreement. Virginia
carried with her the southern colonies, her example was followed
in Delaware and Pennsylvania, and when the general court came to
gether again in Massachusetts they promptly adopted tbe resolutions.
Some of the troops had been withdrawn; but two regiments were. kept
on Bernard's request, and he and the legislature were in no good-hu
mor when they met at Cambridge, whither the Governor adjourned
them. The House refused fiatly to provide for troops, or to give a
salary for the year to Bernard, who was recalled, and who soon after,
having prorogued the refractory Assembly, departed from Boston,
amid the noisy rejoicings of the populace, leaving Hutchinson to
rule in his stead. While Massachusetts and Virginia were thus com
ing together, and preparing the American union, the ministry in Eng
land, halting and undecided, rather frightened at the results of their
energetic policy, and desperately embroiled with Wilkes, decided to re
cede. They sent a circular to the colonies, promising to lay no more
taxes, and to repeal the duties on glass, paper, and colors, retaining
only that on tea. Their action W"as that of well-meaning, narrow, and
weak men. They should either then and there have enforced their
policy at the point of the bayonet, or they should have fully and
frankly given way on every point. To save their pride, maintain
their doctrines, and please the King, they retained one paltry tax,
yielding, perhaps, three hundred pounds a year, but which carried the
vital principle with it as surely and clearly as revenue involving mill
ions. 'The course of the ministry had slowly brought the confiict to
the point at which complete victory on one side or the other was
alone possible. The colonies were fully alive to the situation, and
saw that while one tax remained nothing had been gained. The non
importation agreements spread everywhere, and were strongly en
forced, and all society was drawn into a refusal to use tea. Confiicts
with the revenue officers in Rhode Island and elsewhere grew more
and more frequent, and the relations of the people with the
soldiery in New York and Boston more and more strained.
In New York there wero violent affrays between the. soldiers and the
31

482 HISTORY OF THE
people over the erection of the liberty-pole, and there was fighting in
the streets. These outbreaks heightened feeling in Boston, where the
soldiers were taunted and insulted, and where recurring fights between
populace and redcoats showed that a crisis was at hand. On the third
of March there was an ugly brawl, and on the evening of the fifth there
was another fray and trouble with the sentry. Before quiet was re
stored there was renewed fighting, and a crowd gathered round the
sentry in King Street. Alarmed and angry, the man called out the
guard ; the mob rapidly increased ; insults were followed by missiles ;
one soldier discharged his gun ; there was a scattering fire from the
troops, and three of the citizens were killed and two mortally wound
ed. Blood had been shed, and it looked as if civil war had begun.
The regiments were turned out, the people poured into the streets;
it was a mere chance that the American Revolution was not then to
open. But Hutchinson appeared in the balcony of the State-house,
promised an investigation, and besought peace. The people dispersed,-
and war was for the moment averted ; yet nothing could efface the
memory of this affray. Regular troops had fired upon the citizens,
human life had been sacrificed, and the exaggerated title of the " Bos
ton Massacre " showed the importance attached to this event, which
served for years to keep alive and develop resistance to England.
The morning after the massacre the select-men waited on Hutchin
son, and urged the removal of the soldiers. At eleven the town meet
ing came together, and chose a committee, with Samuel Adams at its
head, to wait upon the Governor, and demand the withdrawal of the
troops. Hutchinson wished to delay and postpone. He offered- to
have the Twenty-ninth Regiment, which had fired on the people, re
moved to the castle, and the other put under proper restraint. The
committee went back through thronged streets, and made its report,
which was pronounced unsatisfactory, and a new committee, again
headed by Adams, went back to the Governor. The interview which
followed in the Council - chamber, as the daylight slowly faded, was
ono of the great dramatic scenes of the American Revolution. In
that moment Samuel Adams was pre-eminent, and all the greatness
and force of his mind and character concentrated to raise bim up as
the great tribune of the people. The incarnation of right and justice,
the true champion of the people, he stood before the fit representative
of a weak, vacillating, proud, and stupid ministry, and made that rep
resentative quail before bim. " If you can remove one, you can re
move both," he said to Hutchinson; "there are three thousand peo-

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 483
pie in yonder town-meeting; the country is rising.; night is falling,
and we must have an answer." Hutchinson hesitated a moment,
trembled, and gave way. Before a week elapsed, all the troops were
withdrawn ; and meantime they had watched the funerals of their
victims, seen their companions arrested for murder, beheld a town-
meeting called to hurry their departure, and had been kept under
strict guard by the militia of the town they went forth to garrison.
Staying and going were alike full of humiliation and defeat. It was
a great triumph ; and as the news spread of the events at Boston, a
strong sense of relief filled the colonies.
While the colonies were thus engaged the Duke, of Grafton had
fallen from power, and the " King's friends," led by Lord North, were
at the head of affairs. With the full concurrence of Parliament, they
repealed the obnoxious taxes, but succeeded by a slender majority in
retaining the fatal duty on tea. The mitigated policy of England
and the victory at Boston tended to sow dissension among the col
onies. Virginia and other southern provinces began to slacken in
tho enforcement of the non-importation agreement ; and New York,
where enforcement had been most stringent, after chafing under this
relaxation elsewhere, finally, though not without much opposition from
Sears and his followers, abandoned the agreement, except so far as it
related to tea. It looked as if the temporizing policy of the ministry
would work its natural result in dividing tho colonies and appeasing
resentment, and that the troubled waters would subside, and flow qui
etly in their old channels. All this would have come to pass if the
English ministers had not insisted on emphasizing the declarations of
the powers of Pariiament by retaining a nominal tax on tea, and if
they had let the refractory province of Massachusetts alone ; but they
would neither give up the one nor refrain from the other.
In the town of Boston the conflict, which was fast dying out in
the other colonies, was sedulously kept up by the representatives of
the Crown. Hutchinson again summoned the general court at Cam
bridge, an act as unnecessary as it was ill-advised; and, while the
House remonstrated, all legislation stood still. Hutchinson reproached
them with their disregard of the rescinding order ; and, in obedience
to Hillsborough's instructions, gave up to Colonel Dalrymple the .pos
session of the fort, reserved by the charter to the Governor. While
Boston was thus being converted into a military station, and the Gov
ernor of Massachusetts ^vas urging the destruction of her charter, the
general court elected Betijamin Franklin their agent to plead their

4,S4 HISTORY OF THE
cause in England. The overthrow of the regulators in North Caro
lina strengthened the Crown in the south, and Lord North's ministry
o-aine'd stability and votes enough to assure working majorities. To
men like Samuel Adams, who had begun to feel that the true solution
of. all difficulties was to bc found in independence, the outlook was
very dark. The next year Hutchinson again called the general court at
Cambridge, and again the House protested against this unre
strained use of the prerogative. Hutchinson vetoed the supply
bill because tbe incomes of the commissioners of revenue were not ex
empted, and the House remonstrated strongly, taking the ground that
such exemption struck at tbe very root of free government, and tend
ed to vacate tho charter. The power of King and Parliament was
fairly drawn into the discussion, and the Governor and Assembly
parted in no good-humor. The apparent tranquillity of the southern
states, which encouraged Hillsborough to urge Hutchinson forward in
his arbitrary course, began to show signs of disturbance. The
Governors of Georgia and North Carolina were at odds with
their Assemblies ; and the petition of Virginia — warmly supported in
the northern colonies — that the slave-trade might be chocked was dis
regarded and overruled. In Rhode Island there was much bitter feel
ing against tbe officers of customs, and especially against Duddington,
the commander of the cruiser Gaspee, who insdlted and abused the
inhabitants and fired on their boats. In June Duddington gave chase
to the Providence paeket, and ran his vessel aground. Boats came
off from Providence in the night, manned by colonists, who boarded
the hated cruiser, wounded Duddington in the scuffle, took him and
his crew prisoners, and then, setting fire to the Gaspee, burnt her to
the water's edge. Civil war was not far distant when the people
were ripe for acts like these.
In Massachusetts, Hutchinson, for the fourth time, convened the
general court at Cambridge, but at last gave way on tbis point of use
less offence, and adjourned them to" Boston. There the House gave
its attention to the danger to their eonstitutional rights from the pay
ment of Crown officers by warrant from a fund established by Parlia
ment, and adopted a report which hinted in plain terms that such a
course relieved them from their dependence. Even while the storm
was slowly gathering, and while its mutterings could be heard in all
parts of the continent, Hillsborough hastened to announce that the
King had made provision for the support of the law officers in Massa
chusetts. The drift of this measure was plainly seen by Adams, and

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 48j>
he began at once to move against it. At the October town-meeting
a committee was raised to inquire of the Governor if the judges were
to be paid, and to ask that the Assembly meet on the day to which
it had been prorogued. The Governor refused to answer the question,
and denied to the town the right of demanding a meeting of the gen
eral court. At the next town-meeting the committee reported, recit
ing their grievances, and declaring that the right to life, liberty, and
property must be defended, if necessary, by arms. Then Samuel Adams
moved for a new committee to correspond with those to be raised in
other towns, and the union of the American colonies was founded.
Beginning in the hamlets of New England, it was destined to cover
a continent. The towns rapidly fell in, and the spirit of opposition
spread, excited by the news that orders had come to send the destroy
ers of the Gaspee to England for trial.
When the general court of Massachusetts came together at the open
ing of the new year, Hutchinson saw fit in his speech to renew
the discussion of the supremacy of Parliament, arguing that
there was no middle ground between submission and independence,
but the Governor was dealing with abler men than himself. Adams
and Hawley eagerly embraced the issue, and the House replied to the
Governor that the source of trouble was clearly in taxation, and de
duced from his own premises the right to independence. In Rhode Isl
and the royal commission met to inquire into the affair of the Gaspee;
but the chief-justice refused to allow the offenders to be arrested for
trial in England, and the royal commission adjourned without acting.
The news of these events spread southward, and met with warm ap
proval when the Burgesses of Virginia eame together ; and Dabney
Carr, supported by Patrick Henry and Richard Henry Lee, introduced
and carried through a series of resolutions in favor of a system of cor
respondence among the colonies. Union was far advanced when it re
ceived the adhesion of the great colony of Virginia, whose resolutions
were warmly received everywhere, but above all in Massachusetts ; the
other New England colonies came at once into line, and the northern
and southern groups were firmly united. The action of Virginia was
more ominous to British rule than anything that had yet happened ;
and in Massachusetts fuel was added to the fire of popular resistance by
the publication of the letters of Hutchinson and Oliver to the minis
try. These documents, which Franklin, by means even now not fully
known, had succeeded in obtaining, were full of deadly hostility to
the province and its chartered liberties, and led to a petition for the

486 HISTORY OF THE
removal of their authors, and to an outburst of anger before which
Hutchinson quailed and desired to resign.
While these events were transpiring, the untiring efforts of Samuel
Adams to bring about a Congress and cement union received a fresh
stimulus from the action of the ministry. The East India Company
was in difficulties, and Lord North authorized them to export tea to
America, agreeing to allow a drawback equal to the whole duty. The
news of this determination aroused the deepest indignation in the
colonies ; for not only was the principle of taxation to be maintained,
but the tea which carried the principle with it was to be forced upon
them. The consignments were already on their way, when the citi
zens of Philadelphia came together, denied the right of Parliament to
tax them, condemned the duty on tea, declared all who took part in
its importation enemies of the country, and forced the agents of the
East India Company to resign. In Charleston there was a like spirit
manifested, and in New York the Sons of Liberty made every disposi
tion to resist the landing of the tea, and the agents resigned. But the
question was to be decided in Boston, whore the opposition had be
gun, and where the consignees, more stubborn than elsewhere, refused
to yield. They were handed over by the town-meetings to the com
mittees of correspondence, and in the midst of the excitement the tea-
ships arrived. The other towns began to move, the men from the
country poured into Boston, and town-meeting sucoeoded town-meet^
ing. The Council refused to support the Governor, who talked of re
tiring to the fort, while every hour brought tidings of the support of
other towns. The consignees began to lose heart. They offered to store
the teas, and await instructions, but said they could not send them
back. The offer was refused. In vain Hutchinson strove to disperse
the meetings ; the whole province was fast rising in arms. At last
Rotoh, the owner of the Dartmouth, gave way, and applied for a clear
ance, which the officers of the customs refused. There lay the ships,
guarded night and day, and no tea was landed. The time was running
out ; in a few days tbe tea would be forfeit to the Crown, and would
be landed by the officers of customs. Men-of-war were stationed to
prevent their departure, and they could not pass the fort except with
the Governor's permit. On the sixteenth of December the crisis was
reached. Seven thousand men were gathered in town-meeting, and
Rotch was sent to Milton to ask Hutchinson for a pass. While he
was gone the meeting voted that the tea should not be landed. The
day wore slowly away, and when Rotch returned to announce that tbe

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 487
Governor refused the pass, night had fallen. It was another of the
dramatic scenes in American history — another turning-point in the
preparation for revolution, and again' Samuel Adams was the central
figure. Rising slowly in the dimly lighted church, he said, simply and
solemnly, " This meeting can do nothing more to save the country."
There was a wild war-whoop outside, and a band of men disguised as
Indrfins rushed through the streets, boarded the ships, and in three
hours the tea was floating in Boston harbor. The American Revolu
tion had begun. In every colony the destruction of the tea at Boston
met with warm approval. In Philadelphia the tea-ship was compelled
to return with her cargo intact; and in Charleston, where it became for
feit to the government and was landed, it mouldered in damp cellars.
When tbe news of the sixteenth of December reached England, the
ministry were ena;as;ed in severina: another link in the chain
1744. which bound the colonies to the parent country. If there
was any one man who could have checked the course cf revolution,
it was Benjamin Franklin, wise, famous, and popular. He was not as
yet an enemy to England, but still hoped for peace and reconcilia
tion. It became his duty to present the petition of Massachusetts for
the removal of Hutchinson and Oliver on account of their misconduct,
and of the letters which Franklin had obtained and published. The
appearance of those letters had led to a duel, and had caused great
anger against Franklin ; so that when the petition came up for hear
ing before the Council, he was made the target of a violent attack by
Wedderbum, who appeared for the accused, and acted as if Franklin
was on trial. The great American was abused, and the petition con
temptuously rejected. The English ministry esteemed it wise to in
sult and outrage the strongest man in the colonies, and receive with
hearty applause the coarse and powerful invective whicli helped to dis
member the empire. It was part and parcel of the ignorant arrogance
which began with Grenville, and ended in the loss of thirteen colonies.
In this condition of the public temper the resistance of Boston was
not likely to be pardoned. ¦ It was not too late to retreat and retain
the colonies ; but there was no one in England who had the power
and the desire for such a course. King and people were thoroughly
in sympathy, and determined to punish the rebellious colonists. A
series of measures ingeniously adapted to cause civil war were rapidly
passed through Parliament, and were in part opposed only by a few
far-seeing men, and by some of the old Whig party of Rockingham.
While the people of Massachusetts, well knowing the desperate strug-

488 HISTORY OP THE
gle in which they were engaged, impeached Chief-justice Oliver for
taking his salary from the Crown ; and while, by the hand of Samuel
Adams, they sent their last instructions to Franklin, Lord North in
troduced and carried through without objection the Boston Port Bill,
which closed the port of Boston until the East India Company was
indemnified, and the King satisfied of the submission of the rebellious
town. General Gage was appointed civil Governor, and sent with four
regiments to carry out the provisions of the bill, and arrest and bring to
judgment the patriot leaders, among whom Adams was foremost. The
next in the series of measures was far graver than the Port Bill, and
struck at the political life of every colony alike, for this second act
altered by will of Parliament alone the charter of Massachusetts, and it
provided for the destruction of town-meetings, for the appointment
of the Council, and also of the Sheriffs, into whose hands was given
the selection of the juries. To the credit of England it can ,be said that
tbis witless piece of revengeful oppression did not pass unchallenged.
It was opposed by Burke, Fox; and Conway, and by most of the Rock
ingham Whigs, and was only carried through after long and strenuous
debates in both Houses. Such opposition can hardly be wondered at,
for the English Pariiament has passed but few measures which were
the direct cause of such mighty results. The act to alter the charter
of Massachusetts firmly united the American colonies, and divided the
empire of England. The third measure of the ministry transferred the
trial of any soldier or Crown officer indicted for murder or other capi
tal offence in Massachusetts to Nova Scotia or England. A few bold
men raised their voices against a bill which gave immunity to soldiers
in a defenceless colony ; but their warning was unheeded, and the act
passed rapidly with large majorities. A fourth act provided for quar
tering troops in Boston ; and a fifth, known as the Quebec Act, dealt
with tbe recent conquests of England, gave toleration to the Roman
Catholics, erected an arbitrary government, and extended the bounds
of the new province to the Ohio, absorbing the territory of the old
colonies, and threatening the possessions of Virginia and Pennsyl
vania. Something had been done to anger every colony; but the
weight of tbe blow fell upon Massachusetts, in whose fate every prov
ince beheld what might with equal fitness come to them.
Massachusetts received the news in ominous silence, but with no
signs of yielding. Samuel Adams and his friends saw what was com
ing, but they devoted themselves to renewing the non -importation
agreements, and sent messengers forth to ask for a general suspension

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 489
of trade. The Port Bill and the Charter Act roused the continent
in support of Massachusetts. New York moved first, and the Sous of
Liberty wrote to Massachusetts and proposed a general coiigress. The
old committee dissolved, and a new one was formed with many Tories
among the members, but controlled by the moderate men,'who flnally
came forward under the lead of John Jay. Connecticut adopted a
declaration of rights; Rhode Island demanded a general congress.
In Pennsylvania the moderate party, under the guidance of John
Dickinson, had the upper hand. They had little sympathy for Mas
sachusetts ; they dreaded to become involved in her fate, but they
favored a congress, and opposed a suspension of trade. In the absence
of Franklin, Mifflin and the patriot party made slight headway. In
Virginia, when the Burgesses met, a day of fasting was appointed when
the Port Bill went into operation. Whereupon Dunmora dissolved the
Assembly, and the Burgesses met in convention, voted for an annual
congress, and elected a committee of correspondence. The action of
the great southern province was decisive, and the other colonies fell
quickly into line, demanding in most cases,- from South Carolina to
New Jersey, a suspension of trade and a general cong-ress. The effect
of tbe penal measures in suddenly advancing tbe conflict with England
is strongly shown by the rapid development of parties. Many of
the aristocracy and of the wealthy, and all timid, conservative, or in
terested persons began to range themselves on the side of the Crown.
Hitherto there had been substantial unanimitjf, but men were now
compelled to choose their side ; the dread of disturbance and of war
began to be felt, and party lines were sharply drawn. In New York
the Tories fought for possession of tbe committee, and the contest
was bitter and doubtful. In Pennsylvania the Crown party had the
upper hand, and were supported by the moderate patriots. In Vir
ginia the patriot party was in complete control, for the ruling aristoc
racy was of one mind with the people in opposition to England, and
the same held true of the other southern colonies, although there was
a vigorous opposition. The New England colonies were wholly on
the patriotic side, except in Massachusetts, where the Crown party
rallied in the coast towns, and sent addresses to Hutchinson on his
departure. But this was all they could do. The power rested with
Adams, Warren, Hancock, and the rest, and in Massachusetts the
decisive steps had to be taken. The conflict had opened there, and
there the revolution was to begin.
Gage was already at odds with the town of Boston and the com

490 HISTORY OF THE
mittees when the general court came together in Salem, where, after a
quarrel over the address, in which Hutchinson was censured, the House,'
which had been worked up to the required point by Adams, met on
the seventeenth of June — a day soon to be made memorable in his
tory. The doors were locked, as they had been in a more famous but
not more momentous Parliament by the forefathers of these men who
now came together in the littie New England seaport. While Gage's
messenger knocked vainly at the door and read to tbe crowd a procla
mation dissolving the Assembly, the representatives of Massachusetts
fixed the first of September as the day, and Philadelphia as the place
for the general congress, and then chose Bowdoin, Cushing, Paine, and
John and Samuel Adams as delegates. While they were thus taking
the last decisive step toward union, the people of Boston gathered in
town-meeting, with John Adams in the chair, and voted not to indem
nify the East India Company. Lord North's coercive measures, backed
by fieets and armies, had failed miserably, and Boston in her hour of
trial received sympathy and generous aid from all parts of the conti
nent ; but the material and pecuniary suffering was not the worst that
befell the town and province. The mandamus councillors and the
salaried judges were no longer a fear, they were a terrible reality, and
holding office. The regulating act was being enforced in their midst.
In all directions there were meetings, and thousands gathered to force
the councillors from their places and to close the courts. Some of
the councillors resigned, and those who held out dared not leave Bos^
ton and the protection of the troops. The courts were at a stand
still, and the militia began to drill, while in every village companies of
Minute-men were formed, and county conventions were held, and reso
lutions passed breathing- independence and resistance. Gage began
to clamor for more troops to fortify Boston, and to seize provincial
stores and gunpowder, while threats were beard of letting loose the
Indians upon the rebellious colonists. The storm clouds were coming
very near in Massachusetts.
Meanwhile the other colonies had rapidly responded to the call of
Massachusetts, and chosen delegates to the Congress. In New York
and Pennsylvania the moderate party and the Tories prevailed in the
choice of delegates, but elsewhere the patriots carried the day. The
journey of the delegates of Massachusetts was very like a triumphal
progress, and when they met their brethren in Carpenter's Hall on the
fifth of September, the representatives of eleven provinces answered to
their names. Peyton Randolph, of Virginia, was chosen President, and

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 491
Charles Thomson, Secretary. Among the delegates on the floor wero
George Washington and Patrick Henry, John and Samuel Adams, Jay,
Gadsden, and Rutledge. It was a gathering of able and sober-mind
ed men, and England w'ould have done well to heed what they said.
At tbe outset, in the very dawn of American union, the standard of
State rights and separatism was raised, and flrmly planted. After
much .debate, and despite the eloquence of Henry, it was agreed that
the voting should be by colonies; and the principle found practical
expression in the exemption of rice from the non-exportation agree
ment, out of deference to South Carolina. True to the traditions and
habits of their race, the Congress decided to rest their case upon his
toric, and not upon natural rights. In October they voted to sustain
Massachusetts in her resistance; they signed agreements to neither
import nor export ; they passed a resolve against the slave-trade, ap
pointed a second congress, to which Nova Scotia and Canada were
invited ; and flnally gave to the world the fruits of their deliberations
in a declaration of rights, an address to the people of Great Britain,
drawn by Jay, and an address to the King, drawn by Dickinson.
These remarkable State papers were eminently moderate, fairj and
conciliatory. ¦ The recital of grievances went back no farther than the
year 1763, and the concession of the right to regulate external trade
was introduced and defended by such an ardent patriot as John Ad
ams. The tone of the addresses, drawn as they were by two con
spicuously moderate men, was manly and direct, but thoroughly and
honestly loyal and eager for reconciliation. The issues involving the
right of taxation and the right to preserve their governments un
changed were flrmly and strongly met, and the Congress opened the
way for an adjustment, which would have removed every difficulty.
Warning was not wanting elsewhere. The general court of Massa
chusetts became a provincial congress, Connecticut began to arm, the
Marylanders burned a tea-ship, the close corporation known as an as
sembly in New York refused to consider the doings of the first Con
gress, or choose delegates to the next, and the people, filled with indig
nation, were thrown on their own resources. Everywhere the Con
gress received full support and approbation, and even in Georgia,
weak and divided, the spirit of resistance broke out, and a delegate
was chosen in one parish. The suspension of trade was rigidly en
forced. The royal governments were dropping to pieces, the colonies
were arming, and with the flame of revolution flashing in their eyes
the new Parliament of England came together.

492 HISTORY OF THE
The English people fully sustained the King and his niinisters, who
met Parliament with stronger majorities than ever before. The pro
posals of the Congress were rejected, the broad and statesman -like
measures of Chatham for adjustment and conciliation were cast aside
with contempt. New England was shut out from the flsheries,
^"^'" Massachusetts was declared to be in rebellion, and preparations
were made for war. Lord Howe was sent out in command of a
fleet, and with offers of compromise, which Lord North, in weak good
nature, wished to make. He proposed that if the colonies would tax
themselves to tho satisfaction of Pariiament, Parliament would be con
tent to regulate trade, forgetting that to people whose governments
were being swept away, such a proposition was childish. But while
England made ready to crush out opposition by force, revolution with
hurrying stops came nearer and nearer. Gage made an abortive attempt
to seize stores at Salem ; but the prize was removed, and the troops
came back discomfited. Dunmore seized powder in Virginia, and was
forced by the people, headed by Henry, to give it up. Sooner or later
such attempts as these would lead to fighting. The day of battle
could not be long deferred, and it came at last in Massachusetts. The
events of the famous nineteenth of April have been told again and
again. They have employed the art of the poet and the historian,
they are commemorated by the pencil and the chisel. To every
American all the hurrying scenes rise up in sharp distinctness. The
lights fiash from the steeple of the Old North Church, the horsemen
spur out into the darkness and ride through the Middlesex villages
calling the farmers to arms, while fast behind them come the British
soldiers. In the gray dawn they were at Lexington faced by some
seventy Minute-men, hastily summoned to the field. Some one flred,
no matter who ; the troops poured in a close and deadly volley, there
was a scattering return, and, as the smoke rolled away, it disclosed
seven killed aud nine wounded among tbe Americans. The colonists
had faced the troops, and blood had been shed. The fatal step had
been taken, and civil war had begun. On the troops pushed to Con
cord, whence the stores had been removed, and where but little damage
was done. A party of soldiers advanced to the bridge, and were met by
the Minute-men of Acton and Concord. The British fired with effect-
there was a moment's hesitation, and the Americans returned the fire.
Two of the English fell, others were wounded, and they fell back, leav
ing the Americans in possession of the bridge. The battle of Con
cord had been fought. Not only had blood been shed, but the coIo-

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 493
nists had re.sisted. There was a pause while the British'moved out of
the village, and then the Minute -men began to pour in and attack
them on their mareh. The fire of the Americans along the road was
scattering, but galling and deadly, so that the retreat was quickened,
and was almost a rout, when the tired men met Lord Percy with re
enforcements and artillery at Lexington. Then the chase began once
more ; faster and faster came the militia, and more and more soldiers
fell beneath their shots. It was after sunset when Lord Percy's hunt
ed and beaten army crossed Charlestown Neck and reached a place
of safety.
The news spread like wildfire. From all New England the militia
hastened to Bostisn, and the King's army was soon besieged by twenty
thousand men. The clash of arms and the blood shed in battle star
tled the colonies north and south, and everywhere the people rose
ready for war. In May, the hardy and untamed settlers of tbe Green
Mountains, under the lead of Ethan Allen, captured by surprise Ticon
deroga and Crown Point. In June, the leaders of the scattered forces
around Boston, where there had been some slight skirmishing, resolved
to anticipate the plans of the British by taking sudden possession of
the high ground near Charlestown, and thus commanding the town
and shipping. Op the night of the sixteenth. Colonel Prescott, with
about a thousand men, crossed Charlestown Neck, and in the few hours
between midnight and sunrise threw up an earthwork on Breed's Hill.
At daybreak the men-of-war opened fire on the redoubt, and the bat
teries on Copp's Hill followed. At noon over two thousand English
were on their way to take tbe hill. Prescott's forces were reduced,
and he received neither aid nor re-enforcements until the arrival of
Stark with the New Hampshire men, who joined those from Connec
ticut, posted by Prescott at a rail fence heaped with hay to defend
the flank. Setting flre to Charlestown, and under cover of a heavy
cannonade, the British advanced against the intrenchments. Twice they
were driven back with slaughter from the redoubt and the rail fence,
mowed down by the heavy and concentrated flre of the Americans.
The third time they were rallied with difficulty, and came on in silence.
They were received with another deadly volley, but they still pressed
on. The powder of the Americans was exhausted, and their fire
slackened and ceased. Without bayonets, the provincials fought with
clubbed muskets, yielding inch by inch, until at last Prescott gave
the word to retreat ; and then slowly, and in good order, covered by the
brave band at the rail fence, the. Americans fell back and left the Brit-

