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"I give thefe Books
for the founding of a College in this Colony"

BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME
OF -J-HE
ALFRED E. PERKINS
F-and I90i>

THE
PUBLICATIONS OF
THE CHAMPLAIN
SOCIETY
DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
SEIGNIORIAL TENURE
IN CANADA

TORONTO
THE CHAMPLAIN SOCIETY

Five Hundred and Twenty Copies of
this Volume have been printed. Twenty
are reserved for Editorial purposes.
The remaining Five Hundred are
supplied only to Members of the
Society and to Subscribing Libraries.
This copy is No.J_,^

DOCUMENTS RELATING
TO THE SEIGNIORIAL
TENURE IN CANADA
1598-1854

EDITED, WITH A HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
AND EXPLANATORY NOTES,
BY
WILLIAM BENNETT MUNRO
Ph.D., LL.B,
ASSISTANT PROFESSOR OP THE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT
IN HARVARD UNIVERSITY
AUTHOR OF "THE SEIGNIORIAL SYSTEM IN CANADA"

TORONTO
THE CHAMPLAIN SOCIETY
1908

CONTENTS PAGE
EDITOR'S PREFACE  ix
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION ... . . xv
TABLE OF DOCUMENTS  cxvii
DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE SEIGNIORIAL
TENURE :—
Part I. (1598-1760) . . . . i
Part II. (1760-1854) . .... 193
INDEX ...  .367

EDITOR'S PREFACE
IN this volume an endeavour is made to bring
together some serviceable selections from the
source material available for the study of the
Seigniorial Tenure in Canada from its introduction
by the French government to its abolition in 1854.
The amount of documentary matter which relates
directly or indirectly to this phase of French colonisa
tion in the New World is so extensive, and its nature
is so varied, that the task of determining what ought
to be included and what ought to be set aside has
proved by no means easy. In general, however, it
has seemed advisable that the most important docu
ments, even those of somewhat forbidding length,
should be printed substantially in full. Such, for ex
ample, are the despatches of the intendant Raudot,
the elaborate report of the engineer Catalogue, the
instructions issued by the British authorities with
reference to the colonial land policy during the de
cade following the conquest, and the comprehensive
reports on the workings of the seigniorial system pre
sented to the Canadian legislative authorities in 1790
and in 1843. Such documents, on the other hand,
as have seemed to be of distinctly less importance.

X EDITOR'S PREFACE
especially those which deal but incidentally with
matters relating to seigniorialism and primarily with
other aspects of colonial administration, have in some
cases been printed in abbreviated form, the omissions
being duly indicated.
So far as practicable, documents have been selected
which illustrate the various chronological stages in
the evolution of Canadian seigniorialism, — its rise, its
paramountcy, and its decline ; but, as the data for
some periods are abundant and for others very meagre,
this policy has of course encountered limitations. It
is hoped, however, that the student of the institu
tional history of Canada will find in the volume fair
types of all the more important sources which shed
light upon the subject, including despatches, memoirs,
reports, royal edicts, colonial ordinances, title-deeds,
patents of nobility, judicial decisions, opinions of
jurists, statutes, and the unofficial chronicles of con
temporary observers. Each document has been given
its place not merely because it illustrates some
special phase of the seigniorial system, but because
it is typical of much more material of its kind.
The documents relating to the development of
the seigniorial tenure prior to 1760 are printed in
French because that is the language of the originals ;
those which bear dates subsequent to the conquest
are for a like reason given in English. It has not
been thought advisable to attempt translations from
one language into the other ; for, since much of the

EDITOR'S PREFACE xi
material is of a technical nature, the task of effecting
a perfect translation would tax the knowledge of a
trained jurist as well as the literary skill of a his
torical scholar.
At the head of each document is indicated a place
where a trustworthy unabbreviated copy may be
found ; for it is believed that, in most cases, such
references are likely to be of greater direct service
to Canadian students than would references to the
originals, most of which are stowed away in Euro
pean archives. Readers are referred, for instance, to
the archives at Ottawa rather than to those of the
Ministry of Colonies at Paris or of the Public Record
Office at London, although the records at Ottawa are,
for the most part, only transcripts of the original
documents now preserved in the home countries.
In short, when a reliable copy seems to be more
readily accessible than an original, the location of the
copy has been designated. At the same time, it is
only fair to say that the documents printed in this
volume have been carefully collated with the originals,
and that, where these differ from the transcripts, the
wording of the originals has been faithfully followed.
In this process of collating copies with originals many
discrepancies have come to notice, but they have on
the whole been of singularly slight importance ; in no
case has the variation sufficed to alter in the slightest
degree the sense of a single paragraph. For all
practical purposes, therefore, the copies indicated

xii EDITOR'S PREFACE
may be fully trusted. When, as in a few cases,
there are no unabbreviated copies in Canada, direct
reference to the originals has been made.
Some of the documents here published have, it is
true, already appeared in print ; but they are, for
the most part, to be found only in government pub
lications issued a half-century or more ago and now
somewhat difficult to obtain. A few of these have
been republished by the Canadian Archives Branch
since this volume was planned. But much is here
printed for the first time.
Throughout the volume all omissions and inser
tions have been indicated in the usual manner. In
some of the documents, especially in the French por
tion of the volume, obvious errors of spelling and
punctuation have been corrected whenever the in
terests of clearness have seemed to demand such
changes, and in the English documents the capital
isation has been modernised. Otherwise no unin-
dicated alterations have been made intentionally.
The somewhat lengthy Historical Introduction
is designed to afford a general survey of Canadian
feudalism, to assist the reader in obtaining a proper
idea of the relative importance of each document, and
to facilitate the consideration of each in its proper
perspective. Occasionally the footnotes aim to ex
plain technical words or phrases in the text ; but more
often they seek to afford additional information or to
indicate sources from which corroborative or other

EDITOR'S PREFACE xiii
data may be drawn — a plan which, it is hoped, renders
pardonable the omission of a separate bibliography.
In preparing the volume for the press I have re
ceived kind assistance from many quarters. My special
acknowledgments are due to Dr. A. G. Doughty,
C.M.G., Dominion archivist, for indispensable aid at
many points, as well as to Mr. H. P. Biggar of
London, M. Theodore Beauchesne of Paris, and
Miss Magdalene Casey of the Dominion Archives
Branch for their expert assistance in collating the
proof-sheets of the volume with the original docu
ments. To my valued friend Mr. Benjamin Suite of
Ottawa I am deeply grateful for cheerful interest
and aid at every stage of the work ; for from the ful
ness of his rare knowledge concerning the social and
economic history of the French-Canadian people I
have been at all times generously privileged to draw.
To Professor G. M. Wrong of Toronto I am indebted
for sage and kindly counsel on many matters ; and
from Byron E. Walker, Esq., president of the Cham
plain Society, I have received many suggestions of
interest and value.

WILLIAM BENNETT MUNRO.

Cambridge, Mass.,
April 1908.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
OF all the social and political institutions in human
( history, none, perhaps, has received more meagre
justice than the great mediasval institution of
feudalism. Despite the efforts of historians to make clear
the fact that the feudal system, when viewed in its proper
perspective, had its distinct merits as well as its faults, the
institution of feudalism continues to associate itself in the
popular mind with various ill-defined impressions concerning
the arrogance of the strong and the oppression of the weak
in the Dark Ages of Western Europe. In contemporary
Canada, indeed, there are those who persist in thinking of
their French-Canadian compatriots as the descendants of erst
while serfs, who for generations confessed servility by bowing
the knee to a lord, and who for their elevation to the status
of free men have only to thank the generosity and might of
England. To such the century and a half during which
France entrenched herself in the valley of the St. Lawrence
affords, in the annals of the New World, an example of the
methods by which a misguided monarchy unsuccessfully
sought to superimpose upon a luckless colony that senile
and decadent seigniorialism which characterised the social
organisation of the motherland in the two centuries preceding
the Revolution. Absolutism, ecclesiasticism, feudalism, these
are the terms with which it is the fashion to dismiss the
institutional history of the old regime in French Canada, — an
ill-starred triumvirate linked by a common interest in crushing
out of the colony every vestige of initiative and independence.
The observant Tocqueville has somewhere remarked that

xvi HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
in the days of the old dominion the administration essayed
to assume the functions of Providence. It is indeed beyond
question that, In New France as well as in Old, the govern
ment did seek to warp political, social, and economic progress
into the few narrow grooves along which paternal wisdom
dictated that they should proceed, and that in pursuance of
this policy it circumscribed the daily walk and conversation of
the masses with no end of legal barriers. Not even the most
superficial student of the history of the old dominion can fail
to be impressed with the prodigious administrative activity of
the period, or with the ruthless fashion in which the hand of
the State was thrust forth into every sphere of private enter
prise. It is not, therefore, a matter for surprise that the
seigniorial system, as one of the most important agencies in
the maintenance of a rigorous paternalism, should have re
ceived its share of superficial condemnation ; for it was this
institution that gave to the monarchy a most effective means
of ensuring the docility of its colonial population, and of
buttressing its own paternal power.
To all this there is, however, quite another side. The
French-Canadian of to-day, who yields place to none in pride
of his lineage and in respect for his ancient institutions, very
properly resents the imputation that he owes deliverance from
thraldom to his Saxon suzerains, or that the social status of
his forbears was other than that of free men. While his
leaders are ready to grant that the feudal system in Canada
had, by the middle of the nineteenth century, become ill-
adapted to the new economic environment, and that its
abolition was the part of wisdom, they show no disposition
to concur in the opinion that the introduction of seigniorialism
to the colony was an obvious error, or that the seigniorial
system was, in its pristine days, an obstacle to the progress
of the race or a weapon of popular oppression. On the
contrary, there are those, like Mr. Benjamin Suite, who urge
that the institution proved, in its time, a very efi^ective agent

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION xvii
in the colonisation of New France, and that it served, as no
other social organisation could have served, to give the colony
a defensive strength against her encircling enemies.
From beginning to end of the great duel for supremacy
in North America, France never had any reasonable hope of
ultimate success ; at every stage of the conflict the odds
were overwhelmingly against her. In the first decade of the
eighteenth century, when the combat began to thicken, the
English colonies in North America outnumbered New France
in point of population at least ten to one ; and in the matter
of economic resources the disparity was, if anything, even
more pronounced. New France had at this time somewhat
more than fifteen thousand people, of whom perhaps four
thousand at the most were capable of bearing arms ; whereas
Massachusetts alone had more than eighty thousand, and the
total population of the English colonies had passed the
quarter-million mark. In a word, the relative numerical
strength of New France to that of the English colonies was,
at the threshold of the eighteenth century, just about that
which Canada bears to the United States in the opening years
of the twentieth. This enormous numerical handicap was
augmented by the fact that at most critical moments the
French colony was not able to draw effectually upon the
military strength of the motherland ; for the English com
mand of the seas rendered communication between France
and Quebec always dangerous and sometimes impossible. For
considerable periods, therefore. New France was likely to be
thrown wholly upon her own resources alike for her sub
sistence and for her defence. This being the case, why did
New France not go the way of the New Netherland .'' Why
was the French colony, throughout a period extending over
almost a full century, able to display a defensive strength so
vastly out of proportion to her numbers and to her economic
capabilities .? Much has been written in elucidation of the
fundamental weaknesses which caused New France ultimately b

xviii HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
to succumb ; but historians have not examined with equal care
those elements of strength which enabled French dominion in
the New World to endure so long.
The remarkable defensive vigour of New France was the
outcome of a number of important features in French colonial
policy. The early seizure of strategic points, the possession
of considerable numbers of Indian auxiliaries, the superior
skill with which the Frenchman mastered the rudiments of
forest warfare, all helped in some measure to offset the
numerical inferiority of the French. Most of all, however.
New France derived advantage from the homogeneity of her
population, her unity of interest and purpose, and her policy
of diverting all political, social, and economic development
into those channels which were considered to be most con
ducive to military efficiency. It Is true, one may hasten to
add, that In pursuing this policy of turning the colony Into
a huge armed camp the French authorities acquired for the
country a defensive strength which was at best but transitory
in Its nature ; for In the long run military prowess must rest
with that race which most intelligently and most industriously
cultivates the arts of peace. With states, however, as with
men, self-preservation is the first law of nature ; and it was
the misfortune of New France to have enjoyed but few years
in which her very existence was not seriously threatened. All
means of augmenting the colony's military efficiency, there
fore, even though avowedly of only temporary service, were
eagerly sought and applied.
Among the various Institutions by which men have from
time to time endeavoured to Increase the military strength
of a weaker community, feudalism ranks as one of the
most effective. The logical product of an age In which,
owing to the weakness of the central power, every man's
hand was at his neighbour's throat, the feudal system
afforded a method of social organisation which welded con
tiguous groups of population into efficient military units

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION xix
capable of defending themselves against enemies perhaps
more numerous but less compactly joined. Now, when one
comes to analyse conditions in New France In the seven
teenth and eighteenth centuries, one finds that they were
not very unlike those existent in Western Europe during
the ninth and tenth. A comparatively small body of French
colonists, surrounded on all sides by active enemies both
white and red, unable at any time to rely upon aid from
without, and dependent for their very existence upon their
own military efficiency, might well have found in a system
of feudal organisation an institution well adapted to colonial
conditions. " It was Richelieu," says Parkman, " who first planted
feudalism In New France ; " and writers since Parkman's day
have been disposed to take it for granted that the intro
duction of the seigniorial system into Canada was part of
the cardinal-minister's scheme for settling the colony with
the landless aristocracy of France. As a matter of fact, how
ever, the charter issued to the Marquis de la Roche, more
than a quarter-century before Richelieu became minister of
state, gave specific authority not alone for the granting of
seigniories In the New World but for the establishment ofl
the obligation of military service as an Incident of land
tenure. Indeed, several seigniorial grants were made prior
to the establishment of Richelieu's great colonising company
in 1627; and the charter of this organisation. In giving the
directors power to make feudal grants, merely followed what
was an established practice. Seigniorialism was transplanted
to Canada simply because it existed almost everywhere at
home. It was as logical for Frenchmen to bring this insti
tution to the valley of the St. Lawrence as it was for
Englishmen to bring to Virginia a system of tenure in free
and common socage. The institution was not, like the en-
comienda system of New Spain, or the patroonship system
of the New Netherland, a special method of landholding

XX HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
devised to meet the peculiar environment of a colony. It
was one with which the French people had been familiar
for many centuries, and was adaptable to colonial conditions
without numerous modifications, which were made only as
necessity arose.
Students of institutional history are accustomed to speak
of French seigniorialism in the seventeenth century as effete
and cumbrous, and to comment upon the misguidedness of
the French authorities in transplanting to the colonies an
Institution so far advanced in decay. To the members of the
official class In France, however, the weakness of the system
could scarcely have been apparent ; for those who viewed
seigniorialism only from the higher ranks of the seigniorial
hierarchy were not in any position to note Its waning vitality.
In the age of Louis XIII. and Louis XIV., France ranked as
the first military power of Europe ; and her successes In the
field naturally served to engender. In the circles of authority^
an optimism which closed their eyes to the growing spirit of
unrest among the masses of the people. It was quite true,
however, even if the fact was not adequately appreciated by
those who surrounded the throne, that the seigniorial system
was steadily losing Its vigour. The old personal nexus which
bound the vassal to his lord had become completely severed ;
the lord no longer protected his dependant or looked upon
him as a special ward, but had come to be merely a rigorous
exactor of dues and services. By the beginning of the
seventeenth century it had even become the practice of large
numbers of French seigniors to leave their manors in the
hands of trusted bailiffs and betake themselves to Paris,
whence they returned to visit their estates only at rare in
tervals. These bailiffs, given a free hand and constantly
urged to augment the revenue-producing power of the
seigniories, soon stretched the seigniorial prerogatives to the
farthest point, wringing from the hapless peasants every
possible exaction, even to the last sou. It was thus that the ~

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION xxi
seigniorial system, during the two centuries preceding the
French Revolution, developed its host of intolerable abuses,
its multitude of oppressive banalites, its unreasonable exactions
of corv6e labour, and the score or more of minor Incidents by
means of which the censitalres were not only Impoverished
but subjected to personal degradation. Those who are
familiar with the writings of Arthur Young, Talne, Tocque
ville, and others need not be reminded of the leading role
that seigniorial oppression played in bringing about that
. terrible retribution which the masses of the French people
exacted from the governing classes in the outgoing years of
/.the eighteenth century.
In New France, however, the seigniorial system went back
to the plane which it had occupied In the earlier centuries
before the curse of absenteeism had sapped its vigour, and
before its simple annual dues and its vague services of an
honorary nature had been turned Into agencies of extortion
and oppression. In Canada we see, as it were, a return to
primitive feudalism. The seignior Is again dwelling upon
his domain, among his own people, taking place as their
leader in war and their patron in peace. The ancient per
sonal bond between lord and liegeman Is revived In all its
earlier fulness and strength. The military aspect of feudalism,
which in the heyday of the system was its most dominating
feature, but which by altered conditions of warfare had In
France long since been forced into the background, receives in
Canada a renewed prominence. These features, together with
the paucity and simplicity of the various incidents of the
system, serve to give to Canadian seigniorialism a form and
spirit very much like that of pristine feudalism shorn of the
excrescences which in France barnacled its later days. In a
word, the Canadian system has all the merits of the parent
stem from which it originated, but from the blemishes of its
progenitor it is almost entirely free. For more than a century
after its Introduction Into New France it was not unadapted

xxii HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
to its surroundings, and it made substantial headway, its decline
and fall coming only when, under British administration, its
environment underwent a radical change. Having thus a
growth, a paramountcy, and a dissolution entirely its own,
wholly unconnected with the vicissitudes of the system in
France, which it outlasted more than a full half-century,
Canadian feudalism affords in its evolution an independent
field of study.
To a Breton nobleman, the Sieur de la Roche, was given
the task of first crystallsing into action the designs of the
French authorities for the establishment of a Bourbon empire
in the New World. The commission of La Roche, given In
1598, conferred upon him the title of lieutenant-general of
all the territories claimed by France in North America, and
endowed him with a formidable array of semi-sovereign
powers. In one of the paragraphs of this commission may
be found the first direct evidence that It was the intention of
the French government to establish in the new domains a
feudal system of land tenure and a seigniorial hierarchy of
landholders.^ " In order," recites the commission, " to In
crease and extend the good-will, courage, and affection of
those who are about to embark in the said undertaking, and
even of those persons who shall settle In the said territories,
we have given him authority, as respects the said lands so to
be acquired for us in the course of the said voyage, to grant
the same in full property to all those to whom he may con
cede them ; that is to say, to gentlemen and to those whom
he may consider persons of merit, in the form of fiefs, seig
niories, chatellenies, earldoms, viscounties, baronies, and other
dignities, to be holden of us in such manner as he shall
consider due to the services performed by the respective
parties, on the condition that they shall aid in the support
and defence of the territories ; and to other persons of inferior
^ Extracts from the Commission of the Sieur de la Roche, January 12, 1598,
printed below, pp. 1-3.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION xxiii
rank, on such dues and annual rentals as he may deem just,
of which we agree that they shall remain quit and discharged
for the first six years, or such other period as our said
lieutenant shall believe to be right and necessary, excepting
always duty and service In the event of war." The com
mission further authorised La Roche to transport from France
such persons as he could induce to take a share in the plant
ing of a new nation in the western world.
Although the terms of La Roche's charter afford satis
factory evidence that, even at this early date, the French
authorities intended to organise all new colonies upon a
feudal basis by imposing upon every landholder the obligation
of military service, it was not the fortune of the Breton
adventurer to make any substantial progress in the consum
mation of this plan. Failing to obtain voluntary colonists.
La Roche set forth with a band of convicts taken from the
Norman jails, but through an unfortunate combination of
unfavourable circumstances was compelled to abandon them
on Sable Island, off the Acadian coasts. The project was not
given up, however ; for within a decade from the date of
La Roche's ill-starred expedition the Brouage voyageur,
Samuel de Champlain, had founded his settlement at Quebec
and laid the basis of a French dominion beyond the seas. For
twenty years Champlain strove earnestly to further the In
terests of his infant colony, but with somewhat disappointing
results ; for not only was the support which he received from
France spasmodic and scant, but the small population of the
settlement devoted its energies to the exploitation of the fur
trade, and could be induced to give but little attention to the
less lucrative task of cultivating the soil. Although the
authorities stood ready to grant lands upon favourable terms,
only three seigniories were allotted during these two decades,
all of them in the immediate vicinity of Quebec. Two of
these were granted to colonial laymen ; the third went to the
Reverend Fathers of the Society of Jesus, more commonly

xxiv HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
known as the Jesuit order. This militant organisation had
just begun its work of religious propaganda in the colony ;
and Its new seigniory of Notre Dame des Anges, obtained In
1626, formed the nucleus of the enormous landed interests
which came to be known in the later political annals of
Canada as the Jesuits' Estates. The fact that only three
grants were made In a score of years shows that the seigniorial
system was making but modest progress.
The chartering of the Company of New France (better
known as the Company of One Hundred Associates) In 1627
marked a new epoch In the history of French colonisation In
the new hemisphere. This commercial organisation was the
prot6g6 of Cardinal Richelieu, now chief minister of Louis
XIII., and Its establishment was part of the minister's plan
for the creation In America of a powerful military colony
which might serve to offset and rival the successful operations
then being conducted by Englishmen in the regions to the
south. To the new company were handed over all the
territories claimed by France In the western world, "from
the coasts of Florida to the Arctic circle, and from New
foundland westward to the great lake commonly called the
fresh sea," to be held by the Company for ever as one
Immense fief or seigniory subject to a merely nominal pay
ment. The Company, on Its part, was put under obligation
" to carry over to New France aforesaid, In the course of the
ensuing year 1628, two to three hundred men of all trades,
and during the next fifteen years to increase this number
to four thousand." It was further required "to provide
subsistence, shelter, and all things generally which may be
necessary to life, during three years only " ; but after this
period it might be freed from such obligation. If it so desired,
by giving to the colonists " a sufficient quantity of cleared land
to enable them to support themselves, with the necessary
wheat to sow It for the first time," or by making some
other provision whereby the settlers might, by their own

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION xxv
labour and industry, subsist in the colony and support them
selves.^ In the matter of granting lands the widest powers were
given to the Company of One Hundred Associates. " It
shall be lawful for the said associates," declares the charter,
" to Improve and render more valuable the said lands as they
may deem it necessary, and to distribute the same to those
who will inhabit the said country and to others, in such
quantities and in such matter as they shall think proper ; to
give and grant them such titles and honours, rights and
powers as they may deem proper, essential, and necessary
according to the quality, condition, and merits of the in
dividuals, and generally upon such charges, reservations, and
conditions as they may think proper. And nevertheless.
In case of the erection of any duchy, marqulsate, coUntshIp,
or barony. His Majesty's letters of confirmation shall be ob
tained upon the application of His Eminence the grand
master, chief, and general superintendent of the trade and
navigation of France." By the terms of the charter all
grants of land already made In New France were summarily
revoked ; but this provision was not enforced In the case of
the seigniory which had been given to the Jesuits.
The Company of One Hundred Associates proceeded at
once with arrangements for the assumption of its new re
sponsibilities by drawing up some by-laws or regulations
making detailed provision as to the manner In which the lands
of New France should be granted to settlers.^ By these
regulations the directors of the Company were empowered
" to grant the lands of the said New France subject to such
terms and conditions as may seem to them most advantageous
for the Company ; . . . likewise to appoint, at the different
places, such agents as they may deem advisable, for the
1 Extract from the Charter of the Company of One Hundred Associates,
April 29, i62T, printed below, pp. 3-4.
" Extract from the By-laws and Regulations adopted by the Company of
One Hundred Associates, May 7, i62y, printed below, pp. 5-6.

xxvi HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
distribution of the said lands, and the regulation of the tenure
of the same." Concessions of land amounting to less than
two hundred arpents might be granted by the directors
without any restriction; but when the directors desired to give
areas of greater extent they were to call together " as large a
number of the associates as possible," and no such larger
grant was to be deemed valid unless it should have been
attested by the signatures of at least twenty of the associates,
or shareholders, of the Company.
" Thy way is In the sea," ran the motto of the Company
graven upon Its official seal; and In the spring of 1628 an
imposing fleet of vessels, heavily laden with settlers and
supplies, set forth for the St. Lawrence under the Company's
auspices. Unhappily the squadron was captured by the English
before reaching Its destination, a misfortune which was but a
preliminary to the English seizure of Quebec In the following
year. The colony was handed back to France, however, when
the war came to an end a few years later; and in 1632 the
Company was able to commence actively its work of colonisa
tion. Champlain resumed his post as governor on behalf
of the new suzerains, a considerable number of settlers were
gathered in France and sent to the colony, and grants of
seigniories soon began to be made liberally.
The first seigniorial grant made under the authority of
the Company of One Hundred Associates was that of Beau-
port, given to Robert GIffard In the early days of 1634. By
the terms of the title-deed it comprised " one league of
land to be taken along the shore of the river St. Lawrence,
by one league and a half inland, at the place where the river
called Notre Dame de Beauport discharges Itself Into the
said river St. Lawrence." This tract of land was granted to
GIffard "in full jurisdiction, property, and seigniory," subject
to the condition " of fealty and homage," which, recites the
deed, "the said Sieur GIffard, his successors and assigns shall
be bound to render at the Fort St. Louis in Quebec, or at

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION xxvii
any other place which shall be appointed by the said Com
pany, by one full homage at each mutation of possession of
the said lands, with a piece of gold weighing one ounce, and
one year's revenue of what the said Sieur GIffard shall have
reserved to himself after he shall have granted In fief or sub
ject to cens et rentes the whole or part of the said lands."
GIffard was authorised to establish courts of justice within
his domain, with the proviso, however, that appeals might be
carried from such courts to the higher authorities of the
colony.^ The grant of the seigniory of Beauport to GIffard was
soon followed by similar grants to other persons, the allotted
tracts being situated In different parts of the colony, but for
the most part not very far away from the settlement at
Quebec. During the next decade, however, settlers pushed
along the north shore of the St. Lawrence beyond Three
Rivers ; and after the founding of Montreal in 1 642 some
seigniorial concessions were made in the district surrounding
the confluence of the St. Lawrence with the Ottawa. Some
of the grants were made to ambitious men who had come
out from France to try their fortunes in the new land ; but
a larger number went to directors and associates of the Com
pany who never came to the colony at all, — most of whom,
in fact, never gave any attention to their fiefs. The terms
upon which these grants were made conformed In general to
those inserted in Giffard's deed, but some minor variations
may be noticed here and there. Some of them appear to
have been given on the recommendation of those who repre
sented the interests of the Company in Canada ; others were
no doubt secured through arrangements made wholly in
Paris. The Company of One Hundred Associates accomplished
very little for the development of the seigniorial system
' Title-deed of the Seigniory of Beauport, granted to Robert Giffard,
January 15, 1634, printed below, pp. 7-9.

xxviii HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
during the thirty years or more throughout which it adminis
tered the aff^alrs of the colony. It Is true that between 1632
and 1663 no less than sixty seigniorial grants were made
under Its authority ; but its representatives made no effort
to force or even to encourage the clearing and culti
vation of the granted lands. Although it had been put
under obligation to send out to the colony more than four
thousand settlers within the first fifteen years of Its operations,
the total population at the close of thirty years was less than
three thousand. Throughout the whole period the exploita
tion of the fur trade had engrossed the entire attention of
the associates, and the Interests of permanent colonial develop
ment had been wholly disregarded. Small areas of land In
the vicinity of Quebec, Three Rivers, and Montreal had been
cleared ; but the Intervening territory remained a howling
wilderness, and along the whole south shore of the river there
was scarcely a single farm. In the half-century that had
passed since Champlain gave France a foothold on the St.
Lawrence, agriculture had made no progress worthy of the
name ; It was only with difficulty, indeed, that foodstuffs
sufficient for the subsistence of the colony could be secured
year by year.
Although the officials of the Company endeavoured in
various ways to keep the true state of affairs from the ears
of the royal authorities, complaints from the colonists them
selves eventually reached the attention of Louis XIV., who
was at this time assuming personal charge of French adminis
trative affairs. The king's new minister, Colbert, was also
quick to see how audaciously the Company had long been
neglecting its responsibility. A radical change In policy was
accordingly decided upon ; and the Company was persuaded,
under some pressure, to surrender the rights which it had
obtained by the charter of 1627. In accepting the surrender.
His Majesty took occasion to place frankly on record his
disappointment with the results of the Company's operations

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION xxix
in New France. "Instead of finding," he declared, "that
this country is settled as it ought to be, after so long an
occupation thereof by our subjects, we have learned with
regret that not only is the number of its inhabitants very
limited, but that even these are every day exposed to the
danger of expulsion by the Iroquois." Provision was there
fore made that " all the rights of property, justice, and
seigniory, right to appoint to offices of government, to ap
point lieutenants-general in the said country, to name officers
to administer sovereign justice, and all and every other right "
which the Company had possessed, should revert to the
crown, to be thereafter exercised directly by officers whom
His Majesty should appoint.-^
Among the operations of the Company, one which seemed
to deserve special criticism was its practice of giving generous
tracts of land to men who were not settlers In the colony.
Another unwise policy was its habit of granting to actual
settlers more land than they could properly handle — a point
on which the royal views were very clearly set forth In an
edict issued shortly after the revocation of the Company's
privileges. " It has been represented to His Majesty," runs
this decree, " that one of the principal reasons why the
said country has not increased in population as has been de
sirable, and even why many dwellings have been destroyed
by the Iroquois, Is to be found In the practice of conceding
great areas of land to all the individual settlers of the country
who never have been and are not now able to clear the same,
and who have established their dwellings in the middle of
their grants." Being thus widely separated from one another,
they could not, as the edict goes on to state, be of mutual
assistance In the event of Indian attack, nor could they be
conveniently succoured by the troops stationed In the country.
Accordingly, provision was made that, after an Interval of
1 Royal Decree accepting the Surrender of all Rights held by the Company
of One Hundred Associates, March, 1662,, printed below, pp. 10-12.

XXX HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
six months, all uncleared seigniorial lands should revert to the
crown, to be re-allotted by the royal authorities as they should
deem desirable.^ This decree of 1663 Is the first of a succes
sion of " edicts of retrenchment " by means of which the
French government endeavoured, but not with entire success,
to curb the persistent disposition of seigniors to obtain tracts
of land too extensive to be properly cared for and developed.^
The withdrawal of the colony from the control of the
Company made It necessary to establish some new adminis
trative authority ; and this a royal edict, issued in April
1663, undertook to provide. By the terms of this arr^t New
France was provided with a framework of administration
similar In general outline to that employed in the provinces
at home, — that Is, with a board consisting of councillors, a
governor, a bishop, and, a little later, an official called the
Intendant.^ Subject to the general direction of the king and
his minister, these authorities were thenceforth to control
the political destinies of the colony. But besides sending
out to Canada officers to fill these newly-created posts, His
Majesty thought it desirable to commission a trusty agent,
the Sieur Gaudais, to proceed to the colony in quest of com
prehensive and reliable information concerning the conditions
and needs of New France. In his letter of Instruction to
Gaudais the king particularly directed him to see that the
royal decree providing for the revocation of uncleared land
grants was faithfully carried into effect, and that all possible
pains were taken to encourage the remaining landholders to
make progress in the arts of yeomanry. He also requested
his commissioner to compile data concerning the population,
the products, and the general resources of the colony.*
' Royal Arret providing for the Revocation of all Grants of Land remaining
Uncleared, March 21, lisb},, printed below, pp. 12-14.
^ See also below, pp. Iv-lvi.
^ Edits et Ordonnances, I. 37-39.
* Royal Instructions given to the Sieur Gaudais, Special Commissioner to
Investigate Conditions in New France, May 7, 1662,, printed below, pp. 14-17.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION xxxi
The ways of the royal authorities during the old regime
were often inscrutable, — a definite line of policy, adopted '^
after mature consideration, being not infrequently abandoned
hastily and without explanation. From the general tenor
of the royal statements in connection with the demise of
the Company of One Hundred Associates, for instance, it
might well have been assumed that, for the time being at
any rate. His Majesty was through with the method of colo
nisation by chartered companies. Nevertheless, the new
royal administration had been installed In New France less
than a single year when Louis XIV., under the inspiration of
^ Colbert, gave his patronage to a new corporate organisation,
the Company of the West Indies, and entrusted to it, among
other important powers, the right to make seigniorial land
grants in the colony. Indeed, the charter of this corporation,
granted in 1664, gave powers and privileges fully as extensive
as those committed to the Company of One Hundred Asso
ciates some thirty-seven years before.^ " The said Company
as seigniors of the said lands and islands," runs one of the
sections of this charter, " shall enjoy the seigniorial rights
which are at present established therein upon the inhabitants
of the same, as such rights are now levied by the seigniors in
possession, unless the said Company shall deem It proper to
commute such rights for the relief of the said inhabitants."
Furthermore, the Company was empowered "to sell or subln-
feudate the said lands by way of enfeoffment . . . upon pay
ment of and for such cens et rentes or other seigniorial rights
as may be deemed proper, and to such persons as the Company
may deem fit." A new epoch in the history of laws relating
to land tenure was inaugurated by the terms of this charter,
for one of its sections made provision that thenceforth all
contracts should be made and construed In accordance with
the rules laid down in the Custom of Parls.^ Not only was
^ Extracts from the Charter of the Company of the West Indies, May, 1664,
printed below, pp. 17-19. ^ Section xxxiii.

xxxii HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
this code of laws designated for general use in the colony, but
the colonial authorities were forbidden to have resort to any
other custom ; for it was evidently the design of the royal
government that the colony should be spared the legal dis
organisation which, owing to the multitude of local customs,
characterised France at this time.
During the period prior to the enactment of this regula
tion In 1664, contracts relating to land had In the main
followed the terms of the custom of the French Vexin [Vexin
le Franfais), a code of legal canons not forming part of the
Custom of Paris but in a sense supplementary to It. Thence
forward, however, the Custom of Paris became what one
might reasonably call the " common law " of New France.
This code, embodying, as It did In the main, long-standing
customs which had developed within the limits of the Prevot^
and Vicomt6 of Paris (the district Immediately including the
French metropolis), was obviously better suited to the needs
of a well-developed urban community than to the problems
of a struggling agricultural colony. Since the population of
New France was largely of Norman extraction, the Custom
of Normandy might, as the present writer has elsewhere
suggested,^ more fittingly have been designated as the basis
of the colonial law system ; but this code the royal authorities
could scarcely have been expected to recommend. At any
rate, by the middle of the seventeenth century the Custom of
Paris had acquired a very well-defined primacy over the other
customs of France, and was rapidly securing recognition as
the type to which the rules of law in other local jurisdic
tions ought to conform. As the great mass of the colonial
population was wholly unfamiliar with the rules of the
Custom, the authorities naturally found difficulty In securing
strict adherence to them ; and the intendant made frequent
complaint that the general Ignorance concerning them was the
' W. B. Munro, 7'Ae Seigniorial System in Canada (New York : Longmans,
Green & Co., 1907), 9-10.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION xxxiii
direct cause of much needless litigation. On the whole, how
ever, the introduction of the Custom of Paris was, in the long
run, an act as salutary as it was logical.
The Company of the West Indies proceeded forthwith to
assume its land-granting powers in Canada by sending out to
New France In 1665, as its general agent, M. Le Barroys, who
was instructed to make such seigniorial concessions as he might
think advisable, and to see that the Company was promptly
paid its dues by the seigniorial concessionnalres. Le Barroys,
however, soon became so much engrossed in the trading
operations of the Company that he seems promptly to have
concluded that the duty of deciding upon applications for
seigniorial grants might more properly be laid upon the royal
intendant of the colony, who should, however, make the
grants in the Company's name. About a year after his
arrival at Quebec, therefore, he presented to the chief royal
officials in the colony a memorial In which he proposed that
the Company should be relieved of its responsibilities in
regard to the concession of seigniories, and that thenceforth
all such grants should be made by the intendant, who should
also determine the extent and conditions of such allotments.^
This proposal was favourably considered, and during the next
decade most of the seigniorial grants were made by the In
tendant alone. In a few cases, however, the Company Inter
posed to make concessions upon its own responsibility.
The office of intendant In New France was in 1666 held
by Jean Talon, who, as his despatches show, had very
ambitious plans for developing the agricultural resources of
the colony. Among other comprehensive schemes, he con
ceived the idea of settling the more vulnerable parts of the
colony with a military yeomanry, a plan suggested by the fact
1 Extract from the Memorial of M. Le Barroys to Messieurs de Tracy, de
Courcelle, and Talon concerning the Procedure to be followed in making
Grants of Seigniories in New France, August l8, 1666, printed below, pp.
20-21. C

xxxiv HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
that the king had In 1665 sent out to New France the
Carlgnan-Salieres regiment, a detachment comprising more
than a thousand rank and file. These troops were effectively
used for two years In impressing the Mohawks with the
punitive power of the French, and when their task was com
pleted would, in the ordinary course of affairs, have been
ordered home to France. In fact, a few companies had already
left the colony when Talon came forward with a proposal that
the rest of them should be disbanded In Canada, and that both
officers and men should be persuaded to become permanent
settlers in the New World. The enterprising intendant
suggested that the officers of the regiment should be allotted
generous tracts of land to be held as seigniories, and that each
officer should subgrant farms within his seigniory to such
non-commissioned officers and men as might be induced to
remain In Canada. With considerable pertinence Talon drew
attention to the old Roman practice of mustering out legions
upon the land§ of the border provinces, the prcedia militaria,
and suggested that " the practice of this politic and warlike
people might be judiciously followed in a land separated a
thousand leagues from its monarch," and likely to be forced
to depend very frequently upon Its own military resources for
defence against Its numerous enemies. The plan. Talon
proceeded to suggest, would make no permanent demands
upon the royal treasury ; for, after the initial expense of
placing the officers and soldiers upon the land had been
provided for, the whole body might be looked upon as self-
supporting. The colony would thus receive a welcome
addition to its defensive strength, and the cost would, in the
long run, be very much less than that which would be incurred
by maintaining permanently a force of regular troops in the
colony. The military settlers would, the intendant hoped,
prove In all respects as serviceable as regular troops, and even
more so ; for they might be counted upon to show a rare zeal
in the defence of what they would come to regard as their

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION xxxv
own special heritage. Talon's plan, furthermore, contem
plated that in future the titles of all lands granted in Canada,
whether to soldiers or to civilians, should expressly state the
military nature of the tenure under which they were to be
held, and that the recipients of grants should, in return for
exemption from the regular seigniorial dues, pledge them
selves to send their eldest sons, when these should reach the
age of sixteen years, to receive training in arms at one of
the colonial garrison-posts, this service to be given without
compensation.^ The suggestions of the Intendant were endorsed by Tracy
and Courcelle, his colleagues in office at Quebec, and were
then submitted to the king, who promptly gave his approval
and sent to Canada the funds needed to carry out the project.
It was arranged that generous sums should be distributed
among the officers to assist them in making a favourable start
as seigniorial lords in New France, and that each non-com
missioned officer and soldier should be assured of a year's
rations and the equivalent of a year's regular pay. These
terms proved acceptable on the whole, about twenty-five
officers, mainly captains and lieutenants, signifying their
willingness to remain In the colony. Concerning the non
commissioned officers and men who agreed to make Canada
their home it is not easy to give definite figures, but the
number probably lay between four and five hundred. The
addition to the colonial population was, therefore, substantial
and acceptable.
It was the design of the authorities so to locate this new
body of settlers that it might be of high service In conducing
to the defensive strength of the country. New France was
vulnerable to her English rivals at only two important points :
she could be attacked easily by way of the Lower St. Lawrence
1 Extract from the Draft of Regulations relating to the Administration of
Justice and the Distribution of Lands in Canada, submitted by M. Talon to
Messieurs de Tracy and de Courcelle, January 24, ibbj, printed below, pp. 22-26.

xxxvi HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
or by way of Lake Champlain and Richelieu River. For
defence against attacks directed by way of the former route,
the authorities had to trust, In the main, to the fortifications
of Quebec, which, though rude enough at this time, proved
sufficiently effective In 1690 against a strong English expedi
tion. The Richelieu country was, therefore, the colony's
most vulnerable point; for It was the portal through which
Its enemies naturally entered the land from the south. The
Mohawks had used It with results frequently disastrous to
the French ; and there seemed to be no reason why the
militiamen of New England would not use it in a similar
manner. That Talon displayed strategic sense and fore
sight In recognising the military Importance of the Richelieu
region is proved by the extensive use made of the Lake
Champlain route during the Anglo-French wars of the
eighteenth century, as well as during the Revolution and
the war of 18 12. To strengthen the colony at Its weakest
point, therefore, the Quebec authorities determined that
many of the Carignan settlers should be located along the
Richelieu River and along the St. Lawrence within easy
distance of the confluence of the two streams. Generous
tracts of land on both rivers were distributed as seigniories
among the officers, the rank and file proceeded to choose
their farms within these limits, and soon the region took on
the appearance of a permanent military cantonment.
When the officers had selected their lands and, with the
funds provided by the king, had begun to make progress in
the development of their seigniories, title-deeds were issued to
them in due form by the Intendant, each bearing date either
October 29 or November 3, 1672, though actual possession of
the land had In some cases been given three or four years
previously. From the deed of the seigniory of Saurel (Sorel),
granted to Captain Pierre de Saurel, one may obtain a general
idea of the purposes which the home authorities had in mind,
as well as of the powers and responsibilities assumed by the

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION xxxvii
military seigniors.^ "His Majesty," runs the patent, "having
at all times sought with care and the zeal suitable to his
just title of eldest son of the Church the means of extending
in the most distant countries, by the propagation of the Faith
and the diffusion of the Gospel, the glory of God and the
Christian name, first and principal object of the establishment
of the French colony in Canada, and, accessorily, of making
known unto the bounds of the earth most remote from the
intercourse of civilised men the greatness of his name and the
power of his arms, and having judged that there were no
surer means to this end than to compose this colony of people
qualified by their personal character properly to fill it up, to
extend it by their labour and application to agriculture, and
to maintain it by a vigorous defence against the insults and
attacks to which it might hereafter be exposed, has sent to
this country a number of his faithful subjects, officers of his
troops in the Regiment de Carignan and others, most of
whom, conforming to the great and pious designs of His
Majesty, are willing to connect themselves with the country,
by forming therein settlements and seigniories of an extent
proportionate to their means ; and whereas the Sieur de Saurel,
captain in the Carignan regiment, has petitioned us to grant
him a portion thereof," the deed proceeds to convey to him
the tract of land at the confluence of the St. Lawrence and the
Richelieu upon part of which now stands the town that bears
his name. By the terms of the grant, Saurel was put under
obligation to render fealty and homage at the Castle of St.
Louis at Quebec whenever the performance of such ceremony
should be in order, to permit his dependants to carry appeals
from the courts of the seigniory to the royal judges, to in
habit and to cultivate his tract and to see that his dependants
did likewise, and to perform such other seigniorial duties as
1 Title-deed of the Seigniory of Saurel, granted to Pierre de Saurel, officer
of the Carignan-Saliferes Regiment, October 29, 1672, printed below, pp.
34-36.

xxxviii HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
the terms of the Custom of Paris laid upon all holders of
seigniorial lands.
The settlement of the Carlgnans In New France gave a
considerable Impetus to the seigniorial system and to the
general agricultural development of the colony. Immigrants
from France now came in larger numbers, among them
numbers of women, whom the home authorities sent out to
New France at the Intendant's request, in order that the
Carignan settlers and others might not want for wives. The
colonial population, given as 3928 in the autumn of 1667,
had risen to 6282 before the close of the following year.
During the years 166 7- 1672 a large number of seigniories
were taken up, and It was In this period that the seigniorial
system took a firm grip upon the colony. Under the spur
of royal encouragement the country began, for the first time,
to assume an air of activity and prosperity, and the colonial
authorities ventured to couch their despatches In more hopeful
terms. Agricultural progress, however, though promising, was
not sufficiently rapid to satisfy the minister, who manifested
a disposition to discount the glowing reports of his colonial
representatives by calling frequently for detailed statements
showing just how much of the granted land was being actually
cleared and inhabited.^ The royal Instructions to the effect
that uncleared lands should be declared forfeited to the crown
were also reiterated ; ^ but the colonial authorities, realising
the difficulties under which the clearing of the land was being
accomplished, ^ usually contrived to avoid any rigorous en
forcement of these commands.
During the decade Intervening between 1666 and 1676
seigniorial grants had been made by the intendant alone, but in

' Memorandum [from the Minister] asking Talon for a Statement of Land
Grants made in Canada \i6()()\, printed below, p. 31.
" Arret of the Royal Council providing for the Retrenchment of Land Grants
in Canada, June 4, 1672, below, pp. 32-34.
' Despatch of Talon to the Minister, November 11, 1671, below, p. 32.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCITON xxxix
the latter year it was arranged that thenceforth they should be
made by the governor and intendant jointly.^ From this
time forth the title-deeds were usually signed by both officials;
but during the intendancy of Duchesneau, when the relations
between the two higher officers were badly strained, the in
tendant undertook the responsibility of Issuing the patents
upon his own initiative.^ For this and for his other failures
to obey the royal instructions, Duchesneau was soundly re
buked by the minister ; and a little later, when royal admoni
tions had not sufficed to bring about harmony between the
governor and intendant, both were recalled to France.
During the last quarter of the seventeenth century the
progress of colonial agriculture was, as we learn from the
reports of officials, hampered by various drawbacks. First
among the obstacles, as emphasised by Duchesneau, was the
superior attraction of the fur trade, which drew the men off
the land and lured them to the western wilderness. The
younger men of the colony succumbed to the fascination of
the forest life, and abandoning their lands and families betook
themselves by the score to the roving life of the coureur-de-
bois. In stemming this hegira the disciplinary weapons of
State and Church were alike Impotent ; and the fur traffic
continued throughout the whole period to absorb much of
the colony's Interest and enterprise.
A second obstacle to agricultural progress lay, as the in
tendant believed, in the shiftlessness and lack of consistent
industry which were too common among the members of that
class from which the colony had reason to look for inspiration
and Initiative. Many of the gentilshommes and seigniors pre
ferred, he said, to lead the lives of country gentlemen, fishing
and hunting, but contributing little or nothing to the perma
nent upbuilding of the colony. Taking no thought for the
1 Royal Arret empowering the Governor and Intendant jointly to make Land
Grants in Canada, May 20, \(y]b, printed below, pp. 41-42.
^ See below, pp. 47, 51.

xl HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
morrow, many of them were In such abject poverty that, in
Duchesneau's opinion, they formed an element of the popu
lation without which the colony might have got along very
well. Elevation to rank in the noblesse, he said, sometimes
spoiled the colonist, making him proud and indolent. Noel
Langlols, for example, had been a good carpenter until he
had accumulated enough to buy an undeveloped seigniory ;
whereupon he regarded himself as a gentllhomme, and was
too proud to work but not too proud to allow his farhlly to
suffer in poverty and become a public charge.^ In a word,
those who were the natural leaders of the colonial popu
lation were deficient In the prime qualities of economic
leadership. Not least among the difficulties which attended the de
velopment of the colony's agricultural resources was the con
stant danger from Indian raids. Throughout the seventeenth
century scarcely a seigniory in the colony was entirely free
from attack, for the treacherous bands penetrated at times
even to the immediate vicinity of Montreal and Three Rivers.
Labourers in all parts of the colony went armed to the fields,
and always worked In groups that they might not be taken
unawares. Some armed forces were maintained In the colony,
to be sure, and the authorities strove in every other way to
afford protection to the settlers ; but the task of defending
those engaged in agriculture against the Inroads of marauding
redskins was rendered extremely difficult by the disposition of
the settlers to scatter themselves, contrary to the royal wishes,
in cttes along the river bank instead of grouping their houses
into compact hamlets or villages. In the course of time the
whole northern shore of the St. Lawrence was dotted with the
white dwellings of the habitants, the colony taking on the
appearance of one long, straggling, village street. The
houses, separated as they often were at considerable intervals
1 Despatch of Duchesneau to the Minister concerning the Progress of Agri
culture, November lo, ibyg, printed below, pp. 49-53.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION xli
from one another, might be attacked and burned by the
Indians before aid from neighbours could be obtained.
This peculiar distribution of the colonial population was
' due mainly to the physical configuration of the colony. In
the earlier years of French colonisation the St. Lawrence was
the only highway of colonial intercourse ; hence those who
applied for seigniorial grants desired to have their lands border
on this stream. As the river frontage was not unlimited,
however, the authorities, in locating the seigniories, adopted
the oblong shape, giving the grantee a narrow frontage on the
river, with a generous depth inland almost invariably two or
three times as great as the frontage. The seigniors, in their
turn, adopted the same configuration in making subgrants to
their dependants, giving to each settler a plot of land with
perhaps from ten to twenty arpents In front and from forty
to eighty in depth. In time a road was built along the north
shore from Quebec to Montreal, passing through each seig
niory in turn and forming, as it were, the front door of the
whole colony.
By the time this system of distributing the lands was well
under way it was natural that nobody wanted a rear location,
but that every one, on the contrary, desired to be near his
neighbours on the common highway. Hence, when farms
were partitioned among heirs, each heir Insisted upon having
not only an equal area but an equal share in the river frontage.
The oblongs were thus divided and subdivided, but always In
the original shape, until the holdings became mere ribbons of
land with a frontage of a few linear arpents and a depth
sometimes of a mile or more. This process was accelerated,
moreover, by the operation of the French law of succession to
real property, according to which all the children, male and
female, took share and share alike in the inheritance of en
censive lands. Since large families were then as now the rule,
an equal division among all the children soon shredded even
a large estate Into small strips.

xlii HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
As early as 1672 this phase of colonial development
attracted the attention of the authorities, and Colbert asked
Governor Frontenac to suggest some means of arresting it,
not so much, however, because he feared the ultimately detri
mental effect of continued division upon agricultural progress
as because he saw that the system weakened the defensive
strength of the colony. Frontenac was apparently unable to
suggest a remedy ; but the intendant, Talon, undertook as an
experiment the grouping of some of the incoming settlers In
three new villages near Quebec. The colony, however, pro
ceeded to develop as before ; when the north shore of the
river had been pretty well settled, the south shore began
to get Its proper share of occupants, who located them
selves just as their neighbours had done. It was only after
the river front on both sides was all taken up that settlers
began to betake themselves to the lands back from the
St. Lawrence. Despite these various obstacles, the colony grew at a
moderate rate during the closing years of the seventeenth
century, its population In 1698 being slightly under fourteen
thousand. This population was comfortably housed in over
two thousand dwellings, and of the granted lands about thirty-
seven thousand arpents had been cleared and were either under
grain or in pasturage. During the year 1697 the colony pro
duced over two hundred thousand bushels of grain and main
tained more than ten thousand head of horned cattle. All
this was evidence of a progress which, if It did not entirely
fulfil the royal expectations, was, under the circumstances, not
wholly discouraging. Not a tithe of the seigniories had been
cleared, it Is true, and In very few were the seigniorial dues a
source of any substantial emolument to the seignior; but
seigniorial lands were beginning to have a market value, and
a spirit of land speculation was making its appearance. There
were signs, moreover, that In granting lands the seigniors
were showing a disposition to stipulate for dues to which they

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION xliii
were not entitled, and in other ways to adopt practices detri
mental to the best interests of the colony.
To some of the seigniorial practices which the colonial
authorities regarded as harmful the intendant Raudot called
attention In a series of complaints made to the minister during
the years 1707-1708.^ First of all he lamented that "a busi
ness spirit, which has always more of cunning and chicane
in it than of truth and righteousness," had begun to find its
way into the colony, where it was every day increasing Its
pernicious activities. One of the chief manifestations of this
business spirit, he said, was the apparent disposition of all
classes of the people to take advantage of legal technicalities,
and to become Involved In lawsuits with one another on every
possible occasion, a litigious propensity which the intendant
deplored because it " disturbed the peace and quietness of the
colony " and afforded the people too many opportunities to
neglect the proper cultivation of their lands. Pretexts for
litigation there were in plenty ; for, as Raudot pointed out,
the notaries, bailiffs, and other officials who drew contracts,
deeds, and other legal documents were for the most part men
of meagre education, quite unskilled in the practice of con
veyancing. Hence the records of dealings between the people
were usually faulty ; indeed, if one may trust the intendant's
opinion, it was very rarely that any transaction was carried
through In regular legal form. Rights acquired In good faith
were thus placed upon a precarious basis ; in fact, as Raudot
expressed it, there was " no property the possessor of which
might not be disturbed, no widow whose dower rights might
not be infringed, and no guardian against whom a lawsuit
might not be maintained with reference to the accounts of his
guardianship." The main cause of this chaotic condition of
affairs, the existence of which gave the authorities good ground
^Memoir of Jacques Raudot, Intendant, to M. de Pontchartrain, Minister
of Marine, on the Growth of Seigniorial Abuses in Canada, November 10, 1707,
printed below, pp. 70-80.

xliv HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
for misgivings, was to be found, as the intendant took care to
point out, not in any defective sense of common honesty, —
for business dealings were accomplished and recorded, he
thought, in entire good faith, — but in the general Ignorance
of the parties to transactions and their failure to observe the
legal rules. So lax, indeed, he said, was their observance of
the most elementary points of law that, were free rein given
to their litigious spirit, there would, he believed, soon be in
the colony more lawsuits than persons. It was for this reason
that. In settling questions concerning the rights of landholders,
the Intendant thought It well to deal with cases on their in
dividual merits and not In accordance with the strict rules of
jurisprudence. It seemed desirable, however, that the pretexts for litiga
tion should be diminished ; and to this end the intendant
proposed that the king should issue a decree validating the
land titles of all who could show five years' continuous
possession. Such a decree, he further suggested, would be
the more effective If His Majesty would instruct the royal
judges not to hear causes which might be brought before
them upon mere technicalities. " It is only thus. My Lord,"
he added, " that you can establish peace and quietness In
this country, which, without this just precaution, will always
be unhappy and unable to increase its population ; for men
ought to attend to the cultivation of their lands without
being dally obliged to leave them in order to make defence
against persecution." Since he assumed the intendancy,
Raudot went on to declare, there had been scarcely a day
when he had not been called upon to deal with cases which,
if a proper spirit of fairness had prevailed among neighbours,
would never have arisen.
In emphasising the litigious character of the population of
New France, Raudot drew attention to a point which several
other royal officials had not allowed to pass unnoticed,
which even Talon had commented upon a quarter-century

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION xlv
previously, and which in the closing years of the French
dominion seemed to have lost little of its strength, — namely,
the fact that the Norman colonist showed in all that con
cerned his own petty private interests an ardour which was
matched only by his rare indifference to all that affected
the welfare of the colony as a whole. Moreover, the hap
hazard fashion in which land boundaries were delimited, and
the indefinite nature of some of his seigniorial obligations,
afforded him plenty of pretexts for squabbling both with his
seignior and with his fellow habitants ; and the long winters
set his idle hands free for mischief. Furthermore, as Raudot
pointed out, the royal courts were so easy of access and the
fees exacted so small that the people resorted to law more
freely than they would have done In France, where justice
was dispensed less readily and less cheaply.
Passing from general to specific abuses, the intendant
called attention to the fact that many of the settlers had
on their arrival taken locations at once, without obtaining
from their seigniors any formal title-deeds. Some had made
oral arrangements with the seigniors ; others had accepted
simple memoranda, which stated the location of their farms
but said nothing about the dues and services payable to the
seigniors. " Hence," declared Raudot, " a great abuse has
arisen, which is that the habitants who have worked their
farms without safe titles have been subjected to heavy rents
and dues, the seigniors refusing to grant them regular deeds
except on such conditions ; and these conditions they find
themselves obliged to accept because otherwise they will have
their labour for nothing. One consequence of this is that
in almost all the seigniories the dues are different ; some
pay In one way, some in another, according to the different
demands of the seigniors by whom the grants have been
made." Neglect to deal fairly with settlers In the matter of grant
ing proper title-deeds was not, however, the only count In

xlvi HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
the Indictment which Raudot at this rime framed against the
seigniors of New France. Various other sharp practices were
apparently resorted to In order that the seigniorial emolu
ments might be increased. Thus, It had become the policy of
some seigniors, the intendant complained, to exact from their
dependants dues and services for which the Custom of Paris
afforded no warrant. As the average immigrant to New
France was about as well versed in the Code of Hammurabbi
as In the Custom of Paris, he was often persuaded to accept
terms from the seignior which the authorities properly re
garded as extortionate and calculated to deter settlers from
coming to the colony. Many of the seigniors, for example,
had taken occasion to insert in their land titles " a retrait
roturier, of which no mention was made In the Custom of
Paris," and which permitted the seignior, when a habitant sold
his farm, to step in and take it over to himself at the sale
price, — a proceeding which, the Intendant declared, had served
to shackle land transfers. Again, It was customary for many
seigniors to stipulate that the annual rentes due by the habi
tants should be paid either in cash , or in produce at the
option of the seignior, who when prices were low called for
money payments, but when prices were high insisted upon
receiving his dues In produce. This practice, Raudot de
clared, was attended with great hardship to the habitants,
particularly when the seigniors demanded their payments in
money at short notice. It was true, Indeed, that the annual
rentes amounted to but a few llvres ; but money was so
scarce In the colony that the habitants frequently found even
small sums difficult to obtain.
Still another seigniorial practice against which the in
tendant lodged a vigorous protest was the custom of stipu
lating. In title-deeds granted to settlers, that the latter should
bake all their bread In the seignior's oven {four banal), pay
ing, of course, a fixed toll for the privilege. The obligation
of bake-oven banality was, he admitted, very commonly im-

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION xlvii
posed in France ; but the absurdity of any attempt to demand
and enforce It in a struggling colony, where dwellings were
situated often several miles distant from the manor-house,
scarcely needed emphasis. It was the intendant's opinion,
indeed, that the seigniors of New France had no intention
of enforcing the obligation, but that they stipulated for it
in the deeds merely in order that they might, at some future
time, use it as a pretext for an additional money payment in
commutation of the seignior's rights.
In conclusion, Raudot suggested that the king should
issue a general edict designed to secure the elimination of
the various abuses mentioned in the despatch. This decree,
it was urged, should fix definitely the amount of cens et rentes
which each dependant should annually pay to his seignior, and
should provide that this payment be fixed uniformly through
out all the seigniories of the colony. The rate suggested
was " one sou and one fowl for every lineal arpent of front
age," or, if the habitant chose to pay entirely in money,
twenty sous annually per arpent frontage ; but the option
in this matter ought, in Raudot's opinion, to rest with the
habitant and not with the seignior. He requested, further
more, that the decree should suppress entirely the right of
retrait roturier, or seigniorial pre-emption ; that it should for
bid seigniors to stipulate for the exaction of the oven right ;
that It should restrict their fishing right {droit de peche) to
the privilege of exacting one fish in every ten caught by the
habitant ; and that it should deprive those who did not pro
ceed with the erection of grist-mills by the expiration of a
year from the date of the proposed decree of their right to
exact the obligation of mill banality. With reference to the
last-named right, the intendant took occasion to point out
that some twenty years previously a decree had been issued
making precisely the provision now suggested.^ When this
^ Royal Arret concerning Seigniorial Mills, June 4, 1686, printed below,
pp. 61-62.

xlviii HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
decree reached Quebec, however, it had been promptly
pigeon-holed by the attorney-general and his colleagues of
the Superior Council, because they thought It detrimental to
their own Interests as seigniors to allow the provisions of
the edict to become generally known. " It is thus," the
despatch significantly adds, " that the king is obeyed in
this colony, where, I can assure you, the interests alike of
the king and of the general public would be entirely sacri
ficed to the designs of private individuals If they were not
constantly guarded."
Raudot's lengthy despatch sheds more light upon the
workings of the seigniorial system In the early years of the
eighteenth century than can be secured from any other con
temporary source, with the exception of Catalogue's elaborate
report of a few years later. Its zealous author was one of
the ablest and most public-spirited of the various intendants
whom the king sent out to New France to exercise super
vision over the "justice, police, and finance" of the colony;
and his observations concerning the progress of the seigniorial
system are, therefore, worthy of careful attention. Himself
a man of the people, he naturally, perhaps, leaned somewhat
to the side of the habitant ; and there are some reasons for
thinking that his general accusations of seigniorial avarice
were not wholly warranted by contemporary conditions. His
conjectures concerning the ultimate purposes of those seigniors
who stipulated for the obligation of oven banality were shown
by later developments to have been entirely without basis ;
and his generalisation, based upon a single Instance, that the
members of the Superior Council evaded the royal commands
whenever their private interests so dictated, was not only
gratuitous but unfair. With the Instincts of repression that
were so abundantly characteristic of officialdom under the
old regime, Raudot deplored the appearance in the colony
of a " business spirit," and lamented the tendency of the
people to depart from that " simplicity which prevailed here

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION xlix
formerly " ; whereas it was rather the misfortune of New
France that from first to last she possessed too little of the
business spirit, too little of the spirit of Initiative, spontaneity,
and enterprise which characterised the people of the New
England colonies. In thorough consonance with the in
tendant's martinet methods was his well-intentioned proposal
that all seigniorial dues in the colony should be reduced
to the same level, with no allowance for differences in the
location or the quality of lands. The hand of authority,
already thrust almost everywhere into the private relations
of the people, should now venture to determine the monetary
considerations of contracts to the fraction of a sou ! Perhaps
it would be well for those who desire to pass fair judg
ment upon Canadian seigniorialism in the opening decade of
the eighteenth century not to accept Raudot's rehearsal of
seigniorial abuses without reasonable reservations.
The intendant's complaints received due attention in
Paris. In the following spring the minister of marine, M.
de Pontchartrain, made reply that he had been much pained
to see the irregularities with which everything had hitherto
been done in the colony, and that he fully recognised the
evils which would result If the disorganised state of affairs
were permitted to continue, but that, since the decree asked
for by the intendant would be so radical In Its provisions,
he deemed it the part of wisdom to proceed slowly. He
therefore asked the intendant for more information, and
requested him to send a memorandum setting forth more
definitely the precise regulations which ought to be inserted
in the proposed arr6t. Some of the alleged abuses, the
minister suggested, might be remedied by the enforcement
of decrees already issued; the decree of 1686, for example,
had covered the whole matter of seigniorial banalities.^
^ Despatch of M. de Pontchartrain, Minister of Marine, to Jacques Raudot,
Intendant, concerning Seigniorial Abuses and the Administration of Justice in
Canada, June 13, 170%, printed below, pp. 80-81. d

1 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
Meantime Pontchartrain transmitted Raudot's letter to
two eminent Parisian lawyers, Messrs. Deshaguais and Dagues-
seau, with a request that they join in drafting a decree which
would be effective in the directions pointed out by Raudot,
and which would, among other things, "fix the dues and
rents of seigniors as well for the past as for the future." ^
This action of the minister gives evidence that matters affect
ing the development of the seigniorial system In New France
were not dealt with in any hasty or ill-considered fashion, and
that In framing regulations for promulgation in the colony the
best legal talent in France was sometimes called Into service.
This point deserves more than a passing remark, for historians
have been too ready to regard the colonial decrees of Louis
XIV. as the crude expressions of monarchical caprice. If,
however, many of these decrees, perhaps most of them, did
not bear the marks of that omniscience which Bourbon pater
nalism assumed to possess. It was not because either the king
or his ministers treated the administration of colonial affairs
lightly or without painstaking care.
In the autumn of 1708 the minister received from Raudot
the information and memorandum asked for some months
earlier. These were sent together ; but one of the documents,
which evidently contained a statement showing the wide
variations In seigniorial exactions throughout the colony, is
not now to be found among the papers in the Ministry of
Colonies at Paris, and there Is nothing from which we may
draw any information concerning Its contents other than the
knowledge that it was at the time regarded as proving the
Intendant's allegation of great diversity in the dues exacted
from habitants in different parts of New France. In the other
paper Raudot reiterated the complaints which he had made
' Memoranda of M. de Pontchartrain, Minister of Marine, to Messieurs
Deshaguais and Daguesseau, concerning the Royal Edict or Declaration de
sired by Raudot for the Reform of Seigniorial Abuses, July 10, lyoZ, printed
below, pp. 82-83.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION U
the preceding year, and gave some additional details.^ He
laid emphasis again upon the fact that many settlers in the
colony had no protection from their seigniors in the way of
written deeds setting forth the limits of their obligations, and
added that some who had received regular deeds had lost them
and now desired to be relieved of the logical outcome of their
own carelessness. To make matters worse, he said, the Indian
wars had caused many of the habitants to abandon their lands
temporarily, and these were now estopped from claiming the
prescriptive rights ordinarily arising from continuous posses
sion. It was therefore very desirable, the intendant thought,
that possession of lands for a short term — say of five years —
should be deemed a conclusive proof of ownership In all cases
in which the holder had no proper legal document as evidence
of his title.
With reference to his former suggestion that all seigniorial
dues should be reduced to the same plane, Raudot called
attention to the marked increase which had taken place in
these dues during recent years, as compared with the rates
current " in Innocent times when people did not so much
seek their own advantages." Since settlers who came to
New France in the first decade of the eighteenth century had
to pay much higher rates for locations than were exacted from
those who were fortunate enough to arrive in earlier years,
he thought it highly desirable, in the interest of Incentives to
immigration, that the royal authority should be invoked to
put the general level of seigniorial dues back upon the old
plane. It is greatly to be regretted that the statement of
existing rates transmitted by Raudot along with this despatch
has not been preserved, for the data which it presumably
contained are not to be had from any other reliable source.
That there had been a substantial rise In the rate of seigniorial
^ Despatch of Jacques Raudot, Intendant, to M. de Pontchartrain, Minister
of Marine, containing a further Discussion of Seigniorial Abuses, October i8,
I"] oZ, printed below, pp. 85-87.

Iii HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
dues during the latter part of the seventeenth century Is of
course extremely probable, not alone in view of the intendant s
positive assertion, but because, as more land was taken up, choice
locations became more scarce and commanded better terms.
In a further discussion of the seigniorial oven right,
Raudot called the minister's attention to the fact that the
arr^t of 1686 had dealt with the quesrion of seigniorial mill
rights only and had no proper application to the matter of
oven banality. Indeed, It would be highly unwise, he thought,
to deal with these two rights in the same fashion. The
seigniorial mill, he claimed, was " always to the advantage of
the habitants, who do not possess the means of erecting these
mills themselves " ; but the seigniorial oven could never be of
any service to the people, for no matter where it might happen
to be erected, it would be too far away from the dwellings of
most of the settlers in the seigniory. To compel the habitants
to use it would, therefore, be to make baking inconvenient for
them at all seasons, and fairly impossible during the long
winters, " as their dough would be frozen before it would
reach the place where the oven was situated." What Raudot
desired was that the seigniors should be forced to build mills
whether they found It profitable to do so or not, but that they
should be forbidden to erect ovens under any circumstances, —
an attitude on the part of the intendant that deserves com
ment as disclosing the utilitarian basis upon which. In the
opinion of the colonial authorities, the seigniorial prerogatives
were deemed to rest. To Raudot the fundamental question
was not whether certain seigniorial rights had or had not a
legal basis ; as a matter of fact, indeed, the seignior had just as
ample legal authority for the exaction of oven tolls as for that
of grist tolls. The question was simply whether this or that
seigniorial exaction was or was not repugnant to the best
Interests of the colony In general. The Canadian seignior of
the old regime was not regarded as possessing, In his seigniorial
prerogatives, any right of property which might not be Impaired

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION liii
without due compensation; it was not until after the British con
quest that his privileges came to be looked upon as vested rights.
Differences between the seigniors and their dependants as
to the nature and extent of seigniorial privileges were not,
however, the only contentions which characterised the pro
gress of seigniorialism during these years. The broad contest
between the governor and the bishop in New France, the
interminable dissensions between the higher civil and ecclesi
astical authorities, all reflected themselves in frequent dis
agreements between the cur6s and the seigniors. In the main,
however, the relations between these two local magnates were
close and friendly, the curd often making his home at the
manor-house, which thus became the centre of the religious
as well as of the social activities of the seigniory. The church
of the parish or seigniory — for the bounds of the two were
usually the same — also played its r61e in the general seigniorial
drama ; for here it was that, at the close of the mass, all
important secular announcements affecting the habitants were
made. At Its door the seignior was accustomed, each autumn,
to call formally upon his ^dependants to remember the ap
proaching festival of St. Martin, when their annual rents
would be due and payable ; and in the same place the local
captain of the militia posted copies of the royal ordinances
and edicts when these arrived from the hands of the intendant
at Quebec. Within the church, furthermore, the seignior
was, by ancient custom, entitled to various honorary privileges
which were not accorded to ordinary laymen, and these he
frequently insisted upon with an exactness which engendered
friction between himself and the local curd. It was to put
an end to such unseemly local broils that the colonial autho
rities in 1709 issued an ordinance which undertook to regu
late, even in the minutest details, the precise honours to which
a seignior was entitled in the seigniorial church.^ For his use
> Ordinance defining the Honours to be accorded to Seigniors in Seigniorial
Churches, July 8, 17 og, printed below, pp. 88-90.

hv HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
and occupancy a fixed pew, of the same length as the other
pews and not more than double the depth, was to be built
on the right side of the main entrance to the church four feet
from the altar railing. In all the religious processions the
seignior was to take precedence Immediately after the cur6,
and at all the special services his rank was to receive due
recognition. One after another his various honours were
enumerated with unusual expllcitness, In order that no future
misunderstandings should arise.
But to return to the complaints of Raudot. It will be
remembered that Pontchartrain, while awaiting further In
formation from Quebec, had commissioned two Parisian
jurists to draw up " at their leisure " the edict which Raudot
had requested. This draft, however, was not promptly forth
coming ; in fact, the only copy of It which has come down
to us bears the date of May, 17 17, and contains Intrinsic
evidence that It was not prepared until after 1 7 1 1 at least.^
It is possible that an earlier draft, not extant, was presented
to the minister ; but If so It never received the approval of
the authorities. Or It may be that either Pontchartrain or
the king regarded Raudot's programme as too radical. At
all events, the authorities proceeded to remedy the main
evils according to their own methods. In the opinion of
His Majesty, the fundamental cause of seigniorial abuses was
the " business spirit " of which Raudot had complained, — ¦
in other words, the practice of holding seigniorial lands for
a speculative rise in value. Having become possessed by
free royal grant of extensive tracts, fertile and well located,
too many of the seigniors spent their energies in haggling
with every new settler as to the amount of bonus {prix
d''entrk') which the latter should pay for a farm. This
practice the royal authorities regarded as highly detrimental
^ Draft of an Arret prepared by Messieurs Deshaguais and Daguesseau
for annulling all Title-deeds containing Conditions contrary to the Custom of
Paris, May, 17 x"] , printed below, pp. 157-160.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION Iv
to the best interests of the colony, for they expected the
seigniors to offer inducements to settlers instead of putting
obstacles in their way. By the issue of the famous Arrets
of Marly, therefore, the home government sought to dictate
a change in the attitude of colonial seigniors.^
The preamble of the first of the two arrets states the
royal view of the situation very succinctly. " The king hav
ing been informed," it runs, "that among the tracts of land
which His Majesty has been pleased to grant and to concede
en seigneurie to his subjects in New France, there are some
which have not been entirely settled, and others upon which
there are as yet no settlers to bring them into a state of
cultivation, and upon which also those to whom they have
been conceded in seigniory have not yet begun to make clear
ings for the purpose of establishing their domain thereon ;
and His Majesty being also informed that there are some
seigniors who refuse, under various pretexts, to concede lands
to settlers who apply to them, preferring rather the hope of
selling them and at the same time obtaining the customary
dues, all of which Is entirely contrary to His Majesty's inten
tions, and to the clauses and conditions of the seigniorial
title-deeds by which they are permitted to grant lands only
at an annual ground rent, the whole practice being very
unfair to incoming settlers who thus find land less open to
free settlement In locations best adapted for trade," — in view
of all this, it is therefore enacted that, "within the space
of one year from the date upon which the present decree
shall be published, the Inhabitants of New France, to whom
His Majesty has granted lands in seigniory and who have
no territories cleared and no settlers on their seigniories,
shall be held to place settlers thereon, in default of which
the said lands shall be re-annexed to His Majesty's domain."
It was furthermore ordered that seigniors should " concede
to settlers the lots of land " which the latter might " demand
' The Arrets of Marly, July 6, 1711, printed below, pp. 91-94.

Ivi HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
of them in their seigniories, at a ground rent, and without
exacting any bonus as a consideration for such concessions."
In default of such action on the part of the seignior, the edict
permitted settlers to apply to the royal authorities at Quebec,
who were empowered to make the desired grant directly, the
dues in such case to go to the royal treasury and not to the
avaricious seignior.
By the terms of this arrdt the position of the Canadian
seignior with respect to his ungranted lands was completely
changed. Down to 171 1 he had been legally free to allot
or to hold his lands, as he chose ; he now became. In the eyes
of the law, little more than a land-granting agent of the
crown, a trustee holding lands for Incoming settlers and
required to grant them at customary rates of dues and
services. In the language of the jurist, he lost his dominium
plenum In the lands and became a fideicommis of his sovereign.
The provisions of the arr^t thus differentiated the seigniorial
system in Canada from its prototype at home, for in France
a seignior was under no legal obligation to sublnfeudate his
fief; on the contrary, the Custom of Paris allowed sub
infeudation only to the extent of two-thirds of the area of
a seigniory, and even this it permitted only under certain
restrictions. In regard to New France, however, the action
of the royal authorities was dictated by their desire to adapt
the seigniorial system to the needs of a new colony into
which settlers came at best so slowly that it behooved the
king to see that no unnecessary hindrances were placed in
their path. The first arrdt of Marly is, therefore, of high
Importance in the history of Canadian feudalism, for it forms
the basis of the jeu de fief, an incident peculiar to the system
as it developed In the colony but never characteristic of
seigniorialism at home.
The second Arret of Marly, which bears the same date
as the first, testifies to His Majesty's conviction that the
seigniors of Canada were not the only ones to blame for the

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION Ivii
tardiness of colonial development, but that the people as a
whole had failed to put forth their best efforts. "The king
being informed," runs the preamble of this edict, " that there
are lands conceded to the habitants of New France which are
neither settled nor cleared, but on which the habitants content
themselves with cutting down some trees," thinking by this
means to secure themselves a right of property, His Majesty
could not but look upon this attitude as highly prejudicial
to the best Interests of the colony, in that it prevented more
industrious settlers from securing the lands and bringing them
under cultivation. It was His Majesty's desire, as the decree
expressly stated, that no habitant should be permitted to hold
lands which he did not clear and develop ; hence it was
ordered that unimproved lands should, on the expiration of
a year, be taken away from the grantees and reunited to the
seigniorial domain. This forfeiture was to be decreed by the
intendant upon the production of certificates signed by the
local curd and the captain of the militia.
The two Arrets of Marly supplement each other, the one
being designed to protect the interests of the crown against
apathy on the part of the seigniors, the other to stir up those
habitants who were not disposed to help the seignior In fulfil
ling his responsibilities. In a word, the seigniors were now
forced by law to show some zeal in getting settlers for their
lands, and were at the same time provided with a means of
spurring these settlers to activity. Indeed, if the provisions
of the two decrees had been enforced to the letter, the shores
of the St. Lawrence would have undergone a remarkable
transformation in the course of a single twelvemonth, or else
half the landholders of the colony would have lost their pro
perties. As a matter of fact, however, the provisions of the
first arret were treated with almost entire disregard. Cata
logue's elaborate report of a year later shows that many
seigniories had very few settlers, others none at all ; and
yet, with a single exception, not one of these was declared

Iviii HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
forfeited in accordance with the terms of the decree. The
seigniors apparently continued to exact from newcomers sums
which were quite in excess of the customary rates, but which
they found applicants quite willing to pay. Occasionally, to
be sure, settlers refused the proffered terms and appealed to
the intendant for grants, as the decree permitted them to
do ; but such procedure was extremely uncommon. With
respect to the provisions of the second arret the case was
somewhat different, for here the initiative in the matter of
enforcement was given to the seigniors and not to the autho
rities. When settlers showed tardiness in clearing their farms,
the threat of forfeiture was effectively used, and was some
times carried Into action. During the twenty years following
1 7 1 1 , over two hundred farms were re-annexed to seigniorial
territories by decrees of the Intendant, the seigniors in each
case presenting the necessary evidence that the lands had not
been promptly cleared and cultivated.
Still, It would be hardly fair to assert that the first arrgt
accomplished nothing. Although the colonial authorities did
not enforce its provisions to the extent of revoking seigniorial
grants which should properly have been forfeited, it is un
questionable that many seigniors bestirred themselves to action
lest the machinery of coercion should be set In motion. At
any rate, the area of cleared lands nearly doubled during the
decade following 17 ii, despite the fact that the number of
new settlers during this period was not large.
At this point one may properly take a general view of the
seigniorial system In Canada ; for by the close of the first
decade of the eighteenth century It was entering upon Its
more mature stage. It Is, moreover, in this era that one
encounters, in the report of a French engineer, Gdddon de
Catalogue, the only trustworthy and comprehensive descrip
tion of the seigniories which the whole mass of documentary
data relating to New France seems to Include ; for not till
after the conquest was any similar description of all the

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION lix
seigniories again undertaken. At the request of the inten
dant. Catalogue prepared, and in 1 7 1 2 presented, an elaborate
report on the location, ownership, development, and resources
of all the seigniorial holdings In Canada, a work for which
he equipped himself by visiting every seigniory in the colony
and thus gaining his information at first hand. This report,
which was accompanied by three accurate maps of the seigniorial
lands in the districts of Montreal, Three Rivers, and Quebec,
was designed to give the home authorities "as thorough a
knowledge of Canada as was possessed by those who had lived
in the colony for many years." ^
It may well be doubted whether any one save Catalogue
had at any stage of the French rdgime a personal knowledge
of conditions In every seigniory of the colony ; indeed. It is
extremely unlikely that any other official had ever even visited
them all. When one remembers, therefore, that Catalogue's
report is the work of a trained engineer who wrote from
personal Inspection, and whose capability of careful observa
tion is amply evidenced in his other writings, the value of
the document becomes obvious. At the same time, the report
has its Inherent failings. It Is mainly topographical ; It deals
with the resources of the various seigniories in terms which
are for the most part too general to be of high service ; and
it gives us scarcely a word with reference to the actual work
ing of the relations between the seigniors and their depen
dants. Much of its value arises from the simple fact that,
while the information contained Is elementary enough. It is
such as cannot be obtained from any other trustworthy source.
Such as it Is, moreover, it seems to be unusually accurate ; for
a very careful comparison of the paper with data drawn from
a variety of other sources has failed to disclose more than a
few minor errors. Catalogue's style of writing, it is true,
* Report on the Seigniories and Settlements in the Districts of Quebec,
Three Rivers, and Montreal, by G6d6on de Catalogue, Engineer, November
7, ly 12, printed below, pp. 94-151.

Ix HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
leaves something to be desired ; but, on the other hand, the
subject-matter of the report afforded little scope for the
exercise of literary qualities. With all due allowances, the
document is of high value to those who desire to obtain an
accurate idea of the progress which the colony had made
during the first century of its colonisation by the French.
Beginning at the western end of the colony, at the con
fluence of the St. Lawrence with the Ottawa, the report takes
the reader eastward to the Gulf, passing through some ninety
seigniorial properties in all, which are described with a degree
of fullness varying with the importance of the seigniories.
In each case the report sets forth the location and extent of
the tract ; the nature of its soil and its adaptability to pro
ducts of various sorts ; the existence or the absence of natural
resources in the way of mineral deposits, standing timber, or
building materials ; the facilities for the development of fish
ing industries ; the name and rank of the seignior, and the
way in which he had come into possession of the lands ; the
extent to which the lands had been cleared and settled ; the
provisions made in each seigniory for religious services ; and
various other incidental data. Much of this information the
authorities at Quebec had already on file in the form of aveux
et dinombrements made by the various seigniors ; but, as much
of it was not thus available, the work of Catalogue served
not alone to verify the files which were already at hand, but
to supplement them at many points.
The Island of Montreal, now the Canadian metropolis
but at this time the patrimony of the Seminary of St. Sulpice
at Paris, was the first seigniory to engage the engineer's atten
tion. This most important seigniorial property contained In
its six parishes a population well in excess of 2000, and was
even at this time reckoned among the most valuable seig
niories of New France. Having brought the island from a
sheer wilderness to a prosperous town of 5000, the Paris
seminary handed it over, in 1764, to its protege the Seminary

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION Ixi
of St. Sulpice at Montreal, by which a considerable portion
of it continues to be held at the present day ; for the
lands of the seminary were excepted from the compulsory
provisions of the Seigniorial-Tenures Abolition Act of 1854.
A large part of the original seigniory has been sold at various
times, and is now held in free and common socage by private
owners ; but the seminary itself still ranks as one of the largest
landowners in the province of Quebec. The neighbouring
smaller Isle Jesus belonged to the Quebec seminary ; but it
had been so ruthlessly swept by Iroquois raids that it had now
very few settlers, and was used mainly for the pasturage of
cattle owned by the seminary. Just to the northwest lay the
seigniory of Mille Isles, comprising the little archipelago of
islets first granted to Captain SIdrac Dugud of the Rdgiment
de Carignan-Salldres. Dugud, however, with the charac
teristic Improvidence of a soldier, had allowed the seigniory
to slip from his hands Into those of his creditors, and the
property was at this time in the possession of Nicholas Duprd,
a Montreal trader and money-lender. On the north shore of
the St. Lawrence, just below these islands, were the seigniories
of Lachenaie and Repentlgny or L'Assomptlon, both of them
originally the property of Le Gardeur de Repentlgny. Here,
on a snowy November day in 1689, the redskins had left
their trail of blood and pillage ; and here also. In 169 1, the
Chevalier de Vandreuil had taken effectual revenge by annihi
lating a band of forty Iroquois who had permitted themselves
to fall into the Frenchman's well-laid trap.
Passing along the north shore of the river, the engineer
described the spacious seigniory of St. Sulpice (also the
patrimony of the Seminary at Montreal), and, off shore, the
seigniory of Isles Bouchard, owned jointly by Captain Joseph
Desjordy and the heirs of Jarret de Vercheres. The marshy
character of these islands, he said, had rendered them unattrac
tive to settlers ; but when placed under the plough the soil
brought forth harvests abundantly. Flanking the seigniory

Ixii HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
of St. Sulpice lay the fief of La Valterie, named from the
deceased Margane de la Valterie, in his lifetime a lieutenant
of the Carlgnans. With a soil only " ordinarily good," and
the misfortune of having had Its earlier settlers decimated by
the savages, this seigniory had managed to hold its own in the
matter of development. The adjacent fiefs of Lanoraie and
Derridre Dautrd were held mainly by Jean-Baptiste Neveu, a
Quebec merchant, who had given them little of his attention.
Lanoraie contained but few settlers, not so much because Its
soil was poor as " because the mills were situated at long
distances from the residences of the curd and the seignior."
Derrldre Dautrd was without inhabitants, the Mohawks
having laid it waste after massacring both the original seignior
and his dependants. Passing by the adjoining fief of Dautrd,
originally one of the various properties of Jean Bourdon, first
surveyor-general of New France, but now in the hands of
Chorel de St. Romain, Catalogue reached the Important
military seigniory of Berthler-en-Haut, given originally to
Lieutenant Randin of the Carignan regiment, but shortly
afterwards transferred to Alexandre Berthler. In 17 12 it
was held by the Sieur de RIgauvIlle, who had married
Berthler's widow. With its augmentations It formed one
of the most extensive of the seigniories, besides being excel
lently situated and possessing a fertile soil. In this seigniory,
which marked the eastern limit of the district of Montreal
on the north side of the river, substantial progress had been
made, a large part of the lands having been parcelled out to
settlers. Proceeding along the south shore from Montreal east
ward, Catalogne mentions first the fief of Isle Perrot, so called
from the name of its original owner, a former governor of
Montreal, but now in the hands of one Trottier, who was
alike seignior and sole inhabitant of the Island. On the
mainland the fief of Ch^teauguay, once the property of the
Lemoynes, gave new proof of Iroquois devastation. Hunting

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION Ixiii
the beaver and luring the salmon engaged the energies of its
few inhabitants, few of whom showed any partiality for the
steady toils of yeomanry. The adjoining tract, known as the
Mission of Sault St. Louis, was held in mortmain by the
Jesuits, who kept it as a reservation for the Christianised
Indians under their care, a use to which It has been conse
crated ever since. In Catalogue's time, as at all other stages
of redskin economy, the lands of the Mission were cultivated
by the squaws, the braves preferring to occupy themselves
" in hunting, fishing, and war." With this location as a base,
however, both French and Indians carried on a considerable
clandestine commerce with Albany. Alongside the Mission
lay two more Jesuit fiefs. La Prairie and St. Lambert, both of
which, like all the other estates belonging to this order, were
being steadily cleared and Improved.
Largest In point of area, however, and most valuable
among the south-shore seigniories in the district of Mon
treal, was the fief of Longueull, now ranking as a barony.
It was first settled by Charles Lemoyne, the son of a Dieppe
innkeeper, and one of the earliest immigrants to the colony.
At his death it passed to his eldest son, also Charles Lemoyne,
who In 1 700 was made first Baron de Longueull by a patent
setting forth in grateful terms the signal services which the
seignior and his nine adventurous brothers had rendered their
sovereign alike in peace and in war. The barony of Longueull
was at this time wearing an air of progress and prosperity.
It had numerous inhabitants, who found the life of the
yeoman made easy by the considerable sums which the baron
had spent in draining and Improving the lands for cultiva
tion ; and even at this stage in its development it was well
provided with mills and churches, not to speak of the pre
tentious baronial chateau flanked by its four towers of solid
masonry, which reminded the newcomer of the embattled
castles of old Normandy. Here the seigniorial system was
working out so logically in all its various phases that the

Ixiv HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
authorities never failed to point to Longueull as giving sub
stantial evidence of the steady march taken by New France
along the path to power and opulence.
Eastward of Longueull lay Tremblay, once the fief of
Rend Gaul tier de Varennes, but now the estate of his heirs.
With the Isles Lamoureux, which were comprised within
the tract, the fief maintained a fair quota of Inhabitants, many
of whom were now in a position to enjoy the fruits of
their earlier industry. Varennes, Boucherville, Isle Ste.
Thdrdse, La Trinitd, and Grandmalson, all seigniories of
interest and Importance, came In for their share of Cata
logue's attention as he passed on to the well-known fief of
Verchdres, which, when the Carlgnans disbanded, had become
the heritage of Franfois Jarret de Vercheres, one of the
regiment's vigorous younger officers. Here again there were
evidences of Iroquois maraudings, disastrous in the main,
although on one notable occasion the seignior's young
daughter had rallied the few available settlers and sent the
redskins skulking back to the forests. The fiefs of Chicou-
anne (or Bellevue) and Boisseau (or Boisseliere) occupied the
extensive range of shore between Verchdres and Contrecoeur,
but had no Inhabitants except their respective seigniorial
proprietors. Antoine Pdcody de Contrecoeur, captain in the
Carignan -Salidres, was the first seignior of Boisseau; but
the estate was now in the hands of his son and his son-
in-law. Thus were the Carignan veterans making way for
the first generation of their descendants. The adjoining fief
of St. Ours was still held by one of the few remaining
Carignan officers, Captain Quinson de St. Ours, on whom
His Majesty had bestowed the bounty of an annual pension.
St. Ours had not been a successful seignior. His seigniory
had not held Its place In the line of progress ; for, according
to the report, his dependants spent more time In squabbling
among themselves than In making the land yield Its increase.
Somewhat farther along the south shore, at a point where

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION Ixv
the Richelieu drains the waters of Lake Champlain into the
St. Lawrence, lay the extensive and historic fief of Sorel,
originally chosen by the Carignan captain, Pierre de Saurel,
as his share of the lands which the king had authorised the
intendant to distribute among the officers of the regiment
some forty years previously. Saurel had died without direct
heirs, and his decease had been followed by prolonged litiga
tion over the ownership of the seigniory ; indeed, the out
come had not been reached when Catalogne visited the tract
on his tour of investigation in 1 7 1 1 . For purposes of
trade the location of the fief was one of the best in the
colony ; but its situation upon the main highway of com
munication with the south laid It open to Iroquois attack.
In spite of its large area, therefore, and its fertile soil, the
seigniory of Sorel was at this time sparsely settled ; but later,
when the place was more strongly fortified and garrisoned, it
speedily augmented its population, and before the close of
the old rdgime it was one of the distinctly urban communities
of the colony. Near by, in the St. Lawrence, was Isle Dupas,
owned by the labourer, Jacques Brisset ; and in the rear of
Sorel, extending along the Richelieu, stretched the seigniory
of Chambly, likewise one of the Carignan fiefs. Captain
Philippe de Chambly had been its original owner ; but he
soon grew tired of the colonial environment and betook him
self home to Europe, where he remained until his death.
Thereupon the seigniory passed, through rather romantic
channels, into the hands of young Fran9oIs Hertel, who
became the progenitor of the notable family of Hertel
de Chambly. As the fief lay in the centre of the danger
zone. It possessed a stone fort, in which a small garrison
was maintained ; but, despite the protection thus afforded,
the number of inhabitants was small, for, as Catalogne re
marked, the seignior had been very remiss in his attentions
to the property. The Hertels, like many others of the
colonial noblesse, found a congenial vocation in raiding the
e

Ixvi HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
border hamlets of New England, and were not easily moved
to any zeal in beating their spears into ploughshares. To
their success in errands of massacre and pillage the annals
of Deerfield, Haverhill, and other colonial hamlets of Massa
chusetts bear harrowing testimony. How New England
hated them let her records attest ; for some of the reddest
bloodstreaks In the pages of Puritan history mark the path
of these Canadian Hertels.
Concluding his outline of the seigniories comprised within
the district of Montreal, Catalogne passes to a brief descrip
tion of the fiefs In the district of Three Rivers, which ex
tended on the north side of the river from Berthier-en-Haut
to Ste. Anne des Grondlnes, and on the south shore from
St. Jean-Deschaillons eastward to Yamaska. Several of the
seigniorial properties In this district were of small import
ance, supporting but few inhabitants and remaining almost
wholly unforested. Maskinongd and Riviere du Loup were
held by merchants of Three Rivers, the intervening little fief
of St. Jean standing in the name of the Ursullnes, who as
yet had given it none of their attention. Petit Yamachiche
belonged to the widow of Boucher de Grand Prd, and the
neighbouring fief of Grand Yamachiche to the brothers Le
Sieur. An unnamed seigniory adjoining had been granted
to the younger Boucher de Boucherville, by whom it was still
held, though his forty years of tenure had not shamed him
to the clearing of a single arpent. Still farther eastward and
approaching the site of the present city of Three Rivers lay
the fief of Polnte du Lac, or Tonnancour, the estate of the
Godefroys de Tonnancour, with a single settler marking the
limits of agricultural achievement. Bordering it was the Jesuit
seigniory of Cap de la Magdelalne, possessing a sandy soil
unfavourable for grain-raising but rich In Iron ore. The
character of the land compelled the Inhabitants to fertilise the
ground by scorching the stubble, and only by vigorous labours
could it be made to yield remunerative harvests ; but the

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION Ixvii
seigniory was well located, and In the course of time became
very valuable. Passing by the uncleared fiefs of Lapierre and
Arbre-a-la-Croix, both of which were arriere-fiefs, or sub-
seigniories, and should not have been enumerated among the
regular seigniorial properties, Catalogne mentions his own
seigniory of Prairies Marsolet, which lay between the larger
fiefs of Champlain and Batiscan. This tract of land the
engineer had acquired through his wife, who was a grand
daughter of Nicholas Marsolet, the first grantee, and one of
the pioneer settlers of New France.
The seigniory of Champlain, owned by Desjordy de
Cabanac, and its neighbour the fief of Batiscan, which was
the patrimony of the Jesuits, both included large areas of
excellent land, and had numerous settlers. Progress had
also been made In the seigniories of Le Moine and Ste. Anne
de la Pdrade near by, the latter of which marked the east
ward limits of the district of Three Rivers along the north
shore. Across the river and a little to the westward the fief
of Yamaska disclosed abundant resources very scantily de
veloped ; and beyond It lay the seigniories of St. Frangols
and Lussaudlere, the former inhabited chiefly by domiciliated
Abenakis Indians, the latter with no settlers at all, — indeed,
Catalogne could not even discover who its owner was at that
time. Beyond St. Antoine, a small fief comprised within
the parish limits of Three Rivers, extended the well-known
seigniory of Nicolet, originally a Carignan allotment but now
held by the family of Courval. Then came Godefroy, badly
dismembered among the heirs of Godefroy de LInctot, and,
farther on, the fief of Bdcancour, which at the time of the
report was in the hands of Pierre Roblneau de Bdcancour,
son of the Baron de Portneuf. The seigniory of Bequet,
owned by Louis Ldvrard, master gunner at Quebec, and that
of Rividre du Chene, owned by Pierre de St. Ours, bounded
to the westward the district of Three Rivers on the south
shore of the St. Lawrence.

Ixviii HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
Although the district of Quebec was the first to be
allotted in seigniories, the amount of progress that had been
made here was not substantially greater than in the two
other districts. On the north shore the fiefs of Grondlnes,
La Chevrotidre, and Eschambault occupied the river frontage
from Ste. Anne de la Pdrade to the barony of Portneuf,
which had in 1681 been elevated from a simple seigniory to
the higher rank and dignity in order to mark the royal
appreciation of Its owner's services in the cause of colonial
development. Unlike most of those to whom the king was
kind. Rend Roblneau de Bdcancour, the recipient of the signal
honour, was not a soldier, but his zeal in the promotion of
the colony's economic Interests had made him a worthy sub
ject for His Majesty's praise. The fiefs of Jacques Cartier,
Polnte aux EscureuUs, Polnte aux Trembles, Demaure,
Gaudarvllle, and Bonhomme, each claim a paragraph In
Catalogue's description, which goes on to mention the historic
seigniory of SlUery with Its four well-settled parishes. This
fief, which bulks large In the earlier annals of the colony, was
the frankalmolgne of the Jesuits, who more than a half-century
before had located upon its fields the remnants of the Huron
tribes after their territories by the Georgian Bay had been
ravaged by the plundering Iroquois. Near by was the other
valuable Jesuit fief of Notre Dame des Anges, one of the very
earliest of the seigniorial grants, and the one in which
Talon had established his three small villages of settlers sent
out by the king from France. The soil of this seigniory
Catalogne found to be of the most excellent quality, " pro
ducing abundantly all sorts of grain, vegetables, and fruits."
Part of the tract was used as a landing base by the Phipps
expedition in 1690, when its leader summoned the Great
Ononthio to capitulation and was given answer through the
cannon's mouth.
One of the most interesting fiefs was that of Beauport,
destined to loom up prominently in the days when Montcalm

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION Ixix
held Wolfe at bay along the Beauport shore. This was the
first seigniory granted by the Company of One Hundred
Associates, and Its first holder was Robert GIffard, a Per-
cheronne, who had come to the colony In its swaddling days.
Giffard gave the best years of his life to the improvement
of his property, and the results entirely justified his zeal.
Around him gathered scores of settlers brought out from
Perche by his own efforts, to whom he was affectionately
known as the Marquis de Beauport, although no rank In
the noblesse had ever been conferred upon him. Giffard died
in 1668, and in Catalogue's time the fief was held by his
heirs, the family of Juchereau Duchesnay. Near Beauport
was Cap Tourmente, originally the property of the Huguenot
trader Guillaume de Caen, but now in the hands of the Quebec
seminary, which also held the neighbouring fiefs of Baye
St. Paul and Isle aux Coudres. Off shore lay the spacious
Island of Orleans, once the property of Bishop Laval, but
exchanged by him for a fief at Montreal, and at this time
owned by Fran9ois Berthelot. More than thirty years prior
to the date of the report the king had elevated this fief to
the rank of a countshIp, and since that time Berthelot had
borne the title of Comte de St. Laurent. Catalogne notes
that in his day the inhabitants of the Island busied themselves
in the domestic manufacture of etoffes and crude cloth, which
they sold in large quantities. It was a very large seigniory
and contained five parishes, all of which were provided with
religious care by priests of the seminary at Quebec.
To the southwest, on the mainland, lay the fief of
Lotbinidre, the seat of the well-known family of the Chartlers
de Lotbinidre, In whose hands It remained through all the
vicissitudes of the colony down to the abolition of the
seigniorial system. Le Platon de la Salnte-Croix was held by
the Ursullnes of Quebec, and the fiefs of Charest and Maranda
by the labouring seigniors whose names they bore. Short
paragraphs of the report suffice for several other seigniories of

Ixx HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
the Quebec district, among them those of Vlllleu, Lauzon,
Mont-a-Pelne, Beaumont, Durantaye, Bellechasse, Rividre
du Sud, Bernier, Gagnd, Vincelot, Bdlanger, and Dutarte.
These with the seigniories of Grande Ance, Isle aux Oyes,
Isle aux Grues, Rividre Quelle, Kamouraska, and Pointe aux
Alouettes complete Catalogue's list ; but two or three more,
which are not described In the main body of the report,
among them GentlUy and Lingtot, are mentioned In its
closing pages.
In summarising the results of his investigations and
making suggestions for expediting the agricultural progress
of the colony, Catalogne commented first of all upon the
scarcity of labour in New France. So much land had been
granted that four times the amount of available labour would
not suffice, he thought, to bring It into cultivable shape in any
reasonable time. The methods of cultivation were so slovenly
and crude, moreover, that, although the soil of the colony
was not lacking In fertility, the harvests compared very
unfavourably with those obtained In France. In a word,
there was not a sufficient quantity of land under cultivation,
and what there was did not yield its proper increase. Again,
in view of the shortness of the working season in New France,
and of the fact that bad weather not infrequently further
diminished this period, the Church authorities were un
reasonable, Catalogne thought, not to permit the people to
work upon the holy days. So numerous were these, in
deed, that during the whole agricultural season, from May
to the end of September, the average habitant did not get
more than ninety clear days for labour. During this brief
period, less than one-fourth of the year, he had to provide
his whole annual subsistence.
But the curse of Canadian agricultural interests, as noted
not only by Catalogne but by every other observer of con
ditions under the French rule, was the seductive charm of the
fur traffic. The settlers seemed to be always ready to leave

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION Ixxi
their farms and betake themselves to the forests, often losing
the whole agricultural season for the sake of making a little
money in the operations of trade. It has been the custom of
many writers. Including even the gifted Parkman, to comment
rather harshly upon the absence of individual enterprise and
initiative which seemed to characterise New France throughout
the old rdgime, a feature which they have set In striking contrast
with the economic vigour and aggressiveness displayed during
the same epoch by the New England colonies to the south.
It may be, indeed, that in the long conflict between Gaul and
Albion the inherent superiority of the latter in point of moral
stamina, masculinity, and economic aggressiveness Inevitably
determined the ultimate issue ; but such an explanation of the
fall of New France overlooks too readily one very awkward but
no less important historical fact — namely, that the Canadians of
the French era were overwhelmingly of Norman stock. Now,
the Norman of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries was
not a typical product of Gallic civilisation ; between him
and the Teutonic settlers of New England no very great
racial gulf was fixed. The blood of the conquering Norsemen
still flowed vigorously in his veins, and showed itself in his
unquenchable love of the forest life and his lust for plundering
raids. He roved the wilderness as his ancestors had roved
the Seven Seas, and with the same daring and persistence.
Unstable as water, he did not excel in the arts of peace ; but
his lack of excellence is not attributable to any Inherent
dearth of masculinity characteristic of his race. Indeed, if
the Norman race has lacked the qualities of physical or moral
virility, the chronicles of France, of England, and of Sicily
have certainly borne false witness. It was not the lack of
these qualities, but the exuberance of them, that rendered
the Norman habitant open to Catalogue's strictures.
Although the cultivation of grain and vegetables had, as
the report showed, made encouraging If not remarkable pro
gress, Catalogne thought it well to emphasise the desirability

Ixxii HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
of insisting that the habitants should devote more attention
to the cultivation of flax and hemp, products which he
thought could be raised in the country with excellent results.
He also complained that the settlers kept themselves poor by
maintaining too many horses. In a country where forage
and equipages were alike expensive, every habitant, however
poor, he said, thought It necessary to keep some horses,
which might, of course, be used to advantage in the processes
of agriculture during perhaps four months of the year, but
which could do little but eat their heads off during the long
winters. The people should be encouraged to keep horned
cattle instead, he suggested ; for the maintenance of a single
horse cost as much as that of two steers, and the latter could
be sold for a much larger sum.
To some extent, Catalogne thought, the seigniors were to
blame for the existence of many inconveniences with which
their dependants had to contend. Some of these might be
removed, he believed, If the seigniorial proprietors were
obliged to set aside parts of their ungranted domains to be
freely used by the habitants for the pasturage of their cattle,
and If they could be compelled to provide grist-mills to which
the people might conveniently bring their grain ; for, as matters
stood, the habitants sometimes had to cart their grain forty
or fifty miles before they could reach the nearest mill. He
further suggested that, when lands were given to incoming
settlers, no seigniorial dues of any kind should be exacted for
the first six years, — a recommendation which various other
royal officials had made, but which seems never to have met
with favourable consideration at Versailles.
One of the chief hindrances to the proper movement of
population into some of the outlying seigniories, Catalogne
found In the lack of means of communication between diffe
rent parts of the colony. He therefore proposed that the
chief road supervisor {grand voyer) should be Instructed to
proceed with greater vigour in the construction of roads and

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION Ixxiii
bridges. Another of his suggestions looked toward the erec
tion of granaries at various points, so that grain might be
held over from one year to another, and alternate gluts and
scarcities be prevented. Thus the price of wheat in the
colony might be kept from pursuing the antics of a jack-in-
the-box. Although Catalogne can scarcely be termed a re
actionary in his economic views, he seems to have been
impressed, also, by the " spirit of cunning and chicane " which
had brought forth the rebukes of Raudot some five years
previously ; for he suggested that severe chastisement should
be inflicted upon all who might hereafter be convicted of
" fraud, bad faith, or imposture." Evidently the Norman
was not slothful In business when it came to advancing his
own Interests by sinister methods. Catalogne hoped that
the work of the notaries might also be so improved that less
litigation would be possible ; and he thought that some simpli
fication of the judicial system might be brought about by the
appointment, at the various colonial towns, of judge-consuls,
who should have jurisdiction over commercial disputes. He
further proposed that, since the navigation of the St.
Lawrence was dangerous at all seasons, and since Canada
did not possess a single competent pilot, a certain number
of picked men should be trained in the art of pilotage, a
step which would be well timed now that shipbuilding was
taking Its place as a colonial industry. He also took occa
sion to commend as highly advantageous to the colony the
practice of discharging soldiers from the regular garrisons
whenever their terms of service expired, and of encouraging
these to marry and become permanent settlers in New France.
On the matter of land boundaries Catalogne laid special
stress. If His Majesty desires to " root out a hotbed of strife
and bad feeling between the seigniors and their dependants,"
said he, " he will take measures to ensure peaceable possession
to those settlers who have held their lands for long periods in
good faith, and this without too much regard to the exact

Ixxiv HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
boundaries as these may have been defined in the original
title-deeds." As matters stood, Catalogne asserted, the whole
question of land boundaries was in hopeless chaos ; for, since
the surveying had been done by unskilled persons, any attempt
to adhere rigidly to the lines laid out would not only Involve
a victory of chicane over justice, but would in some cases
encounter physical impossibilities. Catalogne was not the
only writer who commented severely upon the haphazard
way in which metes and bounds were set in New France, and
upon the flood of ill-tempered controversy which had its
origin In the methods of demarcation. The first surveyor-
general of the colony, Jean Bourdon, came out to Quebec as
a governor's valet ; and when or where he received training
In mathematics or surveying no one has ever been able to
discover. If his map of the seigniories on the Lower St.
Lawrence, prepared In 1641, be compared with the charts
which accompanied Catalogue's report, the crudity and
amateurism of his work are so apparent as to make one
doubt whether the simple axioms of plane geometry were
within Bourdon's fund of knowledge. To a man of Cata
logue's engineering skill this cartographical chaos seemed
intolerable ; and he naturally Insisted with energy that it
should not be permitted to operate to the disadvantage of
property-holders who were In no wise responsible for its
existence. In addition to affairs of such general importance, many
minor points obtained their share of Catalogue's attention.
The practice of allowing cattle to run at large was censured,
on the ground that It frequently resulted in damage to the
crops and was responsible for engendering a great deal of ill-
feeling between neighbours. Habitants, he said, should be
forced to fence their pastures. Again, since most of the
streets In Montreal and Quebec were so full of boulders and
mud-holes as to be Impassable, it would be the part of
wisdom, he thought, to set aside some funds for their Im-

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION Ixxv
provement. Still another point to which he called attention
was the fact that too little deference was shown to the seigniors
by their dependants. Ordinary habitants, he asserted, who
happened to hold minor offices, — local captains of the militia,
for example, — strutted about with an air of independence, and
denied their seignior the respect which was his due. Such a
difference in manners between New and Old France must have
impressed a well-bred Frenchman of Catalogue's type ; but he
might have remembered that many of the Canadian seigniors
were men who had risen from the ranks of labourers, traders,
and the like, that comparatively few among their number had
generations of noblesse behind them. Apart from the Carignan
officers, indeed, the typical Canadian seigniors were men like
Hdbert, the former Paris apothecary ; Lemoyne, the son of a
Dieppe innkeeper ; Noel, the Montreal carpenter ; and Le Ber,
the colonial fur-dealer, who had made In the Indian trade a
fortune large enough to yield him repute as the richest man
in the country. Of the eighty or ninety seigniorial properties
named In Catalogue's report, no less than ten belonged to mer
chants and twelve to simple yeomen {laboureurs). Many of
these seigniors, though sprung from the ranks of commoners,
were sufficiently opulent to maintain a dignity consistent with
their rank ; more frequently, however, the seignior found it
necessary to live and toil like his dependants, eking out a live
lihood which gave to even the poorest habitant no reasonable
basis for envy. Naturally enough, therefore, " the deference
due by vassal to lord was not always accorded " ; indeed, in the
rigorous conditions of pioneer life In the New World there was
little room for the frills of feudalism.
From first to last in the annals of New France the unre
mitting cry of officialdom was for settlers. From Talon to
Bigot this was the burden of the intendant's annual memoir,
the monotonous reiteration having on one occasion drawn
from the home authorities the reminder that the king did
not propose to people Canada by depopulating France. In

Ixxvi HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
this hue and cry for immigrants Catalogne very cordially
joined, his recommendation that the king should send out
" all sorts of arrisans " being perhaps a little less specific than
most prior requests of a like nature. It was, indeed, with
this appeal for more men, followed by a word In regard to
the expensiveness of living in the colony, that he concluded
his observations. When this elaborate memorial, with its excellent carto
graphical folios showing the location and extent of all the
seigniories of the colony, reached the French authorities, the
seigniorial system had been well established in New France
for upwards of half a century. In that time grants totalling
several millions of arpents had been made ; in fact, all the
best locations on both shores of the St. Lawrence from
Montreal to a point well below Quebec had been allotted,
as well as all the best lands along the Richelieu. Of this
extensive area not more than fifty thousand arpents, or some
what less than twenty arpents per capita of population, were
under cultivation when Catalogne made his Inspection, a
showing which must have convinced the royal advisers that
the colonial authorities had been far too generous with the
seigniors. Large tracts of land, given on the most favourable
terms, had, as the report Indicated, been held for more than
a generation, and yet could muster but a single settler, and
sometimes not even that. The whole brunt of agricultural
development had been borne on the shoulders of compara
tively few, most of the seigniors having shown a remissness
which well deserved the royal censure. Manifestly, the
memorial as a whole could not have impressed the minister
as encouraging ; hence It is not strange that, a few years later,
definite orders were Issued to the governor and Intendant
that no further seigniorial grants were to be made without
the prior approval of the king. This decision appears to have
been communicated to the governor of New France in June,
1716 ; but, as the despatch has not been preserved, our know-

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION Ixxvii
ledge of its contents is derived entirely from direct references
to it in a later letter of instructions.^ In accordance with
these orders, no seigniories were allotted during the next
decade, from 1717 to 1727.
Meanwhile the authorities bestirred themselves to secure
more settlers for Canada and to improve the condition of those
who were already established there. With this object In mind,
Governor Vaudreuil in 17 16 forwarded to the Due d'Orldans,
regent of the kingdom, a plan for increasing the population
of Canada " without denuding the kingdom of useful citizens
and without any expense to his Majesty."^ He proposed
that numbers of salt-smugglers who had been condemned to
work on the galleys should be shipped out to New France
and put to work on the lands ; that five hundred of them,
between the ages of fifteen and forty, be sent as a first instal
ment ; and that the " farmers of the revenue " be made to
bear the cost of transporting them to Quebec and of estab
lishing them In the colony. The salt-smugglers were to be
bound to service for a term of three years, and at the end of
this time were to be allowed the privileges of free citizens
in Canada, without, however, having the right to return to
France. Assurance was further given by the governor that,
owing to the dearth of farm labour in Canada, the owners of
lands would welcome this addition to the colonial population.
Vaudreuil's proposals, however, do not seem to have found
favour with the French authorities ; for the colony was left,
at least for the time being, to depend for its growth upon Its
natural Increase from within, supplemented by such immigration
of free settlers as might be Induced to come from France.
About the same time, In 17 17, the intendant Bdgon drew
1 Royal Instructions to Messieurs de Vaudreuil and B^gon concerning the
Decision of the French Authorities to Grant no more Seigniories in Canada,
May 23, 171% printed below, pp. 160-162.
2 Despatch of Governor Vaudreuil to His Royal Highness the Due d'Orleans,
Regent of France, asking that Salt-smugglers be sent to Canada to work the
Lands, February, 1716, printed below, pp. 151-153.

Ixxviii HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
the attention of the minister of marine to various grievances
of the colonial peasantry, upon whom many of the seigniors,
despite the provisions of the Arrets of Marly, apparently
continued to make unreasonable demands. Some proprietors,
according to Bdgon, were exacting corvde or forced labour
from their habitants, claiming It as a compensation for the
use of the seigniorial domain as pasturage. Others had
induced their dependants to help in clearing lands upon the
assurance that these tracts might be used for pasturage by all
in common, but had subsequently been unable to resist the
temptation to sell the land for cultivation. Some seigniors
were still enforcing the droit de retrait roturier, an exaction for
which the Custom of Paris gave no warrant ; others were
reserving the wood on granted lands, and thus preventing the
development of a trade in timber with France or with the
West Indies; and some were exacting other rights in a
manner which gave the Intendant further ground for criticism.
To all of these complaints the home authorities made the
usual answer that the existing laws ought to be better en
forced ; and this admonition they followed up, a few years
later, with explicit Instructions that the provisions of the
Arrets of Marly should be carried out to the letter.^ To
satisfy himself that this injunction was being complied with,
the minister asked for regular statements showing how much
land was being cleared ; and In order to prepare these state
ments satisfactorily and accurately, the intendant called upon
the seigniors to file their aveux et dinombrements. These
documents were supposed to contain full information con
cerning the amount of land In each seigniory, the amount
that had been subgranted, the acreage that had been cleared,
the number of habitants residing in the seigniory and the
terms upon which lands had been granted to each, the
number of buildings in the seigniory, and various data re-
' Royal Instructions concerning the Enforcement of the Arrets of Marly,
December 19, 1721, printed below, pp. 166-167.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION Ixxix
garding the amount of crops produced, the number of horses
and horned cattle maintained, and much other information of
a like nature.^ With these statements as a basis, a papier
terrier, or census, of the colony could be compiled at any
time ; but some of the seigniors were negligent in filing their
returns, — a fault, particularly on the part of the religious
orders, which was made a matter of frequent complaint by the
colonial authorities.
The various measures taken with a view to hastening the
clearing of lands were evidently attended with some degree of
success, for during the period 17 20- 17 30 the cleared area
more than doubled. Under the spur of rigorous ministerial
instructions, lands were promptly taken away by official
decree when sufficient energy was not shown by their holders.
Forfeitures of seigniories were not frequent ; but hundreds of
en censive grants were revoked, and the general situation was
so much improved that by 1727 the royal authorities yielded
a point and permitted one new seigniory to be given. Four
years later, in 1731, the governor and Intendant were again
empowered to make grants whenever they deemed such action
expedient ; and from this time forward seigniorial concessions
were made somewhat freely.
It is not to be supposed, however, that the change in
royal policy was dictated by any assurance that all the abuses
of the seigniorial system had been remedied ; on the contrary,
the colonial authorities were at this very moment reiterating
their protests against the avaricious practices of the seigniors.
In a joint despatch of October 10, 1730, Beauharnols and
Hocquart drew the attention of the minister to the ways in
which the seigniors managed to evade the law.^ The practice
* Despatch of Messieurs de Vaudreuil and Bdgon concerning the Nature
and Scope of the Aveux et Dinombrements, October 14, 1723, printed below,
pp. 167-168.
2 Despatch of Messieurs de Beauharnois and Hocquart to the Minister with
reference to the Reappearance of Seigniorial .Abuses, October 10, 1730,
printed below, pp. 169-172.

Ixxx HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
of land speculation had not been eliminated, they said ; for the
habitants as well as the seigniors had become Interested in it to
the neglect of their proper vocations. Since, however, it was
the seigniors who encouraged their dependants to the practice,
— for the oftener the lands changed owners the oftener did
the seigniors obtain their lods etventes, or alienation fines, — the
colonial officials suggested that It would be wise to " Issue a
decree prohibiting seigniors and all other proprietors from
selling unimproved lands under any pretext whatever." It
was true. Indeed, that the arrets of 171 1 were designed to
prevent this speculation ; but, as the writers of the despatch
pointed out, the terms of these decrees were evaded In
various ways. Many habitants, they said, had paid for
their lands sums which they were under no legal obligation
to pay, and, when they discovered their folly, clamoured
so loudly for the recovery of their money that a torrent of
lawsuits would inevitably have been the outcome had not
the Intendant insisted that people were supposed to know
their rights under the law and hence had only themselves
to blame if they failed to insist upon them. Volenti non fit
injuria, declared the intendant, was a sound maxim which
ought not to be ruthlessly disregarded.
The spirit of speculation, it was suggested, doubtless had
Its basis In the plain fact that, all the better locations in the
colony having been taken up, the margin of cultivation was
being pushed out into regions less attractive. When the land
along the river front had been cleared, the wild lands farther
back had been much resorted to for supplies of timber and
wood. Hence there had grown up, as the officials pointed
out, an increasing demand for tracts in the " third and fourth
ranges," — that is, in the regions some distance back from the
water front. These lands, formerly without any monetary
value at all, could now, they said, be disposed of profitably
if the seigniors were permitted to consult only their own
private Interests. The authorities, however, contended that

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION Ixxxi
such lands were not the patrimony of the seignior, to be sold
or held for a further rise in value as he might deem fit, but
that they were simply held in trust by him for settlers or for
others who might make bona-fide applications for lands as
homesteads. This was undoubtedly the royal view of the
matter as set forth in the Arrets of Marly ; but, as the
colonial officials asserted, the " mass of the habitants were
not aware of the provisions of the decrees," although the
arrets had been duly promulgated at the accustomed times
and places. That the people should have remained for twenty
years so deficient In the knowledge of their rights, especially
in a matter which so directly concerned them, is somewhat
strange. The notaries, one might think, would have brought
the law to their attention ; but these officers seem to have
been as Ignorant as the class from which they were drawn.
At any rate, the governor and intendant concluded their
despatch with a request that a new and more stringent decree
be issued dealing with the various abuses mentioned.
In response to this request, the royal authorities trans
mitted to the colony in 1732 the decree which is commonly
known as the Arret of Versailles.^ This edict, after reciting
the fact that evasions of former ordinances had been brought
to the king's attention, forbade the sale of uncleared lands,
and made provision for the forfeiture to the crown, after two
years, of all grants not then cleared. The governor and
intendant of the colony duly acknowledged the receipt of the
arrSt in the autumn of the same year, and reported that It had
been published " in the towns and parishes of the country " ;
but they made no haste to enforce its provisions. The two
years passed, scores of seigniories lay almost completely
undeveloped, and yet no forfeitures were declared, though
meantime the lands of habitants who did not conform to
the law were in many cases re-annexed to the domains of
1 Royal Arr^t ordering Seigniors to Cultivate their Lands and forbidding
the Sale of Uncleared Lands, March 15, 1712, printed below, pp. 174-176. /

Ixxxii HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
their seigniors. On one occasion the officials announced to
the home authorities that, under the terms of the royal
decrees, they had permitted seigniors to re-enter and take
possession of more than four hundred farms ; but in the
ten years following the Issue of the Arret of Versailles not
a single seigniory seems to have been declared forfeited to
the crown. Any movement in this direction appears to have
been held In check for the time being by the dominating
influence of seigniorial interests In the Superior Council of
the colony. In fact, it was not till 1741, when the demands
of the minister became too insistent to be longer compro
mised, that the colonial authorities finally bestirred themselves
to action and declared the forfeiture of twenty seigniories In
which little or no progress had been made.^
This stroke would doubtless have been more effective
than It was, had not the governor and intendant restored
several of these forfeited seigniories to their former owners
by new grants.^ As It was, the lesson was soon lost ; and
a further decree, issued by the king in 1743, seems to have
fared no better than Its predecessors as regarded Its strict
enforcement.^ It Is to be remembered, however, that during
the last twenty years of French rule In Canada it was hardly
possible to insist too rigorously upon any stated progress in
the matter of clearing lands. This was an epoch of storm
and stress In New France, when it was necessary to bend every
effort to the task of keeping the colony out of English hands.
During these two decades the number of Incoming settlers
was small, and the drafting of thousands of the population
Into active military service caused a great scarcity of agricul
tural labour. In these years the seigniorial system even failed
to hold its own. Although a few additional seigniories were
granted, there was little clearing or cultivation of new lands ;
1 Edits et 07-donnances, II. 555-561.
^ See, for example, Titres des Seigneuries, 204.
^ Edits et Ordonnances, I. 572-574.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION Ixxxiii
on the contrary, many cleared holdings were abandoned or
were left for years without proper attention, the cultivators
finding themselves pressed into service at arms for the king.
At intervals, whenever the military horizon brightened, men
were allowed short furloughs that they might go home and
accomplish what they could on their farms. On more than
one occasion, indeed, the defensive strength of the colony
was seriously weakened by the fact that militiamen were
allowed to return to their homes for brief periods during
the vital seasons of seedtime and harvest, — an expedient that
was almost absolutely necessary, for the British command of
the seas rendered New France dependent for her subsistence
almost wholly upon her own resources.
Although seigniorial concessions had been made for a
century or more, it was not till 1743 that the procedure
to be followed in granting or revoking lands was definitely
laid down. Prior to 1627 grants had been made In the name
of the titular viceroy and lieutenant-general of New France,
from 1627 to 1663 by the agents of the Company of One
Hundred Associates, from 1664 to 1666 by the Company of
the West Indies, from 1666 to 1674 by the Intendant alone,
and from 1674 to 1760 by the governor and Intendant jointly;
but not till 1743 had any of these authorities received definite
instructions as to their exact course of action. In this year,
however, the point was covered by a royal decree, which, after
declaring the evils resulting from a lack of uniformity In the
making of seigniorial grants, proceeded to define precisely the
methods to be pursued.^ Grants were to be made, as hereto
fore, by the governor and intendant jointly, or, during the
absence or disability of either of these officials, by the officer
temporarily performing the duties of governor or intendant.
Revocations of grants were to be decreed by the same autho
rities ; but when a difference of opinion should arise between
^ Royal Arr^t concerning Concessions and Revocations of Lands in the
Colonies, July 17, 17 i,i, printed below, pp. 188-192.

Ixxxiv HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
the two the senior available member of the Superior Council
was to be summoned as arbiter. All title-deeds not signed
by both officials were to be declared void. The decree like
wise confirmed to the governor and intendant their exclusive
jurisdiction In all contestations arising In regard to the validity
of land titles or the location of land boundaries, but declared
that disputes connected with the division of lands among
heirs were to continue within the jurisdiction of the regular
royal courts. The authorities were cautioned not to grant
lands which had already been allotted, or to regrant forfeited
seigniories before the decree of forfeiture had been duly pro
mulgated. In all cases relating to the Interpretation of
seigniorial rights an appeal to the Council of State in France
was to be permitted.
The provisions of this decree did not essentially change
any Important feature of the existing land-tenure system. It
had been the practice, when the governor and intendant
failed to agree, to refer the matter to the king ; but this
course had caused Inconvenient delay, which was now to be
remedied by the plan of calling in a member of the Council.
In no case was a grant to be considered final until ratified
by the crown ; but this ratification was only a formality.
Reports of titles Issued were sent home from time to time,
and in due course brevets de ratification were received, a batch
of titles being usually confirmed In a single royal decree.
Sometimes the king, In ratifying grants, took occasion to
insert some new condition, usually designed to expedite the
clearing of the granted tract ; more often, however, he
confirmed the titles without comment. Persons to whom
seigniorial lands had been given did not usually wait for the
royal ratification, but began at once their work of develop
ment, rendering their fealty and homage and filing their
aveux without delay. No Initial payment was exacted, even
the title-deed apparently being issued without any fee ;
indeed, no annual payment or service of any kind whatever

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION Ixxxv
was exacted from seigniors by the crown. If a seigniory
changed hands otherwise than by inheritance in direct succes
sion, a fine of one-fifth of its value, commonly known as the
quint, became due and payable to the royal treasury at
Quebec. Invariably, however, the king remitted one-third of
this payment ; and occasionally the authorities sought and
obtained a remission of the whole amount by bringing to
the royal notice allegations of meritorious services on the
part of the seignior concerned.-^ Owing to the comparative
infrequency of land transfers other than by inheritance, and
to the frequency of remissions either in whole or in part,
the proceeds accruing to the royal treasury from this source
were never very substantial.
But although the seignior was not subject to any important
financial burdens he had several general obligations as liegeman
of his sovereign. One of these was, of course, the duty of
military service, the most characteristic incident of feudalism
in its earlier days, and one which in Canada was revitalised
and put in bold relief among the other features of seigni
orialism. Again, since it was the royal desire that Canada
should not only defend but nourish itself, the obligation of
clearing and developing the seigniories was imposed upon
those who held them, a requirement which the royal autho
rities insisted upon with emphasis and frequency. On no
point, indeed, was the king more insistent than upon this,
that the seigniors must regard themselves as active agents
in colonial development : if they did not as a class fully
appreciate this aspect of their position, it was not because
His Majesty failed to make it clear. There were also
several less important seigniorial obligations. Seigniors were
required to reserve for use in the royal shipyards all oak and
pine timber suitable for mastings, and to report to the autho-
^ Despatch of Messieurs de Beauharnois and Hocquart to the Minister
asking for a Remission of the Quint on behalf of Major Pean, September 30,
\7 2,^, printed below, pp. 177-178.

Ixxxvi HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
rities the discovery of any mineral deposits within the limits
of their seigniories. If the government desired portions of
their land for fortifications or other public use, they were
under obligation to surrender the tracts without demanding
compensation. These and similar requirements the seigniors
for the most part respected, and compelled their dependants
to respect. Taken as a whole, the burdens imposed upon seigniors by
the crown were easily borne. If the king erred at all it was
on the side of liberality ; but In view of colonial conditions
the royal largesse was not without good reason, for the seig
niors as a class were poor in worldly possessions. Far from
being able to make substantial contributions to the royal
exchequer, there were those among them who confessed their
pitiable poverty by direct appeals to the king for alms. Most
of the seigniors lived, not In Quebec, Montreal, or Three
Rivers, but upon their own lands. Although a small number
of non-residents are mentioned by Catalogne, prevailing
absenteeism, the curse of seigniorialism in France, was not one
of the evils with which the colonial authorities had seriously
to contend. In New France it was not that the owners failed
to live on their domains, but that they were not energetic
enough in persuading others to bear them company. With
the seignior living and working day by day on his property,
sharing with his habitants the hardships and privations of
pioneer life in a virgin land, there naturally sprang up between
him and his dependants a spirit of camaraderie and mutual
familiarity, which. If it did not altogether meet the official
notion of proper class relationship, served at least to give
Canadian feudalism a real vitality, and a source of strength
that It had long since lost in France.
Those seigniors — and they formed quite the majority
among their class — who did not seek to reap where they had
not sown, cast about energetically for persons who would
become their dependants. Some of them arranged by cor-

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION Ixxxvii
respondence with friends In France for the despatch of
settlers ; some made it their business to be in Quebec every
springtime when the vessels arrived. In order that they might
greet the newcomers with attractive propositions ; others
pursued the policy of letting settlers come to them, a plan
which seems to have commended itself to more and more
seigniors as choice locations became less available. In any
case the applicant for lands arranged terms with the seignior,
the nature of the bargain depending partly upon the attrac
tiveness of the grant and partly upon the liberality of the
seignior with whom he had to deal. In general, however,
there was no very wide variation In the terms of agreement ;
but neither was there any such approach to uniformity as
some have assumed. Indeed, it was not the royal design that
all lands should be given on precisely the same terms. All
that was expected of seigniors was that they should make
reasonable demands, and not subject newcomers to extortion
or locate them less advantageously than the older settlers of
the colony.
An invariable requirement in deeds of lands given en
censive was that the holders should pay a small annual due
called the cens et rentes. This payment, amounting to a few
sous (supplemented usually by some fowls or a small quantity
of grain) for every arpent of frontage, became due in the
autumn of each year, and was made to the seignior on St.
Martin's Day at the seigniorial residence or manor-house.
The occasion became a local fdte, to which all the inhabitants
of the seigniory came in caldche or carlole, the women to
share In the general retail of neighbourhood gossip while the
men turned in their tallages of corn and poultry. When the
lands of a habitant changed hands, a money payment, the
lods et ventes, amounting to one-twelfth of the mutation price,
was payable to the seignior, who. If he thought this less than
his proper due, claimed the right of buying in the land at the
alleged price. This privilege was the droit de retrait roturier,

Ixxxviii HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
regarding which the officials on more than one occasion
registered their complaints. Again, when the seignior erected
a grist-mill, the habitants were required by the terms of
their deeds to carry thither their grist to be ground, the
seignior retaining one-fourteenth of it as his toll. There
was much complaint that these mills made flour which
was too coarse, that the millers employed by the seigniors
were raw hands who did not know their business, and
that they were sometimes dishonest In keeping more than
their proper toll. Moreover, most of the mills were wind
mills, and hence so unreliable that the habitants, as they
vigorously complained, sometimes had to wait days before
the wind took on sufficient strength to turn the clumsy
wheels. Still, the banal obligation, as It was called, was not
In itself an Important burden upon the people of the seignio
ries ; nor was it in general, throughout the old rdgime, a
source of profit to the seigniors, many of whom provided and
maintained the mills at an actual loss, since the small number
of settlers In a seigniory frequently did not provide custom
enough to pay the miller's wages. To neither the obligation
itself nor the rate of toll did the habitants, so far as can be
ascertained, ever raise serious objection ; their complaints were
invariably connected with the crude fashion in which some of
the mills were equipped and operated. It was only after the
British conquest, when the seigniories became populous, that
the obligation of mill banality became a source of large emolu
ment to the seigniors and a distinct Imposition upon the
people. The other banal obligation, that of bearing bread to
the seigniorial oven, needs no comment ; for it was never
exacted except perhaps in one or two Isolated cases, and even
of these we have no definite evidence.
Much emphasis has been laid upon the seigniorial exaction
of corvee, or forced labour, which was in France among the
most vexatious of all the lord's impositions. It Is true that. In
Canada, days of corvee were stipulated for in the title-deeds of

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION Ixxxix
lands given to settlers, and that many seigniors, perhaps
most of them, regularly exacted from their habitants some
free labour each year upon their private domains ; but It is
also true that the number of days insisted upon was small —
usually only three a year, and rarely more than six. By a
decree of the Intendant the seignior might exact only one day
in seedtime, one day in haytime, and one day in harvest ; if
he had stipulated for more than these three days he might
take them only during the seasons of ploughing. Further
more, any habitant who wished to be relieved of his obligation
might secure exemption by paying to the seignior forty sous
per day in lieu of corvee. Usually the seignior employed
this labour to secure the ploughing, sowing, and harvesting of
his own private domain ; less often, perhaps, he used it in
clearing the " commons," or general pasture lands of the
seigniory, or In repairing the manor-house, the mill, or the
roads and bridges of the parish. This seigniorial corvee Is
not to be confused with the royal or king's corvee, which was
exacted under the authority of the grand voyer from time to
time, and employed on the fortifications or public highways.
Neither form of forced labour was, under the old regime,
regarded by the people as a heavy burden, and protests
against the exaction were then extremely rare ; but after the
British conquest the seigniors seem to have increased, more
or less generally, the number of days demanded, and this
action roused vigorous resentment among the habitants.
In addition to the foregoing dues and services, the seigniors
imposed upon their dependants certain reservations and prohi
bitions. Besides claiming all minerals found in the granted
lands, most of the seigniorial proprietors reserved the right
to take from them such timber, stone, firewood, and other
materials as might be needed in the construction and mainte
nance of the manor-house, the mill, the church, or the presby
tery. Some prohibited their dependants from trading with
the Indians, from selling marketable timber, or from erecting

xc HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
any sawmills or like utilities. Still others asserted their droit
de peche, or the right to one fish In every eleven caught by the
habitants, a privilege often emphasised by writers as a typical
incident of seigniorial pettiness, but never regarded by either
seigniors or habitants as of any account. In the same cate
gory may be mentioned the seignior's droit de chasse, or privilege
of hunting with hound and falcon over the cultivated farms
of his people. In France no other seigniorial prerogative was
more sincerely detested than this, and none with better reason ;
but in the colonies the hunting right was never exercised, for
there, from the very nature of things, the seignior found
abundant scope for his sporting proclivities elsewhere than in
the ripening fields of his liegemen. Various other privileges
of a minor nature the Canadian seignior sometimes claimed,
but less frequently asserted, — the right, for example, to keep
for exclusive service in the seigniory a seigniorial bull, boar,
or ram, the sole right to maintain ferries over rivers, the right
to tap the maple trees growing on the lands of habitants, and
so on. A few other prerogatives, like the droit de jamb age, or
marital right, were claimed by some seigniors, but without
much seriousness ; indeed, outside the realm of so-termed
" historical " fiction, there seems to be no shred of evidence to
show that such claims ever passed the bounds of half-jocular
threats. If one surveys the seigniorial system In Canada as a whole
and In a fair-minded spirit, one cannot escape from the con
clusion that its pressure upon the masses of the people was
never really onerous. The obligations of the habitant to his
seignior were light, they were fixed with some degree of defi-
niteness, and they were never exacted In a manner which
could properly be deemed harsh or cruel. The crown,
through its active agent the Intendant, was ever on his
side ; and, as the documents printed In this volume show, its
intervention on his behalf was alike frequent and vigorous.
If this mediation was not always so effective as It was designed

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION xci
to be, it was only because the royal arm lost some of
its strength when extended over the three thousand miles
which separated Quebec from Versailles. There Is, indeed, no
error more persistent, and at the same time less excusable,
than that which regards the Norman habitant of the New
World as having occupied, in the closing decades of the old
rdgime, a position analogous to that of the French censitaire.
Unlike the latter, the Canadian never became coarse, degraded,
and dispirited ; throughout the period of French dominion he
retained his characteristic bonhomie, vivacity, and optimism of
spirit. In this connection, the interesting pen portraiture
which Hocquart sent to the minister in 1737, when the
population of the colony numbered about 40,000, may be
trusted as at least a tolerably faithful characterisation of the
people in general.^ As a race, he tells us, the early French-
Canadians were physically strong, well set-up, with vigorous
stamina, — a description which squares well with La Hontan's
assertion of a half-century before that they were " vigorous,
enterprising, and indefatigable." Pluming themselves on
their courage, they were fond of honours and attentions and
sensitive to slights or the lightest punishments. They were,
it Is true, vindictive in disposition, too fond of the wine
flagon, and, as Hocquart cautiously remarks, " passed for not
being truthful " ; but then as now their attachment to the
church of their fathers was unflinching, and their obedience
to the laws of the land bore Its testimony in the almost entire
absence of malefactors. Though not slothful in business, they
sought mainly to serve themselves, whom they esteemed as
the salt of the earth, — a truculent conceit which was not, the
intendant thought, a useful handmaid to industrial, com
mercial, or agricultural progress. Their enforced idleness in
the long winter period was also, in his opinion, somewhat
1 Memoir [of Hocquart] to the Minister, containing a Characterisation of
the French-Canadian Population [November 8, 1737]) printed below, pp.
185-188.

xcii HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
detrimental to Industrious habits, especially since by nature
they loved the chase and the roving life in general. Unlike
the peasants of France, however, they were not vulgar and
boorish In demeanour. Though naturally independent and
self-assertive, they could, when placed upon their honour and
dealt with fairly, be trusted to meet confidence with response.
This Independent spirit Hocquart, bred as he was In the strict
school of French officialdom, readily regarded as the earmark
of Insubordination and consequently, as something to be
rigidly repressed ; whereas the truth was that, as the Jesuit
Charlevoix had noted many years before, the Normans of the
New World " breathed from their birth the air of liberty,"
and their natural temperament could not be readily warped
Into docility.
From various other contemporary writings, among them
those of La Hontan, Bougainville, and the Swedish naturalist
Peter Kalm, who made a tour of New France in the middle
of the eighteenth century, one may get some rudimentary
idea of life in the Canadian seigniories during the old
dominion. The manor-house, which was of course the social
centre of the district, was usually a spacious stone structure,
one or at most two storeys in height, with only a few rooms,
but all of these generous in size. The large living-room,
with Its great open fireplace, was the most characteristic
feature ; for here the seignior received his habitants when
they came to do business, and here he held his seigniorial
court for the trial of minor offenders. The furnishings of
the manor-house were frequently brought from France, but
in course of time some very serviceable furniture was manu
factured In the colony. Comfort rather than display was
the dominant note in the abode of the average seignior.
The dwellings of the habitants, while perhaps less preten
tious, were none the less commodious and convenient.
Built of stone or rough-hewn timber, fitted with broad
windows and doors, which were doubled in winter, they were

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION xciii
rambling structures, usually a single storey in height, with
low attic bedrooms. The roofs projected well over the walls
in broad eaves, and out of them small high- peaked dormer
windows thrust themselves like the heads of turtles from the
canopies of their shells. Within were two or three spacious
rooms, with low ceilings supported by rough and unconcealed
beams, — a living-room with its fireplace, a roomy kitchen
with its huge bake-oven, and a single ground-floor chamber
forming the ordinary divisions of the dwelling. At the rear
of the house a rough lean-to structure furnished a storeroom
for provisions and utensils, and near by were usually the barn
and the stable, simple in construction, and almost always
without timber floors. As all the houses were whitewashed
on the outside, from the river the long row of white cottages
strung along the shore presented a sharp contrast to the back
ground of green hills beyond.
The rude comfort in which the habitants of New France
lived seems to have distinctly impressed several visitors to the
colony. One of these, the facetious La Hontan, remarked
that " the boors of the manours," as he termed them, lived
with greater comfort "than an infinity of the gentry In
France " ; ^ and many years later the observant Swede, Peter
Kalm, added his testimony to the general air of contentment
which characterised the population of New France.^ As there
was plenty of fuel, the long severe winters seem to have
caused little hardship. Warm cloth of drugget, or itoffe,
was manufactured in the colony, and In this the people
clothed themselves at small expense. Their daily fare, too,
though simple, was nourishing and always adequate. Amuse
ments and recreations they had in plenty, especially during the
winter season ; indeed, the spirit of gaiety, if not of frlvolous-
ness, which marked the regular life of the people gave the
^ La Hontan, New 'Voyages, I. 35.
" Peter Kalm, Travels into North America (2 vols., London, 1772), II. 241-
242. Kalm visited New France in 1749.

xciv HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
austere emissaries of the Church many serious misgivings.
Then, as perhaps ever since, the French-Canadians took too
little thought for the morrow ; as Charlevoix remarked, they
liked " to get the credit of their money, and scarcely anybody
amused himself by hoarding It." ^ Very few of the habitants
were opulent ; too often, on the contrary, real poverty was
hidden under an air of ease, which through long continuance
had become sufficiently natural to mislead even the practised
observer. Large families were the rule ; for with laudable
fidelity the Norman colonist obeyed the scriptural injunction
to be fruitful and multiply. In the maintenance of his
numerous progeny, therefore, the habitant often carried a
burden much heavier than that represented by all his obliga
tions to either the crown or the seignior.
In replenishing the earth, however, he was much less
assiduous, and his methods of agriculture were slovenly and
crude. Very aptly might Catalogne remark that. If the lands
of France were cultivated like the lands of Canada, three-
fourths of the people would starve. Fertilisation of the
farms was rare, most of the land-owners contenting themselves
with burning the stubble in the spring before the land went
under the plough. Rotation of crops was all but unknown ;
indeed. In view of the peculiar configuration of the holdings,
scientific rotation would have been difficult, if not Impossible.
A portion of the land, it Is true, was permitted to He fallow
every two or three years; but as these fallow fields were so
rarely ploughed that they grew weeds without restraint, the
rest from cultivation was of little service. Kalm, in 1749,
saw no drains In any of the farms which he visited, although,
as he na'fvely remarks, " they seemed to be needed In some
places." Fences, too, were uncommon, save about the small
kitchen gardens near the houses, a circumstance which led
Catalogne to comment upon the damage done to the crops
by cattle that were permitted to roam at large. The land
' F. X. C\\2ir\e.vo\x,JottrnalHistorigue (Paris, 1744), 80.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION xcv
was ploughed in ridges, with a breadth of two or three yards
between the furrows ; and the sowing was done entirely In
the spring. Kalm found " white wheat most commonly in
the fields " ; but peas, oats, rye, and barley were also grown,
and some habitants found it profitable to adopt from the
Indians the cultivation of maize. Roots and vegetables
chiefly cabbages, pumpkins, and melons, there were in plenty ;
some of the farms had small orchards ; and many of the
habitants gave special attention to the growing of flax and
hemp. The meadows of the St. Lawrence valley were excellent,
far superior, in Kalm's estimation, to those of the English
colonies to the southward ; they furnished fodder in such
abundance, indeed, that the raising of horses and horned
cattle became an important branch of colonial husbandry.
Owing to the lack of adequate barn accommodation, the
habitants stacked their hay in the meadows to be drawn In
during the winter as occasion demanded, their conical stacks
which dotted the shores of the St. Lawrence eliciting comment
from various European visitors to the colony. Implements
and methods of agriculture were both somewhat primitive ;
yet Kalm found many things In the farming system of New
France which he deemed worthy of commending to the
yeomen of Scandinavia. When one remembers the numerous
and serious obstacles which lay in the path of agricultural
development during the French rdgime, — the rigours of the
climate, the insatiable demands of the fur-traffic upon the
life-blood of the colony, the distractions of almost continual
warfare with encircling foes both white and red, the cumula
tive burdens laid upon the husbandman by his family, his
seignior, his church, and his sovereign, — when all these are
taken into account, it is perhaps not a matter for surprise
or cavil that the St. Lawrence valley had not, in the course
of a single century, become a new Eden. Yet the traveller
who passed along the river from Quebec to Montreal in the
early autumn might see, as Kalm saw, field after field of

xevi HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
waving grain extending inward from the shores as far as the
eye could reach, and broken only here and there by tracts of
meadow and woodland. Over two hundred thousand arpents
of land had been cleared, and this tract nourished a popula
tion of nearly fifty thousand souls. Agricultural progress
had not, it Is true, met the royal expectations ; yet the colony,
when the English came upon it, was far from being in a
state of complete economic debility.
When the fleur-de-lis of the Bourbons fluttered down
from the ramparts of Quebec on the i8th of September, 1759,
the future of the Norman race in the New World was
virtually committed to the hands of a new suzerain, and a
new epoch in the history of Canadian seigniorialism was
begun.^ If there was any doubt on this point It was
removed by the capitulation of Montreal a year later, an
event which involved the entire withdrawal of French
military and civil control from the Canadian colony. By
the terms of this agreement there was to be no interfer
ence, by the new suzerain power, with any vested rights
which had been acquired by either the seigniors or the
habitants In the lands of the colony under the seigniorial
system. All were to be maintained In the peaceable posses
sion of their lands, whether held en seigneurie or en roture, and
in the enjoyment of whatever rights had accrued to them as
donors or as holders of the soil.^ The maintenance of the
feudal rdgime in Canada after the British conquest has by
some critics been regarded as a cardinal error, and the pro
visions of the Quebec Act, which anchored the system some
years later, have come in for their meed of censure; but If
there was any error the wrong step was taken In 1760, and
^ For a detailed account of the progress of the seigniorial system during
the period intervening between the capitulation of 1759 and the Abolition Act
of 1854, the reader may be referred to the editor's volume on The Seigniorial
System in Canada (New York, 1907), chaps, xi.-xii.
^ Extracts from the Articles of Capitulation of Montreal, September 8, 1760,
printed below, pp. 193-194.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION xcvii
not later. The capitulation of Montreal was a conditional
surrender. The terms pledged to the French by General
Amherst were such as he was perhaps not compelled by the
exigencies of the military situation to grant had he not felt
so disposed ; but, once granted, the new suzerains would have
been false to the traditions of England had they not respected
them to the letter. These terms pledged the maintenance of
the seigniorial system of land tenure ; for, by guaranteeing
that landholders should suffer no deprivation of their biens
seigneuriaux , they assured to all seigniors a continuance of
their existing privileges.
Although the political destiny of Canada was virtually
settled in 1760, the war dragged on In Europe until the
conclusion of the Peace of Paris three years later. During
this interval the colony was under a military administration,
the three districts of Quebec, Three Rivers, and Montreal
being each placed in charge of a military officer, with justice
dispensed by special military courts. In accordance with the
pledges given in the capitulation, these courts upheld the
seigniors in the enforcement of their various feudal rights,
and strove to settle all disputes concerning land tenures by
reference to the jurisprudence of the old rdgime. In their
interpretation of the old land laws, however, they were not
always accurate ; indeed, some of the decisions of the military
courts show that the judges quite misunderstood the most
elementary principles of feudal law, and that in many cases
the seigniors used the opportunity to profit by the misunder
standing.-^ All this is not surprising, however ; for the officers
in charge of the military courts were sometimes Ignorant not
only of the laws of the country, but even of Its language.
The new authorities had pledged themselves to maintain
the seigniorial system ; but they now went farther, and gave
evidence of their design to extend it by making new seigniorial
1 Decision of the Military Court in the Case of Le Due vs. Hunaut, April 20,
1762, printed below, pp. 194-195. s

xcviii HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
concessions. In 1762 two new seigniories, both on the Lower
St. Lawrence, were granted by General Murray, military
governor of Quebec, — one of them, the seigniory of Malbale
(Murray Bay), to Captain John Nairne of the 78 th Regiment,^
the other, that of Mount Murray, to Lieutenant Malcolm Fraser,
also of the regular forces. In drawing up the title-deeds
Murray followed the general lines of the old French patents,
except that he gave no judicial powers to the grantees ; Indeed,
none of the older seigniors were permitted to maintain their
seigniorial courts after the conquest, all cases now coming In
the first instance before the military courts. That Murray's
example In the matter of granting new seigniories was not
followed by his successors, was no doubt due chiefly to the
fact that Englishmen who sought grants of land in Canada
preferred to receive them in free and common socage rather
than as seigniories. With the exception of these two con
cessions, and of one or two others, no extension of the area
held under seigniorial tenure was made after 1760.
The first care of the new suzerain authorities was to
obtain such reliable Information about the land-tenure system
as might be of service to them in considering questions of
future policy; and to this end they asked General Murray and
others to send them reports on the general conduct of adminis
tration under the French. This request was complied with
during 1762 by the transmission of documents which are of
interest and importance as showing the general attitude of the
new officials toward the old institutions and methods of the
colonial population. Murray's report gave special attention
to the seigniorial system, and disclosed the fact that during
his short sojourn In the colony this institution had not im
pressed him very favourably ; ^ but some of his views, it may
1 Title-deed of the Seigniory of Murray Bay, granted to Captain John
Nairne of the 78th Regiment, April 27, 1762, printed below, pp. 195-196.
^ Report of General James Murray on the State of Canada under French
Administration, June 5, 1762, printed below, pp. 196-205.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION xcix
be added, underwent a decided change during the ensuing few
years."^ Meantime, however, these reports had their influence
upon the home authorities, and were in part, no doubt,
responsible for the issue, in 1763, of a code of instructions
relative to future land grants. These instructions commanded
that thenceforth all grants of land should be made in free and
common socage, but that all lands granted under the old dis
pensation should remain subject to the rules of the ancient
tenures. The new socage grants were to be of moderate
area ; for the home authorities recognised that great dis
advantages had been incurred in the development of the
colony through the exercise of undue royal generosity In the
allotment of lands.^
Shortly before these Instructions were Issued, terms of
peace had been concluded between the two mother countries ;
and among the provisions of the treaty was one which per
mitted French landholders in Canada to sell their estates
freely, and. If they so desired, to go home to France, a
permission of which many took advantage. To attempt
to form any just estimate of the numbers or the nature
of this hegira is to enter the realm of controversy, but un
questionably the exodus removed from the colony many of
its leading seigniorial proprietors. English seigniors took
their places ; for those Englishmen who came to the colony
In the years Immediately following the conquest saw that the
purchase of seigniories at sacrifice prices was an excellent
method of investment, especially since most of the estates
included large tracts of ungranted lands which, as the colony
grew in population, would undoubtedly increase In value.
The. dues and services to which the seignior was entitled did
not at that time, to be sure, yield a very substantial return ;
but this, as the new English arrivals were quick to see, was
' See below, p. 217.
2 Instructions to Governor James Murray concerning the Granting of Lands
in Canada, December 7, 17 b% printed below, pp. 206-216.

c HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
only because most of the lands were but sparsely settled.
Large emoluments, they knew, might be had from the
seigniorial exactions In due time.
To the French habitants, however, the change of owner
ship was far from welcome. The new English seignior was
to them the representative of a conquering alien race, who
knew not their language, traditions, or laws. He was, more
over, one who had been nurtured In heresy, and might be
counted upon to take no part In the religious Interests of the
seigniory. What was even more to be deplored from their
point of view was the fact that he was more than likely to
bring English settlers into the seigniory among his dependants,
and thus to destroy its ancient racial and religious homogeneity.
The situation In many seigniories was therefore extremely
delicate, and there was need for the exercise of much for
bearance, tact, and democracy on the part of the new seig
niorial owners. These qualities, unfortunately, most of them
did not possess ; on the contrary, their aggressive insistence
upon the letter of their seigniorial privileges, their disposition
to regard their new purchases as Investments, and consequently
their Ill-concealed desire to exact a little more from their
tenants at every possible turn, — all this, together with their
militant activities In the interests of the Anglican church,
widened the natural gap which lay between them and their
dependants. In many cases the old personal nexus passed
away, and with Its passing the chief prop of the seigniorial
system was correspondingly weakened.
Matters were In no wise improved by the action of the
British government in providing, during the course of 1763,
that nothing but English law was to be administered by the
civil courts of the colony, which were now replacing the
military tribunals. Unfortunately, the English law of real
property squared so 111 with the conditions of tenure under
which most of the colonial lands were held, that the English
judges. In their attempts to apply Its principles to cases that

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION ci
came before them, found themselves hopelessly confounded.
In 1766, therefore, it was arranged that land transactions
should be dealt with by the courts in accordance with the rules
of the old French law, in so far as this could be ascertained by
the courts, but that in all other actions, civil or criminal, Eng
lish law should continue to be applied. This arrangement, it
is true, somewhat alleviated the legal situation ; but it did not
render conditions entirely satisfactory, for there were inherent
difficulties connected with the attempt to administer the old
system of land law by means of a new system of judicial
machinery. In the first place, the judges were all English
men, and few of them could carry on the business of their
courts without the constant assistance of Interpreters. More
over, even those among them who strove most earnestly
to master the old legal method found the task bewildering ;
for the system rested upon a multitude of arrets, ordinances,
and decrees that were still in manuscript, unarranged, un-
indexed, and in a handwriting which even to-day frequently
taxes the patience of the trained investigator. The first com
pilation of the old jurisprudence was not attempted for ten
years after the coming of the English, and during this interval
the courts were left to grope along as best they could.
The land law of the old rdgime was not customary law.
It was based fundamentally upon the Custom of Paris ; and
this was a code, not of customary, but of statutory law, drawn
up by expert jurists and enacted by sovereign authority. The
original provisions of the Custom had, however, been ruth
lessly amended by the mass of home and colonial decrees
issued profusely throughout a whole century of royal govern
ment in New France, — a prodigious activity in legislation that
had, by 1760, resulted in the accumulation of more than one
hundred ponderous manuscript registres, which still repose in
the archives at Quebec. As the accurate knowledge of the
law upon any particular point involved a knowledge of what
was contained In this chaotic compilation, it is little wonder

cii HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
that the judges sought and found an easier path to knowledge
by calling before them, from time to time, notaries and others
who professed to be skilled in the laws of the old dominion.
Since the customs of the country were so much easier to dis
cover than the laws, the courts, too, often sought to find out
what had been done In the past, and, having informed them
selves, proceeded to give decision accordingly. When the
points Involved were so difficult that the judicial authorities
could not come to any satisfactory conclusion as to the pro
visions of the old law, they resorted, for reliable informa
tion, to skilled jurists in France. In 1767, for example, they
sought the opinion of "three eminent lawyers of Paris" as to ^ ^ ^ ^ ^
the nature and scope of certain reservations and other con
ditions which had, under the old dispensation, been Inserted
In most of the title-deeds of seigniorial lands. A study of
this opinion will of Itself afford some idea as to the com
plexity of the problems which the new courts of the colony
found themselves called upon to solve.-'
Manifestly, in such circumstances the administration of
the seigniorial system could not be the same under the new
suzerains as under the old. It was entrusted to strange
and not altogether sympathetic men, who, even with the
best intentions, were sure to blunder badly. One curious
but none the less persistent error made by the English judges
was that which led them to force an analogy between the
copyhold tenures of England and the en censive tenures of
Quebec. The Incidents in English copyhold tenure were
determined fundamentally by the customs of the manor or
the neighbourhood ; and had not the French king, they
argued, made express provision in a royal arret that en
censive lands in New France should be granted subject to
' Opinions of Three Eminent Lawyers of Paris, prepared at the Request
of the Canadian Authorities, as to the Legality of certain Clauses and Con
ditions commonly inserted in Titles to Seigniorial Lands, February 14, 1767,
printed below, pp. 2 1 8-226.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION ciii
the dues and services customary In the seigniory ? Why
should not the courts, therefore, in any case brought before
them, discover what was the custom of the seigniory and
adjudge accordingly ? But between tenure in copyhold and
tenure en censive there was one fundamental difference, —
namely, that the copyholder held no formal title-deed,
whereas the censitaire had a written docum.ent, signed by
the seigniorial grantor, which stated explicitly the dues and
services that the landholder was bound to render. By the
terms of this title-deed the conditions of tenure en censive
were determined in the first instance, provided always that
these terms were not repugnant to the Custom of Paris and
to the ordinances in force in the colony ; only in rare cases,
when no deed had been granted, did the custom of the
seigniory have any bearing whatever upon the matter. The
royal decrees did not prevent the making of any bargain
which the parties to a transaction chose to conclude ; they
merely permitted the habitant to insist, if he so chose, that
the terms imposed upon him In this Initial arrangement
should not be more onerous than those imposed upon his
prospective neighbours. The English courts, on the contrary,
insisted upon making local customs the test of seigniorial
prerogatives, a practice which was in most cases greatly to
the advantage of the seignior.
In one other important point the new system failed to
perpetuate the old. Before the conquest the royal intendant,
that factotum of French colonial administration, possessed a
jurisdiction with reference to all land questions which was
little less than prastorlan. Time and again he had taken it
upon himself to refuse enforcement of seigniorial claims which,
while thoroughly legal, were deemed contrary to public policy ;
for neither law nor custom required him to permit the enforce
ment of exactions that might be regarded as oppressive or at
variance with his own ideas as to the proper relations between
seigniorial proprietors and their dependants. The intendant's

civ HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
jurisdiction was therefore both judicial and administrative.
Furthermore, as he exacted no fees for his intervention in
any cause, his Interposition might be had by the poorest
habitant. Those students of the institutional history of New
France who have not dipped beneath the surface have hastened
to brand the Intendants of the old rdgime as rare rascals, who
divided their energies between quarrelling with the governors
and peculating public funds. Yet of the eleven intendants
who held office In the colony from first to last it would be hard
to designate more than two whose combativeness or rascality
was at all conspicuous. Judged by its achievements, the In
tendancy, as an Institution, was the most efficient and the most
flexible of all the organs of colonial government during the
old dominion. It was the balance-wheel of the whole system
of seigniorial relations ; and the British authorities erred in
falling to recognise that without some provision for the con
tinuance of Its administrative jurisdiction, the seigniorial system
of land tenure would speedily become bereft of its ancient
adjustment. Under the new dispensation, then, the spirit of the old
order of things was not maintained. The English courts had
no discretion except to administer what they conceived to be
the law ; they had no authority to Issue decrees dictated by
the Interests of public policy but repugnant to legal enactment,
— a limitation in full consonance with the traditions of Anglo-
Saxon government, which has in all ages clung steadfastly to
the canon that where the reign of law ends tyranny begins.
In order, therefore, that the colony might have a government
of laws and not of men, the new suzerains established the new
legal rdgime ; and the wisdom of their action may well pass
unquestioned. Its direct bearing upon the future of Canadian
seigniorialism has, however, scarcely received due considera
tion. The changed condition of affairs naturally gave great
advantage to the seigniors, especially since litigation was now
so expensive that many habitants found themselves virtually

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION cv
debarred from the protection of the courts. In 1794 the
attorney-general of the province gave it as his opinion that,
while the habitants had a perfect right to refuse to pay the
increased dues demanded by the seigniors, the expensiveness
of enforcing this right in the higher courts " deprives them,"
as he puts it, " of the possibility of obtaining justice, compels
them to abandon their rights and to throw themselves upon
the mercy of their seignior, who compromises the action and
grants a new deed of concession upon his own terms." ^
During the years 1763 to 1791 both home and colonial
authorities busied themselves with the consideration of means
by which the administration of the legal system In general and
the law of real property in particular might be Improved.
One of the most active in the matter was Governor Carleton,
who, besides securing a codification of the ancient laws so that
they might be used by the courts intelligently, succeeded in
obtaining from the British government the re-establlshment
of the whole fabric of French civil law, with permission to
continue the practice of granting seigniories whenever appli
cants should demand them. Carleton showed not only
sincere sympathy with those who desired to maintain and to
foster the old system of land tenure, but also vigorous Initiative
in securing royal action to this end. His judgment on the
subject, particularly In connection with the framing of the
Quebec Act of 1774, which re-established the civil law and
thereby anchored seigniorialism in Canada, has been frequently
criticised ; but, as has already been pointed out, the error
involved In the retention of the seigniorial system. If error
there was, dates from the pledges given In the capitulation
of 1760 and not from the act of 1774. Indeed, had the
British authorities in 1774 taken the step of entirely anglicising
the laws and the tenure of the colony, they would have
matched In Canada the administrative follies which they were
> Report of the Attorney-General, February 27, 1794, in Titles atid Docti-
ments relating to the Seigniorial Tenure, I. 93-95.

evi HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
contemporaneously displaying in some other parts of the realm.
That the seigniorial system was not thus swept away at a
moment which was of all times the most Inopportune, but was
left to perish ultimately at the hands of its own friends, with
out any requiem of violated pledges, was due not a little to
Carleton's vigorous Intervention. To him, as his published de
spatches amply attest,^ the French-Canadians owed very much.
That the seigniorial system had undergone an important
change In spirit even though Its external forms had remained
unaltered was shown when. In the course of the Revolu
tionary War, the continental forces invaded the colony.
During the French period the call to arms had invariably met
ready response from the seigniors, a word from whom was
always sufficient to rally their dependants to the service of
the king ; indeed, the disposition of both classes to drop the
sickle for the musket was. If anything, too ready at all times.
When, however, fifteen years after the English government
had assumed charge of the colony, its representatives deemed
it urgently necessary to Issue a similar call, the response was
of a very different nature. The seigniors, many of whom
were English, obeyed the summons cheerfully, but the habi
tants as a whole remained sullen and aloof. Seigniorial threats
that their lands would be forfeited as the penalty of their
recalcitrancy availed little ; and a few seigniors who insisted
with more vigour than tact upon their right to enforce the
obligation of military service were handled with ominous
roughness by their habitants. Undoubtedly, the opposition
^ Despatch of Governor Carleton to the Earl of Shelburne regarding the
Administration of English Law in Canada, December 24, 1767 , printed below,
pp. 227-231 (accompanying draft of an ordinance, pp. 232-235) ; Despatch of
Governor Carleton to the Secretary of State, giving a short Outline of the
Seigniorial System, April 12, 1768, below, pp. 235-238 ; Report of the Council
for Trade to the King, recommending the Issue of new Instructions in regard
to the Granting of Land in Canada, April 24, 1771, below, pp. 238-239; Royal
Instructions to Governor Carleton permitting the Governor-in-Council to make
further Grants of Land under the Seigniorial Tenure, July 2, 1771, pp. 240-241.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION evil
with which the people met the call has been exaggerated by
some of the contemporary writers who refer to the matter ;
but, with all due allowance for any over-statement, the fact
remains that the seigniorial system, as tested at this time,
showed none of that effectiveness as a means of augmenting
colonial military strength which it had displayed again and
again under the old rdgime.^
As the eighteenth century drew to its close the growing
weakness of the old land-tenure system became more and
more apparent. The Influx of loyalists greatly augmented
the number of socage landholders; and little by little the
impression gained ground, even among the French themselves,
that the English tenure was quite the more advantageous.
Applications began to come to the authorities praying that
the tenures of certain lands might be converted from the old
to the new ; and in connection with these requests the whole
question as to the future of seigniorialism came to engage
the earnest attention of the government. To this renewed
interest In the relation of tenures to future colonial develop
ment, the lengthy report of the solicitor-general of Quebec,
presented in 1790, bears testimony. In this report the whole
history of the system was reviewed, its various incidents were
analysed with care and tolerable accuracy, and the possibility
of a conversion of tenures was discussed.^ About the same
time one of the leading seigniors of the colony, Charles de
Lanaudidre, presented a similar report ; ' and the Legislative
Council of the colony, acting upon the information thus laid
before it, adopted a series of resolutions In the course of which
it declared that the seigniorial system had been a leading cause
1 A Contemporary Account of the Disorders connected with the Attempt to
enforce the Feudal Obligation of Military Service in the Province of Quebec
during the American Invasion of 1775, printed below, pp. 241-246.
2 Report of the Solicitor-General upon various Questions relating to the
Seigniorial System, October 5, 1790, below, pp. 250-267.
' Answers submitted by Charles de Lanaudifere to various Questions relating
to the Seigniorial System, October 11, 1790, below, pp. 267-273.

eviii HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
of tardy colonial progress, that It would In all probability
operate more detrimentally in the future than in the past,
and that, although compulsory conversion of tenures would
be Inexpedient, favourable consideration and encouragement
ought to be given to those seigniors who voluntarily applied
for such changes.^ From this general view one of the coun
cillors, Mr. Adam Mabane, expressed a vigorous dissent,
mainly on the ground that the conversion of tenures would
give the seigniors full property in their ungranted lands,
a right which they did not legally enjoy under existing
conditions.^ The proposals of the Council looking toward the conver
sion of tenures by voluntary process met an unexpected check
In the following year, when the Constitutional Act made pro
vision for the division of the colony Into the two provinces
of Upper and Lower Canada. One of the provisions of this
act required that, whenever a grant of lands was made in
Lower Canada (or Quebec), an area equal to one-seventh of
the granted tract should be set aside for the support of a
Protestant clergy, a measure which resulted In the creation of
what came to be known as the Clergy Reserves.^ Presently,
therefore, the colonial authorities, In maturing their projects
for permitting seigniors to surrender their lands to the crown
and receive them back under new grants in socage, encoun
tered the question whether, In such cases, the regrants would
rank as grants de novo, and hence become subject to the
Clergy-Reserves proviso. For many years this point proved
a stumbling-block ; but, as applications for changes in tenure
were seldom made. It was not until 1817 that the government
sought and obtained from the law officers of the crown in
1 Resolutions of the Council relating to the Seigniorial System, October 11,
17^0, printed below, pp. 273-279.
^ Reasons submitted by Mr. Adam Mabane, Member of the Council, in
support of his Dissent from the Resolutions adopted by the Council, October
15, 1790, below, pp. 279-281.
' Extracts from the Constitutional Act of 1791, below, pp. 281-284.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION cix
England an opinion as to whether Clergy Reserves would have
to be retained out of lands regranted under the new tenure.
This opinion was to the effect that such reservations must
be made, and hence that the seignior who surrendered his
lands would receive back in free and common socage only
six-sevenths of the area. ^ As this fact would obviously pre
vent applications for commutations of tenure, the Canadian
authorities requested that imperial legislation might be enacted
to remove the obstacle, and at the same time to clear up
several other matters that stood in the way of seigniors who
desired a change in the method of holding their lands.
This request met response in the Canada Trade Act of
1822, which, after dealing with several other matters, sim
plified the procedure whereby a change of tenure might be
effected.^ Seigniors, it provided, might surrender their hold
ings to the crown and receive back in socage the whole areas,
subject, however, to the payment of such sums to His Majesty
as would have been due under the old tenure. Those who
held en censive lands directly from the crown were to have the
same privilege ; but, as the act made no provision whereby
the habitants might arrange with their seigniors for a commu
tation of their tenures, further legislation, embodied In the
Canada Trade and Tenures Act of 1825, was obtained to
cover this point. This new statute provided that seigniors
who made arrangements with the crown for a conversion of
tenure should be bound to afford to their habitants the oppor
tunity to secure a like commutation of their holdings.^
All this legislation, however, availed but little. Although
many seigniors desired to make advantageous terms with the
' Opinion of the Law Officers of the Crown with reference to certain Diffi
culties encountered by the Colonial Authorities in carrying out the Arrange
ments for the Voluntary Commutation of Seigniorial Lands, August i, 1817,
printed below, pp. 288-290.
^ Extracts from the Canada Trade Act of 1822, below, pp. 290-292.
' Extracts from the Canada Trade and Tenures Act of 1825, below, pp.
292-299.

ex HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
crown, they did not find its proposals attractive if they were
to be bound, in return, to make the same generous terms with
their dependants. Moreover, as still another drawback, In
structions were transmitted to the governor requiring that the
commutation of the tenure of seigniories be arranged upon a
five per cent basis, — that Is, the seignior was to pay to the
crown. In commutation of all Its feudal claims, five per cent
of the seigniory's market value.^ When, however, the gover
nor pointed out In reply that it would be unwise to put all
seigniorial lands upon the same basis, the Instructions were so
altered as to permit the exaction of a higher percentage In the
case of urban as distinguished from rural holdings. More
over, as it was now the avowed design of the authorities to
encourage changes in tenure, the governor was further com
manded to make no more en censive grants within the limits of
those seigniories which had come Into the possession of the
crown. The facilities thus afforded to the seigniors were in
due time set forth in a proclamation by the governor ; ^ but
few came forward to ask for a change of tenure, and in the
next decade the provisions of the acts were applied In not
more than a half a dozen cases altogether. From time to time
thereafter the Legislative Assembly of Lower Canada took the
whole matter of seigniorial abolition into its consideration,
but with no substantial results ; and, when the rebellion of
1837-38 began, the question was no nearer its solution than
before. When, however, the last embers of the revolt had been
extinguished, and the union of the two provinces Into a
single colony had been accomplished, the first parliament of
Canada gave the question of abolishing the seigniorial system
1 Correspondence between Earl Bathurst and Governor Dalhousie with re
ference to the Carrying into Effect of the Canada Trade and Tenures Act,
August, 1825, to October, 1Z26, printed below, pp. 299-304.
^ Proclamation of Governor Dalhousie making Regulations for the Voluntary
Commutation of Lands held under the Seigniorial Tenure, April 14, 1826,
below, pp. 304-308.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION cxi
its earnest attention, by appointing a commission of three to
make a thorough investigation of its workings, and to pro
pose some practical scheme of compulsory commutation of
tenures which would be satisfactory to seigniors and habitants
alike. This task the commissioners promptly accomplished,
and in 1 843 presented the results to parliament in an elaborate
report containing much interesting and important Information
relating to the subject with which it dealt. -"^ This paper may
be commended to readers as affording the most comprehensive
and trustworthy outline of the seigniorial system to be found
in any official document prior to 1854. It contains some few
inaccuracies, and in some cases the attitude of the commis
sioners toward various incidents of the system is not without
obvious bias ; but on the whole it is an able and Illuminating
state paper, and must have been a notable contribution to
contemporary discussions of the subject. The commissioners
reached the general conclusion that the seigniorial system had
outlived its usefulness, that its continuance was productive of
many abuses and anomalies, and that it operated as a paralys
ing influence upon the agricultural progress of the country.
The facts set forth In support of their conclusion gave abundant
evidence that, in the opinion of the people at large, the system
had under British administration reached a plane very different
from that which It had occupied in the days before the com
ing of the conquerors. The dues and services exacted by the
seigniors from their dependants had been increased all along
the line ; seigniorial reservations and restrictions had become
more rigid ; and in many cases simple prerogatives of a purely
honorary nature had been turned into agencies of emolument.
The relations between the Canadian seignior and his dependants
toward the middle of the nineteenth century appear, in short,
1 Report of the Commissioners appointed to Inquire into the State of the
Laws and other Circumstances connected with the Seigniorial Tenure, as it
obtains in that part of the Province of Canada heretofore Lower Canada, March
29, \?ii,2„ printed below, pp. 308-357.

cxii HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
to have become as deficient In cordiality as are the contem
porary relations between the average English landlord and his
Irish peasantry. The habitants yielded their annual payments
grudgingly and with 111 grace ; and the few days of corvee
labour which under the old regime they gave without a
murmur they now looked upon as constituting a badge of
servitude. Popular opinion was, as the report shows, running
strongly against the continuance of the system, the very
element which had in 1774 constituted its firm friends now
assuming an attitude of Irreconcilable opposition.
The commissioners of 1843 laid before the Assembly
three different proposals looking to the entire abolition of
seigniorialism ; and one of these found favour. In accordance
with this recommendation, two statutes passed during the next
few years sought to make possible the conversion of tenures
within seigniories, even though the seigniors might not see fit
to commute the tenures of their own holdings by arrange
ments with the crown. By the terms of this legislation a
seignior was not bound to grant applications for commutation
on the part of his dependants, but he was permitted to do
so whenever satisfactory terms with the parties could be
arranged. In many cases such terms were made ; but, since
the amount to be paid by the habitant to his seignior In lieu
of all seigniorial claims obviously depended on the nature and
extent of the latter, and since there was considerable difference
of opinion as to what claims were valid and what were not,
the process of conversion did not make much headway. As
time went by, therefore, members of the Assembly came to
feel that nothing short of a scheme of commutation which
should be compulsory as regarded both parties would ever pro
mise a final disposition of the whole question. Accordingly,
in the spring of 1 85 1 a committee of the House was appointed
to draft such a measure; but, as the legislation which it out
lined was not regarded as satisfactory, action was postponed
until the year following, when a new ministry came into office.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION cxiii
This new administration introduced a measure of its own
framed along the same lines as the previous one ; but, al
though the bill passed the Assembly, it was defeated in the
Legislative Council, or upper house of the colonial legislature.
The general elections of 1854 brought the question of
abolishing the old-tenure system prominently before the
people, who gave their verdict In no uncertain tone by in
stalling in power a ministry openly pledged to the cause of
abolition. One of the first administrative acts of this new
government was to lay before the legislature a comprehensive
plan designed to carry out the popular mandate, — a measure
which, like Its predecessors, encountered much opposition
both within and without the legislative halls, but which
finally passed both houses and received the viceregal assent.^
This act of 1854 is a long and comprehensive statute, con
taining a large number of detailed provisions intended to
cover any contingencies which might arise, but providing in
general that the tenures of all lands held en seigneurie or en
censive should be forthwith commuted to tenure en franc aleu
roturier, which was the French equivalent of the English
tenure in free and common socage, or freehold. For this
conversion the seigniors were to pay nothing to the crown ;
but the sums that would ordinarily have been exacted for
such concessions they were to apply to the reduction of the
dues thereafter to be required from their dependants. The
habitants, on their part, were to pay to the seignior, in com
mutation of all his privileges and claims, either a lump sum
or an annual quit-rent at their option, the exact sum to be
fixed, in the case of each farm, by commissioners whose appoint
ment was provided for by the statute and who were to be
guided by rules prescribed by it. Naturally, the sum was to be
determined with reference to the amount of dues and services
which the seignior had been legally exacting in each case.
¦¦ An Act for the Abolition of Feudal Rights and Duties in Lower Canada,
December 18, 1854 (18 Victoria, c. 3). h

cxiv HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
The authorities did not venture upon the difficult task of
deciding what seigniorial exactions were legal and what were
not, nor did they leave this question to the judgment of the
commissioners. On the contrary, they adopted the very
judicious plan of constituting a special court made up of
judges drawn from the regular higher tribunals of the colony,
and committing to this body the determination as to what
seigniorial exactions ought to be considered by the commis
sioners in estimating the precise terms of commutation. This
court performed Its Important and difficult task with the
utmost credit. Its work contributing greatly to the compara
tive smoothness with which the provisions of the act of 1854
were carried Into operation. As the fixing of the terms by
the commissioners took considerable time, it was not until
some years after 1854 that the change of tenure had been
completely effected. Sundry unforeseen difficulties arose here
and there, and some supplementary legislation was necessary;
but on the whole the change was accomplished with as much
expedition and as little Injustice to any private interests as the
peculiar circumstances seem to have permitted.
By many of the seigniors the arrangements made by the
act of 1854 were regarded as unfair to them; indeed, during
the years preceding the adoption of the statute the whole
project of abolition had been vigorously opposed by many of
them, on grounds, too, that carry the air of plausibility.-' By
some the arrangements were denounced as involving a partial
confiscation of seigniorial property without adequate com
pensation ; and It is probably true that, as Investments, most
of the seigniories were worth less after the passage of the act
than they were before. Others complained that, since the
vast majority of the habitants chose to pay an annual quit-
rent rather than a lump sum In commutation of their various
* Memorandum of Peter Burnet, Esquire, protesting against the proposed
Method of Commuting the Seigniorial Tenure, April, 1852, printed below,
PP- 357-366.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION cxv
dues, the total sums realised by the seigniors were almost
invariably less than the old seigniorial revenues. Even to
the present day, indeed, comparatively few of the smaller
landholders in the province of Quebec have exercised their
privilege of entirely redeeming their farms from all future
payments ; most of them continue to pay their annual rente
constitute, as fixed by the commissioners a half-century ago.
Those to whom the payments go are still popularly called
seigniors, but since 1854 this title has had no legal recognition.
The relation between the parties is now virtually that of
landlord and tenant, with the provision, however, that the
habitant, his heirs, or assigns, shall be secure In the tenure
of the land so long as the annual fixed rental is promptly
paid. The rules in regard to succession to real property,
conveyancing, and the other incidents of landholding still
follow the old canons of possession en franc aleu roturier, the
allodial tenure of the Middle Ages.
The twilight of European feudalism was more prolonged
in French Canada than in any other country, a prolonga
tion which in many respects proved a public evil. During
the century following the English conquest the political,
social, and economic environment in the colony underwent a
thorough change ; but the seigniorial system had become so
stereotyped that it adjusted itself very ineffectually to the
new order of things. Its abolition in 1854 was, therefore,
the part of wisdom. This is not to say, however, that Its
transplantation from France to Canada two centuries pre
viously was an administrative error, or that during the two
succeeding centuries it did not serve a useful purpose in the
general economy of the colony. So long as the environment
was favourable, so long as the administration was sympathetic,
and so long as defence was accounted a more immediate goal
than opulence, seigniorialism played a useful and even a
notable role in moulding the destinies of New France. It
gave to the colony much of Its vigour in arms and much of

cxvi HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
its characteristic aggressiveness, furnishing at the same time
a scheme of civil organisation which was neither Ignoble nor
oppressive. It did little, however, to expand the human
faculties of initiative and enterprise In the arts of peace. In
this sphere its Influence was either wholly negative or, worse
still, actually depressing. Although not all the Industrial
stagnation which characterised New France from first to
last may properly be laid at its door, the institution was
unquestionably part and parcel of the general scheme of
stifling paternalism which held the colony In its economic
tutelage, and it must therefore be debited with its share In
the general outcome. The seigniorial system, in a word,
helped to make New France homogeneous, loyal to her
church and her sovereign, and helped to give her a de
fensive strength quite out of proportion to her population
and resources. On the other hand. It retarded the march of
the colony to material prosperity, hindered the development
of moral and intellectual Independence, and Interposed a
formidable barrier to the institutions of free government.

TABLE OF DOCUMENTS

PART I
//' PAOB
No. I. Extracts from the Commission of the Sieur de la Roche,
January 12, 1598 ........ i
No. 2. Extract from the Charter of the Company of One Hundred
Associates, April 29, 1627 ...... 3
No. 3. Extracts from the By-laws and Regulations adopted by the
Company of One Hundred Associates, May 7, 1627 . . 5
No. 4. Title-deed of the Seigniory of Beauport, granted to Robert
Giffard, January 15, 1634 ...... 7
No. 5. Royal Decree accepting the Surrender of all Rights held by
the Company of One Hundred Associates, March, 1663 . 10
No. 6. Royal Arret providing for the Revocation of all Grants of
Land remaining Uncleared, March 21, 1663 . . .12
No. 7. Royal Instructions given to the Sieur Gaudais, Special
Commissioner to Investigate Conditions in New France,
May 7, 1663  14
No. 8. Extracts from the Charter of the Company of the West Indies,
May, 1664  17
No. 9. Extract from the Memorial of M. Le Barroys to Messieurs de
Tracy, de Courcelle, and Talon concerning the Procedure
to be followed in making Grants of Seigniories in New
France, August 18, 1666 ...... 20
No. 10. Extract from the Draft of Regulations relating to the
Administration of Justice and the Distribution of Lands in
Canada, submitted by M. Talon to Messieurs de Tracy and
de Courcelle, January 24, 1667 .... 22

cxviii TABLE OF DOCUMENTS
PAGE
No. 1 1 . Despatch of Talon to the Minister regarding the Extent of
Seigniorial Grants, October 27, 1667 .... 27
No. 12. Despatch of Talon to the Minister concerning the Progress of
Colonial Settlement, October 27, 1667 .... 28
No. 13. Memorandum [from the Minister] asking Talon for a Statement
of Land Grants made in Canada [1669] .... 31
No. 14. Despatch of Talon to the Minister, November 11, 1671 . 32
No. 15. Arret of the Royal Council providing for the Retrenchment
of Land Grants in Canada, June 4, 1672 . . . 32
No. 16. Title-deed of the Seigniory of Saurel, granted to Pierre de
Saurel, officer of the Carignan -Salieres Regiment, Octo
ber 29, 1672 ........ 34
No. 1 7. Memoir prepared by Talon, at the King's Request, on his Return
to Paris, March 9, 1673 ...... 36
No. 18. Despatch of Governor Frontenac to the Minister regarding
a Petition of the Jesuits for an Augmentation of their
Seigniory of La Prairie de la Magdelaine at Montreal,
November 14, 1674 ....... 39
No. 19. Royal Arret empowering the Governor and Intendant jointly
to make Land Grants in Canada, May 20, 1676 . . 41
No. 20. Instructions [from Colbert] to Duchesneau as to the Necessity
of strictly Enforcing the Royal Orders in regard to the
Clearing of Seigniories, May 15, 1678 .... 42
No. 21. Royal Edict ordering the Retrenchment of Uncleared Conces
sions, May 9, 1679 .... . . 43
No. 22. Despatch of Duchesneau to the Minister regarding the Progress
of the Seigniorial System, October i, 1679 • ¦ • 45
No. 23. Despatch of Duchesneau to the Minister concerning the Pro
gress of Agriculture, November 10, 1679 . . . 49
No. 24. Letters-patent creating the Barony of Portneuf in favour of
Rene Robineau, Sieur de Becancour, March, 168 1 . . 53
No. 25. Despatch |^of Duchesneau J to the Minister on the Relation of
the Cures to the Seigniors, November 13, 168 1 . . 58

TABLE OF DOCUMENTS cxix

PAGE

No. 26. Royal Arret concerning Seigniorial Mills, June 4, 1686 . 61
No. 27. Despatch of Governor Denonville to the Marquis de Seignelay
on the Difficulties attending the Cultivation of the Seigniories
owing to the Danger of Iroquois Raids, August 10, 1688 . 63
iVb. 28. Extract from the Memoir of a Missionary, 1 69 1 . . 64
No. 29. Despatch of Champigny to the Minister as to the chief Cause
of slow Agricultural Progress, November 6, 1695 . . 65
No. 30. Letters-patent creating the Barony of Longueull in favour of
Charles Le Moyne, Sieur de Longueull, January 26, 1700. 66
No. 31. Memoir of Jacques Raudot, Intendant, to M. de Pontchartrain,
Minister of Marine, on the Growth of Seigniorial Abuses in
Canada, November 10, 1707 ...... 70
No. 32. Despatch of M. de Pontchartrain, Minister of Marine, to
Jacques Raudot, Intendant, concerning Seigniorial Abuses
and the Administration of Justice in Canada, June 13, 1708 80
No. 33. Memoranda of M. de Pontchartrain, Minister of Marine, to
Messieurs Deshaguais and Daguesseau, concerning the
Royal Edict or Declaration desired by Raudot for the
Reform of Seigniorial Abuses, July 10, 1708 ... 82
No. 34. Despatch of Messieurs Raudot to the Minister on the Progress
of Agriculture, October 8, 1708 ..... 83
No. 35. Despatch of Jacques Raudot, Intendant, to M. de Pontchar
train, Minister of Marine, containing a further Discussion of
Seigniorial Abuses, October 18, 1708 .... 85
No. 36. Ordinance defining the Honours to be accorded to Seigniors In
Seigniorial Churches, July 8, 1709 . . . . .88
No. 37. Memoir of Antolne-Denls Raudot, Adjunct- Intendant, to the
Minister concerning the Progress of Agriculture, Novem
ber I, 1709  .90
' iVo. 38. The Arrets of Marly, July 6, 1 7 II  91
No. 39. Report on the Seigniories and Settlements In the Districts of
Quebec, Three Rivers, and Montreal, by Gedeon de Cata
logne, Engineer, November 7, 1712 .... 94

cxx

TABLE OF DOCUMENTS

No. 40. Despatch of Governor Vaudreuil to His Royal Highness
the Due d'Orleans, Regent of France, asking that Salt-
smugglers be sent to Canada to work the Lands, Feb
ruary, 1716 . . , . ... 151
No. 41. Extract from the Minutes of the Council of Marine regarding
Seigniorial Abuses in Canada, May 5, 1717 . • • 153
No. 42. Draft of an Arret prepared by Messieurs Deshaguais and
Daguesseau for annulling all Title-deeds containing Con
ditions contrary to the Custom of Paris, May, 17 17 • • 157
No. 43. Royal Instructions to Messieurs de Vaudreuil and Begon con
cerning the Decision of the French Authorities to Grant no
more Seigniories In Canada, May 23, 17 19 . . • 160
No. 44. Despatch of Messieurs de Vaudreuil and Begon to the Minister
concerning the Reunion of Uncleared Seigniories to the
Royal Domain, October 26, 1719 ..... 163
No. 45. Instructions from the Due d'Orleans, Regent of France, to
Messieurs de Vaudreuil and Begon concerning the Granting
of Seigniories In Canada, January 6, 1720 . . 165
No. 46. Royal Instructions concerning the Enforcement of the Arrets
of Marly, December 19, 172 1 . . . . .166
No. 47. Despatch of Messieurs de Vaudreuil and Begon concerning
the Nature and Scope of the Aveux et Denombrements,
October 14, 1723 ....... 167
No. 48. Despatch of Messieurs de Beauharnois and Hocquart to the
Minister with reference to the Reappearance of Seigniorial
Abuses, October 10, 1730 ...... 169
No. 49. Despatch of Messieurs de Beauharnois and Hocquart to the
Minister complaining of the Conduct of various Seigniors,
and asking for a Reiteration of the Provisions of the Arrets
of Marly, October 3, 1731 ...... 172
No. 50. Royal Arret ordering Seigniors to Cultivate their Lands and
forbidding the Sale of Uncleared Lands, March 15, 1732 . 174
No. 5 1 . Despatch of Messieurs de Beauharnois and Hocquart concern
ing the Enforcement of the Royal Decree relating to the
Clearing of Seigniories, October I, 1732 .... 176

TABLE OF DOCUMENTS cxxi

PAGE

No. 52. Despatch of Messieurs de Beauharnois and Hocquart to the
Minister asking for a Remission of the Quint on behalf of
Major Pean, September 30, 1736. . . . .177
No. 53. Despatch of Messieurs de Beauharnois and Hocquart to the
Minister concerning various Seigniorial Grants, Octo
ber 15, 1736  iy8
No. 54. Proposals of Messieurs de Beauharnois and Hocquart [to
Maurepas] regarding the Settlement of Lands at Polnte-
a-la-Chevelure, October 11, 1737 ..... 181
No. 55. Memoir [of Hocquart] to the Minister, containing a Char
acterisation of the French-Canadian Population [Novem
ber 8, 1737J  185
No. 56. Royal Arret concerning Concessions and Revocations of Lands
in the Colonies, July 17, 1743 . . . . 188

PART II
No. 57. Extracts from the Articles of Capitulation of Montreal,
September 8, 1760 ....... 193
No. 58. Decision of the Military Court in the Case of Le Due m.
Hunaut, April 20, 1762 ...... 194
No. 59. Title-deed of the Seigniory of Murray Bay, granted to
Captain John Nairne of the 78th Regiment, April 27, 1762 195
No. 60. Report of General James Murray on the State of Canada
under French Administration, June 5, 1762 . . . 196
No. 61. Instructions to Governor James Murray concerning the Grant
ing of Lands In Canada, December 7, 1763 . . . 206
No. 62. Memorandum presented to Lieutenant-Governor Carleton by
Francois Monnier, txplalning the Methods whereby Seigniors
obtained the Reunion of Lands to their Domains during the
old Regime [undated] . . . . . • .216
No. 63. Extract from a Despatch of Governor Murray to Lord Shel
burne concerning the Relations of the Seigniors to their
Dependants, August 20, 1766 . . • .217
i

cxxii TABLE OF DOCUMENTS
PAGE
No. 64. Opinions of Three Eminent Lawyers of Paris, prepared at
the Request of the Canadian Authorities, as to the Legality
of certain Clauses and Conditions commonly inserted in
Titles to Seigniorial Lands, February 14, 1767 . . 218
No. 65. Despatch of Governor Carleton to the Earl of Shelburne
regarding the Administration of English Law In Canada,
December 24, 1767 ....... 227
No. 66. Draft of " An Ordinance for continuing and confirming the
Laws and Customs that prevailed In this Province In the
Time of the French Government, concerning the Tenure,
Inheritance, and Alienation of Lands," December 24, 1767 232
No. 67. Despatch of Governor Carleton to the Secretary of State, giving
a short Outline of the Seigniorial System, April 12, 1768 . 235
No. 68. Report of the Council for Trade to the King, recommending
the issue of new Instructions in regard to the Granting of
Land in Canada, April 24, 1771 ..... 238
No. 69. Royal Instructions to Governor Carleton permiuing the Gover
nor-in-Council to make further Grants of Land under the
Seigniorial Tenure, July 2, 1771 . . . . 240
No. 70. A Contemporary Account of the Disorders connected with the
Attempt to enforce the Feudal Obligation of Military
Service In the Province of Quebec during the American
Invasion of 1775 . . ..... 24I
No. 71. Proclamation of Governor Carleton calling upon the Seigniors
to render their Fealty and Homage, August 28, 1777 . 246
No. 72. Despatch of Governor Haldlmand to the Secretary of State
concerning various Seigniorial Incidents, July 6, 1781 . 248
No. 73. Report of the Solicitor-General upon various Questions relating
to the Seigniorial System, October 5, 1790 . . . 250
No. 74. Answers submitted by Charles de Lanaudlere to various
Questions relating to the Seigniorial System, October 11,
1790 .......... 267
No. 75. Resolutions of the Council relating to the Seigniorial System,
October 11, 1790 ....... 273

TABLE OF DOCUMENTS cxxiii
PAGE
No. 76. Reasons submitted by Mr. Adam Mabane, Member of the
Council, In support of his Dissent from the Resolutions
adopted by the Council, October 15, 1790 . . . 279
No. 77. Extracts from the Constitutional Act of 1 79 1 . . . 281
No. 78. Opinion of the Law Officers of the Crown upon the Relation
of Changes in Tenure to the Clergy-Reserves Provision of
the Act of 1791, January 22, 1817 .... 284
No. 79. Opinion of the Law Officers of the Crown with reference to
certain Difficulties encountered by the Colonial Authorities
In carrying out the Arrangements for the Voluntary Com
mutation of Seigniorial Lands, August i, 1817 . . 288
A^o. 80. Extracts from the Canada Trade Act of 1822 . . . 290
No. 81. Extracts from the Canada Trade and Tenures Act of 1825 . 292
No. 82. Correspondence between Earl Bathurst and Governor Dalhousie
with reference to the Carrying into Effect of the Canada
Trade and Tenures Act, August, 1825, to October, 1826 . 299
No. 83. Proclamation of Governor Dalhousie making Regulations for
the Voluntary Commutation of Lands held under the
Seigniorial Tenure, April 14, 1826 .... 304
No. 84. Report of the Commissioners appointed to Inquire Into the State
of the Laws and other Circumstances connected with the
Seigniorial Tenure, as It obtains in that part of the Province
of Canada heretofore Lower Canada, March 29, 1843 . 308
No. 85. Memorandum of Peter Burnet, Esquire, protesting against the
proposed Method of Commuting the Seigniorial Tenure,
April, 1852 .  3S7

DOCUMENTS RELATING TO
THE SEIGNIORIAL TENURE
IN CANADA
PART I
No. I. Extracts from the Commission of the
Sieur de la Roche,'^ January 12, 1598.
Edits et Ordonnances, III. 7-10.
Henry, par la grace de Dieu, rol de France et de Navarre,
a tous ceux qui ces presentes lettres verront, salut. . . .
Savoir falsons que pour la bonne et entifere confiance que
nous avons de la personne de notre am6 et feal Troillus des
MesgoUets . . . le sieur de la Roche, . . . et de ses louables
vertus, qualltds et m^rites, aussi de I'enti^re affection qu'Il
' Troillus du MesgoUets, Sieur de la Roche (sometimes spelled Troilus de
Mesgouez), was a gentleman of Brittany who had at one time been an attendant
at the court of Queen Catherine de Mddicis. His influence at the royal court
had secured him the position of governor of Morlaix, and in 1578 he was
commissioned lieutenant-general and viceroy of all the territories claimed by
France in the New World. The viceroy did not, however, set forth for his
new sphere of service until 1584, when he started for Newfoundland with a
following of three hundred prospective colonists. Almost at the outset of his
voyage, however, his largest vessel was wrecked near Brouage, and hence his
plans were, for the time being, abandoned. The commission here given is,
therefore, the second that was issued to the Sieur de la Roche. Further details
concerning the Breton nobleman and his voyages may be found in Richard
Hakluyt's Discourse on Westeme Planting, in Maine Historical Society,
Collections, 2nd Series, II. 26, and in H. P. Biggar's Early Trading Com
panies of New France (Toronto, 1901), chap. iii. A

2 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
a au bleu de notre service et avancement de nos aifalres :
Icelui, pour ces causes et autres a ce nous mouvant, nous
avons, conformement a la volont^ du feu roi dernier d6cede,
notre tres-honore sieur et fr^re, qui ja avoit fait election de
sa personne pour I'exdcution de la dite entreprlse, icelui fait,
falsons, cr6ons, ordonnons et dtabllssons par ces presentes
slgn^es de notre main, notre lieutenant-general es dits pays
de Canada, Hochelaga, Terre-neuve, Labrador, riviere de la
Grande Baye de Norembegue et terres adjacentes des dites
provinces et rivieres, lesquels etant de grande longueur et
^tendue de pays, sans icelles 6tre habitees par sujets de nul
prince chretien ; . . .
Et afin d'augmenter et accroitre le bon vouloir, courage
et aifection de ceux qui serviront a Tex^cutlon et expedition
de la dite entreprlse et meme de ceux qui demeureront hs
dites terres, nous lui avons donn6 pouvoir, d'Icelles terres
qu'Il nous pourrait avoir acquises au dit voyage, faire bail,
pour en jouir par ceux a qui el les seront aifect6es et leurs
successeurs en tous droits de proprl^t^, a savoir : aux gen
tilshommes et ceux qu'Il jugera gens de m^rite, en fiefs,
seigneuries, chatellenies, comtes, vIcomt6s, baronnies et autres
dignltes relevant de nous,^ telles qu'Il jugera convenir a leurs
services, a la charge qu'ils serviront a la tuition et defense des
dits pays, et aux autres de molndre condition, a telles charges
et redevances annuelles qu'Il avisera, dont nous consentons
qu'ils en demeurent quittes pour les six premieres anuses, ou
tel autre tems que notre dit lieutenant avisera bon 6tre, et
connottra leur 6tre necessaire, except^ toutefois du devoir et
service pour la guerre.^ . . .
^ There is no evidence that Roche made any grants of land or issued any
patents of nobility by virtue of the powers here given. See Benjamin Suite on
"L'ancienne noblesse du Canada," in Revue Canadienne, May, 1885.
2 The clauses "^ la charge qu'ils serviront k la tuition et defense des dits
pays,'' and "excepts toutefois du devoir et service pour la guerre," are of
significance as showing the distinctly military nature of the tenure which the
king intended Roche to establish in New France. See also below, pp. 22-26.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 3
. . . Et afin que notre dit lieutenant puisse plus facilement
mettre ensemble le nombre de gens qui lui est necessaire pour
le dit voyage et entreprlse, taut de I'un que de I'autre sexe,
nous lui avons donne pouvoir de prendre, ellre et cholsir et
lever telles personnes en notre dit royaume, pays, terre et
seigneurie qu'Il connottra 6tre propres, utiles et n^cessaires
pour la dite entreprlse qui conviendront avec lui aller, lesquels
il fera conduire et acheminer des lieux ou lis seront par lui
leves, jusqu'au lieu de I'embarquement.^ . . .
Donne a Paris, le douzieme jour de Janvier, I'an de grace
mil cinq cent quatre-vingt-dix-huit, et de notre regne le
neuvi^me. Henry.

No. 2. Extract from the Charter of the Company
of One Hundred Associates, April 29, 1627.^
Isambert, Recueil general des anciennes lots frangaises, XVI. 216-222 ; Edits
et Ordonnances, I. i— 11.
I. C'est a savoir que les dits . . . assocles promettront faire
passer au dit pays de la Nouvelle France, deux a trols cens
hommes de tous metiers des I'annee prochalne 1628, et
pendant les annees sulvantes en augmenter le nombre jusqu'a
quatre mille de I'un et de I'autre sexe, dans quinze ans pro-
chainement venans, et qui finiront en decembre, que Ton
' As no voluntary colonists could be had, Roche later received permission
to take from the gaols of Normandy and Brittany such number of prisoners as
he wished to transport to his new dominions. See Henry Harrisse, Notes
pour servir d P histoire de la Nouvelle-France (Paris, 1872), 258 ff.
2 On the organisation and operations of the Company of One Hundred
Associates, or Company of New France, many details may be found in Henri
Plgeonneau's Histoire du commerce de la France (2 vols., Paris, 1887-1889),
II. chap, ill.; Pierre Bonnassleux's Les grandes compagnies de commerce
(Paris, 1892), 350-353 ; and Biggar's Early Trading Companies of New France,
chap. vlll. The names of the hundred associates are printed In Benjamin
Suite's Histoire des Canadiens-Frani;ais (8 vols., Montreal, 1882-1884), II.
3I-33'

4 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
comptera 1643; les y loger, nourrlr et entretenir de toutes
choses generalement quelconques, necessaires a la vie pendant
trois ans seulement, lesquels expires, les dits assocles seront
decharges, si bon leur semble, de leur nourriture et entre-
tenement, en leur assignant la quantlte de terres defrichees,
suffisantes pour leur subvenir, avec le ble necessaire pour les
ensemencer la premiere fois, et pour vivre jusqu'a la recolte
lors prochalne, ou autrement leur pourvoir en telle sorte qu'ils
puissent de leur Industrie et travail subslster au dit pays, et
s'y entretenir par eux-m6mes. . . .
V. Pourront les dits assocles ameliorer et amenager les
dites terres, ainsi qu'ils verront 6tre a faire, et icelles distribuer
i ceux qui habiteront le dit pays et autres en telle quantlte et
ainsi qu'ils jugeront a propos ; leur donner et attrlbuer tels
titres et honneurs, droits, pouvoirs et facultes qu'ils jugeront
6tre bons, besoin ou necessaires, selon les qualltes, conditions
et merites des personnes, et generalement a telles charges,
reserves et conditions qu'ils verront bon ^tre. Et neanmolns
en cas d'erection de duches, marquisats, comtes et baronnies,
seront prises lettres de confirmation de Sa Majeste sur la
presentation de mon dit seigneur grand-maltre, chef et sur-
Intendant general de la navigation et commerce de France.
VI. Et afin que les dits assocles puissent jouIr pleinement
et paislblementde ce qui leur sera donne et accorde, Sa Majeste
revoquera tous dons falts des dites terres, parts ou portions
d'Icelles.^ . . .
Fait a Paris, ce vingt-neuf avrll, mil six cent vingt-sept.
Armand, Cardinal de Richelieu,^ &c. &c.
¦^ Only three seigniorial grants had been made in New France prior to the
date of the Company's charter. *rhese were Sault au Matelot, near Quebec, to
Louis Hebert in 1623, Cap Tourmente to Guillaume de Caen in 1624, and
Notre Dame des Anges to the Jesuits in 1626. The titles are printed in Titres
des Seigneuries, 53, 373.
^ Armand-Jean du Plessis, Cardinal and Due de Richelieu, was born in
Paris in 1585. Although trained for the church, he entered the civil service of
the king when he was about thirty years of age, and rose steadily until in 1624

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 5
No. 3. Extract from the By-laws and Regulations
adopted by the Company of One Hundred
Associates, May 7, 1627.
Edits et Ordonnances, I. 12-17.
IV. La dite compagnle se dira et nommera "La Compagnie
de la Nouvelle-France," et du dit nom seront intitulees toutes
commissions et expeditions souscrites et signees, toutes lettres
missives, cedules et lettres de change, et scellees du cachet de
la dite societe.
V. Des dits directeurs, le tiers du moins seront marchands,
lesquels se quallfieront directeurs et adminlstrateurs de la dite
compagnle, des affaires de laquelle Us auront I'entler manie-
ment et conduite avec plein pouvoir ; et partant nous leur
donnons la faculte de nommer et presenter au roi ceux qu'ils
jugeront capables, du nombre des dits assocles, pour com
mander aux deux vaisseaux que le roi donnera, m6me en toute
I'etendue de la dite Nouvelle-France, en I'absence de mon dit
seigneur le grand-maitre, chef et surlntendant general de la
navigation et commerce de France, places et forts qui se
batlront en icelle. . . .
VII. Distribuer les terres de la dite Nouvelle-France, a
telles clauses et conditions qu'ils verront 6tre les plus avan-
tageuses pour la compagnle, ainsi qu'Il est porte par les dits
articles ; m6me commettre tels sur les lieux qu'ils trouveront a
he became chief minister of Louis XIII. Richelieu was much interested in the
development of French commercial and colonial interests, and the organisation
of the Company of One Hundred Associates in 1627 was due largely to his
inspiration. Down to the date of his death in 1642 his interest in this sphere
continued, notwithstanding the enormous energy which he was compelled to
expend upon the administration of Internal affairs In France. The best
elaborate study of his life and achievements is Georges d'Avenel's Richelieu et
la monarchie absolue (4 vols., Paris, 1884-1890). See also Jules Caillet,
De V administration en France sous le ministere du Cardiiial de Richelieu
(Paris, 1857) ; and Gabriel Hanotaux, Histoire du Cardinal de Richelieu (2 vols.,
Paris, 1893-1903).

6 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
propos pour la distribution des dites terres, et en regler les
conditions. . . .
XI. Ne seront ces directeurs obliges, en leurs assemblees
et deliberations particulieres, d'appeler plus grand nombre des
dits associes pour les assister, qu'en cas qu'Il solt question de
presenter au roi et nommer quelques ofiiciers ou personnes de
commandement, ou bleu de leur dellvrer provisions a cet efi^et,
ou qu'ils voulussent distribuer et aliener aux dits assocles et
autres quelques terres de la dite Nouvelle-France, excedant
deux cents arpents,' pour ce qu'aux dits cas Us seront tenus
d'appeler en leur assemblee le plus grand nombre des associes
que faire se pourra, et ne vaudra ce qui aura ete par eux
resolu, que la dite deliberation ne soit au moins souscrite de
vingt des dits associes,^ y compris les directeurs ou leurs pro-
cureurs, en la presence du sieur Intendant ' des affaires du dit
pays de la Nouvelle-France : et pour les autres affaires, les
resolutions ne seront valables qu'elles ne soient au moins
souscrites de quatre des directeurs et du secretaire de la
compagnle. . . .
Fait a Paris, le sept mal, mil six cent vIngt-sept.
Armand, Cardinal de Richelieu.
^ The arpent de Paris was used both as a unit of length and as a unit of
area. The lineal arpent is about the equivalent of 192 English feet ; the
superficial arpent comprises 0.324 French hectares, and may for all practical
purposes be reckoned as five-sixths of an English acre. Nearly all the grants
made by the Company during the period 1627-1663 greatly exceeded this area.
Many grants en seigneurie were made to associates themselves, and these were
usually of formidable extent. Thus Simon Le Maitre, one of the Company's
directors, received a grant of three leagues by six {Titres des Seigneuries, 24) ;
while to another director, Jacques Castillon, was given the whole of the Island
of Orleans {Ibid., 350).
^ The title-deeds were usually signed in the name of the Company by the
secretary only.
^ The term " intendant " was sometimes used as the title of the officer who
had charge of the Company's commercial affairs In France. The office of
royal intendant, however, did not make its appearance in connection with the
affairs of New France until 1663, after the Company's charter had been
annulled. On this point, see W. B. Munro on "The Office of Intendant in
New France," American Historical Review, October, 1906, pp. 15-38.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 7

No. 4. Title-deed of the Seigniory of Beauport,
granted to Robert Giffard,^ January 15, 1634.
Titres des Seigneuries, 386.
La Compagnle de la Nouvelle-France, a tous presents et a
venir, salut.
Le desir que nous avons d'avancer la colonie en la
Nouvelle-France, sulvant la volonte du roi, nous faisant
recevoir ceux qui ont le moyen d'y contribuer de leur part et
voulant distribuer les terres du dit pays a ceux qui participent
avec nous en ce louable dessein et qui seront capables de les
faire defricher et cultiver pour y attirer les Franfais par
I'exemple desquels les peuples du dit pays qui ont vecu
jusqu'a present sans aucune police, pourront 6tre instrults en
la connaissance du vrai Dieu et nourris en I'obeissance du roi,
apr^s qu'Il nous est apparu des bonnes intentions du sieur
Robert Giffard, et de son zele a la religion catholique,
apostolique et romalne et au service du roi — a ces causes et en
vertu du pouvoir a nous donne par Sa Majeste, avons au dit
sieur Giffard donne et octroye, donnons et octroyons, par ces
presentes, I'etendue et circonstances des terres qui en suivent,
c'est a dire, savoir : une lieue de terre a prendre de long de la
cote du fleuve Saint-Laurent, sur une lleue et demie de pro-
^ Robert Giffard, bom in Perche in 1 587, first came to Canada as surgeon
on one of the trading vessels which made annual trips to the St. Lawrence
before 1627. In 1628 he was captured by the English on his way home to
France ; but after the restoration of Quebec to the French he returned, and
in 1634 received the seigniory of Beauport. This was the first seigniorial
grant made by the Company of One Hundred Associates, and Giffard is often
spoken of as " the first seignior in Canada," but not properly so ; for Louis
Hdbert had become seignior of Sault au Matelot several years previously, in
virtue of a grant en fief noble from the Due de Montmorenci, viceroy of New
France {Titres des Seigneuries, 321, 373). The family of Giffard was one of
the most prominent in the earlier history of the colony. For the later history
of the seigniory of Beauport, see below, p. 134, note 2.

8 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
fondeur dans les terres,-' a I'endrolt ou la riviere appelee
Notre-Dame de Beauport entre dans le dit fleuve, icelle
riviere comprise, pour jouir des dits lieux par le dit sieur
Giffard, ses successeurs ou ayants cause en toute justice,
propriete et seigneurie a perpetulte, tout ainsi et pareil droit
qu'Il a plu a Sa Majeste donner le pays de la Nouvelle-France
a la dite compagnie, a la reserve, toutefois, de la foi et
hommage,^ que le dit GIffard, ses successeurs ou ayants cause,
seront tenus porter au fort Saint-Louis, a Quebec, ou autre
lieu qui sera designe par la dite compagnie, par un seul
hommage lige a chaque mutation de possession des dits
lieux, avec une mallle d'or du poids d'une once et le revenu
d'une annee : de ce que le dit sieur Giffard se sera reserve
apres avoir donne en fief ou a cens et rentes toute ou partle
des dits lieux et que les appellations du juge des dits lieux
ressortiront dliment a la cour et justice souveraine qui sera cl-
apres etablie au dit pays ; que les hommes que le dit sieur
Giffard, ou ses successeurs feront passer en la Nouvelle-France
tourneront a la decharge de la dite compagnie en diminution
du nombre qu'elle doit y faire passer, et a cet effet, on remettra
tous les ans les roles au bureau de la dite compagnie, afin
qu'elle en soit certlfiee, sans toutefois que le dit sieur GIffard
ou ses successeurs puissent traiter des peaux et pelleterles au
dit lieu ni ailleurs en la Nouvelle-France qu'aux conditions de
I'edit de Tetablissement de la dite compagnie ; ^ outre lesquelles
choses ci, la compagnie a encore accords au dit sieur GIffard,
ses successeurs ou ayants cause, une place proche le fort
de Quebec contenant deux arpents, pour y construire une
maison, avec les commodites de cour et jardin, lesquels lieux
il tiendra a cens du dit lieu de Quebec, sans que le dit sieur

1 This was In 1653 Increased to four leagues in depth. See Titres des
Seigneuries, 352.
^ Giffard rendered his first fealty and homage at the Chateau de St. Louis
at Quebec on December 31, 1635 {Ibid., 387).
^ Printed above, pp. 3-4.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 9
Giffard, ses successeurs ou ayants cause, puissent disposer de
tout ou de partle des lieux ci-dessus a lui concedes qu'avec le
gre et le consentement de la dite compagnle, pendant le terme
et espace de dix ans, a compter du jour des presentes, apres
lequel temps il lui sera loisible d'en disposer au profit de
personne qui soit de la qualite requise par I'edit de I'etablisse-
ment de la dite compagnie et sans que le dit Giffard, ses
successeurs et ayants cause, puissent fortifier les lieux ci-
dessus concedes sans la permission de la dite compagnle.
Mandons au sieur Champlain,^ commandant pour la dite
compagnie sous I'autorite du roi et de monseigneur le
cardinal de Richelieu, grand-maitre, chef et surlntendant
general de la navigation et commerce de France, au fort et
habitation de Quebec et dans I'etendue du dit fleuve Saint-
Laurent et terres adjacentes, que de la presente concession 11
fasse jouir le dit sieur GIffard, le mettre en possession des
lieux et places ci-dessus a lui accordes, dont et de quoi II
certifiera la dite compagnie au premier retour qui se fera en
France. Fait en assembl6e generale de la compagnle de la Nouvelle-
France, tenue en I'hotel de M. le president de Lauson, con-
seiller du roi en ses conseils d'etat et prives, intendant de la
dite compagnie. A Paris, le quinzleme Janvier, mil six cent
trente-quatre. Par la compagnie de la Nouvelle-France.
Lamy.
^ After the cession of the colony to the Company, Samuel de Champlain
continued in offiice as governor and commandant at Quebec.

10 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

No. 5. Royal Decree accepting the Surrender of all
Rights held by the Company of One Hundred
Associates, March, 1663.
Edits et Ordonnances, I. 31—32.
Louis, par la grace de Dieu Roi de France et de Navarre,
a tous presents et a venir, salut.
Depuls qu'Il a plu a Dieu donner la paix a notre royaume
nous n'avons rien eu plus fortement dans I'esprit que le
retablissement du commerce, comme etant la source et le
princIpe de I'abondance que nous nous efforgons par tout
moyen de procurer a nos peuples ; et comme la principale
et plus Importante partle de ce commerce consiste aux
colonies etrangeres, auparavant que de penser a en etablir
aucunes nouvelles, nous avons cru qu'Il etait necessaire
de penser a malntenir, proteger et augmenter celles qui se
trouvent deja etablies ; c'est ce qui nous aurolt convie de nous
Informer particullerement de I'etat auquel etait le pays de la
Nouvelle-France, dont le roi defunt, notre tres honore seigneur
et pere de glorieuse memoire, avoit fait don a une compagnle
composee du nombre de cent personnes, par tralte de I'annee
1628. Mais au lieu d'apprendre que ce pays etoit peuple,
comme il devolt [^tre], vu le long tems qu'Il y a que nos
sujets en sont en possession, nous aurions appris avec regret
que non seulement le nombre des habitans etoit fort petit,'
1 These statements as to the apathy of the Company are corroborated in
contemporary writings. See, for example, Pierre Boucher's Histoire veritable
et naturelle des mceurs et productions du pays de la Nouvelle-France (Paris,
1664 ; new edition, Montreal, 1882). The anonymous Memoire on the state
of the colony (undated), preserved in the Corresp07idance Generate, Vol. II.,
also contains a scathing arraignment of the lack of interest shown by the
associates in the work of serious colonisation. The census of 1665-66 gave
the total population of the colony as 3215 (George ]o\va%on. Summary of the
Censuses of Canada, 1665-1871, Ottawa, 1876, p. 2).

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 11
mals m6me qu'ils etoient tous les jours en danger d'en 6tre
chasses par les Iroquois. A quoi etant necessaire de pour
voir, et considerant que cette compagnie de cent hommes etoit
presque anneantle par I'abandonnement volontaire du plus
grand nombre des interesses en Icelle, et que le peu qui restait
de ce nombre n'etait pas assez puissant pour soutenir ce pays
et pour y envoyer les forces et les hommes necessaires, tant
pour I'habiter que pour le defendre, nous aurions pris la
resolution de le retirer des mains des Interesses en la dite
compagnie, lesquels par deliberation prise en leur bureau,
auroient resolu de nommer les princlpaux d'entr'eux pour
en passer la cession et demission a notre profit, laquelle aurolt
ete falte par acte du 24° jour de fevrier dernier,^ lesquels actes
sont ci-attaches, sous le contre-scel de notre chancellerle.
A ces causes et autres considerations a ce nous mouvant,
nous avons dit, declare et ordonne, disons, declarons et ordon
nons, voulons et nous plait, que tous les droits de propriete,
justice, seigneurie, de pourvoir aux offices de gouverneurs, et
lieutenants generaux des dits pays et places, m^me de nous
nommer des officiers pour rendre la justice souveraine, et
autres generalement quelconques accordes par notre tres
honore seigneur et pere, de glorieuse memoire, en consequence
du traite du 29° avrll 1628, soient et demeurent reunis a
notre couronne pour 6tre dorenavant exerces en notre nom
par les officiers que nous nommerons a cet effet, si donnons
en mandement a nos almes et feaux conseillers les gens tenant
notre cour de parlement a Paris, que ces presentes Us fassent
1 Anticipating a revocation of their charter by the king, the directors of the
Company first drew up a statement of " Reasons advanced by the Company
to prevent its being Dispossessed " {Correspondance G^ndrale, Vol. II.) ; but this
does not appear to have been regarded as affording a satisfactory explanation
of its meagre achievements. Hence the associates, on February 24, 1663,
resolved to surrender all their rights (for the resolution, see Edits et Ordon
nances, I. 31). The directors also submitted a " Memoir of Expenses incurred
by the Company from 1628 to 1663" {Correspo7tda7ice Genirale, Vol. II.), and
requested that the king award some compensation for its losses; but this
request does not appear to have been granted.

12 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
lire, publier et registrer et le contenu en Icelles garder et
observer de point en point selon leur forme et teneur ; car
tel est notre plaisir ; et afin que ce soit chose ferme et stable
a toujours, nous avons fait mettre notre seel a ces dites
presentes, sauf en autres choses notre droit et I'autrul en
tout. Donne a Paris, au mols de mars I'an de grace 1663, et de
notre r^gne le vingtieme. Louis.

No. 6. Royal Arret providing for the Revocation
of all Grants of Land remaining Uncleared,
March 21, 1663. Edits et Ordonnances, I. 33.
Le roi s'etant fait representer en son conseil son edit du
present mois,^ par lequel, Sa Majeste, en consequence de la
cession et demission des Interessees en la Compagnie de la
Nouvelle-France, aurolt reprls tous les droits qui leur avolent
ete accordes par le roi defunt, en consequence du tralte du vingt-
neuf avrll, mil six cent vIngt-sept, et ayant ete remontre a Sa
Majeste que I'une des principales causes que le dit pays ne
s'est pas peuple comme II aurolt ete a deslrer, et m6me que
plusieurs habitations ont ete detruites par les Iroquois, pro-
vient des concessions de grande quantlte de terres qui ont ete
accordees a tous les particuliers habitants du dit pays^ qui
n'ayant jamais ete et n'etant pas en pouvoir de defricher, et
1 Printed above, pp. 10-12.
^ During the period of Company government somewhat more than sixty
grants of land were made. The complete list may be found, with the names of
the grantees and a summary of the terms upon which the grants were made,
in Christopher Dunkin's Address- at the Bar of the Legislative Assembly of
Canada on behalf of certaitz Seigniors in Lower Canada (Quebec, 1853),
Appendix. Many of the grants were made to associates and their friends in
France, most of whom never came to the colony.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 13
ayant etabli leur demeure dans le milieu des dites terres : Us se
sont par ce moyen trouves fort elolgnes les uns des autres et
hors d'etat de se secourlr et s'assister et m6me d'etre secourus
par les officiers et soldats des garnisons de Quebec et autres
places du dit pays, et meme 11 se trouve par ce moyen que
dans une fort grande etendue de pays, le peu de terres qui se
trouvent aux environs des demeures des donatalres se trouvant
defrichees, le reste est hors d'etat de le pouvoir jamais etre.^
A quoi etant necessaire de pourvoir, Sa Majeste etant en son
conseil a ordonne et ordonne que dans six mols du jour de la
publication du present arret, dans le dit pays tous les particu
liers habitans d'icelul feront defricher les terres contenues en
leurs concessions, sinon et a faute de ce faire, le dit tems
passe, ordonne Sa Majeste, que toutes les terres encore en
friche, seront distribuees par nouvelles concessions au nom de
Sa Majeste, soit aux anciens habitants d'icelui, soit aux nou-
veaux. R^voquant et annulant Sa dite Majeste toutes con
cessions des dites terres non encore defrichees par ceux de la
dite compagnie : mande et ordonne Sa dite Majeste aux leurs
De Mezy, gouverneur,^ eveque de Petree,^ et Robert, intendant
au dit pays,* de tenir le main a I'executlon ponctuelle du
^ The census of 1667 gave the amount of cultivated land as 11,448 arpents,
with a population slightly less than 4000. See Johnson, Summary of ihe
Censuses of Canada, 1665-1871, p. 7.
^ Auguste de Saffray, Sieur de Mezy, appointed governor and lieutenant-
general of New France in 1663. His commission, dated May i, may be found
in Edits et Ordonnances, III. 21-22. He died only two years after his appoint
ment to the office.
' Fran^ois-Xavier de Laval, appointed to the post of vicar-apostolic in New
France in 1659. As the colony had not yet been made a diocese, Laval was
for the time being created titular bishop of Petrsea in Arabia. In 1674 he was
permitted to assume the post of bishop of Quebec. He was a member of the
Sovereign Council, and during his tenure of office proved himself a towering
figure in the political affairs of the colony. A sympathetic study of his life and
work is to be found in Auguste Gosselin's Vie de Monseigneur de Laval,
premier dvique de QuSec et apdtre du Canada (2 vols., Quebec, 1890).
* This is the earliest mention, in any official document, of the office of
royal intendant in New France. As the commission of Louis Robert, the first
appointee to the post, does not appear to have been preserved, the e.\act date

14 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
present arret : meme de faire la distribution des dites terres
non defrichees, et d'en accorder des concessions au nom de Sa
dite Majeste.
Fait au conseil d'etat le roi y etant, le vingt-unieme jour
de mars, mil six cent solxante-trols.
De Lomenie.
Mezy.
Francois, evesque de Petree.
ROUER DE ViLLERAY.
Juchereau de La Ferte.
RUETTE d'AuTEUIL.
Damours.
Bourdon.

No. 7. Royal Instructions given to the Sieur Gaudais,^
Special Commissioner to Investigate Conditions
in New France, May 7, 1663.
Edits et Ordonnances, III. 23—27.
. . . Le dit Sieur Gaudais etant informe que la principale
chose qu'Il faut examiner pour la manutentlon des colonies
du dit pays, et pour leur augmentation etant de defricher la
plus grande quantlte de terres qu'Il se pourra, et de faire en
of his appointment is unknown. It appears certain, however, that he never
exercised any of the functions of the office. See R^gis Roy on " Les in
tendants de la Nouvelle-France," in Royal Society of Canada, Proceedings,
1903, Mdmoires, sec. i. 63-64.
^ Louis Gaudais du Pont (or Dupont-Gaudais) arrived in Canada during
the summer of 1663. He appears to have devoted his energies to supporting
one of the factions in the political quarrels which were convulsing Quebec at
the time, rather than to any careful investigation of the progress of agriculture
and of the various other matters upon which the home authorities desired
information. His despatches are taken up largely with discussions of the
Dumesnil episode, and contain little of any importance concerning the
workings of the land-tenure system.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 15
sorte que tous les habitants soient unis dans leurs demeures,
et qu'ils ne soient pas elolgnes les uns des autres d'une grande
distance, sans quoi Us ne peuvent s'assister pour toutes les
choses qui regardent la culture de leurs champs, mals m^me
sont exposes aux insultes des sauvages et particullerement
des Iroquois, lesquels par le moyen de cette separation, peuvent
venir presque a couvert dans les bois jusqu'aux habitations des
dits Frangals, les surprennent facilement, et parcequ'ils ne
peuvent 6tre secourus, les massacrent et font deserter ainsi ces
habitations qui sont eparses qui 9a qui la.^ II n'y a rIen de si
grande consequence que de travailler a reunir les dits habitans
en des corps de parolsses ou bourgades, et a les obliger a
defricher leurs terres de proche en proche, afin de s'entre-
secourir au besoin, et quoique ce moyen fut le plus certain II
trouvera assurement, etant sur les lieux, que le peu de soin et
de connaissance que la compagnie, qui a ci-devant possede le
pays, en a eu, et I'avidite de ceux qui ont voulu s'y habituer,
lesquels ont toujours demande des concessions de terres de
grande etendue, dans lesquelles Us se sont etablis, ont donne
lieu a cette separation d'habitations, qui se trouvant fort
eloignees les unes des autres, non seulement les particuliers qui
ont obtenu des concessions n'ont pas ete en etat d'en faire les
defrichements mals m6me a donne grande facillte aux Iroquois
a leur couper la gorge, massacrer et rendre desertes presque
toutes les dites habitations, et c'est ce qui a oblige le roi de
rendre I'arr^t ^ dont la copie est mise entre les mains du dit
Sieur Gaudais, ensemble de faire ecrire au sieur evfique de
Petree, de remettre entre ses mains I'origlnal du dit arr^t,
pour le faire publier et afficher partout aussitot apres son
arrivee. Et comme 11 volt clalrement par les ralsons cl-dessus expli-
quees, qu'Il est Impossible de se pouvoir jamais assurer de ce
pays et d'y faire des habitations considerables, que Ton n'oblige
1 Qui fa qui Id, \.e. par-ci par-lA, or de cdtc et d'' autre.
2 Printed above, pp. 12-14.

16 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
tous ceux qui ont eu ces concessions de les abandonner, et de
s'unir en des bourgades et parolsses les plus nombreuses qu'Il
se pourra pour defricher toutes les terres qui se trouveront
aux environs de proche en proche, lesquelles en ce cas il
faudrolt de nouveau partager et en donner a chacune bourgade
ou parolsse, selon le nombre de families dont elle serolt com
posee, 11 tachera de persuader cette verlte par toutes sortes de
moyens au dit sieur eveque, au gouverneur et aux princlpaux
du pays, afin qu'ils concourrent unanimement a faire reussir ce
dessein, lequel il leur fera connoitre etre non seulement d'une
necessite absolue pour leur conservation, mals meme que Sa
Majeste le fera executer par une revocation generale de toutes
les concessions. Au cas que quelques-uns de ceux auquels les dites conces
sions ont ete faltes, se mettent en devoir de les defricher
entlerement, et qu'avant I'explration des six mois portes par
le dit arret. Us alent commence d'en defricher une bonne
partie, I'lntentlon de Sa Majeste est que sur leur requete le
conseil souverain les puisse pourvoir d'un nouveau droit de
six mols seulement, lequel etant fini, elle veut que toutes les
susdites concessions soient declarees nulles.
II apportera, s'll se peut, un role de tous les habitans, tant
hommes, femmes, gar9ons, filles que petits enfants.
II s'informera solgneusement de toute I'etendue du pays
qui est occupe par les Frangals, de chacune habitation particu-
liere, du nombre des families et de personnes dont elles sont
composees, et des lieux de leur situation, dont II faudra dresser
une forme de carte autant exacte qu'Il se pourra.
II fera mention du nombre d'arpents de terre qui seront
laboures et enclaves en chacune habitation, et de quelle qualite
sont celles non defrichees, qui se trouvent entre les dites
habitations. II s'informera aussi de la quantlte de bled que le pays
peut produire, annee commune : s'il en produit plus grande
quantlte qu'Il n'en faut pour la subslstance des habitans, et

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 17
s'il y a quelque sorte d'esperance que cela pourra augmenter
ou non, etant d'une extreme consequence pour les peuples du
dit pays de cultiver la terre, en sorte qu'elle fournisse plus de
bled qu'Il n'en est necessaire pour leur nourriture, afin de
n'etre pas exposes a I'avenir a la meme peine ou Us ont ete
jusqu'a present, de ne pouvoir nourrlr les personnes qui y
passent chaque annee, si en meme tems Ton n'y porte des
farlnes pour leur subslstance. . . .
Fait a Paris, le septieme jour de mal, mil six cent solxante-
trois. Louis.