494 HISTORY OF THE
ish in possession of the hard-fought fleld. At the last moment, Joseph
Warren, eminent as a patriot leader, and present only as a volunteer,
was killed at the redoubt. The British won the victory and gained a
hill. They lost over a thousand men in killed and wounded, of whom
no less than eighty-three were officers, while the American loss did not
reach five hundred. Covered by wretched intrenchments, the colo
nists had twice repulsed with slaughter the best English troops, fully
equipped and perfectly disciplined. They had completely crippled
Gage, and the British had merely the ground they stood on to show
as a trophy of the bloody battle. The delusion that Americans would
not fight was at an end ; and this made the defeat at Bunker Hill of
more value than many victories.
Nearly a month had passed after the fight at Lexington and Con
cord, when the second Continental Congress assembled in Philadelphia
on the tenth of May. There were the same leaders, but the strength
of the moderate and Tory parties had declined, and at the same time
the attitude of Congress was one of indecisipn. They found them
selves confronted by the gravest issue, for the choice between war
and submission had become imperative. They would not yield ; they
dreaded to advance. With reluctance they permitted the retention of
Ticonderoga, and they advised New York not to oppose the landing
of troops, but to prevent tbe erection of fortifications. Jay moved
a second petition to the King, and long debates ensued. Slowly the
Congress was drawn along by the current of events; hanging back
at every step, they advised Massachusetts not to set up an indepen
dent government, and they would do nothing for the other colonies,
where the Crown governments were rapidly falling to pieces. They
wero gradually forced into a policy of defensive warfare, inasmuch as
war was a bard reality which could not be overlooked, for the skir
mishing went on outside, and there were continual affrays between
Americans and British both by land and sea. In one breath the Con
gress, which had just placed at its head the proscribed traitor, John
Hancock, advised the colonies to prepare for defence, and in the next
voted a second petition to the King. The Governor of Virginia took
refuge on board a man-of-war, and royal government was at an end.
Massachusetts asked for a commander-in-chief, and John Adams urged
the appointment of Washington. Still, Congress, full of loyalty, eager.
to avert war, aud dreading rebellion, hesitated ; but the pressure of
events could not be resisted. It was voted to raise money to buy gun
powder, the organization of the Continental army was begun, and on

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 495
June fifteenth George Washington was elected commander-in-chief.
On the following day he appeared in Congress, and, with a modesty
as fine as it was simple and sincere, accepted the heavy burden im
posed upon him. Even while the delegates were pledging themselves
to sustain Washington, Prescott was preparing for his inarch to Breed's
Hill, and the clouds of war were gathering very fast about the hesi
tating Congress, who went on with half measures, published an address
justifying their taking up arms, sent another petition to the King,
and on the first of August adjourned for five weeks.
On the third of July Washington took command of the army. He
found himself at the head of a horde of militia, brave and patriotic,
but ill-armed, undisciplined, unorganized, and wanting in almost every
thing necessary for successful war. As the summer wore away, and
autumn and winter followed, Washington slowly, and in the face of
almost inconceivable difficulties, brought order out of chaos, and gave
strength and unity to his raw and scattered forces. Gunpowder fail
ed, lai-ge bodies of the militia went back to their homes, winter set in
with its usual severity, but still Washington moved steadfastly onward,
drawing his lines closer and closer about the besieged city. Frequent
skirmishes accustomed the men to war ; Knox brought the cannon of
Ticonderoga over the snow to Boston before the spring opened, and
then Washington was ready to strike. The works had been brought
nearer and nearer to the town, until at last, from Dorchester Heights,
the bombardment was begun. The British, who had come to conquer,
were helpless, and word came to Washington that, if Howe was permit
ted to embark unmolested, the town would be spared. The proposal
was asreed to ; the British took to their ships, and sailed to
1776 ,0 ' *¦ '
Halifax ; and on the seventeenth of March the American forces
entered the town, and the siege of Boston was at an end. While Wash
ington was slowly and surely investing Boston, and forcing the Brit
ish from the soil of New England, other movements were in progress,
promising more brilliant results, as developed by the eapture of Ti
conderoga, and by the successful partisan warfare of Allen and Ar
nold in the region of the lakes. An expedition for the conquest of
Canada, under the command of Schuyler, started from Ticonderoga.
Schuyler's ill-health soon left General Montgomery at the head of the
army, and for two months he persisted in the siege of the fort at St.
John's, contending with every possible difficulty, from lack of supplies
to insubordination and inefficiency among the soldiers and officers.
Allen made a foolhardy attempt upon Montreal, and was taken pris-

496 HISTORY OP THE
oner; but Montgomery's gallantry and persistence flnally prevailed
over every obstacle. The forts of Chambly and St. John's were taken,
and the Americans pushed northward and took Montreal, whence Carie-
ton had retreated to Quebec. Soon after Montgomery started from
Ticonderoga, another expedition, also aimed against Quebec, left Bos
ton in the early days of autumn. Commanded by Arnold, this force
was to make its way through the wilderness of Maine, surprise Que
bec, and join Montgomery. After two months of terrible privation
and suffering by oold, hunger, and disease, Arnold, with sadly depleted
forces, reached the St. Lawrence. Precious time had been wasted,
and a surprise attempted by Arnold with his weakened forces came
to nothing. Carleton reached Quebec with his troops from Montreal,
and soon after Montgomery joined Arnold. In the dead waste of a
Canadian winter, with the ground deeply frozen, regular approaches
were out of the question ; and an assault was therefore agreed upon,
whioh was made in the midst of a storm, just as the year was closing.
Desperate as it was, it came within a hair's-breadth of success, and
failed only through the death of Montgomery, who was killed at the
head of his advancing men. Arnold, with another column, penetrated
Quebec, but was wounded, and carried from the field. Morgan, of Vir
ginia, pushed on with the men, and, after a night of fierce street-fight
ing, was compelled to surrender, being cooped up in the narrow streets,
and with no aid from without. After this, the winter wore slowly
and uneventfully away, until in March General Wooster arrived with
troops, aud took command. He effected nothing, and factious dis
order heightened the difficulties of the disheartened army ; so that,
when General Thomas took the command, he was forced to retreat to
the Soi-el, suffering heavy losses infiicted by the garrison of Quebec.
At all other points the Americans were beaten as the spring advanced,
and Sullivan, who succeeded Thomas, was just in time to encourage an
expedition which was badly beaten at Point du Lao, and then fall back
to Ticonderoga. The Canada campaign just missed success. Full of
bright hope and brilliant promise, and marked with the utmost gal
lantry on tbe part of the leaders, it resulted in nothing but ruinous
disaster; and the only gain to the colonists was the hard experience
of unsuccessful war.
Meanwhile Parliament, in full accord with the King, was ready to
push hostilities. The army was raised to forty thousand men, the fleets
were increased, large bodies of mercenaries were bought of the misera
ble princes of Germany, extensive campaigns were planned, and prepa-

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 497
rations were made to strike the colonies at various points. The value
of New York as a military position was obvious to both English and
Americans, and the latter made haste to prevent its falling into the
hands of their enemies. Domestic dissensions were already running
high, and the conflict between Tories and patriots, fomented by the
new Governor, Tryon, became more and more bitter. The Tories con
trolled the government, and struggled for the committee; but the
patriots were backed by the people, and under the lead of Sears de
stroyed the Tory press, and brought many of the supporters of the
Crown to reason by no gentle means. But all this led to nothing,
until the arrival of General Charles Lee, who went energetically to
work to fortify the city, a course vigorously pursued by his successor,
Lord Stirling; arid as soon as Washington was released by the evacu
ation of Boston, he pushed his army forward, arriving in New York
himself, with all his forces, by. the middle of April, when the city rap
idly assumed the appearance of a fortifled camp.
In the south, meantime, Dunmore had failed to excite servile insur
rection, and had lost his hold upon Virginia ; while in North Carolina,
Martin strove to stir up civil war, and in a proclamation denounced the
rebels, and summoned the inhabitants to rally about the standard of
the King. The Highlanders of the province, and many of the Regu
lators, who had been conciliated by Martin, responded to the call, and
marched to the coast with nearly a thousand men. But the procla
mation had brought the patriot party also into the field. They met the
royalists at a bridge near Wilmington, where they repulsed and dis
persed them, making many prisoners. Martin had already fled, and tho
cause of the King was broken in North Carolina, and not revived for
four years. Against South Carolina more formidable preparations were
made, and the King sent seven regiments under Clinton and Corn-
wallis, and a fleet under Admiral Parker, to reduce Charleston. Lee,
who was in charge of the southern department, worked with his usual
energy, but the glory belongs to the patriot leaders. A fort was
hastily constructed on Sullivan's Island, in the harbor, and put in
charge of Colonel Moultrie ; Gadsden, on James Island, defended the
approach by land, while the city itself was hastily fortified. On the
twenty-eighth of June the British fleet moved up the channel, and for
twelve hours poured shot and shell upon Moultrie's fort. The tough
palmetto resisted their shot; the Americans stood their ground un-
.flinehingly, and returned a heavy and well - directed fire, while the
land-forces were repulsed and prevented from reaching the island.
32

498 HISTORY OF THE
After a prolonged contest the British withdrew. Their losses had
been severe, and, giving up their plans of capture, they returned to
New York. The south was safe.
But while the South Carolinians were driving off the British the
great crisis in the existence of the colonies was drawing on.
1775- All through the autumn, winter, and spring, with offensive and
defensive war raging around them, the Continental Congress
had been hesitating and moving forward with reluctant pace. It
is easy to see how much might have been gained by prompt, deci
sive action, by throwing off at once the bonds of the mother country,
organizing government, and adopting a vigorous war policy. But the
Congress of the colonies was a body of law-abiding, conservative men,
longing to bring back harmony, and .not plotting independence. They
did not advance a step until England had gone beyond in wrong-doing,
and they acted only under the strongest outside pressure. - With the
outbreak of hostilities the spirit of independence began to grow rapid
ly, finding expression in the resolutions of towns, and then of counties,
while it was boldly advocated by Paine in his famous pamphlet, " Com
mon Sense." The colonies began to form governments of their own,
and declare for independence. There was no mistaking the drift of
public sentiment, which every day grew stronger and more imperative.
In Congress a party in favor of independence was developed, and be
gan to push for energetic action and for a declared rupture with Eno--
land, while the measures necessitated by war urged them on in the same
direction. Bills of credit were issued, the army was regulated, neo-o-
tiations were opened with Canada, and plans for a general government
were discussed, so that in tbe spring the independent movement had
become almost irresistible, although Pennsylvania hung back, and New
York was divided. The strength of tho moderate party was in the
middle colonies; but Virginia and Massachusetts, the two representa
tive provinces, the strongholds of the opposing political forces of the
conntry, were for the first and last time in our history thoroughly
united ; and before their combined strength the timid and backward
conservatism of Pennsylvania was powerless. One colony after an
other was brought into line and joined in the cry for independence ;
even in Pennsylvania the popular party gained the control ; and Mary
land and New York, the latter still sadly divided, were swept along in
the current. On the seventh of June, while the various colonies were
still moving on the great question, Richard Henry Lee, seconded by
John Adams, introduced three resolutions — one for independence, one

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERIC.i. 499
for foreign alliance, and one for confederation. Action was postponed,
and a committee appointed to draft a declaration. There was long
debate and deliberation, John Adams leading for the independent par
ty, John Dickinson for the party of conciliation.' On the second of
July the resolution declaring the colonies independent was passed,
and on the fourth the declaration of independence, drafted by Jeffer
son and somewhat amended by the committee and by Congress, was
adopted and ordered to be printed. Four days later, it was given to
the world. The English colonies in America had ceased to exist, and
a new nation was born.
The most significant fact in- regard to the declaration of indepen
dence was the delay in making it. Two years had elapsed since the
Continental Cong-ress first assembled ; and for more than a year the
colonies had been engaged in desperate hostilities, and had an army
in the field. Yet they lingered and hesitated. There was in truth,
so far as the colonies theniselves were concerned, nothing inevitable
about the American Revolution. There was no irresistible cause for
its coming then or later, nothing which was not wholly within human
control. No old system was breaking down and forcing the rise of a
new one. The people in the English colonies were thoroughly and
sincerely loyal. Here and there might be found a man like Samuel
Adams, who felt that independence ought to come ; but such men
were rare exceptions. The colonies had lived for years under their
own governments, which were free and simple ; and if the wise pol
icy of Walpole, of letting them severely alone, had been continued,
the connection between the colonies and the parent country need nev
er have been severed. Tbe American Revolution was wholly du(3, from
the very outset, to the condition of England and of English politics,
and to the gross and arrogant stupidity of the King and his minis
ters, supported by the mass of the people. From the very inception
of Grenville's scheme of taxation to the declaration of independence,
the course of the English government was a tissue of ignorant mis
takes. They found that taxation without representation was firmly
resisted in the colonies ; and instead of quietly abandoning the prin
ciple, they enforced it. This aroused a confiict in one province, and
they then made tiie cause of that colony the cause of all, by attempt
ing to infiict the most senseless and arbitrary punishment imagina
ble. They forced a Continental Congress into existence, and then
trampled on its loyalty, scoffed at its measures, and scorned its ap
peals. They knew that the colonists were almost entirely men of

500 HISTORY OP THE
English race, that they were of fine English stock, and many of them
descendants of the men who had fought the great Rebellion. Know-
ino- all this, thick-witted peers announced in the House of Lords that
the Americans were cowards ; and it was assumed with an imbecile
stupidity which passes expression that Americans would not fight.
The insults of Lord Sandwich and his fellows were bitterly answered
by the shouts of the Minute-men, as the flower of tbe British army
recoiled and fell baek from the slopes of Bunker Hill. English offi
cers precipitated bloodshed, and English ministers planned the con
quest of three million people of their own race, separated from them
by the Atlantic Ocean. Very rarely does history record great events
so largely caused by actions as needless as they were avoidable. Igno
rance and arrogance have been responsible for many misfortunes, but
they never cost any nation more than they did England in 1776. By
her own errors and her corrupt politics, and by absolutely nothing
else, she drove her great colonies into independence, and dismembered
her empire.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 501

Chapter XXIV.
THE 'WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE: FROM 1776 TO 1782.
With the Declaration of Independence colonial existence came to
an end ; but six dreary years of hard fighting were to pass be
fore the declaration became an admitted fact. The War of
Independence is the period in our history which above all others is
thoroughly familiar to every one, and it wjiuld be useless and super
fluous to attempt here to add anything to what has already been writ
ten of the war, or to trace its events in detail. So far as the present
work is concerned, it comes to an end, strictly speaking, with the ac
tion of Congress on the second of July, 1776. But American history
is divided into two parts — the history of the colonies and the history
of the United States ; and between these two portions — between the
Declaration and the Treaty of Paris — lie six years of war. In that
intervening period, although the colonies had ceased to exist as such,
the struggle to build up and develop a great nation had not begun.
Everything was absorbed in taking the flrst step which must precede
national life — in securing independence. The English colonies could
not begin their career as a nation until they had extorted from Eng
land, and from the world, an acknowledgment of their independence.
In the fullest sense, the history of the colonies does not end until that
ofthe nation begins — with the Treaty of Paris. For the sake of his
torical completeness, therefore, it becomes necessary to trace in the
barest outline the events of the war which insured national existence.
With the close of that war a new era opens, and the forces generated
during a century and a half of colonial life begin to play their part,
and work out their destiny on the broad stage of national history.
Before Congress had agreed to the Declaration of Independence, the
forerunners of a fine English army of over thirty thousand men, in
cluding eight thousand Hessians, had already arrived in New York
harbor; and by the end of August these well -equipped and thor
oughly disciplined forces were ready to move against the American

502 HISTORY OF THE
works on Long Island. Thus far tho scales of war, despite the ill-fated
Canadian expedition, had inclined heavily in favor ofthe colonists;
but they were now about to turn, and the rebellious Americans wero
soon to feel the full strain of the doubtful conflict in which they had
engaged against the great power of England. On the twenty-seventh
of August the fighting began on Long Island. The American out
posts were driven in, a strong body of British troops advanced by an
unguarded pass, and reached the flank of Stirling's command, which
was also attacked in front ; and finally Stirling was forced to surren
der with nearly a thousand men. The Americans were pushed baek
to their inner defences, and, although strongly re-enforced by Wash
ington, were in great danger. The suspense continued for two days,
while the British advanced their works, and prepared to crush tbe
main body of the American army ; but on the twenty-ninth it was
resolved to retreat ; and during th'e night, in the face of many diffi
culties and mistakes, the American forces were all safely transported
to New York. This abandonment of Long Island, and the safe re
moval of the army, were all performed under the immediate super
vision of Washington, and were the first exhibitions of his genius for
sustaining defeat, holding his army together, and escaping from appar
ently hopeless difficulties. While the British hesitated and lingered
for two weeks, the question of evacuating New York was anxiously
debated. At first it was decided to hold the city ; then Congress left
the whole matter to the commander-in-chief; and Wa.sbington, fully
understanding the faults of his motley and unorganized forces, deter
mined to abandon the city. Howe, anxious to intercept him, sent
vessels up the river and landed troops. At Kip's Bay the Connecti
cut militia gave way in a panic ; while Washington, in a towering
passion at their fiight, rode up and down, and vainly tried to rally
them. The other rear divisions, hotly pressed, escaped ia safety, and
the whole army was brought together on Harlem Heights, having lost
through their want of discipline cannon and supplies. Their failings
were those of raw troops, for there was no lack of courage and spirit
among them. The very day after their disorderly retreat they had
a sharp skirmish with the British, and infiicted severe losses upon
them. Disorder and discontent still continued ; but the fire whicli
destroyed a large part of New York, and the slowness of the Brit
ish, gave a brief breathing space. On the twelfth of October Howe
began to advance again, intending to cut off Washington's retreat;
but his movements were so clumsy and deliberate that Washington,

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. COS
who was fully prepared, fell back in good order to White Plains, skir
mishing with success, and leaving a garrison in Fort Washington. At
White Plains he intrenched himself. The British attacked one of the
American positions, and, after a short, sharp fight, the latter retreated,
having suffered less than their enemies. Washington soon after again
fell back to an unassailable position on Northcastle Heights, while
Howe retraced his steps, and carried by assault and with heavy losses
Fort Washington. Not long after. Fort Lee, now untenable, was aban
doned, and the Hudson was open to the British.
Washington's condition was trying in the extreme. His army was
greatly 1 reduced by the return to their homes of large bodies of the
militia, and so many more were soon to go. that the General seemed
on the point of. being left without soldiers. He was hampered, too,
by the orders of Congress, who believed that their collective wisdom
was suited to the conduct of war,' and ^^ ^^^ not that control over
his officers so essential to a commander, but which was not under
stood iu America. With all these difficulties! pressing upon him, he was
obliged to act ; for it was clear that the; British would move through
New Jersey upon Philadelphia. ( Leaving Lee and Heath in New York,
Washington started for New Jersey, with the British-, under Cornwal-
lis, close at his heels. As the Americans went out at one end, of a
town, the British entered at the other. With an army reduced to
three thousand mon, Washington continued his retreat, watching for
an opportunity to strike a blow; and after him came the soldiers of
the King, ravaging, burning, and destroying as they advanced. Wash
ington sent in every direction to raise troops, and appealed strongly
and constantly to Congress for the formation of a regular army. Lee,
who was ordered to join him, hung back, aiming at a separate com
mand, and was luckily captured by a British scouting party; and then
Sullivan, who succeeded Lee, moved rapidly forward, and joined Wash
ington on the twentieth of December. Pennsylvania and New Jer
sey were wild with panic and fear; Congress had left Philadelphia in
alarm, and the loyalists were coming in and accepting the pardon of
fered by Howe. The curse of jarring councils and colonial jealousies
began to make its evil influence strongly felt. It was the supreme
moment of the American Revolution, and the fate of the colonies hung
trembling in the balance. The great conflict, with all its tremendous
issues; was centred in one man, at the head of a small, dispirited, and
neglected army. As great a statesman as he was general, Washing
ton felt to the full the gravity of the situation ; and he knew that

504 HISTORY OF THE
for moral effect, far more than for any military gain, a victory must
be won. He carried the American Revolution in his hands, and saved
the cause of the colonies. Crossing the Delaware on Christmas-night,
Washington, despite delays, and the failure of the co-operating col
umns, swept down upon Trenton. The Hessians posted there were
surprised ; their commander, Rahl, was mortally wounded, and, over
whelmed by the flerce charge of the Americans, they surrendered.
Nearly a thousand men, with guns, cannon, and.flags, were the tro
phies of the victory. Washington crossed the river, recrossed it, and
was again at Trenton, gathering re-enforcements, and holding
1777 , ^ ' o o ' o
his little army well together, while the startled British made
hasty preparations to retrieve the disaster. Concentrating seven thou
sand men at Princeton, Cornwallis marched to Trenton and confront
ed Washington, who was in position on the other side of Assanpink
Creek. The situation was perilous in the extreme. Leaving his fires
burning, Washington marched back by another road in the very direc
tion by which Cornwallis had just come. In the morning he was at
Princeton, and, after a sharp skirmish, in which General Mercer was
killed, he broke into the town, and routed the regiments left there
by Cornwallis. Leaving Princeton, Washington withdrew to winter-
quarters at Morristown, and there was a pause in the war. The forces
engaged in these actions were trifling, but tbe life of a nation was at
stake, and this brief campaign, both from a political and military
point of view, was, for its length-^if the issues involved and all the
conditions be considered — as brilliant, and as full of skill and daring,
as anything in the annals of modern warfare. It has all the qualities
of Napoleon's last campaign against the Allies in France, and, if Wash
ington had never fought another battle, would entitle bim to the place
of a great commander.
During the winter there were various small affairs, raids and sur
prises, on both sides, in which the Americans had, on the whole, the
advantage ; but the most important event was the despatch of sup
plies from France, through the efforts of Beaumarchais, and with the
connivance of the French government. Meantime Washington devoted
himself to reorganizing and increasing his army, aided to some extent
by Congress at last waking up to' the needs of the war. The work,
however, was slow and arduous, tho colonies were lax and disorganized,
and it was nearly summer before, Washington succeeded in getting
even seven thousand soldiers , together. He watched Howe close! v,
but could gather littie information as to his movements until the end

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 505
of July, when the English fleet and army sailed from New York and
appeared in the Delaware. Washington hastened southward to meet
them, and was joined in his camp on the Neshaminy by Lafayette,
De Kalb, and a few other French officers. A few days later news
came that Howe, who had left the Delaware, was in Chesapeake Bay,
and Washington again pushed forward to check his advance. The
opposing forces met at the river Brandy wine. The Americans, con
fused and misled by uncertain intelligence, suffered their right flank
to be turned ; Sullivan fell baek in disorder, Wayne was repulsed, and
Washington was forced to retreat. A few days later Wayne's com
mand was surprised at Paoli, and suffered severely. The British press
ed on ; the news of their advance drove the members of Congress
and the patriots in hasty flight from Philadelphia ; and on the twen
ty-sixth of August Howe was in possession of the city. The English
forces were then somewhat divided. Troops had been sent against
the forts on the Delaware ; Cornwallis, with several regiments, was in
Philadelphia ; and the main body of the army was encamped at
Germantown, where Washington, undeterred by defeat, determined
to fall suddenly upon the main body of the enemy. His plans
were laid with his wonted skill, but the attack was to be made by
four columns, and he failed through the errors of his subordinates.
Early in the morning, on the fourth of October, the Americans ad
vanced rapidly under cover of a thick mist, driving in the advance
posts, and pu.shed on, flushed Avitb success, upon the main line. Ev
erything promised success ; but some of the British threw themselves
into the Chew House, and thus brought on a sharp engagement in the
rear of the advancing columns. Time was thus lost. In the smoke
and fog, and with flring behind them, the Americans fell into confu
sion; two of the co-operating columns mistaking each other for the
enemy, became engaged, the English forces concentrated, and Wash
ington was again forced to retreat, with heavy loss. The moral effect
of proving his ability to fight so soon after a defeat was the only
gain in tbe disaster at Germantown. Howe withdrew his forces to
Philaidelphia, and devoted himself to clearing the river ; b-at his first
attempt on Fort Mercer failed completely. Colonel Donop and four
hundred Hessians were killed, and the rest driven back to the city.
With the aid of the fleet the next effort was more successful. Fort
Mifflin was taken, and Fort Mercer soon after was abandoned. Master
of the river, Howe endeavored to draw Washington into a general
battle, but Washington would not leave his position. There was

506 HISTORY OF THE
some heavy skirmishing, in which the advantage was with the Ameri
cans ; and then Howe went into winter-quarters at Philadelphia, and
Washington, with his barefooted, ragged, and suffering soldiers, with
drew to Valley Forge.
While Washington was waging doubtful war, enduring defeat, and
solely by skill and constancy holding the enemy in check, the fate
of tho Revolution was decided in the North. In accordance with a
favorite plan of the King, General Burgoyne, with eight thousand men,
a large body of Indians, and a heavy train of artillery, came down
from St. John's, aiming at Albany, and intending to join Howe aud
cut off New Englan.d from the rest of the colonies. At first all went
well. Through the negligence of St. Clair, Ticonderoga had to be
abandoned, and the Americans retreating, lost heavily by the attacks
of the British, who pursued them closely. Schuyler, who was in
command in the northern department, fell back from Fort Anne to
Fort Edward, where he joined St. Clair. They could only muster be
tween them about five thousand men, and Schuyler sent for re-enforce
ments. Washington, straitened as he was, responded, and sent troops,
including Morgan and his Virginia rifiemen ; but the whole country
was terror-stricken by Burgoyne's rapid success. In reality the alarm
was most fortunate. To, form a regular army in the colonies was a
task of surpassing difficulty ; to call out in defence of their invaded
homes men who were brave and skilled in rough fighting, was com
paratively easy. The keen sense of danger roused the people to arms.
Burgoyne was delayed after his victories by Schuyler's having torn
up bridges and obstructed the roads, and in that time the tide turned
against him. Burgoyne intended to strike right and left as well as
in front, and in pursuance of this plan Colonel St. Legor was sent to
the west to capture Fort Schuyler, defended by Colonel Gansevoort,
with some seven hundred' men. Gansevoort was fully prepared, and
refused to surrender; and while St. Loger besieged him the militia of
the country turned out under Herkimer, and marched to the relief of
the fort. St. Legor met them at Oriskany, and there was a bloody
and desperate fight, which gave the soldiers in the fort opportunity
for a successful sally, and checked the British completely. St. Loger,
alarmed by rumors of the advance of fresh forces, raised the siege and
retreated. In the east, Burgoyne , sent out five hundred men under
Colonel Baum, to capture the supplies stored at Bennington, of which
ho began to have sore need. Again the militia turned out, composed
of the hardy settlers of New Hampshire and Vermont, led by John

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. go7
Stark. They surrounded the British, stormed .their earthworks, capt
ured Baum and all his men, and repulsed with slaughter Colonel
Breyman, who had been sent to his relief. These victories inspired
all the country with enthusiasm. Men poured into the camp at Be-
mus's Heights, where Gates had superseded Schuyler, and was ready
to reap the fruits of the victories achieved by the people. The Brit
ish had no choice but to push forward, and on the nineteenth of Sep
tember they attacked the American position in force. There was a
day of hard fighting, littie generalship, each corps fighting for itself,
and in the evening the Americans i withdrew within their lines. It
was nominally a drawn battle, but it was disastrous to the British.
There was a delay of nearly three weeks, while the British strength
ened their defences, and fresh troops came into the American camp.
Clinton was burning and ravaging on the Hudson ; but he gave no
hope to Burgoyne, whose situation was fast becoming desperate. On
the seventh of October he again advanced, there was another bard
fight, and the British fell back in disorder to their camp. The next
day Burgoyne began his roti'eat, and abandoning almost everything,
moved to Saratoga ; but his position was hopeless. Every avenue of
escape was cut off; his provisions were nearly exhausted,; and on the
seventeenth of October, after some negotiation, he surrendered, and
over five thousand men laid down their arms and were sent as pris
oners to Boston.
Tho 'battles in New York, which have taken rank among the deci
sive battles of the world, produced three important results,
1778. The first was a wretched. intrigue, known as the Conway Cabal,
to supersede Washington and put Gates, at the head of the armies.
While Washington was struggling through the dreary winter at Val
ley Forge, overcoming every sort of obstacle, arguing with Congress,
and trying to teach them their duty, spending his whole strength of
heart, and mind, and body, this miserable faction was at work against
him. They were not without hopes of success ; for Congress, which
had begun to degenerate, was dazzled by the northern victories, and
failed to comprehend tbe greater services rendered by Washington in
defeat. The whole business finally came to light, and was ruined at
once by the popular support given to Washington. Gates was sent
from the board of war to the North, Mifflin was put on. trial for mis
management in the quartermaster's department, and Conway's resig
nation was accepted, and his plaee as inspector-general filled by Ba,ron
Steuben, who did excellent work in effecting discipline and organiza-