No. 8. Extracts from the Charter of the Company
of the West Indies, May, 1664.^
Edits et Ordonnances, I. 40-48.
XIX. Appartlendront a la dite compagnie, en toute
seigneurie, propriete et justice, toutes les terres qu'elle pourra
conquerir et hablter pendant les dites quarante annees en
I'etendue des dits pays ci-devant exprimes et concedes, comme
aussi les Isles de 1' Amerique appellees Antilles, habitees par les
Frangals, qui ont ete vendues a plusieurs particuliers par la
compagnle des dites Isles formee en 1642, en remboursant Ies
seigneurs proprietalres d'Icelles des sommes qu'ils ont payees
pour I'achat, conformement a leurs contrats d'acqulsltlon, et
des ameliorations et augmentations qu'ils y ont faltes sulvant
la liquidation qu'en feront les commlssalres par nous a ces
deputes, et les laissant jouir des habitations qu'ils y ont etablies
depuls racqulsltion des dites Isles.
' On the organisation and operations of the Company of the West Indies,
see Henri Pigeonneau on "La politique coloniale de Colbert," in Annates de
r^colelibre des sciences politiques, 1886; C. Cordier, Les compagnies a charte sous
le ministire de Colbert (Paris, 1906) ; and Pierre Clement, Lettres, instructions,
et m^moires de Colbert (7 vols., Paris, 1861-1870). B

18 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
XX. Tous lesquels pays, isles et terres, places et forts,
qui pourront y avoir et6 construits et etablis par nos sujets,
nous avons donnes, octroyes et concedes, donnons, octroyons
et concedons a la dite compagnie pour en jouir a perpetulte
en toute propriete, seigneurie et justice : ne nous reservant
autre droit, ni devoir que la seulc foi et hommage-lige, que la
dite compagnie sera tenue de nous rendre et a nos successeurs
rols, a chaque mutation de roi avec une couronne d'or du
poids de trente marcs. . . .
XXII. Jouira la dite compagnle en qualite de seigneur des
dites terres et isles, des droits seigneuriaux qui y sont presente-
ment etablis sur les habitants des dites terres et isles, ainsi
qu'ils se levent a present par les seigneurs proprietalres, si ce
n'est que la compagnie trouve a propos de les commuer en
autres droits pour le soulagement des dits habitants.
XXIII. La dite compagnie pourra vendre ou infeoder les
terres, soit dans les dites isles et terres fermes de I'Amerlque
ou ailleurs dans les dits pays concedes, a tels cens, rentes et
droits seigneuriaux qu'elle jugera bon et a telles personnes
qu'elle trouvera a propos.^ . . .
XXXI. Pourra la dite compagnie comme seigneurs haut-
justlclers de tout les dits pays, etablir des juges et officiers
partout oil besoin sera, et ou elle trouvera a propos de les
deposer et destituer, quand bon lui semblera, lesquels connolt-
ront de toutes affaires de justice, police, commerce, naviga
tion tant civiles que crimlnelles : et ou II sera besoin d'etabllr
des conseils souveralns, les officiers dont Us seront composes,
nous seront nommes et presentes par les directeurs generaux
1 The Company proceeded to take advantage of these powers by sending
to the colony Mille-Edm^ Le Barroys as Its agent, instructing him to grant
lands " to private individuals at such rents as may be deemed proper," and to
see that the Company received " the seigniorial dues which are now or may
hereafter be payable by the inhabitants " (for the instructions of Le Barroys,
see Adits et Ordonnances, III. 36-37). In 1666, however, Le Barroys proposed
that all grants should be made by the royal authorities (see below, p. 20) ; and
this proposal was accepted.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 1&
de la dite compagnie : et sur les dites nominations les pro
visions seront expediees.-"^ . . .
XXXIII. Seront les juges etablis en tous les dits lieux,
tenus de juger sulvant les loix et ordonnances du royaume, et
les officiers de suivre et se conformer k la Coutume de la
Prevote et Vicomte de Paris, sulvant laqueUe les habitants
pourront contractor sans que Ton y puisse Introduire aucune
coutume pour eviter la diversite.^ . . .
Donne a Paris au mois de mai, I'an de grace mil six cent
soixante-et-quatre, et de notre regne le vlngt-deuxi^me. Louis.
^ Although by the provisions of this clause the Company was clearly in
vested with the right to appoint all the administrative and judicial officials in
the various colonies granted to it, the king seems to have kept the matter of
appointments wholly in his own hands. On this point, see Thomas Chapals,
featz Talon, intendant de la Notivelle-France (Quebec, 1904), 49.
^ It was by the terms of this article that the Coutume de la prevStd et
vicotntd de Paris, commonly called the Custom of Paris, was first introduced
as the "common law" of New France. This Custom was first compiled
officially in 15 10, but was revised and altered in several important respects
in 1580. It may be found in Claude Ferrl^re's Nouveau commentaire sur la
Coutume de Paris (2 vols., Paris, 1762). The articles of the Custom which
were actually applied in Canada may be found in An Abstract of those parts
of the Custom of the Viscounty and Provostship of Paris, which were received
and practised in the Province of Quebec in the time of the French Government
{" drawn up by a Select Committee of Canadian Gentlemen well skilled in the
Laws of France and of that Province," London, 1772). On the arrangement
and nature of the Custom, see Buche's " Essai sur l'ancienne Coutume de
Paris aux XIII« et XIV= siMes,'' in Nouvelle Revue Historique, VIII. 45-86 ;
Henri Klimrath's Etudes sur les coutumes (Paris, 1837) ; Edmond Lareau's
Histoire du droit canadien (2 vols., Montreal, 1888), I. chap. v. ; and the lengthy
article on the coutumes in Im. Grande Encyclopedic (31 vols., Paris, 1881-1900).
As to the merits of the royal policy in Introducing the Custom of Paris as the
general law of Canada at this time, see W. B. Munro, The Seigniorial System
in Canada (Harvard Historical Studies, Vol. XIII., New York, 1907), 9-10.

20 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

No. g. Extract from the Memorial of M. Le Barroys
to Messieurs de Tracy, de Courcelle, and Talon
concerning the Procedure to be followed in
making Grants of Seigniories in New France,
August 1 8, 1666.
£dits et Ordonnances, I. 51-60.
A Monseigneur de Tracy et a Messieurs le Gouverneur
et I'lntendant. Requiert humblement le soussigne, agent-general de la
Compagnie des Indes Occidentales. . . .
Bon. Ce qui est demande XXV. Que le papier terrier
par cet article me semble si commence par monsieur I'ln-
juste, qu'Il n'y a pas lieu de le tendant soit fait au nom de
refuser : seulement 11 est bon la dite compagnle, et que
d'examiner si ces titres, aveux les aveux et denombrements,
et denombrements ne seront meme les fois et hommages
pas mieux es mains du greffier soient rendus au dit nom
ou du procureur fiscal, dans entre les mains de mon dit
les archives de la compagnle, sieur I'lntendant, et en presence
qu'es mains de son agent gen- de I'agent ou commis general
eral : cela etant de I'lnteret de de la dit compagnie, et que
la compagnle seule, c'est a pour cet effet les titres con-
elle de le determiner. cernant les concessions, tant
en fief qu'en roture, soient
remis entre les mains du dit
agent ou commis general, pour
en etre les deposltalres et en
rendre compte a la dite com
pagnle toutefois et quantes.
Bon. Rien ne paroit plus XXVI. Que les concessions
conforme aux intentions de qui se feront a I'avenir seront

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 21

Sa Majeste : ainsi il semble
tres juste d'accorder ce qui est
demands par cet article. . . .

Fait a Quebec, ce onzieme
septembre, mil six cent solx-
ante-et-six.
Tracy.
Courcelle.
Talon.

donnees par mon dit sieur
I'lntendant, a tels cens et
rentes qu'Il sera par lui juge
a propos, en presence du dit
agent ou commis general de
la dite compagnle, au nom de
laquelle tous les titres de con
cessions seront passes.^ . . .
Fait a Quebec, ce dix-hul-
tleme jour d'aoAt, mil six
cent soixante-et-slx.
Le Barroys.^

1 In obedience to this request, seigniorial grants were made by the
intendant from 1666 to 1676 (see below, p. 41). On a few occasions, while
Talon was absent in France, Governor Courcelle made provisional grants ;
but these were ratified by the intendant upon his return to the colony (see,
for example, Titres des Seigneuries, 29, 119, 122). Although this procedure
was followed as a general rule, the Company, during the years 1673-1674,
made a few seigniorial grants directly through its own officers {Ibid., 30, 40, 112).
'^ Mille-Edmd Le Barroys was sent out to Quebec in 1665 as the agent-
general of the Company of the West Indies, with instructions to supervise,
among other things, the granting of land in the name of the Company (see the
commission of Le Barroys, in fugements et ddlib^ratio7is du Conseil Souverain
de la Nouvelle-France, I. 364-366). Shortly after his arrival in the colony the
agent-general submitted to Lieutenant-general Tracy a list of thirty-one
requests designed to make clear the rights and duties of the Company in
Canada. Tracy, with Governor Courcelle and the intendant Talon, returned
the document with marginal responses on September 11, 1666.

22 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

No. lo. Extract from the Draft of Regulations re
lating to the Administration of Justice and the
Distribution of Lands in Canada, submitted by
M. Talon to Messieurs de Tracy and de Courcelle,
January 24, 1667.
Edits et Ordonnances, II. 29—34.
. . . Les soldats du regiment de Carignan-Saliere ^ ou des
garnisons des forts de Quebec, des Trois- Rivieres, et Montreal
etant de droit et de fait engages au roi par la solde qu'ils ont
regue, ne pouvant se dispenser de contlnuer de rendre dans le
tems et dans les occasions futures leurs services a Sa Majeste,
soit pour la defense du pays dans laquelle Us s'Interesseront,
comme dans la chose publlque et le salut commun de tous,
soit pour toutes entreprlses qui regarderont FutUIte et I'avan-
' Jean Talon, the first active intendant of New France, came to the colony
in 1665. His commission, dated March 23, 1665, may be found in Adits et
Ordonna7ices, III. 33-35. Talon displayed unusual zeal in obtaining a grasp of
colonial needs, and soon elaborated comprehensive plans for the development
of colonial resources. His despatches and reports to the home authorities give
evidence of remarkable fertility in suggestions, as well as of excellent judgment.
For a full account of the life and work of Talon, see Chapais's Jean Talon <
(Quebec, 1904).
Alexandre de Prouville, Sieur de Tracy, was sent to New France in the
spring of 1665 as lieutenant-general of all the French domains in the New
World. His commission, dated November 19, 1663, may be found in Edits et
Ordo7inances, III. 27-29. In addition to supervising the military operations
against the Iroquois, Tracy was instructed to examine carefully the civil
conditions in the colony and to report thereon to the home authorities. He
returned to France in 1667.
Daniel de Remy de Courcelle was appointed governor of New France by
commission dated March 23, 1665 {Ibid., 313), and came to the colony in
the same year. He remained in office until 1672, when he was replaced by
Frontenac. '¦^ The Regiment de Carlgnan-Salieres was the first detachment of French
regular troops sent out to Canada. It arrived in the spring of 1665, about one
thousand strong, and during the next two years was used in the operations

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 23
tage de I'Ancienne et Nouvelle-France, ainsi il n'y a aucun in
convenient de leur donner les terres qu'ils defricheront a cette
condition qui ne leur sera pas onereuse, puisqu'elle ne les
sortira pas de celle dans laquelle Us se trouvent a present, et
parcequ'ils ne se peuvent etablir par leur seul travail, II faut
de necessite les assister dans les premieres annees. II semble
autant utile a Sa Majeste que juste, de leur donner quelque
secours de vivres et d'outils propres a leur travail, et de leur
payer la culture des deux premiers arpents de terre qu'ils
abattront et brAleront, quoique pour leur compte et a leur
profit, les obligeant d'en cultiver en echange deux autres dans
les trois ou quatre annees sulvantes, au profit des families qui
passeront de France ici, sans que pour ce II leur en soit rIen
paye : par cet expedient on leur fournit les moyens de se faire
un fonds de subslstance pour I'hlver, et on prepare des terres
pour les families que le roi semble vouloir etablir a ses
depens. Cette maniere de donner un pays de nouvelle conquete a
against the Iroquois. The previous history of this notable regiment is given
in Louis Susane's Histoire de Pancienne infanterie franqaise (8 vols., Paris,
1849-1853, V. 236 ff.). As will be seen from his " Draft of Regulations," as well
as from his despatches. Talon was much interested in the idea of peopling the
colony with settlers who could render service in its defence, and much desired
that such companies of the regiment as had not already returned to France
should be mustered out upon the lands in Canada. The proposals of the
intendant were, it may be added, favourably received by the home authorities,
and instructions that his general plan should be followed were promptly forth
coming. Large tracts of land, mainly along the Richelieu River, were granted
en seigneurie to the officers of the regiment, and were by them, in turn, sub-
granted to the non-commissioned officers and men. In some respects the
carrying out of the project proved of advantage to the colony, but on the whole
the scheme was not ultimately a success. As was shown by Catalogue's
report, the good soldier seems often to have made an indifferent agriculturist.
Many of the officers went heavily into debt to merchants at Quebec or
Montreal, and in the course of time abandoned their seigniories to these
creditors (see below, p. 102, note 2). Further details regarding the history of
the Carignan officers in Canada maybe found in Benjamin Suite's " Le rdgiment
de Carignan," In Royal Society of Canada, Proceedings, 1902, Mimoires, sec. i.
25-95, and in Georges Tricoche's Les milices frangaises et anglaises au Canada
(Paris, 1900).

24 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
son exemple dans I'antiqulte romalne, et peut repondre a celle
en laquelle on donnoit autrefois chez les memes romains des
champs des provinces subjuguees qu'on appeloit proedia mili-
taria : ' la pratique de ces peuples politiques et guerrlers peut
a mon sentiment etre judicieusement Introduite dans un pays
elolgne de mille lleues de son monarque et du corps de I'etat
dont II n'est qu'un membre fort detache, qui peut [se] voir
souvent reduit a se soutenir par ses propres forces. Elle est
a mon sentiment d'autant plus a estlmer qu'elle fera quelque
jour au roi, un corps de vieilles troupes qui ne seront plus a
charge a Sa Majeste, et cependant capables de conserver le
corps de cet etat nalssant de Canada avec tous les accrolssemens
qu'Il peut recevoir contre les Incursions des sauvages ou les
violentes invasions des europeens,' meme, dans les besoms
pressants de l'ancienne France, fournir un secours considerable
a Sa Majeste.
Outre ces premiers motifs, il est bon de peser sur celui
que font naitre la paix et la tranquilllte publlque, pour les
quelles malntenir, 11 faut mettre en pratique toute la prudence
humalne, n'y ayant rien dans la vie civile dont la conservation
soit si precleuse que des choses qui tendent au maintien de
l'union et du repos des peuples qui dependent particullerement
de leur fidelite envers leur souverain et de celle-cl la conser
vation des provinces conqulses et nouvellement decouvertes
dans les pays elolgnes, a I'obeissance et sous la domination de
ce meme souverain, pourquol les premiers de nos rois, plus
grands politiques qu'on ne s'est persuade, Introduisolent dans

^ On the system of military colonisation in the Roman provinces to which
Talon here makes reference, see Tacitus, Annals, especially XII. § 32, XIII.
§ 31 ; Edward Gibbon, The Decline and Fall of the Ro7nan Empire, I. 259 ff. ;
and Theodor Mommsen, History of Roiiie, I. 260 ff.
^ The settlement of the disbanded regiment upon the lands lying along the
Richelieu River from Lake Champlain to the St. Lawrence was designed to
interpose a barrier against the invasion of Canada by either the Mohawks or
the English. The Richelieu route was the natural channel of invasion from
the south.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 25
les pays de nouvelles conquetes des gens de guerre dont la
fidelite leur ^toit bien connue, et qui etoient nes leurs sujets,
afin de contenir au-dedans les habitans dans le devoir, et
au dehors, eloigner leurs ennemis communs, et pour les y
entretenir et faire subslster. Us leur concedoient des terres
dans ces pays pour les cultiver, et faire de leurs productions
tout le necessaire a la vie : pratique egalement econome et
politique, puisque d'un cote, elle epargnolt les finances du
tresor public, et que de I'autre, elle interessoit I'officler et le
soldat en la conservation du pays, comme en celle de son
propre heritage.
Les vieux hivernans qui demanderont des habitations
pourroient trouver cette condition du service a rendre a Sa
Majeste moins agreable que les soldats, si d'un cote les droits
naturels qui les obllgent a se mettre en campagne, lors-
qu'ils sont commandes, de I'autre, I'honneur dont on les
peut toucher, et la remise qu'on leur peut faire des autres
droits onereux qui suivent ordinairement les concessions,
ne les engageolent suffisamment a la recevoir, ainsi on le peut
stipuler dans les contrats qui leur seront passes.^
Et comme Sa Majeste semble pretendre faire la depense
entlere pour former le commencement des habitations par
I'abattis du bois, la culture et semence de deux arpents de
terre, I'avance de quelques farlnes aux families venantes, on
peut a leur egard demander en premier lieu ce qui est demande
des vieux hivernans, qu'ayant re^u deux arpens en etat de
rendre les fruits de la culture et de la semence qui aura ete
confiee a la terre. Us en cultlvent deux autres dans les trois ou
quatre annees sulvantes celle de leur arrivee, pour ne leur pas
demander ce remplacement dans la premiere ou seconde, ce
qui les divertlrolt trop de Tamelloratlon de leur habitation
dans un tems auquel elles ont besoin de toute leur application
^ The title-deeds of seigniories granted to the Carignan officers contained
no express stipulation of the obligation of military service. A typical deed is
printed below, pp. 34-36-

26 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
pour leur donner I'etabllssement duquel depend celui de toute
leur famille ; et pour le benefice qu'elles regolvent par la con
cession de la terre au lieu de cens sur cens, censives ou autres
redevances qu'emportent avec sol les concessions de ce pays.
Us engageront au service du roi leur premler-ne lorsqu'Il
aura atteint I'age de seize ans, qui commencera son novlclat
dans une garnlson des forts, sans qu'Il puisse pretendre autre
solde que celle de sa subslstance, ou celle qui lui pourra etre
ordonnee par les etats de Sa Majeste durant le service qu'Il
rendra. Cette obligation n'ajoute presque rIen a celle qu'un
veritable sujet apporte au monde avec sa naissance, mals II
semble que lorsque cette condition est stipulee, elle est moins
rude quand elle est exigee que lorsqu'Il n'en est rien dit dans
les contrats des terres donnees comme se donnent toutes
celles du Canada.
Comme dans toute cette distribution, il n'est rIen reserve
au profit de la Compagnle des Indes Occidentales, que Sa
Majeste veut bien gratifier de I'avantage que donne en cas
pareil le droit de seigneurie, ou les habitations releveront
immedlatement d'elle, et en ce cas, la haute, moyenne et
basse justice pourra lui etre attrlbuee, avec le droit de lods et
ventes, saislnes et amendes, et meme un cens leger, s'il est
juge a propos ou si Sa Majeste, estimant qu'Il soit plus avan-
tageux pour elle d'avoir pour vassaux des officiers de ses
troupes qui alent sur les roturlers la seigneurie utile et
domaniale, elle peut creer en leur faveur quelques droits
de cens ou censives peu considerables, qui soient plutot des
marques d'honneur que des revenus utiles, et leur accorder la
moyenne et basse justice, se reservant la haute, qu'elle attachera
a une cour souveraine des fiefs ou a quelques officiers crees
pour la conservation des droits de seigneur suzerain ou doml-
nantlsslme.^ . . . Talon et Tracy.
'¦ On the scope of the different degrees of seigniorial jurisdiction as desig
nated by the terms basse justice, moyenne justice, and haute justice, see Doutre
and Lareau, Histoire generale du droit civil canadien, 133-136.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 27

No. II. Despatch of Talon to the Minister regarding
the Extent of Seigniorial Grants, October 27,
1667.
Correspondance Generale, II. 525.
. . . On a mande de l'ancienne France en la Nouvelle que
le Roy gratifioit les families qui peuplent son royaume. II y
a Icy deux des plus apparens habitans, et des plus zeles, mais
pauvres, qui ont mis au monde, I'un dix enfans, et I'autre
quinze, et tout cela s'engage insensiblement dans le mariage,
ce qu'ils feroient bien plus commodement si le Roy leur falsoit
quelque grace, quoyque leg^re.
Les grandes et spacleuses concessions qu'on a cy-devant
faltes en Canada, font qu'on me demande des estendues de terre,
si demesurees, que bien tost j'en manquerals, pour les families
que vous enverrlez cy-apres, si je repondais au desir d'un
chacun. M. de Saurel ^ temoigne n'estre pas satlsfait de ce que
je ne luy accorde pas un pays qui enferme plus de cinquante
mille arpens de terre, et ce qui fait par la chasse Tutllite
publique des colons. II travaille avec application ; 11 est fort
agissant, mais 11 est fort inquiet, et ayant de grands buts et
de grands desselns qui me font apprehender en luy, pied-
montois, un trop grand establlssement en un pays si esloIgn6
de I'autorite originaire. Je feral cependant a son esgard comme
de tous les autres fort ponctuellement ce que vous ordonnez
sur le plus et le moins des concessions. SI vous leur accordez
ce qu'ils deslrent, en vous obelssant, je me feray bien de
I'applaudissement. Talon.
' Pierre de Saurel, officer of the Carignan regiment. See below, pp. 34-36,
and 116, note i.

28 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

No. 12. Despatch of Talon to the Minister concerning
the Progress of Colonial Settlement, October 27,
1667.
Correspondance Generale, II. 493.
Monseigneur, —
. . . Je n'oserois vous demander quelque gratification
pour chacun des officiers, capitaines, lieutenans, et enseignes,
qui habltent Icy (que de ma part j'ayde selon mes forces, et de
ce que vous avez mis en mes mains) non plus que pour ceux
qui me donnent de bonne grace les moyens d'avancer la
colonie, pour lesquels, a mon sentiment, deux mil escus
serolent tres bien employes. Mais j'oserals vous demander
pour eux un petit tesmoignage d'estime dans quelques unes
des lettres du Roy, ou des vostres, qui marquent que Sa
Majeste leur S9ait gre de ce qu'ils m'ont preste la main pour
les establissements qu'elle desiralt faire, et qu'elle S9aura leur
tesmoigner aux occasions. Cela donnera une grande dis
position a ce qu'on devra faire cy-apres pour I'executlon de
vos ordres. Un d'entre tous, M. de la Motte,^ premier
capitaine et commandant dans le fort le plus avance vers
les Iroquois, m'obllge par sa conduite prudente et sage, et
accompagnee de tout le zele qu'on peut desirer d'un fort
bon officler, a le distlnguer des autres, et a vous demander
pour luy une gratification que j'estimerols devoir estre plus
forte de quelque chose que celle de son cadet M. de Chambly,^
auquel vous avez eu la bonte de faire donner quatre cens escus.
J'ay tant de connoissance que cette distinction doit faire dans
tout le corps un tres bon effet pour le service, que plustost
que cette gratification ne soit pas faite, je demande qu'on
diminue mes appolntements de cinq ou six cens escus pour
^ Dominique de Lamotte, Sieur de Luci^res, officer of the Carignan-Sali^res.
^ See below, p. 117, note 4.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 29
luy estre appliques, pourvu qu'il luy paraisse dans quelque
despeche que c'est le Roy qui luy fait cette grace, pour
marque de I'estlme que Sa Majeste fait de son xh\c a son
service. II suffira que tous les autres dont j'ay donne le role
a mon secretaire soient nommes (ainsy que j'ay cy-devant dit)
dans quelques unes de vos despeches ou dans -celle du Roy si
vous le jugez a propos.
Conformement a vostre sentiment j 'attache au fort de St.
Louis de Quebec la mouvance des trois villages que j'ay fait
former fort pres d'Icy, pour fortifier ce poste principal, par un
plus grand nombre de colons et le Roy, ou au choix de Sa
Majeste, la Compagnie en demeurera seigneur proprletaire
jouissant du domaine utile, et des droits que je stipule dans les
contracts des habitations que je fais distribuer aux soldats, aux
families nouvellement venues, et aux volontaires du pays qui se
lient par mariage aux filles que vous m'avez envoy es auxquels je
fais mesme donner la terre que j'ay fait preparer aux despens
du Roy a condition que les possesseurs en rendront autant dans
I'espace de trois ans, au profit des families envoy ees de France
que mes successeurs auront ordre d'establir, pretendant que
par la le pays aura, ce terme expire, un fond certain, et per-
petuel pour la meilleure partle de la subslstance des families
dont il sera charge. Mon but principal est en cecy de peupler
le volsinage de Quebec de bon nombre de gens capables de
contribuer a sa defense sans que le Roy en ait aucun a sa solde. ^
Je pratiqueray autant que je pourray cette mesme economic
dans tous les endrolts ou je feray des bourgs, villages et
hameaux, melangeant ainsy les soldats et les habitans pour
qu'ils- puissent s'entre-instruire de la culture de la terre et
s'entre-secourir au besoin.
Je ne S9ay pas comme je suis avec les Peres Jesultes depuls
que je leur ay fait perdre I'esperance, qu'ils avolent que la
' This idea of military colonisation was elaborated by Talon in his Projets
de r^glemens qui semble7it etre utiles en Canada, January 24, 1667 (see above,
pp. 22-26).

30 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
Seigneurie des terres que j'ay employees a former ces villages,
tourneraient a leur profit,^ mais je S9ay qu'on m'assure qu'ils
en ont mal au coeur. Cependant Us ont la prudence de n'en
rIen temoigner. lis avoient en leurs papiers un ancien contract
de concession de deux lleues de front sur quatre lleues de pro-
fondeur au sud, et vis-a-vis de I'lsle de Montreal. lis m'ont
demande permission de cultiver cette terre, et d'y former un
establlssement pour eux.^
Je la leur ay accordee apres en avoir communique avec M.
de Courcelle, mais sous le bon plaisir du Roy et a condition
qu'ils obtiendraient sur ce que j'ay fait I'agrement de Sa
Majeste. II depend de vous, Monseigneur, de la leur faire
donner ce que j'estlme que vous pourriez sans blesser les
interests du Roy, si I'estendue ne vous paroist trop grande,
les obligeant cependant a prendre des lettres patentes de Sa
Majeste a cause de I'hospice qu'ils veulent y bastir. . . .
Talon.
^ The seigniory of Notre Dame des Anges, upon which Talon had estab
lished his three villages of Bourg-Royal, Bourg-la-Reine, and Bourg Talon,
had been granted to the Jesuits in 1626 by the Due de Ventadour, viceroy of
New France (see Titres des Seigneuries, 53). As the Jesuits had, however,
during the intervening forty-one years, cleared and settled but a small
part of the seigniory, which was a very extensive one, extending along the
St. Lawrence from the River St. Charles to the River Ste. Marie, Talon now
resumed possession in behalf of the king, upon the authority of the royal edict
of March 21, 1663 (see above, p. 12), and the arret of the Sovereign Council of
August 6, 1664 {Edits et Ordo7i>iances, II. 18) both of which decreed the reunion
to the royal domain of all large grants remaining undeveloped. Against this
proceeding the Jesuits entered a strong protest, which, together with Talon's
reply, may be found in the appendix to Chapais's Jeati Talon. On the work
of Talon in connection with the establishment of the three villages, see also
R. G. Thvisates, Jesuit Relations a7td Allied Docu?nents, L. 244, LI. 170.
^ The reference here is apparently to the seigniory of La Prairie de la
Magdelaine, given to the Jesuits in 1647 by Governor Frangois de Lauzon.
See Titres des Seigneuries, 75 ; 2X^0 Journal des Je'suites (Quebec, 1871), 126.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 31

No. 13. Memorandum [from the Minister] asking
Talon for a Statement of Land Grants made in
Canada [1669].
Correspondance Generale, III. 51.
Prier Monsieur Talon de vouloir donner un estat des
concessions qu'il a accordees aux habitans de Canada.
Une liste des officiers du Conseil Souverain pourvus et a
pourvoir afin de leur donner une nomination pour obtenir sur
icelle des provisions du Roy.
Une liste des officiers de la justice ordinaire pour donner
des provisions a ceux qui n'en auront point.
Le prier de donner son avis sur les concessions et confir
mations demandees par M. Chartler ^ comme aussy sur le
contenu en son memoire touchant les peres de la mission.
Et pour les Jesultes —
Parler des concessions non habitees et s9avoir comme Ton
y remediera, et s'il le peut de son autorite ou s'il faut un
nouvel arrest.
Le prier de tenir la main a ce que Ton redulse les conces
sions esloignees de Quebec a une lieue carree, et autour de
Quebec a ce que les habitans peuvent defricher seulement. . . .
[Unsigned.]
' Louis-Thdandre Chartler de Lotbinidre was a prominent citizen of Quebec
who had been appointed acting attorney-general of the colony by Mezy in 1664
(see Jugements et ddlibirations du Conseil Souverain, I. 129). A copy of
Chartier's petition does not seem to have been preserved ; but his request
was granted, and a title-deed, dated November 3, 1672, conveyed to him the
fief of Lotbinidre {Titres des Seigneuries, 2,1^. This grant was subsequently
augmented {Ibid., 364, 498). The history of the Lotbiniere family, which has
from the first been one of the most prominent in French Canada, may be found
in Francois Daniel's Histoire des grandes faf/tilles frangaises du Canada
(Montreal, 1867).

32 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

No. 14. Despatch of Talon to the Minister,
November 11, 1671.
Correspondance Generale, III. 222.
Monsieur, —
. . . Par I'examen que j'ay fait faire de I'estat de cette
colonie j'ay reconnu que les armes et les outils necessaires a la
culture de la terre manquolent aux habitans pour se mettre en
estat de se defendre et de cultiver utilement leurs terres. II
faudrolt cent cinquante fusils, cent mousquets, deux caisses de
tambour, dix ou douze hallebardes, cent houes et deux cent
baches, mais le tout bien choisy. . . .
Fait a Quebec ce onze novembre 1671. Talon.

No. 15. Arret of the Royal Council providing for
the Retrenchment of Land Grants in Canada,
June 4, 1672.^
Edits et Ordonnances, I. 70—71.
Le roi etant informe que tous ses sujets qui ont passe de
l'ancienne en la Nouvelle-France ont obtenu des concessions
d'une tres grande quantlte de terres le long des rivieres du
' As the edict of March 21, 1663 (printed above, p. 12), did not seem to
have roused the colonial landholders sufficiently to the necessity of clearing
and cultivating their grants, the king again turned his attention to the subject.
The rather drastic provisions of this edict of 1672 were, however, never put
into force ; for it took some time to prepare the detailed statement which the
king asked Talon to submit, and meanwhile the colonial authorities deemed it
wise to defer action. When the statement was finally laid before them they
issued a new edict, providing not for the retrenchment of one-half the area
of each grant, but for a gradual reduction extending over a period of years.
This edict is printed below, pp. 43-45.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 33
dit pays, lesquelles ils n'ont pu defricher a cause de la trop
grande etendue, ce qui incommode les autres habitans du dit
pays, et meme empeche que d'autres Fran9ais n'y passent pour
s'y habituer, ce qui ^tant entlerement contraire aux intentions
de Sa Majeste pour le dit pays et k Tapplicatlon qu'elle a bien
voulu donner depuis huit ou dix annees pour augmenter les
colonies qui y sont etablies, attendu qu'il ne se trouve qu'une
partie des terres le long des rivieres cultlvee, le reste ne I'^tant
point, et ne le pouvant etre a cause de la trop grande etendue
des dites concessions et de la foiblesse des proprietalres
d'Icelles. A quoi etant necessaire de pourvoir, Sa Majeste etant en
son conseil, a ordonne et ordonne que par le sieur Talon,
conseiller en ses conseils, intendant de la justice, police, et
finances au dit pays il sera fait une declaration precise et exacte
de la qualite des terres concedees aux princlpaux habitants du
dit pays, du nombre d'arpents ou autre mesure usitee du dit
pays qu'elles contlennent sur le bord des rivieres et au dedans
des terres, du nombre de personnes et de bestiaux propres et
employes a la culture et au defrichement d'Icelles, en conse
quence de laquelle declaration la moiti6 des terres qui avoient
ete concedees auparavant les dix derni^res annees sera retranch6e
des concessions et donnee aux particuliers qui se presenteront
pour les cultiver et defricher.
Ordonne Sa Majeste que les ordonnances qui seront faltes
par le dit sieur Talon seront executees selon leur forme et
teneur, souverainement et en dernier ressort comme jugements
de cour superleure, Sa Majeste lui attribuant pour cet effet
toute cour, jurisdiction et connaissance ; ordonne en outre Sa
Majeste que le dit sieur Talon donnera les concessions des
terres qui auront ete ainsi retranchees a de nouveaux habitants,
a condition toutefois qu'ils les defricheront entlerement dans
les quatre premieres annees sulvantes et consecutives ; autre
ment et a faute de ce faire, et le dit temps passe, les dites
concessions demeureront nulles. c

34 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
Enjolnt Sa Majeste au sieur comte de Frontenac, gouver
neur et lieutenant general pour Sa Majeste au dit pays, et
aux officiers du conseil souverain d'icelui de tenir la main
a I'executlon du present arret, le quel sera execute nonobstant
opposition et empechement quelconques.
Fait au conseil d'etat du roi, la relne y etant, tenu a Saint-
Germaln-en-Laye, le quatrleme jour de juin mil six cent
soixante-et-douze. Colbert.

No. 1 6. Title-deed of the Seigniory of Saurel, granted
to Pierre de Saurel, Officer of the Carignan-Salieres
Regiment, October 29, 1672.^
Titres des Seigneuries, 141.
Jean Talon, &c., a tous ceux qui ces presentes lettres
verront, salut :
Sa Majeste ayant de tout temps recherche avec le soin et
le zele convenables au juste titre de fils alsne de I'Eglise les
moyens de pousser dans les pays les plus elolgnes la propaga
tion de la Foy et la publication de I'Evangile, la gloire de
Dieu avec le nom chretien, fin premiere et principale de
Testabllssement de la colonie fran9oIse en Canada, et par
accessoire de faire connoltre aux parties de la terre les plus
eloignees du commerce des hommes sociables la grandeur de
son nom et la force de ses armes, et n'ayant pas estlme qu'Il
y en e-^t de plus sAres que de composer cette colonie de gens
capables de la bien remplir par les qualltes de leurs personnes,
^ This title-deed is typical of all those granted to the officers of the
Carignan-Saliferes regiment {cf. above, p. 22, note 2). The deed of every
seigniory granted to these officers bears the date October 29, 1672, or
November 3, 1672 ; but the grantees had all obtained possession of their
fiefs several years previously. The list of Carignan officers who acquired
seigniories in New France may be found in Benjamin Suite's Histoire des
Canadiens-Frangais, IV. 46-50.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 35
I'augmenter par leurs travaux et leur application a la culture
des terres, et de la soutenir par une vigoureuse defence contre
les insultes et les attaques auxquelles elle pourroit estre ex-
posee dans la suite des temps, a fait passer en ce pays bon
nombre de ses fideles sujets, officiers de ses troupes dans le
regiment de Carignan, et autres dont la plupart se conformant
aux grands et pieux desselns de Sa Majeste, voulant bien se
Her au pays en y formant des terres [des] seigneuries d'une
estendue proportionnee a leur force, et le sieur de Saurel,
capitaine au regiment de Carignan, nous ayant requis de lui
en departir : Nous, en vertu du pouvoir a nous donne et en
consideration des bons, utiles et louables services qu'il a rendus
a Sa Majeste en differents endrolts, tant en l'ancienne France
que dans la Nouvelle, depuis qu'il y est passe par ordre de Sa
Majeste, avons accorde, donn6 et concM6, accordons, donnons
et concedons par ces presentes, au dit sieur de Saurel, la
quantlte de deux lleues et demie de terre de front, a prendre
sur le fleuve St. Laurent S9avoIr : une lieue et demie au-dela
de la Rividre de Richelieu, sur deux lleues de profondeur si
tant II y a, avec les Isles St. Ignace, Isles Rondes et Isles de
Grace, ainsi nommees dans notre carte figurative,^ pour jouir
de la dite terre en fief, seigneurie et justice, luy, ses hoirs et
ayans cause, a la charge de la foy et hommage que le dit Sieur
Saurel, ses hoirs et ayans cause, seront tenus de porter au
chateau St. Louis de Quebec, duquel 11 relevera aux droits et
redevances accoutumes, et au desir de la Coutume de la pre-
voste et vicomte de Paris, qui sera sulvie a cet egard par
provision ; et en attendant qu'Il en soit ordonne par Sa
Majesty, et que les appellations du juge qui pourra estre
estably au dit lieu ressortiront pardevant . . . ; ^ a la charge
• A further description of the seigniory may be found in Joseph Bou-
chette's Topographical Description of the Province of Lower Canada (London,
1815), 219-226. See also Catalogue's report, below, p. ii6.
2 It was the intention of the authorities that all appeals from the decisions
of seigniorial judges should be carried before the nearest royal court whenever
such should have been established.

36 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
qu'il continuera de tenir et faire tenir feu et lieu sur la dite
seigneurie, et qu'il stipulera dans les contracts qu'il fera a ses
tenanciers qu'ils seront tenus de resider dans I'an et tenir feu
et lieu sur les concessions qu'il leur aura accordees ou leur
accordera ; et qu'a faute de ce faire, 11 rentrera de plein droit
en possession des dites terres ; que le dit sieur de Saurel con-
servera les bois de chesnes qui se sera reservee ^ pour faire son
principal manoir, meme qu'il fera la reserve des dits chesnes
dans I'estendue des concessions particulieres faltes a ses tenan
ciers qui seront propres a la construction de vaisseaux;
parelllement, qu'il donnera incessament avis au roy ou a nous
des mines, minieres ou mineraux si aucuns se trouvent dans
I'estendue du dit fief, a la charge d'y laisser les chemins et
passages necessaires : le tout sous le bon plaisir de Sa Majeste,
de laquelle sera tenu prendre la confirmation des presentes
dans un an du jour d'Icelles.
En temoin de quoy nous avons signe ces presentes, a icelles
fait apposer le cachet de nos armes, et contresigner par notre
secretaire. A Quebec, ce vingt-neuvleme octobre mil six cent soixante-
et-douze. Talon.

No. 17. Memoir prepared by Talon, at the King's
Request, on his Return to Paris, March 9, 1673.
Correspondance Generale, IV. 94.
. . . M. de Butern^,^ jeune gentllhomme de bonne nais
sance, qui a desja fait un voyage en Canada pour en reconnoistre
et fair et la situation desire y repasser avec tout son bien pour
' That is, qu'il se rhervera.
" This name does not appear in any of the records of New France. The
request does not appear to have been granted by the king.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 37
s'y establir pour toujours. II demande une concession dans
la riviere de Richelieu avec titre de baronnie et par un memoire
qu'il m'a donne quelques graces pour le fret de ses meubles et
denrees et le passage de douze hommes. J'estlme qu'avec le
bien qu'Il paroist avoir 11 peut contribuer a I'avancement de la
colonie. M. I'Abbe de Queylus^ perslste dans le dessein de faire
retablissement de I'hospital qu'il m'a cy-devant fait proposer
au Roy en faveur des enfans sauvages vieilards et invalldes
qu'il recueilleroit a Montreal et pour ce m'a remis des
memolres que je juge raisonables en la meilleure partie. Si
vous voulez, Monseigneur, je les reduray a leurs princlpaux
chefs et je les mettray dans le portefeullle que je vous prepare,
et cependant j'apprendray si je I'entretlendray dans ce dessein
avec espdrance de succes.
Des Basques m'ont fait parler par un capitaine du regi
ment de Carignan, qui est estably en Canada, pour S9avoir si,
voulant s'establlr a I'Acadle pour y faire la pesche sedentaire,
on leur accorderoit des concessions et quelques privileges.
J'ay demande leurs memolres que j'attends cependant. Puis-je
Monseigneur faire esperer que le Roy distrlbuera des terres
a ceux qui me feront de pareilles propositions.
Le Sr. de Laubia, capitaine au regiment de Carignan
Salidres de I'une des six compagnies qui ont este renvoyees en
1 Gabriel de Queylus, Abbd de Loc-Dieu, came to Canada in 1657 as the
representative of the Seminary of St. Sulpice at Paris, this institution having
been granted the fief of the Island of Montreal in 1640 {Titres des Seigneuries,
365). Queylus founded the Seminary of St. Sulpice at Montreal and became
its first superior. His stay in Canada at this time was marked by an unseemly
quarrel with Bishop Laval as to the extent of their respective ecclesiastical
jurisdictions {cf. Camille de Rochemonteix, Les Jdsuites et la Nouvelle-France
au XVW siicle, 3 vols., Paris, 1895-1896). Queylus withdrew to France, but
in 1668 returned to Montreal, where he remained three years, departing finally
for France in the autumn of 1671. The project of a Sulpitian home for aged
and invalid Indians was one which he had very much at heart ; but after his
return to Paris his health gave way and his plans were never brought to
maturity.

38 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
Canada en 1670, est venu sur conge de M. de Frontenac pour
recevoir son bien, mais ayant trouve son frere aisne langulssant
et tirant a sa fin se volt oblige a ne le pas abandonner et
demande permission de vendre sa terre de Canada^ a une
personne qui la fera valoir ainsy qu'Il feroit luy mesme. Cet
officler a non seulement estably sa compagnie sur la concession
qui luy a este faite, mais II s'est forme une terre qui luy a
produit a la recolte derniere trois a quatre cent minots de
grain, faisant cent sept llvres de Paris.
J'estlme que cette permission de vendre ne fera qu'un
fort bon effet, persuadant en France que le bien qu'on se
fait en Canada n'est pas inutile et qu'il donne son fruit
partout, pulsqu'on trouve des marchands qui en payent le
fond.^ . . .
En 1670 vous filtes agreable que je fisse travailler a une
terre pour M. de Bertelot qui en voulloit faire la despense.
J'ay en cela suivy vos intentions et seconde celles du dit
S"" Bertelot de maniere que I'lsle Jesus,^ coste a coste de celle
de Montreal, qui n'en est separee que d'un bras du fleuve
St. Laurens, et qui est presque de 20 lleues de contour,
s'habitue. Desja il y a un principal manoir pour le seigneur
qui a produit plus de 600 minots de bled en deux annees.
Dans cette Isle j'ay distribue sous le bon plaisir du Roy
des terres en fief pour y faire des bourgades, villages et
hameaux, afin de la fortifier et par elle la teste de toutes les
habitations a laquelle elle se trouve, avec celle de Montreal
qui regarde particullerement la descente des Iroquois.
1 The Sieur de Laubia had received the seigniory of Nicolet, comprising
two square leagues of land on the south shore of Lake St. Peter {Titres des
Seigneuries, 16). De Laubia had gone home to France in 1668, but his dis
banded company had been settled upon his seigniory.
^ The seigniory of Nicolet passed into the hands of Michel Cresse, who in
1680 received a large augmentation of its area {Ibid., 18).
' Frangois Berthelot had secured possession of Isle Jesus at Montreal by a
deed which had been passed to him, November 7, 1672, by Pere Dablon on
behalf of the Jesuits, who up to this time had included the island within their
holdings at Montreal {Ibid., 447).

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 39
M. Berthelot est dans le dessein d'y faire passer des hommes
de travail pour I'augmenter ;
Un prestre pour y admlnistrer les sacremens auquel il
donnera pension jusques a ce qu'il y'ait une cure fondee ou
par le produit des dismes une subslstance convenable au
sacerdoce. Et employer a I'augmentatlon de cette terre vingt mil
llvres outre la premiere depense qu'il a faite.
II demande que la concession qui luy en a este faite luy
soit confirmee et le titre de baronnie accorde ainsy que vous
avez fait esperer de la part du Roy.'^ . . . Talon.
Paris, le 9 7nars 1673.

No. 18. Despatch of Governor Frontenac^ to the
Minister regarding a Petition of the Jesuits for
an Augmentation of their Seigniory of La Prairie
de la Magdelaine at Montreal, November 14,
1674.
Correspondance Generale, IV. 206.
. . . Le P. Superieur des Jesultes d'icy m'a demande
depuis peu de jours une augmentation de terre d'environ une
lieue et demie de front pour aj ouster a leur habitation de la
* This request was not granted ; but on April 24, 1675, Berthelot exchanged
Isle Jdsus with Bishop Laval for the latter's seigniory of the Island of Orleans,
below Quebec {Titres des Seigneuries, 447), and in the year following this
seigniory was raised to the rank of a countship, and Berthelot became the
Comte de St. Laurent.
^ Louis de Buade, Comte de Frontenac, appointed governor and lieutenant-
general of New France by a commission dated April 7, 1672 {Edits et Ordon
nances, III. 40-41). Frontenac served two terms, 1672-1682 and 1689-1698.
The best biographies of this ablest of the French governors are Henri Lorin's
Le Comte de Frontenac {¥a.ns, 1895) and Francis Parkman's Count Frontenac
and New France under Louis XIV. (Boston, 1887).

40 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
prairie de la Magdelaine,^ qui en a pres de trois, et qui est
une des plus belles de tout le pays. II all^gue pour pretexte
qu'ils n'y ont pas assez de terres a ble pour les sauvages qui
viennent s'y habituer.^ Mais comme leur veritable raison est,
je croy, qu'Us ne veulent point avoir de voisin qui les eclaire
de pres, et qu'ayant une quantlte innombrable de terres en ce
pays celle-la accommoderolt mieux de bons habitans charges
de famille et d'enfans deja grands qui me les demandent,
je les ay remis a cet este que je monteral a Montreal afin
d'avoir le temps de recevoir vos ordres la dessus et de vous en
tenir averty en cas qu'ils s'addressassent a vous pour cela, ou
a M'^" de la Compagnle. . . .
Frontenac.
A Quebec, ce 14 7iovembre 1674.
' The tract of land on the south shore of the River St. Lawrence near
Montreal, known as La Prairie de la Magdelaine, had been granted in frankal
moign to the Jesuits in 1647 by Governor Frangois de Lauzon on behalf of the
Company of One Hundred Associates, in order, as the title reads, "that the
Company may be participating in their prayers and holy sacrifices " ( Titres des
Seigneuries, 75). The request for an augmentation was eventually granted by
the king (see Lettre du roy a M. de Fronte7iac, April 29, 1680, printed in
Collectio7i de manuscrits . . . relatifs a la Nouvelle- Fra7ice, I. 274) ; and
Governor Frontenac and the intendant, Duchesneau, forthwith Issued a title-
deed adding a tract one-and-one-half by two leagues in area to the Jesuit fief of
La Prairie de la Magdelaine. See Titres des Seigneuries, 74 (October 31, 1680).
' T'ht Jour7ial des J^suites {^. 361) mentions that in 1668 more than forty
land grants had been made in La Prairie de la Magdelaine. It is entirely
probable that the Jesuits desired the additional lands in order that they might
make grants to the Indians, in the hope of inducing them to settle in the
vicinity and thus make La Prairie a second Slllery. On this policy of settling
the savages upon lands near the towns of Quebec and Montreal, see Parkman,
The Jesuits in North America, Vol. II.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 41

No. 19. Royal Arret empowering the Governor and
Intendant jointly to make Land Grants in Canada,
May 20, 1676.
Edits et Ordonnances, I. 89-90.
Louis, par la grace de Dieu, roi de France et de Navarre,
a nos chers et bien-amez les sieurs comte de Frontenac, notre
lieutenant-general en Canada ou Nouvelle-France, et Du
Chesneau, intendant de la justice, police et finances du dit
pays, salut :
Etant necessaire de pourvoir a la concession des nouvelles
terres aux habitans actuellement demeurans au dit pays, ou
ceux qui pourront s'y transporter de notre part pour s'y
habituer, nous vous avons donne et donnons pouvoir par ces
presentes, signees de notre main, conjolntement^ pour donner
les concessions des terres tant aux anciens habitans du dit pays
qu'a ceux qui s'y viendront habituer de nouveau, a condition
que les dites concessions nous seront representees dans I'annee
de leur date pour etre confirmees, autrement et a faute de ce
faire, le dit tems passe, nous les dedarons des a present nulles.^
Voulons de plus que les dites concessions ne soient accordees
qu'a condition d'en defricher les terres et les mettre en valeur
dans les six annees prochalnes et consecutives, autrement elles
^ Since 1666 practically all seigniorial grants had been made by the in
tendant alone (see above, p. 21) ; but the present arret clearly contemplated
that henceforth all grants should be made by the governor and intendant
jointly. Nevertheless, the two officials in some cases made grants separately
(for examples, see Titres des Seigneuries, 130, 374). In some of his despatches
the intendant gives his reasons for this departure from the strict observance of
the royal orders (see below, pp. 47, 51).
2 This condition was, however, frequently omitted. When it was inserted,
the forfeiture of a seigniory at the expiration of the six years was rarely insisted
upon, even if the seignior had accomplished little or nothing in the way of
improving his grant. This point is further discussed in Munro's Seigniorial
System in Canada, chap. iii..

42 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
demeureront nulles : et que vous ne les pourrez accorder que
de proche en proche et contlgues aux concessions qui ont ete
faites ci-devant, et qui sont defrichees.-^
De ce faire vous donnons pouvoir et mandement special:
et afin que ce soit chose ferme et stable a toujours, nous avons
fait mettre notre seel a ces presentes.
Donne au camp de Heurteblse, pres Valenciennes, le
vingtieme jour de mai, I'an de grace, mil six cent soixante-
seize, et de notre regne le trente-quatrleme.
Louis.

No. 20. Instructions [from Colbert]* to Duchesneau'
as to the Necessity of strictly Enforcing the
Royal Orders in regard to the Clearing of
Seigniories, May 15, 1678.
Correspondance Generale, IV. 304.
. . . L'ordonnance que vous avez donne sur le fait du
defrichement des terres, n'a aucun rapport avec les arrests du
Conseil qui ont este donnes sur ce meme sujet, et je vous dis
^ Very little attention seems to have been paid to this requirement, for
during the next quarter-century many seigniories were granted in out-of-the-
way places.
^ Jean-Baptiste Colbert, born at Rheims in 1619, was trained in the French
civil service under Mazarin, and on the death of the latter became chief minister
of state. During his tenure of office Colbert took a marked interest in the
affairs of the French colonies, more particularly in all matters pertaining to
their commercial development. A large portion of his correspondence and
memoranda has been printed in Pierre Clement's Lettres, instTmctions, et
r)ihnoires de Colbert (7 vols., Paris, 1861-1870). See also the same writer's
Histoire de Colbert et de so7i adi7iinistration (2 vols., Paris, 1874).
' Jacques Duchesneau, commissioned intendant of New France on June 5,
1675. His commission may be found in Edits et Ordo7inances, III. 42-43.
The seven years during which Duchesneau held his office were marked by a
bitter personal quarrel with Governor Frontenac. In 1682 the king recalled
both officials.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 43
encore, sur ce point, que votre pouvoir ne s'estend qu'a faire
executer les arrets du Conseil, et nullement a rendre des
ordonnances de votre chef, et pour vous expllquer encore
plus clalrement ce qui regarde le defrichement, I'arrest du
Conseil du 4 juin 1675,^ 1^^ vous avez porte vous meme en
Canada, ordonne que vous dresserez proems verbal de la qualite
des terres concedees, du nombre d'arpens, ou autres mesures
usites au dit pays qu'elles contiennent, du nombre de personnes
et de bestiaux propres et employes a la culture et au defriche
ment d'Icelles, et qu'en consequence la moitle des terres qui
avoient este concedees avant les dix dernleres annees, et qui ne se
trouveront defrichees et cultivees en terres labourables ou en
pres, sera retranchee des concessions et donnee aux particuliers
qui se presenteront pour les cultiver et les defricher ; et vos
ordonnances des 9 fevrier, 25 may et 30 octobre 1676^
portent que les proprietalres possesseurs des fiefs et seigneuries
les feront defricher, et habituer dans un an du jour de la date,
ce qui non seulement n'est pas conforme, mais meme change
entlerement la disposition du dit arrest, de I'inexecutlon duquel
vous devez rendre compte. . . . [Unsigned.]

No. 21. Royal Edict ordering the Retrenchment of
Uncleared Concessions, May 9, 1679.
Edits et Ordonnances, 1. 233-234.
Vu par le roi etant en son conseil, I'arret en icelui le
quatrleme juin 1675, portant que par le Sieur Duchesneau,
conseiller en ses conseils, intendant de la justice, police, et
finances en Canada, il sera fait une declaration precise et
exacte de la qualite des terres concedees aux princlpaux habi-
> See Edits et Ordonnances, I. 81-82. * These arrets are not printed.

44 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
tans du pays, et du nombre d'arpens ou autre mesure y usitee
qu'elles contiennent, en consequence de laquelle declaration la
moitle des terres qui avoient ete concedees auparavant les dix
dernleres annees, et qui ne se trouveront defrichees et cultivees
en terres laborables ou en pres, sera retranchee des concessions
et donnee aux particuliers qui se presenteront pour les defricher
et cultiver, la declaration faite en consequence par le dit Sieur
Duchesneau, contenant I'etendue de chacune concession et le
nombre d'arpents qui en est defrlche et hablte, par laquelle
II paroit que ces concessions sont d'une si grande etendue que
la plus grande partie est demeuree Inutile aux proprietalres,
faute d'hommes et de bestiaux pour les defricher et mettre en
valeur : et Sa Majeste considerant que les terres qui restent a
conceder dans le dit pays sont les moins commodes et plus
difficiles a cultiver par leur situation et eloignement des
rivieres navigables, en sorte que ceux de ses sujets qui passent
au dit pays perdent la pensee d'y demeurer et s'y etablir par
cette seule raison, ce qui est tres prejudiciable au bien et a
I'augmentatlon de cette colonie : a quoi etant necessaire de
pourvoir, Sa Majeste etant en son conseil a ordonne et ordonne
que I'arret rendu en icelui le quatrleme juin 1675 sera execute
selon sa forme et teneur, et en consequence declare le quart
des terres concedees avant I'annee mil six cent solxante-cinq,
qui ne sont pas encore defrichees et cultivees des a present,
retranche aux proprietalres et possesseurs d'Icelles.
Ordonne de plus Sa Majeste qu'a I'avenir II sera pris
chacune annee, a commencer I'annee prochalne mil six cent
quatre-vlngt, la vingtieme partie des dites concessions qui ne
se trouveront defrichees, pour dtre distribuee aux sujets de Sa
Majeste, habitans du dit pays qui sont en etat de les cultiver,
ou aux Fran9oIs qui passeront au dit pays pour s'y habituer.
Enjolnt Sa Majeste au Sieur comte de Frontenac, gouver
neur et lieutenant-general, et au dit Sieur Duchesneau, de
tenir la main a I'executlon du present arret, et de proceder a
la distribution et nouvelle concession des dites terres, suivant

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 45
le pouvoir a eux donne par lettres-patentes du vingtieme
mai 1676.^
Fait au conseil d'etat du roi, Sa Majeste y etant, tenu a
Saint-Germain-en-Laye, le neuvleme jour de mai mil six cent
soixante-dix-neuf. Colbert.

No. 22. Despatch of Duchesneau to the Minister
regarding the Progress of the Seigniorial System,
October i, 1679.
Correspondance Generale, V. 30.
Monseigneur, —
. . . Pour ce qui est Monseigneur d'avoir donne des
concessions depuis que les volontes du Roy m'ont este
conues par ses lettres du 20^ may 1676,^ et que je n'ay
re9ues que le 9*" septembre ensuivant, non seulement je ne
I'ai pas fait, mais c'est Monsieur le Gouverneur qui en a
donne sans mon s9avoir aux nommes Soullard, et Laprairye,
habitans de ce pays, des emplacements dans la ville de Quebec,*
et deux concessions en fief, I'une au nomme Langlols,* gar9on,
fils d'un charpentier, et qui exercoit ce metier, luy mesme,
de deux lleues de front sur pareille profondeur ; et I'autre
aussi en fief, au nomme Despre,® gar9on travailleur, conte
nant douze arpens, sur une grande profondeur, sans les autres
que je ne S9ay pas.
Et quoique j'eusse quelque sujet de croire, la premiere
annee que j'arrivai en ce pays, que je pouvois donner seul des
1 Above, p. 41. ^ Printed above, pp. 41-42.
^ These were en censive grants such as were usually made within the town
limits. * Noel Langlols received the seigniory of Port Joli on May 25, 1677. See
Titres des Seigneuries, ly:) ; cf. also below, p. 51.
' There seems to be no record of this grant.

46 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
concessions, par ce que Monsieur Tallon, en avoit use ainsi, et
que je n'avois point d'ordre de vous, Monseigneur, qui me le
defendist, je n'en ay point voulu accorder. II est seulement
vray, qu'avant que les ordres du Roy et les vostres me fussent
conus, les 13° et 14° aoust de I'annee 1676 m'ayant este
rapportes deux billets de Monsieur Tallon, de luy signes, I'un
par le Sieur De Varrennes ^ de I'annee 1670, au sujet du fief
du Tremblay, contenant vingt-huit arpents de front, et deux
lleues de profondeur, portant promesse de luy en donner titre
de concession; et I'autre du x° Janvier 1668, par la veuve
Poulain, pour le fief de Saint Maurice,^ conslstant en une
lieue de terre de front, sur deux lleues de profondeur, portant
aussi promesse de luy en donner titre. En vertu desquels
billets, les dits Sieur De Varennes, et v° Poulain, estolent entres
en possession, et avoient desja fait de grandes despenses. Je
confirmai sous le bon plaisir du Roy : ce a quoy Monsieur
Tallon s'estoit engage. J'ay de plus, une seule fois, dans ce
mesme temps, le 13" du dit mois d'aoust 1676 expllcque, une
difficuke pour deux Isles, qui estolent en contestation, entre
les sieurs De Varennes et Dugue.^
Et encore, avant la reception des ordres du Roy, et des
vostres, a I'esgard de la terre du Sault : En consideration des
Iroquois que les peres jesultes ont ramasses en ce lieu, en fort
grand nombre, par la solllcitation de Monsieur Tallon, lesquels
estant parmy nous comme autant d'ostages, ont empesche
jusques a present que nous n'ayons eu la guerre avec ceux de
leur nation, et c'est dont tous les Fran9als de ce pays convien-
nent, j'ay seuUement donne le 30 julllet 1676, une assurance
en ces termes : nous avons permis au pere Fremin Jesuite, en

^ See below, p. no, note 2. 2 Titres des Seigneuries, 154.
5 The title-deeds of the seigniories of Varennes and Isle Ste. Th^rfese, given
respectively to Rene Gaultier de Varennes and Sidrac Dugu^, were not clear
as to the ownership of the two neighbouring islands in the St. Lawrence.
The islands were ultimately adjudged, however, to be the property of
Varennes. See also Catalogue's report, below, p. 112.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 47
consideration des sauvages, de faire travailler sur I'estendue
de deux lleues de terre de front, a commencer a une polnte,
qui est vis a vis les rapid es Sainct Louis, en montant le long
du Lac, sur pareille profondeur, avec deux Isles, Islets et
battures qui se trouvent au-devant, promettant de luy faire
expedier contract en forme, lorsqu'Il aura plu au Roy nous en
donner le pouvoir, ce que je n'ay pas fait. •
Depuis que j'ay re9u les ordres du Roy, II m'est seulement
arrive, que le 18' aoust 1677, recevant une declaration du
nomme Josselin, marchand, habitant de ce pays d'une maison
sise dans la ville de Quebec, qu'Il avalt fait bastir sur cinquante
pieds de longueur, quoyqu'il ne luy en appartient que vingt.
Cette maison estant presque faite, et ne pouvant en ordonner
la demolition, sans le rulner, je luy ai accorde sous le bon
plaisir du Roy, les dits trente pieds, qui n'estoient concedes
a personne. Volla, Monseigneur, la verlte de tout ce que
j'ay fait.
Si dans les contracts que vous avez vus, des concessions,
que Monsieur le Gouverneur et moy avons accordees con-
joinctement, vous avez remarque qu'ils n'estoient signes que de
moy,^ ne m'en attribuez pas, s'il vous plalst, la faute, puisque
Monsieur le Gouverneur a voulu que nous les donnasslons
separement, parcequ'il a cru, qu'il ne seroit pas de sa dignite
que je fusse joinct dans un mesme titre, avec luy.^ Aussi,
dans la pensee que j'ai eue, qu'il vous envoyoit les contracts
qu'il falsoit expedier, comme je le faisois de mon coste, je
n'aurois jamais pu me persuader qu'Il prist avantage de cette
maniere, dont il avoit voulu qu'on en usast, pour m'accuser,
d'une desobeissance criminelle. Cela n'arrlvera plus, Monselg-

1 For example, the title-deed of the seigniory of Isles-Mlngan, March lo,
1679 {Titres des Seigneuries, 380).
' Those who are familiar with the history of the relations between the
governor and the intendant at this time will not need to be Instructed as to the
value which should be placed upon this explanation. The despatch bears
throughout rather palpable traces of the personal animosity of the writer.

48 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
neur, puisque je le supllee, que doresnavant, nous n'expedlons
ensemble qu'un mesme contract, et qu'il veuille bien, que nous
fasslons rapporter tous les autres, pour les mettre dans cet
ordre. Je vous demande pardon, Monseigneur, de vous avoir tant
parle sur mon sujet, ce que je n'aurais pas fait, s'il ne se fust
agy de me justlfier, de ce qui me pouvoit faire passer, dans
vostre esprit, pour un extravagant, un presomptueux, et un
desobelssant aux commandements de Sa Majeste et aux vostres.
II ne m'arrivera jamais, Monseigneur, de vous fatlguer, sur ce
qui me concernera, estant absolument resolu de souffrlr tout ce
qui me viendra de la part de Monsieur le Gouverneur, de
suivre ponctuellement les ordres que vous me donnez, touchant
ma conduicte dans le conseil, d'entrer et de me soumettre, a tous
ses sentiments, quand Ils ne seront pas contralres aux arrets,
declarations, edits, et ordonnances du Roy et a la justice, que
vous voulez que je rende, par ce que je crols que c'est vostre
intention, et que je dois plustost mourlr que de rien faire qui y
prejudicle. Je remettrai jusques au depart des derniers vaisseaux,
comme j'ay desja eu I'honneur de vous le dire, Monseigneur,
de vous rendre un compte fidele, et sincere, de tout ce qui se
passe en ce pays, et du veritable estat, dans lequel II est, de
toutes mes vues sur les avantages qu'on luy peut procurer, et
je continuerai avec regret de vous faire connolstre les dom-
mages qui y sont causes, par la rebellion des coureurs de bois,
aux ordonnances de Sa Majeste, qui est enfin, venue a un tel
exces, que le remede me paroist difficile. . . .
Du Chesneau.
Quebec, ce V" octobre 1679.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 49

No. 23. Despatch of Duchesneau to the Minister
concerning the Progress of Agriculture, Novem
ber 10, 1679.^
Correspondance Generale, V. 40.
Monseigneur, ... La plus grande partie des officiers du conseil
souverain et des autres justices inferieures quoy qu'ils dussent
s'appliquer principalement a leur mestler et a s'en instruire en
sont empesches par leur pauvrete, les gages qu'on leur accorde
estant trop modlques, ce qui fait qu'ils s'occupent bien plus
tost au commerce et a faire valoir leurs habitations.
Plusieurs des gentilshommes, officiers reformes, et des seig
neurs des terres, comme ils s'accoutument a ce qu'on appelle
en France la vie des gentilshommes de campagne, qu'ils ont
pratlquee eux mesme ou qu'ils ont vu pratlquer, font leur plus
grande occupation de la chasse et de la pesche, et parceque
pour leurs vivres et pour leur habillement et celuy de leurs
femmes et de leurs enfans ils ne peuvent se passer de si peu
de choses que les simples habitans et qu'Us ne s'appliquent pas
entlerement au menage et a faire valoir leurs terres, Ils se
meslent du commerce, s'endettent de tous costes excltent
leurs jeunes habitans de courir les bois, et y envolent leurs
enfans afin de traiter des pelleterles dans les habitations
' This despatch, from which only a few extracts are here given, Is a lengthy
and interesting one, dealing with a variety of matters, and more particularly
with various causes of tardy colonial growth. Duchesneau strongly urges that
some measures be taken to keep the people on the land and prevent the
constant exodus to the wilderness. Too much of the colonial energy is, he
thinks, expended on the Indian trade, and too little given to the cultivation of
the soil. Only when the coureurs-de-bois return from the wilderness and apply
themselves to the defence and cultivation of the land, he declares, will the
colony find Itself In a position to carry on a trade in food-stuffs with France
and with the other French colonies. D

50 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
sauvages et dans la profondeur des bois au prejudice des
defences de Sa Majeste ; et avec tout cela Ils sont dans une
grande misere.
Les marchands, habitans de ce pays, excepte cinq ou six au
plus, sont dans la pauvrete ; les artisans, si on en oste un petit
nombre avec quelques cabarettiers, sont de mesme, parce que
la vanlte des femmes parmy lesquelles II n'y a icy aucune
distinction, et la debauche des hommes consomment tout ce
qu'ils peuvent amasser, de sorte que leurs families ne sub-
sistent qu'avec grande peine et ne s'establlssent pas.
Quant aux laboureurs qui s'appliquent avec assiduite a la
terre, non seulement ils subsistent fort honestement et sont,
sans comparison, plus heureux que ce qu'on nomme en France
les bons paysans, mais comme les esprlts de ce pays prennent
aisement I'essort et qu'ils ont beaucoup de I'humeur sauvage
qui est legere, Inconstante et ennemie d'un travail assldu,
voyant la llberte qu'on prend si hardiment de courir les bois,
Ils se debauchent avec les autres et vont chercher des pelle
terles pour avoir moyen de vivre sans rien faire, et c'est d'oii
vient que les terres ne se defrlschent pas, que les bestiaux ne
multlplient point comme ils devraient et qu'on ne peut establir
Icy aucunes manufactures.
Pour revenir a ceux qui viennent dans ces pays pour y
profiter sans s'y establir et qu'on a dit estre les marchands
foralns, 11 est sans doubte qu'ils n'ont point d'autre interest
que de raccommoder leurs affaires pour ensuite retourner vivre
plus commodement en France avec leurs families.
Sur tout cela, Monseigneur, vous remarquerez, s'il vous
plalst, que parmy tant d'interests differents, le principal et le
general de ceux qui ont choisy ce pays pour y passer leur vie
doit estre, quand ils y seront d'une serleuse reflexion, que la
colonie s'establisse par le bon ordre, que les terres se cultlvent,
les bestiaux s'eslevent et multlplient, qu'on establisse des
manufactures et qu'on attire les sauvages pour faire leurs
traites dans les habitations fran9oIses. . . . Nous avons desja

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 51
confere plusieurs fois, Monseigneur le Gouverneur et moy,
pour I'executlon des ordres que vous nous avez donnes pour
le retranchement des concessions et le defrischement des terres
dont I'arrest a ete enregistre au conseil je vous puis assurer
que de ma part il sera ponctuellement observe quoyqu'il soit
rude aux possesseurs des terres qui ne les ont pas mises en
valeur parce qu'Us en ont estes empesches par les guerres des
Iroquois et parcequ'ils ont manque de monde.
Monsieur le Gouverneur n'a pas voulu que les concessions
qu'il nous est ordonne de donner conjointement par les lettres
patentes de Sa Majeste du 20' mai 1676 ^ fussent accordees par
un mesme contrat, parce qu'il ne croit pas qu'il soit de sa dignite
d'estre couple (c'est son mesme mot) avec un Intendant, en
sorte, Monseigneur, qu'il faudra done en user comme on a fait
jusques a present et que nous donnions deux contrats separes,
et quand vous ne les verrez signes que de moy ne croyez pas,
s'il vous plalst, que j 'aye donne seul les concessions. Je n'en
ay jamais accorde que quand on m'a represente le contrat
qu'en avoit expedie Monsieur le Gouverneur. Je luy ay
remis entre les mains un extrait de tous ceux que j'ay accordes
conjoinctement avec luy, et je n'en ay point donne d'autres.
II m'a aussy donne celuy de ceux qu'il avoit accordes parmy
lesquels il en avoit compris qu'il avoit donnes sans ma partici
pation. II I'a reforme et y a seulement laisse celuy de Noel
Langlols^ qui de bon charpentier est devenu un faineant, parce
qu'ayant une seigneurie 11 a cru estre devenu gentllhomme ce
qui fera dans la suite une famille a charge a la colonie. Je
^ For the letters-patent to which reference is here made, see above, p. 41 ;
cf. also above, p. 47.
' Noel Langlols, who had come to the colony before 1634 (Tanguay, Dic-
tionnaire GhiMogique, I. 345), was on May 25, 1677, granted the seigniory of
Port Joli, comprising two square leagues along the south shore of the St.
Lawrence not far from Quebec, the whole lying between the seigniories of
Rdaume and Isle St. Jean. The title-deed states that Langlois has "had
some work done on the land during the last three years, and has caused the
same to be bounded, according to the permission which we granted him at the
time" {Titres des Seigneuties, 130).

52 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
vous envoye, Monseigneur, I'arrest d'enreglstrement des dites
lettres qui fut fait aussitost que je les re9ues.
Pour ce qui est du papier terrier je le rectifierai selon
I'ordre que vous m'en donnez et sur I'instruction qui en a este
envoy ee dans les provinces du royaume en 1678. Je m'estols
arreste sur ce qui m'avolt este mande en 1676 par un memoire
separe de vos despeches, qui me marquoit en propres termes
que le proces-verbal que j'avols envoye contenant les declara
tions, que j'avols fait passer devant moy par les detenteurs des
heritages, estoit bien ce qu'on appelle ordinairement un terrier,
et qu'on le trouvoit assez regullerement fait, ce qui est cause
que j'ay suivy cette forme qu'on avoit approuvee, et si je ne
me suis point servy du procureur du Roy c'est a cause qu'il ne
me I'estoit point ordonne, et que je voulois esviter la depence
comme il m'estoit expressement commande.
II sera aise de remedler a tous les defauts qu'on y a
remarques, et afin d'esviter les frals je travallleral tout I'hiver
dans cette ville avec le procureur du Roy de la prevoste,^ et
des ce printemps j'irai travailler aux Trois Rivieres avec le
procureur du Roy de ce lieu. Je n'ay pu obliger les notalres
de dimlnuer leurs salaires et suivant la llberte que vous m'en
accordez je feral recevoir les declarations par mon secretaire
gratultement, en prenant les precautions que vous m'ordonnez,
d'autant plus qu'on ne peut Icy causer la molndre depence aux
habitans qu'on ne les Incommode beaucoup.
A I'esgard des fois et hommages ^ c'est une faute que j'ay
'¦ A Court of the Prevot^ had been first established at Quebec by
Champlain; but in December, 1674, the king had suppressed its jurisdiction,
and had ordered that for the future all suits should be brought in the first
instance before the Sovereign Council (Edits et Ordonnazices, I. 78). Three
years later, however, the Court of the Prevote at Quebec was re-established,
because the Council could not properly handle the large number of minor
matters brought before it {Ibid., 90). The p7-ocureur du roi was the official
attorney of this court.
2 The ceremony of fealty and homage was performed by all seigniors to the
royal representative at the Chiteau de St. Louis in Quebec. Performance was
required within a reasonable time after a seignior came into possession of his

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 53
faite suivant I'usage. Sur cela je vous supplle, Monseigneur,
de me faire savoir si le conseil doit obliger les seigneurs de
fiefs de la faire derechef et de fournir de nouveau leurs aveux
et denombrements,^ ce qui leur seroit extremement a charge,
a cause des voyages et frais que je leur ay espargnes en me
transportant sur les lieux, et si pour cette fois seulement vous
voudriez valider pour ce regard ce que j'ay fait en corrigeant
et redulsant les choses pour les redevances et droits et con
ditions sur le pied des premieres concessions. . . .
Du Chesneau.
A Quebec, ce lo'^ novembre 1679.

No. 24. Letters-patent creating the Barony of Portneuf
in favour of Rene Robineau, Sieur de Becancour,
March, 1681.'
Louis, par la grace de Dieu, roi de France et de Navarre,
k tous presents et avenir, salut.
fief, whether this possession resulted from grant, purchase, or inheritance. In
France it was also required of all seigniors upon the occasion of the accession
to the throne of a new sovereign ; but in Canada it was not regularly insisted
upon on such occasions. The performance of the ceremony by each seignior
was recorded in the Actes de Foi et Hommage, abstracts from which have been
published in the Report on Canadian Archives for the years 1883-1885.
' The aveu et d^nombrement was a plan and detailed statement furnished
by each seignior to the royal authorities at Quebec, showing the extent, con
figuration, and boundaries of his seigniory, setting forth his title to ownership,
and stating in detail the progress which he had made in its development. By
the terms of the Custom of Paris (Articles VIII., X., XL), the aveu et d^-
n07nbrement was required within forty days after any mutation in the ownership
of a seigniory ; but the authorities might call upon the seignior for it at other
times as well. These statements were of great service to the governor and
Intendant In the preparation of their various Tn^moires on the state of the
colony. See below, pp. 167-168.
^ The seigniory of Portneuf was originally granted to Jacques Leneuf de la
Poterie (see below, p. 129, note i). It passed to Ren^ Roblneau de Bdcancour,
his son-in-law, who by these letters-patent became Baron de Portneuf. Some
details concerning the later history of the barony may be found in F. X. Gatien's
Histoire de laparoisse du Cap 5a:«// (Quebec, 1884).

54 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
Les rols, nos predecesseurs, ayant connu par une longue
experience, qu'il n'y avait rien de plus digue de leur grandeur,
et qu'il etait meme de leur justice de recompenser ceux de
leurs sujets, qui, par leur merite et leur courage, se sont
portes a des actions extraordinaires, pour la gloire, le renom
et I'accroissement de leurs etats ; et non contents de leurs
bienfalts, ils les ont encore eleves audessus du commun par
des marques d'honneur qui passent a leur posterite, pour
exciter leurs autres sujets de suivre leurs exemples et meriter
de semblables graces : en quoi desirant les imiter, savoir
falsons que, mettant en consideration les grands et imposants
services qui nous ont ete rendus et a notre etat, par defunt
Pierre Robineau, vivant tresorler-general de la cavalerle legere
de France, et I'un des interesses en la compagnle qui fut faite
par I'ordre du feu roi notre tres honore seigneur et pere, que
Dieu absolve, dont le feu Sieur cardinal due de Richelieu etait
le chef, pour peupler les Ues de la Nouvelle-France dite du
Canada, lequel, par ses solus et diligences, et les grandes
depenses qu'il a faltes pour le dit etablissement, a beaucoup
contribue a I'accroissement et a la perfection d'icelui, lors
duquel 11 fut donne aux Interesses en la dite compagnie, tant
pour eux que leurs successeurs et ayants cause, dans le dit
pays de la Nouvelle-France dite Canada, en toute propriete,
justice et seigneurie, a la reserve seulement du ressort, foi et
hommage, une couronne d'or a chaque mutation de rois, et la
provision des officiers de la justice souveraine, ainsi qu'Il est
plus amplement porte par des articles qui en furent dresses et
arretes le 6^ aoAt 1628, au desir desquels le dit Sieur Roblneau,
ainsi que les autres interesses en la dite compagnie, commen9a
a s'appliquer a faire travailler au defrichement des terres, et
Icelles planter et cultiver a grands frais et depens, en sorte
que les peuples que la compagnie y falsalt passer, commen9aIent
a y goiiter les fruits de leurs travaux, et trouver moyen d'y
subslster heureusement, lorsque le dit Sieur Robineau etant
avance en age, fit remplir dignement sa place de la personne

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 55
de Rene Robineau, ecuyer, Sieur de Becancour, chevalier de
notre ordre de St. Michel, son fils, lequel suivant les traces de
son pere, aprfes nous avoir servi dans nos armees deux cam-
pagnes en qualite d'enseigne dans le regiment de Turenne,
passa aux dites lies pour y faire travailler a la continuation du
dit etablissement, si bien et heureusement commence, qu'il y
possede a present deux terres considerables savoir le fief terre,
et seigneurie de portneuf, consistent en manoir selgneurial
decore de toutes les marques de noblesse et seigneurie, accom-
pagne d'une belle chapelle oili se celebre le service divin, tant
pour le dit Sieur de Becancour et sa famille, domestlques,
qu'habltants de la dite seigneurie, de plusieurs autres bati-
ments, pour le logement de ses domestlques, chevaux et
equipages, et autres choses necessaires pour les commodites
de la vie, a cote desquels est une basse-cour, et les batiments
qui sont necessaires, comme etables, granges, pare, jardins,
bois, moulins, et une quantlte de terres bien cultivees, qui
produisent un revenu considerable, en outre il possede encore,
a trente lleues du dit Portneuf, une autre terre et seigneurie
appelee les lies Bouchard, de grande etendue, et plusieurs
belles dependances, possessions et heritages, bien cultives,
auxquels appartiennent les droits de moyenne et basse justice,
a laquelle il fait travailler pour la batir et embelllr, ces dites
deux terres et seigneuries etant de present en si bon etat, que
le dit Sieur de Becancour n'a pas fait de difficuke de ceder au
Sieur Fran9ois Robineau, ecuyer, Sieur de Fortelle, son frere
aine, chevalier de notre ordre de St. Michel, et notre conseiller
et maitre-d'hotel ordinaire, qui a parelllement beaucoup con
tribue au dit etablissement, plusieurs grands avantages qu'il
avait dans notre royaume pour faire son habitation ordinaire
au dit pays de la Nouvelle-France, en ses dites terres et
seigneuries de Portneuf et des lies Bouchard, ou II demeure
depuis trente-six ans et y vit tres honorablement, etant pourvu
de la dignite de grand voyer au dit pays, auquel II s'est marie,
ayant une nombreuse famille de neuf enfants; le second desquels,

56 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
apres avoir passe en France et nous avoir servi dans nos armees
I'espace de dix annees consecutives en qualite de volontaire, et
depuis en celle de capitaine de Dragons, apres s'etre perfec-
tionne dans la profession des armes, II repassa au dit pays de
la Nouvelle-France pour y seconder le Sieur de Becancour,
son pere.
Le Sieur de Becancour a eu I'honneur de commander a un
camp volant entretenu pour notre service au dit pays, pour le
garantir des courses des sauvages ; en sorte que la famille du
dit Sieur de Becancour et les habitations des vassaux et
peuples qui habltent ses dites terres, font une des plus agre-
ables parties du pays ; mals d'autant qu'en I'annee 1663 les dits
interesses, en reconnaissance du secours que nous leur avons
donne pour parvenir au dit etablissement, qui etait des lors en
nombre, plusieurs de I'un et de I'autre sexe, tant seculiers que
pretres et rellgleux nous prierent d'accepter facte qu'ils pas-
serent volontalrement, par lequel Ils remirent en nos mains la
superiorite et domination du dit pays, se reservant seulement
les habitations, lequel acte nous fut presente par le Sieur de
Perlgny, le dit Sieur de Fortelle et autres, qui passerent le dit
acte, comme ayant pouvoir de toute la compagnle, nous avons
cru qu'Il etait de notre justice, non seulement de decorer la
principale terre et habitation du dit Sieur de Becancour d'un
titre d'honneur convenable a sa qualite et merite, mais encore
de donner quelque [marque] de distinction honorable qui
passe a sa posterite, et soit un sujet d'une louable emulation,
a ses enfants et posterite, d'imlter sa vertu et suivre son
exemple. A ces causes, de notre grace spedale, pleine puissance et
autorite royale, nous avons cree, erige, eleve et decore, creons,
erigeons, eievons et decorous, par ces presentes signees de
notre main, la dite terre et seigneurie de Portneuf, situee en
notre dit pays de la Nouvelle-France, dite du Canada, en titre,
nom et dignite de baronnie, pour en jouir par le dit Sieur de
Becancour, ses enfants, successeurs, ayants cause, et les descen-

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 57
dants d'iceux en legitime mariage, pleinement et paisiblement,
relevant de nous a cause de notre couronne, a une seule foi et
hommage, aveu et denombrement requis par les lois de notre
royaume et coutumes du dit pays, aux dits titre, nom et dignite
de Baronnie, voulons qu'ils se puissent dire, nommer et qualifier
tels en tous actes tant en jugement que dehors, qu'ils puissent
jouir des droits d'armes, blasons, honneurs, prerogatives, rangs,
preeminences en fait de guerre, assemblees de noblesse et autres,
ainsi que les autres barons de notre royaume, que les vassaux
et autres terriens et revelants de la dite seigneurie de Portneuf,
noblement et en roture, les reconnaissent pour barons, leur
rendent leurs aveux, denombrements et declarations, les cas
y echeant en la dite qualite, laquelle nous voulons parelllement
etre dans les sentences qui seront rendues par leurs officiers en
I'adminlstration de la justice sur les dits vassaux et justiclables,
le tout en la susdite qualite de Baronnie de Portneuf, sans
neanmoins que les dits vassaux soient tenus, a cause du contenu
en ces presentes, a autres plus grands droits ni devoirs que
ceux qu'ils doivent a present, ou un changement de ressort ni
aux cas royaux . . . et de notre plus ample grace et autorite
que dessus, nous avons permis et octroye, permettons et
octroyons, par ces dites presentes, au dit de Becancour et
ceux de sa famille descendants du dit Pierre Roblneau,
d'ajouter dans leurs armes et celles de leurs ancetres qui
sont d'azur a la cottise d'or accompagnees de six etoiles, de
meme une fleur de lys posee sur une surface de . . . telle
qu'elle est Ici empreinte.
Sy donnons en mandement a nos ames et feaux conseillers,
les gens tenant notre conseil souverain en notre pays en la
Nouvelle-France dite Canada, que ces presentes Ils fassent
registrer, et du contenu en Icelles jouir et user le dit Sieur
de Becancour, ses enfants, posterite et llgnee, successeurs et
ayants -cause, pleinement, paisiblement et perpetuellement,
cessant et faisant cesser tous troubles et empechements a ce
contraire, car tel est notre plaisir, et afin que ce soit chose

58 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
ferme et stable a toujours, nous avons fait mettre notre seel
a ces dites presentes.
Donne a Saint-Germain en Laye, au mois de mars de fan
de grace mil six cent quatre-vingt-un, et de notre regne le
XXXVIeme. Louis.

No. 25. Despatch [of Duchesneau] to the Minister
on the Relation of the Cures to the Seigniors,
November 13, 1681.^
Correspondance Generale, V. 29 1.
Monseigneur, —
. . . Vous verrez, Monseigneur, par la lettre circulaire
que j'ay escrite aux proprietalres des terres en justice et en
fief tant pour eux que pour leurs habitans, qu'apres avoir
confere avec Monsieur I'Evesque, comme vous m'ordonnez de
le faire, pour tout ce qui regarde le spirltuel de ce pays, et
pour suivre les intentions du Roy et les vostres qu'on a reduit
aux dixmes ^ seules la subslstance d'un cure auquel on a donne
I'estendue qu'on a cru necessaire pour cela, et mesme on a
soumis cette estendue au jugement des dits proprletaires et
habitans, afin que s'lls croyolent qu'elle fust trop grande on
la diminuast, et aussi que si elle ne I'estoit pas assez on
I'augmentast. Cependant, Monseigneur, les proprietalres des fiefs et des
seigneuries et les habitans ont represente que I'estendue estant
augmentee les peuples se trouverolent plus abandonnes par ce
^ The unsigned despatch from which the following extract is taken was
evidently written by the intendant Duchesneau to the Marquis de Seignelay.
The paper, which is rather lengthy, is taken up for the most part with complaints
of the " insults, reproaches, and rudeness " of Governor Frontenac. A translation
of the whole document is given in Vocuments 7-elating to the Colonial History
of New York, IX. 149-158.
2 See Edits et Ordonnances, I. 231 ; also below, pp. 88-90.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 59
que dans celle qu'on avoit desja marquee a chacun cure, les
habitans qui les composolent n'avoient la messe pour I'ordinaire
qu'un dimanche en un mois ou en six semalnes, que mesme
les dixmes n'augmenterolent pas par une plus grande estendue
parce que les habitans estant assistes plus rarement ne dedare-
roient devoir de dixmes qu'a proportion de I'assistance qu'on
leur donneroit, et qu'estant impossible de les affermer ^ par la
difficuke de les recueilllr sans de grands frais a cause de la
situation des lieux, il faudrolt s'en rapporter a leur bonne foy.
Les cures, d'autre coste, ont remonstre qu'ils sont desja
surcharges de travail, estant obliges de marcher incessam-
ment, tantost en raquettes sur les neiges pendant I'hiver, et
tantost en canot pendant Teste oii Ils rament tout le jour, et
que si on leur augmentoit leur estendue qui estoit desja trop
grande, ils ne se trouverolent pas capables de fournir a une si
grande fatigue.
Cependant, Monseigneur, toutes ces difficultes ne m'ont
pas empesche de faire connolstre I'lntentlon de Sa Majeste et
la vostre, et Monsieur I'Evesque a renvoye les prestres dans
les lieux qu'ils avolent accoutume d'assister et leur a ordonne
de se contenter des vivres les plus simples, et du seul
necessaire pour leur entretien. Quelques uns des proprietalres
des fiefs et des seigneuries ont offert de les nourrlr chez eux
et ils doivent pourvoir a leur entretien.^ Mals comme cela
se fait volontalrement et independamment des dixmes on ne
peut assurer qu'ils continueront.
Vous me permettrez, s'il vous plalst, Monseigneur, de vous
representer qu'on ne peut prendre de regie certaine sur ce
qui se fait en France puisqu'assurement la depence est bien
differente en ce pays. SI je ne craignols point de vous estre
' That is, to farm out the privilege of collecting the tithe. On the history
of the tithe in New France, see Lareau, Histoire du droit canadien, I. chap. xlx.
2 The curd very frequently lived at the seignior's house, which thus became
the centre of the religious as well as of the social life of the seigniory. On this
practice, see Abbd H. R. Casgrain's interesting little brochure, Une paroisse
canadienne au XVII' siicle (Quebec, 1880), especially pp. 40-41.

60 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
importun, je vous ferois un detail qui vous persuaderoit de
cette verlte. Je me contenteral seulement de vous marquer
que le vin qui ne coiite en France que dix llvres la barlque se
vend icy cinquante, solxante et solxante-dix llvres, le reste des
liqueurs a proportion. Les habits y colitent le double dont
les ecciesiastiques en usent beaucoup a cause de leurs continuels
voyages, et la longueur de I'hiver. Les seuls soullers se
vendent cent sols ou six llvres. Un valet qui ne gagne dans le
Royaume que dix, douze, ou quinze escus de gages, en a icy
cinquante. Enfin le bois de chauffage qui n'entre presque point
en France dans la depence d'un cure vaut dans les habitations
a moins 3 llvres et dans Quebec cent sols ou 6 llvres la
corde, et on en consomme extremement a cause de la rigueur
et de la longueur de I'hiver. Neantmolns, Monseigneur, le
Roy et vous serez obeis et je feral toutes choses pour reduire
aux dixmes seules la subslstance des cures comme II m'est
commande. Comme je ne dois point vous tromper, Monseigneur, je dois
vous dire qu'il n'y a point de personnes en ce pays qui puissent
non seulement doter une egllse de trois [sic'\ llvres, mais mesme
qui la puissent faire bastir solldement a ses depens. Tous les
gens sont Icy remplis d'une grande vanite, et II n'y en a pas un
qui ne pretende a estre patron,^ et chacun veut un cure dans sa
terre, et tous ces gens-la, un seul excepte, sont fort endettes et
dans la derniere pauvrete, et ce seul-la est encore plus pauvre
que les autres parce qu'il est dans une sordlde avarice. . . .
II n'y a dans tout le pays que le nombre de 7 eglises
parolsslales sans compter celle de Quebec, dont les murailles
soient de pierre, qui sont dans les seigneuries de Monsieur
I'Eveque, de Monsieur Berthelot, et des Messieurs du Saint-
Sulpice, et dans deux seigneuries particulieres, lesquelles ont
ete baties de partie des fonds que Sa Majeste a appliques pour
' Down to the end of the seventeenth century, when the seignior built a
church at his own expense, he was deemed the patron of the parish and permitted
to exercise the right of advowson. See Edits et Ordonnances, I. 232, §§ vi.-vii.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 61
ce sujet, des fortes contributions de ces Messieurs et des
charites des particuliers. Les autres sont de pieces de bois
et de planches qui ont ete construltes aux depens des pro
prietalres des fiefs et des habitans que M. I'Eveque refuse de
consacrer parce qu'il dit qu'il est de son devoir et de son
obligation de ne point donner la consecration qu'a des bati
ments solldes et de duree. . . . [Unsigned.]
Quebec, ce 13' novembre 1681.

No. 26. Royal Arret concerning Seigniorial Mills,
June 4, 1686.^
Edits et Ordonnances, I. 255—256.
Le roi etant en son conseil, ayant ete informe que le plu
part des seigneurs qui possedent des fiefs dans son pays de
la Nouvelle-France negligent de batir des moulins banaux
necessaires pour la subslstance des habitans du dit pays, et
voulant pourvoir a un defaut si prejudiciable a I'entretlen de
la colonie, Sa Majeste etant en son conseil, a ordonne et
ordonne que tous les seigneurs qui possedent des fiefs dans
I'etendue du dit pays de la Nouvelle-France seront tenus d'y
faire construire des moulins banaux dans le tems d'une annee
apres la publication du present arret, et le dit tems passe,
faute par eux d'y avoir satlsfait, permet Sa Majeste a tous
^ Complaints had been frequently sent to the home authorities that the
people of the colony were inconvenienced by the lack of facilities for grinding
their grain. Private enterprise was not permitted to erect mills in any of the
seigniories, for the seigniors possessed this right exclusively. On the other
hand, the seigniors in most cases failed to provide the mills because their
seigniories were so sparsely settled that there was no profit to be had out of
the small toll which they were permitted to take. The decree was therefore
designed to force the seigniors either to proceed with the erection of their mills,
or to forfeit their banal rights to any individual or individuals who might choose
to undertake the erection.

62 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
particuliers, de quelque qualite et condition qu'ils soient, de
batir les dits moulins, leur en attribuant a cette fin le droit de
banalite, faisant defenses a toutes personnes de les y troubler.
Enjolnt Sa Majeste aux gens tenant le conseil souverain
de Quebec de tenir la main a I'executlon du present arret, et
de le faire enreglstrer, publier et afficher ou besoin sera.
Fait au conseil d'etat du roi, Sa Majeste y etant, tenu a
Versailles, le quatrleme juin, mil six cent quatre-vingt-slx.
Colbert.
Registres suivant I'arret du dit conseil souverain de ce jour,
ou'i et ce requerant le procureur general du roi, pour etre
executes selon leur forme et teneur. A Quebec, le vingt-
unieme octobre, mil six cent quatre-vingt-six.^
Peuvret.
L' arret cl-a cote a ete lu, publle, affiche et registre tant a
la prevote de Quebec, qu'aux Trois-RIvieres et a Montreal, les
24' et 25" Janvier et 15" fevrier 1707, en consequence d'arrgt
rendu en ce conseil le 20^ decembre 1706.^
De Monseignat.
' Although this arret was received and duly registered by the Sovereign
Council at Quebec, it was not promulgated for the information of the people
interested until 1707. The probable reason for this delay is given by the
intendant Raudot in one of his despatches to the minister (see below, p. 77).
^ The decree of the Superior Council ordering the immediate promulgation
of the royal arret may be found in Edits et Ordonnances, 1 1. 1 50.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 63

No. 27. Despatch of Governor Denonville^ to the
Marquis de Seignelay ^ on the Difficulties attend
ing the Cultivation of the Seigniories owing to
the Danger of Iroquois Raids, August 10, 1688.
Correspondance Generale, X. lo6.
. . . Le party qui a este pris de faire des forts dans
chaque seigneurie pour y refugier les peuples et les bestiaux
est le seul expedient que Ton a pu prendre pour garantir le
peuple de sa perte assuree. Mais ce moyen dans la suite ne
le peut garantir de sa ruine car II ne peut faire ses champs
nourrlr ses bestiaux s'il demeure enferme dans ces reduits et
les terres labourables sont si ecartees les unes des autres et
si envlronnees de bois qu'a chasque champs il faudrait un
corps pour soutenir les travaillans d'une seigneurie de douze
habitans, tenant deux lleues d'estendue en longueur si bien
que le peuple pendant la guerre est a la veille de sa rulne
depuis le premier jour de I'annee jusqu'au dernier, car quand
sa recolte est faite comme quoy luy peut on faire porter ses
bleds et ses fourages a son fort qui en est elolgne d'une lieue
et de deux mesme. . . .
Le M. DE Denonville.

1 Jacques-Ren^ de Brisay, Marquis de Denonville, appointed governor and
lieutenant-general of New France on January i, 1685 {Edits et Ordonnances,
III. 48-49). His short term of four years was characterised by an utter lack of
ability to grapple with the urgent problems of the colony.
^ Jean-Baptiste Colbert, Marquis de Seignelay, eldest son of the great
minister. He was put in charge of the department of marine in 1676, and held
the post until his death in 1690.

64 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

No. 28. Extract from the Memoir of a Missionary,
1 69 1.
Correspondance Generale, III. 236.
. . . Nous avons des habitations fran9oises depuis I'lsle du
Montreal jusques a huit ou dix lleues au dessous de Quebec,
mais la pluspart ne sont pas comme celles de France en bourgs
et villages, car les malsons estant situees d'ordinaire sur le bord
des rivieres elles sont baties de deux en deux arpens, cet a dire
qu'il y a un maison a un endroit et qu'a deux arpens de la le
long de la riviere II y en aura une autre avec sa grange, c'est
de cette fa9on que la pluspart des habitations du Canada
sont faictes, et 11 n'y a proprement de lieux ramasses que
Quebec, le Cap les Trois Rivieres, la ville du Montreal, et
quelques villages que M. Talon a fait faire a la vue de
Quebec. Les bords du fleuve au dessous de tout ce pays habite
jusques a la mer sont presque Inaccessibles surtout du coste du
nord. La seule chose avantageuse qui se trouve est la com-
modite de havres qui y sont en grand nombre du coste du nord.
II y en a mesme quelques uns du coste du midy.^ . . .
[Unsigned.]
1 This is one of the earliest references to the peculiar distribution of popula
tion in the colony. The River St. Lawrence between Quebec and Montreal
formed the carotid artery of colonial communication ; and from the outset the
settlers scattered themselves along its northern shore, obtaining grants of land
with a narrow frontage on the stream and a generous depth inland. The
authorities did not look with entire favour upon this method of settlement,
preferring to have the habitants group their houses into villages in order that
they might the more easily defend themselves against Indian attacks. From
time to time the minister, in his instructions to the colonial authorities, em
phasised the advisability of keeping the population compact. "As the distance
of the settlements, the one from the other," wrote Colbert in 1672, "has
considerably retarded the increase thereof, and otherwise facilitated the
opportunities of the Iroquois for the success of their destructive expeditions.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 65

No. 29. Despatch of Champigny^ to the Minister as
to the Chief Cause of slow Agricultural Progress,
November 6, 1695.
Correspondance Generale, XIII. 424.
Monseigneur,
. . . Le defrichement des bois et la culture des terres
dependent principalement d'arreter dans la colonie les jeunes
gens qui vont traiter dans les pays elolgnes dont le nombre a
este tres grand les dernleres annees, sur quoy on ne peut
apporter assez d'exactitude et de severite, ayant remarque que
ceux qui se sont attaches a I'exploitatlon des terres, vivent
assez commodement, et au contraire presque tous ceux qui
n'ont pas discontinue la traite dans les bois, n'ont fait aucune
progres consommant leurs profits durant le sejour qu'ils font
dans la colonie depuis leur arrivee jusqu'au retour. . . .
Champigny.
the Sieur de Frontenac will examine the practicability of obliging those Inhabi
tants to make contiguous clearings, either by constraining the old colonists to
labour at these for a certain time, or by making new grants to the French who
will come to settle In the said country" (Colbert to Frontenac, April 7, 1672, in
Pierre Clement's Lettres, instructions, et m^moires de Colbert, III. pt. il. 533 ;
English translation in Docuitients relating to the Colonial History of New York,
IX. 85-88). With reference to the peculiar shaping of the farms along the
northern shore of the St. Lawrence, see also Lord Durham's Report on the
Affairs of British North America (London, 1839).
1 Jean Bochart de Champigny, commissioned intendant of New France,
April 24, 1686 {Edits et OrdonTtances, III. 50-51). Champigny arrived at
Quebec during September following, and held his post in the colony for the
next sixteen years.

66 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

No. 30. Letters-patent creating the Barony of Long
ueull in favour of Charles Le Moyne, Sieur de
Longueuil, January 26, 1700.^
Louis, par la grace de Dieu, roy de France et de Navarre,
a tous presents et a venir, salut :
Estant de nostre grandeur et de nostre justice de recom
penser ceux qui, par leur merite et leur courage, se sont portez
a des actions de remarque, et mettant en consideration les
services qui nous ont estes rendus par feu Charles Le Moyne,
escuyer, sieur de Longueuil, qui des I'annee 1640, a passe de
France en Canada pour s'y establir, ou il a donne en toutes les
occasions de guerre contre les Iroquois, tant de marques de
valeur et de fidelite a notre service, qu'Il a este employe par
nos gouverneurs et lleutenants-generaux du dit pays, dans
toutes les expeditions militaires, et dans toutes les negoclations
et traites de paix dont 11 s'est toujours acquitte a leur con-
tentement. Et ensuite, Charles Le Moyne, escuyer, son fils, voulant
contlnuer ses services, a I'exemple de son pere, aurait servy
depuls qu'il a este capable de porter les armes, soit en France,
en qualite de lieutenant dans le regiment Saint-Laurent, soit
au Canada, depuls 1687, en la mesme qualite de lieutenant, et
en celle de capitaine d'une compagnie du detachement de la
marine, dans lequel service II a este estropie d'un bras, fracass6
d'un coup de fusil par les Iroquois, dans le combat qui se donna
au lieu nomme Lachine, et sept de ses frferes cadets, voulant
suivre le mesme exemple, se sont mis dans les armes.
Jacques Le Moyne de Sainte-Heifene, par ses services dans
plusieurs occasions, a obtenu une compagnie du detachement
' For the order to communicate to the attorney-general these letters-patent,
5t& fugements et cUlibirations du Conseil Souverain, IV. 492.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 67
de la marine, et apr^s, a este tue en combattant contre les
Anglais, lorsqu'Us asslegerent Quebec, estant a la teste des
Canadiens, avec le dit Charles Le Moyne, son frere, qui fut
parelllement blesse. Le sieur Le Moyne d'IbervUle, capitaine
de fregate legdre, a servy et commande, soit par terre dans la
prise des forts qui sont au fonds de la baye d 'Hudson et dans
celle du fort de Corland, soit par mer en la dite qualite de
capitaine de fregate legere, dans laquelle II sert encore pre-
sentement. Le sieur Joseph Le Moyne de Bienville fut fait enseigne
dans les dites troupes de la marine, et il fut tue par les Iroquois
a I'attaque du lieu nomme Repentlgny.
Le sr. Louis Le Moyne de Chateauguay, faisant fonctions
d'enseigne sous le sieur d'IbervUle, son frere, a este tue k la
prise du fort Bourbon, dans la Baye du Nord.
Le Sr. Paul Le Moyne de Marlcourt, est enseigne de
vaisseau et capitaine d'une compagnle du detachement de la
marine, servant d'enseigne, sous le sieur d'IbervUle, son frere.
Pour se conformer le dit Charles Le Moyne, fils aine, a
nos desselns dans I'etabllssement du Canada, 11 a fait une
depense considerable pour placer des habitants sur la terre et
seigneurie de Longueuil, qui contient environ deux lleues sur
le fleuve Saint-Laurent, sur trois et demye de profondeur, qui
releve de nous, a haute, moyenne et basse justice, dans laquelle
il travaille a establir trois parolsses, et pour la conservation
des dites habitants pendant la guerre, il a fait bastir a ses frais
un fort flanque de quatre bonnes tours, le tout de pierre et
ma9onnerie avec un corps de garde, plusieurs grands corps de
logis et une tres belle egllse, le tout decore de toutes les
marques de noblesse, avec une belle basse-court, dans laquelle
il y a grange, estable, bergerie, colombier, et autres batiments,
tous de ma9onnerie enfermez dans le dit fort, a coste duquel
il y a un moulin banal et une belle brasserie aussy de ma9on-
nerle tres utile a la colonie, et le tout accompagne d'un nombre
considerable de domestlques, chevaux, et esqulpages, tous lesquels

68 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
batiments, lul ont coute plus de solxante mille llvres, tellement
que la dite seigneurie est a present une des plus belles de tout
le pays, et la seule fortlfiee et bastle de cette maniere, qui a con-
slderablement contribue a la conservation de tous les habitants
des seigneuries volsines, laquelle terre est d'un revenu consider
able par les grands defrichements et les excesslfs travaux qu'Il
a fait faire et qu'il continue en y entretenant ordinairement
trente ouvriers, ce qu'il est en estat de soutenir et de tenir un
rang de distinction appuye sur le merite et la vertu.
Pour lesquelles considerations, nous avons cru qu'il estal
de notre justice de donner, non seulement a sa terre et
seigneurie de Longueuil un titre d'honneur, mais encore a sa
personne, quelques marques d'une distinction honorable qui
passe a la posterite et qui soit un sujet d'une louable emula
tion a ses enfants pour les engager a suivre son exemple.
A ces causes, de notre grace spedale, pleine puissance et
autorite royalle, nous avons cree, erige, eleve et decore, creons,
erigeons et decorons par ces presentes signees de notre main,
la dite terre et seigneurie de Longueull, scituee en notre pays
de Canada, en titre, nom et dignite de baronnie pour en jouir
par le dit sieur Charles Le Moyne, ses enfants, successeurs,
ayant cause, et les descendants d'iceux en legitime mariage,
plainement et paisiblement, relevant de nous a cause de nostre
couronne, a une seule foy et hommage, adveu et denombre
ment requis par les lois de nostre royaume et coutume de Paris,
sulvie au dit pays, au dit titre, nom et dignite de baronnie,
voulons qu'ils se puissent dire, nommer et qualifier Barons en
tous actes tant en jugement que dehors, qu'ils jouissent des
droits d'armes, blasons, honneurs, prerogatives, rang, pre
eminences en faite de guerre, assemblees de noblesse et autres,
barons de nostre royaume, que les vassaux, arrieres-vassaux, et
autres tenants et relevants de la dite seigneurie de Longueuil,
noblement et en roture les reconnaissent pour barons, et leur
rendent leurs aveus, denombrements et declarations leurs cas y
escheant, en la dite qualite, laquelle nous voulons parelllement

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 69
estre inserree dans les sentences qui seront rendues par les
officiers en I'administration de la justice sur les dits vassaux et
justiclables, le tout en la dite qualite de barons de Longueull,
sans neantmolns que les dits vassaux soient tenus a cause du
contenu cy dites presentes a autres plus grands droits et devoirs
que ceux dont ils sont charges a present, aucun changement de
ressort, ny contrevenir aux cas royaux. Se donnons en mande
ment a nos aimez et feaux conseillers, les gens tenant nostre
conseil souverain en nostre pays de Canada, que ces presentes
ils fassent registrer et du contenu en icelles jouir et user le
dit Sieur Charles Le Moyne, ses enfants, posterite et llgnee,
successeurs et ayant cause pleinement,^ paisiblement et per
petuellement, cessant et faisant cesser tous troubles et empeche
ments a ce contraire, car tel est nostre plaisir.
Et afin que ce soit chose ferme et stable a toujours, nous
avons fait mettre nostre seel a ces dites presentes.
Donne a Versailles, le vlngt-slxleme du mois de Janvier,
I'an de grace mil sept cent, et de notre regne, la cinquante-
septifeme. Louis,
Et sur le reply : Par le Roy,
Phelypeaux.

^ After the conquest of Canada by Great Britain, It was urged by the
descendants of the original Baron de Longueull that the cession of the colony
did not invalidate their right to rank in the nobility conferred by these letters-
patent. Accordingly, such of the descendants as were entitled thereto under
the French rules of succession assumed the title of Baron de Longueuil. That
their claim was perfectly valid was recognised in i88o, when Her Majesty
Queen Victoria, acting on the advice of the law officers of the crown, to whom
the matter had been referred, gave official recognition to Charles Colmore
Grant as seventh baron of Longueuil. This recognition was duly promulgated
in the London Gazette, December 7, 1880. Further details concerning the
history of the barony may be found in Jodoin and Vincent's Histoire de
Longueuil et de fainille de Longueuil (Montreal, 1889) ; J. M. Le Moine's
Maple Leaves, ist Series, 47-53; and Daniel's Histoire des grandes fa7nilles
frangaises die Canada (Montreal, 1867), 147-192.

70 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

No. 31. Memoir of Jacques Raudot, Intendant,^ to
M. de Pontchartrain, Minister of Marine,^ on
the Growth of Seigniorial Abuses in Canada,
November 10, 1707.
Correspondance Generale, XXVI. 7-
Monseigneur, —
L'esprit d'affaires qui a toujours, comme vous savez,
beaucoup plus de subtilite et de chicane, qu'il n'a de verlte
et de drolture, a commence a s'introduire ici depuis quelque
temps et augmente tous les jours par ses deux mauvals
endrolts. Si Ton pouvalt les retrancher, cet esprit pourrait
etre bon pour T avenir ; quoique la simpllclte dans laquelle on
y vivalt autrefois fiit encore meilleure. Mais pour regler le
^ Jacques Raudot was appointed intendant of New France on January i,
1705, and came to Quebec in the following summer. With him came his son,
Antolne-Denis Raudot, who was commissioned " to serve as adjoint and to act
as intendant in case his father should be ill or otherwise incapacitated, or
should be absent from Quebec a distance of more than ten leagues " (see the
respective commissions, printed in Edits et Ordonnances, III. 60-63). Both of
these officials proved themselves men of marked energy and judgment, and the
elder Raudot especially did much to advance the economic interests of the
colony. An account of their work in Canada is given in Claude-Marie Raudofs
Deux intendants du Canada sous Louis XIV. (Auxerre, 1854). Jacques
Raudot was particularly interested in the working of the seigniorial system, and
immediately upon his arrival in the colony appears to have made a study of it.
The following despatch sets forth various abuses which the intendant noted, and
makes suggestions as to their remedy. A portion of the document is printed
In Correspondance entre le gouvernement frangais et les gouverneurs et i7itendants
du Canada relative d, la tenure seigneuriale (Quebec, 1853), 6-9.
^ Louis Phelypeaux, Comte de Pontchartrain, succeeded Seignelay as
minister of marine in 1691, and held this office until 1699, when he became
chancellor of France. As minister of marine he was succeeded by his son,
Jerome Phelypeaux de Pontchartrain, who held the post throughout the first
half of the eighteenth century. By his unpardonable neglect and mismanage
ment of the marine department, the younger Pontchartrain contributed
substantially to the loss of the French colonies.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 71
passe, il n'y a rien £l mon sens de plus pernicieux que cet
esprit et de plus contraire au repos et a la tranquilite qu'il
faut donner aux peuples d'une colonie, laquelle ne se soutient
et ne s'augmente que par le travail de ses habitans, auxquels
il ne faut point donner les occasions de s'en detourner.
Comme 11 n'y a presque rien dans le commerce qu'ils ont
eu entre eux qui se soit fait dans les regies, les notalres, les
huissiers, les juges mSmes ayant quasi tous este ignorants, par
ticullerement ceux qui ont forme cette colonie, ayant la pluspart
travaille sur leurs terres sans une sureti valable de ceux qui les
leurs concidaient, il n'y a point de propriete contre laquelle on
ne puisse former un trouble, point de partage sur lequel on
ne puisse revenir, point de veuve qu'on ne puisse attaquer
pour la rendre commune,^ point de tuteurs auxquels on ne
puisse faire un proces pour les comptes qu'ils ont rendus a
leur mineurs. Ce n'est pas que tout ne se soit fait souvent
dans la bonne foi, mais I'ignorance et le peu de regies qu'on
a observees dans toutes ces affaires a produit tous ces desordres,
lesquels en causeraient encore de plus grands si I' on souffrait
que ceux qui pourraient se prevaloir de cet esprit, ou de leur
chef ou par le conseil des autres intentassent des proces sur se
sujet. II y aurait plus de proces dans ce pays qu'il n'y a de
personnes ; et comme les juges sont obliges de juger suivant
les regies, dont ils commencent a avoir quelque telnture, en les
appliquant a des affaires ou I'ignorance a fait qu'on n'en a
point observe, ils seraient obliges de faire mille injustices, ce
que j'aurais cru faire moi-meme, Monseigneur, si je m'y estais
entlerement assujeti dans plusieurs proces qui sont venus par
devant moi.
Par toutes ces ralsons, Monseigneur, je croie que vous ne
pourriez pas faire un plus grand bien aux habitans de ce pays
que d'obtenir pour eux de Sa Majeste une dklaration qui
assurdt la propriite des terres dans toutes leurs consistances en
^ That Is, " no widow whose dower rights might not be contested."

72 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
suivant les lignes qui ont este tirrees a ceux qui en sont en
possession depuis cinq ans ou par le travail qu'ils ont fait dessus
ou en vertu d'un titre, tel qu'il soit, qui valldat aussi tous les
partages qui ont este faits jusqu'a present, qui fit defense
d'intenter aucun proces au sujet des comptes de tutelles et
des renonclations que les femmes ont AA faire a la commun-
aute de leurs marls, et qui fit defense aux juges de recevoir
les parties a plaider sur ces matieres. Enfin, Monseigneur,
une declaration qui valldat tous les decrets qui sont Inter-
venus et tous les autres actes et contrats qui ont este passes
jusqu'i present et les droits que les particuliers ont acquis les
uns contre les autres, excepti dans les matieres odieuses, comme les
actes et contrats ou il y aurait de I'usure, du dol, de la fraude, et
les possessions ou il y aurait de la violence ou de I'autorite.
Ce n'est que par la, Monseigneur, que vous pouvez mettre
la paix et la tranquilllte dans ce pays, lequel sans cette pre
caution si juste, sera toujours malheureux et hors d'etat de
pouvoir augmenter, ses habitans qui devraient estre occupes
a cultiver leurs terres, estant obliges de les quitter tous les
jours pour soutenir souvent de mauvals proces ; je connais ce
mal, Monseigneur, par toutes les affaires qui viennent con-
tinuellement pardevant moi et dont on peut vous dire que j'ai
este accable depuls que j'y suis, parce que ces pauvres habitans
me trouvant d'un acces facile et n'estant point obliges de
mettre la main a la bourse pour plaider, 11 n'y a guere de jour
que je n'aie rendu plusieurs ordonnances sur toutes les affaires
qui se sont faites entr'eux avant que j'y arrivasse ; 11 y en a
meme qui craignant les proces, viennent m'en demander pour
empecher ceux qu'on pourrait leur faire a I'avenir, I'ignorance
ou Ils sont leur faisant cralndre les molndres menaces qui leur
sont faltes sur ce sujet par d'autres aussi Ignorants qu'eux.
J'ai eu I'honneur de vous dire, Monseigneur, que si Sa
Majeste leur donne la declaration que j'ai I'honneur de vous
demander pour eux, il est necessaire pour assurer la propriete
des terres a ceux qui les possedent d'y Inserer en vertu d'un

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 73
titre tel qu'il soit, en y ajoutant meme quand 11 n'y aurait que
la simple possession parce qu'on n'a pas observe ici beaucoup
de formalites dans les concessions qu'on a faltes. Plusieurs
habitans ont travaille sur la parole des seigneurs, d'autres sur
de simples billets qui n'exprimalent point les charges de la
concession. II est arrive de la un grand abus, qui est que ces
habitans qui avaient travaille sans un titre valable, ont este
assujetis a des rentes et a des droits fort onereux, les seigneurs
ne leur voulant donner des contrats qu'a ces conditions, les
quelles ils estolent obliges d'accepter, parce que sans cela ils
auralent perdu leurs travaux ; cela fait que quasi dans toutes
les seigneuries les droits sont differents ; les uns payent d'une
fa9on, les autres d'une autre, sulvant les differents caracteres
des seigneurs qui les ont concedes. Ils ont introdult mesme
presque dans tous les contrats, un retrait roturier dont il n'est
point parU dans la Coutume de Paris^ qui est neanmolns celle
qui est observee dans ce pays, en stipulant que le seigneur,
a chaque vente, pourrait retirer les terres qu'il donne en roture
pour le meme prix quelles seraient vendues, et ils ont abuse
par la du retrait conditlonnel ^ dont il est parle dans cette
coutume, qui est quelquefols stipule dans les contrats de vente
oi!i le vendeur se reserve la faculte de remere, mais II ne se
' The retrait roturier was the right of the seignior, when a habitant sold his
farm, to exercise an option of buying in the land at the sale price. The
seigniors apparently sought to exercise this right in order that they might not
be defrauded of their proper lods et ventes, or mutation fine, which was
fixed at one-twelfth of the sale price {Coutume de Paris, Article LXXIIL).
without the seigniorial right of preemption, it was difficult to prevent pur
chasers of roture lands from tendering their lods et ve7ites upon an alleged
price, which might be much below the real value of the farm. The retrait
roturier, as Raudot points out, was not recognised by the Custom of Paris, but
it may be found in several other French coutumes. On this point, see Ernst
Glasson, Precis dlhnejitaire de P histoire du droit fra7igais (Paris, 1904), 476.
^ The Custom of Paris recognised the retrait conditionnel, ox jus retractum,
whereby a dominant seignior might, within forty days after any sale of a sub-
seigniory, buy it in by tendering the sale price to the purchaser {Coutu77ie de
Paris, Article XX.). This prevented any attempt to defraud the dominant
seignior of his proper quint, or mutation fine, of one-fifth of the sale price.