508 HISTORY OF THE
tion among the troops. The second issue of Burgoyne's surrender
was the recognition of the colonies by France, and a treaty of alli
ance with that power, negotiated by Franklin and ratified by Congress
in May. Tbe third result was an offer by Lord North to abandon the
right of taxation, and recognize Congress. The opposition wished to
go farther, and, without yielding independence, to hold that question
in abeyance, and make peace at all hazards ; but the insane obstinacy
of the King thwarted the opposition, and Lord North's propositions,
like all the rest of his policy, had the fatal defect of being too late.
The spring of 1778 wore away without any event of importance.
The British made an attempt to capture Lafayette, sent out' with an
army of observation, and were completely foiled. The end of June
came before the English army moved, and then it was merely to re
treat. Fourteen thousand men, under command of Sir Henry Clinton,
who had succeeded Howe, marched from Philadelphia, which they had
vainly held all winter, toward New York. Washington broke camp at
once and started in pursuit, determined to strike a heavy blow. He
came up with the British at Monmouth Court-house, and Lee, in com
mand of the advance, was ordered to attack as soon as the enemy be
gan to move. The opening skirmishes were in favor of the Ameri
cans ; but Lee gave contradictory orders, the troops became confused,
and finally Lee fell back. He was met by Washington, filled with
anger at this disregard of his orders, and there was a stormy scene be
tween them, the affair resulting subsequently in Lee's trial by court-
martial and suspension. Washington set to work to remedy Lee's mis
takes. He stopped the retreat, brought up the main body of his army,
and repulsed the British, who had begun to advance ; but the oppor
tunity for victory was lost, and the battle was not decisive. Clinton
marched on, and reached New York in safety, followed by Washing
ton, who took up his position at WhitePlains.
The arrival of the French turned every one's - attention in a new
direction. Philadelphia was saved. D'Estaing, the French admiral,
believed there was not sufficient water to admit his entrance at New
York, and he therefore sailed to Newport, held by the British, under
General Pigot, with six thousand men. The French troops were to co
operate with Sullivan, who was in Rhode Island with some ten thou
sand soldiers. Sullivan advanced, however, before the time agreed
upon, there was a misunderstanding with D'Estaing, and a fatal de
lay. Lord Howe, with the English fleet, appeared off the harbor, and
D'Estaing put to sea to give him battle. The British avoided him, a

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 609
storm scattered both fleets, and D'Estaing came back with his ships
much shattered, and then, despite the prayers and remonstrances of
the Americans, departed to Boston to repair and reflt. Sullivan, thus
left alone, determined to fight at all events, and on the twenty-ninth
of August advanced. Although most of his troops were raw levies,
they fought well and bravely ; but were finally driven back, suffering,
however, much less than the enemy. The news of coming re-enforce
ments from New York obliged Sullivan to retreat to the main-land,
a movement which he executed safely and just in time. Thus the
first combined attempt of the allies,; from which so much was confi-
dentiy expected, came to nothing, owing mainly to the slackness of
the French, and left behind it much heart-burning and discord. Else
where little was done. On the western frontier the Indians, incited
by the British, broke in upon the settlements and laid them waste,
the Wyoming Massacre standing out among these forays, with evil
prominence. But the gain, on the whole, was with the Americans.
Clarke finally made himself master of Vincennes, and the Indians be
gan to desert the British standard. George III. and his ministers
had, in fact, little but a long list of failures and defeats to contem
plate. They had been driven from New England. For two years
they had subjected the middle provinces to all the horrors of war,
and the only result was that Clinton controlled the ground upon
which his troops were camped, and was held in check by Washington
and prevented from making any effective movement. One portion
of the colonies had remained unmolested, and it was determined to
carry the war, which had failed elsewhere, to the South.
Colonel Campbell, late in the autumn of 1778, landed in Georgia
with two thousand men, surprised and defeated Robert Howe, in com
mand of the American forces, and captured Savannah. There he was
joined by Prevost from St. Augustine, and soon after the seizure of
Augusta restored Georgia to England. These victories were, how
ever, the signal for the outbreak of savage aud desperate civil war.
The Tories were stronger and more determined in the South than
anywhere in the North, except in New York, and they eagerly joined
the King's forces and formed regiments. On the other side the pa
triots formed companies of rangers and guerillas, and the whole coun
try, from Georgia to Virginia, was desolated during the period of the
British ascendency by bitter partisan warfare. The sueoess
1770 J J r
of the English alarmed Congress. Lincoln was hastily sent
down to take Howe's place, and during the winter and spring neither

510 HISTORY OF THE
he nor his enemy accomplished anything of importance. In May
Prevost appeared before Charleston, where some of the citizens were
for making terms, but Rutledge and the patriots would not yield.
Lincoln attacked Prevost and was repulsed, and soon after the Brit
ish fell back to- Savannah. In the North Clinton remained inactive.
General Matthews landed with a small force in Virginia, plundered
houses and ravaged the country, while Tryon made a second san
guinary raid in Connecticut, burning and destroying, and killing the
inhabitants of the villages. Further movements of this sort were
checked by Wayne's brilliant assault upon Stony Point, resulting in
the capture of the fort, with five hundred men and cannon and sup
plies, and in the destruction of the works, which kept Clinton quiet
and attentive to the defence of New York. There was also an at
tempt — with land and naval forces — made by Massachusetts against
a British post on the Penobscot, which ended in defeat and disaster ;
and with the coming of autumn both Clinton and Washington went
into winter-quarters.
The centre of war had in truth shifted to the south. Soon after
Prevost returned to Savannah, D'Estaing, who had been repulsed in the
West Indies, appeared there with his fleet. Troops were landed, and
Provost summoned to surrender. While the negotiation halted re-en
forcements arrived, the British determined to stand their ground, and
Lincoln, hastily collecting the best army he could, pushed south and
joined the French. The British, however, still held out, and at last
D'Estaing, alarmed by the lateness of the season for the safety of his
fleet, resolved to withdraw, and an immediate attack became necessary.
On the ninth of October tbe assault was made, and the French and
Americans were repulsed, with heavy slaughter. D'Estaing was wound
ed, and Pulaski killed. The French took to their ships and sailed for
France, while Lincoln, whose army was chiefly made np of militia, and
rapidly melted away, retreated as best he could to Charleston. More
formidable preparations, however, were making against the South than
those of Prevost and Campbell. Late in December Sir Henry Clin
ton left New York with eight thousand men, and the fleet under Ar-
buthnot. After suffering severely from storms, and not until the end
of January, Clinton found himself in Georgia with a united force of
ten thousand men. Sending to New York for Lord Rawdon and
three thousand additional soldiers, Clinton began to advance slowly
and carefully upon Charleston, where Lincoln was in command of the
army, and strongly sustained by the State government. But there

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 611
was a great deal of fear and disaffection, and the unfortified city was
really indefensible. Washington would have had Lincoln -withdraw,
and not risk so much in defence of the town ; but this view was not
accepted, and Lincoln 'devoted alibis energies to constructing forti
fications. The task was hopeless. Arbuthnot passed Fort Moultrie
in safety ; Clinton pushed his works forward, and on the twelfth of
May Lincoln capitulated, and the town and army fell into the hands
of the British. The plundering of Prevost was continued, but in a
more organizod fashion, and the English soldiers and officers enriched
themselves with the spoils of the city. Ten days later confiscation was
threatened to all who did not submit ; and on the third of June Clin
ton issued a proclamation requiring all the inhabitants, on pain of be
ing treated as rebels, to take up arms for the King. This was the be
ginning of a policy of crushing and brutal severity, replete with plun
dering, confiscation, hanging, ill-treatment of prisoners, and massacres
after surrender ; which, backed as it was by a large party of native loy
alists, gave to the war in the South a character for savage barbarity
and bitter feeling unknown elsewhere. Soon after his proclamation
was published, Clinton departed for New York, leaving Cornwallis,
now the favorite of the ministry and his own rival, in command. The
winter in the North had been marked by great suffering in the Amer
ican army, and by indecisive and trifiing- actions, with little advantage
to either side. On his return from South Carolina, Clinton turned his
attention to gaining by treachery what he had failed to win by force ;
but there is no need to rehearse the familiar story of Arnold's treason.
It is the black chapter of the war for Independence. The prize was
West Point and the control of the Hudson. The plot failed miser
ably, and Major Andre met the merited death of a spy by the hands
of the hangman ; while the greater criminal, Arnold, took himself and
his services over to the British.
But the last scenes in the war were not to be enacted in the north
ern or middle states. The final decision of the great question was to
be made in the South. The fall of Charieston for the moment para
lyzed resistance in South Carolina, and the fortified posts of the inte
rior fell one after another into the hands of the British. Tarieton
ranged over the country, ravaging, plundering, and dispersing the small
parties of militia retreating to the north, while Cornwallis enforced
everywhere his policy of harsh severity and brutal punishments. The
middle of July had come before the patriots, who had rallied under
Sumter, fell upon a party of British raiders and routed them. Sum-

512 HISTORY OF THE
ter followed up this affair by attacking the British unsuccessfully at
Rocky Mount, and later defeated some regiments of loyalists at Hang
ing Rock. Meantime Washington had detached from his little army
two thousand men under Do Kalb; and Virginia voted as many more.
Washington wished to have the southern department confided to
Greene, but Congress appointed Gates, who hurried southward, gath
ering militia on the way, and joined De Kalb at his camp on Deep
River. Thence he pushed on, full of confidence, to overwhelm the
British under Lord Rawdon at Camden ; but his delays at a critical
moment gave Rawdon time to intrench, and Cornwallis to come up.
The army was weakened by detaching Sumter with eight hundred
men to cut off the British convoy and stores. Ignorant of the num
ber of his soldiers, with a bad disposition of his troops, who were
strange to each othei-, and chiefly untrained militia, Gates advanced,
and the armies came together near Camden. The militia broke in
a panic, and fled from the field, with Gates among them. De Kalb
and his Continentals stood their ground for a time, but De Kalb was
killed, and his men gave way. The British lost heavily in the battle,
but tbe rout of the Americans was complete. The whole army was
scattered ; Gates fled tw-o hundred miles to .Hillsborough ; and Sum
ter, who had captured the convoy, was by his own carelessness sur
prised and beaten by Tarieton. The American forces in South Caro
lina were utterly dispersed.
As in the North after the fall of Ticonderoga, so in the South after
Camden, the tide turned in the darkest hour, and again it was a pop
ular movement, the rising of men in defonoe of their homos. Corn
wallis, destroying property and life, and flushed with triumph, looked
forward to easy conquest, and a victorious march through North Car
olina and Virginia. Major Ferguson was detached with two hundred
regulars to raise the loyalists, and he soon succeeded in enrolling a
large body. Separated from Cornwallis, he occupied himself with the
pursuit of various partisan bands, and learned too late that the rising
was becoming serious. Williams raised a strong band in Ninety-six,
and, uniting with the backwoodsmen of North Carolina and Virginia
under Sevier and Shelby,fell upon Ferguson at King's Mountain. They
stormed the heights held by tho British, Ferguson fell, and his men
were all either killed or made prisoners. The effect of the victory
was electric. The loyalist rising in North Carolina was checked,-the
patriots everywhere began to take arms, the partisans under Sumter
and Marion increased in numbers and activity, while Cornwallis was

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 613
forced to concentrate his army, and move more slowly and less confi
dently. Meanwhile Congress, taking at last the advice of Washing
ton, sent Greene to take command in the South. Greene hastened to
Charlotte, where he found a miscellaneous body of militia gathered by
Gates after his defeat, utterly unorganized, and requiring all the weary
work which had been expended on the soldiers of the North. With
quiet persistence Greene addressed himself to his task of organization
and enlistment ; and his first act was to shoot deserters, for the militia
came and went as they pleased. While thus engaged, Morgan, with a
separate command, had advanced into Soiith Carolina, where he was
breaking up the roving bands of royal partisans and checking their
marauding. Cornwallis, eager to cut him off, sent Tarieton in pursuit,
and at the same time moved the main army forward to intercept his
retreat. Tarieton, eleven hundred strong, and well equipped
with artillery, came up with the Americans at the Cowpens.
Morgan placed his cavalry in reserve, the Marylanders in the centre,
and the famous riflemen on the wings, and threw forward the militia.
The latter fell back before the British onset, skirmishing heavily, and
the main line came into action. As the British began to gain, Morgan
withdrew the Maryland troops, and formed them again, while the ene
my, confident of victory, rushed forward. Again the Maryland troops
fronted them, the wings pressed forward, and the British found them
selves surrounded and exposed to a deadly and converging fire. Col
onel Washington and his cavalry, coming from tbe woods, charged,
and the British gave way in hopeless confusion, losing more than half
their force in killed, wounded, and prisoners. Destroying their heavy
baggage, they fled, leaving arms, cannon, and standards in possession
of the Americans. Gathering up his prisoners and spoils, Morgan re
treated in leisurely fashion into North Carolina.
The blow was a heavy one to the British ; but Cornwallis, full of
his scheme of ending the war on the Chesapeake, destroyed his heavy
baggage, and pressed on to the north to subjugate North Carolina and
Virginia. The forces of Greene and Morgan had united at Guilford,
but were too weak to offer battle. The light troops, under Williams,
hung upon the British flank, and Cornwallis, resolving to . crush the
Americans, moved rapidly after them. By a rapid and masterly re
treat of two hundred miles from the Catawba to the Dan, Greene saved
his army, and the moment the British ceased from pursuit was again
in the field. The loyalists who had taken arms in North Carolina were
routed and their rising stopped, while Greene, baffiing Cornwallis un-
33

514 HISTORY .OF THE
til he should receive re-enforceincnts, refused to fight. At last, by the
middle of March, he felt strong enough to risk an engagement, and
awaited the enemy at Guilford Court-house, where a sharp battle en
sued in whioh the British lost over five hundred, and the Americans
over three hundred men. The British broke the American line, and
Greene, without having used his reserves, retreated in good order to
a place of safety ; while Cornwallis, crippled by his victory, hurried
away closely pursued by Greene, eager and ready to fight again, and
succeeded in escaping safely to Wilmington. Instead of seeking to
regain Charleston and maintain his hold on the Carolinas, Cornwallis,
still infiamed with a sense of his own triumphs, persisted in his plan
of uniting with the other English forces on the Chesapeake, and, leav
ing Wilmington, marched on to Virginia.
Greene, as soon as Cornwallis had departed, turned back to South
Carolina. He struck first at Camden, fought with Rawdon at Hob-
kirk's Hill, was defeated, and retreated in good order with his artil
lery and baggage, and baffied R-awdon, who pursued him vainly with
fresh troops. Marion and Lee in the interval cut the communication
between Camden and Charieston, and the British were obliged to aban
don the former position, while their outlying posts fell one after an
other into the hands of Sumter and Marion. The north-western part
of South Carolina being cleared, Greene moved against Ninety-six, and,
after failing to carry it by storm, was -forced to retreat by the advance
of Rawdon. Tbe moment the British turned, Greene was on their
heels harassing and distressing them. Ninety-six was isolated, and
Cruger obliged to abandon it and join Rawdon, who soon after sailed
for England. Everywhere the British were beaten in detail, and their
posts and forts lost. Coming down from the Santee, Greene gave their
united forces battle at Eutaw Springs, where at first he carried all be
fore him ; but his advance was checked by a party who threw them
selves into a brick house, and he was in a second attack defeated.
The total loss to the Americans was over flve hundred ; to the British,
over flfteen hundred men. After this action Greene withdrew to the
heights of the Santee to recruit. In a campaign of less than a year,
against every conceivable difficulty, with raw troops and no supplies,
he had taken two states from the enemy. He had fought, been beat
en, and fought again, cleared the country, and shut the British up in
Charleston. The campaign was a masterpiece of skill and fortitude,
and justiy places Greene next to Washington among the soldiers of
the Revolution,

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 615
While Virginia was generously sending her troops to the south, her
own territory was invaded. In January, Arnold, with sixteen hundred
men, was on the James, and soon after Phillips arrived with a larger
force, and a geneml plundering and destruction began ; for Lafayette,
who had been hurried to Virginia with two thousand men, was too
weak to offer any effectual resistance. In May, Cornwallis, arriving
from the south, relieved Arnold from the command which had de
volved upon him through the death of 'Phillips, and devoted the early
summer to harrying Virginia from one end to the other, destroying
property .to the value, as it was computed, of three millions of pounds.
Lafayette and Steuben were obliged to retreat before him, and Wayne,
who had also come to the scene of war, was defeated in an action
near Jamestown. Cornwallis was checked by orders from Clinton to
detach troops to New York, and, had begun reluctantly to obey, when
fresh instructions came from the ministry, with whom he was in high
favor, to continue the Virginia campaign. Clinton was therefore com
pelled to give way, and -Cornwallis, concentrating his troops, took up
a strong position at Yorktown.
In tbe course of events, and in the circumstances of the times,
Washington, with unerring sagacity, saw that the supreme moment
had come, and that the decisive blow could now be struck, for it was
possible to unite at last the allied forces. De Grasse was expected in
the Chesapeake, where, in fact, he soon arrived, and landed four thou
sand men. Graves, the English admiral, was incompetent, and quar
relled with Hood, so that De Barras slipped out from Newport with
his fleet and the transports, carrying ordnance, and joined De Grasse.
Rochambeau, marching from Rhode Island, effected a junction with
Washington, while Clinton, firm in the idea that the siege of New
York was intended, suffered them to cross the Hudson without moles
tation. Eariy in September the allies were moving rapidly to the
south, and by the end of the month they were before Yorktown.
With difficulty keeping De Grasse at his important post, Washington
pushed the siege with all possible vigor. The British fell back from
their outiying works, the allies pushed their trenches rapidly, and on
the fifteenth of October the Americans under Hamilton, and the French
under Deux Ponts, stormed two advanced redoubts, carried them, and
included them in their lines. The position of Cornwallis was now
hopeless ; his sorties were unavailing, his escape impossible. On the
eighteenth the capitulation was signed ; on the following day seven
thousand British soldiers laid down their arms, and gave up York-

516 HISTORY OF THE
town, with ships, cannon, and supplies, to their conquerors. This vic
tory was a fit crown to Washington's military career. To win it he
had to employ every talent both of the statesman and the general.
He had to overcome the difficulties inseparable from allied forces —
to unite in common action not only the French and American armies,
but the French fleet, which was essential to his plans — to move rap
idly, and strike hard. The perfection of his work is shown by his
triumph and by its results. For nearly a year more the war
* ¦ dragged along ; nothing was done in the North, but in the
South the fighting went on fitfully. Wayne cleared Georgia, and
forced the British to evacuate Savannah, and the treaty of peace soon
after removed them from New York and their last hold upon the col
onies. But the surrender at Yorktown was the real close of the war,
and was recognized as such both in America and Europe. It crushed
the last lingering hope in England of subjugating the rebellious prov
inces, and led to the Treaty of Paris, by which the independence of
the thirteen colonies was secured and acknowledged, after seven years
of hard and often desperate war.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 517

Chapter XXV.
PEACE: 1782.
Whilk the armies of the colonies were in the field during the six
years of war, a rapid political development had gone on side by side
with the battles and sieges by which independence was secured. A
confederacy, loose and ill-constructed, had been formed by Congress
and assented to by the colonies, which had one after another cast off
their old governments, adopted constitutions, and became states. The
defects of the confederacy had begun to show themselves very clear
ly ; the separatist principle was predominant, and Congress had greatly
declined in character and ability. All this political growth and move
ment, both in the individual states and in the confederacy, belongs
not to tbe history of the .colonies but to that of the United States.
The great forces of nationality and separatism, of aristocracy and de
mocracy, which have made up the history of the United States, were
then just coming into play and beginning to be felt, were laying the
foundation of future parties, and drawing the geographical lines on
which those parties were formed. The political development of the
war period is of deep importance, but it belonged to the future, not
to the past ; it was national, not colonial.
The struggle for independence has also another side, that of di
plomacy, which fought the battle of the colonies among the conti
nental nations of Europe. Thither went some of the ablest men in
America. The conspicuous figure is that of Franklin, who turned the
scale in our favor at the court of France. To strive vainly for the
selfish and useless friendship of Spain, John Jay was sent to Madrid ;
Henry Laurens, on his way to negotiate for a loan in Holland, fell
into British hands, and was sent to the Tower ; John Adams, appointr
ed peace commissioner, after a season in France, sustained the failing
finances of the colonies by loans which he effected with the Dutch,
and obtained their recognition of the young republic. In June, 1781,
Congress joined all these distinguished men in a new peace commis-

618 HISTORY OP THE
sion, with instructions inspired by Luzerne, requiring them to ask only
for independence and the validity of the treaties with France.
In England the slow and unsuccessful war had rapidly developed
the strength of the opposition, and the surrender of Cornwal-
'^'^^^' lis crushed the last hopes of the ministry. On the twenty-
seventh of February, Conway's motion against continuing the war
passed by a majority of nineteen ; tbis was followed by an address
to the King, declaring all those his enemies who advised a prosecu
tion of the war ; a bill was introduced to enable the King to make
peace ; and on the twentieth of March Lord North resigned. The
government passed into the hands of the Rockingham Whigs. Shel
burne had the home department, which had always included the colo
nies, while Fox had the foreign affairs.'. Shelburne at once sent Mr.
Oswald as his representative to Paris, and soon after Fox attacked
him, and sent Mr. Grenville to represent his- department. Eaeh en
voy struggled to get control of the negotiation ; and Franklin, who
had been occupied in shutting Spain out of the treaty, made the
most of both of them. The contest between the secretaries became
bitter; Rockingham died. Fox withdrew from the Cabinet, and Shel
burne was at the head of the ministry. The hew Prime Minister,
anxious to keep the eause of the colonies separate from that of
France, was eager to come to terms with Franklin ; and the nego
tiation seemed almost concluded, when Jay appeared on the scene at
Paris. Jay, disliking and mistrusting Spain, and believing Franklin
too ready to yield to France, checked the negotiation, which was pros
pering so well with Shelburne. Again Franklin got the wheels mov
ing, and a treaty was drafted ; but soon after, John Adams, and then
Laurens, appeared, and there was more delay. Shelburne's ministry
was tottering, the conciliatory spirit was growing weaker, and the fate
of the treaty became every day more doubtful. At last, as November
was closing, Oswald, who had been re-enforced by two colleagues, con
cluded a treaty with the American commissioners. By that treaty in
dependence was acknowledged, British debts were to be secured, boun
daries were agreed to, a claim was introduced to -prevent tbe carrying
away of slaves, and the right to the fisheries was conceded to the
Americans. The success of the treaty was chiefly due to Franklin,
^ 1 have used these familiar terms which, as nearly as may be,-express the. jurisdic
tion of the two secretaries. The Secretaries of State were for the northern and south
ern departments, both having foreign relations, Efforts had been made to define
these oflRces, but their powers were still confused when Shelburne and Fox took office.

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 519
who managed the English envoys, played off his somewhat intracta
ble colleagues against Vergennes, and Vergennes against his colleagues,
and, disregarding the instructions of Congress-, brought the negotiation
to a conclusion before the advantage to be gained from Shelburne was
lost by his fall from power.
Thus was the prize for which the colonists had fought won by war
and diplomacy. Independence was forced upon America by the con
dition and policy of England ; and when it was achieved colonial his
tory was at an end, and the history of a new nation began. The
place obtained in the world by that new nation, in the century which
has elapsed since the Treaty of Paris, is known to all men. The thir
teen struggling eolonies which then fringed the Atlantic coast have
become masters of a continent, and a chief factor in the affairs of
civilized mankind. They are still working out their uncompleted des
tiny ; but the great forces which have been developed, and which in
their conflict have made tbe history of the United States, are to be
found rooted deep down among the people of the colonies who found
ed the nation. The studies of life, character, social condition, and po
litical habits contained in this volume have been written to little pur
pose if they do not tell their own story, and disclose the various ele
ments of national history which were bursting into life when the
Treaty of Paris was concluded. By the light of colonial history we
can see the causes which have influenced that of the United States,
and understand the inevitable character of -the national development.
We see thirteen colonies, peopled in the main by men of English
race, but with a sufficient infusion of other blood to make race preju
dices in the end politically impossible. Each colony had a represent
ative government, on the general model of King, Lords, and Commons,
and the independent governments — state and federal — were sure to
conform to that model. The strongest quality of the predominant
English race was its conservatism ; and no system was possible which
was struck out at white-heat from the brains of theorists, and aimed
to be ideally perfect. With strong conservatism and rooted political
habits, the men of English race in America used only the materials
with which they were familiar, and which had long been tried. They
adapted them to new conditions with the least possible change, and
in the same spirit they clung to the system of law to which they
were accustomed. No one thought of suggesting codes and the intro
duction of civil law ; but the common law of England found a new
home and a secure one in America, and with that common law went

620 HISTORY OF THE
the strong respect for it and for the courts which administered ,it.
Every form of religious belief found supporf* among the colonists.
A state religion was impossible ; a free church, in a free and wholly
secular state, was the only possible outcome of such conditions, and
was accepted in the Constitution of the United States.
So far there was but one opinion — so far all was harmonious; but
in the social and economical condition of the colonies, and in. the sov
ereignty which each had assumed, there were to be found the sources
of political and social conflict. In every colony there was an aristoc
racy ; but while the system of Virginia was aristocratic, that of New
England was democratic, and in the middle states the two systems
mingled. The people of the south were agricultural, the leaders
were great landholders, the social and political fabric rested on slave
labor; in New England the people were traders, mechanics, and small
freeholders, and free and honored labor was the leading principle of
the community. In the middle states free labor prevailed, and tbe
system was at bottom like that of New England ; but the large for
eign efements made their politics shifting and uncertain. In all the
states the separatist feeling was strong, but especially so in tbe south,
where the aristocracy who controlled the states added class pride to
the love of self-government. The pressure of war bound the colonies
together ; but even then the separatist feeling was dominant, and the
members of the confederacy fell speedily apart, while with each suc
ceeding year the bonds of union became weaker, and the interest in the
general government diminished. Geographical isolation and communi
ty of race and language were the only natural aids to union. Against
them were distance, differences of habits and pursuits, local pride, a
people accustomed to little or no government, with an exaggerated
dislike of anything resembling external power, and habituated for
more than a century to incessant contests with those who adminis
tered their governments. The very existence of the colonies as a re
spectable state demanded union, and brought about the adoption of
the Constitution. With tbis beginning, a national sentiment had to
be created, and a nation built up. In the contests of parties it was
inevitable that the party in power should be a national party, and the
party of the minority should fall back on the rights of states. The
opposition was assured of a formidable weapon unknown in other
countries. But the political parties which made use of the forces inherent in
the form of government grew out of the differences in the social and

ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. 521
economical conditions of the colonies. New England represented
democracy and progress ; Virginia, aristocracy and conservatism, and
they contended for the possession of the middle states, which held the
balance of power. These two opposing elements go back to Plym
outh and Jamestown. From Plymouth went forth one great column
of civilization which controlled the States of the West and North;
from Jamestown went out the other column to possess the West and
South, Population increased rapidly in the North and slowly in the
South, and the latter could only maintain itself by dividing the power
of its rival. At last this resource failed, and the two hostile and ad
vancing columns met far out on the plains of Kansas. There was a
moment's pause, and the battle raged along the whole line. After a
bloody civil war of four years the democracy of Plymouth triumphed,
and the conservative aristocracy of Virginia was broken in pieces, to
gether with the slave system which supported its power. With the
close of tbe war between the states a new era begins. Down to that
time tho history of the United States has followed the lines marked
out during the period and by the circumstances of colonial develop
ment. Whether this will continue to be the case, it is as yet too
early to say ; but to understand the past history of the United States
we must know thoroughly that of the English colonies in America,
and be able to appreciate the people who made them the foundation
of a great nation.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES.

VIRGINIA.
1584. Raleigh's first expedition under Amidas and Barlow lands at Roanoke
Island.
1606. London and Plymouth Companies chartered.
1607. January 1st, Captain Newport sails from the Downs with first settlers.
1607. May 13th, Landing at Jamestown.
1609. New charter obtained by Company. Gates and Somers sent out with fleet.
Return of Smith. Percy acting Governor.
1610. Lord Delaware Governor.
1611. Sir Thomas Dale Governor, and during presence of Gates deputy.
1616. Dale returns.- Yeardley deputy.
1617. Samuel Argall Governor
1619. Sir George Yeardley Governor. June, House of Burgesses meet. August,
First slaves landed.
1621. Sir Francis 'Wyatt Governor.
1622. Great massacre by Indians.
1624. London Company for Virginia dissolved,
1626. Sir George Yeardley Governor.
1627. Francis 'West elected Governor by the Council.
1628. John Pott elected Governor by the Council.
1629. Sir John Harvey royal Governor.
1632. Trouble with settlers of Maryland.
1639. Harvey recalled, and Sir Francis 'VVyatt reappointed.
1642. Sir -William Berkeley Governor.
1644. Second Indian outbreak suppressed by Berkeley.
1652. Surrender of Virgirda to commissioners of Parliament. Richard Bennet
chosen Governor by Burgesses.
1655. Edward Digges chosen Governor by burgesses.
1656. Samuel Matthews chosen Governor by burgesses.
1659. Death of Matthews.
1660. Sir 'Williara Berkeley elected Governor by the burgesses, and confirmed by
Charles II.
1663. Insurrection by the Puritans.
1674. Second insurrection threatened.
1675. Indian war.

524 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES
1676. Insurrection headed by Nathaniel Bacon, Jr. Death of Bacon, and sup
pression of rebels by Berkeley.
1677. Berkeley recalled. Sir Herbert Jeffreys Deputy-governor.
1678. Sir Henry Chicheley Deputy-governor.
1680, Lord Culpepper Governor.
1684. Lord Howard of Effingham Governor.
1690. Sir Francis Nicholson Deputy-governor.
1692. William and Mary College founded. Sir Edmund Andros Govemor.
1698. Sir Francis Nicholson Governor.
1704. Earl of Orkney titular Governor.
1705. Nicholson succeeded by Edward Nott Lieutenant-governor.
1706. Death of Nott.
1708. Appointment of Robert Hunter as Lieutenant-governor. Never arrives.
1710. Alexander Spotswood Lieutenant-governor.
1716. Spotswood crosses the Blue Ridge.
1722. Hugh Drysdale Lieutenant-governor.
1726. Death of Drysdale.
1727. William Gooch Lieutenant-governor.
1740. Virginia joins in Carthagena expedition.
1749. Resignation of Gooch.
1752. Robert Dinwiddie Lieutenant-governor. Establishment of Ohio Company.
1753. Washington sent to Fort Du Quesne to protest against French encroach
ments.
1754. Surprise and death of De Jumonville. Washington surrenders at Great
Meadows.
1755. Defeat aud death of Braddock.
1758. Lord Loudon Governor; never takes office. Francis Fauquier Governor of
Virginia. Forbes captures Fort Du Quesne.
1763. The " Parson's cause."
1765. Virginia prevented from sending delegates, but supports action of Stamp
Act Congress at New York.

MAEYLAND.
1628. George Calvert (Lord Baltimore) visits Virginia.
1632. Charles I. gives charter of Maryland to Cecilius Calvert (Lord Baltimore).
1634. Leonard Calvert aud his followers land in Maryland and found St. Mary's.
1635. Clayborne driven from Kent Island.
1638. Assembly refuses to accept Lord Baltimore's laws.
1645. Ingle and Clayborne's rebellion.
1646. Leonard Calvert returns, and re-establishes the government.
1 647. Death of Leonard Calvert. Thomas Green Governor.
^n ,r. t Williaui Stouc Governor.
1649. )
1649. Passage of the Toleration Act.
1652. Maryland taken by Parliamentary com-missioners.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 525
1655. Stone defeated in battle at Providence by Puritans. Puritan supremacy.
1656. Lord Baltimore commissions Fendall as Governor.
1657. Proprietary government re-established.
1660. Philip Calvert Governor.
1661. Charles Calvert Governor.
1675. Death of Cecilius Calvert (Lord Baltimore).
1676. Thomas Notly Deputy-governor.
1681. Rising under Fendall and Coode quelled by Lord Baltimore,
1684. Government intrusted to Council, and President William Joseph.
1689. Governmeiit seized by Coode and the Protestant associators.
1692. Royal government established. Sir Lionel Copley Governor.
1694. Francis Nicholson Governor.
1698. Nicholas Blackistou Governor.
1703. John Seymour Governor.
1709. Death of Seymour. Edward Lloyd President of Council
1714. John Hart Governor.
1720. Charles Calvert Governor.
1726. Benedict Leonard Calvert Governor.
1731. Samuel' Ogle Governor.
1742. Thomas Bladen Governor.
1747. Samuel Ogle Governor.
1751. Death of Charles (Lord Baltimore), and accession of Frederick, sixth and
last Lord Baltimore.
1752. Death of Governor Ogle,
1753. Horatio Sharpe Governor.
1765. Delegates from Maryland attend the Stamp Act Congress.

NORTH CAROLINA.
1684. Raleigh's first expedition under Amidas and Barlow.
1629. North Carolina granted by Charles I. to Sir Robert Heath.
1653. Virginians begin to settle on Roanoke and Chowan.
1 fiRi f ^®^ England men at Cape Fear.
1663. Charles II. grants the Carolinas to Clarendon aud others.
1664. Under Sir John Yeamans, men from Barbadoes settle at Cape Fear.
1667. Sayle explores coast. Samuel Stephens Governor of Albemarle,
1669. First Assembly meets, " Fundamental Constitutions " of Locke and Shaftes
bury published.
1674. Death of Stephens. Carteret Governor.
1676. Eastthurch appointed Governor.
1678. Culpepper's rebellion.
1683. Seth Sothel Governor.
1688. Rebellion against Sothel, who is driven from the- province.
1689. Philip Ludwell Governor.
1693, Ludwell succeeded by Alexander Lillington, and then Thomas Harvey,

626 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES.
1695. Joseph Archdale Governor.
1696. Thomas Harvey Deputy-governor.
1699. Henderson Walker President of the Council.
1704. Death of Walker. Robert Daniel President.
1705. Thomas Cary Deputy - governor. Prolonged struggle' between Gary and
Glover for supremacy.
1710. Edward Hyde Lieutenant-governor.
1711. Indian war breaks out,
1712. Death of Hyde. Thomas Pollock President of the Council.
1714. Charles Eden Governor.
1715. Tuscaroras broken, and peace madewith Indians.
1718. Virginia destroys pirates.
1722. Death of Eden.
1724. George Burrington Governor.
1725. Sir Richard Everard Governor.
1727. Virginia line run.
1731. Sale of proprietary government to the Crown. Burrington Governor.
1734. Gabriel Johnston Governor.
1752. Death of Johnston,
1754. Arthur Dobbs Governor.
^^ ' i Troubles between Dobbs and Assembly,
1765, Death of Dobbs, William Tryon Governor.
1771. Battle of the Alamance, and suppression of the "Regulators." Josiah Mar-
tin Governor.
1774. North Carolina chooses delegates to the Congress at Philadelphia.

SOUTH CAROLINA.
1562. Ribault in South Carolina.
1564. Expedition under Laudonniere.
1565. French settlement destroyed by Menendez. St. Augustme founded.
1568. Massacre of Spaniards by De Gourgues.
1663. South Carolina granted by Charles II, to Clarendon and others.
1667. Sayle explores the coast.
1669. Sayle Governor, Death of Sayle.
1 670. Sir John Yeamans Governor.
1674. Joseph. West Governor.
1683. Joseph Moreton Governor.
1686' i ^^'^' ^°''^*°°' ^^^'' Quarry, governors.
1686. James Colleton Governor.
1690. Overthrow of Colleton. Sothel seizes government.
1691, Philip Ludwell Governor,
1692, Thomas Smith Governor.
1694, Introduction of rice.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 527
1695. Joseph Archdale Governor.
1696. Joseph Blake Govemor. ,
1700. James Moore Governor.
1703. Sir Nathaniel Johnson Governor. Church controversy.
1 708. Colonel Edward Tynte Governor.
1710. Death of Tynte. Robert Gibbes Governor.
1712. Charles Craven Governor.
1715, Successful Indian war closed.
1717. Robert Johnson Governor,
1719. Popular rising against Johnson. He is deposed, and James Moofe chosen
Governor by convention,
1721. Sir Francis Nicholson provisional Govemor.
1725. Arthur Middleton Governor.
1729. South Carolina sold to the Crown.
1731. Sir Robert Johnson Govemor.
1735. Death of Johnson, Thomas Broughton Governor.
1737. William Bull Lieutenant-governor.
1740. Negro insurrection. Spanish War.
1742.1 Repulse of Spaniards at Fi-ederica.
1743. James Glen Governor.
1753. Glen makes treaty with Cherokees.
1756. William Lyttelton Governor.
1760. War with the Cherokees. William Bull Lieutenant-governor.
1761. Peace with the Cherokees,
1 7R7"I' ''''^°"^^^^ ^^"^ ^^'^ " Regulators."
1766. South Carolina chooses delegates to Stamp Act Congress.

GEORGIA.
1732. Georgia granted to Oglethorpe's association.
1733. Oglethorpe arrives with settlers, and founds Savannah,
1734. Oglethorpe returns to England.
1735. Comes out with " grand emigration."
1738. Raises troops in England.
1739. Declares war against Spain.
1740. Invades Florida, and forced to retreat.
1742, Repulses Spaniards at Frederica.
1743. Invades Florida again. Retums to England, William Stephens Presi
dent.
1749, Slaves admitted to Georgia. Insurrection of Bosomworth.
1751, Henry Parker President.
1752. Trustees surrender. Georgia to the Crown,
1754, John Reynolds first royal Governor.
1757. Henry Ellis Lieutenant-governor.
1760. James Wright Governor.

528 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES.
1765. Wright prevents choice of delegates to Stamp Act Congress.
1768. Georgia supports the Massachusetts circular.

DELAWARE.
1623. First post e'stablished on the Delaware by the Dutch.
1631. Swaanendael founded,
1632. Swaanendael destroyed by the Indians.
1635. Virginians driven from the Delaware by fhe Dutoh.
1637. Swedes land in Delaware under Minuit,
1641, Hollandaere Governor. New Englanders driven off.
1643. John Printz Governor.
1646. Troubles with the Dutch.
1651. Stuyvesant builds Fort Casimir.
1653. John Pappegoia Governor.
1654. John Rysingh takes Fort Casimir, and assumes government.
1655. Stuyvesant takes Fort Casimir, and establishes Dutch power in Delaware.
1656. Delaware sold to city of Amsterdam.
1657. Amsterdam sends out settlers.
1663. Dutch West India Company cede all South river to city. Dela-n-are seized
by Sir Robert Carr.
1673. Delaware reconquered by the Dutch.
1674. Delaware ceded to England by treaty of Westminster.
1682. Delaware surrendered to Penn.

PENNSYLVANIA.
1681. Charles II. grants Pennsylvania to William Penn.
1682. Penn comes to Pennsylvania.
1684. After organizing government and founding Philadelphia, retums to England.
Thomas Lloyd President of Council.
1688. Blackwell Governor. Replaced by Thomas Lloyd,
1691. Troubles caused by George Keith. Union with Delaware dissolved.
1693. Penn deprived of government of Pennsylvania, and Benjamin Fletcher sent
out as royal Governor.
1694. Penn recovers his government. Markham Deputy-governor.
1699. Penn sails for America.
1701. Grants a new charter to Pennsylvania, and returns to England. Andrew
Hamilton Deputy-governor.
1703. Death of Hamilton. John Evans Deputy-governor.
1709. Removal of Evans. Charles Gookin Deputy-governor.
1712. Penn attempts to sell the province to the Crown ; fails through ill-health.
1717. Recall of Gookin, Sir William Keith Governor.
1718. Death of Penn.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 529
1728. Paper money issued.
1726. Keith removed. Patrick Gordon Deputy-governor.
1736. Death of Gordon. James Logan President of the Council
1738. George Thomas Deputy-governor.
1739. Difficulties from Spanish war between Governor and Assembly.
1746. Resignation of Thomas. Anthony Palmer President of the Council.
1749. James Hamilton Deputy-governor.
1750. Franklin a leader iu the Assembly.
1754. Robert Hunter Morris Deputy-governor, Continued quarrels with the As
sembly.
1756. William Denny Deputy-governor.
1759. Capture of Fort Du Quesne.
1760. James Hamilton Deputy-governor.
1762. Indian war.
1763. Victory of Bouquet and the Paxton Massacre.
1764. Franklin agent in England for Pennsylvania.
1765. Pennsylvania Committee at the Stamp Act Congress.

NEW JERSEY.
1664. Grant of New Jersey to Berkeley and Carteret.
1665. Philip Carteret Governor; comes out with emigrants.
1668. First Assem-Dly.
1672. James Carteret heads insurrection and seizes governorship.
1673. James Carteret deposed. Lord Berkeley sells his share. Conquest by the
Dutch.
1674. Restored to England.
1675. Philip Carteret returns as Governor.
1676. Andros arrests Fenwick at Salem.
1677. Large Quaker emigration under Byliinge. Settlement in West Jersey.
1678. Fenwick arrested by Andros at Salem. Philip Carteret seized by Andros in
East Jersey.
1680. Sir William Jones awards West Jersey to the Quakers.
1681. Philip Carteret reinstated. Repels Brockholst.
16R9 )
.„'\ Sale of Carteret interest (East Jersey) to Penn and others.
1684. Gawen Lawrie Deputy-governor of East Jersey.
1688. Surrender of New Jersey forced by the King.
1689. Andros Governor-general.
1692. Andrew Hamilton Deputy-governor.
1698. Jeremiah Basse Deputy-governof.
1699. Andrew Hamilton reappointed Deputy-governor for West Jersey.
1702. Proprietors surrender New Jersey to the Queen. Lord Cornbury Govemor.
1708. Recall of Lord Cornbury. Lord Lovelace Governor.
1709. Death of Lovelace. Richard Ingoldsby Lieutenant-governor.
1710. Robert Hunter Governor. 34

530 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES.
1720. William Burnet Governor.
1728. John Montgomerie Governor.
1731. Death of Montgomerie. Lewis Morris President of the Council.
1732. William Cosby Governor.
1736. Death of Cosby.
1738. New Jersey separated from government of New York, and Lewis Morris
Governor.
1746. Death of Morris. John Hamilton President of the Council.
1747. Death of Hamilton. John Reading President of the Council,
1748, Jonathan Belcher Governor,
1757. Death of Belcher.
1758. Francis Bernard Governor,
1760, Thomas Boone Governor. Josiah Hardy Governor.
1762. William Franklin Governor.
1765. Delegates from convention sent to Stamp Act Congress.

NEW YORK.
1609. Henry Hudson at Sandy Hook.
1614. Fort Nassau built near Albany. Voyages to east and south.
1615. Formation of New Netherland Company with charter for three years.
1621. Dutch West India Company chartered.
1623. Settlers sent out by Company. Cornells Jacobsen May first Director;
1624. William Verhulst Director.
1626. Peter Minuit Director.
1629. Establishment of Patroons.
1632. Minuit returns to Holland.
1633. Wouter Van Twiller Director.
1637. Van Twiller removed.
1638. William Kieft Director.
1640. The Company opens New Netherlands to free-trade.
1641. Establishment and election of "twelve men."
1643. War with the Indians. "Eight men" chosen.
1644. Underbill defeats Indians with great slaughter in Connecticut.
1645. Peace with Indians. Removal of Kieft. .Revision of government.
1647. Arrival of Peter Stuyvesant as Director-general. "Nine men" chosen by
representatives of the people.
1649. New board of "nine men" appointed to appeal to Holland.
1650. Treaty and settlement of boundary with New England.
1651. Stuyvesant builds Fort Casimir, on the Delaware.
1652. Burgher government established.
1654. English invasion prevented by peace made between Cromwell and States-
general.
1655. Stuyvesant conquers the Swedes, and becomes master of Delaware, Indian
war.
1658, Indian war breaks out at Esopus,

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 531
1660. Trouble with Lord Baltimore.
1662. Loss of Long Island and northern territory by Conneeticut charter.
1664. English conquest of New Netherlands. Richard Nicolls Governor of New
York.
1668. Nicolls returns to England. , Francis Lovelace Governor.
1673. The Dutch take New York. Anthony Colve Governor.
1674. New York ceded to England by the treaty of Westminster. Edmund An
dros Governor.
1680. Andros recalled. Anthony Brockholst Lieutenant-governor.
168.S. Thomas Dongan Governo .
1685, James revokes his charter, or " Duke's laws.''
1688. New York annexed to New England. Andros Governor-general.
1689. Rising under Leisler. Expulsion of Nicholson.
1690. French war. Destruction of Schenectady.
1691. Henry Sloughter Governor. Leisler surrenders, and is executed. Death of
Sloughter. Richard Ingoldsby Lieutenant-governor.
1692. Benjamin Fletcher Governor.
1698. Lord Bellomont Governor.
1701. Death of Bellomont. John Nanfan Lieutenant-governor.
1702. Lord Cornbury Governor.
1708. Removal of Cornbury. Lord Lovelace Governor.
1709. Death of Lovelace. Ingoldsby Lieutenant-governor.
171,0. Robert Hunter Governor.
1711. First -negro plot.
1713. Peace with France.
1719. Hunter retires.
1720. William Burnet Govemor.
1727. Burnet transferred to Massachusetts.
1728. John Montgomerie Governor,
1731, Death of Montgomerie. Rip Van Dam President of the Council.
1732, William Cosby Governor, Zenger prosecuted for libel.
1736. Death of Cosby, Contest between Van Dam and George Clarke for posses
sion of government. Clarke commissioned as Lieutenant-governor.
1741. Second and great negro plot.
1743. Admiral George Clinton Governor.
1746. Indian war.
1748. Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle.
1753. Clinton retires. Sir Danvers Osborn Governor; kills himself. James De
Lancey Lieutenant-governor.
1754. Congress of governors at Albany. Franklin's plan of union.
1755. Johnson defeats Baron Dieskau at Fort George. Sir Charles Hardy Gov
ernor, ,
1756. Montcalm takes Oswego.
1757. Hardy retires. De Lancey Lieutenant-governor. Montcalm captures Fort
William Henry.
1758. Abercrombie repulsed at Ticonderoga. Bradstreet takes Fort Frontenac.
1769. Johnson takes Fort Niagara. French retreat before Amherst to Isle-aux-
Noix.

532 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES.
1760. Death of De Lancey. Cadwallader Colden Lieutenant-governor. Amherst
takes Montreal.
1761. General Monckton Governor.
1762. Monckton resigns. Colden Lieutenant-governor. Peace with France.
1765. Stamp Act Congress meets in New York.

MASSACHUSETTS.

' (. Pilgrims land at Cape Cod.

1620. Pilgrims sail from Delfthaven.
Nov. 21,
1620. ¦ ' [ Pilgrims land at Plymouth.
1623. Dorchester Company establishes a flshing station at Cape Ann.
1626. Conant aud others remove to and settle at Naumkeag. ^
1628. Land granted to second Dorchester Company. John Endicott, one of the
patentees, comes out.
1629. Charter obtained for Governor and Company of Massachusetts Bay.
1630. John Winthrop Governor. Arrives with his company in Massachusetts.
1631. Second general court. Only members of churches to have votes.
1634. Troubles begin with England.
1636. Roger Williams banished from Massachusetts. Harvard College founded.
,„„»." r Henrv Vane Governor.
1637. )
1638. Expulsion of Mrs. Hutchinson.
1643. Establishment of New England Confederacy.
1647. Establishment of common schools.
1652. Annexation of Maine.
1659. Quakers hung in Boston.
1660. Complimentary address to Charles II.
1664. Arrival of the royal commissioners in Boston.
1666. Royal commissioners baffled, their power denied, and leave Boston. .
1675. Outbreak of Philip's war.
1676. Death of Philip.
1677. Peace with eastern Indians, and end of the war. Edward Randolph sent
out as agent by Lords of Trade.
1683. Qiio warranto issued against charter.
1684. Charter vacated.
1685. Provisional government. Joseph Dudley President.
1686. Sir Edmund Andros Governor-general.
1688. Indian war at the east.
1689. Popular rising. Andros seized at Boston and imprisoned. Old charter
government provisionally re-established.
1691. A new charter granted.
1692. Sir William Phips Governor.
1695. Phips recalled. Returns to England. William Stoughton Lieutenant-governor.
1697. Earl of Bellomont appointed Governor.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES 533
1699, Bellomont arrives in Boston.
1701. Death of Bellomont. Stoughton Lieutenant-governor. Death of Stoughton,
1702. Joseph Dudley Governor.
1703. Outbreak of Queen Anne's war.
1707, Failure of Dudley's expedition against Port Royal,
1710, Capture of Port Royal.
1711. Failure of Hill and Walker's expedition.
1715. William Taller Lieutenant-governor. Dudley removed by death of sov
ereign.
1716. Samuel Shute Governor.
1721, War with eastern Indians under Rasle.
1723, Shute goes to England for aid against general court. William Dummer
Lieuten ant-governor.
1724. Death of Rasle.
1726. Peace with Indians. •
1727. The explanatory charter.
1728. William Burnet Governor.
1729. Death of Burnet. Dummer Lieutenant-governor.
1730. Jonathan Belcher Governor.
1735. House prevails on the salary question.
1741. Recall of Belcher. William Shirley Governor.
1745. Louisburg taken by New England army.
1755. Shirley commands the expedition against Oswego.
1756. Shirley commander-in-chief. Recalled.
1757. Thomas Pownall Governor.
1758. Defeat of Abercrombie at Ticonderoga.
1759. Fall of Quebec.
1760. Montreal taken by Amherst. Francis Bernard Governor.
1761, The writs of assistance.
1765. Massachusetts invites the other colonies to a congress, and sends a delega
tion to New York

CONNECTICUT.
1635. John Winthrop establishes a post at Saybrook.
1636. Emigration- from Newtown to Connecticut under Hooker.
1638. Colony of New Haven founded.
1639. Constitutions adopted by Connecticut and New Haven.
1643. New England Confederacy formed,
1650. Boundary treaty with Stuyvesant.
1657. John Winthrop Governor,
1662. Charles II. grants charter to Connecticut.
1664, Consolidation of Connecticut and New Haven.
1665. Visit of the royal commissioners,
1675. Duke's claim repelled.
1686. Quo warranto against the charter.
1687. Andros at Hartford takes possession of the govemment.

534 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES.
1690. Charter government re-established.
1707. Death of Fitz-John Winthrop. Gurdon Saltonstall Governor.
1713. Settlement of northern boundary.
1724. Death of Saltonstall. Joseph Taleott Governor.
1741. Death of Taleott. Jonathan Law Governor.
1745. The Connecticut contingent at Louisburg.
1765. Resistance to Stamp Act, and delegates sent to Congress at New York.

RHODE ISLAND.
1636. Roger Williams founds Providence.
1638. Arrival of Mrs. Hutchinson and her friends.
1639. Coddington founds Newport.
1643. Williams goes to England for a charter. Gorton taken prisoner to Boston.
1644. Williams returns with patent. Gorton goes to England,
1647, Government established under patent.
1648, Gorton retums, and names Shawomet Warwick. End of the Gortoniau dis
turbances,
1651. Coddington obtains a commission in England, and sets up a govemment.
Williams goes to England for a new charter.
1653. Gorton President.
1654. Williams returns with a letter from Vane, and is chosen President under
patent.
1657. Defeat of Williams. Benedict Arnold President. '
1663. Agreement between John Clarke and the younger Winthrop. Clarke ob
tains a charter for Rhode Island.
1664. Establishment of the charter government.
1665. Visit of royal commissioners.
1672. Visit of George Fox.
1675- ) „, ... ,
,„..„ ^ Philip's war.
1676. ) '
1686. Qm warranto issued against charter. Andros Governor-general.
1690. Old charter govemment re-established.
1697. Samuel Cranston Governor.
1724. Limitation of the franchise.
1727. Opposition of Governor Jenckes to paper money.
1747. Settlement of the northern boundary.
1764. Resistance to Navigation Act.
1765. Delegates sent to Stamp Act Congress.

NEW HAMPSHIRE.
1623. Mason and Gorges found settlements.
1629. Mason and Gorges divide, and Mason obtains New Hampshire.
1635. Death of Mason, and abandonment by his heirs of attempts to establish a
colony.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 535
1638. Arrival of Wheelwright and his friends,
1641, New Hampshire united to Massachusetts.
1660, Revival of Mason claim.
1676, Law-ofiScers of the Crown sustain Mason claim.
1677. English courts annul jurisdiction of Massachusetts,
1679. Royal govemment established.
1680. John Cutts- President,
1681. Death of Cutts.
1682. Edward Cranfield royal Governor.
1685. Departure of Cranfield. Barefoot Deputy-governor. United to Massachu^
setts under Dudley.
1686. Andros Governor-general.
1690. United to Massachusetts under old charter government.
1692. AUen buys up Mason claim. John Usher Lieuteuant-govemor.
1697. Thomas Partridge Lieutenant-governor.
1699. Bellomont Govemor.
1702. Allen's claims carried on appeal to England. Dudley Governor.
1703. Usher Lieutenant-governor. Replaces Partridge.
1715, Death of AUen. Abandonment of suit to estabUsh claim. Shute Governor.
George Vaughan Lieutenant-governor.
1717. Removal of Vaughan. John Wentworth Lieutenant-governor.
1728. Burnet Governor.
1730. Belcher Governor.
1731. David Dunbar Lieutenant-governor.
1741. New Hampshire finally separated from Massachusetts. Benning Went>
worth Governor.
1765. Resistance to Stamp Act, but no delegates sent to New York.

THE UNITED COLONIES.
1765. The Stamp Act Congress meets iu New York.
1766. Repeal of the Stamp Act.
1767, Suspension of New York Assembly. Townshend's revenue bills.
1768. Massachusetts petitions against the revenue acts. Refuses to rescind her
resolution, and the court is dissolved. Boston caUs a convention. Ar
rival of British troops.
1769, Virginia resolutions against taxation.
1770. The Boston massacre, and removal of the regiments. Repeal of all the rev
enue acts except that laying a duty on tea. Resistance slackens in the
colonies.
1771. Hutchinson's controversy with the general court as to the power of Pariia
ment.
1772. Renewal of resistance at the south. Burning of the Oaspee.
1773. Hutchinson discusses further the power of Parliament. Committees of cor
respondence advised by Virginia. Publication of the letters of Hutchin
son and Oliver. The East India Company authorized to export tea to the
colonies. Destruction of the tea at Boston and elsewhere.

536 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES
1774. Wedderburn's attack on Franklin. Passage of the Boston Port Bill and
other penal acts. General Gage civil Governor of Massachusetts.
June. Massachusetts demands a Congress.
Sept. Congress meets.
1775. Chatham's plan of compromise rejected, and armies sent from England.
April. Lexington and Concord.
May. Alien takes Ticonderoga and Crown Point. Second Congress meets.
June. Battle of Bunker Hill.
July. Washington takes command of the army. Siege of Boston.
" The expedition against Canada, and defeat of Americans at Quebec.
1776. Evacuation of Boston. Americans retreat from Canada. Defeat of Loy
alists in North Carolina. Repulse of British at Charleston.
July 4. Declaration of Independence adopted and ordered to be printed. Arrival
of British army.
Aug. Washington retreats from Long Island, and .evacuates New York.
Oct. Battle of White Plains.
Dec. Battle of Trenton,
1777 )
,, ' - Battle of Princeton.
Jan. )
Sept. Battle of the Brandywine. Howe takes PhUadelphia.
Oct. Battle of Germantown. Surrender of Burgoyne.
Dec. Washington at -yalley Forge.
1778. The Conway cabal. Treaty of alliance with France.
June. Battle of Monmouth Court-house.
July. Battle of Newport.
Dec. Defeat of Americans in Georgia, and capture of Savannah.
1779 )
... ' I- Prevost marches to Charleston and retreats.
May. )
July. Wayne takes Stony Point.
Oct. Americans and French repulsed at Savannah.
1780 1
„ ' y Charleston surrenders to Clinton.
Aug. Battle of Camden.
Sept. Arnold's treason.
Oct. Battle of King's Mountain.
Dec. Greene takes command in southern department.
1 781 )
' j. Battle of the Cowpens.
March. Battle of Guilford Court-house. CornwaUis marches north.
April. Battle of Hobkirk's HiU.
Sept. Battle of Eutaw.
Oct. Surrender of CornwaUis at Yorktown.
1 782 1
-^j ' [- Resignation of Lord North.
July. Evacuation of Savannah.
Nov. Treaty of peace with Great Britain signed at Paris,

INDEX.