74 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
trouve point establi du seigneur au tenancier ; cette preference,
Monseigneur, gene mal a propos toutes les ventes.
II y a des concessions ou les chapons^ qu'on paye aux
seigneurs, leur sont payes ou en nature ou en argent au choix
du seigneur ; ces chapons sont evalues a trente sols et les
chapons ne valent que dix sols ; les seigneurs obllgent leurs
tenanciers de leur donner de I'argent, ce qui les incommode
fort, I parce que souvent Ils en manquent, car quoique trente
sols paraissent peu de chose, c'est beaucoup dans ce pays oil
I'argent est tres-rare, outre qu'Il me semble que dans toutes
les redevances, quand II y a un choix, 11 est toujours au profit
du redevable, I'argent estant une espece de peine contre lui
quand II n'est pas en etat de payer en nature.'
Les seigneurs ont encore introdult dans leurs concessions
le droit de four banal'^ dont les habitans ne peuvent jamais
profiter, parce que les habitations estant fort eloignees de la
maison du seigneur, oil doit estre establi ce four, lequel meme

1 The reference is to the seigniorial rentes, which were usually paid in
poultry and grain.
2 This was not always the case. In a deed granting lands within the
seigniory of Gaudarvllle in 1708, the value of each capon paid as seigniorial
rente was fixed at twenty sous only. See Lower Canada Reports: Seigniorial
Questio7is, Vol. A ; and Sir L. H. Lafontaine, Observations (Quebec, 1856), 178.
' The colonial authorities seem, in the cases that came before them, to have
upheld the point that, when dues were fixed alternatively in money or produce,
the choice lay with the seignior. There is reason to believe, despite Raudot's
plea on behalf of the habitants, that many of the latter made It a point to tender
their dues in money when prices were high and in produce when prices were
low. The whole question was not definitively settled until 1730, when an
ordinance directed that the choice should always lie with the seignior unless
the title-deed of the habitant expressly stated the contrary {J^dits et Ordon
nances, II. 512).
* The Custom of Paris (Article LXXI.) recognised the seignior's right to
erect a seigniorial oven, and, when he had so stipulated in the title-deeds given
to his censitalres, to compel the latter to make use of such oven at a fixed toll.
This toll was usually one twenty-fourth of the bread. The nature and extent
of this right is discussed in a paper on "The Droit de BanaHt6 during the
French Regime in Canada," in American Historical Association, Report, 1899,
I. 205-228.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 75
ne peut pas I'estre dans un endroit plus commode pour eux,
dans quelque lieu qu'on le mit, parce que les habitations sont
fort eloignees les unes des autres, il ne leur est ne leur seralt
pas possible d'y porter leur paste dans toutes sortes de saisons ;
en hiver meme, elle seralt geiee avant qu'elle y fAt arrivee ;
les seigneurs meme se trouvent si mal fondes dans ce droit a
cause de cette impossibilite qu'ils ne I'exlgent pas presentment,
mais Us s'en feront un titre a I'avenir pour y contraindre leurs
habitans ou les forcer a s'en racheter moyennant une grosse
redevance, et par la avoir un droit dont les habitans ne tireront
aucun profit ; cela s'appelle, Monseigneur, se donner un titre
pour les vexer a I'avenir.
II y a encore un avantage qui est, a ce que je croy contre
les Intentions de Sa Majeste, que quelques seigneurs ont pris
sur leurs habitans ; pour vous le faire entendre, Monseigneur,
11 est necessaire que j'aie I'honneur de vous [faire] observer
que les Normands estant venus les premiers dans ce pays, ils
y establlrent d'abord la Coutume du Vexin ; ^ comme cette
Coutume ne les accommodalt pas, par rapport a la mouvance
dans laquelle ils estalent de Sa Majeste, ils ont demande dans
la suite d'estre soumis a la Coutume de Paris, pour ce qui
regarde la d[ite] mouvance, ayant conserve la Coutume du
Vexin contre leurs vassaux et leurs tenanciers parce qu'elle
leur est plus avantageuse : ^ II me semble que ce seralt encore
^ The Vexi7i le Fra7igais, or Custom of the French Vexin, was a body of
rules not forming part of the Custom of the Provostship and Viscounty of Paris,
but supplementary to the latter. It is true, as Raudot affirms, that from the
beginning down to the adoption, in 1664, of the Custom of Paris as the general
code of colonial law, the French Vexin had been the rule of law governing land
grants In the colony. All the seigniorial grants made by the Company of One
Hundred Associates were given under this code. See above, p. 19.
^ There appears to be no evidence in support of Raudot's statement that the
Norman settlers of the colony had requested the substitution of the Custom of
Paris for the Vexin. In fact, there are good reasons, apart altogether from
any preference on the part of the colonial seigniors (of whom there were pro
bably not more than a score in 1664), why the king should at that time have
established the Custom of Paris as the "common law" of the colony. The

76 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
un article sujet a reformation en les obligeant a suivre la
Coutume de Paris a leur egard, comme ils font a I'egard de
Sa Majeste.-' Je croirals done, Monseigneur, sous votre bon plaisir, que
pour mettre les choses dans une espece d'unlformlte et [pour]
faire aux habitans la justice que les seigneurs ne leurs ont
point faite jusqu'a present, et les empecher de leur faire dans
la suite les vexations auxquelles Ils seront sans doute exposes,
qu'il seralt necessaire que Sa Majeste donndt une declaration que
reformdt et qui reglat meme pour I'avenir tous les droits et
rentes que les seigneurs se sont donnes et qu'ils se donneront
dans la suite, et que Sa Majeste ordonnat qu'ils prissent
seulement, par chaque arpent de ce que contlendraient les
concessions, un sol de rente et un chapon par chaque arpent de
front, ou vingt sols, au choix du redevable ; qu'on suprimat la
clause de preference que le seigneur se donne dans les ventes
pour les heritages roturlers ; qu'on suprimat aussi le droit de
four banal ; que dans les endrolts oil II y a de la peche,^ qu'on
only real difference in the relations of the seigniors to the crown brought about
by the change was that, whereas under the Vexin they paid one year's revenue
on the occasion of each mutation in the ownership of their seigniories, under
the Custom of Paris they paid a quint, or one-fifth of the mutation price, what
ever such happened to be. Of this amount it was customary to grant the
seignior a rebate of one-third (see F. J. Cugnet, T7'aitd de la loi des fiefs,
Quebec, 1775, p. 9). It is not easy, moreover, to understand Raudot's assertion
that the seigniors preferred to regulate their relations with their habitants by
the rules of the French Vexin rather than by the rules of the Custom of Paris,
because It was " more advantageous to them " ; for they had by the former code
no important rights which were not conferred by the latter. The rules of the
Vexin le Fra7igais relating to seigniorial payments are printed in An Abstract
of those parts of the Custom of the Viscounty and Provostship of Paris, which
were received and practised in the Province of Quebec in the time of the Fretuh
Government {'London, 1772).
' The royal desires on this point seem to have been clearly expressed over
forty years previously. See above, p. 19.
^ The reference here is probably not to the ordinary seigniorial droit de
pkhe, or right of the seignior to one fish In every eleven caught by the habi
tants, but to the seigniorial practice of exacting from habitants engaged in the
porpoise-fishing Industry one-tenth of the oil produced, and of placing other re
strictions upon the conduct of the industry. Cf. i^dits et Ordonna7ices, II. 541.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 77
reduislt les droits du seigneur au dixieme purement et simple-
ment sans autre conditions ; et qu'on conservat aux seigneurs
le droit de banalite en faisant batir un moulin dans leurs
seigneuries dans un an, sinon qu'on les dedarat deschus de
leurs droits, sans que les habitans fussent obliges, lorsqu'Il y
en aurait un de bati, d'y aller faire moudre leurs grains ; sans
cela, Monseigneur, on ne viendra jamais a bout de leur faire
batir des moulins, de la privation desquels les habitans
souffrent beaucoup, n'estant pas en etat a cause de leur peu
de moyens de profiter de la grace que Sa Majeste leur a faite
en leurs accordant la permission d'en bdtir en cas que les seigneurs
ne le fissent pas dans un an.^
Cela leur a este accorde, en I'annee mil six cent quatre-
vingt-slx, par un arrest qui a este enregistre au conseil de ce
pays ; mais I'arrest d'enreglstrement n'ayant pas este envoye
aux justices subalternes pour estre publie, ces peuples n'ont p-tl
jouir de cette grace jusqu'a present,^ et il ne I'a este que depuis
que je suis id, en ayant eu connaissance par un proces qui a
este juge depuis peu, dans lequel cet arrest estait produit et
dont une des parties du proces n'a pas pu tirer avantage parce
qu'il estait demeure sans publication ; on n'en peut imputer la
faute qu'au sieur D'Auteull,^ lequel en qualite de procureur-
general de ce conseil, est charge d'envoyer les arrests de cette
qualite dans les sieges subalternes ; mais II estait de son
interet comme seigneur, et aussi de I'lnteret de quelques
1 The whole question of seigniorial mill banality, including the repeated
efforts of the authorities to secure the erection of these mills by the seigniors,
is discussed at length in Munro's Seigniorial System in Canada, chap. vi.
2 This arr^t is printed above, pp. 61-62. Note the date of registration.
' Francois Magdelaine Ruette d'Auteull, Sieur de Monceaux, was appointed
acting attorney-general of the colony In 1679, and in the following year was
confirmed as attorney-general {Jugei7unts et ddlibdrations du Conseil Souverain,
II. 346-347, 422-423). At the time of the issue of the arret, D'Auteull was
seignior of the fief of Jacques Cartier. This he inherited from his father,
Denis-Joseph d'Auteull, who obtained it through his marriage with a daughter
of the original grantee, Madame de Monceaux, to whom it had been given in
1649 {Titres des Seigneuries, 344 ; Actes de Foi et Honimage, V. 64).

78 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
conseillers, aussi seigneurs,^ de ne pas faire connoitre le
dit arrest.
VoUa, Monseigneur, comme le Roy est obei dans ce
pays, dans lequel je puis vous dire que, si on n'y tenait
pas continuellement la main, les interets de Sa Majeste
et ceux du public seraient toujours sacrifies aux interets des
particuliers. II me semble aussi, Monseigneur, que vous pourriez
donner aux habitans de ce pays un grand soulagement dans
leurs proces, en leur diminuant les degris de juridiction qu'ils
ont a essuler ; Ils sont obliges d'abord de proceder devant les
juges des seigneurs dans les endrolts oil il y en a d'establls,
ensuite par appel aux prevoste dont ils ressortissent, et enfin
en dernier resort au conseil ; ^ cela pourra estre bon quelque
jour, mais dans le temps que cet ordre de juridiction a este
establi rien n'a este plus pernicieux pour ces pauvres habitans,
lesquels en souffrent encore a present beaucoup, puisque le
temps qu'ils devraient donner au travail on leur en fait con-
sommer la plus grande partle a plaider ; permettez moi,
Monseigneur, de vous faire faire reflection sur I'embarras oil
est un habitant qui demeure a quinze lieues d'ici qui est oblige,
souvent pour une bagatelle, d'y descendre pour faire juger a
la prevoste I'appel du juge de son seigneur, et d'y faire encore
un second voyage pour faire juger au conseil I'appel de cette
^ Raudot apparently had in mind Rouer de Villeray, Le Gardeur de Tilly,
Matthieu d' Amours, and Nicholas Dupont de Neuville, members of the Council,
all of whom owned seigniories in 1686.
2 "It is our will that an appeal shall lie from the seigniorial jurisdictions
which are within the limits of the Prevote of Quebec to the said Prevote, and
that appeals from the said Prdvote shall be carried to our said Council at Quebec,
which we furthermore prohibit from entertaining any appeal directly from the
seigniorial justices. And with respect to the other seigniorial jurisdictions
which are not within the limits of the said Prevote of Quebec, the appeals from
them shall be brought directly before the said Council until such time as we
shall have established other royal courts" ("Edit du roi pour I'execution de
l'ordonnance de 1667 ou redaction du code," ^dits et Ordo7ina7ices, I. 236-238,
§§ 8, 9)-

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 79
second sentence. Outre la perte du temps le plus clair de
leur argent y va encore ; ainsi, Monseigneur, je croy qu'on
pourait leur retrancher un degre de juridiction, qui serait
celui des prevostes et ordonner par provision et jusqu'a ce
que Sa Majeste en eut autrement ordonn6, qu'il serait surds a
I'executlon des lettres patentes en forme de dit du mois de
juin mil six cent soixante-dix-neuf, et a la declaration du
mois de juin mil six cent quatre-vlngt, qui porte que les
appellations des justices de Quebec et des Trois Rivieres
ressortiront en la prevoste et au siege royal de ces deux
villes,^ et par la I'appel de toutes ces sentences Irait dlrecte-
ment au conseil.
Pour me conformer, Monseigneur, aux instructions que
vous m'avez fait I'honneur de me donner au sujet de la justice
a I'exerdce de laquelle je me suis applique tout entier, mon
fils ^ s'estant charge du reste de I'emploi ; j'ai donne toute
mon application a reformer plusieurs abus qui s'estalent Intro-
duits dans ce pays, et j'ai este jusqu'a present assez heureux
pour y reussir.
De I'aveu de tous les honnestes gens il commen9ait a s'y
etablir une chicane et une mauvaise foi, une faussete meme dans
les temoignages et dans les ecrits qui aurait produit un tres
grand desordre dans la suite si le remede n'eillt este prompt et
violent. II a falu pour cela faire des exemples pour mettre
tout le monde dans son devoir, et avec la protection que vous
donnez, Monseigneur, a tous ceux qui n'ont que de bonnes
intentions j'espere que j'en viendrai a bout, et que tous ses
redoutables enemis de I'equke et de la justice sous la tiranie
desquels tout le monde tremblak depuls vingt ans estant a
bas ; il ne me sera pas difficile de soumettre tous les autres,
les juges tant superieurs que subalternes qui a leur exemple
^ " Declaration du roi portant que Ies appellations des justices seigneu-
riales des Trois-Rivi^res ressortiront au siege royal Etabli pour la jurisdiction
ordinaire des dites Trois-Rlviferes,'' Edits et Ordon7iances, I. 242.
^ See above, p. 70, note i.

80 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
voulalent se prevaloir plutot de leur caractere que de leur
esprit s'estant deja soumis.^ . . .
Je suis avec un profond respect, Monseigneur, votre tr^s
humble, tres obelssant, et tres oblige serviteur,
Raudot.
A Quebec, ce lo (f" 1707.

No. 32. Despatch of M. de Pontchartrain, Minister
of Marine, to Jacques Raudot, Intendant, con
cerning Seigniorial Abuses and the Administra
tion of Justice in Canada, June 13, 1708,
Archives du Ministere des Colonies, Paris, Serie F ', VII. 105.
J'ai re9u la lettre que vous m'avez ecrlte le 10 du mois de
novembre, concernant I'etat de la justice en Canada.^ J'ai vu
avec beaucoup de peine le peu de regie que I'on a observe
dans tout ce qui s'est fait jusqu'a present et I'embarras oil les
habitants se trouveraient si I'on revenait contre les actes et
contrats qui se sont passes par les defauts de formalites qu'il
y a. J'examinerai la proposition que vous faites de confirmer
par un arret general tous ceux qui possedent des terres et qui
les cultlvent depuls cinq ans, en vertu d'un titre tel qu'il soit :
mais comme II ne se pourra rien faire sur cela que pour I'annee
prochalne,^ examinez encore cette matiere et envoyez-moi un
memoire de tout ce que vous estimez devoir etre insere dans
cet arr^t. II seralt fort a desirer qu'on pAt reduire les droits
1 The remainder of this memoir deals in a very interesting fashion with
the general question of judicial reform in the colony.
^ Printed above, pp. 70-80.
^ Probably because the desired arret could not be prepared and submitted
to the king before the last ships would leave for Quebec in the summer of 1708.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 81
seigneuriaux dans toute I'etendue du Canada sur le meme
pied. Voyez ce qui se pourrait faire par cela et rendez-
m'en compte, en observant que des que I'on se conforme a la
Coutume de Paris, il ne faut point admettre le retrait roturier.
Je serais aussi d'avis qu'on n'admk pas le llgnager et meme le
feodal, a moins qu'il n'eiit ete stipule par la concession du
fief ^
A regard des redevances que I'on pale aux seigneurs,
revaluation dont on se plaint ne doit etre qu'en cas que
I'espece manque, a moins que dans la concession 11 ne soit dit
au choix du seigneur ; mais je serais d'avis d'abolir ces
redevances parce que c'est matiere a vexation. Je verrai ce
qui ce pourra faire sur cela et je vous en Informerai. A
I'egard aussi des four banaux, il n'y a qu'i se conformer a
I'arret qui a ete rendu en I'annee 1686 qui a statue sur cela et
a le suivre.^
Je suis fort de votre avis au sujet des differents degres de
juridiction oii les habitants du Canada sont obliges de plaider,
mais comme il ne me parak pas possible de supprimer les
prevotes, par les plaintes que cela attirerak,^ je serais d'avis
que ces prevotes pussent juger en dernier ressort jusqu'a une
certaine somme, et que quand elle seroit au dessus, I'appel des
justices des seigneurs ptit se faire directement au conseil
superieur. Envoyez-moi un memoire de ce qui se pourrait faire sur
cela, avec votre avis. Relu, Pontchartrain.

1 The minister is here in error, for the arr^t of 1686 had made no mention
whatever of banal ovens (see above, pp. 61-62). He may have meant, perhaps,
that the question of oven banality should be dealt with in the same way as that
In which the arr^t of 1686 had attempted to deal with mill banality, — namely,
that the seignior should be required to erect an oven within the space of one
year, or else lose the right for all time to any one who should undertake to
provide the facility. This, however, as Raudot points out In his reply (see
below, p. 86), was not quite what was desired.
' Cf. above, p. 78, note 2.

82 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

No. 33. Memoranda of M. de Pontchartrain, Minister
of Marine, to Messieurs Deshaguais and Dagues
seau,^ concerning the Royal Edict or Declaration
desired by Raudot for the Reform of Seigniorial
Abuses, July 10, 1708.
Archives du Ministere des Colonies, Paris, Serle B, XXIX. 98.
M. de Pontchartrain h M. Deshaguais a Fontainebleau,
le 10 juillet 1708.
M. de la Touche m'a remis. Monsieur, en partant de
Versailles, une lettre de M. Raudot concernant la justice qu'il
rend en Canada, avec le memoire des observations que vous
avez faltes sur chacun des articles. J'ai fait reponse au dit
Sieur Raudot en conformlte de ces observations et je lui al
marque que je proposerals au Roi de rendre une declaration
pour fixer les droits des seigneurs des parolsses de ce pays qui
ont concede des terres a des habitants, tant pour le passe que
pour I'avenir, a un sou de rente et un chapon par chaque
arpent de terre de front ou vingt sous au choix du redevable,
suivant votre avis. Je vous prie de projeter cette declaration
de concert avec M. d'Aguesseau comme vous le proposez.
Voici une lettre que je luy ecrls pour le prier d'y travailler
a son loisir parce que je compte que les vaisseaux du Canada
sont a present partis et qu'alnsi nous ne pourrons envoyer
^ Henrl-Frangois Daguesseau (or d'Aguesseau), the son of Henri Dagues
seau, intendant of Languedoc, was born at Limoges In 1668 and died at Paris
in 1751. He became advocate-general of the Parliament of Paris In 1690,
attorney-general in 17 10, and chancellor of France in 17 17. He was probably
the ablest French jurist of his time, and he accomplished a number of im
portant reforms in the legal system and In judicial procedure. Many articles
from his ordinances are to be found to-day in the Code Civil of France.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 83
cette declaration que I'annee prochalne. Je vous renvoie la
lettre du dit S"^' Raudot avec votre memoire d'observations.
Relu, P. M.

M. de Pontchartrain a M. d' Aguesseau, le lo juillet 1708.
M. Raudot, Intendant en Canada, m'ecrit, Monsieur, que
les seigneurs des parolsses de ce pays qui ont concede des terres
a des habitants les ont assujetis a tous les droits qu'ils ont
voulu, qui sont presque tous diflFerents ; qu'Il y a dans la
plupart de ces concessions des redevances qu'Il ne faudrait
point souffrlr parce que c'est matiere a vexation, et qu'il
serait necessaire de rendre une declaration pour fixer les droits
et rentes de ces seigneurs, tant pour le passe que pour
I'avenir. J'ai prIe M. Deshaguais de vous voir et de prendre votre
loisir pour pouvoir projeter cette declaration.^ Je lui envoye
la lettre du dit Sieur Raudot, qui vous mettra au fait de ce
qu'il ecrit sur cela. Relu, P. M.

No. 34. Despatch of Messieurs Raudot to the
Minister on the Progress of Agriculture, Octo
ber 8, 1708. Correspondance Generale, XXVIII. 190.
Monseigneur, —
. . . Les habitans du Canada s'adonnent de plus en plus
a la culture de la terre ; ^ c'est le seul moyen pour eux de se
tirer de I'extreme misere oil ils sont. Cette misere leur est
* Printed below, pp. 157-160.
"^ According to the census of 1698, there were 32,524 arpents of land under
cultivation ; and by 1706 this amount had increased to 43,671 arpents. See
Johnson, Cetisuses of Canada, 1665-1871 (Ottawa, 1876), 41, 46.

84 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
causee par la cherte de marchandises et de toutes les choses
generalement qui viennent de France. C'est un mal qui est
cause par la guerre et qui ne finira qu'a la paix. ... On
ne peut encore penser a faire commerce de chanvre en
France.-' Les habitans s'y donnent peu, et, comme pour le
faire venir, il faut bien fumer les terres dans lesquelles on le
seme, on n'y reussk point en ce pays, parce que ses habitans
ne sont point accoutumes a fumer leurs terres. II faudra qu'a
la suite ils les cultlvent comme ceux de France, et en ce temps
ils pourront s'adonner au chanvre. Celuy qui vient dans les
terres neuves est trop gros et trop difficile a rouir. Avec le
temps les habitans s'y mettront, et quand il sera a bon marche
on pourra le commercer. Ce seralt un bien infini que vous
ferlez, Monseigneur, a cette colonie si vous vouliez bien
tirer des mats et des planches de ce pays. Les S"' Raudot
prendrolent tous les soins possibles pour qu'ils fussent de
bonne qualite et ils sont persuades qu'on seroit content de ces
bois dans les ports oil Ils arrlverolent. . . .
Raudot. Raudot.
^ Preceding governors and intendants had on several occasions em
phasised the suitability of the colony for hemp culture, and had encouraged
the growing of hemp, partly in order that it might be exported to France, and
partly in order that during the long winters the people might have employment
in weaving. In 1686 Governor Denonville wrote to the minister: "Je me
persuade toujours de plus en plus de la n^cessit^ qu'il y a d'obliger le peuple
k s'adonner k faire de chanvres pour les convertir en toiles. La longueur de
I'hiver pendant tout lequel le peuple ne fait rien que se chaufer, vivant dans
une extreme oysivete, la nudit^ oil sont tous les enfants, la fain^antise des filles
et des femmes ; tout cela, Monseigneur, demande un peu de s^veritd pour que
Ton sfeme du chanvre et que Ton s'applique aux toiles" (Denonville to Minister,
May 8, 1686, Corresp07idance Gdndrale, VIII. 15). The official encouragement
availed little, however ; for, according to the census of 1720, when the agricul
tural system of the colony was well developed, the total hemp production
reached only about two thousand pounds. The cultivation of flax was, however,,
much more successful.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 85

No. 35. Despatch of Jacques Raudot, Intendant, to
M. de Pontchartrain, Minister of Marine, con
taining a further Discussion of Seigniorial Abuses,
October 18, 1708.^
Correspondance Generale, XXVIII. 175 fF.
Monseigneur, —
. . . J'ai eu I'honneur de vous demander une declara
tion qui assurat la propriete des terres a ceux qui les possedaient,
qu'on y inserat, ces mots, " par un titre tel qu'il soit," et pour
cela j'ai eu I'honneur, par ma lettre du dix novembre dernier,
de vous expllquer que plusieurs habitans de ce pays ont eu des
concessions de terres sur de simples billets. D'autres n'ont
pour eux que la possession sur la parole que les seigneurs leur
ont donnee. D'autres encore ont perdu ou adhere les dits
billets. II y a mesme plusieurs contrats qui ne se retrouvent
plus. La possession mesme d'une partie de ces terres a este
fort interrompue par I'abandon que I'on a este oblige d'en faire
a cause de la guerre des Iroquois. Cela fait que les pre
scriptions establles par la coutume ne peuvent quasi servir a
personne, et c'est par ces ralsons que je crois qu'il seroit
necessaire d'inserer dans la declaration que j'ai I'honneur de
vous demander, que la propriete en demeurerolt a celui qui en
aurolt eu la possession pendant cinq annees ou qui la possederoit
par tel titre que ce fAt.
II seroit aussi necessaire par rapport aux droits seigneuriaux,
pour y mettre une uniformite, de les reduire tous sur un
mesme pied, et pour cela, Monseigneur, j'ai I'honneur de vous
envoier un memoire ^ contenant les droits que j'ai trouves dans
1 The following despatch contains Raudot's reply to the minister's letter of
June 13, 1708, printed above, pp. 80-81.
^ Unfortunately, this memorandum does not seem to have been preserved.

86 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
plusieurs contrats de concession tous differents, a coste duquel
j'ai mis mon avis touchant les diminutions et retranchements
qu'on pourrait y faire, [et] je me suis conforme en cela aux
premieres concessions qui ont este donnees dans un temps
innocent et oOi I'on ne cherchoit pas tant ses avantages, et
je crois, Monseigneur, que la justice que I'on doit aux habitans
y estant par la gardee, S. M. pourroit dans sa declaration y
inscrire ces mots sans s' arrester aux charges, clauses, et condi
tions portees par les titres de concession, qu'on ne payeroit
les redevances que sulvant ce qui seroit portee par la dite
declaration. Pour le retrait roturier, vous convenez, Monseigneur, avec
raison qu'Il faut le supprimer dans tous les contrats de con
cession, et on pourroit en user de mesme a I'egard du feodal,
parce que s'il en est parle dans la coutume de Paris ce n'a este
que parce qu'on a suppose que les fiefs pour lesquels on
I'exerce falsolent partie de la seigneurie dont ils ont este allene,
et on a voulu par la donner au seigneur le droit de remettre
son fief sur le mesme pied qu'il estoit anciennement ; mals II
n'en est pas de mesme en ce pays cy, les seigneurs ayant
donne les fiefs en mesme temps qu'ils ont forme leurs seigneuries
et on ne peut pas dire que ces fiefs en soient un demembre-
ment. Pour le retrait llgnager, il me paroist que I'on ne peut
en user de mesme, ayant este estably par la Coutume pour de
bonnes ralsons ; au contraire il doit, ce me semble, estre
favorablement Interprete, puisque cela perpetue les biens dans
les families, et assure un droit a ceux a qui la nature le donne.
Je n'ai demande, Monseigneur, la suppression des fours
banaux que par rimposslblllte, dans laquelle seront ceux qui s'y
seront assujetis, de profiter de fobllgation dans laquelle on les
met d'y aller cuire, a cause de I'eslolgnement dans lequel sont
tous les habitans des seigneuries de la maison de leurs seigneurs ;
les seigneuries de ce pays-cy n'estant point establles comme en
France oil quasi tous les habitans sont reunis en vUlages, les

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 87
uns proches des autres, et k portee d'aller tous cuire au four
banal. Ici les habitans des seigneuries, lesquelles ont au moins
deux lieues de front le long du fleuve Saint-Laurent, sont
tous establis le long du dit fleuve ; ainsi le four banal estant
dans la maison du seigneur, qui est toujours le centre de
la seigneurie, U y a tel habitant qui seroit oblige de porter
sa paste a une lieue et mesme [a] deux ou trois de chez lui.
Outre rincommodite que cela leur donneroit en toute sorte de
saison, il y a mesme de rimpossibilke dans I'hiver, puisque
leur paste seroit gelee avant qu'elle pust arriver dans I'endrolt
oil seroit le dit four.
C'est un droit, Monseigneur, qu'il faut supprimer, les
habitans n'en pouvant tirer aucun avantage, et les seigneurs ne
I'ayant et ne le voulant establir que pour les obliger a s'en
redlmer en se soumettant a I'avenir a quelque grosse redevance
par rapport a la servitude dont ils se libereroient.^ II n'en est
pas de mesme, Monseigneur, des moulins banaux ; le moulin
banal estant toujours a I'avantage des habitans qui ne sont pas
en estat d'en construire, et le four banal k leur desavantage,
puisqu'il n'y en a pas un qui n'ait un four dans sa maison et
du bois tant qu'ils veulent pour le chauffer. . . .
Raudot.
A Quebec, i8 octobre 1708.
^ The forebodings of the Intendant on this point were evidently not realised.
The right of oven banality was exacted in very few cases at most ; and there Is
no evidence that the seigniors ever compelled their habitants to redeem them
selves from subjection to the right by the payment of a money fine.

88 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

No. 36. Ordinance defining the Honours to be
accorded Seigniors in Seigniorial Churches,
July 8, 1709.'
Edits et Ordonnances, II. 154—157.
... I. Que le dit appelant et les autres cures de ce pays
ne reconnoitront a I'avenir qu'un seul seigneur dans leurs
parolsses, qui sera celui sur la terre en haute-justlce duquel
I'egllse sera batle, lequel seigneur haut-justlcier aura seul les
droits honorifiques de I'egllse apres le patron, en cas qu'il y en
alt un. II. Qu'Il aura un banc permanent dans la place la plus honor
able qui est la droite en entrant dans I'egllse, dans la distance
de quatre pieds du balustre, afin de laisser un passage llbre
pour les communions, lequel banc sera de la meme largeur de
ceux des autres habitans pour ne point embarrasser les
ceremonies de I'egllse et qui ne pourra etre que du double de
profondeur des autres.
III. Que le dit seigneur haut-justlcier Ira, si bon lui semble,
le premier a I'offrande apres la personne qui aura offert le pain
benit, et ses enfants males apres lui, et en cas d'absence du dit
seigneur, ses dits enfans qui auront atteint I'age de seize ans.
1 This ordinance was Issued as the result of a disagreement between Joseph
Desjordy de Cabanac, seignior of Champlain, and Pierre Hazeur Delorme, cur^
of the parish, over the proper honours to be accorded to a seignior in the
seigniorial church. The matter was brought before the Superior Council at
Quebec, where, after an examination of the laws and precedents, it was decided
to issue a general ordinance dealing with the case In hand, and providing at
the same time for all similar cases which might arise. These petty bickerings
between the civil and the religious authorities In the local units were but echoes
of the larger conflict between the governor and the bishop which convulsed the
colony during a considerable period of its history. See Lareau, Histoire du
droit canadien, I. chaps, xvl.-xvlii. On the relation of the seignior to the
parish church, see also above, pp. 58-61.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 89
IV. Qu'icelui seigneur ira, apres le clerge rev^tu de surplis,
le premier, et ses enfants males apres lui, au balustre prendre
les cierges le jour de la Chandeleur, et recevoir les cendres et
les rameaux, et en cas d'absence du dit seigneur, ses enfans
comme il est dit ci-dessus.
V. Que le seigneur marchera aux processions immedlate
ment et le premier apres le cure, et ensuite ses enfans males,
et en cas d'absence du dit seigneur, ses enfans ainsi qu'il est
dit ci-dessus. VI. Que le seigneur aura droit de sepulture dans le chceur,
hors du sanctuaire, pour lui et sa famille, lorsqu'Il aura donne
la terre sur laquelle I'eglise aura ete batie, sans qu'on leur
puisse faire des tombeaux eleves, et sans qu'il soit oblige de
payer le droit d'ouverture de terre, mais seulement les autres
droits de la fabrique et ceux du cure.
VII. Qu'apres I'ceuvre et le chceur, le seigneur aura le
premier I'eau benlte par aspersion, aussi bien que sa femme et
ses enfans, en son absence sa femme, et en I'absence de I'un et
I'autre ses enfans de I'age de seize ans, les marguilliers auront
seulement I'eau benite avec les autres habitans.
VIII. Le seigneur aura le premier le pain benit apres le
clerge revetu de surplis, et apr^s lui sa femme et ses enfans,
qui se trouveront dans son banc, et en cas d'absence du seigneur,
sa femme, et si I'un et I'autre ne se trouvolent point a I'egllse,
ses enfans et ce avant les marguilliers et les chantres non
revetus. IX. Que les co-seigneurs et seigneurs de fiefs, si aucuns
se rencontrent dans une meme paroisse, payeront a la fabrique
les bancs qu'ils occuperont dans I'egllse, lesquels bancs, ensemble
ceux qui seront concedes a des personnes de caractere, seront
places apres celui du seigneur haut-justlcier, dans les endrolts
qui leur seront convenables et au-dessus de ceux des habitans.
X. Que les femmes mSme du patron, celles des seigneurs
haut-justiciers, n'auront aucun rang dans les ceremonies de
reglise, lorsqu'elles sortiront de leurs bancs, qu'aprfes tous les

90 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
hommes, et que quand elles Iront chercher les cierges, les
cendres et les rameaux, et qu'elles se trouveront aux proces
sions, elles marcheront les premieres avec leurs filles a la tete
de toutes les autres femmes.
XI. Que les cures de chacune paroisse seront tenus de
recommander nommement aux prones le seigneur haut-justicier
et sa femme et leurs enfans en nom coUectlf ; et, pour faire
droit sur la requete de Messieurs les grands-vicalres de Mon
sieur I'eveque de Quebec au sujet du droit de litres, ordonne
qu'Il en sera delibere, et que le present reglement sera execute
selon sa forme et teneur ; fait defenses aux cures de decerner
aux seigneurs haut-justiciers d'autres honneurs que ceux ci-
dessus regies, a peine de privation de leur temporel, et aux
dits seigneurs de les exiger, aussi a peine de demeurer dechus
de tous ceux qui leur sont ci-dessus adjuges ; et le present
arret declare commun avec tous les autres cures et seigneurs
haut-justiciers de ce pays, tous depens compenses entre les
parties. Raudot.

No. 37. Memoir of Antoine-Denis Raudot, Adjunct-
intendant, to the Minister concerning the Progress
of Agriculture, November i, 1709.
Correspondance Generale, XXX. 207.
Monseigneur, —
... Si vous aviez la bonte de vouloir bien appliquer
I'argent qu'on tirera de ces conges pour encourager les
habitants, et les ayder a faire valoir leurs terres, comme je me
suis donne I'honneur de vous le marquer dans la lettre que je
vous ay escrite conjointement avec mon pere, on verra ce pays
augmenter a vue d'oell, et les habitans travailler de plus en
plus a la terre pour la rendre plus fertile. Je crois, Mon
seigneur, qu'on ne peut mieux faire que de distribuer des

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 91
graces a ceux qui par leurs pelnes, et par leurs travaux font
valoir la colonie, la rendant plus abondante, et plus com-
mercante. C'est le travail des habitans qui fait valoir toutes
ces choses. . . . Les habitans commencent aussy de plus en plus k
s'adonner a la culture de la terre. lis devlennent plus
travailleurs qu'ils n'etolent, et ce pays devlendra a la suite
des temps comme les autres, mais 11 faut s'y donner de la
peine, et des soins, les nouveaux etabllssemens demandant
d'estre conduits comme un bon pere de famille conduiroit sa
terre. . . . Raudot.
A Quebec, le V novembre 1709.

No. 38. The Arrets of Marly, July 6, 171 1.'
Edits et Ordonnances, I. 324-326.
Arret du Roi qui ordonne que les terres dont les concessions ont iti
faites, soient mises en culture et occupies par des habitans.
Le roi etant informe que dans les terres que Sa Majeste a
bien voulu accorder et conceder en seigneurie a ses sujets en
la Nouvelle-France, il y en a [une] partie qui ne sont point
entiferement habltuees et d'autres oil II n'y a encore aucun
habitant d'etabli pour les mettre en valeur, et sur lesquelles
^ These arrets, taking their name from the place at which the royal
signature was appended, are perhaps the two most important enactments in the
history of the seigniorial system in New France. Up to this time seigniors
had been under no obligation to subgrant lands within their seigniories ; and if
they did make such grants they were under no restrictions as to the amount
of dues for which they should stipulate in the title-deeds. In a word, the
seigniory was the property of the seignior, to be disposed of or held as he
might see fit. After 171 1 this freedom no longer existed. On the contrary,
the Canadian seignior became, in a way, a mere agent of the crown in allotting
lands to settlers, being bound to concede lands to any one who should apply,
provided the applicant was willing to pay the customary rate of dues. The
vital importance of these two arrets is discussed at length in Lafontalne's
Observations, 8-150.

92 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
aussi ceux a qui elles ont ete concedees en seigneuries n'ont pas
encore commence d'en defricher pour y etablir leurs domaines :
Sa Majeste etant aussi informee qu'Il y a quelques seigneurs
qui refusent, sous differents pretextes, de conceder des terres
aux habitants qui leur en demandent dans la vue de pouvoir
les vendre, leur imposant en meme tems les memes droits de
redevance qu'aux habitans etablis, ce qui est enti^rement
contraire aux Intentions de Sa Majeste et aux clauses des titres
de concessions par lesquelles 11 leur est permis seulement de
conceder les terres a titre de redevance, ce qui cause aussi un
prejudice tr^s considerable aux nouveaux habitans qui trouvent
moins de terre a occuper dans les lieux qui peuvent mieux
convenir au commerce.
A quoi voulant pourvoir, Sa Majeste, etant en son conseil,
a ordonne et ordonne que dans un an du jour de la publication
du present arret, pour toute prefixlon et deiai, les habitans de
la Nouvelle-France auxquels Sa Majeste a accorde des terres
en seigneuries, qui n'ont point de domaine defrlche et qui n'ont
point d'habltans, seront tenus de les mettre en culture et d'y
placer des habitants dessus, faute de quoi et le dit tems passe,
veut Sa Majeste qu'elles soient reunles a son domaine a la
diligence du procureur-general du conseil superieur de Quebec,
et sur les ordonnances qui en seront rendues par le gouverneur
et lieutenant-general de Sa Majeste et I'lntendant au dit pays : '
ordonne aussi Sa Majeste que tous les seigneurs au dit pays de
la Nouvelle-France ayent a conceder aux habitans les terres
qu'ils leur demanderont dans leurs seigneuries a titre de
redevances et sans exiger d'eux aucune somme d'argent pour
raison des dites concessions, sinon et a faute de ce faire permet
aux dits habitans de leur demander les dits terres par som-
mation, et en cas de refus de se pourvoir pardevant le
gouverneur et lieutenant-general et I'lntendant au dit pays,
auxquels Sa Majeste ordonne de conceder aux dits habitans les
' On the non-enforcement of this provision, see below, pp. 163-164.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 93
terres par eux demandees dans les dites seigneuries, aux memes
droits imposes sur les autres terres concedees dans les dites
seigneuries, lesquels droits seront payes par les nouveaux
habitans entre les mains du receveur du domaine de Sa
Majeste en la ville de Quebec, sans que les seigneurs en
puissent pretendre aucun [droit] sur eux, de quelque nature
qu'ils soient, et sera le present arret enregistre au greffe du
conseil superieur de Quebec, lu et publie partout oil besoin
sera. Fait au conseil d'etat du roi, Sa Majeste y etant, tenu a
Marly, le sixleme jour de juillet, mil sept cent onze.
Phelypeaux.
Arret du Roi qui dechoit les habitans de la propriite des terres qui
leur auront iti concidies, s'ils ne les mettent en valeur, en y
tenant feu et lieu, dans un an et jour de la publication du dit
arrit.
Le roi etant informe qu'Il y a des terres concedees aux
habitans de la Nouvelle-France, qui ne sont habltuees, nl
defrichees dans lesquelles ces habitans se contentent de faire
quelques abbatis de bois : croyant par ce moyen, et par les con
cessions qui leur en ont ete faites par ceux auxquels Sa Majeste
a accorde des terres en seigneuries, s'en assurer la propriete, ce
qui empeche qu'elles ne soient concedees a d'autres habitans
plus laborleux, qui pourroient les occuper et les mettre en
valeur, ce qui est aussi txhs prejudiciable aux autres habitans,
habitues dans ces seigneuries : parce que ceux qui n'habkent,
ni ne font point valoir leurs terres, ne travaillent point aux
ouvrages publics qui sont ordonnes pour le bien du pays et
des dites seigneuries, ce qui est trfes contraire aux intentions
de Sa Majeste, qui n'a permis ces concessions que dans la vue
de faire etablir le pays, et a condition que les terres seront
habltuees et mises en valeur : et etant necessaire de pourvoir a
un pareil abus, Sa Majeste etant en son conseil a ordonne et

94 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
ordonne que dans un an du jour de publication du present
arret, pour toute prefixlon et delai, les habitans de la
Nouvelle-France qui n'habitent point sur les terres qui leur
ont ete concedees, seront tenus d'y tenir feu et lieu, et de les
mettre en valeur, faute de quoi et le dit tems passe, veut Sa
Majeste que sur les certificats des cures et des capitaines de la
cote,^ comme les dits habitants auront ete un an sans tenir feu
et lieu sur leurs terres, et ne les auront point mises en valeur,
ils soient dechus de la propriete : et icelles reunles au domaine
des seigneuries sur les ordonnances qui seront rendues par le
sieur Begon, Intendant du dit pays de la Nouvelle-France,
auquel elle mande de tenir la main a I'executlon du present
arret, et de le faire enreglstrer au greffe du conseil superieur
de Quebec, publier et afficher partout oil besoin sera, a ce que
personne n'en Ignore.
Fait au conseil d'etat du roi, Sa Majeste y etant, tenu a
Marly, le sixleme jour de juillet, mil sept cent onze.
Phelypeaux.

No. 39. Report on the Seigniories and Settlements
in the Districts of Quebec, Three Rivers, and
Montreal, by Gedeon de Catalogue,^ Engineer,
November 7, 171 2.
Correspondance Generale, XXXIII. 278 ff.
Monseigneur, —
J'avols pretendu en levant les plans des seigneuries et
habitations des gouvernements de Quebek, les Trols Rivieres
^ The capitaine de la cote, or, as he was moi-e commonly called, the capitaine
de la 7itilice, was an officer appointed in each parish by the colonial authorities
to serve as the local agent of the central government. His duties were, in
general, to keep the muster-roll of the parish, to promulgate decrees sent to
him from Quebec, and to keep the intendant duly Informed on conditions
within his district. The post was frequently held by a seignior.
^ Gedeon de Catalogne (or Catalougne) was a native of Beam, born in 1662.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 95
et de Montreal en Canada, donner a Vostre Grandeur une
juste idee de I'ordre de son etablissement. Je me suis apergu
que pour les rendre plus Intelllglbles, il en falloit detaUler
seigneurie par seigneurie, les productions naturelles et accident-
elles, la qualite et propriete des terres, les noms et qualltes des
seigneurs, par quelle communaute les parolsses sont desservies, et
a chacune ses proprletes. Par ce moyent sy le coplste des
derniers plans a este fidele, Vostre Grandeur connokra mieux
le Canada que ceux qui font frequente pendant plusieurs
annees. J'avols eu dessein de marquer sur les plans les
etendues des terres redukes a la culture par chaque habitation,
mais 11 m' aurolt fallu un tems tr^s considerable. Outre que
les deserts s'augmentent tous les jours. J'ose me flatter,
Monseigneur, que Vostre Grandeur sera satlsfaite de mes
applications et du profond respect avec lequel j'ay I'honneur
d'estre. . . . Catalougne.
A Quebec, le 7' nove7nbre 171 2.
At an early age he entered the engineer branch of the French military service,
and soon obtained a lieutenant's commission. He was, however, a Huguenot ;
and when the Edict of Nantes was revoked In 1685 he found himself forced either
to abjure his faith or to leave France. He chose the latter course and came
to Canada, where, strangely enough, he promptly became a Catholic and so
remained for the rest of his life.
Catalogne rendered very valuable service to the colony on several occasions
In 1686-1687 he was one of the leaders of the expedition sent by the authorities
of New France against the English posts on Hudson's Bay. Two years later
he distinguished himself in the defence of the outlying parishes of Montreal
against the Iroquois raiders ; and In 1690 he was put in charge of the work of
strengthening the defences of Quebec In preparation for the assault of Sir
William Phipps's expedition. Of his doings in Canada during the next score
of years very little is recorded, save that In 1693 he took a prominent part in
the military preparations which were made to meet the expected expedition
of Sir Francis Wheeler. In 1700 he is mentioned as having taken hold of a
project for the construction of a canal round the St. Lawrence rapids at La
Chine. In despatches sent to the minister during the years 1708-1709 his zeal
and industry were warmly praised by the intendant, Jacques Raudot, who at
the same time transmitted maps of the districts of Montreal, Three Rivers,
and Quebec, which the engineer had prepared with evident care and accuracy.
The intendant recommended that for these services Catalogne be rewarded

96 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
. . .^ Comme le gouvernement de Montreal est le premier
de qui le plan a este leve, je le mets a la teste. II s'etend
depuis le haut du Lac St. Pierre en remontant au sudotlest
jusques au Lac des Deux Montagues, oil est la teste des
with promotion to the rank of captain. In 1711 Catalogne was again entrusted
with the work of Improving the fortifications at Quebec in view of the antici
pated English attacks ; but on this occasion his engineering skill was not put
to actual test. Six years later he was put in charge of the engineering work at
Louisburg, where he remained till his death in 1729.
Catalogne has been generally regarded as the author of the anonymous
Recueil de ce qui s'est passe' en Canada au sujet de la guerre, tant des Anglais
que des Iroquois, depuis I'annh 1682, published by the Quebec Literary and
Historical Society in 187 1 ; but the editors of the Collection de 7nanuscrits
. . . relatifs ci la Nouvelle-France (3 vols., Quebec, 1 883-1 884) attribute the
authorship of this interesting and important narrative to another engineer,
M. Chaussegros de L^ry (see Collection, I. 625, note). There are, however,
several good reasons which serve to render this latter contention untenable.
See, for example, Cyprien Tanguay's " Etude sur une famille canadienne :
famille de Catalogne," in Royal Society of Canada, Proceedings, 1884,
Mdt7ioires, sec. i. 7 fif.
The lengthy report here printed, entitled " Memoire sur les plans des
seigneuries et habitations des gouvernements de Quebec, les Trois-Rlvl^res, et
de Montreal," was prepared by Catalogne during the years 1710-1712 at the
request of the colonial authorities, and was in the latter year transmitted by the
intendant to the minister. Two copies are preserved in the archives of the
Ministry of Colonies in Paris, and there are some slight variations between
the two ; but in general the matter and the arrangement are the same. This
" Memoire " is the most elaborate and at the same time the most trustworthy
topographical paper which the files of the Corresponda7ice Gdndrale contain, and
is of the highest value as indicating clearly the stage of development reached
by the various seigniories during the early part of the eighteenth century. A
few extracts from the last pages of the report have been printed in the appendix
to Parkman's Old Rdgime in Canada (2 vols., Boston, 1901), but the main body
of the document has not hitherto been rendered accessible in printed form. Of
the maps prepared by Catalogne and transmitted by the intendant to France,
only those of the districts of Quebec and Three Rivers are extant ; the map of
the Montreal district has never come to light, though various Canadian anti
quarians have made diligent search for it in all the important French archives.
It is highly probable that this map was not sent with the others, and that it was
lost at sea en route to France. The two extant maps have been copied for the
Canadian authorities ; and these copies, admirably executed, are now In the
Parliamentary Library at Ottawa.
^ The first portion of the report, here omitted, devotes a few pages to a
description of the trees, plants, and general natural resources of the colony.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 97
habitations et oil se termine I'lsle de Montreal, une des plus
belles seigneuries du pays. L'Isle de Montreal appartient a
M'^- du semlnalre de St. Sulpice.^ Les premieres habitations
ont este concedees en 1653. Elle est divlsee en six parolsses,
sgavoir, Montreal, La Chine, Haut de I'lsle, la Pointe au
Tremble, la Riviere des Prairies et la Mission du Saut au
Recolet. La premiere est desservie par un des prestres du dit
Semlnalre de laquelle [duquel] dependent les habitans le long
du fleuve, depuls Verdun jusques a la Longue Pointe ; en
outre la moitle des Costes St. Pierre et St. Paul, les costes de
Nostre Dame des Neiges, de Llesse, des Vertues, St. Laurent,
Ste. Catherine et St. Michel et la Visitation. La situation de
la ville est fort agreable. Du coste du sud, et [du] sudoiiest
est une tres belle plalne qui se termine a la Riviere St. Pierre
et coste St. Paul, oii les terres sont tres fertlles en toutes sortes
de grains et [de] legumes. Du coste de I'oQest les terres se
levent en amphitheatre jusques au pied de la montagne
distante de la ville de trois quarts de lieue, oil M"' I'Abbe de
Belmont ^ a fait construire une belle maison et un fort a pierre
et a chaux, un tres beau verger, [dont] la pluspart [est] ensein
[enceinte] de muraille, [et] qui donne annuellement cent a
cent vingt barriques de cidre. Le reste des environs du fort
sont de belles prairies et terres labourables, qui forme[nt] un
tres beau domaine. Derrlere et autour de la d[ite] montagne
sont les costes Ste. Catherine, Nostre Dame des Neiges, de
Liesse et des Vertues, nouvellement establles. Les terres y
'¦ The seigniory of the Island of Montreal was first granted by the Company
of New France to Messieurs Pierre Chevrier and Jerome Le Royer, priests
of the Seminary of St. Sulpice at Paris, on December 17, 1640 {Titres des
Seigneuries, 365), and in 1664 was by them vested in the seminary '\X.%t\i {idits
et Ordonnances, I. 93). After the British conquest the seminary at Paris
handed the seigniory over to the Seminary of St. Sulpice at Montreal (1764).
A good description of the fief may be found in Joseph Bouchette's Topo
graphical Description of the Province of Lower Canada (London, 1815),
131-164. 2 Of the Seminary of St. Sulpice at Montreal, and author of a Histoire du
Canada (1659). G

98 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
sont tres belles et de bonne qualite pour les arbres frultiers et
pour produire toutes sortes de grains et [de] legumes.
Du coste du nordoUest et du nord de la ville, il y a aussy
de belles plalnes, entrecoupees de petits costeaux qui se
terminent a St. Laurent, St. Michel et la Visitation, costes
aussy nouvellement establles et oil les terres sont tres belles
tant pour les arbres frultiers que pour rapporter toutes sortes
de grains et [de] legumes.
Du coste du nordest de la ville sont les costes de Ste.
Marie, St. Martin et St. Francois qui se terminent a la Longue
Pointe oil finit la paroisse. Les terres y sont tres belles et
unies, produlsant toutes sortes de grains et [de] legumes,
quoique les arbres frultiers n'y viennent que par contree.
Toute cette paroisse en 1684 n'estok presque qu'une forest
de toutes sortes d'arbres tres gros particullerement des pins,
erables, bois blancs, ormes, hestres et merlsiers et cedres,
dans la ville et aux environs II y a plusieurs vergers pro
dulsant toutes sortes de fruits en abondance. Les carrieres
de pierre a tailler et a chaux se trouvent aux environs de la
dite montagne.
Le commerce de cette place estoit autre fois tres avan-
tageux par le grand nombre de sauvages qui y descendolent
des pays d'en haut, avec des canots charges de pelleterles.
Mais depuls que les conges que Sa Ma'^' avoit accordes a la
colonie ont este supprimes presque toutes ces nations vont porter
leurs pelleterles aux etabllssements anglois, soit a Orange ou a
la Baye d'Hudson, oil Ils trouvent les marchandises de moitle
meilleur marche qu'a Montreal. Cette suppression sert aussy
de pretexte a un grand desordre, en ce qu'il y avoit un grand
nombre de voyageurs qui exploitolent ces conges, qui se
trouvent sans occupation ne pouvant se captlver k cultiver les
terres, au contraire se debandant annuellement par troupes et
a la derobee pour porter des marchandises dans ces pays la oil
Ils vivent en vagabonds et sans discipline. Cette annee 11 en
est encore party une vingtalne et si les marchandises n'estoient

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 99
pas aussy rares qu'elles sont 11 y en aurolt este plus de cent,
tant ce commerce est attirant, ou plustot la lissance [licence]
qu'ils s'y donnent. En sorte que le commerce de cette ville
est renferme avec nos sauvages dommlcilies et a la quantlte de
farines et pols que I'on fait descendre a Quebek pour les en
voyer a Plaisance et aux Isles.
La Paroisse de la Chine est desservie par M'" de Viller-
mola un des prestres du Semlnalre de Montreal qui y a
facilke et contribue un etablissement aux soeurs de la con
gregation pour I'instruction des jeunes filles. La situation
de la coste est tres belle par son assiette et son exposition
au midy et [au] soleil couchant. Les terres y sont tres
fertlles en toute sorte de grains et [de] legumes, et c'est
dans cette partle que les semences et [les] recoltes se font
15 jours plustot qu'au reste des trois gouvernements. Les
arbres frultiers y viennent assez, mals non pas si bien qu'aux
environs de la ville. Les forests contiennent toutes sortes de
bois melanges, et nombre de carrieres de pierre a chaux. Les
habitans y estoient autre fois fort a leur aise par le commerce
qu'ils falsolent avec les sauvages, qui y abordoient en descen
dant a Montreal. Mais depuls la desolation que les Iroquois
y porterent en 1689,-^ qui brulerent les malsons et emmenerent
la pluspart des habitans captlfs, elle a degenere en tout. Les
terres en labour y sont devenues Incultes pendant plusieurs
annees, et la crainte que I'on a de tomber en de parells
accidens porte une grande lenteur a ceux qui en sont presente-
ment en possession. Outre qu'Il ne s'y fait plus de commerce,
et que les habitans ont beaucoup de difficultes a transporter
leurs denrees a Montreal par rapport au saut St. Louis qui est
un raplde impracticable, ou du moins tres dangereux, oil il y
a p^ry un grand nombre de bateaux et [de] canots avec les
gens qui les conduisolent. II y a en des annees qu'Il en
1 August 4, 1689. This disastrous raid is described at length in the Recueil
de ce qui s'est passd e7Z Canada . . . depuis Pannde 16S2, the authorship of which
has, as stated above, been attributed to Catalogne.

100 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
coAtoit au Roy plus de deux cens pistoles. Feu M''' Dollier,'^
superieur du Semlnalre, en 1701 voulust prevenir les suites de
ces accidens en faisant un canal de communication de la Chine
a Montreal, pour eviter tous les rapides, et sur lequel 11 voulolt
faire construire [un] nombre suffisant de toute sorte de moulin,
qui ne sont que trop necessaires a la ville et a la campagne,
les habitans estant tres souvent obliges de manger des grains
bouillis faute de vent pour faire tourner les moulins. Sa
mort, qui arrlva au mois d'octobre de la mesme annee [1'] a
empesche de voir finir un ouvrage qui estoit au deux tiers fait,
puisque I'eau a commence a y passer et qu'il ne s'agissoit que
de creuser trois pieds pendant trois a quatre cens tolses pour y
faire passer des canots. M[essleurs] Le Vasseur et de Becan-
cours s'y transporter[ent] I'annee sulvante et estlmerent qu'avec
une depense de dix mil llvres on y feroit passer de grands
bateaux charges sans que ces ralsons ayent produit aucune
emulation pour achever un ouvrage si utile, non seulement au
peuple mais au Roy, a qu'Il en coAte tous les ans plus de deux
cens escus pour transport de charrois, au lieu que les bateaux
pourroient se charger dans la ville de Montreal sans courir les
risques de faire nauffrage ; et a moi pour avoir donne le
dessein et conduit des ouvrages il m'en a cotate 3000 [livres]
par le prompt deces de M""' Dolllers.^
La Paroisse du Haut de I'lsle sous le titre de St. Louis
est desservie par M"'' de Breslay, missionnaire des sauvages
Nepisslngues, nation tres belllqueuse, establle a I'lsle aux
Tourtres, distante de demy lieue de haut de la d[ite] Isle.
Cette paroisse, en 1689, suivit le mesme sort que celle de la
Chine. Les terres et les bois y sont de la mesme qualite qu'a
' Frangois DoUier de Casson, third superior of the Seminary of St. Sulpice
at Montreal, and author of the Histoire du Montreal, 1640-1672, published by
the Quebec Literary and Historical Society in 1871.
2 In 1700 Catalogne had, it is said, entered into a contract with Dollierde
Casson for the construction of a canal " from Montreal to a point above the
La Chine rapids." The construction of the present Lachine Canal was not
begun until a full century later.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 101
cette derniere. Ses avenues y sont tres avantageuses pour la
chasse, la pesche, et le commerce des sauvages.
La Paroisse de la Polnte au Tremble d'oii depend la coste
St. Llonnard est desservie par un des prestres du Semlnalre
de Montreal ; il y a un etablissement des sceurs de la con
gregation. La coste est tres belle et le terrain uny. Les
habitans tres laborleux y sont fort a leur aise ; les terres y
estant tres fertlles en toute sorte de grains et [de] legumes
qu'ils portent [a] vendre a la ville. Les bois sont melanges
de toute espece. Les terres qui sont en culture ayant este la
pluspart cedrieres et fresnieres sont inepuissables en grains.
Les pommiers par contree y viennent parfakement bien.
La Paroisse de la Riviere des Prairies est desservie par un
des prestres de Montreal. Elle a environ trois lieues de front sur
la Riviere. Ses habitans n'y sont pas bien riches quoique les
terres y soient tres bonnes pour la production de toute sorte
de grains, mesme pour nourrlr nombre de bestiaux. Mais les
Iroquois, pour avoir detruit la pluspart des habitans, ont cause
du retardement a son etablissement. II y a de toute sorte de
bois quoique tres peu de pins. Les arbres frultiers y viennent
assez bien.
La Mission du Saut au Recolet appellee Nouvelle L'horette
a este tiree de la montagne a trois quarts de lieue de Montreal
pour oster aux sauvages les occasions frequentes de s'en yvrer,
k quoy ces nations sont fort sujettes. Les soeurs de la con
gregation y ont un etablissement pour I'instruction des jeunes
filles sauvages. Les terres, quoique pierreuses, sont tres bonnes,
qui produisent quantke de ble d'Inde, feves, haricots, ckrouilles,
melons, soleils, qui sont les semences ordinalres de ces gens-la.
Les forests contiennent toutes sortes de bois. Comme II y a
nombre d'erables Ils font quantke de sucre qu'ils portent[a]
vendre a la ville, et Teste Ils y portent I'herbe de capUlalre
qu'ils vendent parelllement. II n'y a presque que les femmes
qui fassent ce commerce. Les hommes ne s'occupant qu'a la
chasse, la peche et la guerre. Cet article fait la definition de

102 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
I'lsle de Montreal. L'Isle Jesus qui est au nordoQest de I'lsle
de Montreal appartient au Semlnalre de Quebec.^ II n'y a
qu'une paroisse, desservie par un prestre du dit Seminaire.
Les seigneurs y ont un tres beau domaine assorty de quatre
moyennes Isles oil ils eslevent grand nombre de bestiaux. Les
terres y sont admirablement bonnes, produlsant abondamment
toute sorte de grains et [de] legumes. Comme les terres y
sont basses et humides les arbres frultiers n'y viennent pas
bien. La forest reservee pour le domaine ne contient point de
bois gommeux, conslstant en noyers de toute espece, fresnes
ormes, erables, bois blancs, hestres et merlsiers. Le reste de
I'lsle contient aussy toute sorte de ces bois, et en outre nombre
de gros pins, chesnes et cedres. Les habitans y ont este detruit
par les Iroquois, aussy bien qu'a I'lsle de Montreal ; ce qui a
empesche que cette Isle ne soit pas mieux etablie. A la verite
les terres n'y sont bonnes et fertlles que par contree. L'elolgne-
ment du commerce leur est aussy un grand obstacle ; on tient
qu'il y a plusieurs endrolts qui portent les signes des minereaux.
En 1688 le nomme le CIre [Le Sieur] en crusant sa cave
trouva quatre livres de mine d'argent qui fust fondu a Quebek
avec peu de dechet. Monsieur le Marquis de Denonville luy
fist dire au rapport de M"' Volant cure au dit lieu que s'il
trouvoit la souche de la mine que I'on le recompenserolt, mals
cet homme peu de temps apres fut tue par les Iroquois.
La Seigneurie des Mille Isles, ^ situee au nordoUest de I'lsle
^ Titres des Seigneuries, 447.
2 The seigniory of Mille Isles was first granted to Sidrac Dugu6, Sieur de
Bois Briant, an oflficer in the Regiment de Carlgnan-Sallferes, on September 24,
1683 {Titres des Seigneuries, 59). Like many other military seigniories, how
ever, it soon passed out of the original owner's hands, and became the property
of Nicholas Duprd, a merchant of Montreal, who was in all probability one of
Dugue's creditors. Dupre seems to have given little attention to the needs of
his seigniory ; for in 1707 the habitants of his fief complained to the intendant
that their seignior had provided no seigniorial mill, and were accordingly by
intendant's decree permitted to erect a grist-mill for themselves, the seignior
being thereby deprived of his banal rights {J&dits et Ordonnances, II. 427). On
March i, 1714, the seigniory was declared forfeited to the crown under the

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 103
Jesus, appartient au S""' Dupre, marchand a Montreal. Ce
nom de Mille Isles luy vient de la grand quantlte presque
innombrables qui la separe de I'lsle Jesus. La pluspart de
ces Isles sont couvertes de sapinage fort touffues quelques unes
de moyens chesnes qui produisent abondamment du gland, que
les plus menages amassent pour les pourceaux. Elles sont la
pluspart fort pierreuses et peu propres a la culture. La terre
ferme oil les habitans ont leurs deserts sont tres bonnes, pro
dulsant abondamment toUte sorte de grains et [de] legumes,
particullerement de bon tabac, chanvre et lin. Les forests
contiennent toutes sortes de gros bois. La fertilke de ces
terres fait que les habitans y sont fort aises quoiqu'ils soient
elolgnes du commerce de leurs denrees. La chasse et la pesche
y est abondante.
La Seigneurie de la Chesnaye ^ appartient aux heritiers et
creanciers du feu S"- Martel, marchand, dont le S"- de Bailleul,
lieutenant des troupes, a epouse la veuve. Cette seigneurie
fait paroisse avec celle de Repentlgny, St. Sulpice et la Valterie.
Elles sont desservies par un prestre du Semlnalre de Montreal.
Sy les Iroquois n'avoient [pas] detruit une partie des habitans
et retarde la culture des terres, chacune des dites paroisses
aurolt este en estat d'entretenir un cure ; les terres y estant
tres bonnes, produlsant abondamment toute sorte de grains et
[de] legumes, et y ayant nombre de belles prairies et pastur
ages pour nourrlr quantlte de bestiaux ; la pesche et la chasse
tres abondantes. Les bois par contree y sont tres beaux de
toute espece et en abondance. Les arbres frultiers n'y viennent
bien qu'en quelques endrolts.
provisions of the Arrets of Marly (see above, pp. 91-94), and four days later it
was granted anew to Gaspard Plot dit Langloiserie and Jean Petit, to be
held by them jointly {Titres des Seigneuries, 59). Some time later it was
divided Into the two seigniories of Duchene and Blainville {Actes de Foi et
Hommage, IV. 88).
^ The seigniory of La Chesnaye (or Lachenaie) was granted by the
Company of New France on April 16, 1647, to Pierre Le Gardeur de Repen
tlgny {Titres des Seigneuries, 353).

104 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
La Seigneurie de Repentlgny ^ appartient au Seigneur de
ce nom, cap"^' d'une comp'^- du detachement de la marine.
En ce pays la coste est tres belle, unie, et ornee de plusieurs
Isles qui sont au-devant produlsant en abondance toutes sortes
de grains et [de] legumes. Les bois en terre ferme sont
melanges de toute espece. Les Iroquois en avolent detruit
une partie des habitans et retarde pendant plusieurs annees
son establlssement, et ce fiit sur cette Seigneurie que Monsieur
le Marquis de Vaudreuil en 1691 defist entlerement un party
de ces Insulalres et qui determlna toutes les nations a demander
la paix. La Seigneurie de St. Sulpice ^ appartient a M[essieurs] du
seminaire de Montreal. La guerre des Iroquois est cause
qu'elle n'est pas bien establle, outre que les terres ne sont
bonnes que par contrees, qui cependant produisent de bon
grain et legumes, mais non pas si abondamment qu'a Repen
tlgny. Les profondeurs des bois y sont melees de toutes
especes entrecoupees de savannes et pays marescageux, oil U
y avait autrefois des castors et orignaux en quantke.
Les Isles Bouchard ^ qui sont au sud de St. Sulpice appar
tiennent a M"" Dejordls [Desjordy], cap"^' dans les troupes,
et aux heritiers du feu S"' de Vercheres, lieutenant reforme
des troupes. Une de celles qui appartient au dit S""* Desjordis
est la plus grande, mais entrecoupee de marais poissonneux
et avantageux pour la chasse au gibier passager, et prairies.
Quoique les terres y soient des mellleures du pays, elle est si
sujette aux inondations qu'il y en a tres peu de reduites a la
culture. Celles qui sont cultivees produisent abondamment
' The above grant to Pierre Le Gardeur de Repentlgny was subsequently
divided into two fiefs, one known as Lachenaie and the other as Repentlgny,
or L'Assomptlon. ' Part of the Island of Montreal (see above, p. 97, note i).
' The seigniory of Isles Bouchard was granted on October 29, 1672, to the
Sieur Fortel, brother of the Sieur de Becancourt ( Titres des Seig7ieuries, 92).
Fortel disposed of it to Frangois Desjordy, who appears as the owner of it in
1706 {Ibid., 95).

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 105
toutes sortes de grains et [de] legumes. Les habitans qui y
sont establis y sont fort a leur aise. II y a quantlte de gros
bois conslstant en ormes, chesnes blancs, erables, merlsiers,
plalnes, fresnes et noyers, [dont] la pluspart dans certalnes
annees se trouvent converts de raisins du pays qui fait du vin
fort acre et noir comme de I'encre.
La Seigneurie de la Valterie ^ appartient a la veuve de ce
nom. Le seigneur avoit este officler dans le regiment de
Carignan, et depuis, cap"'- dans les troupes du detachement
de la marine. J'ay deja dit qu'elle fait paroisse avec celle de
St. Sulpice et Repentlgny. Les terres y sont medlocrement
bonnes. Les guerres cependant ont contribue au retardement
de son etablissement. Les premiers habitans ayant este
detruks ou ruines, et les terres y sont revenues en talllis, que
I'on commence a defricher. Celles qui y sont en culture pro
duisent de bon grain et legumes, mais non pas abondamment.
Les profondeurs sont entrecoupees de pignleres. C'est le
terme des contrees des pins et par d'autre des savannes et
toute sorte de bois.
La Seigneurie de la Nore^ appartient aux heritiers de ce
nom et au S'' Neveu, marchand. Elle fait paroisse avec Berthler,
I'lsle du Pas et Sorel. II y a tres peu d'habltans, tant parce
¦^ The seigniory of La Valterie was, on October 29, 1672, given to Sdraphin
Margane, Sieur de la Valterie (or Valtrie), lieutenant In the Carignan regiment
{Titres des Seigneuries, 262). He died in 1699, and on April 21, 1734, an aug
mentation of the fief was granted to his son. The seigniory remained in
possession of the heirs of the original owner down to the abolition of the
tenure in 1854.
^ More commonly written Lanoraie, or La Noraye. It was granted on
April 27, 1688, to the Sieur de la Nord (Noraye) and other heirs of Charles
Sevestre (sometime an officer of the Court of the Prdv6td at Quebec), to whom
it had originally been given by the Company of New France, but whose title-
deed had been burned. The grant to Noraye was ratified by the king on
April 23, 1700 (see Rdpotise d. U7ie adresse de VassembUe legislative . . . du
IJ Avril i8jj, Quebec, 1853, p. 67). The fief was later (1724) purchased by
Jean-Baptiste Neveu, who united it with the seigniory of Derrlere Dautre
(see below, p. 106, note i). On August 15, 1739, Neveu received a considerable
augmentation of his united territories {Titres des Seig7ieuries, 195).

106 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
que les terres dans les profondeurs n'y sont pas bonnes, que
par la difficuke du commerce, des moulins elolgnes de la
residence du cur^ et du seigneur. Cependant les terres qui
y sont en culture produisent de toute sorte de grains et de
legumes. Les bois y sont melanges, de toutes especes.
La Seigneurie de Dautre,^ quoique les terres y paroissent
assez belles par les bois qui sont dessus, est entlerement aban-
donnee, le seigneur et les habitans ayant este detruits par les
Iroquois, et les creanciers sont assez negligens pour ne la pas
faire restablir.
La Seigneurie Dautay^ appartient au fils de S'- Romain,
marchand, par les creances qu'il avoit sur icelle. II n'y a
que deux habitans residents. Le reste des terres sont negligees
quoiqu'en apparence elles soient tres bonnes, mais I'eioignement
des commodites necessaires en empesche I'etabllssement. II y
a des bois de toute espece.
La Seigneurie de Berthler^ appartient au S"' de RIgauvIlle,
enseigne dans les troupes, comme ayant espouse la veuve de ce
^ This seigniory, commonly known as Derrifere Dautrd, was an augmenta
tion of the seigniory of Dautre, or Dautray (see below, note 2). It was
granted to Jean Bourdon, the owner of the latter fief, on April 6, 1647 {Titres
des Seig7ieuries, 358), and was sold by him to Jean-Baptiste Neveu {Actes de
Foi et Hominage, III. 446).
^ Apparently the original seigniory of Dautrd, or Dautray, given by the
Company of New France to Jean Bourdon, engineer, on December i, 1637
{Titres des Seigneuries, 356).
^ The greater part of this seigniory, which was commonly known as
Berthier-en-Haut to distinguish it from Berthier-en-Bas, or Bellechasse (see
below, p. 141), was obtained by Alexandre Berthler the younger from the Sieur
Raudin, an ensign in the Carignan regiment, who had received it from the
crown in 1672 [Titres des Seig7ieuries, 133). The transfer was assented to by
the authorities and an augmentation of the seigniory granted in 1674 {Ibid.,
134). In 1712 Berthier's second wife, Marie-Frangoise Pachot, who survived
him, married Nicholas des Berg^res de RIgauvIlle, ensign in the forces
(Tanguay, Dictionnaire :.Gendalogique, III. 362); and RIgauvIlle thus became
the owner of both Berthier-en-Haut and Berthier-en-Bas. In 1718 he sold the
former seigniory to Pierre Lestage {Actes de Foi et Ho77i7nage, III. 190), whose
widow In 1750 sold It to Pierre-Noel Courthiau. The latter In 1765 disposed
of It to James Cuthbert, Esq., whose descendants still own the lands.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 107
nom. Les terres y sont tres belles et unies, exemptes d'aucune
qualite de pierre, produlsant abondamment toute sorte de
grains et de legumes, mais tres sujettes a brumer, les terres
estant renfermees par les bois de haute futaie et par les Isles
qui sont au devant qui, [pour] la pluspart, servent de com
mune aux habitans. Le reste est concede et etablis, les grains
y venant mieux qu'en terre ferme. Cette seigneurie du coste
du nordoilest du fleuve termine le bas du gouvernement de
Montreal. L'Isle Perrot^ qui est au haut du dit gouvernement
appartient au S"'' Desrulsseaux, marchand, par racqulsltion
qu'il en a faite des heritiers du S"'' Lemoine. Les terres y
sont entrecoupees de carrieres de grais [gres] et moulanges,
fresnieres et prairies. II n'y a point d'autres ha[blta]ns que
le seigneur. Cependant il y a fait la depense d'un beau
moulin et d'un retranchement contre I'lnsulte des ennemis,
mais I'eioignement de la vUle et les difficultes au Saut St. Louis
empeschent son etablissement. Les terres y produisent de tres
bons grains, et la pesche et la chasse en hiver et en este y est
tres abondante.
La Seigneurie du Chateauguay ^ et les Isles de la Paix qui
sont au-devant appartiennent au S"'- de La Noile, lieutenant
dans les troupes, par Tacquiskion qu'Il en a faite des S""'
Lemoine. Elle n'a pas este epargnee de I'lnvaslon des
Iroquois, ce qui est cause qu'il n'y a guere d'habltans
residents. Les terres par contrees y sont tres bonnes et
^ The seigniory of Isle Perrot, which lay off the southwest end of the Island
of Montreal, was on October 29, 1672, granted to the Sieur Frangois- Marie
Perrot, captain in the regiment of Auvergne, and later governor of Montreal
{Titres des Seigneuries, 259). Perrot sold It to -Charles Le Moyne de Chateau
guay, whose heirs sold it to Joseph Trottier, Sieur Desrulsseaux {Actes de Foi
et Hommage, II. 316). It was subsequently divided into several parts {Ibid.,
VII. 353)-
^ Granted on September 29, 1673, to Charles Le Moyne de Longueuil
{Titres des Seigneuries, 355). It was two leagues in frontage by three In depth,
and lay along the south shore of the St. Lawrence between the fiefs of Beau
harnois and Sault St. Louis.

108 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
produisent de toute sorte de grains et de legumes. La chasse
aux orignaux et castors et autres animaux autrefois y estoit
fort commune. Celle du gibier passager y est toujours abon
dante dans les saisons, la pesche a toute sorte de poissons et
mesme I'hiver on tend des filets sous les glaces dans tout ce
continent oil Ton prend grand nombre d'esturgeons, poissons
dores, brochets et carpes, que I'on transportent a Montreal,
particullerement le caresme. II y a aussi deux Rivieres qui
s'entrecoupent oil I'on prend grand nombre de saumons
pendant Teste. Les pins par contrees y sont tres gros et en
abondance mesme tout sorte de bois. Le cure de la paroisse
St. Louis dessert aussy celle de Chateauguay par rapport au peu
d'habltans. La mission du Saut St. Louis, sous le titre de St. Frangols-
Xavier,^ [est] establle au sud de la Chine, oil II y a un fort avec
garnlson frangoise pour garder les sauvages des cinq nations
Iroquolses qui y sont etablis. II y a trois P. jesultes qui les
gouvernent. Ces nations sont extremement fieres. Elles ont
des chefs qui les condulsent quoyqu'ils sont accoutumes a
suivre leurs caprices, n'y ayant parmy les sauvages aucune
subordination. Les femmes y sont devostes. C'est dans
cette mission qu'Il s'est estably un pelerinage a la devotion
de Catharine Thiatakoillta qui mourust en odeur de saintete
en 1680. Dans I'estendue de toute cette concession, il y a
nombre de gros bois de toutes especes. Les sauvages ont des
deserts le long du fleuve oil Ils sement du ble d'Inde, feves
d'harlcots, ckrouilles, melons, et soleils. Ils commercent a
Montreal le surabondant de leur recolte. Outre cela Ils font
quantlte de sucre d'erable et amassent I'herbe de capilaire
qu'ils vendent aussy a la ville. Ce sont ordinairement les
^ This tract of two square leagues, which lay on the south shore of the
St. Lawrence adjoining the fief of Chateauguay, was on October 29, 1680,
granted to the Jesuits {Titres des Seig7ieuries, 73). It was used by them as an
Indian mission, and has now for a long period been made to serve as a reserva
tion for the domiciliated Caughnawaga Indians.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 109
femmes qui sont occupees a Tagriculture, I'occupation des
hommes estant la chasse, la pesche et la guerre. Depuis
quelques annees ils se sont ouvert un commerce chez les
anglois a Orange, oil ils portent des castors et en rapportent
des etoffes et autres marchandises qu'ils commercent chez
eux et a Montreal, sans que la police les ait pu assujetir
aux lois.
Les Seigneuries de la Prairie de la Magdelaine et de St.
Lambert ^ appartiennent aux R. R. P. P. Jesultes. La paroisse
est desservie par un des prestres du Semlnalre de Montreal.
La pluspart des terres qui y sont en culture estolent des
prairies que les habitans ont dessechees par des fosses, ce qui
les a rendues fertlles en toutes sortes de grains et [de] legumes,
quoique sujettes a brumer. Les profondeurs sont la plupart
terres basses. Sy elles estoient redukes a la culture [elles]
produiroient abondamment toutes sortes de grains. Les bois
y sont melanges de toutes especes. La chasse et la pesche
dans les saisons y [sont] fort abondantes. II y a quelque
petit continent oil les pommiers et autres frultiers portent
beaucoup de fruits.
La Seigneurie de Longueull ^ appartient a M. le Baron de
ce nom, lieutenant de Roy de Montreal. La paroisse est
desservie par un prestre du Seminaire de Quebek. Les terres
n'y sont bonnes que par contree, y ayant quantke de plerres,
* The lands comprised within the seigniories of La Prairie de la Magdelaine
and St. Lambert, which were situated on the south side of the river, adjoining
the mission of Sault St. Louis, were on April i, 1647, granted to the Jesuit
fathers {Titres des Seigneuries, 75). In 1773 they passed with the other Jesuit
estates into the hands of the crown.
'^ Given on September 24, 1657, to Charles 'L&cnoyn^ {Titres des Seigneuries,
99). In 1700 the eldest son of this original grantee became Baron de Longueuil
(for the patent creating the barony, see above, pp. 66-69). The barony of Lon
gueuil must not be confused with the seigniory of New Longueull, which was
granted at a much later date (April 21, 1734) to the Sieur Joseph Lemoine,
Chevalier de Longueuil, captain of the marine {Titres des Seigneuries, 173).
This latter seigniory was on the north side of the St. Lawrence, occupying part
of the tongue of land formed by the confluence of this stream with the Ottawa.

no DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
et le reste de savannes et pays mouilies difficile a dessecher;
cela n'empesche pas que le long du fleuve ne soit garny
d'habltans fort a leur aise, mesme de riches, par les grosses
despenses que le seigneur a faltes pour les rendre mellleures,
en faisant des fosses et en ostant les plerres qu'il a employees
a faire un fort et de tres belles malsons. II y avoit mesme
commence un chemin de quatre lleues et demy, qui est fort
avance, de communication a Chambly, mais comme cela
I'engageoit a une trop grosse depense sans esperance d'en rien
retirer, 11 I'a abandonne, malgre la necessite qu'Il y avoit de le
perfectionner afin de pouvoir secourlr en peu de tems le fort
de Chambly s'il estoit attaque, au lieu que le secours, a le
conduire par eau, doit faire 36 lleues. Les terres qui y sont
en culture produisent de bons grains et legumes, mais non
pas si abondamment que sur les seigneuries volsines. II se
trouve sur la seigneurie quantlte de bois de construction et en
moyenne grosseur.
L'Isle S'°- Heleine,^ qui est entre le Montreal et la d[Ite]
seigneurie, appartient au dit S"'" de Longueull. Sa belle ex
position et la bonne qualite des terres pour les arbres frultiers
font invite a y planter un tres beau verger, de la maniere
qu'ils commencent a rapporter. II y a lieu d'esperer que dans
dix ans II y fera plus de trois cens barriques de cidre, sans
parler des fruits a noyau. La vigne de France a de la peine
a porter son fruit en maturite. II y avoit autrefois de tres
gros arbres qui la pluspart ont este detruit pour servir de bois
de chauffage a la ville. Ceux qui y viennent presentement
sont tallies solgneusement par allees oil un troupeau de brebis
trouvent leur pacage.
La Seigneurie du Tremblay'^ appartient aux heritiers du
' St. Helen's Island in the St. Lawrence, fronting Montreal, was included
in the original grant to Charles Lemoyne in 1657.
^ Given on October 29, 1672, to the Sieur de Varennes, lieutenant in the
Carignan regiment {Titres des Seigneuries, 126). This seigniory was of a
peculiar shape, being only twenty-eight arpents in frontage by one-and-one-half
leagues in depth. It lay between the seigniories of Longueuil and Boucherville.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 111
feu S'- de Varenne, cy-devant gouverneur des Trois Rivieres.
Cette seigneurie fait paroisse avec celle de Longueuil. Les
terres y sont admirablement bonnes pour produire toutes
sortes de grains et [de] legumes en abondance. Les habitans
y sont fort laborleux et aises. Toute la profondeur de la
seigneurie est de mesme qualite. Les bois y sont melanges de
toute espece. Le terroir n'est pas propre pour les arbres
frultiers que par quelque petite contree.
Les Isles de Lamoreux, qui sont au-devant, relevent
de la seigneurie. Les terres y sont plus fertlles en toute
sorte de grains et [de] legumes qu'en terre ferme. Les
habitans qui les tiennent par concession a des rentes quoique
fort hautes y sont presque tous riches ; y ayant beaucoup de
facillte a nourrlr nombre de bestiaux. II leur reste tres peu
de bois pour leur chauffage quoiqu'ils ont des ressources en
terre ferme. Le terroir est assez bon pour les arbres
frultiers. La Seigneurie de Boucherville ^ appartient a M'- Boucher,
un des premiers gouverneurs des Trois Rivieres, qui en fist sa
demission en faveur de M""' de Varenne son gendre. La
paroisse est desservie par un des prestres du Seminaire de
Montreal. La coste pour ce qu'elle contient est une des plus
belles et des plus unies de Canada ; les habitans y sont les
plus aises du gouvernement. Les terres y estant tres fertlles
en toutes sortes de grains et [de] legumes. Les arbres
frultiers n'y viennent que par petits cantons ; les bois y sont
meles de toute espece. Les Isles ^ qui sont au-devant ont le
^ Given on November 3, 1672, to Pierre Boucher {Titres des Seig7ieuries,
84). This seigniory lay on the south shore of the St. Lawrence between the
fiefs of Tremblay and Varennes, having a frontage on the river of 114 lineal
arpents and a depth of two leagues. In 1698 Boucher received a further grant
of " the islands, shoals, and beaches which are opposite his seigniory as far as
the middle of the River St. Lawrence" {Ibid., 444). See R. P. Lalande,
Boucherville, une vieille seigneurie (Montreal, 1890).
'^ These were the Isles Communes, or Isles Percees, which extended along
the front of almost the whole seigniory, the largest one being about three-
quarters of a mile in breadth. See Bouchette, Topographical Description, 198.

112 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
fond admirable pour produire toute sorte de grains et [de]
legumes, mais le seigneur en a donne la plus grande partie aux
habitans pour leur servir de commune, oil ils eslevent pendant
Teste une infinite de bestiaux de toute espece.
La Seigneurie de Varenne^ appartient au seigneur de ce
nom, lieutenant dans les troupes. La paroisse est desservie
par un prestre du Seminaire de Quebek. Les terres n'y sont
pas directement si belles qu'a Boucherville, estant entre
coupees de petits costeaux et ravines. Cela n'empesche pas
quelles n'y soyent egalement bonnes pour produire toute sorte
de grains et [de] legumes, mesme pour les arbres frultiers.
Les habitans trouverent I'annee derniere a 30 tolses du fort,
sur la terre de Louis le Doux, environ quatre vingt livres de
mine de plomb, partie sur la terre et le reste a deux et trols
pieds avant ; ce qui obllgea M. D'aigremont a s'y transporter
et oil II fist fouiller un trou, sans en avoir trouve que tres peu.
La profondeur de cette seigneurie est presque toutes prairies
et pays bas, oil 11 y a tres peu de gros bois.
L'Isle S'°' Therese ^ appartient a M. de Langloiserie,
lieutenant de Roy a Quebek. Elle fait paroisse avec la
Seigneurie de Varenne et de la Trinlte. Les terres y sont
des bonnes du gouvernement pour produire toute sorte de
grains et [de] legumes. Aussy tous les habitans y sont
fort a leur aise. lis n'ont que tres peu de bois, qu'ils
conservent pour leur chauffage. Les Isles, qui sont au haut
de celle-cy, en sont moitle dependantes, et les autres au
Seigneur de Varenne oil I'on coupe une tres grande quantlte
1 Rene Gaultier de Varennes, lieutenant in the Carlgnan-Sallferes regiment,
was the original recipient of this seigniory, on October 29, 1672 {Titres des
Seig7ieuries, 126). It lay between the fiefs of Boucherville and La Trlnite,
with a frontage of twenty-eight lineal arpents and a depth of one league.
2 First granted in 1672 to Sidrac Dugud (du Gud or Duguay), captain in
the Carlgnans. The title is not printed In Titres des Seigneuries, but may be
found In Return made to the Legislative Assembly of Canada in iSjj, p. 28.
Plot dit Langloiserie, who is here mentioned as the owner, obtained the island
by marrying Marie-Thdrfese, eldest daughter of the original grantee.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 113
de foin. La chasse au gibier passager et la pesche y sont
tres abondantes.
De I'lsle S'*' Therese dependent encore quatre isles qui
sont au-dessous, qui ont le mesme avantage que celles du haut,
sur I'une desquelles M. de Langloiserie a fait une belle
metalrie. La Seigneurie de la Trinke ^ appartient au Sieur de St.
Michel et aux heritiers du Sieur Martigny, qui a este tue en
1709, a la Baye d'Hudson, a I'expedition que M"- de Menteht
avoit entrepris en ce pays. La dite seigneurie fait paroisse
avec celle de Varenne et la Seigneurie de Grandmalson. Les
terres y sont de mesme qualke qu'a Varenne et les profondeurs
de mesme. A trois cens toises du bord du fleuve il y a une
source d'eau sallee.
La Seigneurie de Grandmalson ^ appartient aux heritiers du
sieur. II y a tres peu de terres que les habitans y s'ont establis
quoique les terres, mesme les profondeurs, soyent de mesme
qualke qu'a la Trinke, outre qu'Il y a une plus grande
estendue de prairie tres alsee a mettre la charrue, et avan
tageuse pour nourrlr nombre de bestiaux, n'y ayant presque
point de bois sur sa devanture.
La Seigneurie de Vercheres^ appartient aux heritiers de
^ The fief of La Trinitd was given on November 3, 1672, to Jacques
Lemoyne and Michel Messier de St. Michel. The title-deed is not printed,
but reference is made to the grant in Return made by the Inspector-ge7ieral
of the Queen's Do77iain to the Seigniorial Co7nmissioners z'w 1842. Some years
later, probably about 1676, the grant was divided into two fiefs ; but the date
of this partition is not definitely known, " the rats having gnawed the deed "
{Actes de Foi et Ho7nmage, V. 249). One of the seigniories was thenceforth
known as La Trlnite, and remained the property of the Lemoynes de Martigny
for over a century ; the other, known as Cap St. Michel, was held by the
descendants of Messier until the conquest. The original seigniory, one-and-
one-half leagues square, comprised the territory between the fiefs of Varennes
and Grandmalson.
2 Known also as the seigniory of Guillaudiere. The title-deed may be
found In Titres des Seigneuries, 294.
3 This fief, which was one league in front by two in depth, and lay on the
south shore of the St. Lawrence between the seigniories of Guillaudidre and
H

114 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
ce nom cy-devant, enseigne dans le regiment de Carignan et
lieutenant reforme dans les troupes. Elle fait paroisse avec
celles de Contrecoeur et St. Ours. Les terres y sont tres
belles et unies qui produisent toute sorte de grains et [de]
legumes en abondance. Les profondeurs pendant une lieue
ne contiennent que des prairies oil II se trouve une grande
quantke d'un fruit que I'on appelle attoqua.^ II n'y a
presque plus de bois dans tout ce continent. Les Iroquois
ont desoles toutes ces costes pendant un tres long-tems, et ce
fust dans cet endroit que la fille du dit seigneur repoussa les
ennemis qui estolent prests d'entrer dans ce fort et mesme tira
du canon sur eux. Son action a este gratifiee de Sa Majeste.^
Le fief de Chlcouanne ^ ne contient d'autres habitans que
le proprletaire laboureur. Les terres dans la devanture sont
tres belles, produlsant toutes sortes de grains et [de] legumes.
Les profondeurs contiennent des bois de toutes especes appar
ence que les terres y sont bonnes. Ces terroirs ne sont point
propres pour les arbres frultiers.

Bellevue, was originally granted, on October 29, 1672, to Frangois Jarret de
Verchdres, ensign in the Carignan regiment ( Titres des Seigneuries, 6). This
was the father of the dauntless young Amazon, Marie-Madeleine de Verchdres,
whose heroic defence of the seigniory against the Iroquois attack in 1692 has
been so vividly narrated by Parkman in his Count Fronie/iac and New France
under Louis XIV., chap. xlv. The fief passed into the hands of Jean-Baptiste
Jarret de Verchdres, who rendered fealty and homage for it in 1723 {Actes de
Foi et Ho7ti7nage, II. 5).
^ Cranberries. The word, still used in French Canada, is the Huron
"toca," or "tocqua," which Sagard {Histoire du Canada, IV. Appendix)
translates as " petit fruict, comme cerises rouges, qui n'a point de noyau."
^ Through the intercession of Madame de Pontchartrain, wife of the
minister of marine, Louis XIV. granted a life pension to Madeleine de
Verchdres. ' Better known as the seigniory of Bellevue. It was originally conceded
to the Sieur de Vitrd on November 3, 1672 {Titres des Seigneuries, 2,^). In
1678, however, it was sold to Pierre Boisseau, who in turn sold it to Pierre
Chicoiianne, or Chicoine {Actes de Foi et Hommage, II. 20). Despite its lack of
population, as noted by Catalogne, it was a large fief, being twenty-three
arpents broad by two leagues deep, and filling the space between the seigniories
of Verchdres and Contrecoeur.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 115
Le fief de Boisseau^ n'ayant d'autres tenanciers que le
proprletaire laboureur. Les terres y sont de mesme qualke
qu'au fief de Chlcouanne.
La Seigneurie de Contrecoeur^ appartient au S"' de la
Corne, capitaine dans les troupes, et de Contrecoeur enseigne,
le p[remier] pour avoir espouse la fille du seigneur, et I'autre
succedant aux droits de son pere qui avoit este capitaine dans
le regiment de Carignan, et anobly par les belles actions qu'il
avoit faites pendant les guerres de Paris. La paroisse est
desservie par un des prestres du Seminaire de Montreal. Les
terres y sont tres belles, produlsant toutes sortes de grains et
[de] legumes. Les profondeurs qui contiennent des bois de
toutes especes sont entrecoupees de marais et petits lacs qui
ont este fait par les castors, oil I'on en tuent tous les ans.
Cette coste n'a pas este exempte des Incursions des Iroquois,
ce qui a retarde un plus avance establlssement. Les habitans
y paroissent assez aise. Les Isles qui sont au-devant leurs sont
fort avantageuses, oil Ils eievent grand nombre de bestiaux.
La Seigneurie de St. Ours^ appartient au seigneur de ce
nom, cy-devant capitaine au regiment de Carignan, et ensuite
dans les troupes du detachement de la marine, et a present
pensionnaire de Sa Majeste.^ Cette seigneurie fait paroisse
' Sometimes called the seigniory of Bolsselldre, and originally a part of
Bellevue. ^ Antoine Pdcody (or Pdcaudy), Sieur de Contrecoeur, captain in the
Carignan regiment, was the original grantee, October 29, 1672 {Titres des
Seigneuries, 96). In the year following he received an additional grant of
the Islands fronting his fief {Ibid., 97). His eldest daughter, Marie, married
Captain Jean-Louis Lacorne (or La Corne) in 1695 (Tanguay, Dictionnaire
Gdndalogique, I. 469); and the son referred to was Frangois-Antoine de
Contrecoeur, father of the later commandant of Fort Duquesne. A good
description of the seigniory may be found In Bouchette's Topographical Descrip
tion, 201-204.
^ Given in 1672 to Pierre de St. Ours {Titres des Seigneuries, iii). The
islands in the river fronting the grant, and including the large Isle Deschaillons,
were granted to him In 1674 {Ibid., 112).
* Royal assistance had been first extended to St. Ours as the result of a
request made to the king In 1686 by Governor Denonville, who spoke in moving

116 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
avec celle de Contrecoeur. Les terres dans les devantures n'y
sont que medlocrement bonnes, et les habitans fort negligens,
mesme entr'eux en mauvaise Intelligence, ayant toujours
quelque chose a demeler. Les profondeurs que coupe la
Riviere de Richelieu sont plus belles, si on en doit juger par
la qualite des bois qui sont dessus et les prairies qui les entre-
coupent. La Seigneurie de Sorel ^ est en decret depuls tres longtems,
sans que I'adjudicatlon s'en suive. La paroisse est desservie
par un des prestres du Seminaire de Montreal. Quoique la
seigneurie ait une grand estendue et que les terres y soient
tres belles 11 y a peu d'habltans, les Iroquois en ayant detruit
la plus grande partle. La situation est tres belle et la plus
convenable, et le seul entrepot entre le Montreal, les Trois
Rivieres et Chambly. II se trouve dans son estendue quantlte
de toute sorte de bois de construction, et sa situation paroist
si avantageuse que I'on y pourroit placer plus de trois cens
habitans favorises de la chasse et de la pesche, qui s'y peut
faire en tout tems. La pluspart des Isles de Richelieu depen
dant de cette seigneurie en partie servent de commune aux
habitans oil ils pourroient nourrlr grand nombre de bestiaux,
et le reste mettre en culture qui produisse toutes sortes de
grains et [de] legumes en abondance. La pluspart des bois

terms of the seignior's poverty and misery and of the hardships which his ten
children were forced to undergo (Denonville to Minister, November lo, 1686,
Correspondance GMrale,'^\\\. 192-266). In 1708 Governor Vaudreuil asked
that an annual pension be given to St. Ours, a request with which the king seems
to have complied (Vaudreuil to Minister, November 5, 1708, Ibid., XXVIII.).
^ The seigniory of Saurel (or Sorel), which lay at the confluence of the
St. Lawrence with the Richelieu, and included the present town of Sorel, was
given in 1672 to Pierre de Saurel, captain in the Carlgnans {Titres des Seig-
7ieuries, 141). As Saurel, who died In 1682, had no direct heirs, the ownership
of the seigniory became a matter of lengthy litigation, the Court of the Prevote
finally awarding It to Claude de Ramezay, governor of Three Rivers and of
Montreal (the decisions of the Prdvote have not been printed). Many years
later, in 1781, the fief was purchased by Sir Frederick Haldimand for the use
of the government.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 117
qui sont dessus, sont chesnes, ornes, erables, fresnes, noyers,
bois blancs et trembles, avec une infinite de vignes sauvages.
L'Isle Dupas ^ appartient a Brlnet,^ laboureur, et a la
veuve du Sable.^ Elle fait paroisse avec Berthler et Sorel.
Les terres y sont tres belles dans toute I'estendue quoique [de]
la partle d'en bas environ un tier est sujette aux inondations,
ce qui empesche que I'on la puisse mettre en culture, mais le
reste produit toute sorte de grains et [de] legumes en abon
dance. Les bois y sont meies de toute espece, excepte de
gommers. La chasse et la pesche y sont abondantes.
La Seigneurie de Chambly* appartient au Sieur Hertel,
lieutenant reforme dans les troupes, par la donnatlon que feu
M. de Chambly luy a faite. La paroisse est desservie par un
Pere Recolet, missionnaire de la garnlson du fort, qui y est
baty. Je ne crois pas que le Sieur Robert, qui copla les plans

^ One of the large islands in the St. Lawrence fronting Berthier-en-Haut.
It was given to the Sieur Dupas (or du Pas) in 1672 {Titres des Seigneuries,
118). ^ Apparently an error of the copyist for " Brisset." Jacques Brisset had
married Marguerite, daughter of Pierre Dandonneau, Sieur du Sabld (Tanguay,
Dictionnaire Gdnealogique, I. 155), and sister of Louis Dandonneau, who had
purchased the island from Dupas.
' Jean- Marguerite Lenoir, who had married Louis Dandonneau, Sieur du
Sabld, in 1684. Her son, Louis-Adrien, did homage for half the fief in 1724,
Jacques Brisset having performed the ceremony for the other half during the
previous year (Actes de Foi et Hommage, II. 212, 309).
* Originally granted, October 29, 1672, to the Sieur Philippe de Chambly,
captain in the Carignan regiment, and commandant of the troops remaining
in Canada {Titres des Seigneuries, 267). The seigniory lay on both sides of
the Richelieu near the site of the present town of Chambly, and was of unusual
configuration, having a river frontage of three leagues and a depth of only one
league. Chambly eventually went home to France, and some years later was
killed in action in Italy. The fief then went to his fiancde and heiress, Mar
guerite de Thauvenet (or Thauvenay), who had originally come out to
Canada to assist Madame de la Peltrie in her work of educating Indian
maidens. Not long after Chambly's death, however, she married Frangois
Hertel, who thereby became proprietor of the fief. These were the parents of
Jean-Baptiste Hertel, the destroyer of Deerfield in 1704. For the history of
this interesting family, see Daniel's Histoire des grandes families frangaises
du Canada (Montreal, 1867), 397-418.

118 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
du gouvernement de Montreal en 1708, y ait compris celuy
de cette seigneurie que je jolndray a ce manuscrit. Le front
d'Icelle est de trois lleues de chaque coste de la Riviere sur
une lieue de profondeur. Le lac qui s'y trouve devant eu fait
un bel ornement. Depuis le regiment de Carignan II y a
toujours eu une garnlson avec un fort de pieux. II y a
este construit un fort de pierre et [de] chaux en 1710 et
1 7 II, sur les plans qu'en a faits M. le chevalier de Beaucour,^
capitaine dans les troupes. II est a remarquer que I'annee
derniere 11 y avoit un camp de deux a trois mil hommes pour
venir envahir le gouvernement de Montreal et lorsqu'Us
apprlsent la perfection de ce fort par oil Ils devolent absolu
ment passer, ils quitterent leur entreprlse. La pluspart des
terres de cette seigneurie sont tres propres pour produire
toutes sortes de grains et [de] legumes, mais le peu d'atten-
tlon que donne le seigneur a son establlssement fait qu'il n'y
a que tres peu d'habltans. Les bois de construction y sont
plus beaux et abondans qu'au reste du gouvernement, par
ticullerement des pins. La Riviere de Richelieu, qui est
bordee de tres belles terres et de beaux bois, est fort negligee.
Les seigneurs a qui elle a este concedee n'y donnant aucune
attention cependant oil ils pourroient pla9er plus de mil
habitans estant la seule du gouvernement qui tombe dans le
fleuve qui a I'avantage de porter les barques.
Le gouvernement des Trois Rivieres ^ comprend depuis les
Isles de Richelieu jusques a S'^' Anne des Grondlnes. Le Lac
S'- Pierre et les Rivieres qui y tombent font la teste du
gouvernement oil la pesche se fait en este et en hiver. Celle
d'hiver ce fait sous les glaces, oil Ton tend des filets, par le
moyen des cordeaux que I'on passe de trou en trou avec des
' Cf. Vaudreuil and Raudot to Minister, November 2, 17 10, Co7-respondance
Gmirale, XXXI.
^ The "government," or district, of Three Rivers extended on the north
side of the St. Lawrence from the seigniories of Berthier-en-Haut to Ste. Anne
des Grondlnes, and on the south side from St. Ours-Deschaillons to Yamaska.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 119
perches, nonobstant I'epaisseur de trois a quatre pieds de
glace. La chasse au gibier passager le printems et I'automne
y est tres abondante par le grand nombre de bayes et marais
qui s'y trouvent.
La Seigneurie de Maskinonges ^ est la p[remiere] du coste
du nord en descendant, qui appartient au S"'- Bruneau, cy-devant
gros marchand aux Trois Rivieres oil II a tombe en fallllte. II
n'y a point de paroisse fixee. Le cure des Trois Rivieres la
va desservir de mesme que celle de la Riviere du Loup et
Yamachiche. Les terres, quoique basses et sujettes a I'lnonda-
tion, y sont tres bonnes produlsant abondamment toutes sortes
de grains et [de] legumes. Les profondeurs sont entrecoupees
de montagnes. Les sauvages avolent rapporte qu'Il y avoit
une mine d'argent qui n'a pas encore pu venir a la connois
sance des Fran9ois. II y a de toute sorte de bois melange,
mesme pour la construction.
Entre Maskinongez et la Riviere du Loup, il y a un reste
de terre en bois debout, concede aux Dames Ursullnes de Trois
Rivieres.^ La Seigneurie de la Riviere du Loup ^ appartient au Sieur
Beaubien, marchand, par racqulsltion qu'il en a faite du Sieur
1 Maskinongd, or Masquinonge. Part of the seigniory was given to Jean
Baptiste Le Gardeur, and part to him and Pierre Le Gardeur in common,
both grants being made on the same date, November 3, 1672 {Titi-es des
Seigneuries, 288, 303). About 1700 it was acquired by Joseph Petit dit Bruneau,
of Three Rivers {Actes de Foi et Ho77image, II. 306).
^ This was the seigniory of St. Jean, granted to the Ursullnes of Three
Rivers on October 13, 1701 {Titres des Seigneuries, 450). In 1727 it was
increased by the grant lof a considerable adjoining tract (see Return 7nade to
the Legislative Assembly of Canada in 1853, p. 88). This fief ought not to be
confused with the seigniory of St. Jean in the ba7ilieue of Quebec.
' This Is the seigniory of Rividre du Loup-en-Haut, first granted to Jean
Lechasseur on April 20, 1683 {Titres des Seigneuries, 381). Lechasseur sold It
to Michel Trottier de Beaubien {Actes de Foi et Ho77u/iage, II. 408), and the
latter disposed of it to the UrsuHnes of Three Rivers. In giving the Sieur
d'Artigny as the original owner, Bouchette {Topographical Description, 290)
has confused this seigniory with the fief of Rividre du Loup-en-Bas, in the
district of Quebec.

120 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
le Chasseur lieutenant-general de la juridiction des Trois
Rivieres. Les terres y sont fort basses et unies, fertlles en
toute sorte de grains et [de] legumes. II y a de toute sorte
de bois melanges.
La Seigneurie du petit Yamachiche ^ appartient a la veuve
du S'- Grand Pre, cy-devant major des Trois Rivieres. Les
terres y sont basses et unies sujettes aux grandes Inondations;
neantmolns [elles] produisent toutes sortes de grains et [de]
legumes. Les bois y sont melanges de toutes especes.
La Seigneurie du grand Yamachiche appartient aux Les
Sieurs,^ laboureurs, par racqulsltion qu'ils en ont fake de
M. Boucher, cy-devant gouverneur des Trois Rivieres. Les
terres et bois y sont assez conformes a celles du petit Yama
chiche. La Seigneurie en descendant ^ n'a aucun habitans. Elle
appartient au Sieur de Boucherville, enseigne dans les troupes.
Les terres et bois y sont de mesme qualke que celles cy-devant.
La Seigneurie de la Pointe du Lac,* qui en est le bout du
coste du nord, appartient au Sieur de Tonnancour, procureur
du Roy, aux Trois Rivieres. Comme les terres n'y sont bonnes
1 More often called the fief of Grosbois. It was first given to Boucher de
Grand Prd In 1672 {Titres des Seig/ieuries, 310). Boucher died In 1699, but
his widow survived him till 1730 (Tanguay, Dictio7tnaire GenMogique, I. 73).
- In 1702 two brothers, Charles and Julien Le Sieur, bought a portion of
Grosbois, not, as Catalogne states, from Boucher himself, but from his heirs.
See Actes de Foi et Hommage, II. 74; also Napoldon Caron, Histoire de la
paroisse d' Ya7nachiche (Trois-Rivieres, 1892).
' This is evidently the seigniory of Gatineau, granted in 1672 to Boucher
de Boucherville the younger {Titres des Seigneuries, 31). In the same year in
which Catalogue's report was made (1712) it was acquired from Boucher by
Louis Gatineau Duplessis, and hence received the name by which it has since
been known (cf Actes de Foi et Hommage, II. 107). The family of Duplessis
later received an augmentation of the fi^i {Titres des Seigneuries, 222).
* This seigniory, more commonly known as the fief of Tonnancour, was
made up of the combined seigniories of Sauvaget and Normanville, together
with additional smaller tracts of land granted at various times to Louis
Godfroy de Normanville and his son Rend Godfroy de Tonnancour. See
Titres des Seigneuries, 119, 410; also P. G. Roy, La fa7nille Godefroy de
Tonnancourt (Ldvis, 1904).

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 121
que par contrees et qu'elles sont de difficile abord pour les
voitures, II n'y a qu'un habltan. Les bois sont melanges de
toute espece. A la fin se trouve le domaine du Roy qui
devoir estre implante.
La Seigneurie du Cap de la Magdelaine ^ appartient aux
peres Jesultes. La paroisse est desservie par un prestre du
Seminaire de Quebek. Les terres y sont fort sablonneuses, ou
se trouve[nt] des mines de fer, mesme en abondance. Les
grains et legumes n'y sont produits qu'a force de bien fumer
et cultiver les terres. II n'y a presque plus de bois. Les
habitans sont contraints d'en aller chercher du coste du sud du
fleuve. Le fief La Pierre ^ appartient aux heritiers de ce nom,
laboureurs. Les terres y sont fort sablonneuses et basses, oil
II se trouve des mines de fer. II n'y a point de terre en
culture. Les bois dans la profondeur sont melanges de toutes
especes. Le fief des Prairies Marsolet ^ appartient a celuy qui fait
1 Granted to the Jesuits by the Company of New France in 165 1, "in
order that we may be participating in their prayers and holy sacrifices" {Titles
and Docu7nents 7-elati7ig to the Seigniorial Tenure, II. 349). It was two leagues
by four in area, and lay at the confluence of the St. Lawrence with the St.
Maurice. ^ Catalogne errs, apparently, in including this among the regular seigniories.
It was a small grant held en arrikre-fief iroui the Jesuits within their seigniory
of Cap de la Magdelaine. In all probability it took its name from its owner,
Charles Le Sieur dit Lapierre.
' The exact date of this grant, which lay between the seigniories of Cham
plain and Batiscan, is not known. The title-deed is not preserved, and there
Is In the Actes de Foi et Hommage no record whatever of the fief. It must
have been conceded, however, between 1664 and 1681 ; for it was not in
existence when the seigniory of Champlain was founded in the former year,
and it is mentioned in the census enumeration of the latter year as having
three settlers. In each succeeding census down to and including that of 1706,
it appears as a separate seigniory, but in the later censuses It is not referred to.
It is, however, mentioned in 1716 as belonging to Catalogne {Edits et Ordo7i-
na7ices. III. 440) ; and again in 1722, in the edict providing for the creation of
parishes, the "fief de Marsolet" is included within the parish of Champlain
{Ibid., I. 452). The grantee of the fief was apparently Nicholas Marsolet, who
had come out to Quebec with Champlain in 161 3. Marsolet had no sons; but

122 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
ce manuscrit, par racqulsltion qu'il en a faite des heritiers.
Les habitans relevent de la paroisse de Champlain. Les terres
y sont fort unies entrecoupees de savannes et prairies. Les
terres reduites a la culture produisent toutes sortes de grains
et de legumes. Les bois dans les profondeurs sont melanges
de toutes especes.
Le fief Hertel ^ appartient au seigneur de ce nom. Seigneur
de Chambly. Les habitans dependent de la paroisse de Cham
plain. Les terres et les bois y sont de mesme qualite qu'aux
Prairies Marsolet. II s'y trouve aussy des mines de fer.
La Seigneurie de Champlain ^ appartient au fils aisne de
ce nom, et a M"^' de Cabanac, capitaine dans les troupes,
comme ayant espouse une des filles du seigneur. La paroisse
est desservie par un des prestres du Seminaire de Quebec. 11
y a un etablissement des filles de la Congregation. Les terres
y sont belles et unies, mais sablonneuses, melanges de mines
de fer. Celles qui sont bien cultivees et fumees produisent
de tres bons grains et legumes. Les habitans y sont tres aises.
lis ont fort peu de bois de chauffage, estant contraints de
bruler des bois gommeux, ou en aller chercher du coste du
sud du fleuve.
(La Seigneurie de Batiscan doit avoir Icy sa place.)
one of his daughters married Jean Lemire, who in this way seems to have
become possessed of the fief. Catalogue's ownership of the seigniory in 1712
may be explained by the fact that in 1690 he had married Marie-Anne,
daughter of Jean Lemire (Tanguay, Dictionnaire Ghiealogique, I. 378).
'^ More commonly known as Arbre-a-la-Croix. It was a sub-seigniory,
granted on April 5, 1644, to Jacques Hertel by the Jesuit seigniors of Cap de la
Magdelaine. For its extent and location, see Edits et Ordo7inances, I. 452.
It passed into the hands of Hertel de Chambly, son of the original grantee
(see above, p. 117, note 4), and remained in the possession of this family for a
long period.
^ This seigniory, which lay between Cap de la Magdelaine and Batiscan,
was first given on August 8, 1664, to Etienne Pezard, Sieur de la Touche {Titles
and Documents, I. 681). An augmentation was granted to his widow on
April 28, 1697 {Tit7-es des Seig7ieu7-ies, 117). In 1691 Madeleine Pezard, their
daughter, married Joseph Desjordy, Sieur de Cabanac, who is here mentioned
as part owner of the seigniory.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 123
La Seigneurie du Moine ^ appartient aux heritiers de ce
nom, laboureurs. Les habitans dependent de la paroisse de
S'^' Anne. Les terres y sont basses et unies, fertlles en toutes
sortes de grains et de legumes. Les bois y sont melanges de
toutes especes.
La Seigneurie de Baptlscan,^ [que j'] omis de mettre apres
celle de Champlain, appartient aux Peres Jesultes. La paroisse
est desservie par un prestre du Seminaire de Quebec. Les
terres y sont tres belles et unies, fertlles en toute sorte de
grains et de legumes. Ses i^'" concessions sont depourvues de
bois. lis sont obliges d'en aller chercher dans les profondeurs
et du coste du sud du fleuve.
La Seigneurie de S"- Anne ^ appartient au S'' de la Perade,
lieutenant reforme dans les troupes, et a un des enfans de
St. Romain * par la [cession] que luy en a faite le feu S'- de
SUeue, conselgneur, avec le dit S"' de la Perade. La paroisse
est desservie par un prestre du Seminaire de Quebec. Les
terres y sont tres belles et unies par contrees. Celles qui sont
en culture produisent abondamment toutes sortes de grains et
de legumes. Les bois y sont melanges de toutes especes.
La Seigneurie de Yamasca,^ qui fait la teste du gouverne-
* Generally known as the seigniory of Ste. Marie prds Batiscan, and given
to Jean Le Moyne (or Lemoine), "habitant of Cap de la Magdelaine," on
November 3, 1672 {Titres des Seigneuries, 28).
* Batiscan, "given for the love of God" to the Jesuits on March 13, 1639.
The title-deed is not printed, but an abstract may be found In Bouchette's
Topographical Dictionary, under " Jesuits' Estates."
^ Ste. Anne de la Pdrade was granted on October 29, 1672, jointly to
Edmond de Sueve (the printed copy of the title-deed reads "de Sueur") and
Jacques-Thomas Tarieu de Lanaudidre {Titres des Seigneuries, 10, 275).
' Edmond de Sueve sold his share of Ste. Anne to the Sieur Edmond
de Champlain, whose son was Chorel de St. Romain, here mentioned by
Catalogne in 1712. After 1714 this part of the fief was known as the seigniory
of Orvilliers. See Actes de Foi et Ho7iimage, IV. 48.
* Yamaska was originally given on September 24, 1663, to Michel Le Neuf
de la Vallidre {Titres des Seig7ieuries, 79). The Actes de Foi et Hom7/iage
(II. 182) record that Pierre Petit, the former merchant at Three Rivers,
purchased the fief directly from the original grantee ; whereas Catalogne

124 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
ment des Trois Rivieres du coste du sudest, appartient au Sieur
Petit, cy-devant marchand aux Trois Rivieres, par I'acqulsl-
tion qu'il en a fake du feu Sieur de la Chesnaye. Elle fait
paroisse avec celle de St. Fran9ois. Les terres y sont basses
et unies. Celles qui sont en culture produisent abondamment
toutes sortes de grains et de legumes. La chasse et la pesche
y sont fort abondantes. II y a de toutes sortes de bois
melanges, mesme pour construction.
La Seigneurie de St. Fran9ois ' appartient aux heritiers
du Sieur Crevler. Elle est desservie par les Peres Jesultes,
misslonaires des sauvages Abenakis, etablis au dit lieu. Les
terres y sont tres belles et unies, particullerement les isles,
fertlles en toutes sortes de grains et de legumes. Les bois y
sont melanges de toutes especes. La chasse et la pesche sont
abondantes. La Seigneurie de Lugeaudlere ^ n'a point d'habltans. Les
volsins n'en connolssent point le seigneur. Les terres y
paroissent tres belles, oil 11 y a toutes sortes de bois par
ticullerement de gros pins.
mentions the Sieur de la Chesnaye as an intervening owner. It is true that
in 1702 Louis Aubert de la Chesnaye married a daughter of Le Neuf de la
Vallidre, and might in this way have come into possession of the seigniory ;
but, according to Tanguay {Dictionnaire G^nc'alogique, I. 14), he was still alive
many years after 1 71 2. The seigniory passed later into the hands of the
Godfroys de Tonnancour.
^ Conceded to Jean Crevier on October 8, 1678 {Titles and Documents,
I- 354). ^ Lussaudidre, so called because first granted to the Sieur de Lussaudidre
(the deed reads "dela Hussodiere "), November 3, 1672 {Titi-es des Seig7ieuries,
284). On July 26, 1683, the grant was revoked because progress had not been
made in clearing the fief, and a new title was issued to Dominique de La Motte,
Sieur de Lucidres {Ibid., 131). Marie-Alixe de la Feuille, widow of the Sieur de
Lucidres, who died in 1700 (Tanguay, Dictio/maire Gendalogique, I. 169), gave
the fief to the Gentlemen of the Seminary of St. Sulpice, who in turn sold it to
Pierre Raimbault, a "furniture merchant" of Montreal. It is not clear from
the Actes de Foi ct Hommage (III. 44) whether this sale took place before or
after 1712 ; but the probability is that Raimbault was seignior at the time
Catalogne wrote his report. At any rate, the engineer may be pardoned for
not knowing definitely to whom the fief belonged.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 125
La Seigneurie de St. Antoine ou Baye du Febvre^ appar
tient au seigneur de ce dernier nom. Les habitans, ceux de
Nicolet et Godeffroy, dependent de la paroisse des Trois
Rivieres. Les terres y sont assez belles, un peu pierreuses,
produlsant medlocrement toutes sortes de grains et [de]
legumes. La chasse et la pesche abondantes, les bois mel
anges de toutes especes.
La Seigneurie de Nicolet^ appartient au Sieur Courval,
marchand aux Trois Rivieres. Les terres y sont assez belles
mais entrecoupees de costeaux et marais. Celles qui y sont
en culture produisent toutes sortes de grains et [de] legumes,
mais non pas abondamment. II y a de toutes sortes de bois
mesles. La chasse et la pesche y sont abondantes particuliere-
ment a Tangullle et saumons.
La Seigneurie de Godeffroy ^ est divlsee aux heritiers
"¦ More commonly written Bale St. Antoine, or Lefdbre. This fief, which
lay on the south shore of the St. Lawrence, between the seigniories of Lussau
didre and Nicolet, was first granted on September 4, 1683, to Jacques Lefdbre,
"habitant of Three Rivers" {Titres des Seig7ieuries, 117).
^ Nicolet was first given, October 29, 1672, to the Sieur de Laubia, captain
in the Rdglment de Broglle {Titres des Seigneuries, 26). From him it was
purchased by Michel Cressd, whose eldest daughter, Louise, married in 1696
Jean-Baptiste Poulin (or Poulain) de Courval (Tanguay, Diction7iaire Gt'm'a-
logique, I. 149), who is here mentioned as the owner. The original grant was
augmented in 1680 by the addition of Isle k la Fourche {Titres des Seig7ieu7-ies,
18), but the seigniory was later split into the three fiefs of Nicolet, Cresse, and
Courval. These were, however, almost completely reunited into a single fief
by Colonel Kennelm Connor Chandler, who held it down to the time of the
abolition of the seigniorial system in 1854. The history of the seigniory
is given in Actes de Foi et Ho77i77iage, II. 45; IV. 11, 16; VI. 84, 205,
269, 464.
' Jean-Baptiste Godfroy (sometimes written Godefroy) de LInctot received
the grant in 1637. The original title-deed is not printed ; but the concession is
mentioned in the manuscript Cahiers d' Intendance (I. 151) at Quebec as having
been made on December i of that year. As Godfroy de LInctot had several
children, among them Louis Godfroy de Normanville (see above, p. 120, note 4),
the fief eventually became badly dismembered. When, in 1723, Rend Godfroy
de Tonnancour, grandson of the original concessionaire, did fealty at Quebec
for himself and his co-heirs, It had become almost hopelessly split up among
the sons and grandsons of the first owner. See Actes de Foi et Ho7n7nage,
II. 189.

126 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
ainsy qu'il est marque sur le plan. Les terres n'y sont
que medlocrement bonnes, les unes pierreuses en partie
mouillees. Celles qui ont este mises en culture produisent
d'assez bon grains et legumes. II y a de toutes sortes de
bois m^les.
La Seigneurie de Becancourt ou Riviere Pdante^ appar
tient au Sieur de Becancourt, grand voyer en ce pays. II y a
sur cette seigneurie une mission d' Abenakis etablis, qui font
paroisse avec les habitans desservie par un Pere Jesuite. Les
terres y sont tres bonnes, produlsant toutes sortes de grains et
de legumes. II y a de gros bois de toutes especes.
La Seigneurie de Bequet ^ appartient au Sieur Leurard
makre-canonnler a Quebek. Elle n'est establle que depuls
peu par la difficuke que produit les escores qui bordent le
fleuve, estant presque inaccessible, quoique sur cette hauteur
les terres y soyent tres belles et unies, entrecoupees de ravines
qui font souvent des esboulemens par la disposition de terres
qui sont melangees de glalse et sable, produlsant cependant
toutes sortes de grains et de legumes, mais non pas si
abondamment que celles qui luy sont exposees du coste du
nord. II y a de toutes sortes de bois melanges.
^ Originally granted, April i6, 1647, to Pierre Le Gardeur de Repentlgny
{Titres des Seigneuries, 361). Augmentations were given in May, 1647, and in
1661 {Ibid., 363). Sometime later the fief was sold by virtue of a judgment
issued against Charles Le Gardeur de Villiers, son of the original grantee ; and
in due course it passed into the possession of Rend Robineau de Becancour,
Baron de Portneuf {Actes de Foi et Hommage, II. 312 ; also above, p. 53). In
1 712 it was held by his son, Pierre Robineau de Bdcancour.
^ Commonly known as Ldvrard, or Saint-Pierre les Becquets. It was first
granted, April 27, 1683, to Marie-Louise and Catherine-Angdlique Becquet,
daughters of Romain Becquet, royal notary of Quebec {Titres des Seigneuries,
25). The latter of the two sisters married, in 1703, Louis Ldvrard, master-
gunner at Quebec (Tanguay, Dictionnaire GMealogique, I. 392), who thus
became owner of part of the fief, and a little later, on the demise of his sister-
in-law, succeeded in his wife's name to the remainder. The seigniory remained
in the hands of the Ldvrards until after the British conquest, when it was sold
to the Lemoynes of Longueuil {Actes de Foi et Ho7iimage, IV. 274). It
included Isle Madame (below the Island of Orleans), which had been given to
Romain Becquet in 1672 {Titres des Seig7ieuries, 25).

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 127
La Seigneurie de la Riviere du Chesne^ appartient a M.
de St. Ours, qui termine le gouvernement des Trols Rivieres
du coste du sudest. Elle fait paroisse avec la seigneurie de
Lotbiniere. Les terres y sont extremement hautes sur le bord
du fleuve, de mesme qu'a la Seigneurie de Bequet, mais unies
par en haut. Celles qui y sont en culture produisent passable-
ment toutes sortes de grains et [de] legumes. II y a de toutes
sortes de bois melanges. La pesche a Tanguille s'y fait
abondamment par le moyen de nasses qu'ils tendent a la
faveur de la maree.
Le gouvernement de Quebek ^ commence du coste du
nord en descendant aux Grondlnes, et du coste du sud de la
Riviere du Chesne en haut de Lotbiniere.
La Seigneurie des Grondlnes ^ appartient au nomme
Amelin, laboureur. Le nom de cette seigneurie vient du
grand nombre de battures de gros cailloux qui se trouvent au
devant, ce qui fait que lorsqu'Il vente un gros vent les eaux y
font un grand bruit et le passage des canots et batteaux est
' This fief is referred to In different records under the names of Rividre
du Chdne, St. Ours Deschaillons, and St. Jean Deschaillons. It consisted
originally of Isle Deschaillons and adjacent islands, granted on April 24, 1674,
to Pierre de St. Ours {Titres des Seigneuries, 1 11 ; cf. also above, p. 115). An
augmentation was given in 1752 to Roch de St. Ours, Sieur Deschaillons
{Titres des Seigneuries, 230).
" The " government," or district, of Quebec extended along the north shore
of the St. Lawrence from the western boundary of the seigniory of Grondlnes
to the eastward limits of French jurisdiction. On the south shore it comprised
the territory from the seigniory of Rividre du Chdne, or St. Ours Deschaillons,
eastward to the Acadian boundary.
5 Grondlnes was first given, December i, 1637, to Madame de Combalot,
Duchesse d'Aiguillon, as an endowment for the Convent of the Dames Hospi-
talldres at Quebec {Titres des Seigneuries, 32). In 1672 a considerable tract
was added by royal grant {Ibid., 36). The authorities of the convent-hospital
sold the fief to Jacques Aubert, whose daughter Antoinette married Louis
Hamelin in 1679 (Tanguay, Diction7iaire G^ndalogique, 1. 14). Hamelln received
an addition to the fief in 1698 {Titres des Seigneuries, 443), and a further aug
mentation In 171 1 "in consideration of the services which he has rendered this
colony during the last twenty years as captain of the militia " {Ibid., 37). The
seigniory is referred to in the Actes de Foi et Honu7iage under the name of St.
Charles de Roches.

128 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
tres dangereux. Elle fait paroisse avec la Seigneurie de S"-
Anne. Les terres n'y sont que medlocrement bonnes estant
melangees de carrieres et gros cailloux et entrecoupees de
costeaux. II y a des contrees qui produisent de bon grain et
legumes, mais non pas en abondance. Quoique les bois
naturels y sont fort gros, il y en a de toutes especes. On y
pesche peu d'anguille, mais la chasse au gibier est abondante
sur les batures.
La Seigneurie de la Chevrotlere ^ appartient au seigneur
de ce nom, employe a la sous ferme de Tadoussac. Elle fait
paroisse avec la Seigneurie de I'Eschambault et Port Neuf
Les terres y sont medlocrement bonnes sur la devanture. Les
profondeurs sont mellleures. On n'y recuellle pas beaucoup
de grain mais tres bon. Les bois y sont trop gros et melanges
de toutes especes.
La Seigneurie de I'Eschambault^ appartient au seigneur
de ce nom, lieutenant-general de la juridiction de Montreal.
Les terres y sont fort basses et mouillees, que I'on asseche par
le moyen de fosses, ce qui les rend fertlles en toutes sortes de
grains et [de] legumes. La pesche a Tangullle y est tres
abondante. C'est au devant de cette seigneurie qu'est le
petit Richelieu. La mer estant basse le chenal y est fort
etroit et raplde, qui laisse a droit et a gauche une grande
estendue de battures. Cette seigneurie contient plus de bois
de sapinage que d'autres.
^ La Chevrotidre was first granted to Madame de la Tesserie on November
3, 1673 {Titres des Seigneuries, 15). From her it passed to her son, Frangois
de Chavigny, Sieur de la Chevrotidre, who received a considerable addition in
1698 {Ibid., 16).
^ Eschambault was first given, December 4, 1640, to Frangois de Chavigny,
Sieur de Berchereau, father of the seignior mentioned in the preceding note
{Titres des Seig7ieuries, 375). Chavigny later went back to France, "abandon
ing all that he possessed in the colony " ; whereupon the authorities, in 1652,
vested the ownership of the seigniory in his wife, Eldonore de Grandmaison
{Ibid., 378). Her daughter. Marguerite, married Jacques-Alexis de Fleury,
Sieur d'Eschambault, an officer of the royal court at Montreal, to whom Cata
logne here makes reference (Tanguay, Dictionnaire Ghicalogique, I. 164).

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 129
La Seigneurie de Port Neuf^ erigee en baronie, appar
tient a un des cadets de la famille de Becancourt. La paroisse
est desservie par un prestre du Seminaire de Quebek. Les
terres n'y sont bonnes qu'autant quelles y sont bien cultivees
pour produire des grains et legumes, estant naturellement fort
maigres et entrecoupees de costeaux fort hauts. Le seul
avantage est la pesche a rangullle qui y est tres abondante.
Les bois sont la pluspart sapinage.
Le fief pres de la Riviere a Jacques Quartier,^ nom d'un
des premiers decouvreurs de ce pays, appartient a M. Dauteull,
cy-devant procureur-general au Conseil Superieur de Quebek.
Les terres y sont fort hautes sur le bord du fleuve et unies par
en haut. II n'y a qu'un seul habitant avec peu de desert. Sa
principale occupation est a la pesche a fangullle, quoique les
terres y paroissent passablement bonnes. Les bois sont la
pluspart sapinage.
La Seigneurie de la Polnte aux EscureuUs^ appartient au
nomme du Sault, makre de barque, faisant paroisse avec la
Pointe au Tremble. Les terres y sont tres hautes sur le bord
du fleuve, et unies dans les profondeurs oil elles sont bonnes
^ The seigniory of Portneuf was first granted, April i6, 1647, to Jacques
Leneuf de la Poterie {Titres des Seigneuries, 104). The title-deed recites the
fact that more than ten years previously the Company of One Hundred
Associates had promised Leneuf a seigniory, but that a deed had not been
Issued. The daughter of the original grantee, Marie-Anne, married Rend
Robineau de Bdcancour, who thus became owner. In 1681 the seigniory was
elevated to the " title and dignity of a barony " (for the patent, see above, p. 53).
2 More commonly known as the seigniory of Auteuil. It was first given.
May 29, 1649, to Anne Gagnier, widow of Cldment Duvault de Monceaux
{Titres des Seigneuries, 344). Her daughter, Claire-Frangoise, married Denis-
Joseph d'Auteull, attorney-general of the colony (Tanguay, Dictionnaire Gdne'a-
logique, I. 159). From them the fief passed to their son, Frangols-Madelelne,
who on February 15, 1693, received an augmentation of Its area {Titres des
Seigneuries, 149). The younger D'Auteull, who held the combined seigniories
in 1712, was also attorney-general.
" Usually called the fief of Belair. It was first given, November 3, 1672,
to Toussalnt Toupln, " maitre de barque, bourgeois de Qudbec," and his son
Jean Toupln, Sieur du Sault {Titres des Seigneuries, i>V). The latter was in
possession at the date of the report. I

130 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
pour produire toutes sortes de grains et [de] legumes. La
pesche a Fanguille tres abondante et les bois y sont melanges
de toutes especes.
La Seigneurie de la Pointe au Tremble, ou Neuville,^
appartient a M. Dupont, conseiller au Conseil Superieur. La
paroisse est desservie par un prestre du Seminaire de Quebek.
Les terres y sont fort hautes et s'elevent en amphitheatre,
environ une demy lieue, entrecoupees de ravines. Quoique
les terres paroissent maigres et melangees de roches, par le
grand soin des habitans elles produisent toutes sortes de
grains et [de] legumes, et c'est ordinairement sept a huit
minots pour un de seme. II y a nombre de carrieres de
pierres a chaux et plerres propres pour la taille. II n'y a des
bois que dans la profondeur melanges de toutes especes. La
pesche a rangullle y est abondante.
La Seigneurie de Demaure ^ appartient au seigneur de ce
nom, receveur des castors au bureau des fermes a Quebek.
La paroisse est desservie par un prestre du Seminaire de
Quebek. Les terres sur le bord du fleuve, du moins la plus
grande partle sont fort hautes et ensuite tres unies, en penchant
du coste du nordoilest oil elles sont assez bonnes et pro
duisent toutes sortes de grains et [de] legumes. Les bois
sont melanges de toutes especes, mais plus gommeux que
d'autres. La pesche a rangullle s'y fait aussy.
La Seigneurie de Goderville et Fossembault^ appartient
1 This fief was first granted, December 15, 1653, to Jean Bourdon, first
surveyor-general of New France {Titres des Seigneuries, 390). It passed to his
son, Jean-Frangois, who sold it to Nicholas Dupont, Sieur de Neuville, and
member of the Superior Council at Quebec {Actes de Foi et Ho77image, II. 452).
'^ Later known as the seigniory of St. Augustin. I have been unable to
find any official record relating to the date or the terms of the original grant ;
but it must have been made before 1675, for the seigniory is mentioned in a
decree issued by the Council in that year. See Edits et Ordonnances, II. 62-63.
° Gaudarvllle was originally given, February 8, 1652, to Louis de Lauzon,
Sieur de la Cltidre {Titres des Seigneuries, 383). His widow married Jean-
Baptiste Peuvret (Tanguay, Dictionnaire Gdnealogique, I. 449), royal greffier
and member of the Sovereign Council, who died in 1697. The seigniory

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 131
aux heritiers du feu Sieur Peuvret, greffier-en-chef au Conseil
Superieur. Elle fait paroisse avec l'ancienne L'horette. Les
terres sur le bord du fleuve y sont fort hautes et maigres, de
couleur rougeastre. Aussy I'appeUe-t-on le Cap Rouge, et en
tirant dans la profondeur les terres se plongent du coste du
nordoUest, oil se forme une plalne qui s'eleve ensuite en pente
douce, jusques aux montagnes, environ quatre lieues dans la
plalne. Les terres y sont tres bonnes, qui produisent abon
damment toutes sortes de grains et [de] legumes. La pesche
a I'anguille s'y fait. Les bois y sont melanges de toutes
especes, plus de sapinage que d'autres.
La Seigneurie de Bonhomme^ appartient au seigneur de
ce nom, laboureur, qui est encore dans ces bois naturels
melanges de toutes especes.
La Seigneurie de Sillery^ appartient aux P. Jesultes et
comprend quatre paroisses, sgavoir, S'- Frangois, S'"- Foy, la
vieille et nouvelle L'horette. Les deux i"" font front sur le
fleuve, oil les terres sont extremement hautes. Cependant
sur la hauteur [elles] sont unies et descendent en pente,
donnant jusques a la Riviere S'' Charles. Elles sont desservies
par les prestres du Seminaire de Quebek. Les terres y sont
medlocrement bonnes pour produire toutes sortes de grains et
[de] legumes. II n'y a presque plus de bois. Le peu qu'il y
en reste est sapinage, quelques erables parml. On commence
a y planter des pommiers qui y viennent assez bien. II y a
I'egllse de Sillery batie sur le bord du fleuve, que les Peres
of Faussembault, which Catalogne mentions with Gaudarvllle, was given
February 20, 1693, to Alexandre Peuvret, son of Jean-Baptiste {Titres des
Seigneuries, 406). Alexandre Peuvret died in 1702.
1 Granted on November 24, 1682, to Guillaume Bonhomme {Titres des
Seigneuries, 49).
^ This seigniory was given to the Jesuits by the Company of One Hundred
Associates on March 13, 165 1, with full and entire exemption from all feudal
dues and services, being intended for use as an Indian mission {Titres des
Seigneuries, 50). In 1699 the Jesuits' title to the fief was confirmed by the crown
{Ibid., 51). See also Ldon Gdrin on " La seigneurie de Sillery," in Royal Society
of Canada, Proceedings, 1900, Mdmoires, sec. i. 73-115.

132 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
Jesultes sont obliges d'entretenir, sulvant I'lntentlon du don-
ataire. Sur son front on fait la pesche a rangullle.
L'ancienne L'horette^ est desservie par un des prestres
du seminaire de Quebek, oil estoit autrefois la mission des
Hurons, qui se sont transportes a la nouvelle L'horette,^ oil
la mission est desservie par le R. P. d'Avaugour, Jesuite.
Les terres de ces deux parolsses s'elevent en pente douce du
coste du nordoilest, oil elles sont tres bonnes pour produire
toutes sortes de grains et [de] legumes et arbres frultiers par
I'exposltion avantageuse au soleil levant jusques au couchant.
Le genie de ce missionaire a obtenu de tous ces sauvages qu'ils
ne boivent aucune bolsson enyvrante [_i.e. nulsible]. II seroit
a souhaker que toutes les autres nations voulussent les imiter ;
par la on couperoit la raclne a tous les desordres que cause
I'lvrognerie parmis les nations d'en haut. Les profondeurs de
cette seigneurie se terminent sur de hautes montagnes, oil se
trouve[nt] des lacs ou I'on pesche beaucoup de trultes, par
ticullerement en hiver sous les glaces. Les bois y sont
melanges de toutes especes.
La Seigneurie de S'- Bernard et S'- Antoine^ appartient
aux Dames Religieuses de I'hostel Dieu, dependant de la
cathedrale et de Charlesbourg. Les terres sur le bord du
fleuve sont un peu hautes, qui ensuite forment une espece de
plalne qui produit une pente qui se perd a la Riviere S'' Charles,
et ensuite se leve imperceptlblement jusques aux montagnes.
Les terres y sont tres fertlles pour toutes sortes de grains et
de legumes et [d'] arbres frultiers. II n'y reste que des bois
de sapinage.
1 La Vieille Lorette. ^ La Jeune Lorette.
^ These seem to be the fiefs of St. Ignace and St. Gabriel. Both were
originally granted, April ii, 1647, to Robert Giffard de Beauport {Titres des
Seig7ieuries, 47-48). Giffard donated both fiefs to the Ladles of the Hotel
Dieu at Quebec, St. Ignace being given on October i, 1647, and St. Gabriel on
November 2, 1667. I have not found the official records of these conveyances, but
they are mentioned in Dunkin's Address at the Bar of the Legislative Assembly,
Appendix, p. 13, and in Bouchette's Topographical Dictionary , 408.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 133
Quebek et son [sa] banlleue depend du domaine du Roy,^
quoique les communautes tant dans la ville qu'au dehors en
occupent la plus grande partie. Sa situation sur le bord du
fleuve excepte la basse ville est fort haute, la pluspart rochers,
peu de terre par dessus, oii 11 seroit difficile d'ouvrlr la tranchee.
Cependant on a trouve le moyen d'y pratlquer des jardins,
tant en minant des rochers qu'en y transportant des terres.
Par ce moyen les jardins rapportent toutes sortes de legumes
et fruits, mesme en abondance. Les environs de I'hospital
general sont terres basses, fertlles en toutes sortes de grains,
legumes et pacages. La chasse au petit gibier y est tres
abondante. La Seigneurie qui comprend Charlesbourg, I'Auvergne et
Bourg Royal ^ appartient aux P. jesultes. Le tout fait
paroisse a[vec] Charlesbourg, desservie par un des prestres
du seminaire de Quebek. Le reste de la Seigneurie depend
de la cathedrale et de la paroisse de Beauport, ainsy que les
' The lands within the town of Quebec were not granted en fief, but were
given in small lots to be holden en censive directly from the crown, the dues
to be paid directly to the royal greffier. These, with some few farms at Detroit,
were the only en censive grants made by the crown in New France. On this
point, see Munro's Seigniorial System in Canada, 79.
^ This is the seigniory of Notre Dame des Anges, first given, March 10,
1626, by the Due de Ventadour to the Jesuits {Titres des Seigneuries, 53).
When Jean Talon arrived In Canada as Intendant In 1665, he took part of this
seigniory as a site for his three villages of Bourg-Royal, Bourg-la-Reine, and
Bourg-Talon. The Jesuits protested vigorously ; but Talon pointed out that
under the provisions of a royal edict of 1663 {idits et Ordo7inances, I. 33) he
had authority for his action, since a large part of the original fief still remained
uncleared. In 1671 the villages were consolidated Into the barony of Des
Islets, and In 1675 the barony became the countship of Orsainvllle {Titres
des Seigneuries, 348). Talon's nephew, who Inherited the countship, sold
the estate to Mgr. de Saint- Valller, second bishop of Quebec, who in turn
gave it as part of an endowment to the general hospital which he had founded
at Quebec. In 1698 the hospital authorities, by an arrangement with the
Jesuits, restored the villages of Bourg-Royal and Bourg-la-Reine to the
seigniory of Notre Dame des Anges {cf. Chupais, Jea7t Talon, 494-500). With
the other estates of the Jesuits, this fief eventually passed Into the possession of
the crown. There are some interesting details about it in L'Abbd Charles
Trudell's La paroisse de Charlesbourg (Quebec, 1887).

134 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
couleurs le desslgnent sur le plan. Suppose que le coplste ait
este exacte a suivre les orlglnaux, I'estendue de toute cette
seigneurie comprend de tres belles terres qui s'elevent en pente
douce du coste du nordoilest, jusques aux montagnes, pro
dulsant abondamment toutes sortes de grains et [de] legumes
et [de] fruits. II s'y trouve aussy de carrieres des pierre de
taille et de pierre a chaux. II y a environ 2i ans que Ton
decouvrit une mine de charbon de terre sur le domaine que les
Peres Jesultes ont en ce lieu-la, qu'ils n'ont pas jugee a propos
de mettre au jour. C'est sur la greve de cette seigneurie que
les Anglois firent leur descente en 1710,^ et trols jours apres
furent contraints de se rembarquer, en abandonnant leurs
canons et sans oser tenter le passage de la petite Riviere. II
y a tres peu de bois ayant este detruit pour les usages
ordinalres. La Seigneurie de Beauport ^ appartient au Sieur Duchesnay
de S'- Denis, par la cession que luy en a faite le marquis de
Beauport.^ La paroisse est desservie par un des prestres du
seminaire de Quebek. Les terres sont tres belles, qui s'elevent
en pente douce au nordoilest, jusques au montagnes. Elles
produisent toutes sortes de grains et [de] legumes. II n'y a
presque plus de bois sur les devantures.
La Seigneurie de Beaupre * est separee de Beauport par le
Saut de Montmorency qui fait une chute d'environ quarante
1 The date should be 1690.
^ The seigniory of Beauport was the first grant made by the Company of
One Hundred Associates by virtue of the right to grant lands contained in its
charter. It was given to Robert Giffard on January 15, 1634 {Titres des Seig
neuries, 386). Giffard conveyed it by donation inter vivos to his son-in-law,
Nicholas Juchereau, Sieur de St. Denis, father of Ignace Juchereau du Chesnay
de St. Denis, who is here mentioned. See Actes de Foi et Hom7nage, II. 420;
also P. G. Roy, La famille Juchereau Duchesnay (Ldvis, 1903).
3 Catalogne is here In error. The title of " marquis " was never given to
Robert Giffard, seignior of Beauport.
' The seigniory of Beauprd was made up of several prior grants purchased
from their original owners by Bishop Laval for the Seminary at Quebec. The
consolidation had been accomplished before 1668. See Actes de Foi et Hotn-
7nage, I. 265.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 135
ou 60 pieds. Elle appartient k Messieurs du Seminaire de
Quebek. Les terres sont tres belles. Elle comprend trois
paroisses, S9avoir, I'Ange gardien. Chateau Riche, et S"- Anne,
toutes trois desservies par des prestres du Seminaire. Toute
la coste est bordee d'un terrain fort eleve, au bas de laquelle
se trouve quelque espace de terre a niveau des marais, qui, par
le moyen de fosses, ont este assechees et rendues tres fertlles
en toutes sortes de grains et [de] legumes. Les terres elevees
ne sont pas si bonnes quoique les egouts des montagnes, qui
en sont fort pres, les humectent et les rendent propres a
produire toutes sortes de grains [de] fruits et [de] legumes,
mais non pas si abondamment que sur les terres basses ; mais
le grain en est meilleur. Les habitans de cette coste passent,
et le son[t] effectivement, pour les plus laborleux et le plus
riches du Canada. Depuls tres longtems Ils fabriquent des
toiles et droguets. Les montagnes, quoique escarpees, leurs
fournissent du bois tant de charpente que de chauffage. Je
comprend les trois paroisses sous un mesme titre, m'ayant
paru egales en valeur. Les filles de la Congregation ont un
etablissement au Chateau Riche.
Le Cap Tourmente,^ qui est une suite de la Seigneurie de
Beaupr6, est le principal manoir du Seminaire de Quebek. II
est divise en deux, s^avoir, la grosse et la petite ferme. Lors
des vacances les escoliers y vont prendre leur recreation. II y
a de beaux batimens, et tout ce qui est necessaire pour une
menagerie, oil ils ont toutes sortes d'animaux domestlques.
Les terres en culture qui approchent de pres les montagnes et
qui en sont bord^es du coste du nordoilest, y sont plus basses
et unies qui, par le moyen de fosses ont este assechees et rendues
tres fertlles en toutes sortes de grains et [de] legumes, mesme des
fruits. Les montagnes contiennent des bois de toutes especes.
^ Cap Tourmente was first granted in 1624 to Guillaume de Caen, a
Huguenot trader (see Moreau de St. Mdry, Lois et constitutions fra7igaises de
PAmdrique, I. 48). In 1628 Caen's title was revoked by the Company of One
Hundred Associates.

136 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
La Seigneurie de la Baye St. Paul appartient au dit Semi
naire oil Ils ont une espece de domaine plus estlme par les
pacages que pour la production des grains, quoique les terres y
soyent tres bonnes, .mais les montagnes les renferment dans
un petit espace. Les habitans en sont aussy serres de fort pres.
Les plans copies en 1709, en desslgnoient les elevations. Je ne
S9ay {i.e. sals] si ceux de 17 10 ont este copies de mesme. C'est
devant ce domaine que se trouve le gouffre de I'lsle aux
Coudres,^ qui dans le fort de la maree perdante [i.e. montante]
se fait un torrent qui frappe sur une pointe de rochers et forme
un ressac en [se] croissant, qui fait le sujet de ce gouffre, d'otl
les vaisseaux ne sgaurolent sortir et sont fort exposes jusques
a. ce que la maree soit revenue a son flot. Les montagnes
entrecoupees de petits valons contiennent de toutes sortes de
bois particullerement de gros pins, et c'est dans ce seul endroit
oil Ton fait le goudron, quoiqu'U y en ait plusieurs autres oil
I'on pourroit en faire. Cette seigneurie fait la definition des
plans du coste du nordoilest.
L'Isle d'Orleans " ou de St. Laurent appartient a M.
Berthelot. Elle est divlsee en cinq paroisses, trois du coste
du sud, et deux du coste du nordoilest, toutes les cinq desservies
par des prestres du Seminaire de Quebek. La pluspart des
habitans fabriquent des toiles et [des] droguets, mesme au-
dela de leur usage, de sorte qu'ils en vendent en quantlte.
* Isle aux Coudres was granted to the Seminary on October 29, 1687
( Titres des Seigneuries, 322). See also Alexis Mailloux, Histoire de Plle-aux-
Coudres (Montreal, 1879).
''¦ The Island of Orleans was originally granted, June 15, 1636, to M. Jacques
Castillon, " bourgeois of the city of Paris " ( Titres des Seig7ieuries, 350). As
Castillon did nothing, however. In the way of developing his property, it re
verted to the crown by the provisions of the edict of 1663 {idits et Ordon/tances,
I. 33). On March 28, 1674, it was granted to Bishop Laval, who in the year
following exchanged it with Frangois Berthelot for the latter's seigniory of
Isle Jdsus at Montreal {Actes de Foi et Hommage, II. 461). In 1676 It was
erected into the countship of St. Laurent. An outline of the history of the
island may be found in N. H. Bowen's Historical Sketch of the Isle of Orleans
(Quebec, i860), in L. P. Turcotte's Histoire de Pile d'Orldans (Quebec, 1867),
or in L. E. Bois's L'lle d'OrUans (Quebec, 1895).

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 137
La Paroisse S'- Pierre est la moins nombreuse en paroissiens.
Les terres y sont fort elevees eu esgard au fleuve, cependant
fort unies et mouillees qui par le moyen de fosses sont assechees
et rendues tres fertlles en toutes sortes de grains et [de]
legumes. Ce qui separe les habitans du sudest d'avec ceux
du coste du nordoilest est une lislere de bois qui va du
haut au bas, que les habitans conservent pour leur usage et
chauffage. La Paroisse de la S"- Famille est plus nombreuse en parois
siens et qui passent pour les plus riches de I'lsle. Les filles
de la Congregation y ont un etablissement. Les terres y sont
tres belles qui montent en pente douce jusques au milieu de
I'lsle, et ensuite descendant de I'autre coste. II y a des contrdes
oil II se trouve des roches mouvantes a la charue. Nean
molns les terres y sont tres fertlles en toutes sortes de grains
et [de] legumes.
La Paroisse de S'' Frangois [est] situee au bas de I'lsle sur
I'arriere-fief qui appartient au Sieur Perrot, sous le nom d'Ar-
gentenay, par racqulsltion qu'Il en a faite des Dames de I'Hostel
Dieu. Les terres sont entrecoupees par de petits costeaux et
valons, particullerement du coste du nordoUest, oii se trouve[nt]
des roches mouvantes a la charue, qui cependant produisent
abondamment toutes sortes de grains et de legumes.
La Paroisse de St. Jean est au sudest de la S'^- Famille. Les
terres n'y sont unies que par contrees, estant entrecoupees de
colines et valons, et ne sont pas si bonnes que du coste du
nordoilest pour produire abondamment des grains, mais II [i.e.
elles] y sont mellleures en qualke.
La Paroisse de S'- Laurent est celle qui a le plus d'etendue,
mais la molndre en paroissiens. Les terres y sont plus hautes
qu'en tout le reste de I'lsle, entrecoupees des costeaux et ravines
fort profondes, difficiles k mettre en culture. Celles qui sont
cultivees produisent abondamment toutes sortes de grains et
de legumes. Les bois de toutes especes y sont plus gros
qu'en tout le reste de I'lsle.

138 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
La Seigneurie de Lotbiniere,^ qui reprend le haut du
gouvernement de Quebek, du coste du sudest, appartient aux
heritiers de ce nom. La paroisse est desservie par un pere
Recolet. Les terres n'y sont que medlocrement bonnes dans
la devanture ; aussy n'est elle guere nombreuse en habitans
cedanters [i.e. sedentaires]. La plus grande valeur est la pesche
a rangullle et aux bois de chauffage et autre bois qu'ils trans-
portent a la ville. Les terres en culture sont fort mouillees
et entrecoupees de colines et ravines. La partle d'en bas est
extraordinalrement haute et fort escarpe. Le bled n'y vient
que par petite contree. Le terrain ne paroist pas propre
pour les arbres frultiers, il y a de toute sorte de bois melanges.
La Seigneurie du platon S'°- Croix ^ appartient aux Dames
Ursullnes de Quebek. La pluspart des terres y sont fort
hautes, medlocrement bonnes. Les terres en culture y pro
duisent de bon grain, mais non pas en abondance comme
ailleurs. Les legumes y viennent mieux particullerement le lin
et [le] chanvre. La pesche a I'anguille y est plus abondante
qu'a tout au[tre] endroit. II y a [de] toute sorte de bois
melanges qu'ils commercent a la ville.

1 The seigniory of Lotbinidre was originally granted in several parcels.
On November 3, 1672, a portion of It was given to Nicholas Marsolet (Titres
des Seigneuries, 302), and on the same day another portion was given to Rene-
Louis Thdandre Chartler de Lotbinidre (Ibid., 315). M. de Lotbinidre purchased
Marsolet's grant from his widow (Actes de Foi et Hommage, II. 318), and
obtained augmentations from the crown in 1685 and 1693 (Titres des Seig-
7ieuries, 364, 408). The fief as finally consolidated was a very extensive one,
being three-and-a-half leagues in frontage by six in depth. It remained in
the hands of the Chartlers de Lotbinidre down to the date of the abolition of
the seigniorial system. For the history of the family of Lotbinidre, see Daniel's
Histoire des grandes families, &c., 297-316.
' The Actes de Foi et Ho7nmage, IV. 336, record that the fief of Le Platon
de la Salnte-Croix was granted by the Company of One Hundred Associates
on January 16, 1637, to the Ursullnes of Quebec, and that this grant was con
firmed by Governor de Lauzon on March 6, 1662. Neither the title nor the
confirmation seems to be printed, but both are mentioned In Return made by
the Inspector-ge7ieral of the Quee7z's Domain to the Seigniorial Commissioners in
1842.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 139
La Seigneurie de Choret^ appartient au seigneur de ce
nom, laboureur. Les terres y sont fort hautes eu esgard au
fleuve, mais assez unies. II n'y a que tres peu de terres en
culture qui produisent de tres bon grain et legumes, mais peu
propres pour les arbres fruklers qui ne viennent point sur les
terres fortes et argileuses. La pesche a rangullle s'y fait, mais
non pas abondamment. II y a des bois de toutes especes qu'ils
commercent a Quebek.
La Seigneurie de Maranda ^ appartient aux heritiers de ce
nom, laboureurs. Les terres et les bois y sont de mesme
qualite qu'a celle de Choret et ont le mesme commerce.
La Seigneurie de Villieu ^ relive de la paroisse S'- Nicolas.
Elle appartient a M. Le Gardeur, capitaine dans les troupes.
Les terres y sont fort elevees, neanmolns tres unies, oil II faut
faire des fosses pour les assecher. Par ce moyen elles pro
duisent toutes sortes de grains et de legumes et pacages pour
les bestiaux. La pesche a Tanguille et au saumon s'y fait.
Elle contient de toutes sortes de bois particullerement de
chauffage qu'ils vendent a Quebek.
La Seigneurie de Lauzon* appartient a M. Duplessis,
commis de M. le Tresorier general de la Marine. Elle est
divlsee en deux paroisses que le Saut de la Chaudiere separe.
Elles sont desservies par des prestres du Seminaire de Quebek.
La paroisse St. Nicolas est celle d'en haut qui n'est pas si
^ Charest. The title-deed Is not printed, but the seigniory was evidently
held by Etienne Charest, son-in-law of Frangois Bissot, Sieur de la Rividre.
^ Maranda was a very small fief of about thirty arpents in frontage by one
hundred in depth. It was granted, November 3, 1672, to Duquet and son, two
habitants (Titres des Seigneuries, 289-290).
' Better known as the fief of Tilly, or St. Antoine. It was given, October
29, 1672, to the Sieur Le Gardeur de Villiers (Titres des Seigneuries, 128).
* The seigniory of Lauzon Is mentioned in Actes de Foi et Hommage,
I. 606, as having been granted to Jean de Lauzon, "royal counsellor in the
Council of State, and seneschal of New France." The title is not, however,
printed in Titres des Seigneuries. Lauzon's widow sold the fief to Thomas
Bertrand, who In turn disposed of It to Reynard Duplessis {Actes de Foi et
Hommage, II. 119). The whole history of this seigniory Is elaborately given In
J. E. Roy's History of the Seigniory of Lauzon (5 vols., Montreal, 1897-1904).

140 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
nombreuse en habitans que celle d'en bas, parce que le long
du fleuve ce ne sont que rochers tres hauts et Impracticables ;
et beaucoup de terres en arriere-fief sous le peu de terre qui
est en culture sont assez fertlles en toutes sortes de grains et
de legumes. Dans les profondeurs les terres y paroissent
assez unies et de beaux bois de toutes especes. La pesche a
I'anguille et a toutes sortes de poissons s'y fait. La paroisse
St. Joseph est la deuxieme de cette seigneurie. Les terres y
sont fort hautes, et entrecoupees de costeaux, ravines et
chaines de rochers. Les terres qui y sont en culture par
Tappllcation et [le] soin des habitans produisent des grains
legumes et pacages. II s'y fait quantke de chaux qui se
transporte a la ville, la proxlmke de laquelle fait que les
habitans y sont fort aises. La pesche a rangullle et aux
saumons y [est] tres abondante. Dans les profondeurs de la
seigneurie II y a de toutes sortes de beaux bois et de bonnes
terres, oil le seigneur fait de grosses depenses a faire des
moulins et [des] chemins pour s'en procurer I'etabllssement.
Les arbres frultiers y viennent fort bien par contrees.
La Seigneurie de Montapenne^ appartient aux heritiers
Bissot, marchands. Elle depend de la paroisse de Beaumont.
Les terres y sont fort hautes sur la devanture entrecoupees de
colines et de ravines. Celles qui sont en culture y sont assez
bonnes, et produisent de bons grains et legumes. On en tire
quantlte de bois de chauffage pour amener a Quebek.
La Seigneurie de Beaumont^ appartient au seigneur de
ce nom. La paroisse est desservie par un des prestres du
1 Mont-Ji-Pelne, given on September 24, 1683, to Charles Denys, Sieur de
Vltrd (Titres des Seigneuries, 140). The "Bissot heirs" to whom Catalogne
refers were probably Jean-Baptiste and Frangois Bissot, sons of Frangois
Bissot, Sieur de la Rividre, who were at this time proprietors of the adjoining
seigniory of Vlncennes ; but the Actes give no light on the mutations In owner
ship of this fief between 1683 and 1755.
^ Granted November 3, 1672, to Charles Couillard des Islets et de Beau
mont (Titres des Seigneuries, 298). A considerable augmentation of the
seigniory was made in the year following Catalogne's report {Ibid., 64).

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 141
Seminaire de Quebek. Les terres y sont tres belles et unies,
un peu hautes sur le bord du fleuve, produlsant de toutes
sortes de grains et [de] legumes. II y a de tres beau bois de
chauffage qu'ils commercent a Quebek.
La Seigneurie de la Durantaye ^ fait paroisse avec celle
de Beaumont. Elle appartient au seigneur de ce nom, con
seiller au Conseil Superieur. Les terres y sont entrecoupees
de costeaux et [de] ravines, la pluspart dans les devantures
fort maigres et argileuses. Celles pourtant qui sont en
culture produisent passablement des grains et legumes, [et]
beaucoup de pacages. II y a des contrees oil les arbres
frultiers viennent tres bien, II y a de toutes sortes de bois que
les habitans commercent a Quebek.
La Seigneurie de Bellechasse ^ fait paroisse avec celle de
la Durantaye et Beaumont. Elle appartient au Sieur de
Rigauville, enseigne dans les troupes, comme ayant espouse la
veuve du Sieur Vlllemur de Berthier. Les terres y sont tres
belles et unies. II y a quelques contrees de roches mouvantes
a la charrue. Celles qui sont en culture a la faveur des fosses
sont tres fertlles en toutes sortes de grains et [de] legumes.
Les bois y sont melanges de toutes especes. II y a des
contrees oii les arbres frultiers viendroient bien sy on y en
plantok. La Seigneurie de la Pointe a la Caille et Riviere du Sud ^
1 Granted, October 29, 1672, to Olivier Morel de la Durantaye, captain in
the Carignan regiment (Titres des Seigneuries, 151). It was held In 1712 by
his eldest son, Louis- Joseph Morel de la Durantaye, member of the Superior
Council. See Suite on " Morel de la Durantaye," in Royal Society of Canada,
Proceedings, 1895, Mdmoires, sec. I. 3-23.
^ Commonly known as Berthler-en-Bas {cf. above, p. 106). It was granted,
October 29, 1672, to Alexandre Berthler of the Carignan- Salidres (Titres des
Seigneuries, 109), and from him passed to his son, Alexandre Berthler the
younger (cf. above, p. 106, note 3), whose second wife, surviving him, married
Nicholas des Bergdres de RIgauvIlle. The fief eventually passed into the
possession of the Hotel Dieu at Quebec, through a bequest of Charles des
Bergdres de RIgauvIlle, vicar-general (Actes de Foi et Hommage, IV. 351).
^ Louis Couillard de I'Espinay and Jean-Baptiste Couillard de I'Espinay

142 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
appartient aux Sieurs Couillard et de I'Espinay, procureurs du
Roy a Quebek. La paroisse est desservie par un prestre du
Seminaire de Quebek. Les terres y sont tres belles et unies,
mais tres basses, qui par le moyen de fosses produisent
abondamment toutes sortes de grains, [de] legumes et
pacages. Les bois de toute espece y sont tres beaux. Les
pays bas sont sapinleres. Les arbres frultiers y viennent
comme a Quebek.
La Seigneurie de Bernier ^ appartient au seigneur de ce
nom, navlgateur. On n'y a point encore defrlche les terres
pour les mettre en culture, quolqu'elles y paroissent tres
propres pour cela, y estant fort unies et bois de sapinage.
La Seigneurie de Gagnier,^ laboureur, appartient aux
heritiers de ce nom, dependant de la paroisse de Vincelot.
Les terres y sont unies et fertlles en toutes sortes de grains
et [de] legumes et pacages, mesme propres pour les arbres
frultiers. Les bois naturels y sont de toutes especes.
La Seigneurie de Vincelot^ appartient au seigneur de ce
nom, marchand. La paroisse est desservie par un des prestres
du seminaire de Quebek et quelques fois par un pere Recolet.
Les terres en general y sont tres belles, produlsant abondam
ment toutes sortes de grains et [de] legumes et pacages. Les
arbres frultiers y viennent tres bien. Les bois naturels
were at this time joint owners of these two fiefs, which are better known as
L'Eplnay and St. Thomas. The father of the two owners above mentioned
had obtained the fiefs partly by purchase (Actes de Foi et Ho7nmage, II. 371),
and partly by grant from the crown In 1701 (Titres des Seigneuries, 449).
1 Also called Fournier and St. Joseph. It was given on November 3,
1672, to the Sieur Fournier (Titres des Seigneuries, 67), and was subsequently
purchased by Jacques Bernier of Quebec (Actes de Foi et Hommage, II. 88).
^ The name should be Gagnd. This tract of ten arpents in\frontage by
one league in depth was granted, September 3, 1675, to Louis Gagnd dit
Bellevance (Titres des Seigneuries, 14).
' The seigniory of Vincelotte was granted November 3, 1672, not, as
Tanguay (Dictionnaire Genialogique, I. 6) states, to Charles Amyot, merchant
of Quebec, but to his widow, Genevidve de Chavigny (Titres des Seigneuries,
34). In 17 12 It was held by her son, Charles- Joseph Amyot (Actes de Foi et
Hommage, II. 11).

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 143
y sont melanges de toutes especes. Les habitans y sont
fort aises.
La Seigneurie de Belanger^ appartient au seigneur de ce
nom, laboureur, dependant de la paroisse de Vincelot. Les
terres y paroissent assez unies, melangees par contrees de
plerres mouvantes a la charue, produlsant medlocrement
toutes sortes de grains, [de] legumes et pacages, et oil les
arbres frultiers produisent abondamment des fruits. Les bois
naturels y sont melanges de toutes especes.
La Seigneurie Dutarte ^ appartient a la veuve de ce nom,
dependante de la paroisse de Vincelot. Les terres y sont de
mesme qualke qu'a la Seigneurie de Belanger, qui se termine
a la Riviere des Trois Saumons.
Depuis la riviere des Trois Saumons jusques a la Pointe de
la Grande Ance, il n'y a que deux habitans establis qui ont
tres peu de terres en culture. Toute cette partie est entre
coupee de rochers, colines et valons peu habkablcs, et appar
tient aux heritiers de la Chesnaye et de M"'- D'Auteull.* Les
bois naturels y sont melanges de toutes especes, mais plus de
sapinage que d'autres.
La Seigneurie de la Grande Ance * appartient a la veuve
de S'' Denis, faisant paroisse avec celle de la Riviere Quelle.
Les terres sur le front du fleuve y sont unies et fertlles en
toutes sortes de grains et [de] legumes et pacages, mais
sujettes a la brune et a la gelee. Les profondeurs [se] levent
en costeaux et montagnes et entrecoupees de valons garnis de
^ This is the fief of Bonsecours, first granted to Jean-Frangois Bellanger
(or Bdlanger) on July I, 1677. The title is not printed. The owner at this
time was his son Charles. See Actes de Foi et Hotn/>mge, II. 115.
2 Isle St. Jean, granted May 17, 1677, to Genevidve Couillard, daughter
of Louis Couillard, who became the wife of Slmon-Plerre Denys, Sieur du
Tartre. See Titres des Seig7ieuries, 374 ; and Actes de Foi et Hommage,
IL 377-
3 Aubert de la Chesnaye and Ruette d'Auteull.
^ Given on April i, 1656, to Nicholas Juchereau de St. Denis (Titres des
Seigneuries, 341). His widow, who was a daughter of Robert Giffard, seignior of
Beauport, survived him until 17 14 (Tanguay, Dictionnaire Gdnealogique, I. 328).

144 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
toutes sortes de bois, plus gommeux que d'autres. Cette
seigneurie fait la definition des plans n'ayant pas eu le tems
de lever ceux de la Riviere Ouelle, Camouraska et la Riviere
du Loup, oil se termine[nt] les establissemens des habitans.
L'Isle aux Oyes-^ appartient au Sieur Dupuy, lieutenant
particuller a la prevoste de Quebek et a la veuve du Sieur de
Grandvllle, vivant capitaine dans les troupes. La plus grande
partie de cette Isle consiste en prairies oil se nourrit grand
nombre de bestiaux. Les terres qui y sont en culture pro
duisent abondamment toutes sortes de grains et [de] legumes.
La hauteur contient toutes sortes de bois melanges.
L'Isle aux Grues ^ appartient a la dite veuve de Grand
vllle avec les isles adjacentes. II n'y a point d'habltans et tres
peu de terre en culture qui produise toutes sortes de grains et
[de] legumes. Les bois naturels y sont fort gros melanges de
toutes especes. C'est sur ces deux isles et aux environs que
la chasse au gibier passager est tres abondante le printems et
I'automne. II reste a lever les plans de la Riviere Quelle,* Camo-
raska et la Polnte aux Alouettes,* oil estoient les etabllsse-
^ This fief, more commonly known as Isle du Portage, was first granted,
October 29, 1672, to Pierre Bdcart (or Bdcquart) de Granville, captain In the
Carignan regiment (Titres des Seigneuries, 273). The "Sieur Dupuy" here
mentioned as part-owner in 1712 is probably Paul Dupuls, also a former officer
in the Carlgnans ; but how he acquired his interest in the seigniory the Actes
de Foi et Ho77image do not record. The widow of Granville is named as sole
owner in 1725 (Ibid., II. 380).
" Isle aux Grues au Canot, with adjacent smaller Islands, was first granted
to the Sieur de Montmagny in 1646 (Titres des Seigneuries, s7o). The original
grantee sold his interest to Louis Couillard de I'Espinay, from whom it was
purchased by the Sieur de Granville (Actes de Foi et Ho77i7nage, II. 363).
' Rividre Ouelle was first granted, October 29, 1672, to Jean-Frangois
Deschamps, Sieur de la Bouteillerie ( Titres des Seigneuries, 261). Subsequently
the fief passed into the hands of the Casgrains, and the seigniorial manor-house
was for many years the hospitable and delightful home of the late Abbd Henri-
Raymond Casgrain, erudite historian of French Canada. An interesting des
cription of life in this seigniory during the old rdgime is given in his Une
paroisse canadienne au XVII' siicle (Quebec, i88o).
* Kamouraska was first granted, July 15, 1674, to Olivier Morel de la

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 145
mens de la pesche aux marsouins.^ Les terres de la Riviere
Quelle et de Camoraska sont tres belles oil les habitans sont
assez aises. lis le serolent encore davantage s'ils estolent
a porte du commerce de leurs denrees. II y a dans le bois
de la premiere une fontaine tres abondante d'eau salee, oil le
sel se pourroit faire comme il se fait en plusieurs provinces de
I'Europe. Les terres qui sont en haut du gouvernement de Montreal
sur la route du Fort Frontenac sont des plus belles du pays,
oil la pesche et la chasse ne manquent jamais ; mais les rapides,
qui y sont tres mauvais, forment une difficuke a les establir,
outre que les ouvriers sont trop rares dans ce pays.
OBSERVATIONS SUR L'ESTABLISSEMENT
Que par rapport a la grand estendue que I'on a donnee k
restablissement II n'y a pas le quart des ouvriers qu'il faudrolt
pour bien estendre et cultiver les terres.
Que les laboureurs ne se donnent pas assez de soin pour
cultiver les terres, estant certain que la semence d'un minot
de ble seme sur de la terre cultlvee comme en France produira
plus que deux autres comme on seme en Canada.
Que comme les saisons sont trop courtes et souvent tres
mauvaises II seroit a souhaiter que I'Eglise permette les
travaux indispensables que les festes d'este obllgent de
chaumer, estant tres vray que depuls le mois de may que
les semences commencent jusques a la fin de septembre 11 n'y
a pas quatre-vlngt-dix journees du travail par rapport aux
festes et aux mauvais tems. C'est pourtant dans cet espace
que roule la solidke de I'establissement.
Durantaye, captain in the Carignan- Salidres (Titres des Seigneuries, 29). The
history of Its various mutations In ownership may be found In Actes de Foi et
Hommage, II. 62, III. 307, IV. 364.
^ Even In the earlier part of the nineteenth century the porpoise fisheries
of Rividre Ouelle were still important. See Bouchette, Topographical Des
cription, 528. K

146 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
II faudrolt assujetir les habitans negligens a travailler a la
culture des terres, en les privant des voyages qui les dispensent
de travailler, et cela parce qu'un voyage de deux ou trois mois
leur produit 30 ou 40 escus ^ en perdant la saison du travail
a la terre, qui les fait demeurer en friche.
Les obliger a semer quantke de chanvre et lin^ qui vient
en ce pays plus beau qu'en Europe. Ils s'en relaschent parce
que, disent-ils, II y a trop de peine et de soins a le mettre en
ceuvre. II est vray qu'il y a peu de gens qui I'entendent qu'il
faut payer bien cher.
Assujetir les habitans a elever et nourrlr des betes a cornes
au lieu du grand nombre de chevaux ' qui rulnent les pacages
et qui entrainent les habitans a de grosses depenses, tant pour
leurs esqulpages qui sont fort chers que par la grande quantlte
de fourrage et de grains qu'il faut pendant sept ou huit mols
de I'annee, estant tres vray que I'entretlen d'un cheval coillte
autant qu'a deux boeufs.
Obliger les seigneurs pour facilker Tetabllssement de leurs
seigneuries de donner suffisamment des terres pour communes
a un prix modique et a construire des moulins et les commo
dites publlques.* Plusieurs consomment le tiers de leur temps
a aller faire faire leurs farines a 15 et 20 lieues; et que les
seigneurs de qui les seigneuries ne sont pas establles concedent

' The icu of Louis XIV. amounted to about five francs.
' Although the cultivation of hemp never assumed important dimensions
in New France (cf. above, p. 84), the cultivation of flax was carried on exten
sively. The census of 1720 gave the estimated annual production as over
67,000 pounds. See Johnson, Censuses of Canada, 1665-1871, p. 53.
' Complaints were made at different times that too many horses were
raised in the colony, but these complaints do not seem altogether reasonable in
the light of the census records. In 1706, for example, the population of the
colony was given as 16,417, and the number of horses as 1872.
* The matter of compelling the seigniors to build their mills was always a
troublesome one. Several years before the date of Catalogne's report the king
had issued an important arrdt providing that seigniors who did not build their
banal mills forthwith should lose their right to do so at any future time. This
arret had not, however, been properly promulgated. See above, pp. 61-62.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 147
des terres sans que les tenanciers soyent obliges de payer des
rentes qu'apres six annees que les terres serolent en valeur.^
Ordonner au grand voyer de donner son application a faire
establir les chemins et ponts necessaires au public, qui est une
necessite fort essentielle.^
Obliger les habitans, ou ceux qui sont en estat, de faire
des greniers pour que chacun fAt en estat de conserver du grain
pour deux annees. Cela fait une fois [que] I'abondance se
trouvera toujours au Canada, au lieu que la pluspart, faute
de cette commodite, en manquent tres souvent, estant obliges
de le vendre a vil prix.
Chatier severement tous ceux qui seront convaincus de
fraude, mauvaise foy, et d'Imposture, qui est. un mal qui
commence a estre bien enracine et qui indubitablement le
privera de tout commerce. Les marchands des Isles et de
Plaisance s'en estant dejk plaints.
Que comme il n'y a pas de notalres dans tous les lieux que
les marches et conventions faites en presence de deux temolns
valideront pendant un temps 6x6.
II seroit a souhaiter que Sa Majeste voulust establir dans
chaque ville des consuls a juger ^ sans frais sur le fait du
commerce et des affaires qui n'entrent pas dans la coutume,
ces sortes de procedures, aussy bien que les autres, ne prenant
aucune fin que lorsque les parties n'ont plus d'argent pour
plaider qui est la ruine entlere des families.
Engager un certain nombre de gens du pays a estudier le
pilotage, mesme les officiers des troupes particullerement du
fleuve St. Laurent, qui est tres dangereux, la pluspart du tems
1 Others as well as Catalogne had made this suggestion, but it appears
never to have commended Itself to the authorities.
' The grand voyer had charge, under the general supervision of the
Intendant, of the construction of all main roads and bridges in the colony.
His duties were set forth in detail in an ordinance of 1706 (idits et Ordon
nances, II. 137).
^ On the functions of the juges consuls in France, see P. VloUet, Histoire
du droit civil frangais (Paris, 1893).

148 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
ne se trouvant pas un seul pllote au Canada, et cependant on
commence a donner dans la construction, le capitaine de port et
M. Duplessis ayant mis un vaisseau de 3 a 400 tonneaux sur
les chantiers. Congedler de tems en tems des soldats, en leur permettant
de se marler apres qu'ils auront un establlssement.
II s'est estably une coutume dans ce pays autorisee par
les magistrats qui ne me paroist pas naturelle, de laisser les
bestiaux a I'abandon qui la pluspart gastent les grains et les
prairies n'ayant presque point de terres closes, qui cause des
contestes et de la meslntelligence entre les voisins. Pour
obvier a cela II faudrolt qu'Il y eust des gardlens pour chaque
nature d'animaux pour les mener dans les communes, car tel
qui n'a un pouce de terre envoye ses animaux pakre sur les
terres de son voisin, en disant que I'abandon est donne. SI
Sa Majeste voulolt couper la raclne a une peplnlere de proces et
de meslntelligence entre les seigneurs et habitans, II seroit a
souhaiter qu'elle voulust donner une ordonnance tendant a ce
que les seigneuries et autres concessions demeurerolent dans les
limites qu'elles se trouvent a present sans avoir esgard aux
titres portes dans les contracts pour la qualite et pour les
rhumbs de vent qui y sont enonces, estant a remarquer que les
anciens seigneurs et habitans se sont establis de bonne foy, que
les terres ont este llmkees par des arpenteurs peu intelllgens,
et aujourdhuy que la chicane est en vogue chacun veut suivre
les termes de son contract qui tendent la pluspart a I'impos-
slble. Monsieur Raudot a donne une ordonnance a ce sujet
pour I'lsle de Montreal seulement.^
Comme la pluspart des rues de Quebek et Montreal sont
souvent impracticables tant par les rochers que par les bour-
biers, s'il plaisoit a Sa Majeste d'ordonner que les deniers qui
provlennent des amendes et certalnes confiscations serolent
employees a les mettre en estat.
' With these complaints compare Raudot's despatch to Pontchartrain,
November 7, 1707 (above, pp. 70-80).

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 149
Que la subordination du vassal a son seigneur n'est point
observee. Cette erreur vient [de] qu'il a este accorde des
seigneuries a des roturlers qui n'ont pas su malntenir le droit
que la raison leur donne a I'esgard de leurs sujets ; mesme les
officiers de milice ^ qui leurs sont dependans n'ont la pluspart
aucun esgard pour leur superiorite et veulent dans les occasions
passer pour independans.
II seroit a souhaiter que Sa Majeste voulust envoyer en
ce pays toutes sortes d'artisans, particullerement des ouvriers
en cordages et filasse, des potiers et un verrier ; et ils trouve
rolent a s'occuper. SI Sa Majeste vouloit faire envoyer en
marchandises une partie des appointemens de Messieurs les
officiers, cela [leur] adouclrok la durete qu'eux seuls trouvent
dans le pays par la grande cherte des marchandises causee par
le mauvais retour de la monnoye de carte, qui fait acheter 3
et 4 cens pour cent.^
Le coplste par megarde a saute 3 seigneuries qui se trouve
ront cy-apres.
La premiere est le domaine du Roy aux Trois Rivieres.^
^ It was the custom to appoint In each parish, or cSte, an officer known as
the capitaine de la milice. These officers were entrusted with the task of en
rolling the habitants, promulgating decrees, and. In general, of seeing that the
orders of the authorities at Quebec were carried out. They were ordinarily
chosen from among the more prominent habitants, and seem to have attached
considerable Importance to their post.
'' The card money, first Issued by MeuUes In 1685, was continued In circula
tion down to the close of the French dominion. The history of Its depreciation
is given In Adam Shortt's articles on " Canadian Currency and Exchange under
French Rule,'' in Journal of the Canadian Banker^ Association, 1 898-1 899
(V. 271, 385 ; VI. I, 147, 233). See also James Stevenson on "Card Money In
Canada during the French Domination," In Quebec Literary and Historical
Society, Transactions, 1873-1875, pp. 84-1 12 ; and N. E. Dionne on " La monnale
canadienne sous le regime frangais," In Revue Canadienne, XXIX. 30-32, 72-83.
' This tract of land had, in 1649, been granted to Michel Le Neuf du
Hdrlsson (Titres des Seigneuries, 103). A number of " squatters " settled upon
it without titles ; and, when Le Neuf s heirs attempted to oust them, they
successfully maintained their prescriptive right before the courts. Catalogne's
appellation Is, however, scarcely accurate ; for there was no territory between
Polnte du Lac and Cap de la Magdelalne which could properly be called
"le domaine du Roy."

150 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
Son estendue de front est depuls la Seigneurie de la Polnte
du Lac, qui appartient au Sieur de Tonnancour, et le Cap de la
Magdelalne. Les terres y sont tres belles et unies, fertlles en
toute sorte de grains et [de] legumes. II n'y a que trop peu
de bois. La ville est situe sur une hauteur de sable, qui luy
donne une vue tres agreable. II y a peu de citoyens. La
paroisse est desservie par des Peres Recolets. Le commerce y
est tres petit.
La deuzieme seigneurie, qui a este sautee, est celle de
Jeantilly ^ au mesme gouvernement, sise entre celle de Lingtot
et celle du Bequet, appartient au dit Jeantilly, laboureur.
II y a peu d'habltans resldens, la pluspart des concessionnalres
estant de Champlain et Batiscan qui y ont pris des terres pour
en tirer des bois pour leur chauffage, et d'ailleurs les terres
pour produire des grains n'y sont bonnes que par contrees. 11
y a de toute sorte de bois melanges.
La Seigneurie de Lingtot ^ doit estre placee entre celle de
Becancourt et celle de Jeantilly. Elle appartient aux heritiers
du feu Sieur Lingetot, vivant major des Trois-Rivieres. Les
habitans font paroisse avec ceux de Becancour. Les terres y
sont basses mais tres belles, produlsant toute sorte de grains
et [de] legumes. II y a toute sorte de bois, et c'est dans ce
continent que I'on trouve les plus beaux chesnes pour la
construction. Les Sieurs Duplessy, Prat et Fournel qui font
construire un vaisseau de trois a quatre cent tonneaux y ont
pris tout le bois necessaire.
J'ay dit a I'artlcle de la Seigneurie de Chambly que je
joindrai icy le plan, mais les contlnuelles occupations pour les
^ The fief of Gentllly was first granted, August 14, 1676, to Michel
Pelletier, Sieur de la Prade (Titres des Seig7ieuries, 13). By donation inter
vivos Pelletier conveyed the fief In 1683 to Frangois Poisson, by whose son,
Frangois Poisson de Gentllly, It was held in 1712 (Actes de Foi et Hotmnage,
II. 30).
^ More commonly called Dutord, or Dutort. I have found no copy of the
original title-deed, but according to the Actes (I. 15) it was granted to Michel
Godfroy in 1637.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 151
fortifications m'en ont empeche. J'auray I'honneur de I'envoyer
I'annee prochalne avec celuy du Lac Champlain.
Quoiqu'U soit dit dans plusieurs endroits que les terres
sont medlocrement bonnes, ce n'est que par rapport aux meil-
leurs, puisque les plus mauvaises, quoy que mal cultivees,
produisent ordinairement six, sept et huit pour un, a moins
qu'il ne survienne des accidens. Les plus dangereux sont
d'estre exchaudes, c'est-i-dire que lors qu'Il survlent des orages
ou des brumes du matin sy le soleil vient a donner dessus
avant que la rosee soit dessechee le dommage s'en suit. II n'y
a que le froment qui est sujet a ces accidens. Les plus prudens
y remedlent en partie en secouant la rosee avec une ligne.
Catalogne.
Vu : Vaudreuil.
Vu : Begon.

No. 40. Despatch of Governor VaudreuiP to His
Royal Highness the Due d'Orleans, Regent of
France,^ asking that Salt-smugglers be sent to
Canada to work the Lands, February, 171 6.
Correspondance Generale, XXXVI. no.
Monseigneur, —
A I'esgard des habitans dont 11 est Indispensable
d'augmenter le nombre le Marquis de Vaudreuil a I'honneur
de proposer a Votre Altesse Royale un expedient pour en
procurer suffisamment sans depeupler le royaume d'hommes
^ Philippe de Rlgaud, Marquis de Vaudreuil, commissioned governor and
lieutenant-general of New France, August i, 1703, having been promoted from
the governorship of Montreal (Edits et Ordonnances, III. 58-59). He remained
In office for over twenty years.
^ On the death of Louis XIV. In 1715, the French throne went to his young
grandson, during whose minority the Due d'Orldans assumed general direction
of affairs as regent of the kingdom until his death in 1723.

152 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
qui y soient utiles, et sans qu'il en co6te rien a Sa Majeste.
II y a tous les ans un nombre considerable de faux sauniers
condamnes aux galeres qui devlennent Inutlls a la culture
des terres, et qui ne servent point sur les galeres, parce que le
Roy n'en arme point ou peu, et que quand Sa Majeste en
armeroit il y aurolt suffisamment de for9ats sans ceux-la pour
former les chlourmes. La depense de ces faux sauniers est
payee par les fermlers generaux.
Le Marquis de Vaudreuil demande que Votre Altesse
Royale veuille bien accorder a la colonie de Canada cent
cinquante de ces faux sauniers tous les ans depuis I'age de
quinze ans jusqu'a quarante, pour chacun desquels il demande
que les fermlers generaux qui les feront conduire a La
Rochelle a leurs depens, payent cent cinquante llvres moyen
nant quoy ils en seront decharges pour toujours.
II n'y a point de faux saunier condamne aux galeres qui ne
coAte au moins cent llvres par an aux fermlers generaux. II
y en a tel qui y demeure dix ans et plus, et qui par consequent
leur coiiteroit mille llvres. II n'y en a point qui n'y soit plus
de dix-huit mois. Ainsy 11 n'y a qu'a gagner pour les fermlers
generaux a cette proposition.
SI votre Altesse Royale veut bien accorder cette grace on
pourra obliger tous les vaisseaux qui vont en Canada, de
passer ces cent cinquante hommes, proportionnant le nombre
pour chaque vaisseau au port, dont il sera donne solxante
livres pour le passage de chaque homme [et pour] acheter k
chacun pour trente livres de llnge et hardes sans quoy Us
courreroient risque d'estre manges de vermine dans le vaisseau
et d'y causer quelque maladle ; et les solxante llvres restantes
servlroient a les nourrir en Canada, jusques a ce qu'on les eust
distribue aux habitans pour les faire travailler de la m^me
maniere que les engages ordinalres qu'on envoye dans les
colonies, et cela pour trois ans ; passe lequel tems Us seront
libres, sans toutes fois pouvoir jamais revenir en France.
Et pour mettre ces gens-la en etat de faire quelque chose

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 153
lorsqu'Us seront libres, on pourroit remettre ce qui leur
resteroit des cent cinquante livres donnes par les fermlers
generaux entre les mains du tresorier pour leur estre rendu
en sortant de chez leurs maistres et meme obliger leurs
maistres apres les dites trois annees, de leur donner cinquante
livres. Les habitans se trouverolent tres heureux d'avoir des
hommes a ces conditions pour la culture de leurs terres, et
cela feroit Insensiblement une augmentation considerable dans
la colonie d'hommes accoutumes au travail. [Unsigned.]

No. 41. Extract from the Minutes of the Council of
Marine regarding Seigniorial Abuses in Canada,
May 5, 1717.
Archives du Ministere des Colonies, Paris, Serle G^, Vol. 462.
M. Begon ^ a marque I'annee derniere
Le Conseil crolt que, dans les contrats de concession que les
qu'il faut rendre personues qui ont des seigneuries en Canada
un arrest sulvant donnent a ceux a qui ils concedent des
que le Sr. Begon ., , . .^ ,
, terres. Us y mettent plusieurs servitudes
le propose. 'J r
L. A. B. contralres a la coutume et a retablissement
L. M. D. de la colonic.^ Telles sont les corvees^ que
les seigneurs exigent outre une rente fonciere
'¦ Michel Bdgon was appointed to the post of intendant of New France on
March 31, 1710 (idits et Ordonnances, III. 63-64), but owing to the death of
his father did not reach the colony until the autumn of 17 12. He remained in
office till 1724, when he was promoted to the intendancy of Havre.
2 The reference Is to Bdgon's despatch of February, 1716 (Correspondance
Gdndrale, XXVI. 90 ff".). This despatch is not printed here because the in
tendant's complaints are very fully summarised in the minutes of the Council.
^ The corvde, or obligation on the part of censitalres to give their seignior a
certain number of days' labour each year as one of the conditions of their

154 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
pour la commune qui sert de pacage aux bestiaux.^ D'autres
seigneurs ont reprls cette commune, apres le defrichement
qu'en avaient fait quelques habitans, pour la vendre a d'autres.
Ils etabllssent encore des corvees dont la coutume ne parle
point. lis se reservent la faculte de rentrer dans les terres
qu'ils ont concedees toutes les fois qu'elles sont vendues, en
remboursant I'acquereur : ^ ce qui est aussi contraire a la
Coutume de Paris, a laquelle ils dedarent qu'ils derogent en
ce point pour suivre celle de Normandle.^ II a marque qu'il
croyalt a propos d'ordonner que cette clause demeurera sans
execution a I'egard des contrats ou elle se trouve, et de
defendre de I'inserer dans ceux qui seront faits a I'avenir.
Quelques-uns de ces seigneurs se reservent dans chaque
tenure, was common at this time throughout a considerable part of France.
By the provisions of the Custom of Paris, this obligation might be insisted
upon by the seignior only when he had stipulated for it in the title-deeds of
granted lands, or when he had an admission of its existence as an obligation In
the form of an ancient aveu et ddriombrement (Coutume de Paris, Article LXXI.).
It does not seem that the obligation was exacted in any general fashion in New
France during the earlier seigniorial period, for no mention is made of it by
Raudot in his long despatches concerning the Illegal exactions of the seigniors
(see above, pp. 70-87). On the nature and scope of the corvde obligation in
Canada, see also iidits et Ordonnances, II. 437, 444-445.
' There seems to have been an idea prevalent among the habitants that in
return for the corvde labour the seignior was bound to allow his dependents
free use of the " commons," or cleared domain, for the pasturage of their stock.
This idea, however, had no basis in law.
^ The droit de retrait roturier. See above, p. 73, note i.
^ This is but one of several instances in which the seigniors, and often
the habitants as well, showed a disposition to follow the provisions of the
Coutume de Normandy rather than those of the Coutume de Paris. It was
not so much that the seigniors found the former more to their advantage than
the latter, as that a large proportion of the colonial population, both seigniors
and habitants, were Normans by birth, and hence were much more familiar
with the seigniorial system as administered under the Coutume de Normandit
than with that existent in the Prdvotd of Paris. On the strength of the Norman
element in the population of New France, see J. B. A. Ferland, Cours d'histotre
du Ca«a& (2 vols., Quebec, 1861-1865), I. 511-516; Edme Rameau de St. Pdre,
La France aux colonies (Paris, 1859), chap. vi. ; and Benjamin Suite on "The
Origin of the French Canadians," in Royal Society of Canada, Proceedings,
1905, Transactions, sec. ii. 99 ff". Cf. also above, p. 19, note 2.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 155
concession la llberte de prendre, sans payer, le bois necessaire
pour leur maison ou autres ouvrages et pour leur chauffage :
d'autres la preference de bois a vendre. D'autres accordent a
leurs habitants la permission de couper des pins dans les terres
qu'ils n'ont pas encore concedees, a la charge de leur payer le
dixieme des planches qu'ils tireront de ces pins : ce qui fait
qu'ils ne concedent point ces terres. Lorsqu'Us les concedent,
ils se reservent tous les pins et tous les bois de chesne sans en
rien payer a ces habitans, ce qui rend ces seigneurs les maitres
d'exiger le prix qu'ils veulent mettre aux chesnes : de sorte
qu'ils les vendent tres cher ; ce qui est prejudiciable aux con
structions et empeche le commerce que Ton feralt de ces bois
pour les Isles ou pour la France, s'ils etalent a bon marche.^
Ces seigneurs retlennent aussi le XI""^" poisson que leurs
habitans peschent sur le front de leurs concessions.^
Ils les assujetissent au droit de moulin banal, ce qui ne
' Most of the title-deeds of seigniories contained the requirement that the
seignior should reserve, for the use of the crown without compensation, all oak
and pine timber such as might at any time be found suitable for use in the
royal shipyards. This reservation the seigniors were very obviously entitled to
Insert In the title-deeds of lands granted within the limits of their seigniories.
They had, however, no legal right to assume any property In the timber
standing upon granted lands, a restriction which the authorities made very
clear by an ordinance issued in 1722 (&dits et Ordonnances, II. 471). The
practice of taking timber, stone, sand, and other materials from granted lands
for use In the construction of the seigniorial manor-house, mill, or church was
a very common one ; but It rested upon no legal basis, and on more than one
occasion the authorities at Quebec ordered seigniors to pay habitants for
materials so taken (see, for example. Ibid., III. 166). The practice of taking
firewood was also common, and in most cases seems to have been permitted by
the habitants without complaint. On one occasion — In the case of the Sul-
pltlans at Montreal — the colonial authorities sanctioned the custom subject to
certain prescribed limitations (Ibid., 123).
" It Is true that the seignior usually stipulated for the droit de peche, or the
right to one fish in every eleven caught by the habitants in the waters fronting
the seigniory ; but the enforcement of this privilege seems to have been un
common. The droit de pkhe was one of the oldest of the seigniorial rights in
France. An account of its early history and development may be found In
Dufresnoy's Histoire du droit de peche dans Pancien droit frangais (Paris,
1896).

156 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
convlent pas a la colonie oil la multipllcke des moulins ne
peut 6tre qu'avantageuse.^
Sur quoy, le Conseil a decide le 12 mai 17 16, qu'il fallait
suivre la Coutume de Paris, et declarer comme nuls tous les
actes faits contre cette coutume, a moins que, lors de I'etab
llssement de la Coutume de Paris en Canada, le Roy n'ait fait
une exception pour les concessions precedemment faltes sulvant
d'autres coutumes : ^ c'est ce que le Conseil a ordonne de
verifier, afin qu'Il puisse donner sur cela une decision precise.
II a este ecrit, en conformlte de cette decision, k M. Begon
pour faire la verification ordonnee.
II marque par sa lettre du 1 4° octobre 1716^ qu'Il paralt
que la premiere Compagnie de la Nouvelle-France, formee en
1628, a concede des terres en fief, spedalement I'lsle de
Montreal, a condition que les droits et la foy et hommage lui
seraient faits et payes suivant la Coutume de Paris : et par
I'artide 33 de I'edit d'etabllssement de la nouvelle compagnie
formee en 1664, sous le nom Compagnle des Indes Occi
dentales, le Roy a ordonne que les juges etablis en tous les
dits lieux seraient tenus de juger suivant les loix et ordon
nances du royaume, et les officiers de suivre et se conformer a
la Coutume de la Prevote et Vicomte de Paris, sulvant laquelle
les habitans pourraient contracter, sans que I'on y puisse intro
duire aucune autre coutume, pour eviter la dlverske.*
II envoye copie de cet article auquel le Roy n'a point
1 If the complaint of the intendant on this point had any validity. It was
only because of the continued failure of the authorities to enforce the royal
decrees relating to the erection of seigniorial mills (see above, p. 6i). The
editor of this volume has endeavoured to show elsewhere (The Seigniorial
System in Canada, chap, vl.) that the system of banal mills was of advantage
to the colony, and that it secured the erection of many mills which otherwise
would not have been provided for the use of the habitants at all.
" The reference Is to those seigniorial grants which had been made under
the provisions of the French Vexin prior to the Introduction of the Coutume de
Paris In 1664. See above, p. 75.
' This letter may be found in Correspondance Gdnirale, Vol. XXXVI.
' Printed above, p. 19.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 157
deroge : et puisque I'lntentlon du Conseil est que les clauses
inserees dans les actes de concession contre la disposition de
la Coutume de Paris soient dedarees nulles, il est necessaire
que Sa Majeste rende un arrest qui I'ordonne ainsi.
Fait et arreste par le Conseil de Marine le 5' mai 17 17.
L. A. DE Bourbon.
Le Marechal d'Estr^es.
Par le Conseil : Lachapelle.

No. 42. Draft of an Arret prepared by Messieurs
Deshaguais and Daguesseau for annulling all Title-
deeds containing Conditions contrary to the Cus
tom of Paris, May, 1717.^
Archives du Ministere des Colonies, Paris, Serle F^, VIII. f. 15.
Arret pour annuler, dans les actes et contrats de concession faits en
Canada, les clauses contraires h la Coutume de Paris et
ordonner qu'elle y sera observie a F avenir. Mai 1717.
Le Roi etant inform^ que la Compagnie de la Nouvelle-
France, formee en 1628, a concede des terres en fief, spedale
ment rile de Montreal, a condition que la foi et hommage lui
seraient faits et les droits payes suivant la Coutume de Paris ;
que cette Compagnie qui a possede ce pays jusqu'en 1663, n'y
a point introduk d'autre coutume ; ^ que pour en eviter la
* Messieurs Deshaguais and Daguesseau had been asked to prepare this
arrdt in 1708 (see above, pp. 82-83) 5 ^nd there is no apparent reason why the
work should have been so long delayed. It Is not improbable that the draft
was finally made as a result of the new requests made by Bdgon in 1716
(see above, p. 153).
2 On the accuracy of this statement, cf. above, p. 75, note i.

158 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
dlverske, le feu Roi a defendu par I'artide 33 de I'edit
d'etabllssement de la nouvelle Compagnie formee en 1664
sous le nom de Compagnie des Indes Occidentales, d'introduire
aucune autre coutume dans les pays accordes a la Compagnie,^
et ordonne aux officiers des lieu de suivre et se conformer a la
Coutume de la Prevote du Vicomte de Paris, sulvant laquelle
les habitants des dits pays pourraient contracter ; que, non
obstant la disposition de cet edit, plusieurs de ses sujets qui
ont des terres en seigneuries dans la Nouvelle-France, Imposent
dans les contrats de concession des terres qu'ils concedent dans
leurs censives des clauses et servitudes tres onereuses, con
tralres aux dispositions de la dite Coutume et a I'etabllsse
ment de la colonie : telles sont les corvees qu'ils stipulent
ou exigent, outre une rente fonciere, pour la commune qui
sert de pacage aux bestiaux ; les corvees qu'ils etabllssent
encore a cause des concessions de terres ; la faculte qu'ils se
reservent de rentrer dans les terres qu'ils ont concedees toutes
les fois qu'elles seront vendues, en remboursant a I'acquereur
le prix de la vente ; la reserve de pouvoir prendre dans chaque
concession, sans rien payer, tout le bois necessaire pour leurs
malsons ou autres ouvrages, ou pour leur chauffage, et d'avoir
la preference des bois, grains, bestiaux ou autres choses que
leurs habitants auront a vendre ; la reserve de tous les pins et
chenes qui se trouveront sur chaque concession, sans en rien
payer, ce qui les rend makres d'exiger tels prix qu'ils veulent
de ces bois, prejudicie aux constructions et empeche le com
merce qu'on en pourrait faire pour le royaume et pour les lies,
s'ils etaient a bon marche ; la reserve du poisson que leurs
habitants pechent sur le front de leurs concessions, et I'obli-
gatlon qu'ils leur Imposent de porter leurs bles moudre aux
moulins a vent qu'ils ont sur leurs seigneuries, quoique ces
moulins ne soient pas banaux par la Coutume de Paris, et que
dans une colonie la multipllcke des moulins ne puisse qu'etre
' Printed above, pp. 17-19.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 159
avantageuse, surtout dans les seigneuries qui sont d'une longue
etendue et oili il n'y a point de moulin a eau. S.M. etant
aussi informee que quelques-uns des dits seigneurs accordent
la permission a leurs habitants de couper des pins dans les
terres qu'ils n'ont pas encore concedees, a la charge de leur
payer le io° des planches, madriers ou bordages qu'ils tirent
de ces pins, ce qui prejudicie d'autant a I'etabllssement de la
colonie que pour se conserver ce lO*" ils ne concedent point ces
terres ; et etant necessaire de pourvoir a tous ces abus.^
Out le rapport et tout considere, S.M. etant en son conseil,
de I'avis de Monseigneur le due d'Orleans, regent, a ordonne et
ordonne que le dit article 33 du dit edit d'etabllssement de la
Compagnie des Indes Occidentales du mois de mai 1664, sera
execute selon sa forme et teneur ; ce faisant, que les habitants
du dit pays de la Nouvelle-France ne pourront contracter que
suivant et conformement a la Coutume de Paris ; fait defense
d'y en introduire aucune autre ; veut S.M. que toutes les clauses
inserees dans les actes et contrats de concession ou autres,
contre la disposition de la dite Coutume, soient et demeurent
nulles tant pour le passe que pour I'avenir, et en consequence
S.M. a decharge et decharge les habitants du dit pays envers
les dits seigneurs de toutes corvees pour quelque cause
que ce soit ; de la reserve du retrait conventionnel et en cen
sive ; de la reserve de prendre sans payer aucun bois de quelque
nature qu'il soit, de construction ou de chauffage ; de la
preference pour quoi que ce soit de ce qu'ils auront a vendre ;
de la reserve du 11' poisson qu'ils pecheront ; de 1' obligation
d'aller moudre aux moulins a vent, et de I'executlon de toutes
autres clauses contralres a la disposition de la dite Coutume,
sans neanmolns que pour raison de ce que les dits habitants se
trouveront avoir donne ou paye jusqu'au jour de la publication
du present arret, pour servitudes ou clauses contraires a la dite
1 Compare the complaints made by Raudot In his despatches of 1707-1708,
printed above, pp. 70-87 passim.

160 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
Coutume, Ils puissent exercer aucune repetition contre les dits
seigneurs ; fait defense S.M. aux seigneurs de donner per
mission de prendre des bois sur les terres qu'ils n'ont point
encore concedees, sous la reserve du lO' des planches, madriers
ou bordages qui en seront tires, ou sous telle reserve ou con
dition que ce puisse etre ; enjolnt S.M. aux dits seigneurs de
conceder les dites terres aux habitants qui leur en demanderont
sous la redevance ordinaire, sinon permet aux dits habitants de
se pourvoir pardevant le gouverneur et lieutenant-general de
Sa Majeste et I'lntendant au dit pays, conformement a I'arret
de son Conseil du 6 juillet 1 7 ii .
Et sera le present arret enregistre au greffe du Conseil
Superieur de Quebec, lu, publie et affiche partout oil besoin
sera, a ce que personne n'en Ignore, a I'effet de quoi toutes
lettres necessaires seront expediees. [Unsigned.]

No. 43. Royal Instructions to Messieurs de Vaudreuil
and Begon concerning the Decision of the French
Authorities to Grant no more Seigniories in
Canada, May 23, 1719.
Correspondance Generale, XL. 243—245.
. . . Sa Majeste a vu le memoire du Sieur Desjordy
Moreau, capitaine des troupes, qui demande une concession
de terre a titre de fief et de seigneurie avec haute, moyenne,
et basse justice ; elle se seroit portee volontiers a lui accorder
cette grace, mais le grand nombre de seigneuries n'ayant que
trop prejudicie a I'etabllssement du Canada, il y a plusieurs
annees, qu'Il fut resolu de n'en plus accorder ; Sa Majeste I'a
encore explique aux Sieurs de Vaudreuil et Begon, par sa
depeche du 15 juin 1716,^ et son Intention n'est point de rien
'^ This despatch does not seem to have been preserved ; but from sub
sequent royal communications one is led to infer that the French authorities

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 161
changer. Elle ne veut a I'avenir accorder de concessions
qu'en roture. Cependant, quoiqu'elle leur ait ordonne de ne
les donner que de trois arpens de front et de quarante de
profondeur, dans les bonnes terres, elle trouvera bon qu'ils les
etendent davantage s'ils le jugent a propos.
A I'egard de la concession demandee par le Sieur de la
Valterie du Havre nomme La Riviere St. Augustin dans la
coste de Labrador, pour y establir une pesche sedentaire, de
morue, et de loup marin, avec deux lieux de front de chaque
coste, et les droits de pesche, chasse, et traite avec les sauvages,
Sa Majeste lui accordera volontiers par un brevet a vie et de
la meme maniere qu'un pareil etablissement avoit este donne
au feu Sieur de Courtemanche. SI cela convlent au Sieur de
la Valterie, les Sieurs de Vaudreuil et Begon en rendront
compte a Sa Majeste.
Elle est bien aise avant de finir I'artide des concessions de
recommander aux Sieurs de Vaudreuil et Begon de tenir la
main a I'executlon de I'arrest du six juillet 1711,^ qui reunit
au domaine les seigneuries qui ne sont pas habitees et qui
obllgent les seigneurs qui ont des terres a donner dans I'etendue
de leurs seigneuries a les conceder ; 11 est tres important qu'ils
ayent une attention vive a suivre cette affaire parce que cela
peut beaucoup contribuer a I'augmentatlon de la colonie. Ils
had come to the conclusion that too many seigniories were being granted by
the royal officials in the colony. It is not unlikely that the report of Catalogne
(printed above, pp. 94-151) had brought home to the minds of the home
authorities some idea of the enormous amount of good land which had been
given to individuals who had allowed most of it to remain entirely uncleared.
As a result of the royal orders, no seigniories were granted during the
decade 17 17-1727. A single concession was, however, made to the Ursullnes
of Three Rivers In this last year; but no more followed until 1729, when the
practice of making grants was resumed in response to repeated requests from
various religious orders and laymen. During the remaining thirty years of
French dominion a considerable number of seigniories were given, and the
areas of many old seigniorial grants were Increased. A list of them may be
found in Dunkin's Address at the Bar of the Legislative Assembly (Quebec,
1853), Appendix, Nos. 377-529-
* The first of the two Arrets of Marly, printed above, pp. 91-93. L

162 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
doivent aussi empecher que ces seigneurs ne recoivent de
I'argent pour les terres qu'ils concederont en bois debout;
n'estant pas juste qu'ils ayent la faculte d'en tenir d'un bien
sur lequel Ils n'ont fait aucune depense, et qui ne leur a este
donne que pour le faire hablter.
Comme Sa Majeste n'a point encore este Informe de ce qui
a este fait en consequence de cet arrest, elle desire que le Sieur
Begon envoye un memoire contenant les terres convenir {sic)
d'une reduction et de lui rendre la justice qui lui est due.
J'ai parle a Monsieur de la Durantaye du droit d'echange
qu'il vous a prie de lui faire avoir dans I'etendue de la
Seigneurie de la Durantaye; il m'a dit qu'il a eu cette vue a
I'occasion de plusieurs de ses habitants, qu'il soupgonne d'avoir
suppose des echanges sans en avoir cependant la preuve afin
de le frustrer de ses droits de lods et ventes ; ^ et parce que
s'il avoit ces echanges, ce seroit une augmentation a sa terre
d'un droit selgneurial qu'Il n'a pas, et qu'il avoit espere cette
grace de Sa Majeste en consideration de ses longs services,
mais comme Sa Majeste ne veut plus accorder de terres en
seigneuries, mais seulement en roture, il n'y a pas lieu de
croire qu'elle soit dans le dessein d'augmenter les droits des
seigneurs, et encore moins de donner a Monsieur de la
Durantaye ce droit, qui fait partie des droits seigneur
iaux appartenant a Sa Majeste dont jouit le fermler du
domaine. . . . [Unsigned.]
1 The lods et ventes was a fine amounting to one-twelfth of the value of a
holding en roture, and was payable to the seignior upon the occasion of each
mutation In ownership whether by gift, sale, or inheritance other than in lineal
succession (Coutume de Paris, Article LXXIIL). Ordinarily It could not be
demanded by the seignior on the occasion of exchanges of lands held en roture
within the seigniory, — a limitation of his rights which he usually regarded as
unfair. Applications similar to this of the Sieur de la Durantaye were made
by several seigniors, but the only case In which the request seems to have been
granted was that of the Seminary of St. Sulpice at Montreal ; and here the
extension of seigniorial rights was given by way of compensation for a re
trenchment of the seminary's judicial powers (see Edits et Ordonnances, I. 346).

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 163

No. 44. Despatch of Messieurs de Vaudreuil and
Begon to the Minister concerning the Reunion
of Uncleared Seigniories to the Royal Domain,
October 26, 1719.^
Correspondance Generale, XL. 7.
Monseigneur, —
Sur le refus qui a ete fait par quelques seigneurs d'accorder
des continuations de terrains en bois debout a leurs tenanciers
ou des concessions a de nouveaux habitants, le Sieur Begon a
engage les seigneurs de les conceder en les avertissant que s'ils
ne le faisalent pas, elles serolent concedees au nom du Roy.
Comme il ne luy en est revenu aucune plalnte, II se persuade
que les seigneurs ont accorde les continuations ou concessions
qui leur etoient demandees. C'est ce qui fait que jusqu'a
present II n'a pas ete dans la necessite de faire aucune
reunion. A I'egard des seigneuries concedees et qui ne sont pas
etablies, comme II ne s'est presente personne pour demander
a s'y etablir, elles n'ont point encore ete reunles au domaine.
II leur paroist que cette reunion ne contriburoit en rien a
retablissement de la colonie parce que ces terres resteroient
tout a fait abandonnees. Au lieu que la crainte que ceux qui
les possedent ont de les perdre, leur fait chercher tous les
moyens practicables pour y commencer quelque etablissement
ils ont cru que c'etait le principal motif de cet arrest dont ils
se servent dans toutes les occasions qui se presentent pour
engager les proprietalres de ces seigneuries a y attirer des
1 This despatch affords an interesting example of the way in which the
colonial authorities continually procrastinated in regard to the enforcement of
the royal decrees.

164 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
habitants et ils sont Informes qu'il y en a qui ont offert de
conceder dans leurs seigneuries des terres sans en tirer aucune
redevance pendant cinq ans.
D'ailleurs, attendu la grande etendue de cette colonie, il
n'est pas possible que le Sieur Begon soit Informe de toutes
les seigneuries qui ne sont point etablies. II ne pourrait le
savoir que par la demande qui luy en seroit fake, et personne
ne s'est presentee, etant evident que les proprietalres ne vien
dront pas luy declarer euxmemes qu'ils sont dans le cas de la
reunion. Pour parvenir a connakre les seigneuries qui ne
sont pas etablies, 11 serait necessaire qu'Il flit fait un papier
terrier. C'est ce qu'il a propose au Sieur Cugnet, directeur
de la ferme du domaine d' Occident, qui luy a dit qu'il feroit
connokre a sa Compagnie^ que ce travail etoit absolument
necessaire pour mettre en regie tous les droits seigneurleux,
qui sont dus a Sa Majeste. Dans les mutations des seigneuries
on connokra par les aveux et denombrements celles qui seront
dans le cas d'estre reunles au domaine de Sa Majeste.^ . . .
Vaudreuil. Begon.

^ "La Compagnie d'Occident" had obtained a monopoly of the colonial
fur commerce in 1717 (Edits et Ordonnances, I. 377-387). This was one of
several companies formed in France at this time under the inspiration of the
famous promoter, John Law.
2 The original copy of this despatch bears the following marginal note:
' Comme il est dangereux que les colons ne se pressent pas de faire les etabllsse
ments auxquels ils sont obligds quand ils verront qu'on ne prive pas de leurs
concessions ceux qui n'ont point satlsfait k leur obligation, le Conseil souhait
qu'ils envoyent un dtat de ceux qui n'y ont pas satlsfait et dont ndanmoins
Messieurs de Vaudreuil et Bdgon n'ont pas fait la reunion au domaine et qu'ils
marquent en marge de chaque article les ralsons qu'ils ont cues pour ne les pas
traiter k la rigueur.— L. B., L. M. D."

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 165

No. 45. Instructions from the Due d'Orleans, Regent
of France, to Messieurs de Vaudreuil and Begon
concerning the Granting of Seigniories in Canada,
January 6, 1720/
Correspondance Generale, XLI. 8 fF.
Le Conseil leur ayant ordonne d'envoyer leur avis sur la
concession en seigneurie, demandde par M. Le Comte de
Crequy, maistre de camp de cavalerle r^formee, des terres
depuis la sortie du lac Salnt-Frangois jusqu'au pied du long
Sault du coste du nord avec les isles et islets adjacents, le tout
faisant 5 lieues de front sur autant de profondeur.
lis croyent qu'il ne convlent point d'avoir egard k cette
demande, la colonie n'estant desja que trop etendue par
rapport au peu d'habltans et au peu de terres defrichees du
nombre de celles concedees qui restent en bois debout.
D'ailleurs ces etabllssemens porteroient un prejudice consider
able aux habitans de la ville de Montreal par la facilke que
les habitans qui y seraient auroient d'arrester tous les sauvages
et de faire la tralte de la plus grande partie des pelleterles
qui descendroient du pays d'en haut.
lis seroient aussy si exposes aux insultes des Iroquois a la
premiere guerre qu'on pourroit avoir contre eux qu'ils seroient
obliges d' abandonner leurs habitations, et 11 est du bien de la
colonie que, sulvant les intentions du Conseil, il soit seule
ment accorde par le Roy la meme etendue de terre que celle
que les seigneurs accordent a leurs habitans. Nota M. Le
Comte Crequy, ayant demande en 171 8 cette concession en
1 The first page of these instructions bears the following marginal note :
" Ddclslon de S. A. R. Son Altesse Royale ne juge pas k propos qu'on
accorde des concessions en seigneurie n'y que Ton dtende la colonie si loin.
II faut bien hablter les pays concddds avant que de s'dtendre d'avantage. —
L. B., L. M. D."

166 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
seigneurie sous le nom de Crequy pour y faire un etablisse
ment et y envoyer dans la suite quelques uns de ses enfans, le
Conseil ecrivit a Messieurs de Vaudreuil et Begon de marquer
s'il convenoit de conceder ces terres dans le temps que les
profondeurs des seigneuries concedees ne sont pas habltuees et
si ceux qui s'etablieroient dans le terrein demande n'empeche-
roient point les sauvages de descendre a Montreal pour y faire
leur traite.
II paroist par leur reponse qu'ils jugent que cette conces
sion, [si on I'accordalt] porteroit du prejudice a la colonie.
Fait et arreste le 6 Janvier 1720.
L. A. DE Bourbon.
Le Marechal d'Estrees.
Par le Conseil,
Lachapelle.

No. 46. Royal Instructions concerning the Enforce
ment of the Arrets of Marly, December 19, 1721.
Correspondance Generale, XLIII. 253.
Sa Majeste a approuve de la reponse que les Sieurs de
Vaudreuil et Begon ont fait aux ordres qu'elle leur avait
donnes I'annee derniere au sujet de I'executlon des arrests du
6 juillet 1 7 1 1 concernant la reunion des terres et des seigneuries
de Canada non defrichees. Cependant I'lntention de Sa Majeste
est qu'ils avertissent ceux qui ont des concessions que s'ils ne
travaillent pas a les mettre en valeur on ne pourra se dispenser
de les reunir conformement aux susdits arrests du 6 juUlet
17 II. Ils rendront compte chaque annee du succes de cet
avertissement. lis repondent qu'ils ont fait avertir par le Sieur Collet dans la
tournee qu'il a faite I'hiver dernier ceux qui ont des concessions
qui ne sont pas etablies, de travailler sans retardement a les

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 167
mettre en valeur, faute de quoi elles seront reunles au domaine
conformement aux susdits arrests. Ces etabllssemens ne peuvent
se faire que peu a peu et autant que les families se multiplie-
ront. II n'y a pas aussi lieu de douter que ceux qui ont des
concessions ne les etabllssent autant qu'ils pourront, celles qui
ne le sont pas ne leur produlsant aucun revenu. . . .
Fait et arreste le 19 decembre 1721.
L. A. DE Bourbon.
Par le Conseil,
De Lachapelle.

No. 47. Despatch of Messieurs de Vaudreuil and
Begon concerning the Nature and Scope of the
Aveux et Denombrements, October 14, 1723.
Correspondance Generale, XLV. 2 2 IF.
Monseigneur, —
. . . Le Sieur Begon a commence cette annee a travailler
au papier terrier du domaine de Sa Majeste en cette colonie.
Comme il n'y a point de registre des anciennes concessions,
qu'Il n'y en a eu qu'un petit nombre registrees au Conseil
Superieur, et que la pluspart ont ete confirmees par des arrests
du Conseil d'Etat du Roy qui ne contiennent que les noms des
concessionaires et la date des concessions sans en expllquer
I'etendue, ni la scituatlon, il a fait copier dans des registres
separes les titres de propriete et les actes de foy et hommage
qui lui ont ete representes, et les a fait signer par les parties.
Les aveux et denombrements ^ qu'il regok contiennent : —
Sfavoir, les bornes de chaque seigneurie, leur front, leur pro-
' The papier terrier, or census, of the colony was not prepared at reg
ular intervals, but from time to time as the home authorities might order.
Whenever one was requested, the seigniors were ordered by the authorities at

168 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
fondeur, et leur scituatlon au nord et au sud du fleuve St.
Laurent ou des Rivieres qui s'y deschargent ; I'etendue du
domaine des proprietalres des seigneuries ; le nombre et la
qualite de leur batiments et moulins, et le nombre d'arpents
de terres labourables et de prairies qui sont sur le d[it]
domaine ; les tenants et aboutissants des habitations de leur
tenanciers ; le nombre d'arpents de front et de profondeur
qu'elles contiennent ; les cens et rentes que chaque habitant
paye par an pour chaque arpent de front, ou autres droits
auxquels ils sont sujets ; le nombre d'arpents de terre labour-
able et de prairies, et le nombre et qualite des batiments qui
sont sur chaque habitation [i.e. concession].
II reste a faire environ la moitle de ce papier terrier qui
sera continue jusqu'a ce qu'il soit entlerement fini.
Lorsqu'Il sera fait, on connoistra ce que reste a defricher
dans chaque seigneurie, et celles oil il n'a encore ete fait aucun
etablissement. Les Sieurs de Vaudreuil et Begon continueront d'exclter
les proprietalres des seigneuries d'y faire travailler sans
retardement, faute de quoy celles qui ne seront point etablies
seront reunles au domaine conformement aux arrests du six
juUlet 171 1. . . .
Nous avons I'honneur d'etre, etc.
Vaudreuil. Begon.
A Quebec, le 14 octobre 1723.
Quebec to prepare and present their aveux et dinombrements, which contained
detailed information as here set forth. These terriers, several of which are
preserved in the archives of the Ministry of Colonies in Paris, form a very
fruitful source of data on various matters pertaining to the progress of agri
culture and to the cultivation of the seigniories during the old rdgime. See
also above, p. 53, note i.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 169

No. 48. Despatch of Messieurs de Beauharnois^ and
Hocquart^ to the Minister -with reference to the
Reappearance of Seigniorial Abuses, October 10,
1730.
Correspondance Generale, LII. loi fF.
Dans le sejour que nous avons fait a Montreal, plusieurs
particuliers se sont plaints que les seigneurs leur refusaient des
concessions dans leurs seigneuries, sous differents pretextes,
quoiqu'ils soient obliges par I'arrest du Conseil d'Etat du mois
de juillet 1711,^ de donner aux habitants celles qu'ils leur
demanderont, et en cas de refus, qu'ils puissent se pourvoir
pardevant les gouverneur et intendant du pays, auxquels Sa
Majeste ordonne de conceder aux d[its] habitants les terres
par eux demandees. Nous avons I'honneur de vous rendre
compte, Monseigneur, qu'a cette occasion 11 s'est gllsse
jusqu'a present plusieurs abus, tant de la part [des] seigneurs,
que de celle des habitants, et qui sont egalement contralres
aux arrests du ConseU d'Etat de 17 11, et a I'etabllssement
de la colonie. II est arrive que quelques seigneurs se sont
reserve des domaines considerables dans leurs seigneuries, et
que sous pretexte de possession de leur domaine Ils refusent
de conceder les terres qui leur sont demandees dans le d[it]
^ Charles, Marquis de Beauharnois, commissioned governor and lieutenant-
general of New France on January ii, 1726 (i^dits et Ordonnances, III. 67-68).
He should not be confused with Frangois de Beauharnois, who served as
intendant during the years 1702-1705.
" GlUes Hocquart was appointed commissary-general and acting Intendant
of the colony on March 8, 1729 (Edits et Ordonnances, III. 60-61). Two years
later he was named to the post of intendant, which he occupied for eighteen
years, displaying high administrative ability combined with unusual interest in
the economic development of New France. The home authorities recognised
his services by promoting him, in 1746, to the intendancy at Brest.
3 Above, pp. 91-93.

170 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
domaine et se croyent fondes a les pouvoir vendre, et les
ont vendues en effet. Nous avons reconnu aussi, que dans
les partages des seigneuries entre coheritlers, ceux d'entre eux
qui n'ont pas le droit de justice ni le principal manoir ne se
regardant plus comme seigneurs de fief, refusent de conceder
aux habitants les terres qui leur sont demandees dans leurs
partages, et croyent n'estre point dans le cas de I'arrest du
Conseil qui oblige les seigneurs de conceder, et au contraire
se croyent en droit de vendre les concessions qu'ils accordent.
II se trouve un autre Inconvenient de la part des habitants,
lesquels etant en droit d'exiger des concessions de la part des
seigneurs, apres en avoir obtenu, les vendent a d'autres dans
un petit espace de tems ; ce qui fait une sorte d'agiot et de
commerce dans le pays, prejudiciable a la colonie, sans aucune
augmentation pour le defrichement et la culture des terres, et
entretlent la paresse des habitans : a quoi les seigneurs ne
s'opposent point, parce qu'ils retirent des lods et ventes de
ces concessions ; de cette fa9on, plusieurs concessionnalres ne
tiennent point feu et lieu, et les seigneurs s'embarrassent peu
de les faire reunir a leur domaine, et s'ils en demandent la
reunion, ceux qui sont en possession ne peuvent repeter les
sommes qu'ils ont donnees en payement.
Nous estlmons, Monseigneur, qu'en maintenant les arrets
du Conseil d'Etat de 171 1, II convlendrak d'en faire rendre
un qui deffendlst aux seigneurs, et a tous autres proprietalres,
de vendre aucune terre en bois debout, sous quelque pretexte
que ce pust estre, a peine contre les seigneurs et proprietalres
des dites terres ainsi vendues de nullite des contrats, de
restitution du prix de la vente, et d'etre dechus de tous droits
et propriete qu'ils auralent pu pretendre sur les d[Ites] terres qui
seraient de plein droit reunles au domaine de Roy, et de
nouveau concedees, en son nom par nous.
II est vray en general que les seigneurs concedent les terres
ou paraissent les conceder gratis, mais ceux qui eludent la dis
position de I'arrest du Conseil ont besoin de s'en faire payer la

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 171
valeur, sans en faire mention dans les contrats, ou d'en faire
passer des obligations aux concessionnaires sous pretexte de
sommes qui leur sont dues d'alUeurs, ou de quelques petits
defrichements de terre sans culture, ou de prairies naturelles
qui s'y rencontrent.
Si M. Hocquart avait voulu prononcer sur toutes les con
testations concernant les abus que nous avons I'honneur de
vous exposer, II aurait trouble plusieurs families et donne
occasion a beaucoup de proces. II a crii que les concession
nalres n'ayant point profite des dispositions des arrets du
ConseU qui leur sont favorables, c'avait este leur pure faute
d'avoir donne des sommes pour les concessions qu'ils ont cues,
et qu'il n'y avait pas lieu a restitution suivant la maxime de
droit : Volenti non fit injuria.
Nous croyons, Monseigneur, qu'Il convlent au repos des
seigneurs et des habitants de laisser subslster les choses comme
elles se sont passees, en attendant I'arrest du Conseil que nous
avons I'honneur de vous demander, et ne rien changer a ce qui
s'est pratique jusqu'a present. II nous parattralt cependant
juste que, dans le cas ou il se trouverait des defrichements et
des prairies naturelles, les seigneurs pussent en profiter, et
que dans les concessions qu'ils donneraient I'etendue des d[its]
defrichements et prairies fust marquee, ainsi que les sommes
qu'ils recevraient des d[Its] concessionnalres.
Les terres en bois debout commencent a estre prisees dans
cette colonie, parce qu'actuellement les concessionnaires des
devantures manquent de bois, et qu'ils sont dans la necessite de
demander de nouvelles concessions dans le troisieme ou le
quatrleme rang, pour se pourvoir de ce seul besoin. La
plupart des habitants ne sont guere instruits des dispositions
des arrets du Conseil qui les regardent sur le fait en question.
M. Hocquart en a fait instruire quelques-uns des princlpaux,
sans les faire publier de nouveau. II se reserve a le faire
suivant les ordres que nous recevrons de vous, Monseigneur,
I'annee prochalne.

172 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
Nous sommes avec un tres profond respect, Monseigneur,
vos tres humbles et tres obeissants serviteurs,
Beauharnois. Hocquart.
A Quebec, le lo octobre 1730.

No. 49. Despatch of Messieurs de Beauharnois and
Hocquart to the Minister complaining of the
Conduct of various Seigniors, and asking for a
Reiteration of the Provisions of the Arrets of
Marly, October 3, 1731.
Correspondance Generale, LIV. 38 ff.
Monseigneur, —
Sur la lettre que vous nous avez fait I'honneur de
nous ecrire sur les abus dont nous vous informlons au sujet
des concessions des terres en Canada, nous voyons que Sa
Majeste a suspendu a rendre [i.e. a suspendu de rendre, or
" has postponed the Issue of"] un arrest, jusqu'a ce que vous
eussiez notre reponse et notre avis, et vous recommandez forte
ment a M. Hocquart de faire achever le papier terrier attendu
que I'examen de cet ouvrage peut seul faire prendre des
arrangements certains sur cela.
M. Hocquart a toujours senti de quelle Importance 11 est
que le papier terrier soit fait pour en tirer toutes les lumieres
necessaires aux reglement que cela demande, mais il ne depend
pas de luy que cet ouvrage allle plus vlte. Ce sont les com
munautes ^ qui empeschent principalement de I'accelerer par le
' Frequent complaints were made that religious orders responded with
inexcusable delay to repeated requests for the prompt filing of aveux et dinom
brements giving data in regard to the seigniories held by them. The Jesuits
seem to have been the chief offenders in this respect. As the religious orders
and institutions were very extensive landholders, their failure to supply statistics
rendered the terrier of little service for the time being.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 173
peu d'empressement qu'elles affectent a se mettre en regie.
Cependant M. Hocquart est parvenu a faire fournir par le
Seminaire de Montreal I'aveu et denombrement des terres qu'il
possede en Canada. II y a lieu d'esperer que les Jesultes, le
seminaire de Quebec et autres communautes ne reculeront plus.
Car jusque Icy les uns et les autres sembloient se defendre de
faire les premiers leurs declarations.
Nous attendrons nous mesmes la fin du papier terrier pour
estre plus en etat de donner a la reponse et a I'avis que Sa
Majeste souhake de nous, la justesse et la precision conven
ables. Nous aurons seulement I'honneur de vous observer
pour le present qu'une partie des abus dont nous parlous dans
notre lettre du lo octobre 1730^ paraltrolt susceptible de
reformation des aujourd'huy sans qu'il fust absolument besoin
de consulter le papier terrier. Nous n'avlons point cru par
cette raison devoir differer a vous en instruire, quoique ce papier
terrier soit encore imparfak. Telles sont, par exemple, les
ventes que quelques seigneurs se mettent sur le pied de faire
de leurs terres quolqu'elles soient entlerement en bois debout,
au lieu de les conceder simplement a raison d'un sol de cens
par arpent et un chapon par chaque arpent de front ; ventes que
quelques seigneurs cherchent a colorer ou a deguiser sous diffe
rents pretextes et par differentes voles detailees dans notre
derniere lettre ; tel est encore le trafic des billets de concession
que notre m^me lettre explique. Mais Sa Majeste a entendu
vraisemblement statuer sur le tout par un seul et mesme regle
ment, et n'estlme pas a propos d'en faire un separe sur ces
sortes de ventes.
Cependant s'il plalst a Sa Majeste d'ordonner de nouveau
la publication des arrets de 171 1, de defendre a tous particu
liers de vendre des terres en bois debout, a peine de nullite des
contracts, de restitution du prix, et de donner un nouveau
delai d'un an ou deux aux proprietalres des seigneuries, non
' Printed above, pp. 169-172.