A.
AuBucEOMBin, General, defeated at Tiooii-
deroga, 309, 370.
Acadia, pillaged by Argall, S. D'Aulnay and
La Tour iu, 352. Conquest of, 369.
Acadians in Pennsylvania, 234, 236. Expul-
sion of, 360.
Adams, John, description of trial of writs of
assistauce, 417. Testimony as to loyally
of New England, 4T4. Delegate to Con
gress ; presides at Boston town-meeting,
490. Moves election of Wnshingtou ns
commander-in-chief, 494. Secoiuls resoln-
tiou for independeuce, 498. Leads iu de
bute, 499. Mis.eion to HoUaud, 517. Pence
commissioner, 518.
Adams, Samuel, draws petition to King, and
resolve for union, 479. Demniids with
drawal of troops from Hutchinson, 4S2.
Founds committees of correspoudeuce,
4S5. Lends iu discussion of powers of Par
liament with Hutchinson, 4S6. Delegate
to Congress, 490.
Albany, centre of fur-trade, 313. Arms in
church, 323. Description of, 331, 332.
Allen, Blhan, captures Ticonderoga, 493.
Taken prisoner at Montreal, 495.
Allen, Samuel, buys up Masou claim ; Gov
ernor of New Hampshli-e, 400. Laud suits ;
death ; claim uot pressed by his heirs, 402.
Altham, Lord; indented servnut, 242.
Ames, Fisher, couversntiou with Sumner as
to suffrage, 445.
.\mhei-st. Sir Jeffrey, drives French back to
Isle-aux-Noix, 309. Captures Montreul,
310, 370.
AiidrS, Mnjor, hung as a spy, 611.
Andi-os, Sir Edmund, Governor of ¦Virginia,
2.5. Suppresses Fenwick in Delaware, 209.
Attempts to gain control of New Jersey,
2£,5. Govenioi--gencri\l of New Jersey, 267.
Ueceives ¦^few York from Dutch, 297. Gov

ernor of New Tork, 297, 29S. Governor-
general of New York; government over
thrown, 299. Governor-general iu Mnssn-
chusetts, 369. Deposed, and made pvis-
ouer, 300. Dealings with Connecticut ns
Governor of New York, 37S. Goveruor-
-general of Conuecticnt, 379. -V-isit to Hart
ford, 8S0, Governor-geueral of Ehode Isl
and, 392; of New Hampshire, 400. Seizure
of old South Church, 426.
Anglesea Peerage Case, 70.
Auunpolis, foundation aud description of,
lis, 119. Society in, 129, 130.
Auiiesley, James, case of, 70.
Antinomians in New Hampshire, 397.
Apthorp, East, Eev., Episcopal minister iu
Cambridge, 427.
Arbuthnot, Admiral, commands British fleet
at Charleston, 510.
Archdale, John, Governor of North Carolinn,
139, 140 ; of South Carolinn, 162.
Argall, Snmuel, history nnd character of;
his administration, 8. Eecalled, 9.
Arlington, Lord, grant of -Virginia to, 19.
Armstrong, John, defeats Indinns at Kittau-
uing, 223.
Arnold, Benedict, President at Providence,
389. Governor of Ehode Island nuder
charter, 390.
Arnold, Benedict, pnrtisnn leader on the
Inkes, 495. Commands eastern expedition
against Quebec; repulsed and wounded,
496. Treason of, 511. In Virginin, 515.
Ashurst, Sir Henry, defends New Englnnd
chnrter, 882.
AspinwnlJ, William, secretary at foundation
of Portsmouth, Ehode Isliiud,3S6.
Assniipink, retreat of Americans from, 504.
Atherton Company, relations of, with Cou-
ueoticut, 37S. -With Ehode Islnnd, 390.
Augusta, Georgin, description of, 201. Taken
by British, 509.

638

INDEX.

B.
Bacon, NA-rn.vniEL, Jr. ; character ; marches
against Indinus, 20. Eebellion and denth,
and causes of failure, 21, 22.
Bnltimore, fonndation aud desci-ipti(m of,
119.
Baptists, iu -Virginia, 57 ; in Ehodfe Islnnd
nnd Massnchusetts, 354, 388.
Bnrcliiy, Eobert, Governor of East Jersey,
260.
Barefoot, Wnlter, deputy -collector In New
Hampshire, 398. In charge of fort at
Portsmouth, 399. Deputy -governor of
New Hnmpshire, 400.
BaiTiis, De, Count, leaves Newport aud joins
De Grnsse, 515.
Burtrnm, John ; iis fiirm, 249, Botanist,
25G.
Basse, Jei'emiah,'Governor of East aud West
Jersey, 267.
Baum, Colonel, sent ngninst Bennington,
. 600. Defeated, 507.
Bayard, Nicholns, leader of nristocratic pnr-
ty iu New York, defeated, 302.
Bny Psalm-book, 468.
Bnxter, George, heads opposition to Stuyve
sant on Loug Island, 293. Commissioner
to settle Long Islaud affairs, 295.
Beaumarchais, Caron de, obtains supplies for
America, 504.
Belcher, Jonathan, Governor of New Jersey,
271, 272. Description of people of New
Jersey, 273. Governor of Massachusetts,
366. Eemoval, 307. Governor of New
Hampshire, 403. Contests with Dunbar;
boundary line; removal, 404. Funeral of
wife of, 463.
Beldenites, sect in Ehode Island, 428.
Bellingham, Eichard, Governor of Massachu
setts, 351. Supports persecution of Quak
ers, 354. Governor, 356.
Bellomont, Enrl of. Governor of New York,
suppresses piracy, 301, 302, 324. Governor
of Massachusetts, 362. Iu Ehode Islaud,
aud charges against that colony, 393. Gov
ernor of New Hnmpshire, 401,
Bemns's Heights, battle of, 507.
Benezet, Anthony ; efforts against slnvery,
241.
8enuet,Eichni-d, Governor ofVirginin; sub
dues Mnrylnnd, 17, 103.
Bennington, bnttle of, 607.
Berkeley, Lord, obtains grant of New Jer
sey, 263. Sells his share, 264.
iierkeley. Sir William, Governor of "Virginia ;
early ndmiuistrntion, 15. Invites Charles
II. to Virginia, 16. Elected Governor by
Assembly, IS. His second administration,

19. Conduct in Bacon's rebellion, 20, 21.
Chnrncter compared with Bacon's, 21.
Cruelty to opponents, and death, 23, Gov
ernment of North Carolina, 135.
Bernard, Francis, Governor of New Jersey,
272; of Massnchusetts, 370. Opi)Oses Stamp
Act circular, 372. Opposition to general
court, 479. Quarrel with general court;
lenves Mnssachusetts, 481.
Beverley, Eobert, persecuted by Lord Cul
pepper, 24.
Beverley, Eobert, the younger, historinn, 87.
Bishop, Bridget, attacked for keeping pub
lic-house, 453.
Blackwell, John, Governor of Peunsylvauin,
213.
Blnke, Joseph, Governor of South Carolina,
162.
Blair, James, Eev., obtnins chnrter ot col
lege; chnrncter; quarrels with Andros aud
Nicholson, 25. Contest -(vith Spotswood,
27. Efforts for college, 74, 75.
Block, Adriau, Dutch explorer, 285.
Block Island ravaged by Endicol t, 349.
Blommaert, Snmuel, patroon-, 286.
Blue Eidge, Spotswood's expedition across
the, 28.
Bollan, William, agent of Massachusetts,
368.
Boone, Thomns, Governor of Sonth Cnrolinn,
170 ; of New Jersey, 272.
Boseawen, Admiral, at siege of Louisburg,
309.
Bosomworth, Thomas, heads Indian vising
in Georgia, 195.
Bostou, settlement of, 345. Hostility to
Phips, 361. Eiots against impressment,
368. Bar of, 419. Introduction of inocu
lation, 420. Episcopal Church in, 426, 427.
Sunday in, 430. Church music in, 431.
Duelling iu, 437. Popular feeling against
Frauklaud for keeping a mistress, 438.
Pirates iu, 439. Pauperism, 441. Slaves in,
442. Description of, 456, -Vehicles iu, 454.
Inns, 455. Population, 456. Appearance,
457. Houses; society, 458. Dress, 459.
Amusements, 460. Lntiu school, 465.
Newspapers, 471. gtamp Act riot, 476.
Town - meeting to oppose Hillsborough ;
arrival of troops, 480. " Massacre" by sol
diers, 4S2. Converted to a miUtary sta
tion, 433. Meeting to oppose lauding of
tea, 486. The destruction of the tea, 487.
Punished by Lord North, 488. Siege be
gins, 493. Evacuation of, 495.
Botetourt, Lord, Governor of Virginia; en
try of, into office, 83. Dissolves Burgesses,
4S1.

INDEX.

539

Bouquet, Colonel Heury, defeats Indians iu
Pennsylvania, 225.
Boylston, Znbdiel, Dr., introduces inocula
tion, 420.
Braddock, Edward, hia expedition, 33, 307.
Defeat aud death, and effect on colonists,
34. Effect iu Pennsylvania, 222. .
Bradford, Andrew, printer aud bookseller,
255.
Bradford, William, questions Dutch title,
286. Writes diary, 342. Diury of, 467.
Bradstreet, Anne," poetry of, 468.
Bradstreet, John, Colonel, defeats French
in New York, 308. Captures Fort Fron
tenac, 309.
Bradstreet, Samuel, sent with address to
England, 355.
Bradstreet, Simon, Governor of Massachu
setts, appearance of, 443.
Brandywine, battle of the, 505.
Brent, Thomas, Depnty-goveruor of Mary
land, seizes, lugle's ship, 100.
Breyman, Colonel, defeated at Bennington,
607.
Bridges, John, royal surveyor of woods in
New England, 364, 403,
Brissot, De Warville ; toleration iu New
England, 426.
Bristol, account of, 239, 240,
Brockholst, Autbouy, Deputy -govarnor of
New York, meddles in New Jersey, aud is
repelled, 266, 298.
Broglie, Prince de, account of dress in Bos
ton, 459.
Brooke, Lord, patentee of Connecticut, 348,
373.
Broughton, Thomas, Governor of South Car
olina, 167.
Brown College, charter of, 428. Account of,
466.
Bulkeley, Peter, agent of Massachusetts, 359,
Bull, William, Lieuteuaut-goveruor of South
Carolina, 168,
Ball, William, the younger, Lieuteuaut-gov
eruor of South Carolina, 170.
Bundling— character of this custom in New
England, 438,
Bunker Hill, battle of, 493,
Burgess, Colonel, appointed Governor of
Massachusetts, and bought off, 304,
Burgesses, House of, in Virginia, flrst meet
ing and flrst legislation of, 9, 10. Eesist
royal commissioners, 12. Bargains with
Charles I. ns to tobacco, 13. Wrests treas
ure-ship from Nicholson, 26. Powers and
privileges of, 47, 48.
Burgoyne, General John, invasion of colo
nies, and defeat, 506, 507.

Burnet, William, Governor of New Jersey,
269; of New York, 304; of Massachusetts ;
death of, 366. Governor of New Hamp
shire, 403.
Burrington, George, Governor of North Car
olina, 142, 143.
Byles, Mather, writings, 469, 470.
Byliinge, Edward, buys under trust West
Jersey, 204.
Byrd, Colonel, of W-estoyer ; character aud
education of, 76. As a literary man, 87.
C,
Cai>wai,aueb, Dr. Thomas, emiuent physi
cian, writer, and lecturer, 236.
Calvert, Benedict Leonard, fourth Lord Bal
timore, becomes Protestant, aud recovers
province; dies, 108.
Calvert, Cecilius, second Lord Baltimore, re
ceives charter given to his father, 95, Con
test wi th Burgess, 99. PoUcy during Great
Eebellion, 100-102,
Calvert, Charles, Governor of Maryland, and
third Lord Baltimore, 106, Attacks upon,
iu England, 106, William III. deprives of
government, 107. Boundary disputes with
Delaware and Pennsylvania, 209, 213.
Boundary disputes with Dutch, 294, 296.
Calvert, Charles, fifth Lord Baltimore, inher
its Maryland ns nn infant, 108.
Calvert, George, flrst Lord Baltimore, career
and character of, 93. Obtains charter from
Charles I., 94. Plans as to his colony, 96.
Views of toleration, 97.
Calvert, Leonard, flrst Governor of Mary-
laud, founds settlement, 98. Deals with
Clayborne, ^^. Goes to England for in
structions ns to religious policy, 100. De
feated by Ingle and Clayborne, nnd flies to
Virginin, 100, 101. Ketiirns ; sets up gov
ernment, aud nppoints Greene his succes
sor ; dies, 101.
Calvert, Philip, Governor of Maryland, 105.
Calverts, chnrncter nnd government of, 110.
Cambridge, or Newtown, settled, and capi
tal of Massachusetts, 345. Hooker settles
there, 346. Election at, in Hutchinsonian
excitement, 360. Press at, 471.
Camden, battle of, 512.
Camden, Lord, opposes Stamp Act, 477.
Campbell, Colonel, defeats Americans in
Georgia, and takes Savannah, 509.
Campbell, William, Lord, Governor of South
Carolina, 170.
Carleton, Sir Guy, defeats Americans at Que
bec, 496.
Carr, Dabuey; resolutions for correspoud
euce of colonies, 485.

540

INDEX.

Carr, Sir Eobert, conquers Delaware, 208,
290. His government, 209. Commissioner
iu Massachusetts, 365.
Carteret. Sir George, obtains grant of New
Jersey ; dies, 266.
Carteret, James, usurps government of New
Jersey, 264.
Carteret, Lady, orders resistance to New
York, 206.
Carteret, Philip, Governor of North CaroUna,
137 ; of New Jersey ; arrives, 263. Driven
out by Jnmes Carteret, and returns, 264.
Difflcullies with Andros, 206. Retires on
sale of province, 266.
Cartwright, Colonel George, royal commis
sioner, takes Fort Orange, 295, 296. Com
missioner iu Massachusetts, 365. Wrecked,
aud loses pajiers agaiust Massachusetts,
SoG.
Cary, Thomas, Deputy -governor of North
Carolina, 140.
Castle Island, convicts on, 440.
Cat Islaud, inoculating hospital burned at,
420.
Channel Islands, emigration from, to New
E)igland, 40.
Charleston, South Carolina, fouudatiou of,
159. Description of, 183, 184. Eesistauce
to introduction often, 486, 487, Defeat of
British, 497, Taken by British, 511.
Charlestown, settlement at, 344, 345. Burned
by British, 493.
Chastellux, Marquis de. New Eugland inns,
466.
Chateaubriand, opinion of Philadelphia, 239;
of Pennsylvania society, 262.
Chauncy, Charles, lenruing of, 424.
Chew House, seized by British at battle of
Germantown, 605.
Chicheley, Sir Heury, Governor of Virginia,
23.
" Child, Tom, the Painter," 472.
Christiaeusen, Hendrick, establishes fort
near Albany, 285.
Christmas, hostiUty to observance of, in New
England, 426.
Church, Colonel Benjamin, pursues and kills
King Philip, 358. In command iu the East,
363. Writings of, 471.
Church of England, Established, growth of,
in Virginia, 64, 65. Intolernnce of, in Vir
ginin, 55. Decline of, in Virginin, 66. In
tolerance of, in eighteenth century, 66, 57.
Fall of, in Virginia, 58. Vestries in Vir
ginia, 58, 59. Organization iu Virginia, 59,
«0. In Maryland, 120, 123. EstnbUshcdiu
North Cnrolinn, 140. Character of, in North
Carolinn, 160, 151. Party of, in North Caro

linn, 160; in South Carolina, 174 and ff. ; in
Georgia, 203; iu Peniisj-lvaiiia, 215, 234; in
New Jersey, 268, 278, 279. Forced on New
York by Cornbury, 302. Condition of, iu
New York, 319. Hatred of, iu New Eng
land, 426. Attended by officials in Boston,
468.
Clarke, George, Lieutenant-governor of New
York, 305. Attributes negro plot to pa
pists, 321.
Clarke, George Eogers, captures Vincennes,
509.
Clarke, John, leader of Baptists in Ehode
Island ; persecuted in Massachusetts ; goes
to England, 383. Conduct iu England,
389. Obtains charter for Ehode Island,
390. Accounts disputed, 391. Death of,
392.
Clarke, Walter, Governor of Ehode Island,
refuses to take office on the fall of Andros,
392.
Clayborne, William, troubles of, with Mary
landers, 14. Leader of Puritans, 15. Com
missioner of Parliament, 16. SubduesMa-
ryland, 17, 103. Displaced from office, 19.
Dealings with first settlers of Maryland,
98. Defeated by Calvert, and goes to Eng
land, 99. Overthrows government of Mary
land with Ingle, 100.
Clinton, Admiral George, Governor of New
York, 306. Account of parties, 339.
Clinton, Sir Henry, repulsed at Charleston,
497. Ou the Hudson, 607. Abandons Phil
adelphia, and marches to New York, 608.
Held in check by Wayne-s attack on Stony
Point, 510. Takes Charleston ; plots with
Arnold, 511. Jealousy of Cornwallis, 516.
Cock-flghting in Virginia, 84, 86.
Coddington, William, supports Mrs. Hutchin
son, 349. Judge at Portsmouth, Ehode Isl
and ; founds Newport, 385. Assistant ; al
locked; goes to England; returns -n-ith
commission as Governor for life, and sets
np government, 388. Government over-
tbro-B'U, 389. Death of, 392.
Colden, Cadwallader, supports Governor
Clinton, 300. Lieutenant-governor of New
York, 310. Publishes history, 337. Forced
to give up stamps, 476.
Colleton, Jnmes, Governor of Sonth Caroli
nn, 161.
Colman, Benjamin, writir.Lrs of, 469, 470.
Colve, Anthony, Governor of New York dur
ing Dutch i-econqnest, 297.
Concord, bnttle of, 492.
Congress, Stamp -ict, 476. Of 1774, meets iu
Philadelphia, 490. Their action, 491. Meet
ing of second Congress; graduaUy drawn

INDEX.

641

into war, 494. Movement for Indepen
dence ; party divisions, 498. Declnies In
dependence, 499. Eensons for delay, and
final result, 499, 500. Hampers Washing
ton ; leaves Philadelphia, 603. Plies from
Philadelphia before Howe, 605.
Conuecticnt, Dutch settlement in, 287. Fail
ure of Dutch power iu, 290. Boundary
agreement with Stuyvesant, 292. Hostility
to Dutch, 293. Infringes ou New York by
Winthrop's charter, and hostUity to New
York, 295. Bonndary settlement with Nic-
0116,298. EepelsAndros,298. Tradeopened
from Massnchusetts, 340. Eiuigratiou to,
under Hooker, 348. Controversy with Mns-
snchusetts, 358. Settlement of, by English,
373. Pequod war, 373, 374. Government
established ; New Haven, 374. Growth ;
trouble with Dutch, aud with Massachu
setts in confederacy, 375. Hostility to
Dutch ; Winthrop Governor ; obtains char
ter, 376. Absorbs New Haven ; dealings
with royal commissioners, 377. Eelntiona
with New York ; Philip's wnr, 378. Bouu-
dnry question with Massachusetts and
Ehode Islaud, 378, 379. Attacks of Ean
dolph, 379. Andros Governor-geueral;
charter government re-established, 380.
Progress after accession of William ; Queeu
Anne's war, 381. Settles boundary with
Massachusetts and Ehode Islaud ; progress
mider Walpole, 382. Conduct in Spanish
and French wars, 383. Eesists taxation,
and sends delegates to Stamp Act Con
gress, 383, 384, Bonndary dispnte with
Ehode Islnnd, 390, 391. Fnrming Innds,
406. Population of, 408. Agriculture, 409.
Trade, 410. Industries, 411. Government;
pay of Governor, etc., 413. Courts, 418.
Congregntionnl and Episcopal churches of,
427, 428. - Opposition to singing by note in
church, 431. Slaves in, 442. Yale College,
466, Oppositiou to Stamp Act ; supports
Mnssachusetts against Hillsborough, 480.
Adopts a declnration of rights, 489. Be
gins to arm, 491.
Conway Cabal, 507.
Conway, Henry Seymour, brings bill for re
peal of Stamp Act, 477. Motion ogninst
continuing American war, 518.
Coode, John, at head of Protestant associa
tion ; seizes government of Maryland, 107.
Cooke, Elisha, agent of Massochusett.o, 360.
Leader of popular party against Dudley,
303.
Cooke, Elisha, the younger, lender of popu
lar party against Shute ; chosen speaker,
nnd set aside by Governor, 304. Agent

of Massachusetts, 365. Made a judge by
Belcher, 366.
Copley, John Singleton, painter, 472.
Cojilej', Sir Lionel, Governor of Maryland,
107.
Corey, Giles, pressed to death in witchcraft
excitement, 435.
Cornbury, Lord, Governor of New Jersey,
267, 2GS. Church policy iu New Jersey,
278.
Cornwallis, Lord, repulsed at Charleston,
497. Pursues Washiugton iu New Jersey,
503. Outgeneralled by Washin.gtou iu
Princeton campaign, 504. At Philadel
phia, 505. Iu command nt the south; re
pressive policy, 511. At Camden, 512. Baf
fled by Greene, 513. Defeats Greene at
Guilford, nnd mnrches north, 514. Surren
ders nt Yorktown, 515.
Corssen, Arendt Van, establishes post ou
Schuylkill, 287.
Cortland, manor of, 315, 327.
Cosby, William, Governor of New Jersey,
270; of New York, 304.
Cotton, John, arrival in Boston, 340, Sym-
' pathy with Mrs. Hutchinson, 349. Love
of Cnlvin, 424. Petitions agaiust taverns,
438. Verses of, 468,
Cowpens, the, battle of, 513.
Cradoek, Matthew, flrst Governor of Mos-
sachnsetts Company, 343. Agent of Mas
sachusetts in early troubles as to charter,
347.
Crandall, John, persecuted iu Massnchusetts,
388.
Cranfield, Edward, roynl Go-vernor of New
Hampshire, 399. Administration ; oppres
sion ; complaints agaiust ; forced to leave
province, 399, 400.
Cranston, Samuel, Governor of Ehode Isl
and, 392, 393.
Craven, Charles, Governor of South Carolina,
164.
Craven, Lord, palotinc of South Carolina,
164,
Cromwell, Oliver, sends ont fleet against
New Netherlands, 293. Eelatious with
Massachusetts, 353.
Crown Point captured by Allen, 493.
Cruger, Colouel, abandons "Niuety-six,"
614.
Culpepper, John, heads insnrrection again.'^t
Miller iu North Carolina, 138.
Culpepper, Lord, grant of Virginia to, 19.
Governor of Virginia; his administration,
23. Eecalled, 24.
Cummings, Sir Alexander, Crown agent
among Indians, 166.

542

INDEX.

Curler, Jacob Van, establishes post on Con
necticut river, 287.
Cushing, Elder, petitions for closing taverns,
438.
Cutts house at Portsmouth, 446,
Cutts, John, President of New Hampshire;
death of, 398.
Cuylers, estates of the, 327.
Cygnet, royal cruiser, attack planned upon,
396. D.
Daowouthy, Captaiu, trouble with Wash
ington, 109,110.
Dale, Sir Thomas, Governor of Virginia ; his
administration, 7, 8.
Dalrymple, Colonel, takes possession of fort
iu Boston harbor, 483.
Dam, Eip Van, struggle with Cosby, 304 ;
with Clarke, 305.
Daniel, Eobert, Deputy -governor of North
Carolina, 140 ; of South Carolina, 104.
Dartmouth College, 466.
D'Aulnay, relations of, with New England,
362.
Davenant, Sir WiUiam, appointed Governor
of Maryland by Charles II., 102.
Davenport, John, Eev., founder of New
Haven, 374.
De Lancey, James, chief -justice of New
Yoi-k; supports suppression of negro plot ;
controls Governor Clinton, 305. Commis-
pi(med Lieuiennnt-governor, SOG. Acting-
Governor, 306, 307. Presides nt Albnny
Congress, nnd opposes Frnnklin, 307. Con
trols Hardy, nnd again Lieutenant-govern
or, 30S. Funeral of, 333.
Delaware, discovery and settlement of, by
Dutch, 205. Seltlement of, by Swedes, 203.
Growth under Swedes, 206, 207. Contests
of Dutch aild Swedes, and defeat of latter,
207. Under Dutch, and city of Amster
dam, 208, 294. Conquest by English, 208,
209. Under English, 209. Ceded to Penn,
210. United with Pennsylvnnin, 212. Un
ion dissolved ; brought back by Fletcher,
¦ 214. Union finally severed, 216. Ger)-
graphical situation; identity with Penn
sylvania, 227. Occnpations, 229. Govern
ment, 230, 231. Judiciary, 232. Towns,
240. Nou-importation agreement, 481.
Delaware, Lord, Governor of Virginia ; his
administration, 7, Friends of, oppressed
liy Argnll, 8. Ee-nppointed Governor, and
dies ou vt)yage out, 9.
Denny, William, Deputy-governor of Penn
sylvania, 223.
Deux Ponts, Viscount de, at Yorktown, 515.
Do Vries, D. P., Patroon ; arrival iu South

river, andloss of hie settlers, 206, 287. Trou
bles with Vau Twiller, 287. Comes out
with Company to Staten Island, 238. Kind
ness to Indians; remonstr.atcs with Kieft,
289.
Dickinson, John, opposes attempts to de
stroy proprietary government in Pennsyl
vania, 226. Leader of moderate party in
Pennsylvania, 489. Draughts address to
King, 491. Lends iu debate against inde
pendence, 499.
Dieskau, Baron, defeated by Johnson at
Fort George, and killed, 307.
Digges, Edward, Governor of Virginia, 17.
Diucklagen, Lubbertus Van, schout, quarrel
-with Van Twiller, 288.
Dinwiddie, Eobert, Governor of Virginia,
conflicts with Burgesses, 29, 30.
Dobbs, Arthur, Governor of North Carolina,
143-145.
Donck, Adrian Van der, heads opposition to
Stuyvesant, 292.
Dongan, Thomas, Governor of New York;
interferes with .East Jersey, 266. Adminis
tration in New York, 298, 299. Efforts to
establish a mail service, 331. Eelntions
with Connecticut, 379.
Donop, Colonel, killed nt Fort Mercer, 605.
Dorchester Company, 342, 343.
Douglnss, WUliam ; toleraticni in New Eng
land, 426.
Dover founded, 397.
Drayton, Michael, poem on departure of Vir
ginian expedition, 5.
Drummond, William, leader iu Bacon's re
bellion, 20, Governor of North Carolina,
135.
Drysdale, Hu2h, Goverr.or of Virginia, 28.
Duddington, LieuteDant, commander of 6as-
pee, 484.
Duddy, Eichnrfl, prosecuted for dnmning
Dnke of Cumberland, 283.
Dudley, Joseph, plots with Cornbury against
charter governments, 302, 382. Leader of
Crown party; agent of Massachusetts;
president of government by commission,
359. Thrown into prison with Andros, 300.
Character, career, and administration, 362,
363. Conuecticnt declinesto come under
his .government, 379. Eefuses to help him
iu Queen Anne's war. 381. Attacks Ehode
Islaud, 393. President of New Hampshire
by commission, 400. Governor of New
Hampshire; controversy with Usher, 401,
402. Quarrel -with the carters, 473.
Dudley, Thomas, Depnty-goveruor of Jlassn-
chn.^ett.'', 345. Governor, 346. To mnnnge
war, 347. Ee-choseu Deputy-governor, 350,

INDEX.