174 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
encore defrichees pour les etablir ou faire etablir nous estl
mons, Monseigneur, Independamment du papier terrier que
ces ordres remedierolent en partie, s'ils ne le faisalent pas
totalement, aux abus dont nous avons eu I'honneur de vous
rendre compte.
A regard des concessions accordees par les seigneurs aux
habitants, M. Hocquart s'est conforme jusques a present a
I'arrest du i6 juillet 17 ii et a prononce depuls qu'il est en
Canada la reunion de plus de deux cents concessions aux
domaines des seigneurs faute par les concessionnaires d'y
avoir tenu feu et lleu.^
II a cependant pris sur luy de donner un delay de six mois
ou d'un an a ces concessionaires pour leur oster tout sujet de
plalnte, avant d'en venir a la reunion. Ce delay en a mis
plusieurs en regie et les a engage a establir leur terres pour se
mettre a couvert de la peine portee par I'arrest du Conseil
d'Etat du mois de juillet 17 11.
Nous sommes avec un tres profond respect, Monseigneur,
vos tres humbles et tres obeissants serviteurs,
Beauharnois et Hocquart.
A Quebec, le 3 octobre 1731.

No. 50. Royal Arret ordering Seigniors to Cultivate
their Lands and forbidding the Sale of Uncleared
Lands, March 15, 1732.^
Edits et Ordonnances, 1 . 531.
Le roi s'etant fait representer en son conseil I'arret rendu
en Icelui le six juillet, mil sept cent onze, portant que les
1 An instance of the intendant's action may be found in £dits et Ordon-
7iances, II. 508-510 (March 30, 1730).
2 This decree, commonly known as the Arret of Versailles, seems to have
been issued as a result of the request made by the governor and intendant
that the provisions of the first Arret of Marly should be reiterated. See
above, p. 170.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 175
habitants de la Nouvelle-France, auxquels 11 auroit ete accorde
des terres en seigneuries, qui n'y auroient pas de domaines
defriches ni d'habltants etablis, seroient tenus de les mettre en
culture et d'y placer des habitants dans un an du jour de la
publication du dit arret ; passe lequel tems elles demeurerolent
reunles au domaine de Sa Majeste, et que les dits seigneurs
serolent aussi tenus de conceder aux habitants qui les de-
manderoient, a titre de redevance et sans exiger aucune somme
d'argent, sinon permis aux dits habitans, en cas de refus apres
une sommation, de se pourvoir pardevant le gouverneur et
lieutenant-general et I'lntendant du dit pays, pour en obtenir
les concessions aux memes droits imposes sur les autres terres
concedees, lesquels droits seroient payes au receveur du
domaine de Sa Majeste, sans que les seigneurs puissent rien
pretendre sur les terres ainsi concedees : et un autre arret du
meme jour, six juillet, mil sept cent onze, portant que les
concessionaires de terres en roture serolent tenus d'y avoir feu
et lieu et de les mettre en valeur dans un an du jour de la
publication, a peine de reunion au domaine des seigneurs sur
les ordonnances de I'lntendant.
Et Sa Majeste etant Informee, qu'au prejudice des dis
positions de ces deux arrets, il y a des seigneurs qui se sont
reserves dans leurs terres des domaines considerables, qu'ils
vendent en bois debout au lieu de les conceder simplement a
titre de redevances, et que des habitans qui ont obtenu des
concessions des seigneurs les vendoient a d'autres, qui les
revendent successivement, ce qui opere un commerce contraire
au bien de la colonie, et etant necessaire de remedler a des
abus si prejudlciables : Sa Majeste etant en son conseil, a
ordonne et ordonne que dans deux ans, a compter du jour de
la publication du present arret, tous les proprietalres des terres
en seigneurie non encore defrichees, seront tenus de les mettre
en valeur et d'y etablir des habitans, sinon, et le dit tems passe,
les dites terres demeureront reunles au domaine de Sa Majeste
en vertu du present arret, et sans qu'il en soit besoin d'autre.

176 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
Fait Sa Majeste tres-expresses Inhibitions et defenses a tous
seigneurs et autres proprietalres, de vendre aucunes terres en
bois debout, a peine de nullite des contrats de vente, et de
restitution du prix des dites terres vendues, lesquelles seront
parelllement reunles de plein droit au domaine de Sa Majeste,
et seront au surplus les dits deux arrets du six juillet, mU sept
cent onze, executes selon leur forme et teneur, et le present
sera registre au greffe du conseil superieur de Quebec, lu et
publie partout ou besoin sera.
Fait au conseil d'etat du roi, Sa Majeste y etant, tenu a
Versailles, le quinze mars, mil sept cent trente-deux.
Phelypeaux.

No. 51. Despatch of Messieurs de Beauharnois and
Hocquart concerning the Enforcement of the
Royal Decree relating to the Clearing of Seign
iories, October i, 1732.
Correspondance Generale, LVII. 8 ff.
Monseigneur, —
. . . Les Sieurs de Beauharnois et Hocquart ont re^u
I'arrest qu'il a plu a Sa Majeste de faire rendre par lequel elle
fait defenses a tous seigneurs et autres proprietalres de vendre
aucunes terres en bois debout.^ Cet arrest estoit necessaire
pour empescher des ventes aussy prejudlciables a I'avancement
des establissements. II a este enregistre au Conseil et rendu
public dans les villes et parolsses de cette colonie. Les Sieurs
de Beauharnois et Hocquart vellleront a I'executlon. Quant
aux arrests du mois de juillet 171 1, si I'on n'a pas tenu
exactement la main a faire reunir au domaine du Roy les
seigneuries dont 11 n'y a encore aucune partie en valeur,
comme la pluspart de celles qui sont dans ce cas-la ne sont point
' Printed above, pp. 174-176.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 177
ou peu propres a faire des establissements, telles que sont
celles du bas de la riviere jusqu'a Gaspe, cela n'a point nui au
bien de la colonie. Sa Majeste n'en aurolt fait aucun usage,
et elles auroient tombe a d'autres proprietalres qui n'auroient
pas este plus en etat de les mettre en valeur. Sa Majeste est
instruite que depuls le Bic jusqu'au bas de la riviere les terres
y sont communement mauvaises, et ce n'est que successivement
et par un grand laps de temps que I'on peut esperer d'y faire
des etabllssements.A regard du second arrest qui concerne les concessions
faites aux particuliers par les seigneurs, le Sieur Hocquart a
prononce depuis qu'il est en Canada plus de 400 reunions aux
domaines des seigneurs faute par les habitants d'y avoir tenu
feu et lieu.^ II est vray qu'avant de prononcer ces reunions il
a donne 6 mois ou un an de delay aux habitants qui estolent
dans le cas pour satisfaire au dit arrest. Ces delays qui
n'estoient pas purement communicatoires ont mis en regie
une partle de ces habitants et ont empesche les autres de se
plaindre. . . .
Beauharnois. Hocquart.
A Qu]^BEC, le premier 8''" 1732.

No. 52. Despatch of Messieurs de Beauharnois and
Hocquart to the Minister asking for a Remission
of the Quint on behalf of Major Pean, Septem
ber 30, 1736.
Correspondance Generale, LXV. 3.
Monseigneur, —
M. Pean, Major de Quebec, a fait depuls peu I'acquisitlon
de la moltie de la terre et seigneurie de la Durantaye decretee
sur les heritiers des Sieur et Dame de la Durantaye sulvant la
^ Cf. above, pp. 93-94- M

178 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
sentence d'adjudicatlon du 14° aoust dernier pour la somme
de 16,000 livres.^
Cet officler doit s'addresser a vous, Monseigneur, pour vous
supplier de luy accorder la remise du droit de quint revenant
a Sa Majeste pour la dite acquisition.^
Nous prenons la llberte de vous faire la meme priere de
lui accorder cette grace en consideration des services qu'Il
rend depuis 38 ans dans la colonie, et de ceux qu'il a rendus
en dernier lieu au Detroit oil II a commande pendant trois ans
avec beaucoup de conduite et de zele pour le service.
Nous Savons d'ailleurs, Monseigneur, que vous I'avez en
toute occasion honore de vos bontes.
Nous sommes avec un tres profond respect, Monseigneur,
Beauharnois. Hocquart.
A Quebec, le 30 septembre 1736.

No. t^T^. Despatch of Messieurs de Beauharnois and
Hocquart to the Minister concerning various
Seigniorial Grants, October 15, 1736.
Correspondance Generale, LXV. 76 ff.
Monseigneur, —
. . . Le nomme Eustache Lienard dit Mondor ^ ne
s'est point presente a nous depuis qu'Il est arrive de France.
^ The seigniory of St. Michel, here referred to, had been originally granted
to Olivier Morel de la Durantaye in 1696 (Titres des Seigneuries, 424). On
August 14, 1736, a judicial decree awarded part of it to the wife of Ives Jacques
Pdan (Actes de Foi et Honunage, III. 171).
2 The droit de qui7it was fixed by the Custom of Paris (Article XXV.) at
one-fifth of the value of the seigniory, but It was the practice of the crown to
allow a rebate of one-third of the amount (cf. F. J. Cugnet, Traiti de la loi des
fiefs, Quebec, 1775, p. 11). The amount became due and payable upon the
occasion of each mutation in ownership of a seigniory, unless the change were
the result of inheritance in direct succession.
^ Eustache Lienard dit Mont d'Or.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 179
La demande qu'il vous a fake, Monseigneur, d'une concession
derriere celle accordee dans le sud du fleuve S'' Laurent, a
prendre depuls le Saut de la Chaudiere, a courir du coste de
la Riviere du Chesne, nous parok faite hors de propos.
Car si c'est une concession qu'Il demande en seigneurie il
ne convlent point qu'un simple habitant possede des fiefs, et si
c'est une concession a cens et rentes les proprietalres des
nouvelles seigneuries concedees de ce cote la ne demandent
pas mieux que de conceder des terres a des habitants. Et
Mondor peut s'adresser a eux.
Quant a I'affaire qu'Il a avec le nomme Louis Levasseur et
pour laquelle le dit Mondor s'estoit pourvu en cassation de
deux arrets rendus au Conseil Superieur, Levasseur n'est point
du tout dispose k entrer dans aucun accommodement, et veut
s'en tenir a son droit acquis au surplus nous n'avons eu aucune
nouvelle de Mondor. M. Hocquart pourra vous dire, Mon
seigneur, les ralsons qui I'empechent de se montrer, qui sont
tristes pour cet habitant.
Le sieur De Chevlgny ^ a fait fabrlquer dans la Seigneurie
de Berthier pendant une partle de Teste environ un miller de
bray sec, et pareille quantlte de resine qui seront embarques sur
le vaisseau du Roy.
Nous avons remis aux Sieurs De la Perade ^ et Longueull '
les brevets de confirmation que vous avez eu agreable de leur
procurer pour les concessions qui leur ont este cy-devant
accordees. Nous avons informe le Chapitre que Sa Majeste avoit
approuve que nous eussions empeche I'establissement de la
seigneurie qu'il pretend luy appartient, proche le long saut,
et que nous lui expedierons une concession d'une pareille
1 Frangois de Chavigny, Sieur de la Chevrotidre.
' Thomas Tarieu, Sieur de la Pdrade. The royal ratification, dated April 20,
1735, ™''y ^^ found in Titres des Seigneuries, 177.
^ The grant had been made to Joseph Lemoyne de Longueuil on April 21,
1734 (Ibid., 173). The royal ratification followed on February 8, 1735 (Brevets
de Ratification, 92).

180 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
estendue dans le Lac Champlain, sur quoy s'estant assembles
Ils ont fait la deliberation dont I'acte est cy-joint.
Nous avons, Monseigneur, fait expedier pour le Sieur
Raimbault une concession dans le Lac Champlain ^ de quatre
lieues de front sur cinq de profondeur. Nous la luy avons
donnee de cette estendue a cause de sa nombreuse famille qui
consiste en quatorze enfans, car les concessions ordinalres ne
sont que de deux lieues. II avait paru souhaiter en avoir une
dans la grande Riviere au dessus de la seigneurie de Madame
D'argenteuil, mais outre qu'il convlent mieux pour I'augmenta
tlon de la colonie d'establir le Lac Champlain la concession
que nous aurions accordee au Sieur Raimbault dans la grande
Riviere n'aurolt pu luy procurer d'autre avantage que celuy de
la tralte avec les sauvages qui descendent a Montreal, ce qu'U est
important d'empecher pour I'interestdu commerce de cette vUle.
Nous jolgnons copie de cette concession et de deux autres
que nous avons fait expedier aux Sieur Daillebout, D'Argen-
teuil,^ et Douville ; ^ nous vous prions, Monseigneur, d'en
obtenir la ratification de Sa Majeste.
Nous sommes avec un tres, &c. &c. Beauharnois.
Hocquart.
Le 15' octobre 1736.
P.S. — Cy joint, Monseigneur, copie d'une concession que
nous avons accordee au Sieur De Lafontaine.* Nous vous
prions parelllement d'en obtenir la ratification de Sa Majeste.
Hocquart.
1 The concession to Pierre Raimbault, to which reference is here made,
was given by the governor and intendant on October 8, 1736 (Titres des Seig
neuries, 186).
^ Jean Daillebout, Sieur d'Argenteuil. The title-deed is dated October 6,
1736 (Ibid., 184).
' Michel Daigneaux, Sieur Douville. His title is dated October 8, 1736
(Ibid., 187).
* The title to the fief of Livaudidre was granted to the Sieur de la Fontaine
de Belcourt (or Bellecourt) on October 10, 1736 (Ibid., 202). The royal ratifica
tion was accorded on April 30, 1737 (Brevets de Ratificatio7i, 102).

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 181

No. 54. Proposals of Messieurs de Beauharnois and
Hocquart [to Maurepas] regarding the Settlement
of Lands at Pointe-a-la-Chevelure,^ October 11,
1737-
Correspondance Generale, LXVII. ii ff.
Monseigneur, —
Nous avons re9u la lettre que vous nous avez fait
I'honneur de nous ecrire sur le projet propose par M""- Hocquart
pour retablissement des terres qui sont vis-a-vis et proche le
fort de la Pointe a la Chevelure et sur I'examen que nous
avons fait de ce projet nous I'avons trouve egalement avan
tageux au service du Roy et a I'accroissement de la colonie.
Ces terres sont tres propres pour les cultures, tant par leur
qualite que par leur situation dans la partie la plus meridionale
de la colonie. Les jeunes habitans qui s'y etabliront et qui
seront nombreux dans peu d'annees avec les mesures que nous
prendrons sous votre bon plaisir seront d'un prompt secours
pour le fort en cas d'attaque. La necessite 011 Ton est actuelle-
1 Polnte-k-la-Chevelure (Scalp Point) is better known as Crown Point,
between Lake Champlain and Lake St. George. As early as 1726 the French
had attempted to seize this strategic location, but had been deterred by the
opposition of Massachusetts. Some five years later, however, the Sieur de la
Fresnidre was sent to the spot with a force of troops, and erected there a
fortified post, which was called Fort St. Frederic. This was done under the
direct instructions of Louis XV., communicated in a despatch to Messieurs de
Beauharnois and Hocquart in the spring of 1731 (for this despatch see Docu
ments relative to the Colonial History of New York, IX. 1024-1025). During
the next few years considerable correspondence took place between the home
and the colonial officials concerning various means of strengthening the post,
deliberations which culminated In the proposal drafted by Hocquart and here
elaborated. In general, the intendant's design was to establish a royal
seigniory upon the lands in the vicinity of the fort, and within the limits of
this to grant lands en censive to habitants at reasonable rates. The scheme may
be compared with Talon's plan for the establishment of military cantonments
along the Richelieu more than half a century before (see above, pp. 22-26).

182 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
ment d'y envoyer des vivres pour la subslstance de la garnlson
constitue le Roy dans une depense considerable en voitures, et
par eau, ce qui monte pour ce seul article a plus de 3000 llvres
par an. Cette depense n'aura plus lieu des qu'il se trouvera k
portee du fort des habitans qui fourniront les bleds, bestiaux,
ou lard necessaires a la garnlson.
Les concessions que nous accorderons donneront des cens
et rentes dont le produit sera employe a I'entretient du fort.
Chaque concession sera de trois arpens de front sur quarante de
profondeur a la charge d'un sol de cens par chaque arpens de
front, de vingt sols par chaque vingt arpens en superficie, et
d'un demi minot de bled par chaque quarante arpents aussi en
superficie au lieu de chapon, ce qui rendra au Roy dix livres par
chaque habitant.^
Le terrain a etablir consiste dans 6 lieues de terre de fi-ont
vis-a-vis le fort, trois lieues en montant et trois lleues en
descendant, et en outre dans tout celuy qui se trouve depuis
le nouveau fort jusques a la riviere a la Barbue. On pourra
placer sur les devantures jusqu'a 200 habitans et reserver pour
le domaine du Roy toute la presqu'Isle du nouveau fort en
remontant jusques a 40 arpents de front, oil M. de Lery^a
deja fait defricher 50 arpens en superficie pour decouvrir les
environs, desquels 50 arpents 11 y en a actue dement 15 a la
charrue, le reste a ete seme en prairies. On a este oblige de
faire construire sous le canon du fort une grange, une ecurie
et une etable qui servent aujourd'hui a loger les bestiaux
necessaires pour le transport du bois de chauffage, de sorte
qu'il en coiltera peu pour mettre ce domaine en valeur jusqu'a
concurrence de 120 arpents.
Une autre consideration non moins importante c'est que cet
etablissement en fera faire d'autres de proche en proche le
1 This was about the usual rate of cens et rentes current in the colony.
2 Chaussegros de Ldry, the military engineer. He had already prepared
and sent to the authorities several plans and estimates of the fort at Pointe-k-la-
Chevelure. See Report 071 Canadia7i Archives, 1906, I. 36-37.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 183
long de la cote du Lac est de Ouest et reunira quelque jour
une grande quantlte d'habltans dans le governement de Mon
treal qui ne sont repandus aujourd'hui que le long des rivieres.
Dans le nombre des cultures le tabac sera une de celles
qui pourra prendre le plus de faveur a cause de la beaute du
climat. Cette plante y murira beaucoup mieux qu'en tout
autre endroit de la colonie.
Pour parvenir a faire I'etabllssement propose II en coAtera
peu eu egard aux avantages dont nous venons de rendre
compte. Les particuliers n'ont jusqu'a present employe d'autre
moyen pour etablir les seigneuries qui leur ont este concedees
qu'en y faisant batir des moulins pour I'usage de leurs habi
tants. Quand ils ont este en situation d'y faire batir des
eglises et d'y entretenir des cures, leurs terres se sont etablies
promptement. Le Roy entretlent aujourd'huy un aumonier dans le fort
de la Polnte a la Chevelure. Les nouveaux habitants seront
par la a portee de recevoir les secours spirituels dont Ils auront
besoin, et il n'est plus question pour les engager d'y aller
s'establlr que de leur batir un moulin k vent, n'y ayant point
de ruisseaux assez abondants pour en faire construire un a
I'eau. M"" de Lery, qui connatt les lieux, est d'avis de le faire
construire a une polnte avancee qui est sous le canon du fort,
qui est I'endrolt le plus convenable et le mieux expose. Nous
joignons un plan et un devis estimatif de ce batiment dont la
depense montera a 2484 llvres, 16 sols, 8 deniers, et auquel
nous ferons travailler aussitot que nous aurons re9u vos ordres.
M. Hocquart doit comprendre dans I'etat des munitions a
demander I'annee prochaine la moulange et les ustensUes
necessaires. Nous estimons qu'au moyen de cet arrangement
II nous sera aise d'engager plusieurs jeunes gens a aller
s'etablir dans ces quartlers. Pour les y determiner absolu
ment, du moins les premiers qui se presenteront, et II s'en
est deja presente, il conviendra de leur procurer quelque
secours la premiere annee. Ces secours conslstant dans une

184 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
ration et quelques ustensUes comme hache, pioche, et charrue
que nous evaluons a la somme de 150 livres pour chacun des
six premiers habitans qui y auront tenu feu et lieu pendant
un an. Lorsque ces six habitans seront etablis, 11 n'en
manquera point d'autres qui sulvront leur exemple. II y a
encore d'autres moyens pour les y attirer, par exemple de
charger dans le commencement le garde magasins du fort de
quelques munitions et marchandises les plus necessaires aux
habitans et de les leur vendre a un bon prix, de leur faire
remise pendant les deux ou trois premieres annees de leurs
cens et rentes. Nous employerons successivement ces moyens
s'il est necessaire.
L' exploitation d'un moulin coxitera quelque chose pendant
les 4 ou 5 premieres annees. On trouvera facilement un
soldat de la garnlson du fort qui s'en chargera et moudra le
grain des premieres habitants moyennant 50 llvres par an de
gages jusqu'a ce que le produit des moutures puisse entre
tenir un meunler qui payera en outre une ferme au Roy,
lorsque le terrain en question sera bien etabli.
II y a deja 50 arpens de terre defriches dans le terrain
reserve. II conviendra, si vous I'approuvez, d'en faire defricher
encore 70. Les soldats de la garnlson y seront employes. 11
n'en coiltera pas au Roy plus de 50 livres par arpent. Alors le
domaine qui sera de 1 20 arpens de terre en valeur produira de
quoy nourrir la garnlson avec le secours qu'on tirera des
nouveaux habitants. Et si dans la suite Sa Majeste est dans
I'lntentlon d'agrandir le domaine, II y a du terrain pour cela.
Les soldats qui sont aujourd'huy en garnlson dans le fort ont
beaucoup de peine a vivre avec la ration du Roy qui consiste
dans 45 lb. de pain et 7I lb. de lard par mois. Ce qui ne
peut leur suffire, et Ils resteront dans cette situation jusqu'a
ce que par quelques travaux qu'ils feront chez les nouveaux
habitants ou sur le domaine du Roy, Ils se procurent par eux-
mesmes quelque aisance. Cela est d'autant plus necessaire que
les soldats y sont a portee de deserter et de passer aux Anglais.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 185
M""' de Beauharnois est oblige de les relever souvent par cette
raison aussi bien que pour les soulager, ce qui constitue
toujours le Roy en de nouvelles depenses.
Pour prevenir les desertions, 11 convlent de traiter un peu
mieux le soldat. M. Hocquart a cet effet y a envoye quelques
boeufs qui serviront a rafratchir la garnlson pendant le cours
de I'hiver. Les officiers sont dans le m^me cas que les soldats pour les
incommodites de la vie. II n'y a que les motifs de I'honneur
qui les y font aller lorsqu'Us sont commandes.
Le nom du fort de la Polnte a la Chevelure ne nous paralt
pas convenir a un fort fran9als. Nous vous demandons,
Monseigneur, la permission de I'appeler le fort Maurepas. La
beaute et la solidite de I'ouvrage meritent qu'Il porte votre
nom. Nous sommes, &c. Beauharnois.
Hocquart.

No. ^^. Memoir [of Hocquart] to the Minister con
taining a Characterisation of the French-Canadian
Population [November 8, 1737]-^
Correspondance Generale, LXVII. 40 ff.
La colonic de la Nouvelle-France peut comprendre environ
40,000 personnes de tout age et de tout sexe,^ sur lesquelles
il se trouve dix mille hommes en estat de porter les armes.
' This very interesting portraiture of the Canadian population does not
bear any signature ; but there are several definite indications that it was
written by Gilles Hocquart, intendant of New France. It may be very
profitably compared with the description given by Lahontan some thirty years
earlier (New Voyages, ed. Thwaltes, I. 34-35), and with that given by the
Scandinavian naturalist, Peter Kalm, some years later (Travels into North
America, Vol. \. passim, especially, p. 287).
2 The exact number, as given in the census of 1734, was 37,716. See
Johnson, Censuses of Canada, 1665-1871, p. 61.

186 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
Les Canadiens sont naturellement grands, bien faits, d'un
temperament vigoureux. Comme les arts n'y sont point
genes par des maltrises, et que dans les commencements de
I'etabllssement de la colonie les ouvriers etoient rares, la
necessite les a rendus industrieux de generation en generation.
Les habitans des campagnes manient tous adrokement la
hache. lis font euxmemes la pluspart des outils et ustensUes
de labourage, batlssent leur malsons, leurs granges. Plusieurs
sont tisserans, font de grosses toiles et des etoffes qu'ils
appellent droguet, dont Ils se servent pour se vetir eux et
leur famille.
Ils aiment les distinctions et les caresses, se piquant de
bravoure, sont extremement senslbles aux meprls et aux
molndres punklons : Ils sont interesses, vindicatlfs, sont sujets
a I'lvrognerie, font un grand usage de I'eau-de-vle, [et]
passent pour n'etre pas veridlques.
Ce portrait convlent au grand nombre particullerement
aux gens de la campagne. Ceux des villes sont moins vicleux.
Tous sont attaches a la religion. On volt peu de scelerats.
lis sont volages, ont trop bonne opinion d'euxmemes, ce qui
les empeche de reussir comme Ils pourroient le faire dans les
arts, Tagrlculture et le commerce. Joignons a cela rolslvete
a laquelle la longueur et la rigueur de I'hiver donne occasion.
lis aiment la chasse, la navigation, les voyages et n'ont point
I'alr grossler et rustlque de nos paysans de France. lis sont
communement assez souples lorsqu'on les pique d'honneur et
qu'on les gouverne avec justice, mais ils sont naturellement
indoclles. II est necessaire de fortifier de plus en plus I'exacte
subordination qui doit estre dans tous les ordres, particullere
ment dans les gens de la campagne. Cette partie du ser
vice a este de tout temps la plus importante et la plus
difficile a remplir. Un des moyens pour y parvenir est de
cholsir pour officiers dans les costes les habitans les plus sages
et les plus capables de commander, et d 'apporter de la part du
gouvernement toute I'attention convenable pour les malntenir

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 187
dans leur autorite. On ose dire que le manque de fermete
dans les gouvernemens passes a beaucoup nui a la subor
dination. Depuis plusieurs annees les crimes ont este punis,
les desordres ont ete reprimes par des chatiments proportiones.
La police par rapport aux chemins publics, aux cabarets, etc.,
a este mieux observee et en general les habitants ont este plus
contenus qu'ils ne I'estoient autrefois. II y a quelques families
nobles en Canada, mais elles sont si nombreuses qu'Il y a
beaucoup de gentilshommes.
Volcy les noms des principales de ces families :

Families.
Le Gardeur .
Denys
Daillebout
Boucher .

Contrecoeur .
La Valterie .
St. Ours .
Melolses .
Tarieu de la Perade
Le Moyne
Aubert 2 . . .
Hertel . . .
Godefroy . . .
Damour

Branches.
Repentlgny.
Crolsllie. Tilly et Beauvals.
St. Pierre.
Denys de la Ronde.
Bonaventure.De St. Simon.
Perlgny.Menthet.i
Dargenteull.
Des Musseaux.
Cette famille est etablie a Boucherville,
village prds de Montreal, I'aind, qui est
age de prds de 90 ans, a plus de 150
enfans, petits enfants, frdres, neveux,
petit neveux.
Toutes ces families viennent du regi
ment de Carignan, envoye en Canada
en 1665.
C'est la famille des Longueuils.

Ces deux families sont trds nombreuses.

1 Manteht. Cf. Tanguay, Dictionnaire Gi7iialogique, I. 153.
'^ Aubert de la Chesnaye.

188 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
II y a d'autres gentilshommes qui sont dans les troupes,
mais dont les families sont moins anciennes dans le pays.
Tous les gentilshommes et enfans d'officlers desirent
entrer dans le service, ce qui est louable en soy-meme, mais
comme la pluspart sont pauvres, plusieurs y entrent pour y
trouver une petite resource dans la solde du Roy plustot que
par d'autres motifs. M. le Gouverneur-general choisit les
meUleurs sujets. On a de la peine a engager les autres a faire
valoir des terres. Peut-etre convlendroit-il d'en faire passer
quelques-uns en France pour y servir dans la marine, afin de
s'attacher de plus en plus la noblesse et les gens du pays.-'
. . Les despdches ecrltes en 1733 au sujet des imposi
tions nouvelles a etablir pour rendre les peuples plus laborleux,
plus Industrieux, et pour subvenir en meme temps aux de
penses que le Roy veut bien faire pour soutenir la colonie ont
trake au long cette matiere. [Unsigned.]

No. 56. Royal Arret concerning Concessions and Re
vocations of Lands in the Colonies, July 17, 1743.^
Edits et Ordonnances, I. 573-574-
Louis, par la grace de Dieu, roi de France et de Navarre,
a tous ceux qui ces presentes lettres verront, salut.
Nous avons, a I'exemple des rois nos predecesseurs, autorlse
^ On the personnel and condition of the noblesse of the old rdgime, cf.
Benjamin Suite on " L'ancienne noblesse du Canada," in Revue Canadienne,
May- July, 1885, pp. 298-405 passi77i; ]. D. Edgar on "Titles of Honour in
Canada," in University [of Toro7ito'\ Quarterly Review, February, i8go, pp.
88-104 j and Munro, The Seigniorial System in Ca7iada, chap. Ix.
''¦ Although from time to time instructions had been given that grants of
seigniories should be made by the governor and intendant jointly, and that all
revocations of titles for failure to fulfil the conditions upon which grants were
made should be decreed by those officials (see above, pp. 41, 91), the exact
procedure to be followed In making grants and revocations had never been
laid down until the issue of this arrdt in 1743.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 189
les gouverneurs et intendans de nos colonies de 1' Amerique,
non seulement a faire seuls les concessions de terres que nous
faisons distribuer a ceux de nos sujets qui veulent y faire des
etabllssemens, mais aussi de proceder a la reunion a notre
domaine des terres concedees qui se trouvent dans le cas d'y
etre reunles, faute d'avoir ete mises en valeur ; et ils con
nolssent parelllement, a I'exduslon des juges ordinalres, de
toutes les contestations qui s'elevent entre les concessionaires
ou leurs ayans cause, tant par rapport a la validke et a
I'executlon des concessions que pour raison de leurs positions,
etendues et limites. Mais nous sommes informes qu'Il n'y a
eu jusqu'a present rien de certain ni sur la forme de proceder
soit aux reunions des concessions, soit a I'instruction et aux
jugemens des contestations qui naissent entre les concessionaires
ou leurs ayans cause, ni meme sur les voles qu'on doit suivre
pour se pourvoir contre les ordonnances rendues par les
gouverneurs et intendans sur cette matiere ; en sorte que
non-seulement II s'est Introdult des usages differens dans les
diverses colonies, mais encore qu'il y a eu de frequentes
variations a cet egard dans une seule et meme colonie. C'est
pour faire cesser cet etat d'incertitude sur des objets si In-
teressans pour la stirete et tranquillke des families, que nous
avons resolu d'etablir, par une loi precise, des regies fixes et
invariables qui puissent etre observees dans toutes nos colonies,
tant sur la forme de proceder a la reunion a notre domaine
des concessions qui devront y etre reunies, et a I'instruction
des discussions qu'elles pourront occasionner, que pour les voles
auxquelles pourront avoir recours ceux qui crolront avoir lieu
de se plaindre des jugemens qui seront rendus.
A ces causes et autres a ce nous mouvant, de I'avis de
notre conseil et de notre certaine science, pleine puissance et
autorite royale, nous avons dit, declare, et ordonne, et par ces
presentes signees de notre main, disons, dedarons et ordonnons,
voulons et nous plait ce qui suit :
Article I. Les gouverneurs, lieutenans-generaux pour nous

190 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
et les Intendans de nos colonies, ou les officiers qui les repre-
senteront a leur defaut ou en leur absence des colonies
continueront de faire conjointement les concessions des terres
aux habitans qui seront dans le cas d'en obtenir pour les faire
valoir, et leur en expedleront les titres aux clauses et con
ditions ordinalres et accoutumees.
II. lis procederont parelllement a la reunion a notre
domaine des terres qui devront y etre reunies, et ce a la
diligence de nos procureurs des jurisdictions ordinalres, dans
le ressort desquelles seront situees les dites terres.
III. lis ne pourront conceder les terres qui auront ete une
fois concedees, quolqu'elles soient dans le cas d'etre reunies
qu'apres que la reunion en aura ete prononcee, a peine de
nullite des nouvelles concessions, et sans prejudice neanmolns
de la reunion, laquelle pourra toujours etre poursuivre contre
les premiers concessionaires.
IV. Les gouverneurs et lieutenans-generaux pour nous et
les intendans, ou les officiers qui les representeront a leur
defaut ou en leur absence des colonies, continueront aussi de
connokre, a I'exduslon de tous autres juges, de toutes con
testations qui nakront entre les concessionaires ou leurs ayans
cause, tant sur la valldite et execution des concessions, qu'au
sujet de leurs positions, etendues et limites, et dans le cas oil
II y aura des mineurs qui seront parties dans les dites con
testations, elles seront communiquees a nos procureurs des
jurisdictions ordinalres, dans le ressort desquelles les gouver
neurs et Intendans feront leur residence, pour y donner leurs
conclusions de la meme maniere que si les dites contestations
etoient portees aux dites jurisdictions ; n'entendons [pas] nean
molns comprendre dans la disposition du present article, les
contestations qui naitront sur les partages de families, dont
les juges de nos jurisdictions ordinalres continueront de
connoitre. V. Dedarons nulles et de nul effet toutes concessions qui
ne seront pas faites conjointement par le gouverneur et

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 191
I'lntendant, ou par les officiers qui doivent les representer
respectivement, comme aussi toutes reunions qui ne seront
pas prononcees, et tous jugemens qui ne seront pas rendus
en commun par eux ou leurs representans. Autorlsons nean
molns I'un des deux, dans le cas de deces de I'autre, ou de son
absence de la colonie et de defaut d'officlers qui puissent
representer celui qui sera mort ou absent, a faire seul les
concessions, meme a proceder aux reunions a notre domaine,
et aux jugemens des contestations formees entre les con
cessionaires, en appelant cependant, pour les jugemens des dites
contestations, seulement tels officiers des conseils superieurs ou
des jurisdictions qu'il jugera a propos ; et il sera tenu de faire
mention tant dans les concessions et reunions, que dans les
jugemens des contestations particulieres, de la necessite ou il
se sera trouve d'y proceder ainsi, et ce, a peine de nullite.
VI. Dans le cas ou les gouverneurs et intendans se trou
veront d'avis differens sur les demandes qui leur seront
faltes de concessions de terres, voulons qu'ils suspendent
d'en expedier les titres jusqu'a ce que nous leur ayons
donne nos ordres, sur le compte qu'ils nous rendront de
leurs motifs, et dans les cas de partage d'opinlons entr'eux,
soit pour les jugemens de reunion, soit pour ceux des con
testations d'entre les proprietalres de concessions, Ils seront
tenus d'y appeler le doyen du conseil superieur, ou en cas
d'absence ou d'empechement legitime, le conseiller qui le suit,
selon I'ordre du tableau, le tout sans prejudice de la pre
ponderance de la voix des gouverneurs dans les affaires
concernant notre service, ou elle doit avoir lieu.
VII. Dans les affaires ou II echerra d'ordonner des
descentes sur les lieux et des nominations et rapports d'ex-
perts, ou de faire des enquetes, les dispositions prescrltes a
cet egard, par les titres vingt-un et vingt-deux de l'ordon
nance de mil six cent solxante-sept, seront observees a peine
de nullite. VIII. Pourront les parties se pourvoir par appel en notre

192 SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA
conseil ^ contre les jugemens qui seront rendus par les gouver
neurs et Intendans, tant sur les dites contestations particulieres,
que par les reunions a notre domaine. Les dits appels pourront
etre Interjetes par de simples actes, et les requetes qui seront
presentees en consequence seront remises avec les productions
des parties es mains du secretaire d'etat, ayant le departement
de la marine, pour sur le rapport qui en sera par lui fait en
notre conseil, etre par nous statue ce qu'il appartiendra.
SI donnons en mandement a nos ames et feaux les gens
tenant notre conseil superieur de Canada, que ces presentes Ils
alent a faire lire, publier et registrer, et le contenu en icelles
garder, observer et executer selon leur forme et teneur, non
obstant tous edits, declarations, arrets et ordonnances, reglemens
et autres choses a ce contralres, auxquelles nous avons deroge
et derogeons par ces presentes : car tel est notre plaisir.
En temoin de quoi nous y avons fait mettre notre seel.
Donne a Versailles, le dix-septleme jour du mois de juillet,
fan de grace mil sept cent quarante-trols, et de notre regne le
vingt-hukleme. Louis.
* The Conseil d'Etat du Roi in France, not the Conseil Supirieur, at
Quebec.

PART II
No. ^y. Extracts from the Articles of Capitulation of
Montreal, September 8, 1760.^
Canadian Archives, Series Q, LXII. A, pt. I. 103.
Articles of Capitulation between their Excellencies,
Major-General Amherst, Commander-in-Chief of His
Britannic Majesty's troops and forces in North America, on
the one part, and the Marquis de Vaudreuil, &c.. Governor
and Lieutenant-General for the King in Canada, on the
other. . . . Article 34.
All the communities and all the priests shall preserve
their movables, the properties and revenues of the seigniories
and other estates, which they possess In the colony, of what
nature soever they be ; and the same estates shall be pre
served in their privileges, rights, honours, and exemptions.
" Granted." Article 37.
The lords of manors, the military and civil officers, the
Canadians as well in the towns as in the country, the French
settled, or trading in the whole extent of the colony of
' The full text of the Articles of Capitulation (in both English and French)
may be conveniently found in William Houston's Documents illustrative of the
Canadian Constitution (Totonlo, 1891), 32-60. The French text of the docu
ment being official, there Is no authoritative English version. The two articles
here printed are translated from the official French text, a copy of which Is
published In Adam Shortt and A. G. Doughty's Documents relating to the
Constitutional History of Canada (Ottawa, 1907), 3 ff.

194 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
Canada, and all other persons whatsoever, shall preserve the
entire peaceable property and possession of their goods, noble
and ignoble, movable and immovable, merchandises, furs, and
other effects, even their ships ; they shall not be touched, nor
the least damage done to them, on any pretext whatever. . . .
" Granted as In the 26th article." ^

No. 58. Decision of the Military Court in the Case
of Le Due vs. Hunaut, April 20, 1762.
Correspondence relative to the Seigniorial Tenure, 57.
Council composed of Colonel Haldimand, the Baron
DE MuNSTER, Prevot, and Wharton, Captains. Held on
the 20th April 1762.
Between the sieur Jean Baptiste Le Due, seignior of Isle
Perrot, appellant, from the sentence of the militia court
{chambre des minces') of Polnte-Claire, of the 15th March last,
of the one part,
And Joseph Hunaut, an inhabitant of Isle Perrot afore
said, defendant in appeal, of the other part.
Having seen the sentence appealed from, by which the
said sieur Le Due is adjudged to receive in future the rents
of the land which the defendant holds In his seigniory at the
rate of thirty sous a year and half a minot of wheat, inasmuch
as the court could not amend any of the clauses contained In
the deed of concession executed before Makre Lepallleur,
notary, on the 5th August, 1718; the petition of appeal
presented to this Council by the said sieur Le Due, the
appellant, answered on the 19th March last, and notified on
1 The memorandum of agreement attached to the 26th article was as
follows : " Granted, with regards to what may belong to the Company, or to
private persons ; but If His Most Christian Majesty has any share in it, that
must become the property of the King."

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 195
the 3rd instant ; a written defence furnished by the defendant,
and the deed of concession referred to ; and having heard the
parties :
The Council, convinced that the clause inserted in the said
deed, by which the lessee {preneur) is charged with the annual
payment of half a minot of wheat and ten sous for each
arpent, is an error of the notary,^ the usual rate at which lands
are granted in this country being one sou for each arpent in superfices
and half a minot of wheat for each arpent in front hy twenty in
depth,^ orders that In future the rents of the land in question
shall be paid at the rate of fifty-four sous In money and a
minot and a half of wheat a year. Each party to bear his
own costs. Panet, Clerk.

No. 59. Title-deed of the Seigniory of Murray Bay,
granted to Captain John Nairne of the 78th
Regiment, April 27, 1762.^
Canadian Archives, Series P, CXXXVII. 94.
By the Honourable James Murray, Esquire, Governor
of Quebec, &c.
Whereas It Is a national advantage and tends to promote
the cultivation of lands within the province to encourage His
Majesty's natural-born subjects settling within the same :
For these purposes, and in consideration of the faithful
1 During the old rdgime all contracts concerning land were drawn up
by a notary, and copies were given by him to the contracting parties.
^ Cf. above, p. 74.
' This is a copy of the title-deed of one of the three seigniorial grants made
subsequent to the conquest. In drafting the deed Murray appears to have
followed the text of an earlier grant made under the provisions of the French
Vexin (see above, p. 75) ; for it will be noticed that provision is made for the
payment of a relief, and not of the regular quint provided for in the Custom
of Paris.

196 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
services rendered by John Nairne, Esquire, captain in the
78th regiment of foot, unto His Majesty, I do hereby give,
grant, and concede unto the said Captain John Nairne, his
heirs, executors, and administrators for ever, all that extent of
land lying on the north side of the river St. Lawrence from
the Cap aux Oyes, Umit of the parish of Eboulemens, to the
south side of the river of Malbale, and for three leagues back,
to be known hereafter, at the special request of said John
Nairne, by the name of Murray's Bay ; firmly to hold the
same to himself, his heirs, executors, and administrators for
ever, or until His Majesty's pleasure is further known, for
and in consideration of the possessor's paying liege homage to
His Majesty, his heirs and successors, at his Castle of St.
Lewis in Quebec on each mutation of property, and, by way of
acknowledgment, a piece of gold of the value of ten shillings,
with one year's rent of the domain reserved, as customary In
this country, together with the woods and rivers, or other
appurtenances within the said extent, right of fishing or
fowling on the same therein Included without hindrance or
molestation ; all kind of traffic with the Indians of the back
country hereby specially excepted.
Given under my hand and seal at Quebec, this 27th day
of April 1762. Jas. Murray.

No. 60. Report of General James Murray^ on the
State of Canada under French Administration,
June 5, 1762.
Canadian Archives, Series B, Vol. VII.
. . . The governor-general was chief In all military and
the intendant in all civil affairs ; the latter superintended the
^ Brigadier-General James Murray had been one of Wolfe's chief officers at
the capture of Louisburg and of Quebec. During the period of military rule
(1760-1764) he was governor of the military district of Quebec ; and upon the

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 197
justice, police, and finances of the government ; he heard and
judged definitively all trifling causes ; appeals from [the regu
lations of] the inspector of highways were referred to his
decision. He issued regulations for the police of the town
and country, and emitted his ordinances fixing a price upon
all kinds of provision, at his will and pleasure.^
For the easier administration of justice, he commissioned
three sub-delegates residing at Quebec, Montreal, and Three
Rivers, who took cognisance of such matters as were not very
intricate ; but from their judgments the parties might appeal
to the intendant.
The Prevote of Quebec was a court of justice, composed
of a lieutenant-general, a lleutenant-particuller, a procureur du
roi, or King's attorney ; they judged all matters civil in the
first Instance, and all appeals from their sentence were brought
before the Conseil Supirieur.
The Prevote likewise took cognisance of appeals from the
private jurisdictions, which could be carried again from this
court before the Conseil Supirieur.
In capital crimes, or such as deserved severe penalties, the
lieutenant-general called into his assistance two of the most
eminent lawyers ; but still their sentence could not be carried
into execution until the same was confirmed by the council,
at which seven of the members at least must be present.
Attending this court were six notaries public, a clerk, and
six huissiers, of which one was crier.
The governments of Trois-Rivieres and Montreal^ had
departure of Amherst in the latter year he was promoted to the governorship
of the colony, a post which he held until 1768. Murray was thus the first
English civil governor of Canada. An exact transcript of this report Is printed
in Shortt and Doughty's Documents, 31-61. The reports of Burton and Gage,
which were transmitted at the same time, may be found. Ibid., 61 ff.
1 The exact powers of the intendant In the realms of "justice, police, and
finance " are set forth In " The Office of Intendant In New France," American
Historical Review, October, 1906, pp. 15-38.
2 During the French period the districts of Three Rivers and Montreal
were commonly known as the " governments.'' See above, p. 118, note 2.

198 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
each their lieutenant-general, a King's attorney, clerk, notaries,
and huissiers.
From these several courts appeals were brought before the
Conseil Supirieur established at Quebec, composed of a first
counsellor, who generally presided, and eleven others, of which
one or two were priests ; these never were present in criminal
matters ; the other officers attending this court were, an
attorney-general, a chief clerk, and a premier huissier.
At Quebec was also a court of admiralty, consisting of a
lieutenant-general, commissioned by the high admiral of
France, a King's attorney, a clerk, and a huissier: this court
took cognisance of maritime affairs, and appeals from thence
were carried before the Conseil Supirieur.
There was also an inspector of the highroads, or grand
voyer, who had the regulation of all matters relative to them ;
difficulties which arose from this officer's regulations were
decided by the Intendant.
The only laws were the King's edicts, or the arrets of his
Council of State, registered at the Conseil Supirieur, and the
intendant's ordinances. In matters of property, they followed
the Custom of Paris, but In marriage settlements they were at
liberty to follow the custom of any other province In that
kingdom.^ The age of majority was fixed at twenty-five ; but at
eighteen, or upon marriage, the council granted them letters
of emancipation, which entitled them to enter Immediately
into the enjoyment of the movables and Incomes of their
estates. ¦¦¦ There does not seem to have been any edict regulating marriage contracts
in New France except that of May 6, 1733 (Edits et Ordonna7ices, I. 541-544))
and this decree makes no such provision regarding settlements. No special
authority was, however, necessary ; for the laws of the old regime permitted wide
freedom in the making of marriage settlements, and it was apparently quite
common, when the contracting parties so desired, to stipulate in the contract
that their property rights should be governed by the terms of some coutume
other than that of Paris.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 199
Guardians are chosen by an assembly of seven of the
nearest relations of the minors, and for want of these, of so
many of their friends. A public act is drawn out of this
transaction, which is registered, and the person elected is
sworn to administer faithfully.
The tenure of lands here Is of two sorts : —
I. The Fiefs or Seigneuries. These lands are deemed noble ;
on the demise of the possessor, his eldest son Inherits one-half,
and shares with the other children In the remainder ; if any of
these die without posterity, the brothers share the portion of
the deceased exclusive of their sisters. The purchaser of these
fiefs enters Into all the privileges and immunities of the same,
but pays a fifth of the purchase-money to the sovereign, who
is lord of the soil. By law the seigneur is restricted from
selling any part of his land that is not cleared, and is likewise
obliged (reserving a sufficiency for his own private domain) to
concede the remainder to such of the inhabitants as require the
same, at an annual rent, not exceeding one sol, or one half
penny sterling, for each arpent In superficies.^ The seigneurs
have had the right of haute, moyenne, et basse justice. In their
several fiefs, but this was attended with so many abuses and in
conveniences that the Inferior jurisdictions were mostly disused.
II. Terre en Roture. The lands conceded by the seigneurs
is the second sort of tenure, and these are called terres en roture.
The property is entirely in the possessors, and the rent they
pay can never be raised upon them. They can sell it as they
please, but the purchaser is obliged to pay a twelfth part of the
purchase-money to the seigneur. The children of both sexes
share equally in the lands, but if upon a division, the several
parts are found unequal to the subsistence of a family, they are
obliged to sell to one another. By law, no man can build
upon a piece of land of less extent than one arpent and a half
in front, upon a depth of thirty or forty. This was done with a
^ Cf. above, p. 91, note i.

X

200 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
view to promote cultivation, and to oblige the Inhabitants to
spread;^ edicts have been published from time to time to
reunite such lands to the Crown as were not settled within a
term of years prescribed : the last of these was published in
one thousand seven hundred and thirty-two, a copy of which
Is annexed.^ The Canadians are formed Into a militia, for the better
regulation of which each parish, in proportion to its extent
and number of inhabitants, is divided into one, two, or more
companies, who have their proper officers, captains, lieutenants,
ensigns, aide-majors, Serjeants, &c., and all orders or public
regulations are addressed to the captains or commanding
officers, who are to see the same put into execution. From
these companies detachments are formed and sent to any
distance, and In one thousand seven hundred and fifty-nine,
and one thousand seven hundred and sixty, the whole were
in arms for the defence of their country.
Observations.
I . The intendant's fixing a price upon provisions at his own
will and pleasure was liable to much abuse, for though the
country was abounding with all kinds of grain, yet under
pretence that a large quantity was wanted for the King's
service, repeated levies were made upon the Inhabitants,
through every part of the province, proportionably to what it
was supposed they could spare, the intendant paying such
price as he pleased to set upon it ; great part of which grain
was afterwards exported by his emissaries to the French Islands,
and when a scarcity was apprehended, they sold the remainder
to the public at an advanced price.
Under pretence of a scarcity of black cattle, and before
' The ordinance establishing this prohibition may be found in ^dits et
Ordonnances, I. 585-586.
^ Printed above, pp. 174-176.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 201
the British troops had made any impression on the colony,
horses were killed and served to the troops, probably to
excuse the exorbitant charge for all kinds of provisions pur
chased on the King's account, for notwithstanding the waste
made by the two contending armies, and that the French
troops lived entirely upon the country for near two years, we
have the strongest occular proof there was no occasion to have
recourse to this expedient, if the King's officers had not meant
it as a cloak to their knavery.
2. The members of the courts of justice were mostly
natives of Old France, and minded more their own affairs than
the administration of justice. Their decisions therefore were
not much respected, and indeed, for success, the parties
generally depended more upon the favour and protection of
the great than upon the goodness and justice of their cause. -"^
3. Though the governor-general, the bishop, and the in
tendant were, by their several offices, presidents of the council,
and that heretofore they had used to be present at their
deliberations, In latter times they never honoured it with
their presence ; a circumstance that contributed much to the
general disesteem in which this part of the judicature had
fallen. 4. The office oi grand voyer, or inspector of the highroads,
under proper regulations and restrictions, seems to be highly
necessary for the care and benefit of the interior commerce.
5. The Canadians mostly of a Norman race, are In general
of a litigious disposition ; the many formalities in their pro
cedures and the multiplicity of Instruments to be drawn
upon every occasion seem to encourage this disposition. A
short and well-digested code, by laying aside many of these,
may in a good measure serve to correct it.
1 It is, of course, true that the judicial system of the old rdgime was
not without flaws ; but in neither the seigniorial nor the royal courts of the
colony was the administration of justice of such a nature as to warrant the
strictures which Murray here puts upon it.

202 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
Fixing the age of majority [at twenty-one], as in other parts
of His Majesty's dominions. Is an innovation which could not
fail of being agreeable to the youth, as the freedom of building
where they see convenient, and upon such extent of ground as
they think proper, would be acceptable to all the people In
general, and promote new establishments ; especially the
fisheries in the lower parts of the river and gulf of St.
Lawrence. . . .^
. . . The Canadians may be ranked under four different
classes : —
I. The Gentry, or what they call nobility.
2. The Clergy.
3. The Merchants, or trading part.
4. The Peasantry, or what is here styled habitans.
I. The Gentry. These are descended from military and
civil officers who have settled In the country at different
times, and were usually provided for In the colony troops;
these consisted formerly of twenty-eight, afterwards thirty,
and had been lately augmented to forty companies ; they
are In general poor, except such as have had commands In
distant posts, where they usually made a fortune in three
or four years ; the Croix de St. Louis quite completed their
happiness. They were extremely vain, and have an utter contempt of
the trading part of the colony, though they made no scruple
to engage in It, pretty deeply too, whenever a convenient
opportunity served ; they were great tyrants to their vassals ;
who seldom met with redress, let their grievances be ever
so just.^ This class will not relish the British government,
1 The part of the report here omitted deals with colonial finances, trade,
fisheries, church organisation, and other topics not related to land tenure or the
progress of agriculture.
^ Murray's harsh opinion of the relation between seigniors and habitants
apparently underwent a marked change during the ensuing three or four years.
Cf. below, pp. 217-218.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 203
from which they can neither expect the same employments, nor
the same douceurs, they enjoyed under the French.
2. The Clergy. Most of the dignified among them are
French ; the rest Canadians, and are, in general, of the lower
class of people ; the former, no doubt, will have great difficulty
to reconcile themselves to us, but must drop off by degrees.
Few of the latter are very clever ; however, if the ecclesiastical
state was once composed entirely of natives, they would soon
become easy and satisfied ; their influence over the people was,
and is still, very great ; but though we have been so short a
time in the country a difference Is to be perceived ; they do
not submit so tamely to the yoke, and under sanction of the
capitulation they every day take an opportunity to dispute
the tithes with their cures. These were moved from their
respective parishes at the bishop's pleasure, who thereby always
kept them In awe. It may not be perhaps Improper to adopt
the same method in case His Majesty should think right, for
the sake of keeping them In proper subjection, to nominate
them himself, or by those who act under his authority.
It is not improbable that the Jesuits, warned by their late
disgraces in the dominions of those potentates who seemed to
favour them the most, and apprehending the like or worse treat
ment from those they styled heretics, will choose to dispose of
their estates and retire. As they may, possibly, find some
difficulty to get purchasers, the government might buy their
lands at an easy rate, and dispose of the same to many good
purposes. 3. The Traders of this colony, under the French, were
either dealers en gros or retailers ; the former were mostly
French, and the latter, in general, natives of this country ; all
of whom are deeply concerned in the letters of exchange ; many
are already gone to solicit payment ; and few of those who
have any funds of consequence in France, will remain here.
4. The fourth order Is that of the Peasantry ; these are a
strong, healthy race, plain in their dress, virtuous in their

204 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
morals, and temperate in their living ; they are in general
extremely Ignorant, for the former government would never
suffer a printing press in the country ; few can read or write,
and all receive implicitly for truth the many arrant falsehoods
and atrocious lies industriously handed among them by those
who were in power.
They took particular pains to persuade them the English
were worse than brutes ; and that, if they prevailed, the
Canadians would be ruled with a rod of iron, and be exposed
to every outrage ; this most certainly did not a little con
tribute to make them so obstinate in their defence ; however,
ever since the conquest, I can with the greatest truth assert
that the troops have lived with the Inhabitants in a harmony
unexampled even at home. I must here, in justice to those
under my command In this government, observe to Your
Lordships that in the winter which immediately followed the
reduction of this country, when from the calamities of war,
and a bad harvest, the inhabitants of these lower parts were
exposed to all the horrors of a famine, the officers of every
rank, even In the lowest, generously contributed towards
alleviating the distresses of the unfortunate Canadians by a
large subscription ; the British merchants and traders readily
and cheerfully assisted In this good work ; even the poor
soldiers threw in their mite, and all gave a day's provision or
a day's pay In the month towards the fund ; by this means, a
quantity of provisions was purchased and distributed with
great care and assiduity to numbers of poor families, who
without this charitable support must have Inevitably perished ;
such an instance of uncommon generosity towards the con
quered did the highest honour to their conquerors, and
convinced these poor deluded people how grossly they had
been imposed upon. The daily Instances of lenity, the Im
partial justice which has been administered, so far beyond
what they had formerly experienced, have so altered their
opinion with regard to us, I may safely venture to affirm, for

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 205
this most useful order of the state, that far from having the
least design to emigrate from their present habitations into
any other of the French colonies, their greatest dread is lest
they should meet with the fate of the Acadlans, and be torn
from their native country.
Convinced that this is not to be their case, and that the free
exercise of their religion will be continued to them, if once
Canada is irrecoverably ceded by a peace, the people will soon
become faithful and good subjects to His Majesty ; and the
country they Inhabit will, in a short time, prove a rich and
most useful colony to Great Britain.
Before this report is closed. It will not be improper to
observe to Your Lordships how impossible It is to ascertain
exactly what part of North America the French styled Canada,
no chart or map whatever having fallen into our hands, or
public records of any kind to show what they understood
by It.i However, it is to be hoped the limits on this side at least
will need no canvassing nor admit of any dispute.
Should I be able to procure further lights relative either
to those limits or the several other matters contained in this
report worthy of notice, you may be assured they shall be
forthwith transmitted to Your Lordships ; happy if my labours
can any way conduce to His Majesty's service or the good of
my country. J. Murray.
Quebec, 6th June 17(12.'^
^ This Is explained by the fact that, when the French authorities withdrew
from Canada in 1760, they were permitted to take with them all their con
fidential and official archives.
" The report is dated June 5, but was apparently signed a day later.

206 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

No. 6i. Instructions to Governor James Murray
concerning the Granting of Lands in Canada,
December 7, 1763.
Canadian Archives, Series Q, LXII. A, pt. I. 128-198.
... 41. And whereas it Is stipulated by the aforesaid treaty,
concluded at Paris the loth day of February 1763,^ that the
French inhabitants, or others, who have been subjects of the
Most Christian King In Canada, may retire with all freedom
and safety wherever they shall think proper, and may sell
their estates, provided It be to our subjects, and bring away
their effects, as well as their persons, without being restrained
in their emigration under any pretence whatsoever, except
that of debts, or criminal prosecution, and that the time
limited for the emigration shall be fixed to the space of
eighteen months, to be computed from the day of the
exchange of the ratifications of the treaty ; you are therefore
in all things to conform yourself to this stipulation, and to
take care that such of the French inhabitants as intend to
remove within the time limited be not obstructed or Impeded,
provided they do not sell their estates to others than His
Majesty's subjects, and that, so long as they remain under
your government, they do In all things conform thereto in
like manner as our other subjects.
42. And It Is our further will and pleasure, that aU and
every the French Inhabitants In our said province, who are
now possessed of lands within the said province, in virtue of
grants or concessions made before the signing of the pre
liminary Articles of Peace on the 3rd day of November
1762, do, within such limited time as you in your dls-
1 The text of the Treaty of Paris may be conveniently found in George
Chalmers's Collectioni of Treaties between Great Britain and other Powers
(London, 1790), I. 467-483; and in Shortt and Doughty's Documents, 73-91.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 207
cretion shall think fit, register the several grants, or other
deeds or titles, by which they hold or claim such lands, in
the secretary's office ; which said grants, deeds, or other
titles shall be entered at large in the said office, so that
the particular quantity of land, its site and extent, the con
ditions upon which it is granted, either as to rents, services,
or cultivation, may appear fully and at length.
43. And in case it shall appear, upon a strict and accurate
examination of the said grants and title-deeds, to be taken In
such manner as you shall think proper, that any of the
grantees, or persons claiming lands under such grants and
title-deeds are In possession of more land than is contained
within such grants or other concessions ; or that the terms
and conditions, upon which the lands were granted, have
not been complied with, agreeable to what is stipulated in
such grants or concessions ; it is our will and pleasure that
you forthwith represent the same to us, by our Commissioners
for Trade and Plantations, to the end you may receive such
directions thereupon, as the nature and circumstances of the
case shall appear to require.
44. And whereas It Is necessary. In order to the advantage
ous and effectual settlement of our said province, that the
true state of it should be fully known ; you are therefore,
as soon as conveniently may be, to cause an accurate survey
to be made of the said province by such able and skilful
person as Is or shall be appointed for that service, who Is to
report to you in writing, for your judgment In the measures
which you may in general pursue for the making of settle
ments, not only the nature and quality of the soil and
climate, the rivers, bays, and harbours, and every other
circumstance attending the natural state of it ; but also his
opinion, in what manner it may be most conveniently laid
out into counties, and to annex to his report a map of such
survey, with the several divisions proposed marked upon it ;
but as the making such survey will be a work of great length,

208 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
you are in the meantime to carry on settlements upon that
plan which shall appear to you to be most expedient from
the best Information you can collect.
45. And whereas it has been found by experience, that
the settling planters in townships hath very much redounded
to their advantage, not only with respect to the assistance
they have been able to afford each other in their civil concerns,
but likewise with regard to the security they have thereby
acquired against the insults and incursions of neighbouring
Indians, or other enemies ; you are therefore to lay out
townships of a convenient size and extent in such places,
as you in your discretion shall judge most proper. And
it Is our will and pleasure that each township do consist of
about twenty thousand acres, having, as far as may be,
natural boundaries extending up into the country, and com
prehending a necessary part of the river of St. Lawrence,
where it can be conveniently had.
46. You are also to cause a proper place in the most
convenient part of each township to be marked out for
building a town sufficient to contain such a number of
families as you shall judge proper to settle there, with town
and pasture lots convenient to each tenement, taking care
that the said town be laid out upon, or as near as con
veniently may be, to some navigable river, or the sea coast;
and you are also to reserve to us proper quantities of land
in each township for the following purposes, viz. : — for
erecting fortifications and barracks where necessary, or for
other military or naval services, and more particularly for
the growth and production of naval timber, if there are
any woodlands fit for that purpose.
47. And It is our further will and pleasure that a par
ticular spot in or as near each town as possible, be set
apart for the building of a church, and four hundred acres
adjacent thereto allotted for the maintenance of a minister,
and two hundred for a schoolmaster.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 209
48. And you are to give strict orders to the surveyors,
whom you shall employ to mark out the said townships and
towns, to make returns to you of their surveys as soon as
possible, with a particular description of each township, and
the nature of the soil within the same.
49. And you are to oblige all such persons as shall be
appointed to be surveyors of the said lands in each township,
to take an oath for the due performance of their offices,
and for obliging them to make exact surveys of all lands
required to be set out.
50. And whereas nothing can more effectually tend to
the speedy settling our said colony, the security of the
property of our subjects, and the advancement of our
revenue, than the disposing of such lands as are our
property upon reasonable terms, and the establishing a
regular and proper method of proceeding with respect to
the passing of grants of such land ; it is therefore our will
and pleasure that all and every person and persons,
who shall apply to you for any grant or grants of land,
shall, previous to their obtaining the same, make It appear
before you In council, that they are in a condition to cultivate
and improve the same, by settling thereon, in proportion to
the quantity of acres desired, a sufficient number of white
persons and negroes ; and in case you shall, upon a con
sideration of the circumstances of the person or persons
applying for such grants, think it advisable to pass the
same, in such case you are to cause a warrant to be drawn
up, directed to the surveyor-general, or other proper officers,
impowering him or them to make a faithful and exact survey
of the lands so petitioned for, and to return the said warrant
within six months at furthest from the date thereof, with
a plot or description of the lands so surveyed thereunto
annexed ; provided that you do take care that before any
such warrant is issued, as aforesaid, a docquet thereof be
entered In the auditor's and register's office ; and when the
o

210 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
warrant shall be returned by the said surveyor, or other
proper officer, the grant shall be made out In due form, and
the terms and conditions required by these our instructions
be particularly and expressly mentioned in the respective
grants. And It Is our will and pleasure that the said grants
shall be registered within six months from the date thereof,
in the register's office there, and a docquet thereof be also
entered in our auditor's office there. In case such establish
ment shall take place in our said province, or that, in default
thereof, such grant shall be void, copies of all which entries
shall be returned regularly, by the proper officer, to our
commissioners of our treasury and to our Commissioners
for Trade and Plantations, within six months from the date
thereof. 51. And whereas great inconveniences have arisen in
many of our colonies in America from the granting excessive
quantities of land to particular persons, who have never
cultivated or settled it, and have thereby prevented others
more Industrious from improving the same ; In order there
fore to prevent the like Inconveniences for the future, you
are to take especial care that In all grants to be made by
you, by and with the advice and consent of our Council, to
persons applying for the same, the quantity be In pro
portion to their ability to cultivate ; and you are hereby
directed to observe the following directions and regulations
in all grants to be made by you, viz. :—
That one hundred acres of land be granted to every
person being master or mistress of a family, for himself or
herself, and fifty acres for every white or black man, woman,
or child, of which such person's family shall consist, at the
actual time of making the grant ; and in case any person
applying to you for grants of land shall be desirous of
taking up a larger quantity than the actual number of
persons in his or her family would entitle such persons to
take up, it is our will and pleasure, and you are hereby

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 211
allowed and permitted to grant unto every such person or
persons such further quantity of land as they may desire,
not exceeding one thousand acres over and above what they
are entitled to by the number of persons In their respective
families, provided it shall appear to you that they are in a
condition and intention to cultivate the same ; and provided
also that they do pay to the receiver of our quit-rents, or
to such other officer as shall be appointed to receive the
same, the sum of five shillings only for every fifty acres
so granted, on the day of the date of the grant ;
That all grantees be subject to the payment of two
shillings sterling for every hundred acres, to commence at the
expiration of two years from the date of such grant, and to
be paid yearly and every year, or, in default of such payment,
the grant is to be void ;
That every grantee, upon giving proof that he or she
has fulfilled the terms and conditions of his or her grant,
shall be entitled to another grant, in the proportion and
upon the conditions above-mentioned ;
That for every fifty acres of land accounted plantable,
each patentee shall be obliged, within three years after the
date of his patent, to clear and work three acres at the least
in that part of his tract which he shall judge most convenient
and advantageous, or else to clear and drain three acres of
swampy or sunken grounds, or drain three acres of marsh,
if any such be within the bounds of his grant ;
That for every fifty acres of land accounted barren,
every patentee shall be obliged to put and keep on his land,
within three years after the date of his grant, three neat
cattle, which number he shall be obliged to continue on his
land, until three acres for every fifty be fully cleared and
improved ;
That If any person shall take up a tract of land, wherein
there shall be no part fit for present cultivation without
manuring and improving the same, every such grantee shall

212 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
be obliged, within three years from the date of his grant,
to erect on some part of his land one good dwelling-house,
to contain at least 20 feet In length and 16 feet in breadth-
and also to put on his land the like number of three neat
cattle for every fifty acres ;
That if any person, who shall take up any stony or
rocky grounds not fit for planting or pasture, shaU, within
three years after the passing of his grant, begin to employ
thereon, and so continue to work for three years then next
ensuing, in digging any stone quarry or other mine, one
good and able hand for every hundred acres of such tract.
It shall be accounted a sufficient cultivation and Improvement ;
That every three acres which shall be cleared and worked
as aforesaid, and every three acres which shall be cleared and
drained as aforesaid, shall be accounted a sufficient seating,
planting, cultivation, and improvement, to save for ever
from forfeiture fifty acres of land in any part of the tract
contained within the same patent ; and the patentee shall
be at liberty to withdraw his stock, or to forbear working
In any quarry or mine, in proportion to such cultivation
and Improvement, as shall be made upon the plantable lands
or upon the swamps, sunken grounds, and marshes, which
shall be included in the same patent ;
That when any person, who shall hereafter take up and
patent any lands, shall have seated, planted, and cultivated,
or improved the said land, or any part of It, according to
the directions and conditions above-mentioned, such patentee
may make proof of such seating, planting, cultivation, and
improvement In the general court, or in the court of the
county, district, or precinct, where such lands shall lie, and
have such proof certified to the register's office, and there
entered with the record of the said patent, a copy of which
shall be admitted, on any trial, to prove the seating and
planting of such land ;
And lastly, in order to ascertain the true quantity of

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 213
plantable and barren land contained in each grant hereafter
to be made within our said province, you are to take
especial care that. In all surveys hereafter to be made, every
surveyor be required and enjoyned to take particular notice,
according to the best of his judgment and understanding,
how much of the land so surveyed is plantable, and how
much of it is barren and unfit for cultivation ; and accord
ingly to insert In the survey and plot by him to be returned
into the register's office, the true quantity of each kind of
land. 52. And It is our further will and pleasure that, in all
grants of land to be made by you, as aforesaid, regard be
had to the profitable and unprofitable acres, so that each
grantee may have a proportionable number of one sort and
the other ; as likewise that the breadth of each tract of
land, to be hereafter granted, be one-third of the length
of such tract ; and that the length of each tract do not
extend along the banks of any river, but into the main
land, that thereby the said grantees may have each a con
venient share of what accommodation the said river may
afford for navigation or otherwise.
53. And whereas it hath been represented to us that
many parts of the province under your government are
particularly adapted to the growth and culture of hemp
and flax, it Is therefore our will and pleasure that, in all
surveys of land for settlement, the surveyor be directed
to report whether there Is any, or what quantity of lands
contained within such survey, fit for the production of
hemp and flax ; and you are to take particular care to
insert a clause in every grant of land, where any part
thereof is fit for such production, obliging the grantee
annually to sow a proportionable part of his grant with
hemp or flax seed.
54. And whereas It hath been further represented to
us, that a great part of the country in the neighbourhood

214 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
of Lake Champlain, and between that lake and the river
St. Lawrence, abounds with woods producing trees fit for
masting for our royal navy, and other useful and necessary
timber for naval construction ; you are therefore expressly
directed and required to cause such parts of the said country
or any other within your government, that shall appear upon
a survey to abound with such trees, and shall lie con
venient for water carriage, to be reserved to us, and to
use your utmost endeavour to prevent any waste being
committed upon the said tracts, by punishing, in due course
of law, any persons who shall cut down or destroy any
trees growing thereon ; and you are to consider and advise
with our Council, whether some regulation that shall pre
vent any sawmills whatever from being erected within your
government, without a license from you or the commander-
in-chief of our said province for the time being, may not
be a means of preventing all waste and destruction in such
tracts of land as shall be reserved to us for the purposes
aforesaid. 55. And whereas it appears from the representations
of our governor of the district of Trois-Rivieres, that the
ironworks at St. Maurice in that district are of great con
sequence to our service ; it is therefore our further will
and pleasure that no part of the lands, upon which the
said ironworks were carried on, or from which the ore
used In such works was procured, or which shall appear
to be necessary and convenient for that establishment, either
in respect to a free passage to the river St. Lawrence, or
for producing a necessary supply of wood, corn, and hay,
or for pasture for cattle, be granted to any private person
whatever; and also that as large a district of land as con
veniently may be, adjacent to and lying round the said
ironworks, over and above what may be necessary for the
above purposes, be reserved for our use, to be disposed of
In such manner as we shall hereafter direct and appoint.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 215
56. And whereas it is necessary that all persons who
may be desirous of settling in our said province, should be
fully informed of the terms and conditions upon which
lands will be granted In our said province ; you are there
fore, as soon as possible, to cause a publication to be made,
by proclamation or otherwise, as you In your discretion
shall think most advisable, of all and every the foregoing
terms, conditions, and regulations of every kind, respecting
the grants of lands ; in which proclamation it may be ex
pedient to add some short description of the natural ad
vantages of the soil and climate, and its peculiar conveniences
for trade and navigation ; and you are to take such steps
as you shall think proper for the publishing such proclama
tion in all the colonies of North America.
57. And It is our further will and pleasure that all
the foregoing instructions to you, as well as any which you
may hereafter receive, relative to the form and method of
passing grants of lands, and the terms and conditions to
be annexed to such grants, be entered upon record, with
the grants themselves, for the information and satisfaction
of all parties whatever that may be concerned therein.
58. And it is our further will and pleasure that
you do consider of a proper and effectual method for
collecting, receiving, and accounting for our quit-rents,
whereby all frauds, concealment, irregularity, or neglect
therein may be prevented, and whereby the receipts thereof
may be effectually checked and controlled ; and if it shall
appear necessary to pass an act for the more effectually
ascertaining and the more speedily and regularly collecting
our quit-rents, you are to prepare the heads of such a bill
as you shall think may most effectually conduce to the
procuring the good ends proposed, and to transmit the
same to our Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, in
order to be laid before us for our further directions therein.
59. And it Is our further will and pleasure that the

216 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
surveyor-general, or such other person or persons as you
shall think proper to appoint, do, once in every year or
oftener, as occasion shall require. Inspect the state of all
grants of lands made by you, and make report thereof to
you in writing, specifying whether the conditions therein
contained have or have not been complied with, or what
progress has been made towards fulfilling the same ; and
you are annually to transmit copies of such reports to our
Commissioners for Trade and Plantations. . . .

No. 62. Memorandum presented to Lieutenant-
Governor Carleton by Fran9ois Monnier, ex
plaining the Methods w^hereby Seigniors obtained
the Reunion of Lands to their Domains during
the Old Regime [undated].^
Edicts and Ordinances relative to the Seigniorial Tenure, 288-289.
When an inhabitant or Canadian peasant, who had obtained
from the seignior a grant of land In his seigniory, neglected to
cultivate It, according to the conditions of his deed of con
cession, the seignior had a right to demand that it should be
taken from him and reunited to his own domain. This was
done under the authority of the Intendant, without cost to
the seignior ; the seignior presenting a petition to the inten
dant, stating the default on the part of the Inhabitant to
cultivate the land that had been conceded to him, and praying
the intendant, for that reason, to order the reunion of It to
his domain. Upon this the Intendant sent an order to the inhabitant to
fulfil the conditions of his deed within a delay of six months,
eight months, one year, or any other stated time that the
^ Cf. above, pp. 188-189.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 217
intendant thought reasonable, under pain of seeing his land
reunited to the domain of the seignior.
This order of the intendant had to be published during
three consecutive Sundays, at the parish church of the seig
niory, at the issue of divine service, and the delay, given to
the inhabitant to fulfil the conditions of his deed, was counted
from the last of these three publications. If at the expiration
of the delay so granted to the inhabitant, by order of the
intendant, the curate of the parish and the captain of militia
certified to him that the land in question was still uncultivated,
the Intendant rendered a second decree by which he reunited
the land to the domain of the seignior.
This custom was looked upon as being very useful to the
province in general, and also to the seigniors, inasmuch as it
greatly tended to Increase the cultivation and establishment of
the whole country.

No. 63. Extract from a Despatch of Governor Murray
to Lord Shelburne concerning the Relations of the
Seigniors to their Dependants, August 20, 1766.^
Canadian Archives, Series B, VIII. 2.
. . . The noblesse are seigneurs of the whole country and,
though not rich, are in a situation. In that plentiful part of the
world where money is scarce and luxury still unknown, to
support their dignity. The inhabitants, their tenanciers, who
pay only an annual quit-rent of about a dollar for one hundred
acres, are at their ease and comfortable. They have been
accustomed to respect and obey their noblesse, their tenures
being military in the feudal manner. They have shared with
them the dangers of the field, and natural affection has been
^ Cf. above, p. 202.

218 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
increased in proportion to the calamities which have been
common to both from the conquest of their country. As
they have been taught to respect their superiors and are not
yet Intoxicated with the abuse of liberty, they are shocked at
the insults which their noblesse and the King's officers have
received from the English traders and lawyers since the civil
government took place. ... J. Murray.

No. 64. Opinions of three Eminent Law^yers of Paris,
prepared at the Request of the Canadian Autho
rities, as to the Legality of certain Clauses and
Conditions commonly inserted in Titles to Seig
niorial Lands, February 14, 1767.
Edicts and Ordinances relat'ive to the Seigniorial Tenure, 256-261.
The undersigned counsel, who have seen the memorial
submitted for their opinion touching the legality of various
clauses contained In the patents or grants of land In Canada,
emanating from His Majesty, and now subject to the dominion
of His Britannic Majesty, are of opinion that they are caUed
upon to consider, in the first place, what effects the patents in
question would have had under the dominion of His Majesty
the King of France ; in the next place, to examine whether
the transmission of the sovereign power to other hands has
changed the principles upon which such decision must be
based. In some of these patents It is said : " On condition also of
preserving and of causing his tenants to preserve the oak
timber fit for the building of His Majesty's ships."
In more recent patents it Is said : "In case His Majesty
should hereafter require any portion of the said land for the
purpose of building forts thereon, batteries, armouries, maga
zines, or other public works, he may take the same, as well

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 219
as the trees which may be necessary for the said public
works, and fuel for the garrisons of the said forts, without
being held to pay any indemnity."
In other patents, again. It Is set forth : " His Majesty also
reserves to himself the liberty of taking from the land so
conceded the oak timber, timber for masts, and generally all
the timber fit for use In the building and equipping of his
ships, without being bound to pay any indemnity."
It is manifest that these patents, by their very discrepancies,
exhibit a marked diversity in the right of His Majesty : some
are more onerous to the grantees, others less ; and in each
case the rule contained In the deed of concession is to be
observed. The clause inserted in the first patents, obliging the grantee
to preserve, and cause his tenants to preserve, the oak timber
fit for the building of His Majesty's ships, by no means
reserves to His Majesty a right of property in such timber :
1st, Because a grantor reserves to himself no more of the
thing granted than he formally expresses his intention to
reserve. He can lay claim to no more, and the concession is
an actual transfer of title which conveys the whole property
to the grantee, subject only to the conditions set forth In the
deed of concession.
2nd, Because the special declaration made by His Majesty
in other patents of concession, that he would not be bound to
pay any Indemnity for the timber which he might cause to be
taken for building his ships, affords proof that such declara
tion on the part of His Majesty was thought necessary, in
order to secure him a power so derogatory to the common
law, as that of taking the property of a subject without
paying him for it. Therefore, Inasmuch as no declaration
was made of this in the earlier patents, it is not possible to
pretend that the King can have a right to take all or any
portion of such timber without indemnity. The King treats
with his subjects in this respect, only as an infeoffing seignior

220 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
and not as a sovereign. They must both be judged by the
laws regulating contracts, laws which bind the monarch as
well as his subjects ; but If there could be any doubt as to
the meaning of the clause, the fundamental principle in this
matter Is, that the decision must be In favour of the grantee,
because it is he who Is bound, and all laws require that we
should Invariably favour the party bound by such obliga
tions. The meaning of the clause In the earlier patents is, then,
merely to subject the proprietors of oak timber to certain
rules which are In force in France, in order to ensure to the
King that he shall always, and In preference to all others, find
in the woods belonging to his subjects such timber as he may
require for building his ships and maintaining his navy.
It Is in this spirit that the second article of the title con
cerning timber for the use of the royal houses and vessels, in
the ordinance of Woods and Forests, enacts, " If, however,
any pieces should be wanted of such length and thickness as
are not to be met with at ordinary sales, in that case the grand
master, upon estimates thereof, agreed upon in our Council
and letters patent verified, may mark such trees in the least
disadvantageous places In our forests, and cause them to be
cut down, and If he should find none there, he shall cause
them to be chosen and taken in the woods of our subjects, as
well ecclesiastics as others, without distinction of rank, and
on condition of paying the fair value thereof, which shall be
estimated by skilled persons, to be agreed upon between our
attorney in the rangership and the parties, before the grand
master, who shall name them ex officio, in case of default or
refusal." The woods near the sea and navigable rivers are subject
to a peculiar regulation, by reason of the need which the King
may have of them for the building of vessels ; and when any
trees are marked with the stamp of the navy hammer, the
owners cannot have those trees cut down, inasmuch as that Is for-

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 221
bidden them on pain of forfeiture and of a fine of three thousand
livres, by a decree of the Council, dated the 23rd July i74^-
This Is what the right of the King is reduced to in
France ; it is a right of preference and pre-emption over
his subjects, for the service of his navy, or of his royal
houses, but a right which Is exercised only on payment of
the fair value, according to the finding of arbitrators chosen
on both sides, as might be done with private individuals : and
moreover, we live under laws so j ust, and under sovereigns so
beneficent, that we are enabled to say, that It would be contrary,
both to their wish and to their lawful authority, to take the
property of a subject In their names, without payment, under
any pretext whatever of public necessity, of the service of the
State, or otherwise, the payment of the price of what the King
requires being always taken for granted, unless, we repeat,
there be an express and positive obligation in the deed of
alienation or concession which exempts him from so doing.
This obligation of the King became that of the King of
England, when the sovereignty of Canada passed into his
hands. The natural equity which protects property has con
tinued to be, under that government, the first title of the
concessions. The treaty of peace, which expressly reserves
the rights of each subject, has become a second title much to
be respected. In fine, the laws of England furnish the under
signed with a decision In point, to which also due respect
must be rendered, and which makes for them. We find it in
the excellent work of Mr. Blackstone, on the laws of England,
in his introduction, section 4, In which he treats of the countries
subject to the laws of England. He speaks of the colonies,
and he distinguishes the colonies into national and conquered
or ceded. The former are those founded by Englishmen,
established by means of improvement and prior occupation,
which have been, from the moment of their formation, subject
' Isambert, Recueil giniral des anciennes lois frangaises, XXIL, No. 640
(p. 220).

222 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
to the laws of England. " But in conquered or ceded countries
that have already laws of their own, the King may indeed alter
and change those laws ; but till he does actually change them,
the ancient laws of the country remain, unless such are against
the laws of God, as in the case of an Infidel country. Our
American plantations are principally of this latter sort, being
obtained In the last century, either by right of conquest or by
treaties ; and therefore the common law of England, as such,
has no allowance or authority there, they being no part of the
mother country, but distinct (though dependent) dominions.
They are subject, however, to the control of Parliament,
though (like Ireland, Man, and the rest) not bound by any
act of Parliament unless particularly named."
According to these principles, the whole right of the King
under the concessions in which the grantees have only been
bound to reserve their oak trees, without its being expressed
that no indemnity shall be due to them, is reduced to being
able to take those oak trees for naval purposes, on payment
of their value, according to the estimate of persons skilled in
like matters. If the government does not take them, and It
becomes indispensably necessary to cut them down for the
purpose of preventing their decay, or for the use of the
proprietor, the latter must present a petition to those who
are entrusted with the exercise of the royal authority in this
behalf, asking permission to do so ; such should be the clause
In his contract. If the King cannot take without paying for
It, still less can the colonial authorities arbitrarily bestow It
upon any one they please, and they cannot do so even with
respect to the timber on lands in the concessions of which the
King has Inserted the clause not to Indemnify, for so onerous
a clause ought to be restricted to the precise case, and the
right given by it can only be exercised with respect to timber
really destined, and which shall be actually employed, for the
King's ships. As to trees growing on the lands of vassals,
If the seignior has expressly reserved to himself the right of

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 223
property In them, there is no doubt that the vassals can
neither cut them nor sell them, because they form no part of
the grant.
If the seignior has only reserved to himself a right of pre
emption, the vassals can sell them, on giving notice to the
seignior in order that he may substitute himself in the place
of the purchaser, if he thinks fit, as is the practice with us
with respect to the feudal pre-emption {retrait feodal). So
that this depends upon the terms of the contracts which have
not been placed before us In the case submitted for our
opinion. The patent of concession contains also the following
clause : " On condition of giving notice to His Majesty of
mines and minerals, if any should be found In the said
concession." In the case submitted it is asked whether this clause is to
be understood as constituting the King joint proprietor of the
mines and minerals which may be found upon the property
granted, or merely as shewing a desire, on the part of His
Majesty, to be informed of their existence. In order to have it
in his power to provide for the security of these treasures,
and protect them from conquest, for the benefit of the State ;
and whether under any circumstance the King would not owe
the grantee an indemnity, or be held to give him a consider
able share in the profits of the mines ; or whether the proprietor
of the land is not, in virtue of his title to It, proprietor of the
mines also, and whether companies could be formed, with
privilege or otherwise, who could dispute his right.
The counsel answer that this question also ought to be
decided by the laws of France, according to what has been
said above. Now by the ordinance of Charles the Sixth of the
30th of May, 1413,^ which is the most ancient law we have
concerning this matter, " gold mines belong to the King, and
1 Printed in full In Isambert's Recueil giniral, VIL, No. 540 (pp. 386 ff.).

224 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
to him, and not to any other, belongs the tenth part of all
metals when purified and refined, without being bound to pay
anything, but only to protect the workmen." This ordinance
styles private parties masters of the soil, and proprietor of
the mines.
Charles the Tenth ordained an edict of the 26th May,
1563,^ that the mortgagees of the domain could not pretend
to any right over mines unless that right had been expressly
mortgaged to them. Henry the Fourth, by an edict of the
9th of June, 1 60 1, registered the 31st of July, 1603, after
having ordained by the first article that a tenth part In kind
free and clear, and attested on oath to be so, should be paid
on all the said mines, excepted by the second article and
exempted from the duty of a tenth, the mines of sulphur,
saltpetre, iron, ochre, petroleum, coal, slate, plaster, chalk,
and other sorts of stones for building and for making mUl-
stones. A legislative decree of the Council has ordained in Its first
article, that in future no one should be at liberty to open or
work mines of pit-coal without having obtained the per
mission of the controller-general of the exchequer, whether
those who desired to work such mines were seigniors, having
the superior jurisdiction, or proprietors of the land on which
such mines were found. The eleventh article of the decree
in question ordains, that those who will undertake the working
of coal mines, in virtue of the permission they shall have
obtained shall be obliged to Indemnify the proprietors of the
lands on which they shall open such mines, either by amicable
arrangement or according to the estimate of experts or persons
skilled in such matters, agreed upon between the parties; or
In default thereof, appointed by the intendants and com
missary ex officio. Sometimes the King grants patents to
individuals to open and work mines, but generally the
' Isambert's Recueil giniral, XIV., No. 56 (p. 140).

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 225
patents set forth that they shall be opened by agreement
with the proprietors, and upon payment of Indemnity
previously made to them.
Such is the public law of France with respect to mines,
and such is the reason of the obligation to give notice to His
Majesty of mines and minerals, not that the King may at
once become the master of them, but that he may exercise
over them, according to their nature, the rights arising from
the laws of the kingdom.
Lastly, it is asked, what will be the effect of the following
clauses contained In the grants made by the seigniors to their
tenants : " The said tenants bind themselves to cultivate and
improve their lands immediately, and to reside thereon at the
latest within a year and a day from the date of these presents,
and in case the said grantees shall fail to fulfil the conditions
set forth in the said contract. It shall be lawful for the
seignior to re-enter ipso jure into the possession of the said
lands, without being bound to pay any indemnity for the
labour which the said grantee may have performed thereon."
It is asked whether the seignior cannot, by a simple publica
tion of notice at the door of the parish church after high
mass, re-enter ipso jure upon the lands, the conditions of the
grants of which have not been fulfilled, whether he is not
even the proprietor thereof ipso facto, and whether the grantee
can return to the land afterwards and instal himself therein
afresh. The counsel answer, that it is much more regular, and
also safer in many respects, notwithstanding the ipso jure
clause, to send the tenant in default a summons to fulfil
the conditions of his contract, serving him at the same time
with a declaration to the effect that in case of his failing to
do so by a given day, the seignior will, on that day, take
possession of the land granted according to the terms of his
contract, wherefore he summons him to appear, if he thinks
fit, upon the premises. In order to be present at the said entry
p

226 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
into possession, and to see the report {proces-verbal) thereof
drawn up. And in effect on the appointed day two notaries
repair to the spot with the seignior, draw up a report of the
state in which the land and premises are found, and of the
things which may be found there belonging to the tenant, and
re-establish the seignior in possession, without any one being
able to accuse him of having embezzled or abstracted the
effects of his vassal, and of having rather committed an
Invasion than performed an act of justice. If the tenant Is
absent, the notaries will draw up their instrument by default.
Deliberated at Paris the 14th February, 1767.
Elie de Beaumont.
Target.
ROUCHET.
We, the mayor and aldermen of the city of Paris, certify
to all whom it may concern that Messrs. Elie de Beaumont,
Rouchet, and Target, who have signed above, are advocates of
the Parliament of Paris, and that faith Is to be given to their
signatures, judicially, as well as extra-judlcially.
In witness whereof we have signed these presents, and have
caused the seal of the city of Paris to be affixed thereto.
Given this twenty-fifth day of March, one thousand seven
hundred and sixty-seven.
Beguon.
Larsonnyer. &c., &c.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 227

No. 65. Despatch of Governor Carleton to the Earl
of Shelburne^ regarding the Administration of
English Law in Canada, December 24, 1767.^
Canadian Archives, Series Q, V. pt. I. 316 fF.
My Lord,
To conceive the true state of the people of this pro
vince, so far as the laws and administration of justice are
concerned, and the sensations they must feel in their pre
sent situation, 'tis necessary to recollect, they are not a
migration of Britons, who brought with them the laws of
England, but a populous and long-established colony, reduced
by the King's arms to submit to his dominion on certain condi
tions ; that their laws and customs were widely different from
those of England, but founded on natural justice and equity,
as well as these ; that their honours, property, and profits, as
well as the King's dues, In a great measure depended upon
them ; that on the mutation of lands by sale, some special
cases excepted, they established fines to the King in lieu of
quit-rents, and to the seigneur fines and dues as his chief
profits, obliging him to grant his lands at very low rents.
This system of laws established subordination, from the
first to the lowest, which preserved the internal harmony they
enjoyed until our arrival, and secured obedience to the
supreme seat of government from a very distant province ;
all this arrangement, In one hour, we overturned by the
ordinance of the seventeenth of September, one thousand
seven hundred and sixty-four ;' and laws III adapted to the
1 The Earl of Shelburne was at this time secretary of state for the Southern
Department, an administrative body which had charge of colonial relations.
^ Printed In Shortt and Doughty's Docume/its, 201-203.
' This ordinance, which provided for the establishment of a new hierarchy
of;courts, may be found in Ordinances made for the Province oj Quebec by the

228 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
genius of the Canadians, to the situation of the province, and
to the interests of Great Britain, unknown and unpublished,
were Introduced in their stead ; a sort of severity, if I remem
ber right, never before practised by any conqueror, even where
the people, without capitulation, submitted to his will and
discretion. How far this change of laws which deprives such numbers
of their honours, privileges, profits, and property, is conform
able to the capitulation of Montreal and Treaty of Paris;
how far this ordinance, which affects the life, limb, liberty,
and property of the subject. Is within the limits of the power
His Majesty has been pleased to grant to the governor and
council ; how far this ordinance, which, in a summary way,
declares the Supreme Court of Judicature shall judge all
cases, civil and criminal, by laws unknown and unpublished
to the people, is agreeable to the natural rights of mankind,
I humbly submit ; this much is certain, that it cannot long
remain in force without a general confusion and discontent.
To prevent some of the misfortunes that must accrue, the
enclosed draft of an ordinance was prepared to be laid before
the Council ; but when I reflected on the many difficulties
that would still remain, I thought it more advisable to leave
those important matters as I found them, till His Majesty's
pleasure was known thereon.
To show more fully the extent of these alterations, several
months ago I directed an abridgment of the laws of Canada,
in force on our arrival, to be drawn up, and at the same time
desired the chief-justice and attorney-general to give me their
opinion upon the mode at present in practice. This I thought
absolutely necessary to show the true state of these matters,
Governor a7id Council since the Establishment of Civil Governt/ient (Quebec,
1767), 9. The substitution of English for French law, to which Carleton here
refers, had taken place somewhat earlier, by the proclamation of October 7,
1763. This proclamation may be found in A Collection of the Acts passed in
the Parlia7nent of Great Britain, and other Public Acts relative to Canada, 1759"
1834 (Quebec, 1824-1834), 27 ff.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 229
holding it of great importance to the King's service that all
cause of great or general discontent should be removed and
prevented. A few disputes have already appeared, where the English
law gives to one what, by the Canadian, would belong to
another ; a case of this sort, not easy to determine, lies at
present In chancery ; if decided for the Canadian on the
principle that promulgation is necessary to give force to laws,
the uniformity of the courts of justice thereby will be still
further destroyed, chancery reversing the judgments of the
superior court, as that court reverses those of the common
pleas ; the people notwithstanding continue to regulate their
transactions by their ancient laws, though unknown and
unauthorised In the Supreme Court, where most of these
transactions would be declared Invalid. So short-sighted are
men that although these few instances manifest the difference
of the old and new laws, and give some uneasiness to the
parties, yet I have met with only one Canadian who sees this
great revolution In its full influence ; but when time brings
forth events, which shall make known to the Canadians that
their modes of inheritance are totally changed, and other
alterations which affect the property and interests of every
famUy in the province, the consternation must become general.
The present great and universal complaint arises from the
delay and heavy expenses of justice ; formerly the King's
courts sat once a week at Quebec, Montreal, and Three
Rivers ; from these lay an appeal to the Council, which also
sat once a week, where fees of all sorts were very low, and
the decisions Immediate. At present the courts sit three
times a year at Quebec, and twice a year at Montreal, and
have introduced all the chicanery of Westminster Hall into
this impoverished province, where few fortunes can bear the
expense and delay of a lawsuit. The people are thereby
deprived of the benefit of the King's courts of justice, which
rather prove oppressive and ruinous than a relief to the

230 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
Injured ; this, with the weight of fees in general. Is the daily
complaint, not but a great deal might be said of the inferior
administrators of justice, very few of whom have received the
education requisite for their office, and are not endowed with
all the moderation, impartiality, and disinterestedness that
were to be wished.
The most advisable method In my opinion for removing
the present as well as for preventing future evUs, Is to repeal
that ordinance as null and void in Its own nature, and for
the present leave the Canadian laws almost entire ; such
alterations might be afterwards made In them, as time and
occurrences rendered the same advisable, so as to reduce
them to that system His Majesty should think fit, without
risking the dangers of too much precipitation ; or else, such
alterations might be made In the old, and those new laws
judged necessary to be immediately introduced, and publish
the whole as a Canadian code, as was practised by Edward the
First after the conquest of Wales.
For a more expeditious and easy administration of justice,
a judge should reside at each of the three towns of Quebec,
Montreal, and Three Rivers, with a Canadian assistant, to sit
at least once a month ; it seems to me no less essential that
none of the principal officers of government and justice,
neither governor, judge, secretary, provost-marshal, or clerk
of the Council, should receive fee, reward, or present from
the people, on pain of the King's displeasure, though an
equivalent should be allowed them by way of salary, and that
the inferior officers be restrained to the fees authorised under
the French government, in order to remove the present
reproach, that our English justice and English offices are
calculated to drain the people of the little substance they have
left, as well as to serve as a barrier, to secure the King's
interests at this distance from the throne, from the pestilential
dangers of avarice and corruption for ages to come.
What salaries may be necessary to induce gentlemen of

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 231
the law, of integrity and abilities, with a knowledge of the
French language, to come into this country, I cannot tell ;
such characters, however, are more indispensably necessary in
this than in any other of the King's provinces ; for, here,
every fault and error of the man becomes a national reproach.
But men of the stamp of our present chief-justice and
attorney-general not being always to be met with, if unex
ceptionable characters, such as above described, cannot be pro
cured it will be better for the province to be satisfied with
any men of sound sense and probity it can afford, who, with
good Intentions and the advice and assistance of these two
gentlemen, may prove of more service than an ignorant,
greedy, and factious set.
I could almost venture to promise that In a little time
the provincial duties may pay all the officers necessary for
government and the administration of justice, on the footing
I propose, of procuring persons properly qualified without
fees, together with all necessary extraordinary expenses (I
except, however, sinecure salaries and all public works) with
out giving the least discontent. The Canadians In general,
particularly the gentlemen, greatly disapprove of the verdict
given last year against the Crown, on the trial for the duties,
and both Canadian and English merchants, the colonists
excepted, would have fixed the rates in the scheme I en
closed to Your Lordship in my letter higher than I thought
judicious for the first essay. These things I thought proper
to mention at present, lest the economy, necessary at home,
might be an objection to the arrangements essential to the
King's service and the interests of Great Britain. — I am, &c.
Guy Carleton.
To the Earl of Shelburne, one of His Majesty's
Principal Secretaries of State, &c., &c., &c.

232 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

No. 66. Draft of " An Ordinance for continuing and
confirming the Law^s and Customs that prevailed
in this Province in the Time of the French
Government, concerning the Tenure, Inheritance,
and Alienation of Lands," December 24, 1767.
Canadian Archives, Series Q, V. pt. i. 323.
Whereas, from the extensive words used In the great
ordinance of this province, dated the 17th day of September,
in the year of our Lord, 1764, Intituled, " An Ordinance for
regulating and establishing the courts of judicature, justices
of the peace, quarter-sessions, bailiffs, and other matters
relative to the distribution of justice In this province," by
which the two principal courts of judicature, erected thereby
In this province, are empowered and directed, the one of
them to hear and determine all criminal and civil causes,
agreeable to the laws of England and to the ordinances of
this province, and the other to determine matters of property
above the value of ten pounds agreeable to equity, having
regard nevertheless to the laws of England, 'and an appeal Is
allowed from this latter court In cases wherein the matter In
contest is of the value of twenty pounds and upwards, to the
former court, which is strictly enjoined to proceed according
to the laws of England and the ordinances of this province as
aforesaid ;
Certain doubts have arisen, and may arise, that in conse
quence thereof, the rules of inheritance of lands and houses
in this province, and the terms and conditions of the tenures
thereof, and the rights, privileges, profits, and emoluments
thence arising either to the King's Most Excellent Majesty,
or to divers of his said Majesty's subjects, that are owners
of lands In the said province, were In the whole or in part

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 233
abolished, and the laws and customs of England, relating to
the said points, at once introduced in their stead ;
Which great and sudden alteration of the laws concerning
these important subjects would not only be In no wise useful
to the said province, but by unsettling men's ancient and ac
customed rights and reasonable expectations founded thereon,
would be attended with Innumerable hardships and incon
veniences to the inhabitants thereof, and produce a general
confusion. In order therefore to prevent these evils, and to
quiet the minds of the inhabitants with respect to them :
It Is ordained and declared by the lieutenant-governor of
this province, by and with the advice and consent of the
Council of the same, that all laws and customs that prevailed
In this province in the time of the French government, at
or immediately before the time of the conquest thereof by
the arms of Great Britain, concerning the following points :
to wit, concerning the tenures of lands In this province,
both such as were held immediately of the Crown, and
such as were held of subjects, and the terms and conditions
of such tenures ; and concerning the rights, privileges, and
pre-eminences annexed to any of the said tenures, and
the burthens, duties, and obligations to which they were
subject ; and concerning the Inheritance and succession to the
said lands upon the death of any of the proprietors thereof,
and concerning the forfeiture, confiscation, re-annexing, or
re-uniting to the demesne of the lord, escheat, reversion, or
other devolution whatsoever of any of the said lands, either
to the King's Majesty or any of His Majesty's subjects of
whom they are held ; and concerning the power of devising
or bequeathing any of the said lands by a last will and testa
ment, and concerning the power of alienating the same by
the proprietors thereof in their lifetime ; and concerning the
power of limiting, hypothecating, mortgaging, or any way
encumbering or affecting any lands in the said province, shall
continue in full force and vigour until they are changed in

234 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
some of these particulars by ordinances made for that pur
pose, and expressly mentioning such changes, and setting
forth In a full and distinct manner the laws introduced in the
stead of those which shall be so changed or abolished, to the
end that all the Inhabitants of this province, Canadians as well
as English, may fully understand and be made acquainted
with the said new laws that shall be so introduced ; any laws,
customs, or usages of England, or any ordinances of this
province, to the contrary hereof In anywise notwithstanding.
Also the said French laws and customs, hereby continued
and confirmed, shall be deemed and taken to have continued
without Interruption, from the time of the conquest of this
country by the British arms to the present time ; any former
ordinance or ordinances of this province to the contrary
thereof In anywise notwithstanding.
And further, this ordinance shall extend not only to all
lands in this province held Immediately of the Crown, by
grants made by the French King before the conquest of this
country, and to all lands held under the immediate tenants
of the Crown, who are commonly called seigneurs, by grants
made by the said seigneurs to Inferior tenants or vassals
before the said conquest, but likewise to such lands as have
been granted by the said seigneurs to the said Inferior tenants
since the said conquest, and likewise to all such lands as shall
be granted hereafter by the said seigneurs to the said inferior
tenants or vassals ; all which said grants from the said seigniors
to the said inferior tenants, or vassals, both those that shall
hereafter be made, and those that have been made already, shall
be subject to the same rules, restrictions, and conditions as
were lawfully in force concerning them in the time of the
French government, at or Immediately before the time of the
said conquest of this province by the British arms. But this
ordinance shall not extend to or any way affect any new grants
of land In this province, made by the King's Majesty since the
said conquest, or hereafter to be made by his said Majesty ;

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 235
but the laws and rules relating to such royal grants shall be
the same as if this ordinance had not been made.
Given by the Honourable Guy Carleton, lieutenant-gover
nor and commander-in-chief of the province of Quebec,
brigadier-general of His Majesty's forces, &c., &c., in Council,
at the Castle of St. Lewis, in the city of Quebec, the
day of in the year of His Majesty's reign,
and in the year of our Lord, 176 .

No. 67. Despatch of Governor Carleton to the
Secretary of State, giving a short Outline of the
Seigniorial System, April 12, 1768.^
Canadian Archives, Series Q, V. pt. n. 477 fF.
My Lord,
Again I find myself under a necessity to repeat very near
the same apologies as in my last about the fees ; the truth is,
that while offices are farmed out to the best bidder, tenants
will make the most of their leases, and in their turn hire such
servants as work at the cheapest rate, without much Inquiry
whether the same Is well or UI done ; the enclosed list of
grants prior to the conquest of the country has been greatly
retarded, from the persons employed therein not being
thoroughly versed in the languages ; at the same time it must
be fairly acknowledged, the ancient records of the country are
by no means so clear and accurate as one could wish ; how
ever, it wUl In general tolerably well exhibit on what terms the
seigniorial grants are held, for as to the terres en roture held
immediately of the King, in the towns of Quebec or Trois-
Rivieres or elsewhere, the same is not yet completed, but Is in
' Printed in Shortt and Doughty's Documents, 208-210.

236 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
hand and shall be transmitted without loss of time as soon as
finished. Some of the privileges contained in those grants appear at
first to convey dangerous powers Into the hands of the seig
neurs, that, upon a more minute inquiry, are found to be
really little else than ideal ; the haute, moyenne et basse justice
are terms of high import, but even under the French govern
ment were so corrected as to prove of little signification to the
proprietors, for besides that they could appoint no judge with
out the approbation of government, there lay an appeal from
all the private to the royal jurisdictions in every matter ex
ceeding half a crown ; it could not therefore be productive of
abuse, and as the keeping of their own judges became much
too burthensome for the scanty incomes of the Canadian
seigneurs, it was grown into so general a disuse, there were
hardly three of them in the whole province at the time of
the conquest.^
All the lands here are held of His Majesty's Castle of St.
Lewis, and nothing, 1 am persuaded, would be so agreeable to
the people, or tend more to securing the allegiance of the new
subjects to His Majesty, as well as ensuring the payment of
those fines and dues, which here stand In the lieu of quit-
rents, than a formal requisition of all those immediately
holding of the King, to pay faith and homage to him at
his Castle of St. Lewis. The oath which the vassals take
upon the occasion is very solemn and binding ; they are
obliged to furnish what they here term their aveu et denombre
ment, which Is an exact account of their tenants and revenues,
and to discharge whatever they owe their sovereign, and to
appear In arms for his defence in case his province Is ever
attacked. And at the same time that it would prove a con
firmation to the people of their estates and immunities, after
which they most ardently sigh, it might be a means to recall
' See below, pp. 270-271.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 237
out of the French service such as have yet possessions in this
country, or at least oblige them to dispose of their effects
here ; and although it may not be possible, at least for a time,
entirely to prevent that intercourse, every measure that can
tend towards putting an end to it must be useful.
The Canadian tenures differ, it Is true, from those In the
other parts of His Majesty's American dominions, but If con
firmed (and I cannot see how it well can be avoided without
entirely oversetting the properties of the people) will ever
secure a proper subordination from this province to Great
Britain ; if its detached situation be constantly remembered,
and that on the Canadian stock we can only depend for an
increase of population therein, the policy of continuing to
them their customs and usages will be sufficiently evinced.
For the foregoing reasons it has occurred to His Majesty's
servants here that it might prove of advantage, if whatever
lands remain vacant in the interior parts of the province
bordering upon those where the old customs prevail, were
henceforth granted on the like conditions, taking care that
those at Gaspey and Chaleur Bay, where the King's old
subjects ought chiefly to be encouraged to settle, were granted
on such conditions only as are required by his royal Instruc
tions ; and upon this consideration have some grants In the
interior parts been deferred carrying into execution until I
could receive the sense of government thereupon.
Your Lordship may have perceived by some of my former
letters, that long before His Majesty's order in council of the
28 th of August came to my hands, the matter therein recom
mended had been the object of my most serious consideration ;
the receipt of that order has induced me to alter some part of
the plan I at first proposed to myself, and have accordingly
directed the abridgment mentionecl to Your Lordship In my
letter of 24th December,^ and undertaken by some of the
' Printed above, pp. 227-231.

238 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
ablest men in the province, to be further extended and
rendered more full and copious, and to comprise all the laws
in force at the conquest ; in the meantime, to give Your
Lordship and His Majesty's other servants some idea of the
nature of them, I herewith transmit to Your Lordship a short
sketch exhibiting only the heads of those laws ; the several
matters recommended by that order to the King's servants
here, shall be prepared with all the despatch that the import
ance as well as extent of the subject can possibly admit of. —
I am, &c., Guy Carleton.
To the Earl of Shelburne, &c.

No. 68. Report of the Council for Trade ^ to the
King recommending the Issue of new Instructions
in regard to the Granting of Land in Canada,
April 24, 1 77 1.
Public Record OJice, Board of Trade, Canada, XVI. 162.
To the King's Most Excellent Majesty.
May It please Your Majesty,
Guy Carleton, Esquire, Your Majesty's governor of
Quebec, has represented to us, that the terms and conditions
under which he is by his instructions directed to make grants
of lands In that province, have not answered Your Majesty's
royal intentions ; and that It would be far more advanta
geous, if the antlent mode of granting lands, which prevailed
^ The Council for Trade (more commonly known as the Board of Trade) was
established in 1696, and was given a general oversight of colonial trade and
kindred matters. It continued in existence until 1782, when it was abolished
by the provisions of " Burke's Act." The Council for Trade played an im
portant part in directing the royal policy toward the various colonial posses
sions, and was invariably consulted whenever any change of economic conditions
was contemplated. Lord Hillsborough was at this time president of the
Council. The work of the Council for Trade is discussed at length in H. E.
Egerton's Short History of British Colo/iial Policy (London, 1897).

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 239
under the French government before the conquest, was to be
now adopted.
This proposition of Your Majesty's governor, in a matter
of great Importance to the future welfare and prosperity of
the colony of Quebec, certainly deserves the most serious
attention ; and as it appears to us, upon the best information
we are able to obtain of the antlent usage and practice of
granting lands in that colony, that It was well calculated to
promote settlement upon terms of publick advantage ; and as
it is also apparent, that the introducing different tenures of
land in the same colony leads to Inconvenience and confusion,
we cannot but agree In opinion with Your Majesty's governor
as to the utility of the proposal, and beg leave humbly to
recommend, that those articles of Your Majesty's instructions
to your said governor, which relate to the granting lands,
should be revoked ; and that the governor should be
authorized to grant, with the advice of his council, the lands
remaining, subject to Your Majesty's disposal. In fief and
seigneurie, as hath been practised heretofore, omitting In such
grants haute, moyenne et basse justice, the exercise whereof hath
been long disused in that colony.
Which Is most humbly submitted.
Hillsborough.SOAME JeNYNS.
John Roberts.
Wm. Fitzherbert.
Greville.
Thomas Whately.
Whitehall, April 2d,, 1771.

240 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

No. 69. Royal Instructions to Governor Carleton
permitting the Governor-in-Council to make
further Grants of Land under the Seigniorial
Tenure, July 2, 1771.
Canadian Archives, Series M, CCXXX. 114.
Whereas it hath been represented unto us that the
terms and conditions under which you are, by our royal in
structions to you, authorised and directed to make grants of
lands within our province of Quebec under your government,
have been found to be Inconvenient and Inadequate ; and
that it would be more for our advantage, and for the benefit
of our subjects inhabiting In, and resorting to our said
province, if the ancient mode of granting lands which pre
vailed under the French government before the conquest
and cession of the same province was to be adopted ; we
therefore, taking the same into our royal consideration,
and being desirous to promote, as far as in us lies, the
welfare and prosperity of our said province, have thought
fit to revoke and do hereby revoke and annul all such parts
of our said instructions to you ; and every clause, matter,
and thing therein, which contain any powers or directions
in respect to the granting of lands within our said province ;
and It Is our will and pleasure and you are hereby authorised
and empowered to grant, with the advice of the CouncU of
our said province, the lands which remain subject to our
disposal. In fief or seigneurie, as hath been practised hereto
fore, antecedent to the conquest thereof; omitting, how
ever, in such grants so to be made by you, the reservation
of the exercise of such judicial powers as hath been long
disused within our said province. And it is our further
will and pleasure that all grants in fief and seigneurie, so

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 241
to be passed by you, as aforesaid, be made subject to our
royal ratification, and also be registered within our said
province. In like manner as was practised in regard to grants
held in fief and seigneurie under the French government.