S43

Governor, 351. Party of recovers suprem
acy, 363.
Dummer, Jeremiah, agent of Massachnsetts,
365. Defends Connecticut charter, 382. And
Ehode Islaud charter, 394. Leader of Lat-
itudinariau movement, 424, Defence of
charters, 468.
Dummer, Eichard, supports Mrs. Ilutchiii-
sou, 349.
Dummer, William, nppointed Lieutenant-
goveruor of Massachusetts, 304. Adminis
tration as Lieutenant-governor, 366, 306.
Makes peace with Indians, 403.
Dunbar, David, surveyor of woods, and Lieir-
teiiaut- govern or of New Hampshire, 403.
Controversy with Belcher, 404.
Dunmore, Lord, dissolves Virginia Assem
bly, 489. Forced to give up pow.der, 492.
Flics the colony, 494, 497.
Dunton, John, description of Boston Com
mou, 467. Of merchants, 458. Ofoldmnids,
402.
Du Quesne, Fort, defeat of Braddock at, 33.
Captured by Forbes, 36, 224,
Butch, in Delaware and Pennsylvania, 228,
290, 293. In Counecticut, 287, 290, In New
Jersey, 273. In New York, 285 nnd ff. De
cline of power of, 294. Clergy aud church
es, 317, 318. Persecute Quakers, 318. Hos
tiUty to English in educntion nnd language,
32G. Manners nud superstitions, 329, 330.
Lite of, in Albany, 332. In New York, 333.
Houses, 334. Holidays, 336. Troubles of.
In and with Connecticut, 376. Dealings
with Connecticut at reconquest of New
York, 378. War with Ehode Islaud, 389.
E.
Eastouukoii, TH0.1IAS, Governor of North
.Carolina, 138.
Enston, Nicholns, Quaker Governor of Ehode
Islnnd, 39'1.
Eaton, Theophilus, fouuder of New Haven,
nnd Goveruor, 374.
Ebenezer founded, 190. Description of, 201.
Eden, Charles, Governor of North Cnrolinn,
141.
Edwards, Jonathan, inreligions revival, 307,
427. Early resolution, 424. Writings of, 470.
Effingham, Lord Howard of, Governor of Vir
ginia ; administration, and withdrawal, 24.
Eliot, Andrew, amuBemeuts in Boston, 460.
Eliot, John, bewails decline of religion, 426.
Verses of, 408.
Ellis, Henry ,Lieutennut-goveruor of Georgia,
195, 196.
Endicott, John, patentee of second Dorches
ter Company, 343, Orders Episcopalians

away from Salem, 344. CaUed to account
for cutting cross, 348. Sent against Pe
quods, 349. Chosen Governor, 362, Elected
Governor on death of Winthrop, 363, Sup
ports persecution of Quakers, 364. Death
of, 356. Opposes long hair, 438.
Esopus, massacre at, 294.
Essex County, Massachnsetts, opposes Win
throp, 352.
Estaing, D', Admiral, Count, at Newport, 508.
Leaves for Boston, 509. Eepulaed at Savan
nah, 610.
Eutaw Spriugs, battle of, 514.
Evans, John, Deputy-governor of Pennsylva
nia, 210, 217.
Evans, pirate, 243.
Everard, Sir Eichard, Goveruor of North
Carolina, 142.
Exeter founded, 397.

Fai.modtu, Indinn treaty nt, 403.
Fauquier, Francis,- Governor of Virgiuia, 35.
Prevents delegates to Stamp Act Congress,
40. Love of gaming, 86 ; of arts aud liter
ature, 87.
Fendall, Josias, Governor of Maryland, char
acter, 104.
Fenwick, John, attempts settlement on the
Delaware, 209, Buys, as trustee of Bylliuge,
West Jersey, 264. Troubles with Andros,
265.
Ferguson, Mnjor, defeated nt King's Moun
tain, 512,
Fitch, Thomas, Governor of Connecticut, ad
vises submission to Stamp Act, 383, Com
peUed to -oppose, 384,
Fitzhugh, William, lawyer, 53.
Fletcher, Benjamin, royal Governor of Penn
sylvania, 214 ; of New York, 301. Eepulsed ¦
by Counecticut, 331. Eelations with pi
rates and Jacobite Clnb, 324.
Flower, Enoch, opens school iu Philndel-
phin, 254.
Port Frontenac, 300, 370.
Fort George, batUe of, 307.
Fort Mercer, capture of, 505.
Fort Miffiin, capture of, 505.
Fort Schuyler, repulse of British at, 600.
Fort William Henry, battle of, 308.
Fox, Charles, quarrel with Shelburne, and
¦resignation, 518.
Fox, George, in Maryland, 124. Visit to
Ehode Islaud, 391.
France, iu the valley of the Ohio, 30. F.all of
power of, in America, 35, 136, 310. Begins
to threaten New York, 294. Dread of, iu
Now York, 299. War with, on New York

644

INDEX.

frontier, 300. Hatred of, iu New England,
473, Sends supplies to Americans, 504.
Enters into alliance with United Colonies,
508. Attitude in peace negotiations, 518,
519.
Frankland, Sir Harry, driven from Boston
for keeping a mistress, 438. Estate at Hop-
kinton,447.
Franklin, Benjamin, assists Braddock, 33,
222. Arrival in Philadelphia ; deceived by
Keith, 219. Supports Governor Thomas in
Spanish and French war, 221. Leader of
Pennsylvania Assembly to tax proprie
tary estates and issue paper money, 222.
Eaises troops, and checks Indians, 223.
Agent in England for colony as to taxation
of proprietary estates, 223, 224. Helps to
suppress Paxton riot ; agaiu agent to re
monstrate agaiust taxation, 225, Benefit
to Philadelphia, 238. Founds university,
254. Scientific exploits, 265. Literature,
266. Postmaster, and founder of library,
257. Increases mails in New Jersey, 281.
Agent of Massachusetts, 483. PubUshes
letters of Hutchinson aud Oliver; at-
tncked by Wedderbum, 437. Mission to
Frnnce, 617. Conduct in peace negotia
tions, 513.
Franklin, Josiah, library of, 471.
Frnnklin, Willinm, Governor of New Jersey,
272. Improves court of chnncerj-, 282.
Frederica, founded, 191. Defence of, 192, 193.
Frontenac, Count, invades New York, 300,
301. G.
Gadsden, CnmoToruEK, chosen delegate to
Stamp Act Congress, 171. At'Stamp Act
Congress, 311, 476. Commands troops at
Jnmes Island, 497.
Gage, Thomas, General, civil Governor of
Massachusetts, 488. Quarrel with Boston,
439. Demands more troops, 490. Fails to
seize powder at Salem, 492.
Galloway, Andrew, supports cession of Penn
sylvania to the Crown, 225.
Gansevoort, Colonel, repnlses British at Fort
Schuyler, 506.
Gaspee, affair of, 484. Eoyal commission to
inquire into, 485.
Gates, Horatio, in command iu the North,
506. Eeceives surrender of Burgoyne, 507.
Defeated at Camden, 512. Eelieved by
Greene, 613.
Gates, Thomas, commands expedition to Vir
giuia, and for some lime Governor, 7.
Georgia, situation and causes of settlement
of, 137. Association to colonize, 189. Set
tlement of, 189, 190. Eestrictive acts, 190.

Dangers from Spaniards, 191. Eelations
with Indians, and war with Spain, 192. Ee-
pulse of Spaniards at Frederica, 193. Bad
government of Trustees, 194. Troubles af
ter Oglethorpe's departure, 194, 195. Ceded
to Crown, and consequent progress, 195.
Progress under Wright ; gi'owth of resist
ance toEngland, 196. Population, amount
and character of, 197. Government, 198,
199. Legal system ; militin, 199. Trade and
society under Trustees, 199, 200. Commerce
aud growth of colony under Crown, 200.
Towns ; life and amusements, 201. Sla
very ; servants ; crime, 202. Eeligion, 202,
203. Literature aud education, 203, Polit
ical tendencies, 203, 204. Quarrels of Gov
ernor and Assembly, 484. Delegate chosen
in one parish, 491. British in, 609, 610.
Germans, in Virgiuia, 66. In South Carolina,
173. In Georgia; lukewarm to Eevolutiini,
204. Immigration to Peunsylvauin, 219.
Opposition to war, 223. In Pennsylvania,
228, Eeligion of, iu Pennsylvania, 234,
Quarrels with Irish, 243, 249. Thrift, 249.
Superstition, 253. Support Quakers, 261. In
New Jei-sej', 273. In New York, 313.
Germantown, jicconnt of, 239. Battle of, 505.
Glen, James, Governor of South Carolina,
168, 169.
Glover, Willinm, contest with Cary for gov
ernment of North CaroUna, 140.
Godfrey, Thomas, mathematician, 266.
Godyn, Samuel, patroon, 286.
Goffe, William, the regicide, takes refuge in
New England, 865.
Gooch, William, Governor of Virginia, 28, 29.
Persecutes Dissenters, 57.
Gookin, Charles, Deputy-governor of Peuu-
sylvania, 217, 218.
Gordon, Patrick, Deputy-governor of Penn
sylvania, 219.
Gorges, Ferdinando, drend of, in Plymouth,
342. Jenlons of Massachnsetts, 346. Set
tles New Hampshire ; divides with Mason,
nnd receives Mniue, 397.
Gorges grnnts and claim, 351, 897. Eenewed
agaln5tMassaohusetts,36S. BonghtHp,359.
Gorton, Samuel, settles at Shawomet, 386.
Trouble with Massachnsetts ; goes to Eng
land, 387. President at Providence, 388.
Gosnold, Bartholomew, cruise to, and win
ter in New England, 2. Character of, 5.
Gove, Edward, heads insurrection in New
Hampshire, 399.
Grafton, Duke of, resigns, 483.
Grant, Colonel, defeats Cherokee.?, 170.
Grnnville, Lord, church policy in South Caro
lina, 163. Death of, 164.

INDEX. ^

545

virasse, De, Admiral, Count, at Yorktown,
515.
Graves, Admiral, incompetency of, 515.
Green Springs, battle of, 516. .
Greene, John, settler of Shawomet, 386.
Greene, Nathauiel, takes command of South
ern Departmeut ; retreats before Cornwal
lis, 613. Defeated at Guilford, Hobkirk's
Hill, and Eutaw, and saves North aud
South Carolina, 514.
Greene, Thomas, Governor of Maryland, 101.
Grenville, Thomas, peace commissioner, 618.
Guilford Court-house, buttle of, 514.
Gustavus Adolphus ; policy of culuuizatiun,
206. H.
IlAnLEV, Indians attack, ou Sunday, 432.
Hakluyt, Eichard ; letter to first emigrants
to Virginia, 6.
Hamilton, Alexander, at Yorktown, 515.
HnmUton, Andrew,, Deputy -governor of
Penusylvanio, 216. Governor of New Jer
sey, 267.
Ilnmiltou, Andrew, eminent lawyer and
Speaker of the House in Pennsylvania, 221.
Defender of Zenger, 233, 304.
Hamilton, Duke of; claim against Connecti
cut, 379.
Hamilton, James, Deputy-govoruor of Penn
sylvania, 221. Second administration, 224.
Hamilton, Johu, President of the Coungil in
New Jersey, 271,
Ilnnipton founded, 397, Minister driven out
by Cranfield, 400.
IJnncock, John ; sloop Liberti/ seized, 4S0.
President of Congress, 494.
Hanging Eock, battle of, 512,
Hardy, Admiral Sir Charles ; Governor of
New York, 303.
Hardy, Josiah, Governor of Ne',v Jersey, 272.
Harris, William ; quarrel with Williams, aud
arrested, 339. Agitates, nnd arrested, 391.
Hartford, description of, 462. ,
Harvard College, founded, 348, Classes ar-

resolutions against Stamp Act, 40. Play
ing vioUn ; oratory, 83. Supports cone-
spondeuce of colonies, 435.
Herkimer, Nicholas, defeats British at Oris
kany, 506,
Hessians arrive in New York, 501. Defeated
at Trenton, 504. Eepulsed at Fort Mercer,
505.
Heyes, Pieter, agent for patroons iu Dela
ware, 206.
Higginaon, Francis, teacher of Salem Church,
343. Jonrunl of, 407.
Higginson, John, as to old maids, 462.
Highlanders, Scotch, in South Carolina, 174.
ISO ; in Georgia, 191-194, 198, 200.
Hill, General, commands expedition against
Canada, 303, 363.
Hillsborough, Lord, orders Massachusetts to
rescind resolutions, 480. Urges arbitrary
measures, 484.
Hinoyossa, Alexander de, Goveruor of Now
Amsterdam, 208.
Hobkirk's Hill, battle of, 614.
Holden, Eandall, settler of Shawomet, 336.
Hollandaere, John, Goveruor of New Swe
den, 206.
Holmes, Obadiah, persecuted in Massachu
setts, 388.
Hood, Admiral ; quarrel with Graves, 515.
Hooker, Thomas, settles at Newtown, 340.
Founder of Connecticut, 347, 373. Preach
ing of, 424.
Hopkins, Edward, Governor of Connecticut,
374.
Hopkins, Stephen, contest with Ward, 396.
Hopkinton, Frankland house at, 447.
Horsley, Samuel, Governor of Sonth Caroli
na, 168.
Howe, Lord, killed at Ticonderoga, 809.
, Monument to, 370.
Howe, Lord, sent out with fleet, 492. Avoids
D'Estaing off Newport, 608.
Howe, Eobert, defeated by British in Geor
gia, 609.
ranged according to social position, 445. I Howe, Sir Willinm, fails to intercept Wnsh-

Description of, 466.
Hnrvey, Sir John, Governor of Virginin, 13.
His ndmiuistrntion and recall, 14. Eela
tions wiih Maryland, 98, 99.
Hniwey, Thomas, Deputy-governor of North
Carolina, 139,140.
Harwinton, Connecticut; opposition to sing
ing by note in church, 431,
Hawley, Joseph, patriot lender, 485.
Hnynes, John, Governor of Connecticut, 374.
Henth, Sir Eobert, grnnt to, 133.
Henry, Patrick; early life; appears ns counsel
in the " Pnrson's Cause," 3S, 39. Supports

ington, 502 ; or force a battle, 603. Takes
Philadelphia, and clears river, 605. Ee
lieved by Clinton, 608.
Hubbard, James, heads resistnnce to Stuy
vesant on Long Islnnd, 293.
Hudson, Henry, discovers Hudson river, 286.
Hughes, John, Stamp Collector of Peiiusyl-
vanin, forced to resign, 226.
Huguenots iu Virginia, 66; iu South Caroli
nn, 161, 102, 173 ; in New York, 312 ; iu New
Englnnd, 407, 473.
Humphrey, John, Deputy-governor of Mas
sachnsetts, 844.

35

546

INDEX.

Hunter, Eobert, appointed Governor of Vir
ginia, but does not arrive, 26. Governor
of New Jersey, 209. Governor of New
York, 303.
Ilunter, William, Dr., lectures at Newport,
421.
Husbands, Herman, leader of " Eegulators "
in North CaroUna, 146.
nutchiusou, Mrs. Anne ; arrival ; attacks
ministers, 349. Trial and banifhmeut, 360.
Arrival in Ehode Islaud, 885.
Hutchinson, Thomas, brings about resump
tion in Massachusetts, 308. Chief-justice
in case of writs of assistance, 371, 417.
Opposes circular, 372. History, 470. Oppo
sition to Assembly, 479. Governor of Mas
snchusetts, 481. Conduct at massacre ;
compelled to send away regiments, 482.
Quarrels with general court, 433. Discusses
po-wers of Parliament with general court,
484,48.6. Letters published, 435. Attempts
to enforce introduction of tea, 486. De
parture, 439.
Hyde, Edward, Lieutenant-governor of North
Carolina, 140. I.
Ingeesoi.t., Jaked, agent of Connecticut, 383.
Forced to resign as Stamp Collector, 884.
Ingle, Eichard, rebellion of, in Maryland,
100, 101.
Ingoldsby, Eichard, Lieutenant-governor of
New Jersey, 209. Arrives in New York,
nnd besieges fort; Lieutennnt-governor,
300. Agnin Lieutenant-governor of Now
York, 803.
Irish in Pennsylvnnin, 223, 244. Qtinrrels
with Germans, 243, 249, 202.
Iroquois, Andres's policy with, 297, 299. Ee
latious with Dongan, 298. Chiefs taken to
England by Schuyler, 303.
J.
Jamestown in 1716, 51. Later, 52.
Jay, Johu, takes lead of moderate patriots
in New York, 480. Draughts address to
people of England, 491. Moves second pe
tition to King, 494. Mission to Spain, 617.
Share in peace negotiations, 618.
Jefferson, Thomas ; playing violin, 83.
Frieud of Goveruor Fauquier, 36. Opin
ion of Philadelphia, 239. Draughts Decla
ration of Independence, 499.
Jeffreys, Colouel Herbert, Governor of Vir
ginia, 23.
-Jenckes, Jftseph, Goveruor of Ehode Island ;
opposes paper-money, 394,
Jeningjs, Samuel, heads opposition to Cora-
bury in New Jersey, 26S.

Jews in South Carolina, 176; in Georgia,
190, 198 ; in New Yoik, 313.
Johnson, Sir Nathaniel, Governor of North
Carolina, 140, - Of South Carolina, 163.
Johnson, Eobert, Governor of South Caroli
na; first .administration, 104, 165. Deposeri,
106. Second administration, 167.
Johnson, Samuel, fonnds King's College, 325.
HostUity to, iu Connecticut, on joining
Episcopal Church, 428.
Johnson, Sir William, Indian agent, 306. De
feats Dieskau, 307. Captures Fort Niaga
ra, 309. Library of, 337.
Johnston, Gabriel, Governor of North Caro
lina, 143.
Jones, Sir William, arbitrator between West
Jersey Quakers and Duke of York, 265.
JumonviUe, De, death of, 32.

Kalb, Babonde, joins Washington, 505. Kill
ed at Camden, 512.
Keith, George, heads schism in Pennsylva
nia, 214.
Keith, Sir William, Goveruor of Pennsylva
nia, 218, 219. House, 250.
Kidd, Captain WiUiam, piracy of; pursued
by Bellomont, 301.
Kieft, William, protest against Swedes, 206.
Director of New Netherlands ; early acts,
288. Excites Indian war, 289. Popular re
sistance to ; removed, 290. Drowned, 291.
King's CoUege, establishment, and- account
of, 325.
King's Mountain, battle of, 512.
King's Province. See Narragansett cotmtry.
Kip's Bay, retreat of militia from, 502.
Kirke, Colonel Percy, appointed Governor
of Massachnsetts, 300.
Kittanning, defeat of Indians at, 223.
Knowles, Commodore, raises riot in Bostou
by press-gang, 368.
Knox, Henry, brings cannon from Ticonde
roga, 495.
Kuyter, J. P., one of "eight" men; resists
Kieft and Stuyvesant, 291.

Lafayette, Mahquis de, joins Washiugtou,
505. Escapes capture, 508. Iu Virginia,
and at Yorktown, 515.
Laidlie, Eev. Dr., preaches against amuse
ments, 336.
Lancaster, massacre of Indians at, 225. Ac
connt of, 239.
Land-bank, iu Massachnsetts, 307.
La Tour, relations of, with New Euglando
352.

INDEX.

547

Land, Archbishop ; eflfect on Puritan emigra-
tiou, 345.
Laudonniere, Eenfi de, attempts settlements
iu Sonth Carolina, 153, 159.
Laurens, Henry, imprisoned in Tower of
Loudon, 517. Peace commissioner, 518.
Law, Jonathan, Governor of Counecticut,
382. Supports Louisburg expedition, 383.
Lawrie, Gawen, Deputy -governor of East
Jersey, 2GG.
Lee, Charles, general in command at New
York and Charleston, 497. Delays iJi join
ing Washington, and taken prisoner, 503.
Conduct at battle of Monmouth Court-
¦ house, and court-martial, 508.
Lee, Colonel Harry, in South Carolina, 514i
Lee house at Marblehead, 446.
Lee, E. H., oratory of, 83. Supports corre
spoudeuce of colonies, 486. Moves resolu
tion for Independence, 498.
Leisler, Jacob, heads revolt ag;\inst Nichol
son, 299. Administration; surrender and
execution, 300. Eeburial, 302. Aided by
Connecticut, 381.
Leverett, John, arrival with Parliament
troops, 370. Funeral of, 462.
Lexington, battle of, 492.
LtHrty, sloop, seized, 480.
Lincoln, Benjamin, in command of Southern
Departmeut, 509. Eepulsed at Savannah,
610. Surrenders at Charleston, 511.
Livingston Manor, 315, 327.
Livingston, Eobert, collector of New York,
and leader ofauti-Leislerian party; found
a defaulter, 302.
Livingston, William, writes for Independent
Reflector, aud opposes church, 819.
Lloyd, David, popular leadeu, 214. Struggle
with Logan and Evans, 216, 217.
Lloyd, Thomas, Presideu t of Council in Penn
sylvania ; resigns, 213. Eestored, 214.
Locke, Johu, draws "constitutions" of Car
olinas, 186.
Logan, James,, secretary of Pennsylvania,
and manager of proprietary estates, 210,
His conflict wilh David Lloyd, 210, 217.
Contest with Gookin, 218. Conflict with,
nnd victory over Keith, 219. Head of gov-
ernraentaB President of Ccnmcil, 2-20. Sup
ports Governor Thomas, 221. House, 250.
Scholarship, 266. Pounds library, 267.
London Company for Virginia, chartered, 2,
3. Fresh exertions obtain a new charter,".
Factions, and defent of Court party, 8, 9.
Leaders ond political objects of, 9. Con
tests wilh the King, 11. Charter annulled,
12,'
-Londonderry, Settlement of, 403.

Long Island, Englisli on, support Stuyve
sant, 292. Agitation .against Stuyvesant,
293, Eev-olt of towns against Dutch, 295.
Agitation against Nicolls, 296. Account of
towns of, 380. Country-seats, 335. Pro
tected by Connecticut, 378. Battle of, 60-2.
London, Lord, Goveruor of Virgiuia, 35. Im-
becUe ns commander-in-chief, 223. Com
mander-in-chief; northern campaigns and
relations with colonies, 308, 309.
Louisburg, New York gives money for ex
pedition against, 306. Capture of, 308. Con
necticut forces at, 383. Ehode Island forces
fail to reach, 894. New Hampshire troops
at, 404.
Lovelace, Francis, Governor of New York,
297.
Lovelace, Lord, Governor of New Jersey,
268; of New York, 302.
Ludwell, Philip, Governor of North Caroli
na, 139; of South Carolina, 102. .
Lutherans iu Pennsylvania, 234. Persecuted
by Stuyvesant, 294. In New York, 817.
Lymnn, Phiuens, General, second iu com
mand nt battle of Port George, 307, 308.
Lyttelton, William, Governor of South Caro
lina, 169, 170. M.
Maine; Andros builds fort at Pemaquid as
sign of Duke's ownership, 208. Brought
within- jurisdiction of Massachusetts, 853.
Indian war iu, 353, 863, 306. Bought by
Massachusetts, 369. Incorporated with
Massachusetts, 361. Pulls to the lot of
Gorges, 397. Included in Massachusetts,
406. Physiciausiu,421. Itinerant preach
ers, 438. Education, 465.
Makemie, Eev. Francis, writes "Perswasive
to Towns," 51. Leader of Presbyterians, 65.
Arrested and imprisoned in New York, 318.
Malbone, Godfrey, Ulicit trade of, 410.
Houses, 446.
Manning, John, surrenders New Y-ork to
Dutch, 297.
Mansfield, Lord, snpports Stamp Act, 477,
Theory as to taxation, 478,
Jlarblehead, Lee house at, 446.
Marion, Francis, partisan leader; 512, 514.
Markham, WiUiam, colonial secretary of
Pennsylvania, 213. Lieutenaut-.governor
of Delaware, 214. Depnty-goveruor of
Peuusylvanio, 214, 215. Family interested
in piracy, 243.
Martin, Josiah, Governor of North Caroli
na, 140, 147. Defeated by Americans, and
driven from province, 497.
Martyn, Eichard, expelled from CouncU of
Now Hampshire, 399.

548

INDEX.

Maryland, points of interest iu history of,
93. Charter of, 95. Eeligious clauses of
charter of, 96. Eeasons for toleration, 97.
Catholics among flrst settlers, 97, 98. First
settlement, 98. Progress in flrst three
years, and differences with Lord Balti
more, 99. Ingle's rebellion ; rise of Puri
tans, 100, 101. Passage of the Toleration
Act, 101, 102. Puritan supremac}-, 102.
Eule of Commissioners of Parliament, and
defeat of Stoue, 103, 104. Eeverts to Lord
Baltimore, 104. Progress under Philip and
Charles Calvert, 106. Episcopal Church
movement, 105, 100. Else of Quakerism,
106. Protestant association seizes govern
ment, 107. Decline, and intolerance under
royal government, 103. Eestoratiou of
Calverts, 103, 109. Tranquillity under Cal
verts; contest with proprietary; conduct
in French war, 109, 110. Eesistauce to
Eugland, and Stamp Act,110,lll. Likeness
io Virginia, 112. Popnhition of, 112, 113.
Character of population, 113. Govern
ment of, 113, 114. Legal system, 115. Fi
nances; army and navy, 116. Products,
116,117. Industries and trade, 117. Towns
of, 118, 119, Catholicism in, 119, 120. Es
tablished Church, 121, 122. Clergy, 122-
124. Dissenting sects iu, 123, 124 Slave
ry, 125. White servants, 125, 120. Crime,
126. Upper and middle classes; travel,
127. Plantations and house?, 127, 12-?.
Life, dress, etc., of planters, 128. Amuse
ments, 129, 130. Education, 180. Litera
ture, 131. Boundary dispute and settle
ment with Penn, 220 ; with Dutch, 294, 296.
Eesists Stamp Act, 470. Burns a tea-ship,
491.
Masou grants, aud claim, 351, 397. Eenewed
agaiust Massachusetts, 353. Sustained,
359. Bought np by Allen, 400. Land suits
to enforce, 402. Sold to a company, and
released, 404.
Mason, John, Captain, captures Pequod fort,
349.
Mason, .lohn, attacks Massachnsetts ou ac
count of eastern grants, 346. Death of,
347, 397. Settles New Hampshire, 397.
Mason, Eobert Tufton, revives Masou clnim ;
comes out as councillor of New Hamp
shire, and attempts to take lands, 398. Ee-
turns with Cranfield ; land suits, 399.
Massachusetts opposes war with Dutch, 293.
Eefuses troops to royal commissioners,
295. Settlement of, at Plymouth, 841, 342 ;
at Cape Ann, 342; at Salem, 343. Foun
dation and development of Bay Company,
343, 344. Character of emigration, and

objects of founders, 344. Settlement; suf
frage ; freemen take power, 346. Estab
lishment of Lower House ; growth of col
ony, 346. Trouble as to the charter, 347.
Eoger Williams, 847, 348. Courts ; col
lege; Connecticut movement, 348. Pe
quod wnr, 349. The Hutchinsonian trou
bles, 349, 351. Progress during rebellion ;
division of Houses, 351. Enters confeder
ation, 351, 352. Dealings with D'Aulnay
and La Tour, 352. Attitude iu the con-
feder-acy, and toward Cromwell, 353. At
tempts to suppress Quakers, 354. Eela
tions with Charles II., and visit of royal
commissioners, 355-357. Philip's war, 357.
Difficulties with government of Charles
II., 368. Loss of charter, 359. Govern
ment of Andros, and his overthrow, 300.
Eft-ect of new charter; government of
Phips, 801 ; of Stoughton, Bellomont, and
Dudley, 362. French war, 363. Adniinis-
trati(m of Shute, 364. Indian war, 306.
Under Burnet and Dummer; under Bel
cher, 366. Land-bank, and New Hampshire
boundary; Shirley Governor, 367. The
Spanish war, and capture of Louisburg,
333. The French war, 369. Bernard Gov
eruor, 370, 371. The writs of assistance,
371, Eesistauce to taxation and circular
calUng Stamp Act Congress, 371, 372. Dif
ficulties with Connecticut, 375. Boundary
question with Connecticut, 378. Settles
bonndary with Conuecticnt, 382. Difficul
ties with Gorton and Shawomet settlers,
380, 387. Withdrawal of claim to Pawtuxet
lauds, 339. Absorbs New Hampshire ; sep
aration from New Hampshire, 398. New
Hampshire reunited after fall of Andros,
and lost with Allen Governor, 400. Gov
ernors of, in New Hampshire, 401-403.
Line run with New Hampshire, 404. In
cludes Maine, 406. Population, 403. Ag
riculture, 409. Trade and fisheries, 410.
Industries, 411. Government, 412. Courts,
415-418. Lawyers, 418, 419. Episcopal
Church in, 426, 427. Opposition to sing
ing by note in church, 431. Slaves in, 442.
Funerals, 463. Schools, 465. Harvard Col
lege, 466. Opposition to Stamp Act, 476 ;
to Townshend's policy, 479. Eefuses to re
scind resolutions, and general court dis
solved, 480. Discusses power of Parlia
ment with Hutchinson, 484. Punished by
Lord North, 433. Party divisions, 439.
Chooses delegates to Congress ; resistance
to mandamus councillors and to Gage,
490. Establishes provincial Congress, 491.
Mather, Cotton, helps Dudley's appdintmeut.

IXDEX.

549

and quarrels with him, 863. Supports in-
oculatiou ; bitterly attacked, 420. Expln-
nntiou of Boston flre, 480. In witchcraft,
435. Acconnt of cold, 459. Writings of,
469.
Mather family, learning of, 424.
Mather, Increase, agent of Massachusetts,
360. Obtains appoiutment of Phips, 361.
Opposes Dudley, 363. Obtains opinion on
Counecticut charter, 380. Explanation of
Bostou flre, 430. Learning aud writings,
469, 470.
Mather, Eichard; verses iu Psalm-book,
463.
Matson, Margaret, tried for witchcraft, 253.
Matthews, General, ravages Virginia, 510.
Matthews, Samuel, Governor of Virginin;
contest with Assembly, 17. Denth of, 18.
Mnndnit, Isrnel, agent for Pennsylvnnia in
England, 225.
Maverick, Samuel, royal commissioner to
Long Island and New Y-oi-k, 296. Com
missioner in Massachusetts, 865.
May, Cornelis Jacobsen, explores Long Isl
aud Sound, 285. First Director at Manhat
tan', 280.
Mayflower, Pilgrim ship, 341. Compact of
the, 842.
Mayhew, Jonathan, writings of, 470.
Meigs, John, tried for seUing poor shoes,
437.
Melyn, Cornelis, one of "eight"- men; re
sists Kieft aud Stuyvesant, 291. Driven to
his manor by Stuyvesant, 292.
Mercer, General Hugh, killed at Princeton,
604.
Meserve, George, stamp ageut in New Hamp
shire, 405.
Miautonomo, kUled by Uncus, 380.
Middleton, Arthur, Governor of South Caro
lina, 166.
Mifflin, Thomas, patriot leader iu Pennsylva
nia, 489. Eemoved from quartermaster-
ship, 507.
Milborne, Jacob, son-in-law of Leisler, and
executed with him, 300. Eeburial of, 302.
Miller, Thomns, usurps government of North
Carolina, 138.
Miuuit, Peter, Goveruor ofNew Sweden, 206.
Director of New Netherlands, 236. Eecall
ed, aud seized by English, 287.
Mohawks, attack river tribes, 290. Kept
neutral by Eensselaer, 294. Make peace
with Nicolls, 296.
Mohegan claims against Connecticut, 382.
War with Narragansetts, 330.
Monckton, General, Goveruor of New York,
310,

Monmouth Court-house, battle of, 503.
Montague, Lord Charles, Governor of South
Carolinn, 170.
Montcalm, Marquis de, victories over Eng
lish at Oswego and Fort WUliam Heury,
308.
Montgomerie, Johu, Governor of New Jer
sey, 270 ; of New York, 304.
Montgomery, Elchnrd, commnnds expedi
tion ngninst Canada, 495. Killed at Que
bec, 490,
Moody, Joshua, persecuted by Crnnfleld, 400.
Moore, Sir Heury, Governor of New York ;
funernl of, 328. Controversy with the As
sembly, 479,
Moore, James, Goveruor of South Carolinn,
103.
Moore, Colonel James, chosen Goveruor of
South Carolina by Convention, 166.
Moore, Nicholas, chief-justice, of ^euusylva-
nin, impeached, 213.
Moravians, in North Carolina, 152-164 ; in
Georgia, 190.
Moreton, Joseph, Goveruor of South Caroli
na, 160.
Morgan, General Daniel, repulsed at Quebec,
496. Joins Gates iu New York, 606. De
feats Tarieton at the Cowpens, 513.
Morgan, Dr. John, fouuder of college iu Phil
adelphia, 236,
Morris, Lewis, beads oppositiou to Cornbury
iu New Jersey, 208. Governor of New Jer
sey, 270, 271. Dies, 271. Library, aud liter
ary tastes of, 280.
Morris, Eobert Hunter, Deputy-governor of
Penusylvauia, 222.
Morristown, Washington in winter-quarters
at, 604. ,
Morseites, sect in Ehode Island, 428.
Morton, Thomas, difficulties with Plymouth,
342.
Moultrie, WiUiam, repnlses British fleet at
Charleston, 497.
Musgrove, Mary, bends Indian rising iu
Georgia, 195. N.
Naeeagansett conntry, converted into
King's province, 390. Seized by Dudley
and Andros, 892.
Narragansetts, take part in Philip's war,
867. Defeat of, 368. War with Mohegans,
830. Connection with Gorton, 387.
Navigation Act passed, aud evaded iu Vir
ginia, 17. Enforced, 19.
Negro plot, 803, 805, 320, 435. ,
Newcastle, Delaware, scene of surrender to
Penn, 209, 212. Account of, 240.
New England, settlements, iu North Caroli-

550

INDEX.

na,133. In South Carolina, 173. In Geor
gia, 198. Movement against Crown in
Georgia, 203. Iu Delaware, 206, 207, 290.
Settlements iu New Jersey, 273. Quarrel
witl) Stuyvesant, 201. Principlesof, iu New
Jersey, 275. Methods of dealing with pau
perism and crime iu New Jersey, 270. Ef
fects on religion in New Jersey, 279. Trou
bles with New Netherlands, 293. Trade in
South river, 294. Settlements on Loug Isl
nnd, 312. Eeligion of, in New York, 317.
Pauper system in New York, 326. Emi
gration to New Y^ork after Eevolution, 331,
333, Confederation of, -361, 376. Eelations
with French, Dutch, and Swedes, 352, 363.
Policy toward Quakers, 354. Troubles of
Confederation of, with Swedes and Dutch,
376. Meetings of Federal commissioners
of, resumed, 377. Decline of confederacy,
and last meeting, 379. Ehode Island ex-
cludedfrom confederacy, 387. Coloniesof;
soil and climate, 406. Emigratiou to, 406,
407. Purity of race ; uniformity iu other
respects, 407. Population, 403. Commu
nity of class, 403, 409. Agriculture and
trade, 409, 410. Manufactures and indus
tries, 411. Governments, 412. Taxes nnd
revenu^, 413, Towns; 414. Judicial sys
tems, 415-418. Lawyers, 418, 419. Medi
cine, 420. Militia, 422. Seamen, 422, 423,
Clergy, 423. Eeligion, 425. Organization
of churches; toleration, 426. Church of
England, 420-423. EeUgion iu Ehode Isl
and, 428. Sabbath laws aud observances,
429, Church sei-vices, 480. Church mnsic,
481. Church buildiugs; early worship;
congregation, 482, 433. Sunday in the coun
try, 433. Daily religious observances, 434.
Witchcraft; 434, 436. Other superstitions,
435, 436. Public and private morals, 437.
Eelaxation of austerity, 438. Crime, 439.
Pauperism, 441. Indented se:'vants, 441,
442. Slavery ; aristocracy, 442. Large es
tates ; bequests, 443. Class feeling ; titles,
444. Class feeling in college ; dress ; opin
ion as to snft-rage, 446. Handsome bouses
iu towns, 416. Houses in country, 447. I)i-
fluence on New York; country life aud
manners, 448. Physical appearance; men
tal characteristics, 449, 450. Dress and
houses, 450. Furniture and dress, 4.51.
Principal towns, 452. Country amuse
ments, 453. Mails in, 454. Eoads and trav
el, 455. Inus and innkeepers, 460. Bos
ton, 460-461. Marriages^ 461, 463. Funer
als, 463. Education, 464. Schools, 405. Col
leges, 466, Learning among early settlers,
467, Literature, 407-470. Press and news

papers, 471. Science and art, 472. Democ
racy, 472, 473. Feeling agaiust foreigners,
473. Feeling toward England ; politics of,
474. Contrasted with Virginia, 475, 520.
New Ilampsliire, flnally sei)arated from Mas
sachusetts, 861. Settlement of boundary
with Massachusetts, 807. Settlement of,
397. Eevival of Mason claims ; separation
from Massachusetts, 398. Administration
of Cranfield, 899. Eesistauce to Cranfleld ;
Andros ; separation from Massachusetts ;
AUen Goveruor, 400. Administrations of
Usher, BeUomont, audDudley,401., Aban
donment of Mason clnim ; Shute, Vaughan,
and Weutwbrtii, 402. Shute; Easle'swar;
Burnet,403. Belcher, 403, 404. A separate
Governor given to, 404. Spanish and
French wars, 404, 405. Eesistauce to Stamp
Act, 405. Claims to Vermont, 400. Popu
lation, 408. Agriculture, 409. Industries,
411. Government, 412. Salary of Goveru
or, nnd revenue, 413. Courts, 418. Church
music in, 431. Education, 466, 460.
New Haven (colony), settlement of, 874. En
ters confederacy ; hostility to Dutch, 875.
Hesitates to proclaim Charles IL, 377. Ab
sorbed by Connecticut, uiider charter, 378.
Episcopal Church in, 427. Description of,
432.
New Jersey, settlement of, 263. Eising un
der James, and return of Philip Carteret,
204. Divided, and West Jersey sold to
Quakers, 264, 265. Troubles of West Jer
sey with New York, 206; of East Jersey
with same, 205, 266, 298. East Jersey sold
to Quakers, 265, New Jersey surrendered
to James II., 266, 207. Eeverts to proprie
tors, and sold to Queen Anne, 267. Under
Lord Cornbury, 263. Under Hunter, 269.
Contests with Burnet; separated from New
York, 270. Under Morris ; his contests
with the Assembly, 271. Under Belcher,
- 271 , 272. Eefuses assent to Frnnkliu's plnu
of union ; resists tnxation, 272. Situation
and population of, 273. Towns; trade; ag
riculture, 274. Society ; slnvery, 275. Crime,
276. Life on country-sents ; amusements,
277. Fuuernls; marriages; travel, 278. Ee
Ugion, 278, 279. Educntion; literature;
post, 280. Medicine, 281. Lnw, 281-283.
Government, 233. Supports Mnssnchusetls
ngaiust Hillsborough, 430. Campaign in,
503.
New Netherlands Compauy established, 285.
Newport founded, 385. Eiots in, 390. De
scription of, 462. Battle of, 508.
Newport, Christopher, commands flrst ex
pedition to Virgiuia, 5.

INDEX.

561

Newtown. See Cambridge.
New York, discovery of, aud explorations
in, 286. Settlement by West India Com
pany ; by Pntroons, 236. Difficulties under
Van Twiller; growth of trndein, 287. Open
to free-trade ; Kieft, 233. " Twelve men ;''
Indian war ; " Eight men," 289, 290. De
cline under Kieft, 290, 291. Effect of Stuy
vesant's arrival ; "Nine men," 291. Stuy-
vesnnt's qnnrrels with the people ; Burgh-
.er government, 292. .Troubles with New
Englnnd ; agitation on Loug Islaud, 293.
Eecovery of South river,-293, 294. Indian
wnr; decline of Dutch power, 294. Con
quest by English, 295. Organization un
der English, 296. Conquest by Dutch, and
cession toEngland ; admiuistratioti of An
dros, 297; of Brockholst, 298 ; of Doiignn,
298,299. Andros, Governor-general; re
volt of Leisler, 299. Leisler's ndmiuistrn
tion, surrender, and execution, 300. Under
Fletcher, 301. Under Belloinout, 301, 302.
Under Cornbury, 302. Under Hunter, and
iu war with France, 803. , Under Burnet
and Cosby ; Zenger's trial, 304. Struggle
between Clarke and Vnu Dam ; adminis
tration of Clarke; Clinton Governor, 306.
French war, 306. De Lancey Lieutenaut-
governor, 306, 807. Albany Congress ; cam
paign of 1755, 307. Campaigns of 1750 and
1757; victories of Montcalm, 308. Cam
paigns of 1758 and 1769; victories nuder
Pitt, 309. Campaign of 1700 ; conquest of
Can.ida; under Coldeu, 310. Stamp Act
Congress held iu city of, 311. Population
of, 312. Trade and agriculture, 313, 814.
Government and finance, 816. , A<'my,
bench and bar, 316. Medicine, 317. Cler-
gy,317,31S. Churches, 318. Eeligious pol
icy of Dutch, 318, 319. Church forced by
Cornbury, 319, Negro plot, 320, 321. Sla
very, 322. Indented servants, 323. Crime,
323,324. Pauperism, 324, 325. Education,
325. Conflict of languages, 326. Aristoc
racy nnd great estates, 327, 323. Dutch
farmers, 329. Life and amusements, 330.
Travel aud posl-offlce, 831. Albany, 381,
332. Literature, 337. Marriages and funer
als, 337, 333. Elections and politics, 339,
340. Early trade with Massachusetts, 346.
Abandonment of uon - importation, 483.
Urges a general Congress; conditiou of
parties, 489. Assembly resists patriots,
491.
New York, city of ; account of, 333. Hmises ;
trade, 334. Amusements and holidays in,
835,386, Election day in, 339. Opposition
to Stamp Act, 476. Aft-rays with soldiers,

431. Fortifledby Americans, 4117. Arrival
of British army in harbor of, 601,
Nicholson, Sir Francis, Goveruor of Virginia ;
first administration, 26. Second adminis
tration, 25, 26. Governor of Maryland, 525.
Provisional Governor of South Carolina,
100. Lieutenant-governor of New York,
299. Commands expcditlou to Canada,
308.
Nicolls, Colonel Eichard, as Governor of
New York hostile to New Jersey -settlers,
263. Arrives iu New York as roynl com-
uiissiouer, 296. Governor of New York,
296. As commissioner in Mnssnchusetls,
355. Proposes to Connecticut to join his
Cannfliau expedition, 878.
"Ninety-six," repulse of Greene, and aban
donment by British, 614,
Norfolk in 1769, 61.
Normans from Channel Islands; iu New
England, 407.
Norris, Isaac, speaker of Pennsylvania As
sembly ; contest with Gookin, 218,
Norris, Isaac, Jr,, chosen agent with Frank
lin to England, 223.
North Carolina, position iu southern group,
132. Earlysettlementsin, 132, 133. Grant
ed by Charles II. to Clarendon and oth
ers, 134, 135. First legislature of, 186. "Con-
stitutious " of, and their results, 137. Tui--
bulence under Miller, and rebellion, 133.
Eevtdt agaiust Sothel, aud decline under
his successors ; failure of "coustitutioue,"
139. Progress uuderArchdale, 139, 140. Re
volt against Johusou, and turbulence, 140.
Indian wars; improvement; faction un
der Eden, 141. Troubles under Burring
ton and Everard, 142. Ceded to Crown,
142,148. Progress under Gabriel Johnston,
148. In French war, 143, 144. Condition un
der Arthur Dobbs, 144, 146. Un der Tryon ,
146. EebeUiou of "EegHlators,"146, Un
der Martin, 140, 147. Chooses delegate to
Congress of 1774, 147. Population, 143.
Governmeutand courts, 149. EeveDue,149,
150. Professions, 160. Church and clergy,
150, 161. Eeligion, 161, 152. Trade and ag
riculture, 162, 153. Towns aud slnvery, 154.
Indented servnnts, 154, 156. Character of
population, 155. Travel; post; hospitali
ty; amusements, 150. Education nnd liter
ature, 157. Quarrels of Governor nnd As
sembly, 434. Defeat of Tories, 497.
North, Lord, nt the head of the ministry, 483.
Strengthened by defeat of " Eegulntcu-s,"
and elections, 434. Allows drawback on
tea to East India Company, 486. Penal
1 measures against Boston aud Massachu-

552

INDEX.

setts, 438. Failure of his coercive meas
ures, 490. Sustained in Eugland ; prepares
f.jr war, 492. Attempts conciliation after
surrender of Burgoyne, 5i'3. Eesiguatiou,
618.
Northcastle Heights, Washington nt, 603.
Norton, John, sent to England with address,
366. Verses of, 468.
Norwood, Colonel, acconnt of Virginia in
1650, 43.
Notley, Thomns, Deputy-governor of Mnry-
laud, 105.
Nott, Edward, Deputy-governor of Virginia,
26.
Nova Scotia annexed to Massachnsetts ;
conquered by Phips, 361.
Nyantics, troubles with, 375.
O.
OAiiEG, Tjio-mas, agent of Massachnsetts, 360.
Oiikes, Urian, verses of, 403.
0.sdeu, David, refuses to sustain Stamp Act
Congress, 476.
Oglethorpe, James, General ; invasion of
Florid.-i, 168. Life nnd character of, 187-
189. Eeturns to England, and comes back,
190. Prepares defences, 191. Treats with
Indians, and makes war with Spain, 192.
Eepulses Spaniards at Frederica, 193. Ee
turns finally to England, 194. Writes
warning against Spanish priests, 321.
Ohio Company founded, 30.
Olive, Thomas, Quaker Governor, as judge,
282.
Oliver, Andrew, forced to resign by mob, 476.
Oliver, Peter, impeached, 4SS.
Oriskany, battle of, 606.
Orkney, Earl of, titular Governor of Virgin
in, 26.
Osborn, Sir Dnnvers, Governor of New Y-ork,
commits suicide, 306.
Oswnld, Eichard, peace commissioner, 518.
Oswego, trading-post established by Burnet
at, 304. Captured by Montcalm, 370.
Otis, James, at Stamp Act Congress, 811,
470. Argument ou writs of assistance, 371.
Head ofMassachnsetts delegation to Stamp
Act Congress, 372.
Oxeustiern continues colonization policy of
Gustavus, 200. P.
Palmee, Antuost, President of the Ccuin-
cil in Peunsylvauia, 221.
Paoli, defeat of Wayne at, 505.
Pappegoia, John, Governor of New Sweden,
207.
Paris, treaty of, 518.
Parker, Admiral, repulsed nt Charleston , 497.

Parker, Henry, Prcsideut of Georgin, 194,
195.
Parker, James, establishes press at Wood-
bridge, New Jersey, 280.
" Parson's Cause," the, 37-39. Significance
of, 39, 40, 61.
Partridge, WiUiam, Lieutenant-governor of
New Hampshire ; displaced by Usher, 401.
Patroons instituted, 286. Their manors en
titled to representatives, 816, 827. Accoun t
of estates of, 327. Arms in church at A)-
bany, 323.
Pauw, Michael, patroon, 286.
Paxton, massacre of Indians, and subscqueut
riot at, 226, 244.
Pelhnm, Peter, painter, 472.
Pemaquid, Massachusetts, post at; Dunbar
at, 404.
Peun, Hannah, supports Logan against
Keith, 219.
Penn, John, Proprietary, and Governor of
Fennsylvauia,225.
Peun, William, obtains Delaware from Duke
of York, 210. Character and career of, 211.
Obtains Pennsylvania, and issues au ad
dress, 211, 212. Comes ont; organizes
government, nnd trents with Indians, 212.
Founds Philadelphia, 212, 213. Eeturns to
England, 213. Else under James II. ; de-
jivived of, and regains government of
Pennsylvania, 214. Second visit to Penn
sylvania ; grants charters, nnd returns, 215.
Supports Lognn and Evans against David
Lloyd, 216. SupportsLogan agninstLloyd,
217. Attempts to sell province to Crown ;
illness ; death, 218. House at Pennsbury,
260. Interest iu West Jersey, 266. 'With
others buys East Jersey, 206.
Penn, WiUiam, Jr., disorders of, in PhUadel
phia, 244.
Pennsylvania granted to Penn, 211. Settle
ment of, 212, 213, Difficulties after Penn's
departure, 213. Schism of George Keith ;
royal government, 214. New charters re
ceived ou Penn's second visit, 215. High-
Church party; condition under Evans, 210;
nuder Gookin, 217. Attempted sale to
Crown; nuder Keith, 218. Paper-money;
removal of Keith; under Gordon, 219.
Boundary disputes, and settlement with
Maryland ; nuder Logan and Thomas, 220.
War with Spain, 220, 221. Contests witli
Hamilton and Morris, 221, 222. In French
wnr, 222 nnd ff. Under Denny, 223, 224.
Pontinc's war; victory of Bouquet; mas
sacres of Indians, 226, Eesistauce to Eng
land, 225, 226, Soil nnd climnte, 227. Num
bers nud character of population, 227, 228,

INDEX.

553

Trade ; commerce ; manufactures, 229, 230.
Government, 230, 231, Taxation, 231. Ju
dicial and legal system, 232. Eeligious
system, 2,33-236. Medicine, 236. Variety
of pursuits, 2.37. Towns, 237-240, Aristoc
racy, 240. Slnvery, 241. White servnnts,
242. Crime, 243-246. Pnuperism, 246.
Backwoods life, 248. Farms, 249, 260.
Amusements in country, 251. TraveUing,
252. Superstition, 253. Education, 263-
265. Literature, etc., 256-267. Pre.ss nud
post, 267. Lil'e iu Philndelphia, 253.
Dress, 258, 259, Amusements, 259. Mnr-
ria.ges and funerals, 260. Society, 200, 261,
Politics, 261, 202, Non-importation agree
ment, 481, Supremacy of moderate party,
aud divisions, 439,
Penobscot, defeat of Massachusetts' expedi
tion to, 510.
Pepperell hcnise at Portsmouth, 446.
Pepperell, Sir William, commands Louisburg
expedition, 363, Estate of, 443.
Pequods, war with Puritans, aud extermina-
tiou of, 349, 373.
Percy, George, character of, 4, Acting-Gov
ernor of Virgiuio,7.
Percy, Lord, covers retreat from Lexiugtcm,
493.
Peter, Hugh, comes out to Massachusetts
with younger Winthrop, 349.
Phelps, Mr., removal from commissiou of
peace iu Bostou, 444.
Philadelphia founded, 212, Chartered, 216,
Acconnt of, 237-239. Crime in, 244,245.
Pauperism, 246, Philanthropy, 247. Edu-
catioii iu, 264, 256. Literature, 266. Press
and post, 257, Society, 263. Amu8ement.«,
259, Manners and life, 200, 261. Eesist
auce to introduction of tea, 486, 437. Taken
by British, 605.
Philip, chief of Pokanokets, war of, in New
England, 357, 378, 391. Death of, 353.
Philipse manor aud manor-house, 327, 328.
PhiUips, General, iu Virginia, 516.
Phips, Spencer, Lieutenant-goveruorof Mas
sachnsetts, 308. Death of, 869.
Phips, Sir WiUiam, quarrels with Governor
Fletcher, 301. .Character and career of;
Governor of Mnssachusetts, 361. Opposed
by Connecticut, 381 ; by Ehode Island, 393.
Coutroversy with Usher, 401.
"Pietas et Gratulatio," account of, 469.
Pigot, Greneral, iu command of British at
Newport, 508.
Pike, Eobert, fined for traveUing on Sunday,
429.
Piracy, in North Carolinn, 140, 141 ; in Sonth
Carolina, 161, 165; in Peunsylvauin, 217,

243, 244 ; in New York, 301, 324 ; in Ehode
Island, 393. Punishment of, In New Eug
land, 439.
Pitt, WUliam, effect of his admiuistratiou iu
Virgiuio, 35 ; in Pennsylvania, 224 ; iu New
York, 309 ; in Massachusetts, 370. Opposes
Stamp Act, 477. Theory of taxation ; Earl
of Chatham, and prime-minister, 478. Ee-
jection of his concUiatory measures, 492.
Plymouth, settlement of, 341. Williams at,
847. People in Connecticut, 348. Annexed
to Massachusetts, 361. Trading- post on
the Connecticut, 378. Dealings with rityal
commissioners, 377. Warns off Eoger Wil
liams, 336. Withdrawal of claim to Pa\i-
tuxet lauds, 389.
Pocohontas, falsity of tradition of her rescue
of Smith, 0. Abduction by Argall ; her
marriage used by Dale, 9.
Pollock, Thomas, president of Council in
North Carolina, 141.
Pontiac, war of, -310.
Port Eoyal, capture of, by English, 803, 361,
303.
Porter, John, punished for abusing his fa
ther, 437.
Portsmouth, New Hampshire, founded, 397.
Episcopal Church in, 427. Cutts and Pep
perell houses at, 446. Description of, 452,
Latin school, 466.
Portsmouth, Ehode Island, founded, 385.
Pory, John, expeditiou to North Carolina,
132.
Post-office, in Virginia, 87; in North Caro
lina, 156 ; in Peunsylvauia, 257 ; iu New
Jersey, 280 ; iu New York, 331 ; ia New
England, 454.
Pott, John, Governor of Virginia, 13.
Powunl, Thomns, Governor of Mnssachu
setts, 309. Transferred to South Carolinn,
370.
Presbyterians, in Sonth Carolinn, 174-170;
in Pennsylvania, 223, 234. Efforts for edu
cation in Pennsylvania, 254. Position iu
New Jersey, 279. For education iu New
Jersey, 230. Persecuted by Cornbury, 302.
In New York, 317, 319. "Form of worship
of, rejected by Massachusetts, 352. In New
Hampshire, 402,473. •
Prescott, Colonel, commands nt Bunker Hill,
493.
Prevost, General, mnrches from St. Augus
tine, and makes himself master of Georgia,
509. Eetrents from Charleston to Savan
nah, nud repulses French aud Americans,
610.
Prideanx, General, kiUed at Fort Niagara,
309.

654

INDEX.

Princeton, college at, 280. Students from New
York; 326. Battle of, 504.
Printz, John, Goveruor of New Sweden, 200,
207. Quarrels with Dutch, 291, C98.
Providence founded, 38,5. Cut off from Ehode
Islnnd, 383. Riot nt, 389. Partially destroy
ed by Indians, 391. Description of, 452.
People of, bum Gaspee, 484.
Pulaski, Count, killed at Savannah, 510.
Puritans, rise of, in Virginia, 14. Laws
against, 16. Ascendency of iu, and effect
npon Virginia, 10, 17. Appearance iu Ma
ryland; support Ingle, 100. Obtain polit
ical power ; settle at Providence, 102. De
feat Stone, 103. Eeceive only, lukewarm
support from Cromwell iu Maryland, 104.
In New Jersey, 263, 204. Fouud Massachu
setts Company, 343. Objects of Puritan
party in so doing, 344. Emigrate on Lnud's
nccession to Canterbury, 346, 406. Charac
ter of their clergy, 423. Sunday of, 429, 430,
433. Superstitions, 435. Morals of, 486.
Eelaxation of austerity, 488. Theory of
criminal punishments, 439, 440. Views of,
as to education, 404. Learning among flrst
settlers, 467.
Putnam, Israel, bends opposition to Stamp
Act, 384. Q-
QttAKEES, in Maryland, 106, 103, 123, 124 ; in
North CaroUna, 137, 150, 151, 152, 164; iu
South CaroHna, 170; iu Georgia, 198. Fail
ure of settlement under Fenwick, 209. Set
tle Pennsylvania; 212. Opposition to, in
Pennsylvania, 213. Schism among, in Penn
sylvania, 214. Hostility to Governors and
to war iu Pennsylvania, 223. Emigration
to Pennsylvnnin, 228. Tolerance of, iu
Pennsylvania, 233. Position iu Peunsyl
vauia, 234. HostiUty to slavery, 241. Treat
ment of crime, 243. Enlightened spirit,
247. Divisions on dress, 269. Politics,
261, 202. Settle in West Jersey,278. Ee-
sist slavery in New Jersey, 275. Standing
iu New Jersey, 279. Persecuted in New
York, 294, 313, 319. In Massachusetts, 354.
In Ehode Island,'391, 392.
Quarry, Colonel, head of High-Church party
iu Pennsylvania, 210, 234.
Quebec, act for government ofCannd.-., 439.
Defeat of Americans at, 496.
E.
Eahi,, Colonel, defeated and mortally wound
ed at Trenton, 504.
Eainsford Island, hospital on, 421.
Ealeigh, Sir Walter, attempts at culouization,
2, 132.