No. 70. A Contemporary Account of the Disorders
connected with the Attempt to enforce the
Feudal Obligation of Military Service in the Pro
vince of Quebec during the American Invasion
of 1775.^
Francis Mas^res, Additional Papers concerning the Province of Quebeci, 71—78.
A Narrative of the tumultuous conduct of the Free
holders of divers seigniories In the Province of Quebeck In the
summer of the year 1775, In opposition to the endeavours
used by their Seigniors to call them out to take arms against
the American Army that had invaded the province : shewing
their aversion to being commanded by their Seigniors, and
the little Influence their Seigniors and the other Noblesse
of Canada have over them. (Written by a gentleman very
lately arrived from Quebeck.)
An opinion prevails in the province of Quebeck (whether
just or not I will not pretend to determine) that the seigniors
' This interesting document is printed because it sets forth, in very plain
terms, what Is alleged to have been the general attitude of the censitalres
toward Governor Carleton's endeavour, through the seigniors, to enforce the
seigniorial obligation of military service. While there can be no reasonable
doubt that the attempt was resented by the inhabitants in several sections of
the province, the statements contained in this document ought to be accepted
only with a great deal of reservation. It contains, in fact, some very palpable
exaggerations. The writer of the document was endeavouring to support his
point that the provisions of the Quebec Act were obnoxious to the rank and file
of the population, and that the act had been passed at the instigation of the
seigniors, who did not In any sense represent the wishes of their dependants,
and who had, since the conquest, become entirely discredited with them. Q

242 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
owe military service to their sovereign, by the tenure of
their lands ; and that in the acts of {foi et hommage, or)
fealty and homage, they promise to perform the same to
the Crown when called upon : And that, by the same act,
they also engage for the personal service of all their vassals,
and other tenants, who hold their lands from them, either
par foi et hommage, or par cens et rente, or (as it Is often
expressed) en roture. It is universally believed that the
seigniors have, by the customs of Canada (which are revived
by the late Quebeck Act), a legal right to command the
personal service of all the holders of land under them,
whenever the sovereign, or his representative, calls upon
them (the seigniors) for that purpose : And the govern
ment has thrown out hints that those Inhabitants who
refused to obey their seigniors last summer, when called
upon to oppose the provincials, have, by such refusal,
forfeited all title to their lands, which ought, on that
account, to revert to the seigniors : And that, as soon as
things shall be settled In the province, suits of law should
be Instituted, In the courts of justice, to dispossess them.
The inhabitants themselves acquiesce In the truth of this
doctrine, but they are determined to hold possession of
their lands by force.
Mr. La Corne, a young man of about twenty- two years
of age, and nephew to Mr. La Corne de Saint Luc, was
sent by General Carleton to raise the inhabitants of Terre
bonne, a village of which he (the younger Mr. La Corne)
is seignior. He addressed them in a very high tone, men
tioning the above right which he had, by the tenure
of their lands, to command their military service. They
answered, " that they were now become subjects of England,
and did not look upon themselves as Frenchmen in any
respect whatever." Mr. La Corne was Imprudent enough to
strike some of those who spoke loudest. This provoked the
people to such a degree that Mr. La Corne found It necessary

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 243
to get away from them, and go back Immediately to Montreal,
but threatened to return speedily amongst them with a party
of two hundred soldiers, who would make them dearly pay
for their refusal to obey him. The people, hearing this,
forthwith armed themselves, some with guns, others with
clubs ; and they all resolved to die rather than submit to
be commanded by their seignior. General Carleton, hearing
of the disturbance that Mr. La Corne's behaviour had
occasioned, instead of complying with his desire of sending
troops to enforce obedience to his authority, thought it
advisable to send with him an English officer of merit,
Captain Hamilton (late of the 15th regiment, and now
lieutenant-governor of Detroit), to pacify the people.
Captain Hamilton asked them what they meant by assem
bling in that riotous, disorderly manner.? They answered,
that their Intentions were to defend themselves from the
soldiers, with whom they were threatened by Mr. La Corne,
their seignior. " If General Carleton," said they, " requires
our services, let him give us Englishmen to command us ;
such a man as you, for Instance, we would follow to the
world's end." "But," replied Mr. Hamikon, "English
military gentlemen are not to be found In sufficient numbers
in the province to take the command of you." "Then,"
said they, " give us common soldiers to lead us, rather than
those people. For we will not be commanded by ce petit
gars, that is (literally, by that little boy, but, In their sense
of it), by that insignificant, raw, young man." At last,
upon Captain Hamilton's promise, that their seignior should
come no more among them, they dispersed. Whether or
not those people would have kept their word and followed
English leaders is uncertain, because General Carleton has
never thought proper to make the experiment.
This behaviour of those people is the more remarkable
because Mr. La Corne is a very pretty young man In his
person and appearance, and not despicable in point Q>i under-

244 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
standing, and not less than three-and-twenty years old; so
that nothing but his quality of seignior, and the odious
powers which they suppose to be connected with that char
acter, can have rendered him disagreeable to the people.
Mr. Deschambaud, the son (an officer at this time in the
service and pay of the King of France, who Is absent from
his regiment upon leave), went over to a seigniory belonging
to his father, situated on the river Richelieu, and began
to harangue the inhabitants of the seigniory, much in the
same style that Mr. La Corne had used at Terrebonne.
Like consequences ensued. The people were exasperated
at his treatment of them. They replied with sharpness.
He drew his sword : they surrounded him and beat him
severely. He returned to Montreal, and complained of
them to General Carleton. The next day Mr. Descham
baud, the father, went over and told the people that the
governor was highly displeased at the treatment his son had
received from them ; but that all would be forgiven if they
would repair to Montreal and ask his (young Deschambaud's)
pardon ; otherwise they might expect to be severely punished
for their behaviour.
This speech served only to provoke them still more:
they armed themselves immediately, and went to the traders
on the river Richelieu, and purchased all the ammunition
they had in their stores, paying so great a price as five shillings
for a pound of powder, which is usually sold for less than a
third part of that sum. They assembled to the number of
near 3000^ at Fort Chambly; and began to march towards
Fort St. John's, to face the two regiments of regulars that
were in garrison there ; that being the force which, they
imagined, General Carleton would employ against them.
But he, upon notice of their proceedings, sent an English
officer to disavow the message delivered to them by Mr.
"• This, for example, is one of the statements which may well give rise to a
reasonable doubt as to the accuracy of the writer.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 245
Deschambaud, the father, and to acquaint them, that all
would be well If they would disperse and retire each to his
home. This was immediately complied with.
Mr. Cuthbert, an English gentleman, who is proprietor
of an extensive and valuable seigniory, called Berthier,^ sum
moned the inhabitants of his seigniory to assemble at his
house. They sent him for answer that. If he had anything
to communicate, he might come to them ; and they accord
ingly assembled at a place where three roads meet, and
where there is a cross erected. Mr. Cuthbert came thither
to them, and made a peremptory demand of their services
on the French system, as being their seignior. They told
him If that was his business with them he had best retire
to his own home and trouble them no more, for that not
a man of them would follow him. And as soon as he was
gone, they all made oath on the cross, round which they
were assembled, that they never would take arms against
the provincials : That, if one among them offered to join
[the] government, they would directly burn his house and
his barn and destroy his cattle : And that, if General Carleton
should attempt to compel them into service, they would repel
force by force. And, having thus sworn, they went home.
This happened In the latter end of July or the beginning of
August. Afterwards, (I think) about the end of September,
Mr. Lanaudidre, the son (who is owner of a seigniory at
another place called Saint Anne's),^ came to them from
Montreal, and said that he was employed by General Carleton
to lead them against the provincials ; that he was going at
that time to his estate at St. Anne's, but should return to
Berthier in a few days, when he expected that they should
be prepared to follow him ; otherwise, he assured them,
' James Cuthbert had purchased the fief of Berthier-en-Haut from Pierre-
Noel Courthiau In 1765 (Actes de Foi et Hommage, III. 446).
^ Salnte-Anne de la Pdrade. This seigniory had been in the possession of
the Lanaudi^res for over a century.

246 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
that their lands and houses should be burnt and laid waste.
He accordingly did return to Berthier some days after ; and,
on entering the limits of the parish, he and Mr. Tonnancour,
the son, with sixteen others, their attendants, were surrounded
and made prisoners by the inhabitants. Warm debates en
sued amongst them whether or not they should send Mr.
Lanaudidre to the provincial camp near St. John's. It was,
at length, agreed to set him and his friends at liberty, on
his promise to obtain for them General Carleton's pardon
for this outrage, and on his further promise never to come
again amongst them on a like errand. . .

No. 71. Proclamation of Governor Carleton calling
upon the Seigniors to render their Fealty and
Homage, August 28, 1777.
Canadian Archives, Series M, CCLXXII. 37.
By His Excellency Sir Guy Carleton, Knight of the
Most Honourable Order of the Bath, Captain-General and
Governor-In-Chief of the Province of Quebec and the terri
tories thereon depending In North America, Vice-Admiral and
Keeper of the Great Seal thereof, &c., &c., &c., General and
Commander-in-Chief of His Majesty's Forces in the said
Province and the Frontiers thereof, &c., &c., &c.
A Proclamation.
His Majesty's service, together with the interest and
security of his faithful subjects in this province, requiring that
His Majesty's rights touching his demesne should be ascer
tained ; and it being necessary for that purpose to make out
a terrier of the seigniories held immediately from the Crown,
as well as of the lands, tenements, and hereditaments held

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 247
therefrom en roture, I have thought proper by the advice of
His Majesty's Council in this province to Issue this proclama
tion requiring all proprietors of seigniories in this province
holding directly from the Crown (as well communities as
others) to appear in person or by attorneys duly constituted
for that purpose, at the Castle of Saint Lewis In the City
of Quebec, any time before the first day of December, which
will be in the year of Our Lord 1778, to make and render
before me there the fealty and homage which they owe to
His Majesty according to the ancient laws, customs, and
usages of this province. Authenticated copies of the deeds
will be given them gratis.
The said proprietors of seigniories are also required to
give in their respective terriers or land rolls at the same
time or within forty days after rendering their fealty and
homage, to be registered. Authenticated copies thereof will
also be given them gratis.
Moreover, all persons holding lands en roture from the
Crown are required to appear before the time above men
tioned, in their proper persons, or by attorneys duly con
stituted for that purpose, at the city of Quebec, to exhibit
their title-deeds and to make a declaration of the estates
they hold under His Majesty, and the rents and duties they
owe thereupon.
Given under my hand and seal-at-arms, at the Castle of
Saint Lewis, in the city of Quebec, the twenty-eighth day
of August 1777, in the seventeenth year of His Majesty's
reign. Guy Carleton.
God Save the King.

248 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

No. 72. Despatch of Governor Haldimand ^ to the
Secretary of State concerning various Seigniorial
Incidents, July 6, 1781.
Canadian Archives, Series B, LV. 54 fF.
My Lord,
... Sir Guy Carleton had thought proper to require, by
proclamation, a performance of the fealty and homage due
to His Majesty from the proprietors of seigneuries at the
expiration of the year 1777,^ and had, previous to my arrival
In the province, by a subsequent proclamation, prolonged the
delay till the 3 ist of December 1778. Perhaps it would have
been better not to have taken up that business during the
war, but as it had been agitated, I had reason to think that
the not insisting upon it might tend to lessen the king's
authority amongst an ignorant people, many of whom might
think that ceremony necessary before their allegiance could
be changed from the King of France. I have received the
fealty and homage, and the register of the acte de foi et
hommage may be useful in giving a short and clear view of
conditions upon which the different seigneuries have been
granted. A difficulty was stated by the attorney-general, relative to
the religious communities, and particularly the Seminary,^ the
richest of them, and who have been the most useful and the
most zealous for government upon many occasions. I thought
it right to admit them to the performance of fealty and hom
age, as well as the other religious communities, that of the
' Major-General Sir Frederick Haldimand, governor of Canada from June
27, 1778, to April 22, 1786. His voluminous collection of letters and papers,
now known as the Haldlmand Collection, throws much light upon the condition
of affairs in Canada during his term of office.
^ Printed above, pp. 246-247.
* The Seminary of St. Sulpice at Montreal.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 249
Jesuits excepted.^ They presented their titles, and offered
foi et hommage. I have returned their titles, and allow them
to enjoy their estates in the same manner which His Majesty
has hitherto permitted. In consideration of their poverty and
their usefulness, In taking care of the sick and infirm, and in
the education of youth, I have remitted to the nuns of the
General Hospitals, and to those of the order of St. Ursule,
the quint and other rights which were due to the King.
In my letter of the 25th October last, I transmitted to
Your Lordship an account of part of the moneys In the hands
of the receiver-general and his agents, arising from the quints,
lods et ventes and rente of domain belonging to the King,
and proposed that the purchase of the King's house at
Montreal, that of the seigneurie of Sorel,^ and of some
ground necessary for the fortifications of Quebec, should be
defrayed from It. The repairs of the King's houses at
Quebec and Montreal, and such charities to indigent people
of birth as become the royal munificence to bestow, may be
paid from the same fund.
I beg that Your Lordship will take that matter Into con
sideration, and acquaint me with His Majesty's determination
on that head. — I have, &c.,
Fred. Haldimand.

' The religious order known as the Reverend Fathers of the Society and
Company of Jesus had been suppressed by Pope Clement XIX. in 1773, and
from this date the legal ownership of the Jesuits' lands in Canada vested in the
crown. Those who had been members of the order were, however, supported
out of the revenues of the lands during the remainder of their lives.
^ Cf. above, p. 116, note i.

250 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

No. 73. Report of the Solicitor-General upon various
Questions relating to the Seigniorial System,
October 5, 1790.^
Canadian Archives, Series Q, XLVIIL pt. i. 33 fF.
To the Honourable Members of the Council.
May it please Your Honours,
Anxious to contribute all the information In my power to
the Honourable Board of Council upon the subject of the letter
I received from His Honour the President on the 31st of August
last, enclosing several Important questions relating to the
tenures of estates In this country, and suggesting the idea of
converting the same Into free and common socage ; I submit
the following answers to those questions for the consideration of
the Board. It Is fit I should inform the Honourable Board that
the present dangerous state of health of the attorney-general
has defeated our intention of making a joint report, and I may
^ After the close of the Revolutionary War in 1783 a large number of United
Empire Loyalists made their way into what are now known as the " Eastern
Townships " of Quebec, and there received grants of land under the English
form of tenure. This circumstance seems to have created an impression, even
among the French population, that the new tenure was preferable to the old,
with the result that petitions began to be presented to the authorities asking
for commutations of the tenures of seigniories. One of these petitions came
to the Council from Charles de Lanaudidre, one of its own members, who
prayed that the tenure of his seigniory " be converted from tenure in fief to
tenure in free and common socage." The Council, in due course, took up this
petition, but, before deciding either to grant or to refuse it, desired to possess
Itself of full information regarding the incidents of both forms of tenure. To
this end a series of eleven questions was drawn up, and these questions were
submitted to the law officers of the crown for a joint report. Owing to the
illness of the attorney-general, however, the entire work fell upon the solicitor-
general, the Honourable J. Williams. Although his report bears evidence of
the haste with which it was prepared, the answers, except in one or two in
stances, are reasonably accurate, and taken together give a good outline of
the legal bases upon which the seigniorial system rested. A copy of the report
is printed in Titles and Documents relating to the Seigniorial Tenure (2 vols.,
Quebec, 1852-1854), I. 27-35.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 251
urge with truth that the daily avocations of my other public
department have greatly impeded my deliberations on the
present subject ; but as expedition may be wished and ex
pected, I shall state my answers concisely, but I hope with a
degree of precision.
Question i. — "Upon what tenures were the lands of this
country granted by the French Crown ? "
The civil constitution of Canada was established upon the
feudal system ; large tracts of land were granted by the French
Crown en fief et seigneurie ; these estates are styled biens nobles;
small parcels and town lots were granted by an ignoble tenure,
called roture.
There are some, a very few, allodial grants ; the tenure is
te,rrc\cdi franc aleu noble znd. franc aleu roturier; a fewer still by
that tenure which Is of a spiritual nature called pure aumbne, or
frankalmoign.^ Question 1. — "What kind of tenure was most prevalent
and what may be stated in probable conjecture for the pro
portion between them .'' "
In the country, the tenure en fief et seigneurie was almost
universal. In the town of Quebec, several small parcels were
granted upon the same tenure ; and there, as well as at Three
Rivers and adjoining to the forts of Crown Point, Detroit, &c.,
small parcels or lots were granted en roture?
' During the old regime, lands had been granted under six different forms
of tenure. Three of these forms were feudal — namely, grants en fief or en
seigneurie, grants en arriere-fief, and grants en censive or en roture. The other
three were allodial — namely, grants e7t franc aleu noble, grants en franc aleu
roturier, and grants en franche aumbne (frankalmoign, or mortmain). A dis
cussion of the nature and incidents of each of these various forms of tenure may
be found In Munro's Seigniorial Syste77i in Canada, chap. Iv.
" Grants en censive were not made by the crown unless in very excep
tional circumstances. For example, the grants at Detroit had been originally
made by Lamotte-Cadillac, commandant of the fort ; but, the title-deeds proving
later to be Irregular, the king ordered new deeds to be Issued conveying titles
direct from the crown. See Jugements et dklibirations du Conseil Supirieur de
Quibec,V\. 1213 ; and Titres des Seigneuries, 17-^-17^. Papers concerning these

252 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
The proportion in favour of fiefs and seigneuries (alluding
to the royal grants) is beyond comparison greater than all the
other tenures.
Question 3. — "What securities had the French Crown by
the law of the country, or the nature and tenor of the grants,
to compel or promote the cultivation and improvement of the
land granted ? "
A power of reuniting the estate to the King's domain, in
default of cultivation and improvement by the grantee, was
the only. If It can be deemed any security of the Crown;
and this —
1st. By the tenor of the grant, almost universally stipu
lated ; -^ and
2nd. By virtue of two arrets of the King, of the 6th of
July, 1711,^ his arr6t of the 15th of March, 1732,^ and his
declaration of the 17th of July, 1743.* Several seigneuries,
and more particularly those near Lake Champlain, were,
antecedent to the conquest, at the Instance of the King's
attorney-general, reunited to the King's domain, by ordon
nances of the governor and intendant, for want of cultivation
and improvement made by the grantees, and afterwards re-
granted to others, and in some instances to the same grantees.^
Question 4. — " What were the legal burdens upon the
grantee of the Crown in reservations, conditions, rents, and
services ; or what were the benefits accruing to the French
grants are printed, together with various other documents relating to Lamotte-
Cadillac, In Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society, Collections, Vols.
XXXIII.-XXXIV. 1 The usual stipulation was " that the said grantee shall keep or shall cause
to be kept hearth and home (feu et lieu) on the said seigniory."
^ Printed above, pp. 91-94.
^ Above, pp. 174-175.
* Edits et Ordonna7ices, I. 572.
^ See, for example, the ordinance of May 10, 1741, by the terms of which
some twenty seigniories were reunited to the royal domain (idits et Ordon
nances, II. 555-561). For an instance of the re-granting of a forfeited seigniory
to its former owner, see Titres des Seigneuries, 204.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 253
Crown from the nature of the grant, founded In the usual
reservations, or by the general laws of the country ? "
The grantee and his heirs and assigns, by the tenor of this
grant and by the law of the country (Art. 32 and 35 of the
Custom) ^ were bound to render fealty and homage to the King
(by his representative) at the Castle of St. Lewis In this city ; ^
the vassal was bound at the same time, or within forty days
after (Art. 8, 10, and 11), to deliver to the King's represen
tative an aveu et dinombrement^ that is to say, a particular
statement of his title, the extent of his fief, its dependencies,
appurtenances, and prerogatives, whether he had a right to hold
courts of justice, high, inferior, or low justice, any and which of
them ; the amount of the rent of the clerk's and notary's offices,
fines, and other rights ; his manor-house, the lands of his
domain, the quantity and quaUty of his arable, meadow,
pasture, and wood lands, what ponds and lakes, what farm
houses and other buildings he had on his domain, the bounda
ries of the farms, their revenue and to whom let, or whether
he cultivated them himself, the annual amount of the cens,
rents, and other dues, with the number and names of his
censitalres or terre-tenants, or others subject to pay rent to him ;
the rights and services he owed on account of his fief, whether
he had right of mill ; the lands granted en roture on his estate ;
and a particular designation of the arriere or rear fiefs ; how
he became entitled to his fief and seigneurie, whether by
succession (and particularly whether In the line direct or
collateral), by purchase, gift, or how otherwise.
Upon the sale or other mutation of the fief (except In the
1 These and the subsequent articles of the Custom of Paris referred to In
this report may be conveniently found In Abstract of those Parts of the Custo7/i
of the Viscounty and Provostship of Paris, which were received and practised
in the Province of Quebec in the time of the French Government (London,
1772-1773). ^ The ceremony referred to was performed " without sword or spur, with
head uncovered, and on bended knee." A description of It, drawn from the Actes
de Foi et Honimage, Is given in Parkman's Old Rigime in Canada, II. 43-44.
' See above, pp. 167-168.

254 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
direct line) the fine called droit de quint^ or a fifth part of the
amount of the purchase money was payable to the King, at the
time of rendering fealty and homage (Art. 25), in respect of
lands governed by the Custom of Paris, which Is the general
law of the country ; and in respect of lands governed by the
Custom of Vexin le Frangais (for there were some few grants
made subject to that custom) a relief, i.e. one year's revenue
of the fief sold (Art. 33), and not the quint, was payable upon
every mutation whatsoever.^
The King might use his right of retrait fiodal, the jm
retractum, within forty days after notice given of the sale of any
fief and seigneurie made by his grantee, reimbursing the pur
chaser his purchase money, and the legal expenses {loyaux couts),
Art. 20 ; but this right ceased after an Investiture of the new
vassal.^ These are legal burdens.
A few old grants made by the India Company stipulated
that on every mutation a medal of half an ounce or an ounce
of gold {une maille d'or) should be paid the Company in lieu of
the quint.*
The usual reservations and conditions in the more ancient
grants were :
I. That the grantee should, within a year and a day, build
an habitation upon, and actually inhabit the lands {tenir feu et
lieu) and cultivate and improve the same {deserter et mettre en
valeur) and cause his ter- tenants {censitalres) to do the same
within the same period ; (some grants mention that the lands
are to be stocked with cattle in two years ;) In default of which
the King should of right re-enter Into the possession of the
' See above, p. 178, note 2.
^ See above, p. 75, note 2.
^ Cf. above, p. 73, note 2.
' These grants were made, not by the " India Company," or Company of
the West Indies, but by the Company of One Hundred Associates. For an
example of this stipulation, see the title-deed of the seigniory of Beauport
( Titres des Seigneuries, 386).

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 255
lands granted ; but a formal process for the reunion was, how
ever, thought necessary, and always prosecuted by the attorney-
general.
2. That the grantee should preserve all oak trees growing on
his domain, and cause all oak trees fit for the construction
of the King's ships to be preserved by his sub-feudatories
{censitalres). 3. That the grantee should give Immediate advice to the
King or his governor and Intendant, of the discovery of all
mines, ores, and minerals {mines, minihes, et miniraux) found in
the lands granted ; with exception only to two grants, wherein
they are expressly given to the grantees.
4. That the grantee should get the grant ratified by the
King, generally within the period of one year.
5. That the grantees should permit the necessary roads to
be laid out for public utility, and cause a clause to be inserted
in their concessions to the ter-tenants that they should do the
same. The more modern grants contain the same reservations
and conditions, but they also contain additional stipulations
namely :
6. That in case the King should have occasion for any part
of the land granted for the purpose of building forts, batteries,
places of arms, stores, or other public works, he should be at
liberty to take the same, together with the trees and timber
that should be necessary, and also firewood for the supply
of the garrisons, within the extent of the lands granted,
without being held or bound to make any compensation to
the grantee.
7. That the grantee should allow the free use of the
beaches to all fishermen, except such part as he might stand in
need of for his own fisheries.
8. That the grantee should concede lands to his sub-
feudatories at the accustomed rents and dues {cens et rentes et
redevances accoutumis) for every acre in front by forty in

256 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
depth ; about a fourth part only of the grants contain
this clause.^
9. In many of the latest grants the King reserves the right
of taking oak timber, masts, and yards {mdtures), and all other
timber proper for the construction and equipment of his ships,
without making any compensation for the same ; and in one
grant the King reserves the red or pitch pine for making tar.
There were no rents reserved to the King by the grants
made In fief and seigneurie ; ^ nor were the grantees liable to
any legal services, except rendering fealty and homage to the
King's representative, and furnishing the aveu et dinombrement
In the manner before described, but this they were bound to on
pain of the saisie fiodale of their estates (Art. i).*
By one of the arrets afore-mentioned of the 6th July, 1771,
the grantees were bound to concede lands to their sub-feuda
tories for the usual cens et rentes et redevances, and by the arr^t
of the 15th of March, 1732, upon non-compliance on the part
of the royal grantee, the governor and Intendant were im-
powered and directed to concede the same on the part of the
Crown, to the exclusion of the grantee, and the rents to be
payable to the receiver-general. The grantees are thereby also
restricted from selling any wood-lands {bois debout), upon pain
of nullity of the contract of concession, a reunion of the lands
to the royal domain, and restitution of the purchase money to
the sub-feudatory.
¦^ This answer is misleading. Down to 1711 not a single title-deed granted
by the Company or by the crown had stipulated that the seignior should concede
lands within his seigniory at " the accustomed rents and dues." In this year
the obligation was Imposed upon the seigniors by the provisions of the Arret of
Marly (printed above, pp. 91-93) ; but even after this date the clause was rarely
inserted in the title-deeds. The whole question as to the seigniorial obligation
to subgrant lands is discussed at length in Dunkin's Address at the Bar of the
Legislative AsscTnbly . . . on behalf of certain Seigniors in Lower Canada
(Quebec, 1853), and In Lafontalne's Observations (Quebec, 1856), 8-150.
^ That Is, no annual rents.
^ The saisie fiodale was the right of the dominant seignior to resume
possession of a fief whenever the possessor failed to fulfil the conditions upon
which the original grant had been made.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 257
The benefits accruing to the French Crown from the
nature of the grants en fief et seigneurie, were casual ; under the
Custom of Paris, the revenue of quint (a third of which was
usually remitted), and under the Custom of Vexin le Frangais,
a relief. I have mentioned the droit de retrait fiodal.
By the roture tenure, the grantor, whether the King directly,
or his grantee en fief mediately, stipulated a specific sum (one
halfpenny for every acre in front by forty acres In depth)
payable to him by the roture grantee annually on a fixed day,
and at the seigneur's mansion-house, for what is termed cens,
evidencing thereby that he was the seigneur censier et fancier, or
immediate seigneur of the roture grantee, marque de la directe
seigneurie : a specification indispensably necessary to entitle the
seigneur to be paid the lods et ventes^ upon every subsequent
alienation of the land granted {cens porte lods et ventes), and
another specific sum (one halfpenny for every superficial acre
contained in the grant) for what is called rente? In the towns
of Quebec and Three Rivers, the reservation of the cens et
rentes, for small lots, are variable and very low, but specifically
ascertained. Upon every mutation of roture lands, the new proprietor
' There is considerable difference of opinion among authorities on feudal
law as to whether the cens was in its nature a merely nominal due paid " pour
la marque de la directe seigneurie," and valuable merely as evidencing the
seignior's claim to the lods et ventes and other more lucrative casual payments ;
or whether it was in its origin a substantial annual payment which, through
continued depreciations In the value of French currency, had come to be
nominal in amount. This point Is discussed at length in Lafontalne's Observa
tions, 150-168.
^ The seigniorial rentes were payable sometimes In money, sometimes in
produce, and sometimes In either money or produce as the seignior might
choose (see Raudot's letter to Pontchartrain, November lo, 1707, printed
above, pp. 70-80, especially p. 76). There appears to have been consider
able disagreement between the seigniors and their dependants as to whether
the money payments should be made in French or in colonial currency ; for
during the latter part of the old regime the latter became depreciated. A
royal decree dealing with this matter may be found in Adits et Ordonnances, I.
370-372 (July 5, 1717)- R

258 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
was bound to produce his titles to the seigneur, and in forty
days after exhibiting the same, the seigneur, in case of a
mutation by sale, and even upon donations inter vivos, from a
collateral branch or stranger, was entitled to the alienation fine
called droit de lods et ventes (Art. 73), which Is the twelfth
penny or a twelfth part of the price or value of the land ; a
fourth of the fine was usually remitted by the seigneur, but
without any obligation so to do.''
The King, by virtue of an edict of the 20th of March,
1673, had the right of lods et ventes upon exchange of one
inheritance for another, on lands granted by the Crown en
roture? But this right was limited to the King alone, and
did not extend to his grantees en fief et seigneurie over their
sub-feudatories, except the seigneurs of the Island of Montreal,
to whom this right was given. In lieu of the droit de justice,
which they relinquished.^
' The solicitor-general is evidently in error as regards the usual rebate
allowed. A decree of the Superior Council, March 15, 1677, makes mention of
" a remission of one-third as made by all the seigniors of this country " (Edits
et Ordonnances, II. 76). See also Report of the Commissioners (1843), printed
below, pp. 308-357.
^ There appear to have been two royal decrees on this point, one issued
March 20, 1673, and the other in February, 1674 ; but neither of them, so far
as I can ascertain, was ever registered in Canada. The matter is mentioned in
a despatch of Dupuy to the Minister dated October 20, 1727 (Correspondance
Ginirale, XLIX.), part of which runs as follows : " It is true that the seigniorial
dues on exchanges are not provided for in the various customs, and certainly
are not by the Custom of Paris ; nevertheless . . . these were provided for by
the King in 1673 and 1674. It was necessary to establish these rights to pre
vent frauds. The registration in Canada of the decrees and declarations of
1673 and 1674 was not necessary . . . ; it was sufficient that the King had his
domain in Canada, and . . wherever the King has his domain established,
the rights attached to the domain exist in their integrity." Dupuy further
recommended that the right of collecting lods et ventes on exchanges of farms
should be given to all Canadian seigniors, as " the only means of putting a stop
to fictitious contracts made for the purpose of disguising all sales under the
name of an exchange and thus defrauding the seigniors ... of their mutation
fines.'' The intendant's recommendation was not, however, adopted.
' The royal decree giving this right to the Seminary of St. Sulpice,
seignior of the Island of Montreal, may be found in Edits et Ordonnances,
I. 342-346.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 259
These are legal burdens, but clearly ascertained.
The benefits accruing to the French Crown from the
nature of the royal grants en roture were merely the cens et
rentes, and the casual revenue of lods et ventes, with the right of
pre-emption, but the right ceased after seisin given to the
proprietor. The roture tenants in Canada, in virtue of the King's edict
of the 4th June, 1686,^ and the provincial judicial decisions
given in consequence, were bound to the servitude of grinding
all the corn for the consumption of their families at the banal
mills of their seigneurs. The toll Is the fourteenth bushel ;
and the penalty for the contravention, under the authority of
provincial decisions, is understood to be the payment of double
toll? Question 5. — "What were the benefits which the grantee
of the Crown might draw from the sub-feudatory ; or what
were the burdens, the acknowledgments, rents, and services, to
which the occupants under the royal grantee were liable from
the nature of the concession or by the law of the country } "
This is in great part answered upon the fourth question, In
respect of the benefits which by the law of the country (inde
pendent of conventional stipulations) the grantee of the Crown
might derive from his sub-feudatory ; and which In fact are
the burdens that the sub-feudatories are liable to. But
the grantees, of long usage, imposed other stipulations in their
contracts of concession to the sub-feudatories; such as the
retrait conventionnel (the jus retractum), the payment of one or
more bushels of wheat annually, one or more capons, a certain
number of days' labour {corvees), &c. But these are con
ventional burdens.
^ Printed above, pp. 61-62.
•" The penalty imposed upon a habitant who took his grain to any mill
other than that of his own seigniory was, during the French period, often much
more severe. In some cases it amounted to a confiscation of the grain or the
flour, together with the vehicle in which it was being conveyed. See Edits et
Ordonnances, II. 62-63.

260 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
Question 6. — " Was the estate of the grantee of the Crown
subject to partition by marriage contract, testamentary disposi
tion, or any other mode of alienation, voluntary or judicial,
and by Inheritance in the lines direct or collateral ; or was any
estate held impartible and unalienable, or in the nature of an
English entail ? "
I conceive the common law of this province, in relation to
the powers to be exercised by marriage contract, testamentary
disposition, or any other mode of alienation, respecting the
tenure en fief et seigneurie, and that en roture, to be indiscrimin
ately the same.
By contract made before marriage, the contracting parties
might make such stipulations respecting both their real and
personal properties as they unitedly judged fit. They might
stipulate that the real as well as the personal property belong
ing to both, or either of them, or any designated part thereof,
should, or should not, enter into the conjugal partnership.
But after marriage, inheritances descending to either of them
by succession In the line direct, or collateral, or given by dona
tion or otherwise In the line direct (unless the contrary were
expressed In the deed of conveyance) to either of them, did
not enter Into the communauti or partnership. Estates given
collaterally, or by strangers, to either of them, after marriage,
became a part of their joint property ; but by express stipula
tions In the conveyance, the liberality of the donor might be
prevented from becoming a part of the common stock.
Antecedently to the Quebec Act, 14th of His Majesty,
ch. 83, a fifth part only of estates descended by inheritance,
which are termed propres, could be devised or otherwise dis
posed of (except In case of actual sale) to the prejudice of the
heirs direct or collateral, who In that respect might be said to
have the expectant reversion of the other four-fifths.^
Real as well as personal property acquired or purchased
^ This rule was established by the Custom of Paris, Article ccxcii.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 261
pending the communauti, which are termed conquits, being the
fruits of the joint industry of the husband and wife, were a
part of the joint stock and partible as such.
In case of marriage without a previous contract, no part of
the real property of either husband or wife, before marriage,
entered into the communauti by the municipal law ; their
personals alone did so.
Estates en fief et seigneurie are partible In the manner
following : —
The eldest son, In the nature of a jointure {par droit
d'dinesse et priciput),^ succeeds to the mansion-house {chdteau
ou manoir principal), the inner yard {basse cour), and superficial
acre of land adjoining to the mansion-house, supposed to be an
enclosed garden {un arpent de terre de I'enclos et jardin). If there
be such ; and If there happens to be a mill within that en
closure and annexed to it the right of banality, the body of
the building belongs to him, but the profits of the toll are not
vested in him alone, they are divided in proportion to the
inheriting rights of each of the heirs (Art. 13 and 14). If it
should happen that there were but a son and one other child
to inherit, the eldest son succeeded to two-thirds of the estate,
his brother or sister to the other third (Art. 15).
If there were more children, the eldest son succeeded to
one moiety, the other chUdren to an equal proportion of the
other moiety (Art. 16).
The droit d'dinesse did not extend to females, but succession
in the direct and collateral lines were divisible in equal portions
(Art. 19).
In the collateral line, females did not succeed with males in
equal degree (Art. 25).
Upon marriages had without a previous contract, the
widow had her customary dower {le douaire coutumier), which
was a moiety for her life of the revenue of her husband's real
1 The droit d'di7tesse et priciput is better known to English students of
feudal history as the principle of primogeniture.

262 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
estates possessed at the time of his marriage, and those descend
ing to him in the line direct pending the marriage (Arts. 247,
248); descendible to the issue of the marriage (Art. 249);
upon renouncing to their father's succession (Art. 250); for
they cannot claim to the estate by inheritance and to the right
of dower. Nul n'est douairier et hiritier de son pere (Art. 251).
Estates subject to the customary dower stood pledged
{hypothiquis) from the day of the marriage for the security of
the widow and Issue of the marriage, and if aliened afterwards,
they continued subject to her and their rights.
Marriage contracts, donations inter vivos, and by testamen
tary dispositions, and entail, which the civilians term substitu
tion [fidei-commissaire) may be created (though I know no
instance of it In this province:, but there may be some) so far
down as the second degree {l'ordonnance d'Orleans) ; they must
be published and enregistered in the proper court of justice
within six months after the date, if inter vivos, and within the
same period after the decease of the substitutor if it be a testa
mentary disposition, and in that case they cannot be purged or
affected by any judicial decree whatsoever, except respecting
debts due by the substitutor.
Question 7. — "Were the sub-feudatory farms of the con
cessions of the tenantry, held under the royal grantees, devisable,
descendible, alienable, and partible in the like manner without
limitation .'' "
With exception to the partition of the roture lands among
the heirs, which were partible among them In equal shares,
without the droit d'dinesse or other preferable right, the answer
to the sixth question applies.-^
Question 8. — "Would a conversion of the French tenures

^ Further information concerning the French jurisprudence relating to
marriage jointures, dower rights, and succession to real property may be con
veniently found in Glasson's Pricis ili77ientaire de P histoire du droit frangais
(Paris, 1904), Adhemar Esmein's Cours ilimentaire d histoire du droit frangais
(Paris, 1905), and Paul Vlollet's Histoire du droit civil frangais (Paris, 1893).

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 263
into the tenure of free and common socage be advantageous to
the proprietor holding by grant of the French Crown In fief,
seigneurie, or roture, discriminating Its effects as to the parcels
that are settled, or such as are still unconceded and unculti
vated ; and what in particular appears to you to be the instances
of advantage or disadvantage to result from such conversion ? "
There appears to be engrafted on the royal grants the
fiction of feudal tenure, drawing after it the servile appendages
of alienation fines, &c., quints and reliefs upon the tenure en
fief, and lods et ventes and the servitude of banaliti upon that
en roture ; and therefore a general answer to this question can
give no embarrassment ; nor can I hesitate saying that a con
version of those tenures into that of free and common socage,
which Is not subject to those appendages, would be advanta
geous to the roture grantees of the Crown.
With regard to the royal grantees en fief et seigneurie, such
a conversion. If unqualified, might, and I think would, operate a
heavy loss to most of them, by being deprived of their certain
revenue of banalite, and their casual revenue of lods et ventes.
The droit de justice, accorded to them by their grants, which
though exercised In many seigneuries antecedent to the con
quest, but tacitly relinquished, or at least not exercised since
that period. Is an object frequently mentioned by the seigneurs,
to whom by their grants that right was given.-'
The haute justice^ on account of the prisons which the
^ During the period of military rule (1760-1764) all cases were brought
in the first instance before the military tribunals. In 1764, when a system of
civil courts was established, no provision was made for the exercise of any
seigniorial jurisdiction (see Order in Council, September 17, 1764, printed In
Ordinances 7nade for the Province of Quebec by ihe Governor-in-Council of the
said Province, Quebec, 1767, pp. 9-10). The judicial privileges of the seigniors
were never entirely abrogated by any positive enactment, but they were In this
way quietly eliminated.
* Judicial powers, when given to seigniors, might include the rights
of "high," "middle," or "low" jurisdiction. Usually all three degrees were
granted. The scope of powers conferred, and the limitations imposed upon
the exercise of them by the seigniors, are discussed at length in Munro's
Seigniorial System in Canada, chap. vlll.

264 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
seigneur haut justicier was bound to erect and maintain, as well
as of the necessary officers of that justice, might be considered
onerous upon them ; but, on the other hand, they were entitled
to the confiscated estates and effects of persons convicted of
felony within their seigneuries, to estrays, to estates escheating
for want of heirs, to the possession of vacant Inheritances, and
to judicial fines.
By the statute of the 14th of His Majesty, ch. 83, I
conceive the criminal powers of the seigneurs to be abrogated,
and their pretensions limited to the civil part only.^
A conversion of the tenure en fief into free and common
socage would exonerate those estates from the alienation fines
payable to the King In the manner I have mentioned ; but as
they have in view to hand down their estates to distant genera
tions of their families, many of them consider the exemption
of payment of those fines to be but of little moment ; and
therefore, upon that ground, a conversion of the tenure would
be a certain disadvantage, but no certain benefit to them,
respecting the parcels of their estates that are already conceded.
It may not have the same effect with respect to the un
conceded part of their estates ; 'tis true, the conversion of the
tenure into free and common socage, would, by a fit law for that
purpose, preclude them from their now legal rights to alienation
fines and banalite, but they might dispose of that part of their
estates in fee simple, for such annual quit-rent as may be
agreed upon, or upon leases for lives, or term of years, perhaps
to a greater advantage than those at present granted upon the
roture tenure ; and there is great reason to apprehend, that that
part of their estates would be more rapidly settled and culti
vated ; I am therefore of opinion, that in respect of the
ungranted parcels of their estates, no material disadvantage,
' This statute, more commonly known as the Quebec Act, provided for the
retention of English criminal law, but revived the French civil law, and with
this, in the opinion of the solicitor-general, the powers of the seigniors in
civil suits.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 265
perhaps a much greater benefit would accrue to them, by a
conversion of the tenure Into free and common socage.
Question 9. — "Would such conversion of the tenure of the
estates or farms of the sub-feudatories be beneficial or detri
mental to them ; and in what respects as you apprehend, and
for what reasons ? "
The benefits that would result to the roture grantees of the
Crown, of which I have spoken In the answer to the 8 th
question, would equally affect the sub-feudatories of the royal
grantees in fief.
It is, however, right to observe, that, by the French King's
edicts and declaration before-mentioned, the royal grantee en
fief was bound to concede lands to all applicants for the
accustomed rents and dues, and upon his non-compliance, the
governor and Intendant were directed to do so, on the part of
the Crown, and for the benefit of the Crown ; this may be
considered a great facility for the settlement of the children
(who are numerous) of the poor peasantry of this country, to
whom alone, and In this respect only, the conversion of the
tenure may prove detrimental, from their inability to purchase
lands, though a wilderness, on account of the exorbitant
demands of the proprietor.
Question 10. — "How may the interests of the Crown and
public be affected by such conversion ; stating the points In
which it may operate to the loss or emolument of the royal
revenue } "
The interest of the Crown In relation to the grants made
by the French Crown, and there have been very few, and of
but small parcels or lots (except that given to Mr. Shoolbred
In the district of Gasp6) since the conquest. Is but of small
consideration In point of revenue. Alienations oi fiefs and
seigneuries in the country are not frequent, but the royal roture
grants, in the town of Quebec, merit some consideration, not
in respect to the quantum of the annual rents, but on account
of the fine of lods et ventes, proceeding from the frequency of

266 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
alienations ; they are a casualty, and cannot be precisely
ascertained, any more than the revenue of quint.
But if the extensive tracts of the ungranted lands of the
Crown were divided into distinct seigneuries, and grants made
of the lands therein to the peasantry upon the roture tenure,
the revenue deducible to the Crown thereby, might, and would
in the course of a series of years, be very productive, and con
tinue to increase. At the same time I am of opinion that the
settlement of the waste lands might, under that tenure, be
checked and greatly impeded, to the detriment of the
population, agriculture, and commerce of the province, a
great part of the benefits of which would centre in the mother
country. Question ii. — "By what mode may such conversion of the
tenure be created ^ If the prerogative Is competent for it,
what clause may be necessary in the royal patents or grants,
and If a law Is wanted to effect the design, what paragraphs
ought it to contain for the Interest of the proprietors whether
seigneur or censitaire, lord or tenant, or most eligible as well for
individuals as the Crown and the public, taking at the same
time into consideration the statute of 12 Car. 2, ch. 24.?"^
The existing tenures being part of the municipal laws of
the country, I think a law will be necessary to declare their
conversion. I shall, with all the expedition that my now pressing
avocations in the Council Office Department will admit, set
about preparing such clauses as, to me, may appear expedient
for the Intended law. I submit this report, as a work done
with some degree of precipitation, proceeding from the motive
of accelerating the important object under the consideration of
this Honourable Board ; requesting your indulgence till a
future day, to submit the necessary paragraphs to be inserted
' This was the statute by the terms of which the last important relics of
feudalism were abolished in England.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 267
in the act. — I have the honour to be with great respect,
Gentlemen, your most obedient and humble servant,
J. Williams, Solicitor-General.
Quebec, c,th October 1790.

No. 74. Answers submitted by Charles de Lanaudiere
to various Questions relating to the Seigniorial
System, October 11, 1790.
Canadian Archives, Series Q, XLVIIL pt. I. 72 fF.
Answer to the First Question I — In fief and seigneurie, some
in fiefs of dignity, with the right of high, middle, and inferior
justice, and some In fief without the right of justice. Town
lots, and some small tracts In the country, en censive or roture,
so that, generally, there is no other tenure in Canada than fief
and roture, governed according to the Custom of Paris, and the
Vexin le Frangais, surrounded by that of Paris.
Second. — The fiefs granted by the Company of the Asso
ciates of New France, that is to say, before 1663 (at which
time that Company surrendered their rights to the King), were
principally granted according to the Custom of Vexin le Frangais.
Posterior to that period, the King granted none but according
to the Custom of Paris. All are relevant from the Castle of
St. Lewis at Quebec, the place designated In the title-deeds of
' Charles Tarieu de Lanaudidre, seignior of Lanaudidre, was the descendant
of Tarieu de Lanaudidre, who came to Canada as an officer in the Carignan
regiment (see above, p. 123, note 3). He had served in the Revolutionary War
as aide-de-camp to General Guy Carleton, and had accompanied the latter to
England in 1778. Returning to Canada, he became a member of the Legisla
tive Council in 1787, and held this post until his death In 181 1. Further details
regarding his life and work are given in Daniel's Histoire des grandes fa7nilles
frangaises du Canada, 470-480. The answers here printed were framed by
Lanaudidre at the request of the Council.
" The questions are the same as those submitted to the solicitor-general.
See above, pp. 250-267.

268 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
concession, for rendering fealty and homage to His Majesty,
and other rights and dues according to those customs. With
exception to the house-lots in the towns of Quebec and Three
Rivers, there are only a few royal grants en censive in Canada,
except at Detroit, where all the grants are issued by His
Majesty in roture, as well in the town as In the country. The
royal grants of the French government are therefore princi
pally in fief and seigniory, high, middle, and inferior justice.
Third. — By the King's order of the 20th of May, 1676'
(the first royal regulation relating to lands, found enregistered
by the Superior Council or parliament of Quebec) the King's
governor and intendant ought not to grant lands In fief or In
roture to the Inhabitants of Canada, but upon condition that
the grants in fief should be represented to the King within
a year from their date, to be confirmed or ratified by His
Majesty, upon pain of nullity ; and upon condition, that the
grantees should cause the lands to be cleared and Improved
within the subsequent six years.
In 171 1, the 6th of July, the King ordered by his arrit'^
(also enregistered In the Superior Council of Quebec) that the
seigniors of the colony who had no domain cleared, nor in
habitants placed upon their seigniories, should put them into
culture within one year, on pain of being reunited to the
King's domain, upon the judgment which the governor and
intendant should render, at the prosecution of the attorney-
general. That the seigniors should make grants to the
Inhabitants h titre de redevance, that Is to say, in roture or for
cens et rentes, without exacting from them any money in the
nature of a sale ; and in default of doing so, the inhabitants
were permitted to make a demand upon the seignior by
sommation, and. In case of refusal, to address themselves to the
governor and intendant, upon whom it was incumbent to
make the concessions to the inhabitants, subject to the same
rights with other lands conceded In the seigniory, payable to
' Printed above, pp. 41-42. " Above, pp. 91-93.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 269
His Majesty, and not to the seignior. Another arret of his
Majesty of the same day, ordering all Inhabitants or censitalres
of the seigniors to put their lands in cultivation, and to inhabit
them within a year and a day, upon pain of being reunited to
the seignior's domain, by judgment of the intendant.
Another arret of His Majesty of the 15th March 1732,^
enregistered at Quebec, mentioning the foregoing arrets of the
6th of July 17 II, and restraining the seigniors and other
proprietors from selling any wood-lands {en bois debout) upon
pain of nullity, restitution of the purchase money, and reunion
to the domain of His Majesty, or of the seigniors.
The 17th July 1743, a declaration of His Majesty (en
registered)^, authorising the governor and intendant to make
grants of lands, to proceed to reunite to His Majesty's domain
the lands granted that should be found liable to be so, for
want of culture, and prescribing the mode of proceeding in
that respect, attributing to them the cognisance of all matters
relative to grants, to the exclusion of all other judges.
All the titles or brevets of concession of lands contain
clauses obligatory of cultivation. It does not appear that
either those clauses, or the arrets quoted, were ever rigorously
executed, being considered commlnatory, rather than penal.
Fourth and Fifth. — The legal and customary charges of
grants in fief, are fealty and homage, the aveu et denombrement
or land-roll, the retrait feodal and lignager, the quint, the relief,
the right of franc fief, of amortissement and nouveaux acquits ;
these charges draw after them the fidelity and military service
of all possessors of fiefs and rear-fiefs, under whatsoever title,
as well personally as by pecuniary contribution ; the feodal
seizure, forfeiture, or confiscation for services and rights not
paid and rendered, or of felony, denial, reproach, or scandal of
the seignior, or of an Ulegal dismemberment of the fief, and
other usual charges, duties, and feodal restraints, as the case
might require.
1 Above, pp. 174-176. ' Edits et Ordonnances, I. 572.

270 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
The ordinary modern reservations in grants en fief are
(i) Fealty and homage ; (2) The accustomed rights and dues
according to the Custom ; (3) The preservation of oak timber
fit for the construction of His Majesty's ships ; (4) To give
the King advice of mines, ores, and minerals found ; (5) That
appeals from the seigniorial courts should be made to the pro
vostship of Quebec ; (6) To build a habitation, and to inhabit
it {tenir feu et lieu) and to cause their sub-feudatories to do the
same; (7) To clear and cause to be cleared, without delay;
(8) To suffer to be made all the roads necessary for public
utility; (9) To Insert similar clauses In the concessions to
ter-tenants, at the usual cens, rents, and dues per acre of land
in front by forty in depth ; (10) To permit the beaches to
be free for all fishermen, with exception to such part as the
seignior should have occasion to use for his own fishery ;
(11) In case His Majesty should at any future time have
occasion for any part of the seigniory, whereon to build forts,
batteries, places of arms, stores, or public works. His Majesty
might take the same, as well as the timber necessary for those
works, and the firewood for the garrison therein, without
being held to make any recompense.
The charges of the high j ustlce {haute justice) are : —
(i) By the ordinance of Roussillon In 1563, Art. 27, It is
enacted, that the jurisdiction thereof shall be simply under
that of the Parliament, and the seigniors {hauls justiciers) con-
demnable In sixty livres {parisis) for the erroneous judgments
of their judges ; (2) Children found exposed within the
extent of their jurisdiction, are at the seigniors' charge,
according to different arrets, particularly the regulation of the
30th June 1664 ; (3) The seignior, having the right of hold
ing courts of justice, is obliged to have a hall {auditoire) on
the outside of his chdteau to hold his court at, together with
prisons on a ground-floor, that the prisoners may be kept In
a dry place ; (4) The officers should execute, and rigidly
exact the execution of the police, which Is a heavy charge.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 271
more especially respecting the prosecution of criminals and
delinquents, for all species of crimes ; (5) The seigniors having
right of justice, are obliged to exercise and render justice to
their vassals and subjects at their own expense, that is to say,
to pay salaries or wages to their officers according to the
ordinance, upon pain of losing their right of justice.
Fiefs of all sorts owe fealty and homage, or oath of
fidelity to the dominant seignior, and military service to the
King, when His Majesty shall be pleased to assemble the ban
and arriere-ban, and sous-arriere vassals. All estates being
originally issued from the royal domain, have been charged
with military service, as an Inherent and inseparable condition
of the fief and oath of fidelity made to the King by his direct
vassal ; a reason why all proprietors of fiefs, rear-fiefs, in
whatsoever degree of partition they are found, are obliged to
attend at the ban which the King causes to be proclaimed
whenever he chooses to assemble the nobles and vassals of his
estates. They should assemble where the King directs, in
arms, in men, and in the equipage of military service.
The ordinance of Frangois the First of the 19th May
1740 [1540], distinguishes the services of the vassal by the
value of his fief, viz. : a fief producing an annual revenue
of 500 or 600 livres, a horseman armed and mounted ; a fief
of 300 or 400 llvres, a horseman with an attendant arquebusier ;
a fief of 200 or 300 llvres, a man on foot, armed ; the smallest
fief, a man on foot.
That increased or diminished according to the order and
the will of the prince. Louis the Thkteenth, the 30th July
1635, made a regulation containing twenty articles for the ban
and arriere-ban. Louis the Fourteenth made a convention by
letters patent of the nth August 1674,^ commanding "all
nobles, barons, chevaliers, esquires, vassals, and others holding
fiefs and rear-fiefs, that all excuses set apart, upon pain of
1 This ordinance may be found In Isambert's Recueil gi/iiral, XIX., No.
779 (pp- 138-144)-

272 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
seizure and confiscation of their fiefs, they put themselves In
arms, mounted and equipped, according to what they shall be
held bound, and to be present on the days and at the place to
be fixed." 1
Ecclesiastics and all others exempted from personal service
ought to contribute one year's revenue of the fiefs they possess,
or such other contribution as His Majesty shall regulate.
The roture persons, who are unworthy to carry arms with
the nobles, are compellable to contribute to the tax of the ban
and arriere-ban according to the value and revenue of their
fiefs ; and the roture proprietors who serve personally do not
enjoy all the grace or favour which nobles do, and ought to
contribute more than they do.
The roture possessions follow the same principle and order
towards their dominant seignior as the fiefs do, because the
vassals and sub-feudatories have the same obligations for the
estates and inheritances which those seigniors have given them,
and for which they owe acknowledgments or declarations on
the event of each mutation.
Grants en roture are made by a title called lease for cens, or
cens et rente, annual, perpetual, and portable. This lease, by
Its nature, obliges fidelity and acknowledgment to the seignior
who grants It ; also the right of banality, pre-emption con
ventionally and lineally, the alienation fine of lods et ventes,
seizin, confiscation, and others, as cases may happen.
Expressions of resentment, contradiction. Ingratitude, and
scandal, be It by the vassal or sub-feudatory, are severely punished
by the laws. Besides a confiscation of their lands, there are
examples of being obliged to appear in court during Its
sitting, bareheaded, kneeling, fettered, asking pardon of
their offended seigniors ; even imprisonment, put to the
1 None of these arrets were registered in Canada ; and it Is now well
settled that no royal decree could have been held binding In the colony unless
duly inscribed on the register of the Council at Quebec. See F. P. Walton,
The Scope and Inte7pretatio7i of the Civil Code (Montreal, 1907).

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 273
galleys, and other unheard-of punishments, at the mercy
of the judge.
Vassals and direct roture tenants of the Crown, render their
duties and pay their rights to His Majesty or his represen
tatives ; the rear-vassals and roture tenants to their particular
or dominant seigniors.
Sixth and Seventh. — Fiefs, as well as roture estates, are
subject to successive partition, ad infinitum, either in nature, or
a proportionate recompense in other estates or In money as
well In the direct as collateral line, and each divided part, by
operation of law, becomes a distinct and separate fief. It is
the same with roture lands. The honorary, as well as pecuniary
duties and dues are evidently complex, arbitrary. Injurious.
Can anything further be necessary to induce a benevolent
monarch and nation to destroy them, and to grant in their
stead that certain and determinate tenure of King Charles the
Second, free and common socage, which the other subjects of
His Majesty King George the Third enjoy, and with so much
reason boast of. De Lanaudiere.
Quebec, 17th October 1790.

No. 75. Resolutions of the Council relating to the
Seigniorial System, October ii, 1790.
Canadian Archives, Series Q, XLVIII. pt. I. 4 fF.
" That the progress of population and settlement In
this province under the government of France, whatever the
cause or causes of it, was slow ; the cultivated parts even in
the central districts of Quebec, Three Rivers, and Montreal,
being to this day confined to the banks of the St. Lawrence,
and the mouths of the navigable streams that faU Into it.
" That the royal patents, grants, or concessions of the
lands, were either in seigniory or In roture ; the latter consisting s

274 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
of town lots, farms, or small tracts, and the seigniories larger
tracts of various dimensions, many of which are in the rear,
or at a few leagues from the convenience of water carriage,
still In forest.
" That the French King's territorial revenue arose from
quints or alienation fines of one-fifth of the consideration
money payable by the purchaser of the lands held in seig
niory ; and of lods et ventes of one-twelfth on the sale of
lands held in roture ; the lands in roture ordinarily paying
also cens et rentes, the cens being one sol, or an English half
pence, for a front of one acre or 1 80 French feet, and the
rent, another sol for every acre of the concession, with a
bushel of wheat for every forty acres, or two fat capons of
the value of twenty sols.
" That the French Crown did not exact Its whole dues,
but remitted a third both of the quint and lods et ventes.
" That the seigniories were parcelled out into farms, and
these conveyed by the seigniors under like charges of cens et
rentes, and subject to lods et ventes, except where a large parcel
was granted In arriere-fief on the subsequent transfers whereof
a quint became due to the seignior, without cens et rentes.
" That all the grantees, as well of the Crown as of the
seigniors, had permanent estates, under an habendum to them,
their heirs and assigns.
" That according to the receiver-general's account, the
territorial revenue for the thirteen years from ist May 1775 to
1st May 1788 (comprehending arrears), was, In actual receipt
at the Treasury, not equal to ten thousand pounds sterling.
" The Wj £/ 'u^nto being but . . . . .^1351 9 5^
The quint ........ 3148 I 4^
The balance of royal rentes from all the King's
own seigniories, Sorel excepted . . . 4554 7 5|

£9^11 18 3 J
From Sorel . . . . . . . 2161911

^^9270 18 2 J

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 275
" Which, together with certain dues of customs fixed
by act of Parliament, is by the royal grace given to the
province towards the support of Its government.
" That In exploring the causes of the tardy progression
of the population of the colony under the government of
France, there seems to be little or no ground for ascribing
it to the non-compliance of the seigniors with the conditions
for cultivation expressed in their patents or grants ; the
instances of prosecutions for taking advantage of those con
ditions, and reuniting their seigniories to the royal domain,
being rare — and the seigniorial censitalres so much more
numerous than the King's, that the former, or the Inhabi
tants of the seigniories, at all times did, and do now, con
stitute the main body of the landholders of the country.
" That the feudal system, if that was amongst the causes
of the non-settlement and proportionable debility of the
French colony, operating to a discouragement of the royal
grants, as well as the grants of the subject, there can be no
just ground for holding the grantees to a rigorous perfor
mance of the conditions of their grants.
" That it was among the main causes of that low condi
tion. In which Canada was found at the British conquest.
Is deducible from the probability that many thousands of
families had found their account In emigrating from the
exuberant population of the kingdom of France, If the
government had given their lands here upon easy terms, and
especially In the fertile regions and moderate climates, on
the banks of the rivers and lakes In the south and south
west. " That the discouragement of that system to the settle
ment of the old French grants, must In future greatly
increase ; the population of the province depending now
upon the introduction of British subjects, who are known
to be all averse to any but English tenures ; and the Canadian
seigniors of course be left without a hope of multiplying

276 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
their censitalres, except from the predilection of the descend
ants of the French planters to usages no longer prompted
by the motives of interest, nor recommended by example.
" That the grant of the waste lands of the Crown In free
and common socage, is essential to the growth, strength,
defence, and safety of the province.
" That unless the old French seigniories can be settled
upon terms as advantageous to the husbandman as the lands
of the Crown, their land market must be at a stand to the
detriment of the proprietors, until the cultivation of the
waste lands of the Crown Is damped by their remoteness
from all water carriage and the conveniences and benefits of
commerce. " That with the advantage of a vicinity to the navigable
waters and a conversion of the tenures, the seigniories wUl
probably be the first to be fully cultivated, and with an
Increase of profit to the proprietors, under that ample
dominion, which they will then enjoy over their lands, for
settling them upon such terms as themselves may concert,
to form a populous tenantry, and lay a foundation. In pro
perty, for that perpetuity of their names and families, which
a wise and well-balanced government will be inclined to
encourage and support.
" That the King's roturier tenants cannot fail to wish for
a conversion and discharge from the cens, rente and lods et
ventes, and all the other feudal burdens connected with the
tenure under which they now hold.
" That the motives of interest will naturally make It the
desire also of every seigniorial censitaire to stand upon the
same free foundation of exemption with the other landholders
of the colony ; but as this commutation for a discharge of
the rents and dues to the landlords must necessarily depend
upon private conventions between them and their tenants,
and Involving considerations out of the contemplation of any
but the parties reciprocally interested, their cases cannot be

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 277
the objects of special and particular legislative provision ;
perhaps the surest means of securing to the tenant a fair
compact, will be to hold the lord to his dues to the Crown,
until he has discharged his tenants from all the feudal
encumbrances In his own favour.
" That the prerogative is competent to put the waste
lands of the Crown under a socage tenure. But the legis
lative interposition Is necessary to make that tenure uni
versal. " That if this is to be the work, not of Parliament, but
of the colony legislature, the royal instructions given for
the greater security of the property of the subject will
require an act with a probationary or suspending clause,
until His Majesty's approbation can be obtained.
" That an absolute and universal commutation of the
ancient tenures, though for a better, would be a measure
of doubtful policy ; but that no substantial objection occurs
against giving such individuals that benefit as desire it ; and
especially to such of the seigniors whose tenants or censitalres
shall conceive it to be for their own, as well as for the interest
and benefit of their landlords, and may therefore signify their
consent to the change.
" That these ends may be accomplished by a law with
clauses of the following tenor or import :
" Be it enacted, etc.
" That If any person or persons holding lands in the
province of Quebec in fief and seigniory immediately of the
Crown, and having authority to alienate the same, shall at
any time after the commencement of this act surrender the
same into the hands of His Majesty, his heirs or successors,
by petition to the governor or commander-in-chief of the
said province for the time being, setting forth that he, she,
or they Is or are desirous of holding the same in free and
common socage, such governor or commander-in-chief for
the time being shall cause a fresh grant to be made to such

278 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
person or persons of such lands to be holden in free and
common socage ; and every such change of tenure shall work
the absolute extinguishment of all mutation fines, burthens
and Incumbrances within the tract so surrendered and re-
granted, to which the same or any part thereof would or
might have been liable under the laws and customs concern
ing lands held in fief and seigniory, or in any other manner
than In free and common socage.
" Provided nevertheless, and be it also enacted by the
same authority, that such surrender and re-grant shall not
avoid or bar any right to any such lands so surrendered, or
any Interest In the same, to which any other than the person
or persons surrendering the same shall have been entitled
either in possession, remainder, or reversion or otherwise ;
but that every such right and title shall be as valid as If
such surrender and re-grant had never been made.
" And provided also, and be it enacted by the authority
aforesaid, as to all such lands as are held of the Crown in
roture in the said province, the same shall be deemed and
adjudged to be held in free and common socage, from the
time It shall please His Majesty, by any Instrument to be
issued under the great seal of the said province, to declare
the discharge of all cens et rentes and mutation fines due to
the Crown thereon.
" And provided also, and be It further enacted, that
nothing In this act contained shall be of force until His
Majesty shall have signified his royal assent to or allowance
of the same.
" And to provide for the case when It may happen that
the seignior may be desirous of the conversion of the tenure
of the seigniory, and some of the vassals or censitalres of It
disinclined to the change.
" Be it also enacted by the same authority, that in every
such case, the petition for a surrender as well as the patent
for the re-grant thereof, shall express and describe with com-

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 279
petent certainty the situation and real contents of the lands
and estates of all that are so disinclined to a change of
tenure ; and those parcels shall be excepted out of the said
re-grant, and remain in all respects as If such re-grant had
never been made ; but that from and after such re-grant, one-
fifth part of all lods et ventes or mutation fines, to accrue on
the alienation of such accepted parcels, shall be paid by the
proprietor or proprietors of the seigniory, for the use of His
Majesty, his heirs or successors, and shall and may be secured
by proper clauses and provisos to be expressed in such patent
of re-grant." ^

No. 76. Reasons submitted by Mr. Adam Mabane,^
Member of the Council, in support of his Dissent
from the Resolutions adopted by the Council,
October 15, 1790,
Canadian Archives, Series M, CCLXXXVIII. 27 IF.
" Because the resolutions moved for do not appear to
apply to the object of the reference.
" Because it appears that the slow progress of population
and settlement under the government of France cannot be
ascribed to any inherent vice in the several tenures under
which lands are held in the colony ; that it arose from the
difficulties which the first settlers found in contending with
' The last two paragraphs of these resolutions are not included in the
Canadian Archives copy (Series Q, XLVIII. pt. i. 4 ff.).
'^ Adam Mabane first came to Canada as an assistant surgeon on one of
the troop transports. He remained In the colony after the conquest, and in
1764 was made a member of the Council by Governor Murray. Because of his
somewhat strong anti-French predilections. Governor Carleton removed him
from membership In 1766 ; but he later secured reappointment, and retained a
prominent place in Canadian public affairs until his death in 1792. Throughout
his public career Mabane was regarded as one of the leaders of the aggressive
English minority in Lower Canada.

280 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
the fierce and savage nations which surrounded them, from
their frequent wars with the British colonies, and above all
from their repeated expeditions in the upper countries and
toward the Ohio, in which the ambitious policy of France
had forced them to engage.
" Because it appears evident from the rapid and almost
unexampled progress of population In the province (from its
own resources), being from 65,000 souls In the year 1766 to
about 120,000 in the year 1784, and who are now chiefly
employed In agriculture, that the present tenures are not
inimical to population and settlement of the colony.
" Because the King's rights in the ancient tenures of the
country being expressly reserved In the act of the 14th of
the Klng,^ and by His Majesty's gracious bounty appropri
ated to defray the expenses of civil government, ought not
to be relinquished or sacrificed without an equivalent com
pensation. " Because, however unproductive the territorial revenue
may have hitherto been from the Indulgence or supineness
of government, no judgment can be formed from the sums
actually collected, of the revenue that may hereafter arise
therefrom, which must Increase in proportion to the popula
tion and commerce of the province.
" Because the predilection of the native inhabitants of
the province to their ancient tenures and laws ought not to
be interfered with unless by their own consent, and on the
strongest and clearest grounds of public utility.
" Because the alterations proposed by the resolutions or
any other conversion of tenure tending to give the seignior
a more absolute and unconditional possession of the fief
would not only be a sacrifice of the King's rights, but would
defeat the wise intentions and beneficent effects of the
arrets of 171 1 and 1732, and the declaration of 1743, by
^ 14 George III. c. 83, commonly known as the Quebec Act.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 281
which the seignior is obliged to grant to such persons as will
apply for them for the purpose of improvement, lands in con
cession subject only to the accustomed and stipulated rents
and dues, and upon his non-compliance the governor is autho
rised on the part of the Crown and for the benefit thereof, to
the exclusion of the seignior for ever, to concede or grant
the lands so applied for. By the same law the seigniors are
forbidden under pain of nullity and a reunion to the Crown
of the land attempted to be sold to sell any part of their un
improved lands or en bois debout, dispositions of law highly
favourable to the improvement of the colony, and which
secure to the children of the censitalres or others the means
of settlement and of employing their industry in cultivation
on fixed and moderate terms, whereas if the conversion of the
seigniories into free and common socage should take place,
the children of the present inhabitants of the country and all
others desirous to settle thereon would be left entirely subject
to the arbitrary exactions of the seigniors to their infinite
prejudice and the manifest detriment of the country's Im
provement. " Because it appears that the services or burthens to which
the censitalres under concessions from seigniors are subject,
are few, clearly understood and ascertained, and are by no
means onerous or oppressive."

No. yj. Extracts from the Constitutional Act
of 1791.^
31 George III. c. 31.
XXXVI. And whereas His Majesty has been graciously
pleased, by messages to both houses of Parliament, to express
his royal desire to be enabled to make a permanent appro-
' The full text of this enactment may be conveniently found in Houston's
Documents illustrative of the Canadian Constitution, 112 fif.

282 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
priatlon of land In the said Provinces for the support and
maintenance of a Protestant clergy within the same, In pro
portion to such lands as have been already granted within the
same by His Majesty ; And whereas His Majesty has been
graciously pleased by his said message further to signify his
royal desire that such provision may be made with respect
to all future grants of land within the said Provinces respec
tively as may conduce to the due and sufficient support and
maintenance of the Protestant clergy within the said Pro
vinces, In proportion to such increase as may happen in the
population and cultivation thereof; therefore, for the purpose
of more effectually fulfilling His Majesty's gracious Intentions
as aforesaid, and of providing for the due execution of the
same in all time to come, be it enacted by the authority afore
said, that it shall and may be lawful for His Majesty, his heirs
and successors, to authorise the Governor, or Lieutenant-
Governor of each of the said Provinces respectively, or the
person administering the government therein, to make from
and out of the lands of the Crown within such Provinces such
allotment and appropriation of lands for the support and
maintenance of a Protestant clergy within the same as may
bear a due proportion to the amount of such lands within the
same as have at any time been granted by or under the
authority of His Majesty. And that, whenever any grant of
lands within either of the said Provinces shall hereafter be
made by or under the authority of His Majesty, his heirs or
successors, there shall at the same time be made, in respect
of the same, a proportionable allotment and appropriation of
lands for the above-mentioned purpose, within the township
or parish to which such lands so to be granted shall appertain
or be annexed, or as nearly adjacent thereto as circumstance
will admit ; and that no such grant shall be valid or effectual
unless the same shall contain a specification of the lands so
allotted and appropriated, In respect of the lands to be thereby
granted ; and that such lands so allotted and appropriated

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 283
shall be, as nearly as the circumstances and nature of the case
will admit, of the like quality as the lands In respect of which
the same are so allotted and appropriated, and shall be, as
nearly as the same can be estimated at the time of making
such grant, equal in value to the seventh part of the lands so
granted.^ Sec. XXXVII. And be it further enacted by the authority
aforesaid that all and every the rents, profits, or emoluments,
which may at any time arise from such lands so allotted and
appropriated as aforesaid, shall be applicable solely to the
maintenance and support of a Protestant clergy within the
Province in which the same shall be situated, and to no other
purpose whatever. . . .
Sec. XLIII. And be it further enacted by the authority
aforesaid, that all lands which shall be hereafter granted
within the said Province of Upper Canada shall be granted
in free and common soccage, in like manner as lands are now
holden In free and common soccage In that part of Great
Britain called England ; and that in every case where lands
shall be hereafter granted within the said Province of Lower
Canada, and where the grantee thereof shall desire the same
to be granted in free and common soccage, the same shall be
so granted ; but subject nevertheless to such alterations with
respect to the nature and consequences of such tenure of free
and common soccage, as may be established by any law or
laws which may be made by His Majesty, his heirs or
successors, by and with the advice and consent of the Legis
lative Council and Assembly of the Province.
Sec. XLIV. And be it further enacted by the authority
aforesaid, that if any person or persons holding lands in the
said Province of Upper Canada by virtue of any certificate of
occupation derived under the authority of the Governor and
Council of the Province of Quebec, and having power and
1 Cf below, pp. 284-288.

284 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
authority to alienate the same, shall at any time from and
after the commencement of this Act surrender the same into
the hands of His Majesty, his heirs or successors, by petition
to the Governor, or Lieutenant-Governor, or person adminis
tering the Government of the said Province, setting forth that
he, she, or they, is or are desirous of holding the same in free
and common soccage, such Governor, or Lieutenant-Governor,
or person administering the Government shall thereupon cause
a fresh grant to be made to such person of such lands to be
holden in free and common soccage.
Sec. XLV. Provided nevertheless, and be it further enacted
by the authority aforesaid, that such surrender and grant shall
not avoid or bar any right or title to any such lands so sur
rendered, or any interest In the same, to which any person or
persons other than the person or persons surrendering the
same shall have been entitled either in possession, remainder,
or reversion, or otherwise, at the time of such surrender, but
that every such surrender and grant shall be made subject to
such right, title, and interest, and that every such right, title,
or Interest shall be as valid and effectual as if such surrender
and grant had never been made.

No. 78. Opinion of the Lav^ Officers of the Crow^n
upon the Relation of Changes in Tenure to the
Clergy-Reserves Provision of the Act of 1791,
January 22, 1817.^
Canadian Archives, Series P, CXXXIII.-IV., pt. i. 1 3 5- 1 39.
My Lord, We have had the honour to receive Your Lord
ship's letter, dated the i8th Instant, transmitting to us the
^ It was the practice of the colonial authorities in England to refer all
important questions in which legal points were concerned to the "law officers of
the crown." These officers were the attorney-general and the solicitor-general.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 285
copy of a despatch addressed by Your Lordship to the
governor of Canada, and of the reply which has been received
from Sir John Sherbrooke,i relative to the power of the Crown
to accept the surrender of lands granted to individuals in
Canada, for the purpose of re-granting them in free and
common soccage, and Your Lordship is pleased to desire that
we will take the same Into our consideration, and report to
Your Lordship our opinion, whether there Is either under the
statute of the 31st Geo. III. cap. 31,^ or under the law origin
ally prevailing in the province, as referred to In the minutes
of the executive council, any legal objection to changing the
tenure of lands in Canada, In the manner recommended.
In obedience to Your Lordship's commands we have con
sidered the same, and beg leave to observe that, if it was
Intended to change the tenure of any lands without the
consent or desire of the persons possessing such lands, or at
once to effect a general alteration of tenure, there is no doubt
that it could not be done without an Act of the legislative
bodies, with the assent of His Majesty ; but the question Is,
whether, if lands are surrendered to His Majesty, and thereby
become re-vested in the Crown, His Majesty may not, by
virtue of his prerogative, grant such lands to be holden by a
tenure different from that by which they were formerly holden
(provided the tenure on which they are so re-granted be one
which Is lawful In the province). That a man holding of the
Crown may surrender his land to the Crown of whom he holds
we conceive to be dear, and also that the Crown may re-grant
them upon such terms or tenure, recognised by law, as shall
seem fit, unless restrained by some law or Act of Parliament.
Looking at the British Acts which relate to the province of
Canada, we do not find any such restriction of the royal pre-
' Sir John Cope Sherbrooke was governor of Canada from July 12, 1816, to
July 30, 18 18.
^ The sections of the Co7istitutional Act to which reference is made in this
document are printed above, pp. 281-284.

286 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
rogatlve as applicable to this case. By the 14th Geo. III.
cap. 83, the title under which any lands were then holden was
not to be affected by that Act, but was to remain as If that
Act had never passed. But by the same Act a power to grant
lands in free and common soccage by the Crown is recognised,
because after the eighth section has directed that the laws of
Canada shall be the rule of decision in all matters of con
troversy relative to property and civil rights, the ninth section
provides, that such provision shall not extend to any lands
that have been or may be granted by His Majesty in free and
common soccage. This statute Imposes no restraint on the
ordinary rights of the Crown, but merely leaves all subsisting
tenure unaffected by that statute. There Is by the forty-third
section of the 31st Geo. III. cap. 31,^ a restriction of the pre
rogative as to the tenure on which lands shall be granted in
Upper Canada, because by that section His Majesty can only
grant lands in free and common soccage, and all the con
sequences which follow such tenure by the law of England
must follow such tenure in Upper Canada.
With respect to the province of Lower Canada, there is
also a partial restriction upon the prerogative, as to granting
lands to be holden by any other tenure than free and common
soccage, namely, when the grantee shall desire to have them
granted In free and common soccage, then they must be so
granted. These provisions, however, do not affect the right of His
Majesty to accept a surrender of lands holden en seigneurie,
and to grant such lands in free and common soccage, though
they compel His Majesty In certain cases to grant them to be
holden by such last-mentioned tenure.
The 44th section^ does not apply at all to this case,
and neither enables nor restrains His Majesty as to any
powers of granting lands in Lower Canada, but relates to the
giving good and valid grants of lands in Upper Canada, holden
^ Above, p. 283. ^ Above, pp. 283-284.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 287
under an incomplete or informal title by a mere certificate
of occupation. We do not consider that the message of Lord
Dorchester, as far as we collect the contents from the papers,
could be deemed restrictive upon the prerogative of the Crown,
to accept a surrender of lands holden en seigneurie, or to grant
such lands after they have been re-vested In the Crown, In free
and common soccage.
The 36th section of the 31st Geo. III. cap. 31,^ does
not in terms or by inference impose any restriction on the
prerogative of the Crown, to accept a surrender of lands
holden en seigneurie, and to re-grant them in free and common
soccage, but we think it would be necessary that at the time
of such new grant, proportionable allotments should be made
of other lands for the support of the Protestant clergy, equal
in value to the seventh part to be specified In the new grant,
for the regulations of that clause are general, and would apply
to lands which had become re-vested In the Crown by sur
render, as well as to lands which had never before been
granted. It is stated by the chief-justice, and not disputed
by the executive council, that the King of France, before the
conquest of Canada, might have accepted a surrender of lands
and have re-granted them, and indeed it v/ould have been
extraordinary If such had not been the law. His Majesty, of
course, must have the same power, and though the King of
France might not have had power to grant in free and common
soccage. If such tenure had not existed in Canada by the laws
then in force (upon which we do not venture to form any
opinion), yet His Majesty having power to grant in free and
common soccage, and being bound so to grant at the request
of the grantee, if he grants at all, we humbly report to Your
Lordship that there does not appear to us to be any legal
objection to His Majesty's accepting a surrender of lands
holden en seigneurie, and re-granting them in free and common
soccage either under the statute of the 31st Geo. III. cap. 31,
1 Above, pp. 281-283.

288 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
or under any law which prevailed originally in the province
before the conquest.
We have the honour, &c., W. Garrow.
S. Shepherd.
The Right Honourable the Earl Bathurst.
2 Lincoln's Inn, 22nd January 1817.

No. 79. Opinion of the Law Officers of the Crow^n
with reference to certain Difficulties encountered
by the Colonial Authorities in carrying out the
Arrangements for the Voluntary Commutation of
Seigniorial Lands, August i, 1817.
Canadian Archives, Series P, CXXXIII.— IV. 3.
My Lord, We have had the honour to receive Your Lordship's
letter of the 14th July, 1817, referring to an opinion of the
22nd January last, relative to the power of the Crown to
accept the surrender of lands held en seigneurie in Canada, for
the purpose of re-granting them in free and common soccage,
and transmitting to us an enclosed letter from Lieutenant-
General John C. Sherbrooke, requesting to be informed whether
such change of tenure, by abolishing with respect to such
lands the droit de quint, which was given over to the province
by Lord Dorchester's message, would not be in some degree
an Infringement of the pledge so given by the government,
or whether a mode could be devised of giving to the province
an equivalent for the droit de quint so merged and lost to it
by such change of tenure, and desiring that we will take the
case Into our consideration, and report to Your Lordship for
the Information of His Royal Highness the Prince Regent, our
opinion, whether His Majesty Is precluded by the declaration
made In Lord Dorchester's message to the provincial legislature
on the 29th April, 1794, from changing the tenure of lands

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 289
granted en seigneurie, which are now subjected to the payment
of the quint appropriated towards defraying the civil expenses
of the province, without a legislative act to that effect.
We beg to state to Your Lordship that, in the opinion
which His Majesty's law officers gave to Your Lordship on
the 22nd January last, they confined themselves to the con
sideration of the power of His Majesty to accept a surrender
of lands holden en seigneurie and re-grant them In free and
common soccage, without any legislative enactment enabling
him so to do ; that appearing to them to be the point then
proposed for consideration. But the question now presented
by the governor's letter is of a very different nature. It is
not a question upon the right of the Crown so to alter the
tenure, but upon the propriety of such an exercise of His
Majesty's prerogative, whereby the province will be deprived
of one of the sources of revenue toward defraying its civil
expenses, with which It was furnished by the appropriation
of the revenue arising from the droit de quint, as communi
cated in Lord Dorchester's message, and upon this point we
think that Lord Dorchester's message did give an expectation
to the province, that this part of His Majesty's revenues would
be continued to be applied to the defraying of their civil
expenses, and that to take from them this source of revenue
without their assent, or without providing an equivalent,
would be an infringement of what they might fairly consider
a pledge or assurance on the part of the Crown.
We are not aware that His Majesty can In any way give
to the province an equivalent out of any other of his revenues,
to supply the deficiency that would arise from changing the
tenure of the lands from that of seigneurie to free and common
soccage ; and if any source of revenue to be so applied is to
be created In the province, it must be by a legislative act ;
and the consent of the province to an abolition of the droit
de quint could only be manifested by such an act, or by an
address of the two houses to His Majesty for that purpose.

290 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
We think therefore that, though His Majesty Is not pre
cluded in point of law by Lord Dorchester's message from
changing the tenure of the lands, yet that such change
of tenure without the consent of the provincial legislature,
expressed as before mentioned, or without an equivalent pro
vided, would be an Infringement of the pledge given by the
government in that message, and that in that point of view
His Majesty Is precluded, without such consent or equivalent,
from so changing the tenure of the lands.
We have the honour, &c., S. Shepherd.

R. GlFFORD.

To the Right Honourable Earl Bathurst.
Serjeant's Inn, ist August 1817.

No. 80. Extracts from the Canada Trade Act
of 1822.^
3 George IV. c. 119.
An Act to regulate the trade of the provinces of Lower
and Upper Canada, and for other purposes relating to the
said provinces. . . .
XXXI. And whereas doubts have been entertained whether
the tenure of lands within the said provinces of Upper and Lower
Canada holden in fief and seigniory can legally
Lands held In fief be changed ; and whereas it may materially
on peridon rfriiY' ^^ud to the improvement of such lands, and
owners to His to the general advantage of the said pro-
Majestv, &c., be ylnces, that such tenures may henceforth be
changed to the 1 j ¦ ¦
tenure of free and changed in manner hereinafter mentioned ;
common soccage. Be It therefore further enacted and de
clared, that if any person or persons holding
any lands In the said provinces of Lower and Upper Canada,
' The greater part of this enactment deals with various questions con
cerning colonial trade and finances.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 291
or either of them, in fief and seigniory, and having legal power
and authority to alienate the same, shall, at any time from and
after the commencement of this Act, surrender the same Into
the hands of His Majesty, his heirs or successors, and shall,
by petition to His Majesty, or to the governor, lieutenant-
governor, or person administering the government of the
province, in which the land so holden shall be situate, set
forth that he, she, or they, is, or are, desirous of holding the
same in free and common soccage, such governor, lieutenant-
governor, or such person administering the government of
such province as aforesaid, in pursuance of His Majesty's
Intructlons transmitted through his principal secretary of
state for colonial affairs, and by and with the advice and
consent of the executive council of such province, shall cause
a fresh grant to be made to such person or persons of such
lands, to be holden In free and common soccage. In like
manner as lands are now holden in free and common soccage
in that part of Great Britain called England ; subject never
theless to payment to His Majesty, by such grantee or
grantees, of such sum or sums of money, as and for a com
mutation for the fines and other dues which would have
been payable to His Majesty under the original tenure and
to such conditions as to His Majesty, or to the said governor,
lieutenant-governor, or person administering the government
as aforesaid, shall seem just and reasonable ; Provided always,
that on any such fresh grant being made as aforesaid, no
allotment or appropriation of lands for the support and
maintenance of a Protestant clergy shall be necessary ; but
every such fresh grant shall be valid and effectual without any
specification of lands for the purpose aforesaid ; any law or
statute to the contrary thereof In anywise notwithstanding.
XXXII. And be It further enacted, That it shall and may
be lawful for His Majesty, his heirs and successors, to com
mute with any person holding lands at cens et rentes In any

292 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
censive or fief of His Majesty within either of the said
provinces, and such person may obtain a release from His
„. ,, . Maiesty of all feudal rights arising by reason
His Majesty may J J o _ r
commute with per- of such tenure, and receive a grant from
sons holding lands jjis Majesty, hIs heirs or successors, in free
at cens et rentes. ,
and common soccage, upon payment to
His Majesty of such sum of money as His Majesty, his heirs
or successors, may deem to be just and reasonable, by reason
of the release and grant aforesaid ; and all such sums of money
as shall be paid upon any commutations made by virtue of
this Act, shall be applied towards the administration of
justice, and the support of the civil government of the said
province. . . .

No. 8 1 . Extracts from the Canada Trade and Tenures
Act of 1825.
6 George IV. c. 59.
An Act to provide for the extinction of feudal and seig
niorial rights and burthens on lands held a titre de fief and
h titre de cens, in the province of Lower Canada ; and for the
gradual conversion of these tenures Into the tenure of free
and common soccage ; and for other purposes relating to the
said province.
Whereas In and by an Act passed in the third year of His
Majesty's reign, intituled : An Act to regulate the trade of the
provinces of Lower and Upper Canada, and for other purposes
relating to the said provinces^ certain provisions were made
for a change of the tenure of lands held In fief and seigniory,
and also for the change of the tenure of lands held at cens et
rentes. In the censive of His Majesty in the provinces of Lower
and Upper Canada ; and whereas the said provisions, In so far
' Printed above, pp. 290-292.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 293
as they relate to the change of tenure of lands In fief and
seigniory, cannot, in the said province of Lower Canada,
receive execution where such lands, or parts thereof, have,
under grants of the seigniories, become the property of persons
who hold the same a titre defief in arriere-fief ox a titre de cens ;
and further provision in this behalf Is necessary : Be it there
fore enacted by the King's most Excellent Majesty, by and
with the advice and consent of the lords spiritual and tem
poral, and commons. In this present Parliament assembled,
and by the authority of the same, That whenever any person
or persons, holding of His Majesty as pro-
Persons holding prietor or proprietors of any fief or seigniory
ItroVappHcation ^" ^^^ ^^^^^ province of Lower Canada, and
to His Majesty, having legally the power of alienating the
and on surrender of same, In which fief or seigniory lands have
the ungranted parts , . iiir- ,,^.
thereof, obtain a °^^'^ granted and are held a titre de fief, in
commutation and arriere-fief or h litre de cens, shall by petition
tehens duew^Hls *° ^^e King, through the governor, lieutenant-
Majesty thereon. governor, or person administering the govern
ment of the said province, apply for a com
mutation of and release from the droit de quint, the droit de
relief, or other feudal burthens due to His Majesty on such
fief or seigniory, and shall surrender into the hands of His
Majesty, his heirs or successors, all such parts and parcels of
such fief or seigniory as shall remain and be in his possession
ungranted, and shall not be held as aforesaid h litre defief, in
arriere-fief or h litre de cens, it shall and may be lawful for His
Majesty, or for such governor, lieutenant-governor, or person
administering the government as aforesaid. In pursuance of
His Majesty's Instructions transmitted through one of his
principal secretaries of state, by and with the advice of the
executive council of the said province, to commute the droit
de quint, the droit de relief, and all other feudal rights and
burthens due to His Majesty upon or in respect of such fief
or seigniory, for such sum of money or consideration, and

294 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
upon such terms and conditions, as to His Majesty, or to
such governor, lieutenant-governor, or person administering
the government as aforesaid, in pursuance of such instructions,
and by and with such advice as aforesaid, shall appear meet
and expedient ; and thereupon to release the person or persons
so applying, his, her, and their heirs and assigns, and all and
every the lands comprised In such fief or seigniory from the
said droit de quint, droit de relief, and all other feudal burthens
due or to grow due thereupon to His Majesty, his heirs, or
successors, of whatsoever nature or kind, for ever ; and to
cause a fresh grant to be made to the person
Such fief or sels- , . r 1 1 i i
nlory may be re- o^" persous, SO applying, of all such parts and
granted to the pro- parcels of such fief or seigniory as shall as
prietor In free and aforesaid remain, and be in his, her, or their
common soccage. _ ' ; '
possession ungranted, and which shall not
be held h titre de fief, in arriere-fief, as aforesaid, or a titre de
cens, to be thenceforward holden In free and common soccage,
in like manner as lands are now holden in free and common
soccage In that part of Great Britain called England, without it
being necessary for the validity of such grant, that any allot
ment or appropriation of lands for the support and main
tenance of a Protestant clergy should be therein made ; any
law or statute to the contrary thereof notwithstanding.
II. Provided always, and be it further enacted. That
where such fresh grant as aforesaid shall be made, nothing
in this Act contained shall extend or be con-
riSrigks'oIfthe strued to extend, to take away, diminish,
granted parts of alter, or In any manner or way affect the
such seigniory not feudal, seigniorial, or other rights of the
to be affected until . . ° . °
a commutation seignior Or person In whose favour such
thereof shall be grant shall be made, upon and In respect of
obtained as herein- ,, j ^11 1 1 1 i r 1 • 1 • ;
after provided. ^^^ ^"^^ every the lands held of him a litre de
cens, or a litre de fief, or in arriere-fief, as
aforesaid, making part of his, her, or their fief or seigniory,

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 295
on which a commutation of the droit de quint, or droit de relief,
shall have been obtained as aforesaid, but that all and every
such feudal, seigniorial, and other rights shall continue and
remain in full force upon and In respect of such lands so held
a litre defief, in arriere-fief as aforesaid, or d litre de cens, and the
proprietors and holders of the same, as If such comniutatlon or
grant had not been made, until a commutation, release, and
extinguishment thereof shall have been obtained In the manner
hereinafter mentioned.
III. And be it further enacted. That In all cases where
any seignior or seigniors, or person or persons holding lands
a litre de fief in the said province of Lower
1 ^j°"* g°f ^"j Canada, shall by reason or means of a com-
obtainlng a commu- mutation with HIs Majesty, or of a sur-
tation as aforesaid, render of his, her, or their fief or seigniorv,
shall be bound to ', '. tt- a/t • /
grant the like com- Or any part thereof, to His Majesty, or by
mutation to those reasou or means of a commutation with his
holding under them ..\. • • j- ^ • i j • ¦
If required °'* their immediate superior lord or seignior,
or otherwise howsoever, have obtained,
or shall or may hereafter obtain, for himself, herself, or
themselves, his, her, or their heirs or assigns, from His
Majesty, or from the governor, lieutenant-governor, or person
administering the government of the said province of Lower
Canada, or from his, her, or their Immediate superior lord or
seignior, a release from and extinguishment of the droll de
quint, or droit de relief, due and payable by him, her, or them,
his, her, or their heirs and assigns, for or in respect of lands
so held d litre de fief, such seignior or seigniors, person or
persons aforesaid, his, her, and their heirs and assigns, shall be
held and bound when thereunto required by any of his, her,
or their censitalres, or the persons who now hold or hereafter
may hold the said lands, or any of them, or any part thereof,
h litre de fief, in arriere-fief as aforesaid, or a litre de cens, to
consent to, grant and aUow to and in favour of such censl-

296 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
talres, or other person or persons as aforesaid, requiring the
same, a commutation, release, and extinguishment of and
from the droll de quint and droit de relief, or droit de lods et
ventes, as the case may be, and all other feudal and seigniorial
rights and burthens to which such censitaire or other person
or persons, his or their heirs and assigns, and his and their
lands so held by him or them, may be subject or liable to
such seignior or seigniors, person or persons aforesaid, his,
her, or their heirs and assigns, for a just and reasonable price,
indemnity, or consideration, to be paid for the same, which
price, Indemnity, or consideration, In case the parties con
cerned therein shall differ respecting the same, shall be ascer
tained and fixed by experts to be in that behalf nominated
and appointed, according to the due course of law In the
said province of Lower Canada, regard being had to the
value of the said lands so held h litre de cens or a litre de
fief. In arriere-fief as aforesaid.
IV. And be It further enacted. That if any seignior or
seigniors, person or persons holding lands a litre defief, who
shall so as aforesaid have obtained a release of and from the
droit de quint, or droit de relief, shall when thereunto required
by any person or persons holding any of the said lands a litre
de fief, in arriere-fief, or by any censitaire or censitalres holding
any of the said lands a litre de cens as aforesaid, upon the
payment or lawful tender of the price. Indemnity, or considera
tion in that behalf hereinbefore provided, refuse or neglect to
consent and allow to and in favour of such person or persons
holding such lands a titre defief. In arriere-fief, as aforesaid, or
of such censitaire or censitalres, a commutation, release, and
extinguishment of the droll de quint and droit de relief, or of
the droll de cens and droll de lods et ventes, as the case may be,
and of all other feudal and seigniorial rights and burthens as
aforesaid, or shall refuse or neglect to join in the nomination
of experts, to ascertain and fix the price, indemnity, or con-

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 297
sideratlon to be paid for such commutation, release, and
extinguishment, or shall refuse or neglect to make and
execute, to and In favour of such person or persons hold
ing such lands a litre de fief, in arriere-fief as aforesaid,
such censitaire or censitalres, as the case may be, an Instrument
in writing before two notaries, or a notary and two witnesses,
containing such commutation, release, and extinguishment as
aforesaid, it shall and may be lawful to and for such person
or persons holding such lands a titre de fief. In arriere-fief as
aforesaid, or for such censitaire or censitalres, as the case may
be, to implead such seignior or seigniors, person or persons as
aforesaid, In any of His Majesty's courts of competent juris
diction In the said province of Lower Canada, for the purpose
of compelling him or them to accept the price, indemnity, or
consideration hereinbefore provided, to be ascertained and
fixed as aforesaid, for the commutation, release, and ex
tinguishment of the droll de quint, and droll de relief, or droit
de cens and droit de lods et ventes, as the case may be, and of all
other feudal and seigniorial rights and burthens required and
demanded by such censitaire or censitalres, or other person or
persons as aforesaid, and to obtain the full and entire benefit
of such commutation, release, and extinguishment, and upon
the payment or lawful tender and deposit of the price.
Indemnity, or consideration payable by such person or persons
as aforesaid, or such censitaire or censitalres. In the hands of
the protho-notary or clerk of the said court, for the use of the
said seignior or seigniors, person or persons so Impleaded as
aforesaid in such court, it shall and may be lawful for the
said court, and the said court is hereby required, by their
judgment in that behalf, to award and adjudge to such person
or persons as aforesaid, or to such censitaire or censitalres, the
benefit of such commutation, release, or extinguishment, for
and in respect of the lands for which such payment or tender
and deposit shall have been made, as fully and effectuaUy, to
all intents and purposes whatsoever, as if such commutations

298 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
release, and extinguishment had been voluntarily consented to
be granted and allowed by the said seignior or seigniors,
person or persons so Impleaded as aforesaid.
V. And be It further enacted, That in all cases where such
commutation, release, and extinguishment as aforesaid shall
have been voluntarily agreed upon by and between any seignior
or seigniors, person or persons holding lands a litre de fief, who
shall have obtained a release of the droit de quint, or droit de
relief as aforesaid, and his or their censitaire or censitalres, or
other person or persons as aforesaid, in and by any written
agreement or Instrument in writing, executed before two
notaries, or a notary and two witnesses, and also In all cases
where such commutation, release, and extinguishment shall
have been declared awarded, and adjudged by any court of
competent jurisdiction, by their judgment in that behalf as
aforesaid. In favour of any person or persons as aforesaid, or
any censitaire or censitalres, against his, her, or their seignior or
seigniors Impleaded as aforesaid, all and every droit de quint,
and droit de relief, droll de cens, and droll de lods et ventes,
and mutation fine of every description, droit de retrait, censuel,
and conventionel, droit de banalite, droit de corvie, and every
feudal and seigniorial right and burthen whatsoever, upon or
in respect of the lands for which such commutation, release,
and extinguishment shall have been agreed upon, declared,
awarded, or adjudged as aforesaid, shall from and after the
making of such agreement or instrument in writing, or the
rendering of such judgment as aforesaid, be absolutely and
for ever taken away, extinguished, and discharged, as well In
respect of such censitaire and censitalres, or other person or
persons as aforesaid, his, her, and their heirs and assigns, as In
respect of the said lands ; and the tenure of the said lands shall
thenceforth be converted into free and common soccage, and
the said lands be held and be taken and considered to be held
in free and common soccage, in like manner as lands are

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 299
holden in free and common soccage in that part of Great
Britain called England, any law, usage, or custom to the
contrary notwithstanding.
VI. Provided always, and be it further enacted. That
nothing herein contained shall extend or be construed to
extend to discharge any arrears of cens et
Nothing herein rentes or any lods et ventes, or dues that may
contained to ex- i j l r i. .. ..-
tend to discharge h^ve accrued, before such commutation as
arrears. aforesaid shall have been required by any
censitaire or censitalres, or in any wise to destroy,
alter, or affect the recourse which the seignior or seigniors to
whom such arrears, lods et ventes, or rights, shall be due, might
lawfully have had or taken for the recovery of the same, if
such commutation had not been made. . . }

No. 82. Correspondence between Earl Bathurst and
Governor Dalhousie with reference to the carry
ing into effect of the Canada Trade and Tenures
Act, August, 1825, to October, 1826.
Canadian Archives, Series G, XIV. 98.
Downing Street, August 12, 1825.
My Lord, I have the honour to enclose, for Your Lordship's
perusal, an act passed in the last session of Parliament, to
provide for the extinction of feudal services in the province
of Lower Canada, and I have especially to direct Your Lord
ship's attention to the first clause of the act, by which His
Majesty Is enabled, by Instructions to be communicated to the
governor of the province, through the secretary of state, to
^ The remaining sections of the act relate to the machinery to be provided
for carrying Into effect the purpose of the measure.

300 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
fix the consideration, terms, and conditions upon which the
commutation of the feudal rights of the Crown is to be made.^
I have also the honour to enclose for Your Lordship's
perusal the draft of a proclamation, fixing the terms upon
which it is proposed that these commutations shall be carried
into effect, and I am to instruct Your Lordship to cause this
proclamation to be published In the province, In whatever
manner may be best adapted for Insuring the general publicity
of k. You will observe that it is intended to accept from the
seigniors, as the price of commutation, five per cent on the
value of the seigniory, and In cases where the seigneur and the
local government may not be able to agree as to the value of
the entire seigniory, it is intended to leave that question to
the decision of experts. Probably this price may not be a full
equivalent for the rights of the Crown, but Your Lordship
will readily understand that, in advising the King to accept
terms which might in one sense be considered as unfavourable,
my object has been to hold out an Inducement to the seigniors
to carry Into effect a change of tenure from which much con
siderable public advantage may be anticipated.
If Your Lordship, however, bearing in mind these liberal
intentions of His Majesty's government, shall nevertheless see
cause to disapprove of the proposed terms, you will, without
loss of time, report the objections which occur to you, and in
the meantime you will consider yourself authorised to with
hold the proclamation.
If, on the contrary, Your Lordship should deem the pro
clamation unobjectionable In substance, any alteration in Its
style or language, which yourself or the attorney - general
of the province may judge necessary or convenient, may be
made without further reference to me. — I am, &c.,
Lieutenant-General the Earl of Dalhousie. Bathurst.
1 Printed above, pp. 292-299.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 301
Canadian Archives, Series P, CXXXIII-IV. 6.
Quebec,/k«^ 19, 1826.
My Lord, I have the honour to inform your Lordship that, pur
suant to the instructions contained in Your Lordship's despatch
respecting the measures to be taken by the provincial govern
ment for carrying into effect the acts relating to the change
of tenure of seigniorial lands, I have, with the advice of the
executive council, issued the proclamation of which Your
Lordship transmitted me the draft, with such alterations
in points of form as were necessary, and with the addition of
a clause requiring those who should come forward to avail
themselves of the terms offered by the proclamation, to show
that they had discharged all arrears of feudal dues to His
Majesty.^ There are now several applications before me for commu
tation of tenure of houses and lots in Quebec, but it will
probably be a considerable time before the proprietors of
seigniories will come forward to avail themselves of the benefit
of this measure. I have no doubt that the liberality of the
terms fixed for the commutation, as between the Crown and
the seignior, will be generally appreciated ; but I think It my
duty to state to Your Lordship, that it has been represented
to me by persons well acquainted with the subject, that the
liberality of the Crown in this respect may of Itself Indirectly
tend to keep back the seignior from asking for a change of
tenure, and may thus defeat or retard the accomplishment of
the views of His Majesty's government. For It is said that, as
the act lately passed makes it compulsory on the seignior, who
shall have obtained from the Crown a commutation of his
tenure, to grant the like commutation to his vassal, on pay
ment of a compensation to be fixed by experts or arbitrators ;
and as one at least of these experts (the one to be named by
' This proclamation, as promulgated, is printed below, pp. 304-308.

302 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
the vassal), will of course be from that class of people whose
Interest It will be to keep the rate of compensation to the
seignior as low as possible, the seignior will be deterred from
putting himself In the situation of being compelled to go to
such arbitration, in which the extremely low and easy terms
already granted to him by the Crown would be taken as the
measure of that compensation which he should himself receive
from his vassal.
This view of the subject was not suggested to me until
after the proclamation was Issued, and I now submit it for
Your Lordship's consideration and decision.
I think It right also to inform Your Lordship that,
although upon the recommendation of the executive council,
I have adopted the same scale of compensation with respect
to houses in town, which the proclamation fixes with respect
to seigniorial lands in the country, and have accordingly acted
upon this recommendation in the cases of applications now
pending for a commutation of tenure of houses in Quebec ; I
have forborne to Issue any proclamation upon the subject. In
consequence of suggestions which I have received from several
quarters, that so small a compensation in such cases is a sacrifice
on the part of the Crown, not necessary to the success of the
measure, and that It should be fixed at a rate considerably higher
than on a change of tenure of seigniorial lands. Inasmuch as
houses and property In towns change owners much more
frequently than mere landed property in the country, and the
surrender of the feudal dues is, of course, a much greater
sacrifice in the former case than In the latter. Not conceiving
it to be Your Lordship's intention to give up the advantages
now accruing to the Crown to any greater extent than may be
necessary to encourage proprietors to avail themselves of the
benefits held out to them, I beg to be favoured with Your
Lordship's instructions on the point I have last stated. — I
have the honour, &c., Dalhousie.
The Earl Bathurst, &c.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 303
Canadian Archives, Series G, XV. 158.
Downing Street, August 31, 1826.
My Lord, I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of Your
Lordship's despatch of the 19th June last, requesting to be
furnished with Instructions as to the rate of compensation to
be paid to the Crown on the change of tenure of houses, &c.,
in towns, and stating that it has been represented to you that
it would be proper to charge a rate considerably higher than
on the change of tenure of seigniorial lands. I have to
acquaint Your Lordship In reply, that I am decidedly of
opinion that a higher rate should be fixed with respect to
the commutation of tenure of houses, and that double the
amount which the proclamation fixes with respect to seig
niorial lands In the country would only be a moderate charge
to proprietors of houses, who may avail themselves of this
measure. — I have the honour, &c., Bathurst.
Lieutenant-General the Earl of Dalhousie, &c.
Ibid., 251.
Downing Street, October 30, 1826,
My Lord, In the view of carrying Into effect the provisions of
the acts of Parliament (3 Geo. IV. cap. 119 and 6 Geo. IV.
cap. 59,^) which contemplate the entire extinction of the feudal
tenure in Lower Canada, I am to instruct Your Lordship that
whenever It may be necessary to grant any part of the unoccu
pied waste lands comprised or supposed to be contained within
the limits of the seigniories In the possession of the Crown,
Your Lordship will direct that the patents conveying the land
so granted do expressly declare that the same are to be held
under the tenure of free and common soccage, liable only to
1 Above, pp. 290-299.

304 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
similar reservations of mines, minerals, timber, &c., as are
contained in the patents granting waste lands in the townships
of the province. — I have, &c., Bathurst.
Lieutenant-General the Earl of Dalhousie, &c.

No. 83. Proclamation of Governor Dalhousie making
Regulations for the Voluntary Commutation of
Lands held under the Seigniorial Tenure, April
14, 1826.
Edicts and Ordinances Relative to the Seigniorial Tenure, 300—302.
Dalhousie, Governor.
Whereas by an act of the Parliament of our United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, passed in the sixth
year of our reign, intituled : " An Act to provide for the
extinction of feudal and seigniorial rights and burthens on
lands held a titre de fief and a litre de cens in the province of
Lower Canada, and for the gradual conversion of those tenures
into the tenure of free and common soccage, and for other
purposes relating to the said province," It is amongst other
things enacted :
" That whenever any person or persons holding of us, as
proprietor or proprietors, any fief or seigniory In the said
province of Lower Canada, and having legally the power of
alienating the same, in which fief or seigniory lands have been
granted and are held h litre de fief. In arriere-fief or a titre de
cens, shall by petition to us through the governor, lieutenant-
governor, or person administering the government of our said
province, apply for a commutation of and release from the
droit de quint, the droit de relief, or other feudal burdens due to
us on such fief or seigniory, and shall surrender into the hands
of us, our heirs or successors, all such parts and parcels of

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 305
such fief or seigniory as shall remain and be in his possession
ungranted, and shall not be held, as aforesaid, h litre defief, in
arriere-fief or a titre de cens, it shall and may be lawful for us, or
for such governor, lieutenant-governor, or person administering
the government as aforesaid, in pursuance of our instructions
transmitted through one of our principal secretaries of state,
by and with the advice of the executive council of the said
province, to commute the droit de quint, the droit de relief and
all other feudal rights and burthens due to us upon or in
respect of such fief or seigniory, for such sum of money or
consideration, and upon such terms and conditions as to us, or
to such governor, lieutenant-governor, or person administer
ing the government as aforesaid. In pursuance of such instruc
tions, and by and with such advice as aforesaid, shall appear
meet and expedient, and thereupon to release the person or
persons so applying, his, her, or their heirs and assigns, and
all and every the lands comprised in such fief or seigniory,
from the said droit de quint, droit de relief and all other feudal
burthens due or to grow due thereupon to us, our heirs or
successors, of whatsoever nature or kind for ever ; and to
cause a fresh grant to be made to the person or persons so
applying of all such parts and parcels of such fief or seigniory,
as shall as aforesaid remain and be in his, her, or their posses
sion ungranted, and which shall not be held h litre de fief, in
arrilre-fief as aforesaid, or a litre de cens, to be thenceforward
holden in free and common soccage, in like manner as lands
are now holden in free and common soccage In that part of
Great Britain called England, without it being necessary for
the validity of such grant, that any allotment or appropriation
of lands for the support and maintenance of a Protestant
clergy should be therein made, any law or statute to the
contrary thereof notwithstanding."
And whereas in pursuance of the said Act heretofore In
part recited, and in execution of the powers thereby in us
vested, we have transmitted through the Right Honourable the

306 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
Earl Bathurst, one of our principal secretaries of state, having
the department of the colonies, to the Right Honourable the
Earl of Dalhousie, our captain-general and governor-in-chlef
In and over our said province of Lower Canada, our royal
instructions for and concerning the commutation of the droll
de quint, droit de relief and all other feudal burthens due to us,
whereof the commutation in and by the said Act is provided
for, and concerning the sum of money or consideration, terms,
and conditions on which such commutation is to be granted
and allowed according to the provisions of the said Act ;
Know ye, therefore, that, for the purpose of making known
our said royal Instructions in this behalf, and in order that
persons intitled to and desirous of the benefit of the commu
tation provided for In and by the said Act, In what respects
lands held of us h litre defief, may avail themselves of such
benefit, we have thought fit, with the advice of our executive
council of our said province, to Issue this, our royal proclama
tion, hereby to publish and declare to our loving subjects
whom the same may concern, that whenever any person or
persons holding of us, as proprietor or proprietors, any fief or
seigniory In the said province, and having legally the power of
alienating the same, in which fief or seigniory lands have been
granted and are held a litre de fief, arriere-fief, or a litre de cens,
shall apply for the commutation in and by the said Act pro
vided for. In the manner therein mentioned, and shall actually
have paid Into the hands of our receiver-general of our said
province, a sum of money equal to one-twentieth part of the
value of such fief or seigniory ; then and In every such case,
our governor, lieutenant-governor, or other person administer
ing the government of our said province, shall and will, with
the advice of our said executive council In pursuance of our
said royal instructions, proceed to commute all and every the
droll de quint, droit de relief, and all other feudal rights and
burthens, which thenceforward, if such commutation were not
made and granted, would accrue and become due to us upon

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 307
and in respect of such fief and seigniory, and release for the
future such person or persons, his, her, or their assigns, and
all and every the lands comprised in such fief or seigniory
from the several burthens aforesaid, and to cause to be made
to such person or persons a fresh grant In the manner in and
by the said act hereinbefore recked prescribed ;
And in case such person or persons as aforesaid should
not agree with the governor, lieutenant-governor, or person
administering the government of our said province, acting by
and with such advice as aforesaid, as to the value of any such
fief or seigniory, and the amount of the sum to be paid In
consideration of such commutation should not be determined
by and between them, then and in every such case, In pur
suance of our said royal instructions, we do will and require
that our said governor, lieutenant-governor, or person ad
ministering the government of our said province, by and
with such advice as aforesaid, do concur in the nomination
and appointment of experts for ascertaining the value of
such fief or seigniory, according to the course of law In our
said province.
Provided always, and we do hereby declare that such
commutation, so to be made and granted as aforesaid, shall
not have the effect of extinguishing or affecting the recovery
of any droll de quint, droll de relief, or other feudal rights and
burthens, or any arrears thereof, previously accrued and be
come due to us upon and in respect of the fief or seigniory for
which such mutation shall have been granted ; but that all
such droll de quint, droit de relief, and other feudal rights and
burthens and the arrears thereof so accrued and become due
to us before the making and granting of such commutation,
shall be recoverable by the same remedies, and in the same
manner and form as if such commutation had not been made
or granted ;
And we do hereby expressly reserve to us, our heirs and
successors the power of revoking and altering from time to

308 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
time, as occasion may require, the terms and conditions on
which commutations are to be granted as aforesaid.
In testimony whereof, we have caused these our letters to
be made patent, and the great seal of our said province of
Canada hereunto affixed.
Witness our trusty and well-beloved George, Earl of
Dalhousie, Knight Grand Cross of the Most Honourable
Military Order of the Bath, our captain-general and governor-
in-chlef in and over our said province of Lower Canada, vice-
admiral of the same, &c. &c. &c.
At our Castle of Saint Lewis, in our city of Quebec, In
our said province, the fourteenth day of April, in the year of
our Lord one thousand eight hundred and twenty-six, and in
the seventh of our reign. Dalhousie.
Louis Montizambert,
Actg. Prov. Secretary.

No. 84. Report of the Commissioners appointed to
Inquire into the State of the Laws and other
Circumstances connected with the Seigniorial
Tenure, as it obtains in that part of the Province
of Canada heretofore Lower Canada, March 29,
1843.^
Titles and Documents Relative to the Seigniorial Tenure, 1 1., 45-91.
To His Excellency the Right Honourable Sir Charles Bagot,
G.C.B., one of Her Majesty's Most Honourable Privy CouncU,
Governor-General of British North America, and Captain-
' The two provinces of Upper and Lower Canada were in 1841 united into
a single political unit, with equal representation in a joint legislature. The
seigniorial question was of direct interest to Lower Canada only, for in the
upper province all lands were held in free and common socage. In the first
session of the joint legislature, however, the French-Canadian representatives

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 309
General and Governor-In-Chief in and over the Provinces of
Canada, Nova Scotia, &c., &c.^
May it please Your Excellency,
We, the commissioners appointed by Your Excellency
to inquire into the feudal and seigniorial tenure of lands In
that part of the province of Canada called Lower Canada, In
pursuance of an address of the Honourable the House of
Assembly, of the 7th September 1841, have the honour to
represent to Your Excellency :
That, in pursuance of the commission appointing us joint
commissioners for the purposes therein set forth, and of the
instructions accompanying it, we have with all possible dili
gence, and to the extent of the powers reposed in us, proceeded
in the Investigation of the subjects submitted for our inquiry.
Before proceeding to submit to Your Excellency the result
of our examination of the important subjects which have
engaged our attention, we beg to refer Your Excellency to
a preliminary report, dated the 28th day of September last,
in which we had the honour to inform Your Excellency that,
owing to the limited powers conferred on us, It was wholly
brought the question to the notice of the House, which was induced (September
7, 1841) to pass a resolution asking the governor to appoint a commission with
power to investigate the existing system of land tenure In Lower Canada and
to present some definite plan for the commutation of the ancient tenures. To
this request Governor Bagot acceded, naming Messrs. Vanfelson, M'Cord, and
Doucet as members of the commission. These three gentlemen declining to
serve, however, he appointed In their places Messrs. Buchanan, Taschereau,
and Smith. The commission, though hampered by the fact that it had very
limited powers to compel the attendance of witnesses and the production of
papers, made a careful study of the grievances of the landholders and of the
remedies proposed. The results of this study are given in the report here
printed. ' Sir Charles Bagot, G.C.B., was born in England in 1781, and at an early
age entered the English public service, where he rose so rapidly that when only
twenty-five years of age he was made under secretary of state for foreign
affairs. Later he served with distinction in several important diplomatic posts.
In 1842 he was named governor-general of British North America ; but his
tenure of the post was very brief, for he died In the year following.