Eandolph, Edward, Crown agent in. New
England, 358. Intrigues in Boston ; estab
lishes government by commission, 369.
Eegains favor at William's court, 360. Deal
ings witli Connecticut, 379; with Ehode
Island, 391, 392. Meddling in New Hamp
shire, 398.
Eandolph, Sir Johu, Attorney-general, 63.
Eandolph, John, of Eonuoke; description of
Virgiuia in 1822,42.
Eandolph,- Peyton, President of Congress,
491.
Easle, Stephen, his settlement and wars, 302.
Overthrow aud death, 365. Efl-ect of his
wars on New Hampshire, 403.
Eawdon, Lord, joins Clinton nt Charleston,
610. At Camden, 512. Defeats Greene at
Hobkirk's Hill ; goes to Eugland, 614.
Eending, account of, 239.
Eendiug, John, President of Council iu New
Jersey, 271.
Eensselner, Vnn, manor of; elects represent
ative, 315. Acconnt ofraanor of, 327. Fam
ily of, 329.
Eensselner, Kilinen Vnu, patroon, 286. Colo
ny of, at Beverwyck, 288.
Eensselaer, Stepheu Van ; wife's funeral, 338.
Eeynolds, Captain Johu, Governor of Geor
gia, 195.
Ehett, William, pursues pirates of South Car
olina, 165.
Ehode Island makes war on Dutch, 293.
Philip's wnr opens iu, 367. Pnper-money
of, iu Massachusetts, 307. Boundary dis
putes with Connecticut, 878, 379, 331, 390,
391. Settles bouiidary with Connecticut,
382. Settlement of,,386. Character of set
tlers, 336. Gorton disturbances, 386, 387.
WiUiamfi returns with patent, 887. At
tempts to est;iblish patent government;
faction and disorder, 388. War with Dutch ;
continued disorders, 389. Obtains charter,
and sets np government, 890. Eelations
with royal commissioners, 390, 891. Gov
ernment under charter ; Quakers ; Philip's
¦war, 391. Under Audros ; old charter gov
ernment re-established, 392. Conditiou
under William and Anne, 393. Spanish
and French wars, 894. Financial difficul
ties, 395. Eesistauce to taxation, aud del
egates sent to Stamp Act Congress, 395,
396. Differs from other New Eugland col
onies, 407. Population, 403. Agriculture,
409. Trade, 410. Courts, 418. Eeligion
iu, 423. Theatre in, 454. Eoads iu, 465.
Education, 406, 466. Affrays with revenue
officers, 481. Affair of Gaspee, 484 De-
mauds n general Congress, 489.

INDEX.

555

Eibault, Jean, attempts settlements iu South
Carolina, 16.3, 159.
Eichards, John, agent of Massachusetts, 359.
Eittenhonse, David, scientific labors of, 260.
Eobin, Abbe, account of church mnsic iu
Boston, 431.
Eochambeat^, Marshal, joins Washiugton,
and marches to Yorktown, 615.
Eockingham, Marquis of, death of, 618.
Eockingham, ministry of, deal with Stamp
Act, 477. Dissolved, 478.
Eockingham Whigs oppose Port Bill aud
other penal acts, 483. Eeturu to office, 618.
Eocky Mount, bnttle of, 512.
Eogerenes make trouble iu Couueclicut, 382.
Eogers, John, verses of, 468.
Eogers's "Enngers;" service in French wnr,
405.
Eoman Catholics iu Marylnud; see Chnpter
III. generally, and also pp. 119, 120. Iu
North Caroliua, 151. In Penusylvauia, 234.
Laws against, ill- N<!w Jersey, 270. Dread
of, iu New York, 293, 299, 320. Hatred of,
iu New England, 473.
Eoswell, Sir Henry, patentee of Second Dor
chester Company, 343. Judgment against
as one of patentees of Massachusetts char
ter, 347.
Eotch, owner of tea-ship in Boston, 486..
Euggles, Timothy, President of Stnmp Act
Congress, 311, 476.
Eush, Dr. Benjamin, 287.
Eussell, Noadiah, acconnt of dreams aud
prophesies, 436.
Eutledge, John, chosen delegate to Stnmp
Act Cougresp, 171. Leader iu Congress,
470. Urges defence of Charleston, 510.
Eysingh, John, takes Fort Casimir ; Gov
ernor of New Sweden ; defeated- by Stuy
vesant, 207, 293. S.
Sai.em, settlement at, 343. Church, 844, 345.
Eoger Williams at, 347. Witchcraft, 434.
Description of, 452.
Saltonstall, Gurdon, Governor of Connecti
cut, 331. Death of, 383.
Salzburgers iu Georgia, 190, 191, 194, 198, 201,
202.
Sandys, Sir Edwin, treasurer of London Com
pany, 9. James l.'s opinion of, 11.
Saratoga, destroyed by Indians, 308. Sur
render of Burgoyne at, 507.
Snvnnnah founded, 189. Government of, 198.
Description of, 201. Taken by British, 609.
EeptUse of French and Americans at, 510.
Evacuated by British, 516.
Sny-aud-Sele, Lord, patentee of Connecti
cut, 348, 373.

Saybrook founded by Winthrop, 373. Ques'
tiou of levying duties at, 875. Audros at,
378.
Sayle, William, explores coast of CaroUnas,
130. Goveruor of South Carolina, 169.
Schenectady destroyed, 800. Centre of fur
trade, 331.
Schuyler, Peter, repulses French, 301. Takes
Iroquois to Euglaud, 303. Obtains aid iu
Eugland, 363.
Schuyler, Peter, estate of, iu New Jersey, 277.
Schuyler, PhiUp, General, gives up command
to Moutgomery, 495. Eetreats before Bur
goyne, aud is superseded by Gates, 506.
Schuylers, estates and influence of, 327, 329.
Scotch-Irisb iu Virgiuia, 00; ia South Caro
Una, 174; in Pennsylvania, 228, 244, 248,
249, 202 ; in New Jersey, 273 ; in New
Hamjishire, 402, 407, 473, Manufacture
linen, 411,
Scott, Johu, heads revolt against Dutch on
Long Island, 296.
Scott, Johu Morin, writes for Iiidependent
lieflector (N. Y.), and opposes Church, 319.
Scovil, seut out to deal with Eegulators of
South Carolina, 170.
Sears, Isaac, leads popular oppositiou to
Stamp Act, 470. Eesists abandonment of
non-importation, 483,
Sedgewick, Eobert, arrival with Parliament
troops, 370.
Servants, indented, in Virginia, 09-72; in
Maryland, 125, 120 ; iu North Carolina, 154 ;
in South Carolina, 180, 181 ; in Georgin, 197,
202; in Peunsylvauin, 242; in New Jersey,
276; iu New Y-ork, 323 ; in New Englnnd,
441.
Sevier, John, at bnttle of King's Mountain,
512,
Sewnll, Samuel, opposition to English Church
and forms, 426; to wigs, 438; to slavery,
442. Diary of, 467, Tract against slavery,
468. Beads Beu Jonsou, 471. HostiUty
¦ to external power, 478,
Seymour, Sir Henry, as to charter of William
and Mary, 74.
Shackamaxon, scene of Penu's Indian treaty,
212.
Shaftesbury, Earl of, patentee of North Caro
lina, 134. Draws " constitutions" of Caro
Unas, 186. Favors Culpepper, 133.
Sharpe, Horatio, Governor of Maryland ; con
tests with Assembly, 110.
Shawomet. See Warwick.
Shelburne, Lord, conduct iu peace negotia
tions, 518.
Shelby, Isaac, at battle of King's Mountain,
612.

556

INDEX.

Sherwood, Grace, ducked for witchcraft, 55.
Shippen, Dr. William, lectures iu Philadel
phia, 236.
Shirley, William, sustains Washington in
controvei-sy as to rank, 110. At Oswego,
307, 369. Eeplaced by Loudon as com-
mnnder-iu-chief, 308. Governor of Mnssn-
chusctts, 367. Louisburg expedition; goes
to Englnnd, 863. Commnnder-in-chief, 369.
Shute, Snmuel, Goveruor of Massachusetts,
304. Quarrels with Ilouse, and goes to
England, 366. Set aside for Bu(-net, 300.
- Appeals to Ehode Islnnd for .aid, 394. Gov
ernor of New Hnmpshire, 402, 403.
Skelton, John, pastor of Salem Church, 843.
Slavery iu Virginia, 07-69 ; in Ma'ryland, 125 ;
in North Caroliua, 154 ; in Sonlh Carolina,
131; in Georgia, 202; iu Penusylv.ania, 241 ;
in New Jersey, 275 ; iu New York, 322 ; iu
New England, 408, 442.
Sloughter, Henry, Governor of New York,
300.
Smibert, John, painter, 472.
Smith, John, character of, 4. Attacks.npon,
5. His admiuistratiou, and veracity as au
historian, 0. Blamed by Company, and
returns to Euglaud, 7.
Smith, Sir Thomas, defeated as treasurer of
London Company, 9.
Smith, Thomas, Governor of South Carolina,
162.
Smith, WUliam, chief-justice, writes for In
dependent Reflector, 819.
Sothel, Seth, Governor of North Carolina,
138, 189. Seizes government of South Car
oUna, 101.
Southampton, Earl of, treasurer of Londou
Compauy, 9.
South Caroliua, French settlements in, 153,
159. Granted to Clarendon and others,
159. Progress under* West and Moreton,
160. Faction and turbulence in, 161. Aban
donment of "constitutions;" introduction
of rice ; progress nuder Archdale, 102. Dif-
flenlties under Moore andNalhaniel John-
sou, 163. Progress under Tyute and Cra
ven, 164. Administration of .Robert John
son, 164, 165. Difficulties with pirates, 166.
Deposition of Johusou; progi-ess under
Nicholson; snie to Crown, 106, Progress
under Johnson's second ndtniiiistration,
167, Spanish war, 108. .Administration of
Glen, 108, 109. French war, aud war with
Cherokees, 169, 170. Eegulators, 170, Ee
sistauce to Eugland, 171. Climnte, soil,
etc.; population, 172. Elements of popu
lation, 173. Eeligion nnd clergy, 174-176.
Government, 176, 177. Eeveuue and taxa

tion, 177, 178. Legal system, 178. Profes
sions and agriculture, 179. Trade, ISO. Ser
vant's, 180, 181. Slavery, 181-183. Aristoc
racy, 183. Charleston, 188, 134. Travel;
amusements, 184. Luxury ;, life on fron
tier, 136. Education and literature, 185, 180.
Oppositiou to Stamp Act, 477. British in,
612.
Spain ; settlements iu Florida, and attacks
ou Huguenots, 169. Troubles with South
Carolina, 161-168. Hostility' to Georgia,
191. Eepulse Oglethorpe at St. Angnstiue,
192. Defeated by Oglethorpe at Frederica,
193. Dread of, in New York, 320, 321. At
titude iu peace negotiations, 618.
Speedwell,^\\gr\m ship, 341.
Spencer, Dr., lectures in Philadelphia, 250.
Spofford, John, tried for cursing merchants,
437.
Spotswood, Alexander, Governor of Virgin
ia; character and administration of, 27, 28.
Opens iron mines, 63. Eeply to Burgesses
as to their educntion, 88. Suppresses in
surrection in North Caroliua, 140; aud pi
rates, 141.
Springfleld comes within jurisdiction ofMas
sachnsetts, 374.
Stanwix, General, victories ou the Ohio, 309,
370.
Stark, John, at Bunker Hill, 493. Defeats
British at Bennington, 607.
Stephens, S.amnel, Governor of North Cnro
linn, 130, 137.
Stephens, WUHam, president of Georgia, 194.
Steuben, Baron, joins American army, 507.
In Virginia, 515.
Stiegel, Baron, house at Mannheim, Peunsyl
vauia, 250.
Stirling, Lady, agent of, driven from Long
Islnnd by Stuyvesnnt, 291.
Stirling, Lord, iu command at New York,
497, Beaten and taken prisoner at Long
Island, 502.
Stith, Eev. William, historian, 37.
St. Leger, Colouel, repulsed at Fort Schuyler,
. 606.
St. Mary's, Jtaryland, foundation and de-
. scriptitui of, 113.
SKuie, William, Governor of Maryland, 101.
Eemoved, and replaced by Clayborne, 103.
Defeated by Puritans, 103, 104.
Stony Point captured by Wayne, 610,
Stoughton, Israel, disabled from office for
denying power of magistrates, 343,
Stoughton, William, ngeut of Massachusetts
in Euglaud, 869, Administration as Lieu
tenant-governor; Death of, 362, Descrip
tion of Puritan emigrants, 409.

INDEX.

567

Stuyvesant, Peter, builds Fort Casimir, and
reduces New Sweden, 207, 293, 294. Gov
ernment of Delaware, 208. Appointed di
rector of New Netherlands, 290. Arrival,
and flrst actions, 291. Quarrels with pop
ular party ; settles Connecticut boundary,
292. Difficulties with New Englnnd, aud
on Long Islaud, 293. Eepels Indians, and
persecutes Lutherans and Quakers, 294.
Eepresses Scott's outbreak ; besieged by
English, 295. Surrenders to English, 290.
Brought to terms by confederacy of New
Ellwand, 352.
Sullivan, Johu, General, defeated ou the
lakes, and retreats, 496. Succeeds Lee, and
joins Washiugtou, 603. Falls back at the
Brandywine, 606. Defeated at Newport,
609.
Sumner, Increase, couversntiou with Ames
as to suffrage, 445.
Sumter, Thomns, partisan leader, 511. At
Eocky Mount, and Hanging Eock ; routed
by Tarieton, 612. Clears South Caroliua,
514.
Sunbury, Georgia, government of, 198. De
scription of, 201. Academy, 203.
Sunderland, Lord, letter of Conuecticnt to,
380.
Surriage, Agues, mistress of Sir Harry Frauk
laud, 433.
Swaanendael, founded ou South river, and
destroyed, 206, 287.
Swanzey, burned by Indians, 367.
Swedes, element of population in Delaware
and Pennsylvania, 228. In New Jersey,
273. Troubles with Dutch, 290, 293.
Swift, Jonathan, plan of becoming au Amer
ican bishop, 20. T.
Taileb, WiM.iAM, Lieutenant-governor of
Massachusetts, 868.
Taleott, Joseph, Governor of Connecticut,
382.
Tarieton, Colonel, ravages South Carolina,
511. Defeats Sumter, 512. Beaten at the
Cowpens, 513.
Teach, leader of pirates in North Carolina,
141. KiUed, 142, In South Carolina, 166.
Property iu Philadelphia, 243.
Thacher, Oxenbridge, argument ou writs of
assistance, 371.
Thacher, Eev. Thomas, publishes tract on
small-pox, 420,
Theatre, iu Virgiuia, 87; in Maryland, 129;
iu South Carolina, 184; iu Pennsylvania,
269, 260 ; iu New York, 382, 336; iu Ehode
Island, 454 ; in Boston, 460.

Thomas, General, retreats from Quebec, 496.
Thomas, George, Deputy-governor of Penn
sylvania, 220, 221.
Ticonderoga, battle of, 209, 370. Captured by
Allen, 493, Abnudoued by St, Clair, 500.
Tienhoven, Cornelis Van, secretary nnd de
fender of Stuyvesant ; schout at New Am
sterdam, 292,
Tobacco begins to be important iu Virginin,
10. Wnrehouses, 52. Importance as sta
ple ; cultivaticni, etc., in Virginia, 64, 65; iu
Maryland, 116.
Towns, " paper," of Virgiuia, 61. County, of
Virginia, 52 ; of New England, 414.
Townshend, Charles, American policy of,
478. Death of, 479.
Trenton, New Jersey, description of, 274
Battle of, 504.
Trott, Nicholas, popnkar leader in South Car
olinn, and bought by government, 163.
Conduct as chief- justice, aud efforts for
removiiI,168, 166.
Trumbull, Jonathan, opposes Stamp Act,
384. Appearance as Goveruor, 444.
Tryon, William, Governor of North Carolina,
146. Suppresses " Eegulators," 146. Gov
ernor of New York ; foments party divi
sions, 497. Eaids iu Connecticut, 610.
Tufton, Eobert. See Mason.
-Twiller, Wouter Van, Director of New Neth
erlands, 237. Eemoval, 288.
Tynte, Colonel Edward, Goveruor of South
Carolina, 104. U.
Uhoas, kills Miantouomo, 386,
Underbill, John, commands troops in Dutch
war with Indians, 290, Takes Dutch fort
ou the Connecticut, 293. Captures Pequod
fort, 349.
United States, condition at time of Treaty
of Paris, 519,
Ury, Johu, victim of New York negro plot,
320,
Usher, Johu, Lieutenant-governor of New
Hampshire, 400, Controversy with Phips ;
displaced by Partridge, 401. Again Lieu
teuaut-goveruor ; controversies with Dud
ley, and removal, 401, 402.
Usselincx, WUliam, suggests West Indian
Company to Gustavus Adolphus, 206.
V.
Vat.i,ey Fokoe, Washington in winter-quar
ters at, 506, 607.
Vane, Sir Harry, the younger, arrival of, in
Massachusetts; Goveruor, 349. Defeated
for re-election, and returns to England, 350.
Aids Williams to obtain patent of Ehode

558

INDEX.

Island, 38T. Writes letter of reproof to
Rhode Islaud, 389.
Vaudreuil, Count de, surrenders Montreal,
310. Threatened hy Ehode Islau d , 394.
Vaughan, George, Lieuteuaut-goveruor of
New Hampshire, 402.
Vergennes, Count de, share iu negotiations
for peace, 518,519.
Verliulst, William, Director of New Nether-
Ijinds, 236.
Vermont, grants in, by ,Govern6r Wentworth,
405, Cliiinis of New Hampshire to ; quali
ty of land in, 406.
Vurnon, Admiral, assists invayion of Flori^ii,
192.
Vincennes, capture of, 500.
Virginia, position among the colonies; di
vision of her colonial history,!. Form of
government established by charter, and
instructions of London Company, 2, 3.
Popular idea of, 3, 4. Character of first
emigrants to; dissensions among leaders.
5. Kcpnlse of Indians ; character of conn
try, 0. New charter, and government by
martial law, 7. Petitions agaiust Argall,
8. Development under Dale and Argall ;
character of immigration, 10, Progress
under Yeardley aud Wyatt, 10, 11. Resists
royal commissioners ; establishment of po
litical principles of representative govem
nient; courts extended; law against well
born malefactors, 13. First relations with
Maryland, 14. Rise of Puritan partj- in ;
Royalist sentiments of, 14, IP. Keliirious
and civil policy ; second war with Indians,
15. Hatred of execution of King, and
strength of Royalist party; surrenders to
commissioners of Parliament, 16. Under
Protectorate, 16, 17. Royalist reaction and
its eftect, IS. State of, at outbre:ik of Ba
con's rebellion, 20. Reasons for failure of
rebellion in state of society in, 22. Under
Stuarts, 24. Kehitions witii other colonies,
2f, 25. Virginia iu eigliteeuth century, 26,
27. Takes part iu expedition against Car-
Thageua; religious revival in, 29. Condi
tiou of, after French war, 36, 37. Opposes
Stump Act, but fails to send delegates to
Congress, whichshe supports, 40. Changes
in, since 1765, 41. Conditiou of, in 1650,
42, 43. Poi)nlalion of, 44. Taxation in, 44,
45. Slilitia of, 45, 46. Navy aud shipping ;
ex!)enses of government, 46. Goveruor,
jjuwefti of, in, 46, 47. Council, powers and
])rivileges of, 47. Assembly, powers and
privileges t)f, 47, 48. Judicial nnd legal
pystem, 48, 40. Regulation of attorneys,
BO. DiJ^tribntion of populatiou and towns,

50, 5L Legal profession in, 53. Medical
profession in ; Church of, 54. Intolerance,
55. Decline of Church, 50. Intolerance
in 1745, 57. Growth of dissenting sects,
5T, 58. Vestries, 53, 59. Organization of
Church ; commissary, power and rights
of; dre:id of a bishop, 50, 60. Clergy
of, CO, Gl. Trade, 61, 62. Products aud
manuiactures, 62-64. Tobacco iu, 64, 65.
Origin, aud races of people; classes iu,
60. Slavery in, 67-69. Indented servants,
69-71. Crime and punishments; pauper
ism, 71. LowestclasBofwhites,72. Middle
class, 72, 73. Upper class, 73. Education,
74, 75. Schools aud libraries in eighteenth
centnr)', 75. William and Mary College,
74, 75, 76. Fducat;ion of Virginians abroad,
76. Style of living; hospitality, 76, 77.
Tiavel in, 77, 73. Houses in, 78. Planta
tions and great houses, 79. Slyle of living,
^nd .extravagance, 79, 80. Debts of Virgin
ians, 80, 81. Life of great planter, 81, 82.
Life of Virginian lady, S.2. Description of
Virginian lady, 82, S3. Amns^enients in
country, aud at Williamsburg, 83-86. Du
elling; gaming, 88. Literature; theatre;
post-olHce, 87. Private libraries, 87, 88.
Politics and elections, 88, Enf,ail, 89.
Aristocracy, 89-91. Character of aristoc
racy, 91, 93. Efforts to settle North Caro
linn, lil3; to settle Delaware, 205. Sup
ports Massachnsetts against Hillsborough,
480. Eesolntiou against taxation ; disso
lution of Burgesses and convention, and
n(m-importation^4Sl. Non -Importation
slackens,4S3. Petition against slave-trade
disregarded, 481. Supports Massachu
setts in scheme of correspondence of colo-
uiefs, 4S5. Resists Dunmore, and elects a
cummiuee of correspoudeuce, 4S9. British
in, 515. Coiitrastert with New England,
520. W,
WAr,i)BoN,RioHARn, Major, Deputy-president
of New Hampshire, 393. Expelled from
Council ; land suits with Mason, 399 ; with
Allen, 402. Abused by his son, who is pun
ished, 437.
Walker, Admiral, commsinds fleet against
Canada, 303, 363.
Walker, Henderson, Governor of North Car.
ollnn, 140.
Ward, Nathaniel, writings of, 468.
Ward, Samuel, contest with Hopkins, 395.
Warren, Admiral, co-operates at siege of
Louisburg, 368.
Warren, Joseph, death of, at Bunker Hiil,
494.

INDEX.

559

. SFarwick founded, 380. Named tor earl, 337.
Cut off from Ehode Islaud, 3SS. Destroyed
l)y Indians, 391.
Washington, Colonel, at the Cowpeus, 513.
Washington, George, early Ufe of, 31. Expe
ditiou to Fort Du Quesne; surprises He
Jumonville; siirrendersat Great Meadow.-,
32. Eemoustrales as to rauU; joins Brad
dock's expedition, 33. Brings off troops
after defeat ; at head of Virginian forces
in the war, 34. Joins Forbes in capture
of Fort Du Quesne; retires to Mount Ver-
uoM and marries, 3.6. Contest. as to rank
in army, 46, 109. Jiffect of defeat at Great
Meadows in Pennsylvania, 222. Elected
coinmander-iu-chief, and takes command,
495. Marches to New York, 497. Eetreats
from Long Island and New York, 602. Ee
treats up the Hudson, and through New
Jersey, 603. Fights battles of Trenton and
Princeton, 604. Marches south, and flglits
battles of Braudywine aud Germantown,
505. Goes into winter-quarters at Valley
Forge ; sends troops to Gates, 506. The
winter at Valley Forge, 607. Fights battle
of Monmouth Court-house, and takes posi
tion at White Plains, 50S. Advises Lincoln
to withdraw from Charleston, 611. York-
town campaign, 515.
Watertown, opposes taxatiim by assistants,
345. ,
Wayne, Anthonj', repulsed at the Brandy
wine, and surprised at Paoli, 505. Cap
tures Stouy Point, 610. Defeated at Greeu-
Spriugs, 515. Clears Georgia, 516.
Weare, Nathaniel, ageut of New Hampshire,
399, 400.
Webb, General, iu command at Fort Edward ;
fails to relieve Fort William Henry, 303.
Wedderbum, Alexander, attack upon Frank
lin, 437.
Weld, Thomas, verses in Psalm-book, 403.
Welsh in Penusylvauia, 223.
Wentworth, Benning, Governor of New
Hampshire, 404. Contest wilh Legislature;
Vermont grants ; prevents sending dele
gates to Stamp Act Congress, 405.
Wentworth house at Portsmouth, 446.
Wentworth, John, Lieuteuaut-goveruor of
New Hampshire, 402.
Wesley, Charles, career iu Georgia, 190.
Wesley, John, career in Georgia, 190.
West, Francis, Governor of Virginia, 13.
West, Joseph, Governor of South Carolina,
160.
West Point, faUure of scheme to betray, 511.
Weymouth, Captaiu, voyage to New Eng
land, 2.

Weymoulh, troubles with Plymouth, 342.
W liaUey, Edward, the Eegicide ; takes refuge
in New England, 366.
Wheelwright, John, ally of Mrs. Hutchinson,
349. Heretical sermon, and banishment,
350. In New Hampshire, 351, 397.
White, Mr., merchant of Boston, 46S.
White, Eev. John, connection with settle-
ment of Massachusetts, 342, 343.
Whitefield, George, in Georgia, 190. Eevival
iu Massachusetts, 367, Oppositiou to, in
New England, 427, 428.
White Plains, bafile of, .603. Washington at,
608.
Whiting, WUliam, agent of Counecticut, 380.
Wiggin, Thomas, superintendent in New
Hampshire, 397.
Wigglesworth, Michael, denounces longhair,
438. Poetry of, 403, 469.
Wilkinsonians, sect in Ehode Islaud, 428.
Willard, Samuel, learning of, 424. Writings
of, 470.
William and Mary College, chartered, 26, 74.
Condition of, 75, 76.
Williams, James, Colonel, at battle of King's
Mountain, 612.
Williams, Otho, General, comuuiuda light
troop** on Greene's retreat, 513.
Williams, Eoger, arrival of, and dlfficuUies iu
Massachusetts, 347. Banished, 34S. Founds
Providence, 386. Goes to England for pat
ent, 3-36. Eeturuswith patent, 337. Pails to
establish patent government ; goes toEng
land for fresh powers, 3S3. President under
patent, 339. Assistant under charter, 390,
Controversy with Fox, 391. Death of, 392.
Williamsburg, description of, 51, 52. Season
at, 83.
Wilipington, account of, 240.
WHsou, John, trouble with Mrs. Hutchinson,
349. Speech at Newtown election, 350,
Verses ot; 403.
Wingfield, Edward Maria, character of, 5.
Wiuslow, Edward, ageut of Massachusetts,
387.
Wiuslow, Johu, conquers Acadia, 309.
Winthrop, Fitz-John, Governor of Connecti
cut ; death of, 381.
Winthrop, John, first Governor ofMassachn
setts, 344. Arrival ; dealings witli Water-
town ; rechosen Governor, 345. To man
age war, 347. Chosen Governor over Vane,
350. Eefuses to deliver np charter ; Gov
ernor, 351. Defeated by Endicott, aud op
posed by Essex County, 352. His party
recovers supremacy; death of, 353. Opin
ion as to marriage ceremonies, 401. Diary
of, 407.

560

INDEX.

Winthrop, John, the younger ; arrival with
commissiou from Lord Say-and-Sele,' 348.
Founds Saybrook, 373. Chosen Governor
of Counecticut; obtains charter, 376. Ee-
monstrates against absorption of New
Haven ; progress nnder as Governor, 377.
Death of, 378. Dealings with Clarke, 389.
Scientiflc tastes of, 472.
Wise, Eev. Joiiu, resistance to Andros, 360,
Witchcraft iu Virginia, 65; in Pennsylva
nia, 253, Of Salem, contrasted with ne
gro plot, 321, In New York, 330, In New
England, 434,
Wilt, Dr., astrologer, 263.
Wolcott, Roger, Lientenant- governor of
Connecticut, 382. Commands Couuecli
cut troops at Louisburg, 383,
Wolfe, General James, takes Louisburg aud
Quebec, 309, 370,
Woolman, Johu, efforts agaiust slavery, 241.
Wooster, General, iu command iu Canada,
496.
Worcester, description of, 452,
Wright, Sir Jame.s Governor of Georgia,
196.
Wyatt, Sir Francis, Governor of Virginia, and
legislation nnder, 11, Continued iu office ;

character of his administration, 12, He-
appointed Governor, 14,
Wyngaard, Lucas, funeral of, 338.
Wyoming, massacre at, 609.
Y.
Tale College, founded and encouraged, 382,
Classes arranged by social position, 445,
Account of, 406,
Yeamans, Sir John, leads settlers from Bar
badoes to North Carolina, 135, Governor
of Southern County, 136, Governor of
South Carolina, 160.
Yeardley, George, Deputy-governor of Vir
ginia, 8, Governor, 9. His administra
tion, 9, 10, Governor, and death of, 13,
Yonge, Francis, agent of South Caroliua, 165,
York, account of, 239,
York, Duke of (James IL), grants New Jer
sey to Berkeley and Carteret, 263. At
tempts to get it back, 204-267, Laws of,
iu New York, 296. Charter of, to New
York, 298,
Yorktown, battle and surrender of, 515.

Zemgee, Peteb, trial for libel, 233, 804.

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