310 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
out of our power to report on many of the subjects pointed
out In our commission, as we possessed no means to compel
the attendance of persons, and the productions of papers,
essentially requisite for enabling us to lay before Your Ex
cellency correct Information touching many of the subjects
of our investigation, and, in fact, that full and satisfactory
Information, on some parts of the subject, which the Honour
able the House of Assembly had a desire to obtain, as expressed
In our commission.
Since that period, we have been honoured by a communi
cation from the Honourable Mr. Secretary Daly,^ by the
command of Your Excellency, Informing us that the powers
adverted to In our preliminary report can only be conferred
by Parliament, and requiring us to transmit to Your Excellency
the result of our investigations under the limited powers con
ferred on us.
We therefore respectfully beg leave to submit, for Your
Excellency's consideration, this our report, containing our
views on the momentous subjects proposed for inquiry, and
exhibiting the nature and extent of such information on those
topics as we have been enabled to procure.
The several matters submitted for Inquiry by our commis
sion may, for the sake of perspicuity and more easy elucida
tion, be arranged under the following heads : —
1st. — To make the necessary examination and search into
all public records and notarial acts, from the time of the
settlement of the country, and to establish, for several
distinct periods, the true conditions on which grants of land
In seigniory have been made by the Crown, and on which lands
have been conceded en arriere-fief ou en censive {roture), and
1 Sir Dominick Daly was born in Galway in 1798, and came to Canada
as private secretary to one of the governors. Remaining in the colony, he
became provincial secretary for Lower Canada, and after the union held this
post in the government of the United Provinces. He returned to England
in 1851.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 311
to collect all other requisite Information connected with the
said subject, and to inquire into the laws which have from
time to time governed and now govern the said tenures.
2nd. — To inquire generally into the present working of
the system, by proper Investigations Into every section of
Lower Canada, In a number of seigniories indifferently chosen,
for the purpose of ascertaining, as far as possible, the present
rents, dues, reservations, and charges of any kind.
3rd. — The probable quantity of unconceded seigniorial
lands In the province, and their quality and value, and also
the quantity of land conceded but not Improved.
The value of seigniorial mills In the province.
The annual average value of lods et ventes paid or accruing
thereon. Lastly. — To consult the seigniors and censitalres re
spectively, upon the most proper and equitable means of
effecting by law a commutation of the seigniorial and feudal
tenures (such commutation being founded upon a due regard
to the rights and interests of all parties), and also of the
most proper means of effecting an arbitration in cases where
It may be required.
Upon the first subject : —
Having had the advantage of consulting a great number
of grants of seigniories In this province, as well from the
Compagnle de la Nouvelle-France, as from the Crown, from the
earliest period down to the conquest of the colony, we have
found that, although the settlement of Canada under the
French Crown was, as to the tenure of land, established upon
the feudal system, and although military service, necessarily
for the purposes of defence, did exist in the colony, yet this
obligation was not an express condition in those grants, nor
was the seignior invested with many of the odious and offensive
rights and privUeges which characterise the feudal lords In
Europe. The colonists having emigrated from that part of the

312 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
mother country in which the customary law prevailed, where the
principle, as to land, of nulle terre sans seigneur was recognised,
it was natural that a like tenure should be introduced to
regulate the rights and obligations of those who should
become possessed of the soil, modified, however, by reason
of the different circumstances which marked, and the opposite
spirit and sentiments which animated, the establishment of
the feudal relations In France and in this country — in the
one, the motives being the love of conquest and military
glory ; in the other, the pacific diffusion of civilisation and
of the light of the Gospel.
It will thus appear, that many of the earliest grants were
made to religious bodies, and were avowedly bestowed on
them for the purpose of reclaiming the natives from barbarism
and converting them to Christianity.
Under this tenure the superior lords and immediate grantees
of the Crown exercised some sovereign powers within the
limits of their seigniories.
They held the power of haute, moyenne et basse justice^ and
all the privileges appertaining thereto, which comprised the
holding of courts of justice, yielding certain emoluments, the
rights to all confiscated or forfeited estates, the right of all
property escheating pro defectu haeredum, or from other causes,
and to all waifs, estrays, and treasure trove.
The exclusive rights of trading with the Indians, and of
fishing and hunting within the limits of the fief, was also
expressly conferred on the grantee.
In this way, large tracts of land were granted by the
Crown, or by the Compagnle de la Nouvelle-France while it held
this country en fief et seigneurie, upon the condition of the
performance of certain services aud obligations which we shall
now proceed to consider.
^ For the precise limits of these three degrees of judicial power, see Doutre
and Lareau, Histoire ginirale du droit canadien, 133-136. See also above,
p. 263, note 2.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 313
With but very few exceptions these feudal grants were
made subject to the provisions of the Custom of Paris, and
Imposed on the grantee the obligation of performing fealty
and homage to the King, or his representative at the Castle
of St. Lewis, in Quebec, — of making his aveu et dinombrement,
that is to say, to render a true statement of his title, the
extent of his fief, setting forth his dependencies and preroga
tives, — whether he had a right to hold court of justice, of
the amount of fees Incidental to his jurisdiction, of the fines
and other rights to which he was entitled ; of his manor-house,
the lands of his domain, the quantity and quality of his arable,
meadow, pasture, and wood-lands, the revenue of his domain,
and the improvements and buildings on his domain, the annual
amount of the cens et rentes and other dues, with the number
and names of his censitalres or others subjected to pay rent
to him, and the extent of the concessions, the rights and
services he owed on account of his fief, whether he had the
right of compelling suit at his mill, and a particular designa
tion of the arriere-fiefs or subinfeudations ; how he became
possessed of his fief or seigniory, whether by succession in
the direct or collateral line ; by purchase, gift, or otherwise.
The only pecuniary right due under the Custom of Paris,
by the vassal to the Crown, Is the quint, which Is the fifth part
of the price of sale of the fief or seigniory accruing upon
every mutation of ownership of the fief, by sale or contract
equivalent to sale (but not In case of succession and donation
In the direct line), and payable to the Crown by the purchaser
on his rendering fealty and homage.
In all cases of collateral Inheritance, or of legacy or
donation to collateral relations or strangers, the Custom of
Paris gave to the Crown one year's revenue {relief) of the
fief ; but this right has not been claimed or enforced in this
colony. It Is however to be observed regarding lands governed by
the Custom of Vexin le Frangais, under which custom some

314 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
few grants were made at a remote period, and one year's gross
revenue of the estate was payable instead of the quint, and thus
under every change of ownership without any exception.
It was competent to the Crown to exercise the right of
pre-emption, retrait, or jus retractum, within forty days after
notice of the sale, upon reimbursing to the purchaser the
price and all the costs and charges.
These may be considered to be the legal and inherent
conditions of the grants of most of the fiefs and seigniories.
But there were some few seigniories, granted by the India
Company and the Compagnle de la Nouvelle-France, under less
onerous conditions than those arising from the Custom of
Paris, such as the payment of a medal of half an ounce or
one ounce of gold {une mallle d'or) to the Company in lieu of
the quint. The fief of Beauport was granted on this condition
In the year 1675.^
In addition to the grants in fief and seigniory above
mentioned. It may be observed that there are two instances
of grants, en franc aleu noble, made by the French Crown to
the Order of the Jesuits, viz., Charlebourg in the District of
Quebec,^ and another In Three Rivers.^
The above obligations may be considered to be inherent
in every grant from the Crown, and imposed upon all feuda
tories under the Custom of Paris.
But, independently of these legal burthens the grants from
the Crown appear, for the most part, to have contained the
most specific reservations and conditions : —
1st. — The obligation to do fealty and homage.
2nd. — Payment of the usual rights and dues according to
the Custom.
1 The date is Incorrect; Beauport was granted to Robert Giffard on January
15, 1634. The title-deed is printed above, pp. 7-9.
^ Titres des Seigneuries, 54 (January 15, 1637).
» This was the little fief of Pachiriny, so called after an Algonquin Indian
who had first settled on it. See Titres des Seigneuries, 70 (February 15,
1634).

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 315
3rd. — The preservation of all oak timber for the con
struction of His Majesty's ships.
4th. — To make known to the King the discovery of all
mines, ores, and minerals.
5th. — That appeals from the seigniorial courts should be
made to the provostship of Quebec.
6th. — To build a habitation on the land and to dwell there,
tenir feu et lieu, and to cause his sub-feudatalres and tenants to
do the same.
7th. — To clear and settle the land or cause It to be cleared
and settled without delay.
8th. — To suffer all roads necessary for public utility to be
made. 9th. — ^To concede to tenants, a litre de redevances, lands
of not less extent than one arpent In front by thirty or forty
in depth, and to Insert similar clauses in their concessions to
their sub-feudatalres and tenants.
loth. — To permit the beaches to be free for all fishermen,
with exception of such part as the seignior should have occasion
to use for his own fishery.
nth. — To suffer the occupation, by the Crown, of all
land necessary for the construction of forts, batteries, and
public works for the use of the King, together with the right
of taking all the timber necessary for the construction thereof,
and firewood for the garrison, and this without entitling the
grantee to any indemnity.
In some of the grants from the Crown of more recent
date, that Is after the year 171 1, It was made a stipulation
that the seigniors should concede to their tenants at the ac
customed rents and dues, cens et rentes et redevances accoutumis.
These conditions, charges, and reservations are contained
in almost all the grants from the Crown, some of them being
essential to the seigniorial tenure itself, and others rendered
expedient for promoting the speedy settlement of the country
and advancing its prosperity.

316 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
Apart from those regulated by the Custom of Paris,
partially brought Into force on the first settlement of the
country, and universally adopted after the surrender by the
Company of New France of Its rights to the Crown, the other
above-mentioned conditions and obligations were more clearly
defined, reiterated, and enforced by the edicts and ordinances
of the French kings promulgated from time to time, according
to the exigencies of the colony.
The latter remarks we will particularly apply to all grants
and concessions made by the French Crown after the surrender
to it, by the Company of New France, of all its rights and
territory, and the erection of the Conseil Supirieur at Quebec,
under the edict of 1663, which grants were all made according
to the Custom of Paris.
The obligations to grant out the land to applicants, in
suitable parcels, is a permanent feature of all the grants by
the Crown after 1663,^ and in conjunction with contem
poraneous legislative measures hereafter mentioned, evinces
how anxiously and perseveringly the French government
pursued Its policy of rapidly extending the settlement of the
colony, and of diffusing its population over a large surface.
It was Incumbent on the seignior to parcel out his fief
to settlers, reserving a mere redltus or rent ; he was bound to
commence and effect the settlement of his territory within a
certain limited period, in default of which his estate escheated
to the Crown. The views and intentions of the French
government in this respect may be gathered from two edicts
or declarations of the King, the first of which is dated in
March 1663, immediately after the surrender by the Compagnle
ae la Nouvelle-France of its rights to the Crown, by which all
grants whereon no settlement had been made were cancelled
and revoked^; and the second In June 1675, by which aU
1 The duty of subgranting seigniorial lands did not appear as an '' obliga
tion" in the title-deeds until after the issue of the arret of 1711. Cf. also
above, p. 256, note i. 2 printed above, pp. 12-14.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 317
grants of too great an extent of land were revoked, and the
intendant Duchesneau was ordered to make new grants of less
extent, to such persons as would undertake to settle on them.^
These edicts were followed by the declaration of the King
of France, dated in April 1676,^ granting power to Messieurs
de Frontenac and Duchesneau to concede lands for settlement,
upon the express condition that such concessions should be
laid before the King for confirmation within a year from their
dates, and that the lands should be in fact settled and brought
under cultivation within the period of six years, otherwise the
said grants and concessions should be null and void.
The arrest of the 6th July 1711,^ the general instructions
given to governors of the colony to hasten its settlement,
and the more specific and stringent obligation, imposed in
subsequent grants of fiefs, to settle and concede hereafter
referred to, manifest a continuance of the same policy in the
Crown of France.
From these edicts, arrests, and ordinances, it appears obvious
that, although the granting of lands by the Crown, under the
feudal and seigniorial tenure, may In the first instance be con
sidered to have been attended with the creation or Introduction
of the rights, immunities, and advantages Incident to that
tenure as It existed In France, yet, by means of these legislative
measures, made while that system of proprietary relations was
developing in the colony, and of the terms of the grants
themselves, the respective rights and obligations of the seignior
and vassal underwent much modification, and express enact
ments defined the exact nature and extent of the rights of
the grantees of the Crown, and the obligations by them
assumed upon their investiture with their several possessions.
In truth, the modifications so effected restored the tenure,
as between the lord and vassal, to the condition In which it
1 idits et Ordonnances, I. 8i.
^ The date should be May 20. See above, pp. 41-42.
' Above, pp. 91-93.

318 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
appears to have existed at an early age In the parent country,
when the protective colonial policy of the Roman Empire,
under nearly similar relations, was adopted by the Frank
conquerors, and incorporated in their system of law.
These provisions we shall have occasion to use more at
length when we come to treat of that branch of the subject
which more particularly concerns the duty of the seignior to
concede lands within his fief.
Generally speaking, the conditions contained In the grants
from the Crown, whereby the seigniors are required to concede
lands to applicants, are not marked by any essential difference ;
but there are a few which contain an express declaration that
the grantees should concede at the usual and accustomed rates,
cens et rentes et redevances accoutumis, and in one particular
instance, namely that of the royal grant to the Seminary of
Montreal of the seigniory of the Lake of Two Mountains,
dated 17th October 1717,'^ the rate at which every concession
shall be made is prescribed, viz., twenty sols and a capon for
each arpent in front by forty arpents In depth, and six deniers
(a farthing). This is the only instance which has come to our knowledge,
after a most diligent search, of specifications in the royal grants
of the rate of cens et rentes at which the seignior shall be bound
to concede his lands.
The conditions upon which grants from the Crown were
usually made have thus been pointed out, at least as to such
as were expressly contained in the royal grants, or were im
posed by the Custom of Paris, under the Influence of which
those grants were made ; but, in order the more justly to
appreciate the spirit of the essential terms upon which seigniors
were bound to concede their lands to applicants, constituting
a prominent object of our inquiry. It becomes necessary to
consider somewhat at large the legal enactments touching
^ Titres des Seigneuries, 337.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 319
this obligation to concede, and the judicial decisions interpre
tative of them.
It appears to us sufficiently obvious that, between the year
1663, when the French Crown became re-invested with full
sovereignty over this country, and the year 17 11 when the
edict hereafter mentioned was promulgated, some of the
seigniors had violated the trust reposed in them, by exacting,
from the applicants for uncultivated lands, a price. In addition
to the usual rent, as consideration for concessions en roture ; an
abuse repugnant to the views and intentions of government,
and calculated to retard the settlement of the country.^
In our estimation, the royal grants involved a trust to
re-grant such of the lands as might be in an uncultivated
state, en bolt de bout. In parcels, to actual settlers, upon certain
moderate rents, that is, a simple litre de redevance, without Its
being In the power of the seignior to demand any money
whatever, in the way of capital for the concession.
This rent, redevance, cens et rentes, carried with It the right
of lods et ventes, being a mutation fine levied by the seignior
upon every sale of the land or transfer of it equivalent to sale,
of one-twelfth of the price or consideration of such con
veyance. This alienation fine is Incidental to the seigniorial tenure of
land, and is the legal consequence of a recognkive rent, called
cens, being stipulated or reserved In the deed of concession,
and was intended to be a source of revenue to the seignior.
The right of banaliti de moulin, or paying suit to the lord's
mill, is not incidental to the seigniorial tenure under the
Custom of Paris,^ but, in the circumstances of a country under
process of colonisation by emigrants unable to bear the expense
' On this point, see the despatches of Raudot to Pontchartrain during the
years 1707-1708, printed above, pp. 70-^7, passim.
2 The Custom of Paris, as codified in 1 5 10, did not contain any reference
to the banal right; but, as revised in 1580, it recognised the right of the
seignior to the exercise of this privilege whenever he had stipulated for it in the
original title-deed (Articles Ixxi.-lxxii.).

320 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
of erecting mills for their own accommodation, there arose a
necessity to provide some means to obviate the evils flowing
from this cause, by imposing on the seignior the obligation
to build mUls, for which they should have the corresponding
right of compelling the tenants to carry their grain to be
ground there, yielding a certain proportion as toll or multure.
This was effected by the arret of 4th June 1686,^ declaring
it to be a right of the seignior in the realty, and inseparably
attached to his fief and seigniory.
It was, however, provided that this right should be for
feited by the seignior, if a banal mill should not be built
within one year after the passing of the said ordinance, and any
censitaire or other person, on complying with its requirements,
was authorised to exercise this privilege.
Under the Custom of Paris, this right was purely con
ventional, and could only be claimed by the seignior under a
title. Although In France the right of banaliti extended to mills,
ovens, and other matters, it was only exercised in this colony
with respect to mills grinding corn.
According to the principles of the common law, and the
arrets rendered concerning that matter, this right was restricted
to the grinding of the corn consumed within the seigniory,
and did not comprise corn ground for exportation, or for use
without the limits of the seigniory.^
The arret of the 20th June 1667^ provided that the toll
or droit de mouture should be fixed at one-fourteenth of the
corn ground at the mills, which was an increase of the rate
that obtained under the Custom of Paris.
In all other respects, the law was left as it existed under
the jurisdiction of the Parliament of Paris.
' Printed above, pp. 61-62.
^ In Canada the banal right extended only to " grains qu'Us consomment
pour la subslstance de leurs families" (Edits et Ordonnances, II. 452). See also
Ibid., I. 225, II. 497, III. 119.
» Ibid, II. 39.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 321
It was, however, usual to stipulate the right of banaliti
in deeds of concession, but that stipulation did not affect
the arret of the 4th of June 1686, in respect of the obli
gation of the seignior to build mills, which was frequently
enforced. Upon this point there are many judgments of the inten
dants vesting the right of banaliti in censitalres when the
seignior had neglected to build the mill, or had failed to keep
one already built in repair and fit for the wants and uses of
the inhabitants.
Among others on this subject may be mentioned the
ordinance of the 22nd July 1730,^ the i8th February 1731,^
the loth March 1734,' the 13th February 1740,* the nth
July 1742,^ and the I2th February 1746,^ and an ordinance
passed by the Conseil Supirieur on the ist July 1675.'
This was the law of the country at the time of the con
quest, and which is still in force and effect under the provisions
of the 14th George the Third,® hereafter cited.
These may be considered to be in truth the only claims of
the seignior upon his tenant, sanctioned merely by the law
regulating the tenure In this colony, considered apart from
special conditions, charges, and reservations provided for In the
original grants of the seigniory and in the deeds of concession
to the tenants.
The conditions, charges, and reservations expressed in the
deeds of concession en roture, with the exception of the redltus
or cens et rentes, the rights of lods et ventes and banaliti, are
therefore purely conventional and may be considered obli
gatory on the tenant, unless they are repugnant to some edict,
arrit, or ordinance.
What conditions, charges, and reservations may be deemed
^ idits et Ordonnances, II. 340. ' Ibid., 519. ' Ibid., 364.
* Ibid., 562. = Ibid., 565. « Ibid., 578. ' Ibid, 62.
° 14 George III. c. 83. It may be conveniently found In Houston's Docu
ments illustrative of the Canadian Constitution, 90-96. x

322 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
questionable, on the score of legality, will be a matter of
discussion In a subsequent part of this section.
With regard to such conditions and reservations in the
deeds of concession to censitalres, as secure certain advantages
to the public. In accordance with the corresponding clauses
in the royal grants to the seigniors, no observation appears
requisite ; they are obviously legitimate and binding on all
parties. By many of the royal grants of seigniories, although not
in all cases, it Is made imperative on the seigniors to parcel
out their fiefs In grants a titre de redevance, according to the
Custom of Paris.
These redevances. In the parts where that Custom prevailed,
consisted —
( I ) Of the cens or redltus of one halfpenny, or one penny,
recognitive of the lord's seigniorial right, dominium directum,
and was so essential that, without it, no mutation fines could
accrue on changes in the ownership of the land.
(2) Of a moderate rent not essential to the tenure, which
was variously payable in money, grain, poultry, or other
products. From the period of the earliest concessions which have
come into our hands, made In 1652 by the Jesuits, who held
by grants from the Company of New France, down to the
year 1663, the date of the surrender by the Company of its
rights to the Crown, the rate of cens et rentes in the province
was nearly uniform.
In the seigniories where the King was the immediate
seignior, the rates were fixed at one sol, argent tournols, or one
halfpenny, for every superficial arpent, and a capon or ten-
pence, at the option of the seignior, for every arpent in front,
and one sol of cens, equal to about six shillings and fourpence
halfpenny, for a frontage of three arpents, by a depth of thirty
arpents, making ninety arpents in superficies.
This rule would appear to have been much followed during

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 323
the aforesaid period, and there is ample evidence to show that,
in the District of Quebec particularly, those were the usual
and established terms ; for we do not find an instance of
excess over this rate, while, in some cases, a lower rent was
agreed upon.
After the cession by the Company of New France of its
rights to the Crown, a number of grants were made by the
Crown, chiefly to persons who had served In the King's army
and navy, in some of which the concessions are stated to
be made In consideration of the services rendered by the
grantees.'' In these seigniories, comprising, with the exception of the
Island of Montreal and one or two others, the most valuable
possessions in the District of Montreal, the rents reserved were
nearly uniform, being at the rate of about one penny for every
superficial arpent, that is to say, from one to two sols for every
arpent in superficies, and one capon of the value of tenpence,
or a half bushel of wheat Instead, making, valuing the wheat
at that time at two llvres a bushel, about one penny for every
arpent of the concession.
Generally speaking, it may be assumed that, upon a grant of
ninety superficial arpents, the rents in the District of Montreal
exceeded those in Quebec and Three Rivers by about one-fifth.
This rate prevailed until about the year 171 1, when it Is
observable that some changes had taken place in the conditions
and reservations, rendering them more burthensome to the
tenants. These additional charges consisted of reservations of wood
growing on land conceded, and the establishment oi corvies?
' See above, pp. 34-36.
^ The exaction of corvies seems to have become general during the period
intervening between 1708 and 1716. In Raudot's despatches of the former
year (see above, pp. 85-87) no mention is made of the obligation ; and in
1 7 16 Bdgon asked the minister to have an ordinance issued forbidding the
exaction (Begon to Minister, February, 1716, Correspondance Ginirale, XXVI.
90).

324 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
Between the year 1711, the year in which the royal edict
enjoining on the seigniors to concede d litre de redevance was
promulgated, and the year 1732, there is no perceptible or
material alteration in the rate of cens et rentes, even in the
concessions made by the proprietors of seigniories granted by
the Crown after the passing of the said edict of the 6th July
1 7 1 1 , the rates of cens et rentes then general in the colony
being in most instances followed.
Nor from 1732 to the year 1759 was the rent materially
augmented, except in a few cases ; and the rate throughout
the District of Montreal may be taken on an average to have
been about one penny for every superficial arpent.^
It is true that, in many seigniories In the District of
Montreal, the rents were rather higher than In the District of
Quebec ; but the difference was, in fact, not considerable, and
may have been agreed to in consideration of the superior
quality of the soil and Its productions in grain, and may be
ascribed partly to the practice of stipulating the payment of
the redltus In grain, the fluctuating value of which was more
lucrative to the seignior than its being rendered in money or
capons at a fixed value.
The rent in the District of Montreal was generally one sol
and one quart of wheat for every superficial arpent, or one
half bushel of wheat for every twenty superficial arpents,
although in the seigniories belonging to religious bodies
capons were generally stipulated instead of the money rent.
The value of such rent may be taken on an average to be
about seven shillings and sixpence for every ninety arpents,
estimating the wheat in all these cases at one shilling and
elghtpence per bushel, the value set upon it in early judicial
decisions. The appreciation of wheat, however, underwent a change ;
for. In July 1742, we find that by a judgment rendered against
^ The superficial arpent may, as already noted, be reckoned as comprising
about five-sixths of an English acre.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 325
the censitalres oi Argentenay, they were condemned to pay to
the mUler of that seigniory, for the wheat not ground at the
banal mill, at the rate of three llvres, equal to two shillings
and sixpence a bushel.''
In some instances, the rent was payable in so many minots ^
oi wheat for the whole concession, a pint or quart or pot ior
each arpent in front by the depth of the land ; while it was
often agreed that so much grain should be rendered for every
superficial arpent.
Notwithstanding these different modes in which the wheat
rent was made payable, it is a remarkable fact that, on a just
calculation, the result will be found the same, and the highest
rate of concession in the District of Montreal, previous to the
conquest, will be found not to exceed one penny for every
superficial arpent, valuing the wheat at one shilling and
elghtpence per bushel.
In corroboration of this opinion we refer to the ordinances
of the 8th of May and the i6th of November 1727, the first
rendered on the application of the Sieur L6vrard, seignior of
Saint Pierre, and the other on the application of the Sieur
Rigouvllle, wherein the usual and accustomed rates of con
cession in the whole colony are incidentally mentioned.^
But whatever inconsiderable diversity may have existed In
this particular between the seigniories themselves, for there
did exist a trifling variance, yet, with the exception of three or
four cases, there was no difference in the rates of concession In
any one seigniory.
The terms, as established by the old concession deeds,
continued, without any change whatever, to be the guide and
rule on all subsequent grants.
' This judgment, issued by Hocquart on July ii, 1742, is not printed in
^dits et Ordonnances. An English translation of it may, however, be found in
Edicts, Ordinances, Declarations, and Decrees relative to the Seigniorial Tenure
(Quebec, 1852), 200-202.
* The minot was a measure slightly larger than the English bushel.
^ For these judgments, see idits et Ordonnances, II. 479-483, 486-494.

326 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
In those three or four excepted seigniories only does there
appear, before the year 1759, any departure from the usual
rates of concession, and the absence of this change in all the
other seigniories must lead to the conviction that, notwith
standing the trifling difference in the rates of concession
throughout the seigniories, a uniform rate, founded on the
early concessions, was adhered to in each, and attests the
vigilance of that branch of the government to which was
confided the execution of the laws, and the accomplishment
of the royal intentions regarding the tenures.
The usages in respect of the rates of concession thus
determined and established, continued to be the guide in
many of the seigniories long after the conquest in 1759.^
Soon after the conquest a relaxation of these rules and a
disregard of the legal obligations of the seignior, and In some
instances of the censitaire. Is perceptible, which may in some
degree be ascribed to the proclamation of the King in 1763,
whereby it was declared that, from thenceforward, the laws of
England should be the rule of decision with regard to the
civil rights of the inhabitants.^
Many of the seigniors, believing that the laws, customs,
and usages in force in the colony prior to the conquest had
been superseded by the English law, considered themselves no
longer bound by the old regulations respecting the tenure of
their estates, and the granting of the uncleared lands In the
seigniories ; so that, in many Instances, they departed from
the established rules and usages, and exacted higher quit-rents,
cens et rentes, than would have been permitted by the French
government before the conquest.
The censitalres themselves, equally anxious to elude the
1 The extent of the divergence from a uniform rate of cens is discussed in
Lafontalne's Observations, 169-269.
^ October 7, 1 763. A copy of the proclamation may be conveniently found
In Doutre and Lareau's Histoire gi7iirale du droit canadien, 330 ff. The ques
tion as to whether English law was validly introduced by this proclamation has
been much discussed by writers on the legal history of French Canada.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 327
laws binding upon them, and enacted to promote the settle
ment of the country, forbear to seek grants of wild land from
the seigniors, who were disposed to exact more onerous terms
than of old ; and, in defiance of the law which expressly pro
hibited the subdivision of farms beyond certain limits and
dimensions,^ parcelled out their possessions Into portions of
ten, twenty, or thirty arpents, whereby the population, instead
of diffusing itself in the extension of the settlements, became
crowded within a smaller space, contrary to the wise policy of
the ancient government.
These abuses, which under the French government would
have been immediately checked by the Interposition of the
intendant's authority, were, amid the confusion attendant on
the establishment of a new order of things, and the changes
supposed to have been introduced by the promulgation of a
new system of laws, suffered to prevail ; and although, by the
Act of 1774,^ their ancient laws, usages, and customs were
restored and secured to the Inhabitants, becoming thenceforth
the settled rules of decision in all civil matters, the wise and
beneficent intentions of the old government in respect of the
tenure of lands (a point of the greatest importance to the
welfare and settlement of a country) were wholly frustrated,
and the seigniors for ever afterwards continued at liberty to
exact rents and impose conditions at their absolute discretion.
With the limited information we have acquired it would
be difficult to point out, with much accuracy, the various
epochs at which fresh progress was made In infringement of
the laws in this respect.
Having in our possession comparatively few concession
deeds, no general and positive rule can be laid down appli
cable to the whole province ; but it is sufficiently manifest,
' The reference Is probably to the royal edict of April 28, 1745, which
forbade the erection of any house or barn upon a farm which did not have a
frontage of at least one-and-one-half lineal arpents and a depth of at least
thirty arpents. See tdits et Ordonnances, I. 583-584 ; and cf. Ibid.. II. 400.
^ 14 George III. c. 83.

328 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
from those deeds which we have had an opportunity of con
sulting, that a change took place almost immediately after
the conquest in some seigniories, and that in others a change
occurred about the year 1785, and again in 1800.
From the last-mentioned period down to the present time,
the rates of concession have been progressively augmented in
many parts until, from about one penny per superficial arpent,
which was the original rate, the cens et rentes have swollen to
threepence, and from that rate to sixpence, and even eight-
pence per superficial arpent.
So also by means of clauses and stipulations inserted in the
deeds of concession, to which nothing parallel can be found
before the conquest, the seigniors, since that event, have
diminished the value and extent of the rights and estates of
the censitalres In the lands granted to them, imposing many
burthensome conditions, reserving wood and timber for private
uses, as well as all mill-sites, not merely for the lawful exercise
of the banaliti, but for the establishment of all kinds of mUls
and manufactories.
In France, and particularly under the Custom of Paris, the
cens and other annual rents and dues were regulated by no
express law, but there was a usage as to the amount of the
cens strictly so called ; and indeed, from the earliest times,
fixedness of the rate of this rent {fixlte) would appear to have
been a ruling principle.
The seignior was at liberty to stipulate such rents and
dues on the alienation of his land as he thought proper ; but
although the stipulated additional rents and dues were not
contrary to any law, and were clothed with the same lien or
privilege as attached to the cens, they were not recognised as
being founded upon the common law, nor considered essential
to the seigniorial tenure, but were the creatures of positive
contract and title.''
1 On this point, see Lafontalne's Observations, 166 ff., and the authorities
there cited.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 329
Thus, although these charges were generally called seignio
rial rights, and as such were secured by the usual privileges in
favour of the seignior for their recovery, yet the law established
certain important distinctions between them.
These rights were therefore divided by feudists Into two
classes : —
ist. — The natural or ordinary right, which the particular
custom regulated in the absence of express stipulation.
2nd. — Extraordinary rights, foreign to the common law,
which were the subject-matter of especial covenant.
In the first category were the cens, the essential character
istic mark of the direct seigniory, established by the common
law, and which the local custom indicated as the natural charge
upon the land ; and the lods et ventes or mutation fines, and a
certain pecuniary penalty due by the tenant neglecting to exhibit
his title of acquisition to the seignior.
The other class consisted of certain burthens and services,
such as the gros cens, or additional rent, the right of retractus,
or pre-exemption ; neither emanating from the common law,
but purely conventional.
These rights, arising from contract only, became extin
guished upon the judicial sale of the land, unless they were
preserved by a legal demand on the seignior's part.
They were considered in the light of extraordinary encum
brances upon the land, and, as they were not classed among
the charges legally due, a vendor was bound to declare them
in order to absolve himself from the obligation of warranty
with regard to them, which otherwise he would have incurred.
This was the state of the law under the influence of the
Custom of Paris when it came to prevail generally in this
colony under the edict of 1663.
To treat properly the subject of the peculiar regulations
which exist in this colony with regard to the seigniorial tenure.
It is necessary to revert to the earliest settlement of the country
by the Company of New France.

330 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
By a charter granted to this Company in 1627 by Louis
XIII.^ the most extensive powers for the purpose of effecting a
settlement of the country were given, and the Company were
authorised to make grants of land to such persons, in such
quantities and upon such terms, as they might think proper
for attaining that Impartial object.
This Company having introduced the tenure which pre
vailed in Paris, where it was formed, granted lands to be held
en fief et seigneurie, on terms and conditions calculated to
promote settlements.
The grants were made, for the most part, under the
Custom of Paris, although some few were made under the
Custom of le Vexin Frangais ; ^ and after the surrender to the
French Crown by the Company of New France in 1663 of
all Its rights and territories,^ all grants of land in fief and
seigniory were made subject to the provisions of the Custom
of Paris. In 1663 the Conseil Supirieur vfzs erected by an edict of
the French King,* and It was therein declared that the colony
of New France should be governed by the law and custom of
the Parliament of Paris ; and powers were granted to the said
Conseil to make laws for the good government of the colony.
In looking to the original grant to the Company of New
France and the act of cession of Its rights to the Crown, it is
apparent that the great object of the French government was
the settlement of the country.
The Company of New France, with limited means, although
possessed of indefinite powers, had made little progress towards
that object at the time of the surrender of its rights.
Almost all their grants were merely nominal, no actual
settlement having been made.
' Printed above, pp. 3-4.
^ See above, p. 75, note i.
^ The act of surrender is printed in ^dits et Ordonnances, I. 30.
* Ibid., 37-39-

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 331
The first act of the Crown, on obtaining the cession of the
colony was to revoke all grants in that predicament.
The edict promulgated by the King on the 21st of March
1663 ^ declared that all grants should be null and void on
which no settlement should be made six months after the
passing thereof, and granted full power to the governor and
intendant of the colony to distribute anew the various seignio
ries, on condition, however, of actual settlement.
An arret of the 4th June 1672 ^ reduced the concessions
already made in the colony to one-half their extent, and the
lands were distributed again among such persons as would
undertake settlements within the period of four years, and in
default thereof the said concessions were to be reunited to the
domain, ordering at the same time the Intendant Talon to
make an exact return to His Majesty of all concessions made
in the colony, of their quality and extent, in the number of
arpents, or other standard measurement used in the colony,
the number of Inhabitants, &c., &c.
This arrit was followed by another of similar Import dated
4th June 1675;* *"<i t)y the arret of the 15th April 1676,*
full power and authority were given to the governor and
intendant of the colony to make all concessions, upon the
condition, however, of having the said concessions ratified.
To this may be added, on the same subject, the arret oi
the 9th of May 1679,^ again diminishing by one-fourth the
extent of the concessions already made upon which no settle
ment had been made.
These arrets and edicts are cited more for the purpose of
showing the intentions of the King in making the various
grants and concessions, than as establishing any law on the
subject ; but they are important in their bearing on the edicts
promulgated subsequently to this period by His Most Christian
1 Printed above, pp. 12-14. ^ Above, pp. 32-34.
' idits et Ordonnances, I. 81-83.
* Printed above, pp. 41-42 (the date is May 20, 1676).
^ Above, pp. 43-45-

332 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
Majesty, In relation to the tenure and conditions on which
grants of land in seigniories should be made.
Aware of the prevalent belief that there existed an edict
fixing the rate of concession generally at a certain specific
amount, we conceived it our duty to make strict search among
the archives of the province and the records of the provincial
tribunals under the French government ; and a thorough in
vestigation of the whole matter enables us to state our firm
conviction that no royal edict or other legislative measure
creating an obligation to concede lands en roture throughout
the colony at any given rate, either In money, produce, or
commodities, was ever Issued or enacted.^
We have, however, arrived at the conclusion, from con
sideration of the edicts, declarations, and decisions hereafter
referred to, that something nearly equivalent or approaching
to such a regulation became established before the conquest.
The before-mentioned edict of the 6th July 1 7 1 1 ^ is the
first legislative Act of the King, made to regulate the conces
sion of lands en censive, and to fix the conditions under which
it would be Imperative on the seignior to concede them.
By this edict it was declared that there were many seignio
ries In New France In which no settlement had been made, and
In which even the original grantees had made no progress
towards the cultivation and settlement of the property, and
that many seigniors had, under various pretexts, refused to
concede lands to persons offering to perform acts of settle
ment, with the Intention of making sales of the said land, at
the same time that they imposed on the grantees the same
dues {les memes droits de redevance) as were imposed usually in
concessions ; which was wholly contrary to the Intentions of
His Majesty and the very conditions of the original grants to
the seigniors themselves, by which they were permitted only
to make concessions in consideration of rents {a litre de rede-
^ Compare the conclusion reached in Munro's Seigniorial System in Canada,
85-92. '^ Printed above, pp. 91-94.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 333
vance) ; and with the view of avoiding such abuses for the
future it was ordered that all seigniors, within a year after the
promulgation of the said edict, should make settlements and
concessions in the said seigniories, in default of which they
should be reunited to the domain of the Crown, and that aU
seigniors, having lands to concede within their seigniories
should be bound to concede to all persons demanding conces
sions h litre de redevance, on payment of a rent only and without
exacting any money for the same ; and that on refusal of the
seigniors so to concede, it should be In the power of the
intendant, on application for that purpose, to make conces
sions, on the same conditions as were imposed on the other
concessions in the seigniories {aux mimes droits Imposis sur les
autres terres concidies dans les dites seigneuries), which rights and
dues should be paid Into the hands of the receiver-general of
His Majesty's domain, without its being in the power of the
seignior to demand any dues whatever from them.
This edict was followed by another of the same date,
declaring all concessions made to censitalres, on which no actual
settlement had been made, to be null and void, and that, on
the certificate of the curate and captain of the cbte, to that
effect, they should be deprived of the concessions.
The Intention of His Most Christian Majesty, manifested
by the said edict of 6th July, was to compel the grantees of
the Crown to concede lands on their seigniories at a mere rent,
without exacting any bonus or capital, and that the concessions
should be made at the rates already fixed In the seigniories by
former concessions.
Upon this point no reasonable doubt can be entertained,
as full power was granted to the intendant to make the con
cessions at the rate already established, in the event of the
refusal on the part of the seignior to make them.
This edict would seem to have determined the prin
ciple on which concessions should be made, and although
no rate is in terms mentioned in it, the previous concessions

334 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
made in the seigniory were declared to be the standard for
the future.
That the standard was nearly uniform throughout the
colony win appear by reference to the concessions made by
the seigniors up to the promulgation of the edict, the rate in
no instance exceeding two sols per superficial arpent, and in a
great many being only one sol.
In fact, upon the subject of the rate of concession, no
difficulty appears to have existed in the colony, as a usual and
accustomed rate was by universal consent acknowledged to be
settled ; but the great grantees of the Crown endeavoured to
violate the conditions of those grants, and by exacting sums
of money for making a concession to effect sales of their land
contrary to the known laws of the tenure and the very condi
tions of the grants themselves.
This abusive practice of the seigniors was, in truth, the
origin of the edict of 1 7 1 1 .
In addition to the evidence to be drawn from the edict,
and the very motives of its promulgation, there is ample
evidence to be found in the decisions of the intendants, both
before and after the passing of the edict, that upon the subject
of rates no difference of opinion existed.
The first judgment on record on this subject Is a judg
ment of the Intendant, M. Raudot, of the 15th June 1708,^
by which It was ordered that the seignior of Bdcancour
should concede certain lands to an inhabitant of the name of
Perrault,^ upon the same clauses and conditions, aux mimes
clauses et conditions, as were contained in the deeds of other censi
talres, and that in default thereof the judgment should be held
as his title.
This judgment was followed, after the edict 6th July
171 1, by several judgments rendered by the intendant on the
same subject, namely, the judgments of the 15th February
' Edits et Ordonna7ices, III. 142-143.
^ In the decree the name of the petitioner is spelled "Perrot."

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 335
1716,^ the 28th June 1721,^ the 20th September 1721,^ the
13th October 1721,* the 21st February 1731,^ the 20th July
1733,^ the 23rd January 1738,' and the 23rd February
1748.^ To these may be added judgments of the Intendant Begon,
of the nth March 1723,^ rendered against the seignior of
St. Pierre, and an ordinance of the intendant Dupuy, in the
case of the same seignior (Ldvrard), rendered on the 8th May
1727.^° The whole of these judgments were founded on the edicts
of the 6th July 171 1, and most clearly demonstrated not only
that an accustomed rate of concession was established by uni
versal practice in the colony, but that the seigniors were bound
to concede at that accustomed rate to all persons soliciting
concessions : the power to make these concessions, in the event
of refusal on the part of the seignior, being vested in the
intendant. That this authority was acted upon by the Intendants is
manifest from the arret oi the 29th of May 17 13," only two
years after the passing of the edict of 1 7 1 1 , by which the
seignior Duchesnay was prohibited from making any conces
sions, in the Bourg du Fargy de Beauport, at a higher rate
than that of one sol for each arpent, and a capon, to which
redevance all concessions made by his predecessor at a higher
rate In the seigniory were reduced.
This arrit may be adduced as evidence of the operation of
the edict of 1 7 1 1 , and of its prohibitory character, with refer
ence to the rates of concession in the seigniories.
In confirmation of this law of 171 1, the arrit of the
CouncU of State of the 15th March 1732 ^^ was passed.
This arrit is important, not only on account of the positive
1 itdits et Ordonnances, II. 448. ^ Ibid., 461. ' lUd., 466.
* Ibid, III. 184. ' Ibid., II. 521- ° Ibid., 531.
' Ibid., 545. ' Ibid, 581. ' Ibid., 475. " Ibid, 478.
" This decree does not appear to have been printed.
" Printed above, pp. 174-176.

336 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
nature of its enactments, but as explaining and confirming
the dispositions of the edicts of 17 ii.
By this arret, after recital of the edict of 171 1, whereby
the King had declared that, in some of the seigniories which
had been conceded by him, no settlement or habitations had
been made, and that If, at the expiration of one year from the
date of the promulgation of that edict, they continued in that
unsettled state, they should be reunited to the domain of the
Crown, and that the said seigniors had been ordered to concede
upon a mere rent {d litre de redevance) and without demanding
any sum of money whatever for the concession, and had granted
permission to the inhabitants, in case of refusal on the part of
the seignior to concede, to apply to the governor, lieutenant-
governor, and intendant, to obtain the said concessions, upon
the same terms and conditions {aux mimes droits imposes sur les
autres terres concidies), and that the dues accruing therefrom
should be paid Into the hands of the receiver-general of the
King's domain, to the loss of the seignior In that respect.
And the recital of another edict of the same date, whereby
the King had declared that the Inhabitants, who had obtained
concessions, should be held to occupy and inhabit the same
{y tenir feu et lieu), and in default thereof, that the lands should
be reunited to the domain of the seignior upon the judgment
of the intendant. His Majesty being Informed that notwith
standing these edicts, the seigniors had reserved in their domain
large tracts of country which they sold en hols debout in lieu of
conceding only upon a redltus or rent {a lieu de les concider
simplement a litre de redevance), and that the inhabitants who
had so obtained sales of the wild lands had again sold them to
others, thereby making a traffic of the land, contrary to the
well-being of the colony, and it being necessary to apply a
remedy to abuses so prejudicial In their effect, did order that,
within ten years after the publication of that arrit, aU proprie
tors of land held en seigneurie, and not yet cleared, should be
bound to make settlements and place inhabitants there to

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 337
reside, and that, if after the expiration of the said term, such
had not been done, that the said lands should be reunited to
the domain in virtue of the said arret, and without any further
order. And His Majesty did also most expressly prohibit
and forbid any seigniors or other proprietors to sell any wild
land whatever {de ne vendre aucune terre en bois debout) on pain
of nullity of the contract and the restitution of the price
thereof, and that the said lands so sold should be reunited
to the domain of the Crown ; and further ordained expressly
that the said two edicts of 1 7 1 1 should be carried into effect
according to their tenor.
This arrit, therefore, is a full confirmation of the edicts
of 171 1, being even more stringent in its dispositions; and If
anything were wanting to ascertain the principle upon which
concessions of land en censive were required to be made, the
deficiencies may be supplied from this source.
So far from the estate of the seignior In the fief granted
to him by the Crown being absolute, free, and unconditional,
for the sole purpose of his own profit. It may be said that the
land was held encumbered with a species of trust, to promote
the speedy settlement of the property. He was bound to
concede upon a mere redltus, or rent, without its being In his
power to extend the obligation of the censitaire beyond that
rent. In the event of refusal, the power to concede upon the
rate imposed In the other concessions was given to the
governor, lieutenant-governor, and intendant, and as a penalty
for not conceding he forfeited his land to the Crown.
To hold that these were not the true conditions upon
which lands en censive were required to be made, would be to
convert an estate subject to a trust into an absolute freehold ;
to deny that the seignior was bound to concede at the usual
and accustomed rates established In his seigniory by the old
concessions prior to 6th July 1 7 1 1 , would be to frustrate the
very ends for which the edicts and arrets had been made.

338 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
We can recognise no difference between demanding, for
the concession, a sum of money In the nature of a price, and
the stipulation of that price in the shape of rent chargeable on
the land ; In truth, they are identical in their results.
In both Instances there would be a violation by the
seignior of the original conditions of his grant, because It
would tend to impose more onerous charges than the law of
the tenure allowed.
In looking to the latter part of the edict of 17 ii (which
may be said to remove all doubts concerning the rate of con
cession of land In the same seigniories), we find that it enables
any inhabitant, upon refusal of a seignior to concede lands, to
apply to the Intendant, who was specially ordered to make the
grant upon the same terms and conditions as were Imposed
upon the other lands In the same seigniory {aux mimes droits
Imposis sur les autres terres de la seigneurie), thereby most plainly
showing that the rate of concession first established in the
seigniory was to be a guide for all future concessions In the
same seigniory, from which no seignior could depart without
a violation of the law.
It may be contended that the edict applies only to cases
wherein the seignior refuses absolutely to concede his lands for
an annual rent, whereupon the dues would become payable to
the Crown ; and that it cannot be extended to the case where
the seignior is willing to grant h litre de redevance, although
at an increased rate.
The answer to this objection, we conceive, is obvious.
The end which the edict had in view, in prohibiting the
seignior from selling his wood-lands, and exacting sums of
money in the nature of prices of sales, was the rapid settle
ment of the country, by placing within the reach of every
man the means of obtaining land, subject only to a small
annual rent ; and It may be asked whether a departure by
the seignior from the established rule of concession in his
seigniory, by which it would be in his power to raise his dues

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 339
without limit, would not defeat the object of the legislature ;
he might, indeed, style his grant a concession h titre de rede
vance, but It would differ from a contract of sale only in
name. It therefore follows, that a willingness on the part of the
seignior to concede his lands, but upon terms and conditions
more onerous than those already established in his seigniory,
would have been considered as an absolute refusal to grant,
which would have justified any applicant, under the law of
171 1, in demanding from the intendant a concession of land
upon payment of the same dues as were Imposed on the other
lands of the seigniory.
In confirmation of this view of the subject, it may be again
stated that, if it were in the power of the seignior to raise his
dues, his situation would be better than that of the sovereign,
who was bound by the edict to exact no higher dues than
those already established In the seigniory, in those cases where
the revenues escheated to the Crown on the refusal of the
seignior to concede.
In conclusion. It is only necessary to advert to the wording
of the edict {aux mimes droits Imposis sur les autres terres dans les
dites seigneuries) to be convinced that It sufficiently Implies
an uniform rate of concession in the same seigniory, no differ
ence of rates being mentioned by which the grants made
by the intendant for the benefit of the Crown should be
distinguished. If any Inhabitant had, at the time this edict was enacted,
a right to obtain a grant of land upon the same terms as any
censitaire within the same seigniory, it is the undoubted privi
lege of any of the Queen's subjects to obtain the same
grant at this day, the edict of 171 1 being still the law of
the land.
But incontrovertible evidence of the meaning and opera
tion of this edict of 171 1, and of the arrit oi 1732, and of the
intentions of His Most Christian Majesty in promulgating

340 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
them, may be gathered from the declaration issued by the
King (Louis XV.) on the 17th of July 1743, concerning
concessions in the colonies.
This declaration states that authority had been granted to
the governors and Intendants of the colonies in America to
make grants of land, for the purpose of promoting the settle
ment of the colonies, and to reunite them to the domain of
the Crown in default of settlement, and that full judicial
power had been given to them, to the exclusion of the
ordinary judges of the land, to determine upon all con
testations which might arise among grantees and their assigns,
as well in relation to the validity and the execution of con
cessions, as to their position, extent, and limits ; but that no
certain rules had been established as to the form of proceeding,
either with respect to the reuniting to the domain, for want of
settlement, or to the course of proceeding on the contestations
arising in relation thereto, nor as to the course to be pursued in
appeals from the ordinances and judgments of the governors
and Intendants upon these points, so that different rules and
usages obtained In different colonies, and even in the same
colony. That for the purpose of removing all doubts and uncer
tainty upon subjects so Interesting, and to secure the repose
and tranquillity of families, he had determined to make certain
fixed and Invariable rules to guide In all the colonies, as well
as to the forms of proceeding to effect a reunion to the domain
of concessions when the case might require it, as to all dis
cussions arising thereupon, and the course of bringing appeals
from the judgments therein rendered.
In the first article of this declaration It Is directed, that
the governors, lieutenant-governors, and intendants of the
colonies, or the officers representing them in their absence,
should continue to make concessions to the inhabitants who
might be entitled to obtain them for settlement, and should
grant titles to them on the ordinary and accustomed

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 341
clauses and conditions {clauses et conditions ordinalres et
accoutumies). This article of the declaration is cited as bearing more
particularly on the subject of concession, and as showing that
an ordinary and accustomed rent was then (1743) recognised
and acted upon.
It is true that the whole of the declaration may be viewed
more as an arrit de reglement In reference to the course of
proceeding before the governors and intendants and in appeals
therefrom, than as a declaration in which any legal enactment
in respect of the tenure Itself is set forth ; yet the terms of
the first article cited above, and the express authority and
order given to the governors and Intendants to make con
cessions upon the accustomed and ordinary rent, in applications
made to them founded on a refusal of the seignior to concede,
in our humble opinion, remove all doubts on the subject, and
characterise the arret of 1732 as prohibitory in Its operations,
and fixing unalterably the reciprocal obligations and rights of
the seignior and censitaire.
We may therefore be permitted to inquire what law it was
the intention of the Crown to introduce by the edict of 1663,
with reference to the tenure of land {les lois et ordonnances de
notre royaume et y procider autant qu'il se pourra en la forme et
maniere qui se pratique dans les ressorts de notre cour du parlement
de Paris) ; was it the common rule under the Parliament of
Paris in relation to the tenure {en censive), and the usual and
ordinary quit-rents, cens, or was it the Intention to give un
limited power, and to permit the seignior to Impose such
charges on the land upon its alienation as he thought proper .?
Upon this point, we think that no reasonable doubt can
be entertained. The rule followed by the Crown in its own censives, and
the rates of concession down to the conquest of this country,
afford the most conclusive proof of the intention in this
respect ; for whatever latitude may have existed, under the

342 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
Custom of Paris, in the imposition of seigniorial charges and
dues, beyond those incidental to the tenure under the common-
law rule, it Is clear that under the operation of the edict of
17 II, and the arrit of 1732, certain fixed and unalterable rules
were established in the colony to regulate the concession of
land, from which the seignior could not depart.
The fixedness of the rate of rent, as a ruling principle,
is manifested in a striking manner by the remarkable fact, that
it required the express authority of the King to enable the
seigniors of Montreal to raise the established rent under
peculiar circumstances.
These rules were manifestly Imposed from the necessity of
the case, for if the jurisprudence of the Parliament of Paris in
this respect had been allowed to become the law of the colony,
the intention of the Crown in the settlement of the country
would have been altogether frustrated.
In expressing our opinion on this branch of the subject,
which we feel to be one of a delicate nature, and involving
interests of great magnitude, we have calmly and dispassion
ately considered the matter as a purely legal question,
irrespectively of cases of individual hardships, or of what
may be deemed vested rights founded on long and unin
terrupted possession, or the obligation of contracts.
The courts of justice, in later days, swayed, no doubt, by
these considerations, have, for the most part, disallowed the
principle of a usual and accustomed rate.
By their judgments they have maintained that the seignior
had the right of conceding upon such terms and for such rents
as he might agree upon with his tenants, and have refused to
give relief to the censitalres from such conventional burthens.
They have departed not only from the strict letter of the
law regulating the tenure under the French government, but
from the true spirit and policy of that law, and the conditions
of the original grants.
And however unfounded the pretension of the seignior

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 348
might have been considered In the court of the intendant, he
has in the courts of a later erection invariably been successful
in all his contests with his tenants, with the exception of a
single instance, which occurred in the court of King's Bench
in Montreal in 1828.^
Being of opinion that the edict of 1 7 1 1 Is stUl the law of
the land, it remains to be inquired whether there resides in
any tribunal the authority competent to enforce It.
By the act of 1774, commonly called the Quebec Act,
the inhabitants of this colony were confirmed In all the laws,
customs, and usages relative to their civil rights ; and it was
enacted that in all matters of controversy relative to property
and civil rights, resort should be had to the laws of Canada,
as a rule, for the decision of the same, and that all causes
thereafter Instituted In any courts of justice to be appointed
within and for the said province by His Majesty, his heirs and
successors, should, with respect to such property and rights,
be determined agreeably to the said laws and customs of
Canada, until they should be varied or altered by any ordi
nances that should from time to time be passed In the
province by the governor, lieutenant-governor, or commander-
in-chief for the time being, by and with the advice and
consent of the Legislative Council of the same, to be
appointed in manner thereinafter mentioned.
This act therefore guaranteed to the Canadians their civil
rights, and, of necessity, the tenure and the laws regulating
the same were fully and unreservedly maintained.
That such was the intention of His Majesty's government.
Is apparent on reference to the instructions conveyed to
General Carleton, transmitted to him immediately after the
passing of the act above quoted.^
1 This was the case of McCallum vs. Grey, King's Bench, April i8, 1828
(Lower Canada Reports).
* These Instructions, dated January 3, 1775, are printed in full in Repwrt on
Canadian Archives, 1904, pp. 229-242.

344 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
The article 38th of the Instructions is in the fol
lowing terms: "By our commission to you under our
great seal of Great Britain, you are authorised and em
powered, with the advice and consent of our Council, to
settle and agree with the inhabitants of our said province
of Quebec for such lands, tenements, and hereditaments
as are now or shall hereafter be in our power to dis
pose of.
" It is, therefore, our will and pleasure, that all lands
which are now or hereafter may be subject to our dis
posal, be granted In fief or seigniory, in like manner as
was practised antecedent to the conquest of the said pro
vince, omitting however, in any grant that shall be passed of
such lands, the reservation of any judicial powers or privileges
whatsoever. " And it is our further will and pleasure, that all
grants in fief or seigniory, to be passed by you as afore
said, be made subject to our royal ratification or dis
allowance, and a due registry thereof within a limited time,
in like manner as was practised in regard to grants and
concessions held In fief and seigniory under the French
government." From these passages it appears unquestionably that the
laws in force at the time of the conquest in 1759 were
preserved In all their force ; and that, in relation to the
tenures of land in the province, the law of 1 7 1 1 , and the
custom which prevailed in the colony prior to the conquest,
respecting grants en censive, remained to all intents and
purposes the law of the land.
We proceed now to consider whether the judicial autho
rity, which was vested by the King of France in the intendants
to enforce the edict of 1 7 1 1 , can be exercised by any tribunal
now in existence in this province.
Under the ordinance creating the court of common pleas
in this province, passed in the seventeenth year of His Majesty

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 345
George the Third,^ we think the judicial power of the in
tendant was transferred to that court.
It was the court erected under that act to decide con
troversies respecting the property and civil rights of the
colonists; and, although the legislative powers vested In
the intendant could not consistently with the principles of
the new government be delegated to that court, yet all the
jurisdiction of that officer, exercisable for the protection of
the civU rights of the subject, was transferred to the new
tribunal; and by the 34th George III., establishing the
court of King's Bench In this province, and repealing the 1 7th
George III., the judicial powers of the intendant are ex
pressly given to that court, to be exercised In the most full
and ample manner.
Under these circumstances, therefore, we consider that
the court of King's Bench now established has full power
and authority to enforce the edicts of 171 1, with the arret of
1732, and to carry out the jurisprudence established before
the conquest.^
Having reviewed the laws of the seigniorial tenure as they
existed under the French government, and as they continue
to exist in the province of Lower Canada after the conquest,
it becomes our duty to advert to the alterations which these
laws have undergone by legislative enactments.
The first provision affecting the law of tenures in this
province is to be found In the Imperial statute of 3rd George
IV., chapter 119, intituled, "An Act to regulate the Trade
of the Provinces of Lower and Upper Canada, and for other
purposes relating to the said Provinces." ^
^ 17 George III. c. i. The ordinance, dated February 25, 1777, may be
found In full In Ordinances made and passed by the Governor and Legislative
Council of the Province of Quebec (1772), 2.
' The conclusion reached on this point by the commissioners is open
to question ; at any rate, it Is certain that the court of King's Bench never
assumed the old administrative jurisdiction of the executive authorities conferred
by the arrets mentioned. ^ Printed above, pp. 290-292.

346 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
The chief part of this law concerns the revenue, but the
thirty-first and thirty-second sections affect the seigniorial
tenure of land.
The defects of this Act were, however, soon perceived, for,
as it was limited In Its provisions to commutations between
the Crown and the seignior, or between the Crown and its
grantees en roture, the censitalres in many of the seigniories
were left wholly unprotected, and were doomed to live under
a tenure which they might consider of a most burthensome
and odious character, while the Act gave to the seigniors an
absolute and unconditional property In the ungranted portions
of their fiefs, in direct violation of the wise and beneficent
Intentions of the edict of 17 ii, and the arrit oi 1732, and
the declaration of 1743, by which, as we have already shown,
the seigniors are bound to grant lands to such persons as apply
for them, subject only to the accustomed rents and dues.
To remedy the defects of this Act, and to provide for a
commutation between the seignior and censitaire, another Act
was passed by the Imperial Parliament in the sixth year of
His late Majesty George the Fourth, intituled, " An Act to
provide for the Extinction of Feudal and Seigniorial Rights
and Burthens on Land held h litre de fief et h titre de cens,
in the Province of Lower Canada, and for the gradual
Conversion of those tenures into the tenure of Free and
Common Soccage, and for other purposes relating to the
said Province." ^
Under this Act, the most objectionable part of the Act
3rd George IV., whereby the seignior is clothed with an
absolute and uncontrolled property in the wild lands of his
seigniory, not only stands unrepealed, but is confirmed.
On the legitimacy of these enactments, it Is not our pro
vince to comment ; but we are gratified to find the views we
entertain, regarding the vesting in the seigniors of an absolute
freehold estate in those unconceded lands, are supported by the
^ Above, pp. 292-299.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 347
authority of an address of the honourable House of Assembly
of Lower Canada to His Excellency the governor-in-chief,
presented in the session of 1824.^
The concluding part of that address is in the following
terms : " That the unconceded lands held by the seigniors
en fief in this province are held by them subject to be re-
granted to any applicant engaging to settle thereon, subject
only to the accustomed dues and conditions, and that it is on
grants of those lands that the cultivators of the soil in this
province depend for the settlement of their children, the said
cultivators and their children having a legal right to obtain
such grants.
" That any arrangement made under the said Act, 3rd
George IV., between His Majesty and the holders of such
waste lands In fief and seigniory, would be to deprive a third
party of an equal right which is beneficial to the Individual,
advantageous to the community, and guaranteed by the
capitulation of the colony, and by the Act of the fourteenth
year of the reign of His late Majesty.
" That this House conceiving that it is a duty Incumbent
on it, in so far as may depend upon this House, to protect
every right of its constituents, humbly represent the matter
to Your Excellency, and pray that, in any conditions which
may be imposed on any seignior surrendering lands under the
said Act, to obtain a grant thereof In free and common soccage,
such conditions may be Imposed on such seignior. In con
formity to the said Act, as may preserve entire the right of
the subject to a grant of the said waste lands, at the usual
redevances or dues and conditions."
We now come to the second branch of the subject of our
investigation, namely, as to the present working of the feudal
and seigniorial tenure In this province.
' This address may be found in the Journals of the House of Assembly of
Lower Canada, February 28, 1824.

348 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
In stating our views on this branch of the inquiry, we
must necessarily proceed on the assumption that the ex
orbitant pretensions of the seigniors, at the present day, are
just and founded in law as now administered.
Taking this for granted, it cannot be denied that this
system of tenure is in many respects vicious and is productive
of extreme Injury.
The dues and services exacted, without considering the
more common abuses, are oppressive to the land-owner, not
only from their variety, but from their nature.
The pecuniary dues of the censitaire are. In many instances,
more than he can liquidate ; while the reservations to which
he was forced to submit by his lord deprive him of the free
use of his land as proprietor. He is, in many instances, sub
jected to fines for neglect of certain services, in some cases of
mere form, by which his condition is fettered.
Instead of being able to add to his resources by developing
such advantages as his soil or Its natural position may pre
sent In the free exercise of mechanical skill, he is bound to
the land for the mere purpose of cultivation, and is dependent
on Its return for a precarious subsistence.
Thus, If he be possessed of a mill-site, or a spot of land
favourable to the construction and operation of machinery, he
is prohibited from using it. The reservations contained in
his deed of concession deprive him of the advantage of it,
except at a heavy cost. If his crop fail him, he may be kept
in a state of indigence, although able and willing to better
his condition by mechanical pursuits. He is thus kept In
a perpetual state of feebleness and dependence. He can
never escape from the tie that binds him and his progeny for
ever to the soil — as a cultivator he is born, as a mere cultivator
he is doomed to live and die.
By these means, all progressive improvement in the
country Is checked ; its resources for advancement in the arts
of civilised life are in the hands of the seigniors, and they

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 349
may alone reap the advantage. But even in the limited
sphere of action allowed to the censitaire under this tenure
he is controlled.
The odious claim of lods et ventes, or the mutation fine of
one-twelfth, eight and one-quarter per cent on the price
of his farm, which he is bound to pay on every mutation
of property by sale, or act equivalent to sale, not only
diminishes the value of his property, but checks the spirit
of enterprise. This fine is levied on his improvements, thereby taxing
his industry to an unlimited extent. The right to lods et
ventes is unquestionably legal ; but its injurious operation is
not the less felt.
Although principally oppressive in towns and villages, it
paralyses the whole country by its influence, for, by affecting
property in the towns and populous villages, the seats of
wealth and intelligence, its baneful operation is extended in
every direction.
The demoralising effect of this right Is unquestionable ;
because, to avoid its payment, the censitalres frequently resort
to fraud, often involving in their consequences the crime of
perjury. This is an event, at any rate in the District of
Montreal, of no infrequent occurrence, and as the value of
property becomes augmented, too likely to be continued.
In addition to these, are the rights of pre-emption, retrait
and corvie, or day labour, impeding in some degree the Im
provement of the country ; the retrait, when misapplied, pre
venting the free conveyance or transfer of property, and the
corvie being odious and humiliating to the man.
The right of pre-emption may be rendered most oppres
sive. It not only gives rise to great abuses in respect of the
tenant, by frustrating and interfering with his most cherished
plans of amelioration, but it opens the door to exactions on
the part of the seignior, against which it is wholly out of the
power of the tenant to protect himself, by enabling the

350 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
seignior to demand any sum he pleases for relinquishment of
his right under the name of a mutation fine.
This is no unfounded charge, for there exists evidence
of such abuse in some cases.
The right of corvie is hateful in the eyes of censitalres, and
It is a badge of servitude.
In many instances these corvies, at the execution of tltres-
nouvels, have been illegally superadded to the contents of the
original deeds of concession.
We cannot overlook a stratagem of which some seigniors,
as we are Informed, have availed themselves to elude the law
prohibiting the sale, by the seignior, of uncleared lands on
their concession for rent and an additional bonus.
The mode of proceeding to attain this object is by making
a fictitious concession to an agent or friend, who forthwith
sells the land and pays the price to the seignior.
Besides the burthens above mentioned, there are in many
seigniories the prohibition to build mills, the right of appro
priating six arpents for the erection of any mill by the seignior,
and this without Indemnity for the land, but paying for
Improvements only should there be any ; the right of taking
all timber, such as pine, oak, and saw logs, all stone, sand, and
materials necessary for building, and this without Indemnity ;
the right of changing the course of all streams or rivers for
manufacturing purposes, the right of ferry over rivers. It is
even made the subject of covenant In some early concessions,
that the tenant shall have the privilege of using any wood on
his land which he may require for his own use.
These reservations are past comment ; no system can be
devised better calculated to keep a man In perpetual sub
jection. Under it all the generous emotions of his nature
are stifled. Thus he gradually becomes Impoverished ; he
toils through existence without the hope of relief, and trans
mits to his posterity a worthless Inheritance. Under the
operation of such a tenure, his right of property may become

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 351
a mere delusion ; as a moral being he is degraded, and his
position is one of perpetual dependence.^
Let us now consider the means which the laws afford to
the seignior for the recovery of his rights, and the practical
consequences of the exercise of such legal remedies.
To secure these rights, the law awards to the seignior an
especial privilege : he is entitled to claim on the estate of his
vassal a preference over all persons. He can recover arrears
of cens et rentes for twenty-nine years. These arrears are not
only secured by a privileged lien on the land on which they
accrued, in preference to all other persons even to the vendor
of the soil, but operate as an incumbrance on all the other pos
sessions of the grantee from the date of his concession deed.
For the recovery of his lods et ventes he is equally preferred,
and it frequently happens that for arrears of that right, he
sweeps away the whole of the money arising from the sale of
the farm. The tenant is also subject to an action at law for
each of the rights and services due under his concession.
Although the amount of such dues in money may be trifling,
they have hitherto been deemed recoverable in the highest
courts of the province.
As the dues are charged upon the land itself, a judgment
must be there obtained to enable the seignior to bring it to sale,
and obtain payment. Thus the tenant is liable to heavy costs
for the recovery of a sum which, but for the nature of the
debt, would have been the subject-matter of a suit in a court
of inferior jurisdiction.
An instance of this mischievous tendency of the law In
reference to the compulsory observance of seigniorial service,
may be found In the case of the censitaire of the seigniory of
Beauharnois. The proprietor of the seigniory obtained letters patent for
the foundation of a land-roll {lettres de terrier), that is, the
> Attention may be directed to this paragraph as evidencing the strong bias
with which the report was prepared.

352 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
right of compelling the censitalres to take new titles, which
consist of an acknowledgment and reiteration of the terms and
conditions of the original grants.
Those censitalres who neglected to take such titles, for
which also they were bound to pay a fee to the notary, were
prosecuted, and judgments were rendered against them, con
demning them to accept new titles, and to pay five pounds
damages and costs for having neglected to conform to the
requirements of the law. The costs on an average amounted
to about ten pounds, thereby entailing an expense which,
in some instances, would lead to the sale of the tenant's
property. The files of the court of King's Bench for the District of
Montreal fearfully Illustrate the practical working of the
system ; for it will there be found that, out of the whole
number of actions brought in that court during the last three
years, about one-fifth part were instituted by seigniors for the
recovery of rights and services due under the tenure.'-
The result appearing from official returns and informa
tion is that, during the same period, somewhat more than
one-fifth of the judicial sales were made at the instance of
seigniors to enforce their judgments.
Such Is the operation of a tenure declared by its apologists
to be of surpassing excellence, and suitable to the wants and
conditions of the inhabitants of this province : but this is not
the view entertained by the Inhabitants themselves, who are
desirous of a change, although they differ in opinion respect
ing the nature of such change. They declare that their
burthens are Intolerable, and that unless the legislature comes
to their relief. Inevitable ruin awaits them.
Profoundly impressed with the Importance of this subject,
and its ultimate effect on the prosperity of this province and
the welfare of Its Inhabitants, we feel that the time has arrived
^ The decisions in several of these cases are printed in Titles and Docu
ments relating to the Seigniorial Tenure (Quebec, 1852), I., Appendix.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 353
when a change or modification of the law In respect of the
tenure of land can no longer with safety be withheld. It has
even been asserted, by persons from various sections of the
District of Montreal, that the feudal exactions, and the
neglect of the government to enforce the ancient laws of
the province in relation to the tenure, conduced In no small
degree to the outbreaks in 1837 and 1838.
The principal argument used by the advocates of the
feudal tenure is that. If the feudal property were converted
into free tenure, facilities would be afforded to land specula
tors to become proprietors of large tracts of land in the
seigniories, to the great inconvenience and, in some cases, to
the ruin of its Inhabitants.
This argument is not only ill-founded, but wholly in
applicable, for, under the present system, in some seigniories,
the real land speculators are the seigniors themselves.
The lands are brought to sale for payment of the high
rents, and the seignior, free from all competition, buys the
finest farms for sums scarcely adequate to the payment of the
arrears, and makes a traffic of the land by selling again for
large sums, or by conceding on conditions infinitely more
onerous, thereby securing to himself a monopoly ultimately
ruinous to his censitalres.
The operation of the tenure in this respect is an abuse
and a departure from its true spirit, and one likely to be
continued from the very nature of the burthens imposed on
the tenants.
In submitting our views upon a scheme of commutation,
we feel compelled to declare that we do so with great hesita
tion and diffidence.
A subject of such vast importance to the welfare of the
community ought not to be lightly treated, nor should any
scheme be proposed without possessing all that statistical
information relative to the seigniories without which its justice
and feasibility cannot be tested, and without a full knowledge

854 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
of the views and opinions of those most Interested in so great
a change. The conversion of a tenure ought not to be recommended
without the most unquestionable necessity, nor should the
change be determined upon except upon due consideration
of the necessary consequences to the rights and privileges of
those destined to be affected by it.
Viewing a conversion of tenure in the abstract, or as a
mere measure of public utility, called for by the advancement
of a country in intelligence and civilisation, it would be less
difficult to give the general outlines of a plan calculated to
effect It ; but regarding the tenure as one under which the in
habitants of this country have lived since its first settlement, as
one intimately blended with their laws and customs, the sub
ject becomes intricate and demands the maturest examination.
It cannot be denied that sound policy, for the ultimate
well-being of the inhabitants of this community, requires that
the feudal tenure should be abolished.
It is no longer suited to the spirit of the age nor the
actual wants of the population ; It is the relic of a barbarous
age, and, in Its practical operations, antagonist to the growth
and permanency of free institutions.
However advantageous it might have been in the infancy
of the colony, and favourable under wholesome restrictions
to the rapid settlement of the wilderness, its necessity Is no
longer felt ; and In a more advanced community, it operates
as a bar to the general Improvement and the prosperity of the
people. Situated as Is this country with a belt of land on either
bank of the river Saint Lawrence, and along its tributary
streams, held under the seigniorial tenure, but surrounded on
all sides by a population wholly opposed to It, and holding
their lands under rules of an adverse character, calculated to
create and to cherish opinions in unison with a higher state
of cIvUisatlon, it Is manifest that the force of circumstances

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 355
and the general advancement of the country must sooner or
later lead to this change.
In the one case, we should see a population rapidly
advancing to a high state of prosperity in agriculture and
mechanical pursuits, holding their lands under a tenure emi
nently adapted to foster the principles of freedom and develop
the energies of the man ; in the other case, a population strug
gling under the artificial and antiquated system of a bygone
age, with no ultimate hope of relief, and rendered discontented
by a comparison with their more fortunate neighbours.
A result so certain to arrive, It should be the wise policy
of a government to prevent. Under such circumstances, the
conversion of a tenure is no longer a matter of expediency, it
is one of necessity, and Is the only measure by which one
portion of the population can be rescued from certain degrada
tion. Were the tenure free, they would feel that they are
no longer bound to the soil, they would experience the prompt
ings of a generous emulation, and the necessary result would
be the emancipation of a people, and their advancement in all
the arts of civilised life.
Assuming, therefore, that the conversion of the tenure
would be expedient. It may be inquired whether such a change
is wished for by the entire population of the province. Upon
the very limited Information possessed by us, we cannot found
a general opinion as to that point.
The subject, although of the greatest Importance to the
whole community, has not, throughout the country, received
that degree of attention which It merits. We are possessed
of scattered opinions from various sections of the province,
but it would be improper to take these few communications
as the general sense of the whole population.
We think that the inhabitants of French origin have no
great wish to change the tenure of their lands, If it were to
be attended by the Introduction of any alteration of the laws
affecting their rights, although extremely desirous to be re-

356 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
lieved from their seigniorial burthens. They are anxious to
be exonerated from the burthens pressing most heavily on
them, but In few instances do they express a willingness to
pay any equivalent.
The great majority of the English population are In favour
of a commutation, and. In some instances, seem disposed to
give a fair indemnity to the seignior.
Modifications of the seigniorial tenure requisite to meet
the views of the majority of the French-Canadian population
we think Impracticable, without a great stretch of power.
The seignior must receive a compensation for his rights,
and this compensation can only be given by means of a
commutation. If the lods et ventes, banaliti, and excessive rents be
taken away without Indemnity, it would be a measure fraught
with manifest Injustice ; for these rights, to a certain extent,
are incidental to the very tenure, and in that degree are
guaranteed by law. If the tenure be allowed to continue,
these rights must also subsist as an essential part of it, and
the evils arising from it, the removal of which is so loudly
called for, must also remain unabated.
A commutation, therefore, is the only resource left, and
this commutation should be based on strictly just principles.
Before proceeding to discuss the various plans submitted
to us in the course of our inquiry. It is proper to determine
the exact position of the seignior towards his censitaire, and
the nature of his claims, and to distinguish those rights for
which he is entitled to an indemnity, from those which are In
their nature honorary or conventional, and which ought to be,
without any hesitation, utterly abolished.
The claims for whose surrender the seignior is entitled to
an indemnity are, first, the rent or cens et rentes, comprising
the corvies when stipulated ; secondly, the lods et ventes. These
two rights are those upon which the principle of commutarion
will chiefly turn.

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 357
Reserving the right of banalite for future discussion, we
have to observe, that for all the other rights and claims of
the seignior, such as the retrait and reservations of every
description, except such as are made in the interests of the
Crown, the seignior Is not, in our estimation, entitled to any
pecuniary Indemnity, and they ought to be for ever abolished ;
because the right of retrait Is only admitted as the means of
obviating frauds on the seignior, and not as a profitable right,
and the reservations for the most part are unauthorised by
law and repugnant to the principles of the tenure as intro
duced into this province.
On the subject of the rate of cens et rentes, we have already
expressed our opinion, and it will rest with the legislature
itself to determine that question, as it may affect the quantum
oi indemnity. . . .^
All of which Is humbly submitted by Your Excellency's
most obedient servants, A. Buchanan.
J. A. Taschereau.
James Smith.
Montreal, March 29, 1843.

No. 85. Memorandum of Peter Burnet, Esquire,
protesting against the proposed Method of Com
muting the Seigniorial Tenure, April, 1852.
Correspondence relative to the Seigniorial Tenure, 51-56.
The undersigned having resided for many years In Canada
acquired a large extent of property in that colony.
One part of this property, as appears by titles registered
1 The remaining pages of the report deal at length with the various schemes
of commutation which had been submitted to the commissioners. Though of
some interest, this part of the report is scarcely of sufficient importance to
warrant its publication in full.

358 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
in the Registre d' Intendance at Quebec, in the year 1723, is a
seigniory granted by the King of France, with the rights of
haute, moyenne and basse justice, peche and chasse, and liable to
foi and hommage to the Crown.
Another part of his property, as appears by titles enregistered
at Quebec In the year 1637, Is a free gift and grant, liable to
no such conditions, and this grant is not a titre de fief et
seigneurie, but by the law and custom of the country such
grants of land, whether made before or since the conquest,
have been treated as liable to the seigniorial tenure, under the
maxim of French law, nulle terre sans seigneur.
It has been the custom of Lower Canada to concede to
censitalres or tenants in perpetuity the lands in the seigniories
liable to very low rents, and to lods et ventes, or a fine of
one-twelfth of the value on each mutation of sale, and by an
arret oi the King of France of 1 7 1 1 , it was rendered com-
pulsatory in the seigniors to concede their lands without
requiring any sum of money by reason of the said concession,
but by another arret oi the King of France of the same year
and date, 171 1, such concessions and grants are to be made
only for actual settlement and improvement ; if the censitaire
or tenant did not reside on and improve the lands so con
ceded within a year and a day, the farm or grant became
reunited to the domain of the seignior.
The undersigned, and the seigniors generally, have not
exacted any sum of money by reason of the concession of their
lands, but complaints have been made that there are cases
where seigniors have attempted to do so, and although such
cases were sought for over the whole space of time since the
conquest, and found to have been extremely rare and to have
been corrected under the law and custom of the country, a
kind of excuse has been given, and as many of the censitalres
or tenants have become wealthy in consequence of the very
low annual rents they have been subject to, they are now
desirous of no longer being held liable to pay to the seignior

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 359
lods et ventes, or a fine on mutation by sale, and under these
circumstances two bills were introduced during the last session
of the House of Assembly, the one to define certain rights of
seigniors and censitalres In Lower Canada, and the other to
facilitate the redemption of seigniorial rights, and to convert
the tenure of the lands Into that oi franc [aleu\ roturier, and
fixes the Indemnity to be given to the seignior as compensation
for rents, lods and ventes, and other rights and privileges he
Is required to surrender and give up. The undersigned, from
some experience, and having been a member of the House of
Assembly for the city of Quebec, Is strongly of opinion that
the seigniorial tenure is far the most advantageous for the
settlement of a new country, and more especially where the
inhabitants are habituated thereto ; but if a change of tenure
be supposed by the legislature to be for the public good, he
and many of the seigniors do not complain or remonstrate ;
all they ask or desire is an equitable, fair, and just compensation
for that of which they are to be deprived and are required to
surrender and give up, and the object of the present Is to show
clearly and beyond all manner of doubt, that many of the
provisions of these bills are harsh and unjust towards the
seignior, a violation of the rights of property by arbitrary
legislation in favour of one class only, and contrary to the
welfare of the colony, by throwing the whole of the un
conceded lands into the hands of land jobbers and speculators
unconditionally. One arrit oi the King of France of the year
1 7 1 1 , for the protection of the censitalres or tenants. Is held to
be in force ; while another arrit of the King of France of the
same date, for the protection of the seigniors, Is abrogated or
rendered unavailable, and the seigniors are by express legisla
tion to be compelled to grant their unconceded lands to all
persons who may demand of them, and without any condition
or obligation whatsoever, as to residence on, or the improve
ment of the lands, unless such conditions are contained in the
original titles of the seignior, and even in that case the parties

360 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
who have enforced the concession to them of such lands are
to be considered as residing thereon, if they occupy any other
land, lot, or emplacement, within a distance of ten leagues
from the lands so conceded. It was stated in the House of
Assembly by the present attorney-general that the seigniors
who held seigniories a litre de haute justice probably enjoyed
certain rights and privileges In their quality as high justiciars
and not as seigniors, and that their rights ceased to exist after
the conquest, when justice became vested in the Crown. This
assertion was, however, avowedly a mere speculative opinion,
and as many of the grants of land in Lower Canada are not
h litre de fief et seigneurie by the original titles, consequently
those grants, if seigniories at all, can only be held liable to the
seigniorial tenure under the maxim of French lav/, nulle terre
sans seigneur, the proprietor of the lands so held is justly and
equitably entitled to the rights, privileges, and property, as
conferred by the tenure to which it is held to be liable, and
not being a high justice, could not by possibility have lost the
rights consequent on that title. By the preamble of the bill
to define the rights of seigniors and censitalres, it Is assumed
that certain acts have been done In violation of the conditions
under which the original grants of the seigniories were made,
the arret of the King of France of 1 7 1 1 , In relation to lands
In Canada granted as seigniories ; and the same powers are
to be conferred on the superior court of Lower Canada, as
the powers heretofore exercised by the governor and the
intendant. But several enactments of this bill go far beyond
the declaration In the preamble, and In direct terms confiscate
the property on the unnavlgable rivers, and the timber on the
lands ; both of which rights and property, Incontestably and
beyond all manner of doubt, appear to have formed part of
the property of the owners of land In France, not granted as
seigniories, but held liable to the seigniorial tenure, under the
maxim of French law, nulle terre sans seigneur. In the same
manner as similar grants of land In Lower Canada have been

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 361
held liable to the same tenure under sanction of the law and
custom of the country.
The effect to result from this legislation palpably is, that
practically the proprietors of extensive properties in Lower
Canada are held to be liable to the conditions of a certain
tenure, but are arbitrarily to be deprived of the rights of pro
perty such as were hitherto at all times freely exercised under
sanction of the law and custom of the country, as consequent
on the same tenure, and are not to be compensated for that of
which they are so deprived.
That part of the property admitted by these bills to
remain vested in the seignior, or persons holding lands under
the seigniorial tenure. Is to be estimated, valued, and paid for
on a change of tenure in a manner utterly contrary to equity
and justice, and in favour of one class only.
The compensation thus to be awarded to the seignior on
a change of tenure is not only rendered very precarious and
uncertain, but has no direct relation to the actual and real
value of the property, Is Infinitely less than what was recom
mended as a just and fair arrangement by the Canada com
missioners In their general report In 1836, and is founded on
principles entirely contrary to the evidence of the attorney-
general Ogden and solicitor-general O'Sullivan, as annexed
thereto, and to the more equitable manner of which the real
value of such seigniorial property was established In France,
when the regime feodal •^z.'s, done away with at the commence
ment of the Revolution In 1789-90. By the enactments of
the bills as now proposed In Canada : —
1st. — The annual rents are to be estimated by the present
rental, which is taken to represent the interest of capital at
6 per cent, and thus an annual and Increasing rent oi £12 Is
taken to represent ;^200, which is redeemable at the option of
the tenant, but not of the seignior.
In France, although the rigime fiodal was abolished in
revolutionary times, the rents were valued at twenty and

362 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
twenty-five years' purchase, and thus a rent of ^12 per annum
would represent £^'^0 capital payable to the seignior, a much
more equitable arrangement than that proposed at the present
moment In Canada.
2nd. — The lods and ventes, or fine of one-twelfth of the real
value, payable to the seignior on each mutation by sale, is to
be estimated by taking the receipts of fourteen years, and
after deducting the receipts of the two highest and two lowest
years, then assuming the average of the remaining ten years
as the value of the income of the seignior, and to represent
the Interest of capital at 6 per cent, redeemable at the option
of the censitaire or tenant, but not of the seignior, and dis
tributed In proportion to the lands of the whole seigniory.
This tortuous and confused mode of estimating and valuing
a revenue derived from so extremely fluctuating and increasing
a source as a fine on each mutation by sale, is palpably unjust
and a mere lottery, depending entirely on the accidental
circumstance of whether large sums have been paid In two, or
the same amount has been paid in three or more years, and a
seignior having a seigniory or seigniorial lands of ten times the
value, and having actually received ten times the amount of
income for fourteen years, may nevertheless actually receive
less compensation under these bills than a seignior having a
seigniory of only one-tenth of the value, but where the pay
ments of lods et ventes have happened to be made differently.
The rents of lands are excessively low, and a great source
of seigniorial revenue Is the lods et ventes, or fine due to the
seignior when property Is sold, and thus from Its nature the
receipts from lods et ventes are liable to very great fluctuation,
but of vastly increasing value, and the estimation and valua
tion to take place under the enactments of these bills has in
fact no relation to the actual and real value of the seignior's
property, and the amount so estimated and again revalued,
by being converted into capital at 6 per cent Interest, Is not
only quite Inadequate, but is arbitrary and unjust, as not

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 363
being founded on the real and actual value of the rights and
property the seignior is required to surrender and give up for
the public good, and is in direct contradiction to the opinions
of the attorney-general Ogden and the solicitor-general O'Sul
livan, as given in their evidence to the Canada commissioners
of 1836. A seignior, who for the last fourteen years has received of
lods et ventes, or fines on sales within his seigniory, an amount
of ;^ 1 600 in four payments, would have an average annual
income of about ;^i 15 per annum, which by this arbitrary and
oppressive plan of estimation and valuation would be reduced
to about £%o per annum, by deducting the two highest years,
and which sum of ;^8o per annum being taken as representing
the interest of capital at 6 per cent, would amount to about
;£i333) while the average Income actually received by the
seignior of ^{[115, from a source of vastly Increasing value,
taken at something more near to its actual value and real
value and as representing the Interest of capital at 4 per
cent, would amount to about £2%^:^, considerably more
than double the compensation as proposed to be awarded
to the seignior.
In a note attached to the general report of the Canada
commissioners of 1836, it is suggested that, on a change of
tenure where voluntary on the part of the censitaire, in no
case ought the commutation fine to be less than one ordinary
fine or lods et ventes ; on the contrary, it ought to exceed the
amount of such fine by the present value of all the reversionary
fines to which, if the tenure remained unaltered, the land will
be subject, and that taking in consideration all the circum
stances, it perhaps may be found that in voluntary commuta
tions of one-tenth of the actual value of the property will be
sufficient compensation to the seignior for the rights which he
surrenders ; but that In this allowance no estimation is made
for rents or any other feudal burthens beyond lods et ventes,
and that the rents may be easily calculated and redeemed at

364 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
so many years' purchase, or they might be left as a charge on
the property. By this calculation, however, the amount to
be paid to the seignior Is avowedly decreased under the sup
position that, as lands granted as seigniories with the rights
of haute justice, &c., &c., are liable to [the quint] or a fine to
the Crown on mutation by sale, this claim would be given
up by the Crown, and the benefit to arise from the remission
by the Crown would thus be divided between the censitaire
and the seignior ; It is therefore quite evident and dear that,
where lands are held under the maxim of law, nulle terre sans
seigneur, and consequently are not liable to any fine to the
Crown on mutation by sale, the seignior, on a change of
tenure by the censitaire. Is equitably entitled to a proportionate
Increase of compensation for the difference In the value of
that which he Is required to surrender and give up.
In the evidence of the attorney-general and of the solicitor-
general it Is recommended as equitable and just that the actual
value of the property liable to lods et ventes be ascertained by
experts or arbitrators. In France, when the regime feodal was
done away with, the valuation of the seignior's property subject
to lods et ventes on a change of tenure was taken as that of the
last sale If within ten years, and if no sale had taken place
within that term, and that the seignior and his tenant had not
come to an agreement, then the actual value was ascertained by
experts or arbitrators.
3rd. — The seigniors in Lower Canada who hold their
seigniories of the Crown, and also the proprietors of large
grants of land not granted a litre de fief seigneur, but held to
be liable to the seigniorial tenure under the maxim nulle terre
sans seigneur, have hitherto held and exercised the right of
property In the timber on the lands and control thereover, as
completely and entirely as in and over any other property or
real estate whatsoever ; this property is nevertheless to be
confiscated to the seignior or the proprietor. The timber
on the unconceded lands of the seigniories in France appears

SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA 365
not only to have been considered of a domanial nature, but
held under Les ordonnances des eaux et farits of 1669, which
continued in force till 1792. Timber was taken for the royal
navy, the seigniors were paid the value of the timber so taken,
and it seems quite Incontestable and beyond all manner of
doubt that, where property was held to be seigniorial under
the maxim nulle terre sans seigneur, the right of property in
the timber on the lands was just as entirely and completely
vested in the proprietor of the lands as the right of property
in any other immovable or real estate whatsoever.
4th. — By these bills the seigniors in Canada are deprived
of the control over unnavlgable rivers within their seigniories,
and of the property in the beds of such rivers, thus summarily
and arbitrarily interfering with the rights of property, and
assuming as a fact and legislating on that which Is not only
very doubtful, but has created so much difficulty as not to
be settled In France up to the present time ; and while this
enactment is to take place In Canada, from the avowed reason
that possibly those seigniors who were high justices In Canada
held some of their rights and privileges as high justices and
not as seigniors, yet the same enactments are rendered appli
cable to lands and rivers held under the maxim of law, nulle
terre sans seigneur, where the seigniors or proprietors were not
high justiciars, and under which tenure. In France, all such
property appears beyond all manner of doubt to have been
held as fully and entirely as any other property or immovable
whatsoever. 5th. — The undersigned and his predecessors have erected
extensive and valuable saw-mills, and under sanction of the
law and custom of the country have at all times freely
exercised the right of property In the timber on his seigniory
and lands, but by the enactments of these bills the seignior or
proprietor is deprived of the right of property in the timber
on his seigniory and lands, and consequently those extensive
and valuable saw-mills will in fact virtually be confiscated.

366 SEIGNIORIAL TENURE IN CANADA
The arrit of the King of France of 1 7 1 1 , for the protection
of the seignior, and to enforce the actual settlement and
improvement of the country, being abrogated, or set aside
by those bills, and the granting unconditionally of the un
conceded lands to all who may demand of them rendered
obligatory on the seignior. It Inevitably follows that land
jobbers and speculators are to be empowered to demand the
concession to them of the whole of the lands on which there
is timber, and without any Intention of the improvement or
settlement of those lands, but for the express purpose of
cutting and selling the timber, leaving the lands denuded
and waste, and thus deteriorated, no longer in a fit state to
be conceded for actual settlement and Improvement, and the
seignior without any recourse whatsoever, unless that of
resuming the lands after the whole of the timber has been
cut and carried off. Peter Burnet.
Nice, Italy, April 1852.

INDEX

Act, Constitutional (1791), extracts
from, 281 ; Canada Trade (1822),
extracts from, 290 ; Canada Trade
and Tenures, extracts from, 292
Amyot, Charles-Joseph, seignior of
Vincelotte, 142
Arbre-k-la-Croix, seigniory of. See
Hertel, sub-seigniory of
Arpent, as a unit of length and of
area, 6
Arret, concerning seigniorial mills
(1686), 61 ; of retrenchment (1672),
32 ; empowering the governor and
intendant to make grants jointly
(1676), 41 ; ordering retrenchment
of grants (1679), 43 ; delay in pro
mulgating, 77 ; of Marly (i7ii),9i ;
royal instructions regarding the en
forcement of, 166; draft of an, for
the reform of abuses (17 17), 157 ; of
Versailles (1732), 174; concerning
concessions and revocations (1743),
188
Associates, Company of One Hundred,
extracts from the charter of, 3 ; ex
tracts from the by-laws of, 5 ; sur
render of all rights in New France
by, 10 ; claims compensation from
the crown, 1 1
Aubert, Jacques, purchases seigniory
of Grondlnes, 127
 Louis, Sieur de la Chesnaye,
seignior of Yamaska, 124
Auteuil, seigniory of, described by
Catalogne, 129
 Denis-Joseph Rouette, Sieur d',
inherits seigniory of Jacques Cartier,
77 ; succeeds his father as attorney-
general of the colony, 129
 Frangois - Magdelaine - Fortune
Ruette, Sieur d', attorney-general of
New France, seignior of Jacques
Cartier, 77 ; seignior of Auteuil, 129
Aveux et denombrements, nature of,
53 ; despatch of Vaudreuil and

3S7

Bdgon concerning, 167; delay of
the religious orders in filing, 172 ;
mentioned by Carleton, 236
Baie St. Antoine (or Lef^bre),seigniory
of, described by Catalogne, 125
Barony of Portneuf, letters -patent
establishing, 53 ; of Longueuil,
letters-patent establishing, 66 ; of
Longueuil, later history of, 69 ; of
Islets, established for Talon, 133
Bathurst, Earl, correspondence of,
with Governor Dalhousie, regarding
the seigniorial tenure, 299
Batiscan, seigniory of, granted to
Jesuits, 123
Baye St. Paul, seigniory of, described
by Catalogne, 136
Baye du F^bre, seigniory of. See Baie
St. Antoine
Beaubien, Michel Trottier, Sieur de,
seignior of Riviere du Loup-en-
Haut, 119
Beauharnois, Charles, Marquis de,
governor of New France (1726-
1747), discusses seigniorial abuses,
169; complains of conduct of seig
niors, 172 ; makes report concern
ing enforcement of royal orders,
176 ; asks royal favour for Major
P&n, 177 ; reports various new
grants of seigniories, 178; proposes
military settlement at Crown Point,
181
Beaumont, seigniory of, described by
Catalogne, 140
Beauport, seigniory of, its title-deed,
7; described by Catalogne, 134
Beauprd, seigniory of, mentioned in
Catalogne's report, 134
Bdcancour, Pierre Robineau, Sieur de,
obtains fief of Becancour, 126
 Rend Robineau, Sieur de, be
comes Baron de Portneuf, 53 ; ac
quires the fief of Becancour, 126

368

INDEX

Bdcancour (Bdcancourt or Rividre
Piiante), seigniory of, granted to Le
Gardeur de Repentlgny, 126
Bdcart (or Bequart) Pierre, Sieur de
Granville, captain in the Carignan
regiment, first seignior of Isle du
Portage, 144
Bdgon, Michel, intendant of New
France (1712-1724), complains of
seigniorial abuses, 153; explains
system of aveux et denombrdments,
167 ; receives instructions regarding
grants of seigniories, 160 ; writes
to minister concerning uncleared
seigniories, 163
Belair, seigniory of. See Pointe aux
Escureuils
Bdlanger, seigniory of. See Bonse
cours
 Charles, seignior of Bonsecours,
143
Bellechasse, seigniory of. See Ber
thier-en-Bas
Bellevance. See Gagnd.
Bellevue (or Chicoiianne), seigniory
of, described in Catalogne's report,
114
Bequet, seigniory of. See Ldvrard
 ¦ Romain, royal notary of Quebec,
126
Berchereau, Frangois de Chavigny,
Sieur de, first seignior of Escham
bault, 128
Bergdres, Charles des, Sieur de RIgau
vIlle, bequeaths fief of Berthier-en-
Bas to Hotel Dieu at Quebec, 141
 Nicholas des, Sieur de Rigauville,
seignior of Berthier-en-Bas, 141
Bernier (or Fournier, or St. Joseph),
seigniory of, described by Cata
logne, 142
 Jacques, seignior of Bernier, 142
Berthelot, Frangois, obtains seigniory
of Isle Jdsus, 38 ; exchanges Isle
Jdsus for Isle d'Orldans, and be
comes Comte de St. Laurent, 39,
136
Berthier, Alexandre, purchases Ber
thier-en-Haut from Lieutenant
Raudin, 106 ; obtains seigniory of
Berthier-en-Bas, 141
Berthier-en-Bas (or Bellechasse), seig
niory of, described by Catalogue,
Berthier-en-Haut, seigniory of, de
scribed by Catalogne, 106

Bertrand, Thomas, seignior of Lauzon,
139
Bissot, Frangois, Sieur de la Riviere,
139 . .
 Frangois, the younger, co-seignior
of Vlncennes, 140
 Jean-Baptiste, co-seignior of
Vlncennes, 140
Blainville, seigniory of, formed from
Mille Isles, 103
Board of Trade, report of, on methods
of granting lands in Canada, 238
Boisseau (or Bolsselldre), seigniory of,
mentioned by Catalogne, 115
 Pierre, purchases seigniory of
Chicoiianne or Bellevue, 114 ; owner
of the fief of Boisseau, 115
Bolsselldre, seigniory of. See Boisseau
Bonhomme, seigniory of, described in
Catalogne's report, 131
 Guillaume, seignior of Bon
homme, 131
Bonsecours, seigniory of, described by
Catalogne, 143
Bouchard. See Isles Bouchard
Boucher, Pierre, first seignior of Bou
cherville, III
 Pierre, the younger, Sieur de
Boucherville, obtains fief of Gati
neau, 120
 Lambert, Sieur de Grand-Prd,
obtains fief of Petit Yamachiche, or
Grosbois, 120
Boucherville, seigniory of, described
by Catalogne, 1 1 1
Bourdon, Jean, obtains seigniories of
Dautrd and Derrldre Dautrd, 106 ;
first seignior of Pointe aux Trem
bles, 130
 Jean-Frangois, seignior of Polnte
aux Trembles, 130
Bouteillerie, Jean-Frangois Des
champs, Sieur de la, first seignior
of Rividre Ouelle, 144
Brisset, Jacques, seignior of Isle
Dupas, 117
Bruneau. See Joseph Petit
Burnet, Peter, memorandum of, pro
testing against the scheme of com
muting the seigniorial tenure, 357
Buterne, M. de, asks for a barony in
New France, 36
CAB.4NAC, Joseph Desjordy, Sieur de,
co-seignior of Champlain, 122
Cadillac. See Lamotte-Cadillac

INDEX

369

Caen, Guillaume de, obtains seigniory
at Cap Tourmente, 4 ; title-deed of,
revoked, 135
Camoraska, seigniory of. See Kamou
raska
Cap de la Magdelaine, seigniory of,
described by Catalogne, 165
 St. Michel, seigniory of, held by
descendants of Michel Messier, 113
 Tourmente, seigniory and barony
of, granted to Guillaume de Caen, 4 ;
described by Catalogne, 135
Capitaine de la milice, to certify failure
of habitants to clear their lands, 94 ;
other duties of, 149
Capitulation, of Montreal, articles in,
relating to seigniors, 193
Card money, evils of, referred to by
Catalogne, 149
Carignan-Salldres, Rdglment de, sent
to New France, 22 ; previous history
of, 23
Carleton, General Guy (later Lord
Dorchester), governor of Canada
(1768-1778, 1786- 1796), receives
memorandum from Francois Mon
nier, 216; reports regarding the
administration of English law in
Canada, 227 ; drafts an ordinance
for continuing French laws relating
to tenures, 232 ; outlines seigniorial
system, 235 ; receives instructions
permitting new seigniorial grants,
240 ; attempts to secure feudal mili
tary service, 241 ; issues proclama
tion calling for performance of fealty
and homage, 246
Casgrain, Henri-Raymond, proprietor
of Rividre Ouelle, 144
Castillon, Jacques, director of the
Company of One Hundred Asso
ciates, obtains seigniory in Canada,
6 ; first seignior of Isle d'Orldans,
136
Catalogne, Gdddon de, engineer, pre
pares report on the state of the
seigniories, 94 ; seignior of Prairies
Marsolet, 121
Cens et rentes, decision of military
court regarding rate of, 195 ; report
of solicitor-general concerning, 256 ;
report of commissioners of 1843 re
garding lack of uniformity in amount
of, 318, 325
Chambly, seigniory of, described by
Catalogne, 117

Chambly, Philippe de, captain in
Carignan regiment, first seignior of
Chambly, 117
Champigny, Jean Bochart de, In
tendant of New France (1686-1702),
despatch of, to minister concerning
agricultural progress, 65
Champlain, seigniory of, described by
Catalogne, 122
 Edmond de, acquires share In
fief of Ste. Anne de la Pdrade,
123
 Samuel de, founder of New
France, governor for Company of
One Hundred Associates, 9
Chandler, Colonel Kennelm Connor,
seignior of Nicolet, 125
Charest, Etienne, seignior of Charest,
139.
Chartler, Rend-Louis Thdandre, Sieur
de Lotbinidre, co-seignlor of Lot
binidre, 138
ChcLteauguay, seigniory of, described
by Catalogne, 107
Chavigny, Frangois de, Sieur de Ber
chereau, first seignior of Escham
bault, 128
 Frangois de, Sieur de la Chev
rotidre, inherits seigniory of La
Chevrotidre, 128 ; establishes In
dustries In Berthler, 179
 Genevidve de, seignloress of
Vincelotte, 142
Chicoiianne (or Bellevue), seigniory
of, described by Catalogne, 114
 (or Chicoine), Pierre, purchases
seigniory of Bellevue, 114
Chorel, dit Dorvilliers, Frangois, Sieur
de St. Romain, part owner of Ste.
Anne de la Pdrade, 123
Churches, seigniorial, number and
nature of, 61 ; rights of seigniors in,
88
Clergy Reserves, provisions of Act of
1 79 1 relating to, 282 ; opinion of
law officers of the crown regarding
scope of, 284
Colbert, Jean-Baptiste, minister of
Louis XIV., instructions of, con
cerning clearing of seigniories, 42 ;
advises that settlements be made
contiguously, 64
 Jean-Baptiste, the younger, Mar
quis de Seignelay, minister of
marine (1676-1690), receives reports
from Denonville, 63
2 A

370

INDEX

Company of New France. See Com
pany of One Hundred Associates
Company of the Occident, obtains
monopoly of colonial trade, 164
Company, of One Hundred Associates
(or Company of New France), ex
tracts from charter of, 3 ; extracts
from by-laws of, 5 ; surrenders
rights, 10 ; claims compensation,
II ; revokes Caen's title, 135
Company of the West Indies, extract
from charter of, 17
Contrecceur, seigniory of, described
by Catalogne, 115. See also
Pdcody
Corvee, nature and extent of in New
France, 153 ; report of the commis
sioners of 1843 on, 323
Couillard, Charles, Sieur des Islets et
de Beaumont, seignior of Beau
mont, 140
 Genevidve, seignloress of Isle St.
Jean, 143
 Jean-Bapriste, Sieur de I'Espi
nay, co-seignior of L'Espinay (or
L'Eplnay), 141
 Louis, Sieur de I'Espinay, co-
seignlor of L'Espinay (or L'Eplnay),
141 ; purchases Isle aux Grues, 144.
See also Pointe k la Taille, and
Rividre du Sud
Council, Executive, resolutions of, re
garding the seigniorial system, 273
 for Trade. See Board of Trade
 of Marine, extract from minutes
of, regarding seigniorial abuses in
Canada, 153
 Superior, of New France, orders
promulgation of arret of 1686, 62
Courcelle, Daniel de Remy, Sieur de,
governor of New France (1665-
1672), approves Talon's plan of mili
tary seigniories, 22
Court, of the Prevote, at Quebec, its
establishment, 52 ; its appellate
jurisdiction, 78
 royal, at Three Rivers, to hear
appeals from seigniorial courts, 79.
See also Justice
Courthiau, Pierre-Noel, seignior of
Berthier-en-Haut, 106, 245
Courval, seigniory of. See Nicolet
 Jean-Baptiste Poulin, Sieur de,
seignior of Nicolet, 125
Crequy, Le Comte de, is refused a
seigniory in New France, 165

Cressd, seigniory of See Nicolet
 Michel, seignior of Nicolet, 125
Crevier, Jean, first seignior of St.
Frangois, 124
Crown Point, proposals for military
settlement at, 181
Cures, relation of, to seigniors, 58 ;
asked to certify violations of royal
orders, 94. See also Churches
Custom of Normandy, habitants in
Neuf France accustomed to follow
provisions of, 154
 of Paris, Introduced In New
France, 19 ; provisions of, regarding
droit de retrait, 73 ; provisions of,
concerning seigniorial ovens, 74.
See also Vexin
Cuthbert, James, purchases BertMer-
en-Haut, 106 ; attempts to enforce
military service, 245
Dablon, Pdre, conveys Isle Jdsus to
Frangois Berthelot, 38
Daguesseau (or D'Aguesseau), Henri-
Frangois, eminent jurist, requested
to draft an arret for the reform of
seigniorial abuses, 82 ; draft arret
prepared by, 157
Daigneaux, Michel, Sieur Douville,
obtains title-deed of lands, 180
Daillebout, Jean, Sieur d'Argenteuil,
receives title-deed of seigniory, 180
Dalhousie, George Broun - Ramsay,
ninth Earl of, governor of Canada
(1820- 1828), correspondence of,
with Earl Bathurst, regarding seig
niorialism, 299 ; issues proclamation
making regulations for changes in
tenures, 304
D' Amours, Matthieu, member of the
Superior Council, 78
Dandonneau, Louis, Sieur du Sabld,
purchases Isle Dupas, 117
D'Argenteuil, Jean Daillebout, Sieur,
receives title-deed of seigniory, 180,
D'Auteull. See Auteuil
Dautrd (or Dautray), seigniory of, de
scribed by Catalogne, 106
 Derrldre, seigniory of, granted
to Jean Bourdon, 106
Delorme, Pierre Hazeur, curd of
Champlain, 88
Demaure (or St. Augustin), seigniory
of, described by Catalogne, 130
Denonville, Jacques-Rend de Brisay,
Marquis de, governor of New France

INDEX

371

(1685- 1689), reports on the diffi
culties of colonial agriculture, 63;
urges cultivation of hemp, 84
Denys, Charles, Sieur de Vltrd, seig
nior of Mont-k-Peine, 140
 Simon-Pierre, Sieur. du Tartre,
seignior of Isle St. Jean, 143
Deschaillons, seigniory of See Isle
Deschaillons
 Roch de St. Ours, Sieur, obtains
augmentation of Rividre du Chene,
127
Deschamps, Jean-Frangois, Sieur de
la Bouteillerie, first seignior of
Rividre Ouelle, 144
Deshaguais, M., eminent jurist. Is re
quested to draft an arret for the
reform of seigniorial abuses, 82 ;
draft of an arret by, 157
Desjordy, Frangois, purchases Isles
Bouchard, 104
 Joseph, Sieur de Cabanac, seig
nior of Champlain, 88, 122
Desrulsseaux, Joseph Trottier, Sieur,
buys Isle Perrot, 107
DoUier de Casson, Frangois, third
superior of the seminary of St.
Sulpice, 100
Dorvilliers. See Chorel.
Douville, Michel Daigneaux, Sieur,
receives title-deed of lands, 180
Dower, provisions regarding. In Cus
tom of Paris, 261
Droit d'slinesse, in succession to seig
niorial lands, 261
 de pdche, nature and scope of,
155 ; report of the solicitor-general
on, 255
 de retrait, references of Raudot
to, 86 ; report of the solicitor-general
on, 254 ; reference of the commis
sioners of 1843 to, 357
Dubrache, Pierre, Sieur Dupas, seig
nior of Isle Dupas, 117
Duchene, seigniory of, formed from
Mille Isles, 103
Duchesnay, Ignace Juchereau, Sieur,
seignior of Beauport, 134
Duchesneau, Jacques, intendant of
New France (1676-1682), 42 ; de
spatch of, to minister concerning
progress of seigniorial system, 45 ;
animosity of, to Frontenac, 47 ; re
ports on progress in New France,
49 ; discusses relation of cures to
seigniors, 58

Dugud, Sidrac, Sieur de Bois Briant,
officer of the Carignan regiment,
lawsuit of, with Rend Gaultier de
Varennes, 46 ; obtains seigniory of
Mille Isles, 102 ; obtains Isle Ste.
Thdrdse, 112
Dupas, Pierre Dubrache, Sieur, seig
nior of Isle Dupas, 117
Duplessis, Louis Gatineau, purchases
seigniory of Gatineau, 120
 Reynard, seignior of Lauzon, 139
Dupont, Nicholas, Sieur de Neuville,
member of the Superior Council,
78 ; seignior of Pointe aux Trembles,
130
Dupre, Nicholas, merchant of Mon
treal, seignior of Mille Isles, 102
Dupuis, Paul, officer of the troops,
seignior of Isle du Portage, 144
Durantaye, seigniory of, described by
Catalogne, 141
 Louis-Joseph Morel, Sieur de la,
inherits seigniory of La Durantaye,
141 ; asks right to collect lods et
ventes on exchanges, 162
 Olivier Morel, Sieur de la, cap
tain in the Carignan-Salldres, first
seignior of La Durantaye, 141 ; ob
tains Kamouraska, 144
Dutarte, seigniory of See Isle St.
Jean.
Dutort. See Lingtot.
Eschambault, seigniory of, described
by Catalogne, 128
 Jacques-Alexis de Fleury, Sieur
d', seignior of Eschambault, 128
Espinay. See Couillard
Faussemb.\ULT, seigniory of, de
scribed by Catalogne, 130
Fealty and Homage, rendered by
Giffard, 8 ; the ceremony of, 52 ;
proclamation of Carleton calling
seigniors to render, 246
Firewood, seigniorial reservations of,
155. 6>£ also Reservations.
Fisheries, proposals of Raudot regard
ing, 76 ; of Rividre Ouelle, 145.
See also Droit de peche
Fleury, Jacques-Alexis de, Sieur d'Es
chambault, seignior of Escham
bault, 128
Fortel (or Fortelle), Frangois Robin
eau, Sieur de, obtains Isles Bouch
ard, 104

372

INDEX

Four Banal. See Ovens, seigniorial
Fournier. See Bernier
Frontenac, Louis de Buade, Comte
de, governor of New France (1672-
1682, 1689-1698), forwards petition
of Jesuits, 39 ; is recalled to France,
42 ; complaints of Duchesneau re
garding conduct of, 58
Fur Traffic, interference of, with agri
cultural progress, 49
Gagn£, seigniory of, described in
Catalogne's report, 142
 Louis, dit Bellevance, 142
Gagnier, Anne, seignioress of Auteuil,
129
Gatineau, seigniory of, granted to
Boucher de Boucherville, 120
Gaudais, Louis, Sieur du Pont, com
mission of, to Investigate conditions
in New France, 14
Gaudarvllle, seigniory of, amount of
rentes in, 74 ; described by Cata
logne, 130
Gaultier, Rend, Sieur de Varennes,
lieutenant in the Carignan regiment,
obtains seigniory of Tremblay, 1 10 ;
first seignior of Varennes, 112
Gentilshommes, poverty of, 49 ; list of,
given by Hocquart, 187 ; after the
conquest, 202
Gentllly, seigniory of, described by
Catalogue, 150
 Frangois Poisson, Sieur de, seig
nior of Gentllly, 1 50
Giffard, Robert, first seignior of
Beauport, 7 ; renders fealty and
homage, 8 ; seignior of St. Ignace
and of St. Gabriel, 132 ; wrongfully
termed " marquis de Beauport " by
Catalogne, 134
Godefroy (or Godfroy), seigniory of,
described by Catalogne, 125
 Jean-Baptiste, Sieur de LInctot
(or Lingtot), seignior of Godefroy,
125
 Louis, Sieur de Normanville,
seignior of Pointe du Lac, 120
 Michel, first seignior of Lingtot
(or LInctot), 150
 Rend, Sieur de Tonnancour,
seignior of Pointe du Lac, 120; part
owner of Godefroy, 125
Grandmalson (or Guillaudidre), seig
niory of, mentioned by Catalogne,
113

Grandmaison, Eldonore de, seignioress
of Eschambauh, 128
Grand Ance, seigniory of, described
by Catalogne, 143
 Yamachiche, seigniory of, bought
by Charles and Julien Le Sieur,
120
 voyer, duties of, 147, 201
Grant, Charles Colmore, seventh
baron of Longueull, 69
Granville, Pierre Bdcart (or Bdquart),
Sieur de, first seignior of Isle du
Portage, 144
Grondlnes, seigniory of, granted to
Madame de Combalot, 127
Grosbois, seigniory of. See Petit
Yamachiche
Guillaudidre (or Grandmalson), seig
niory of, described by Catalogne,
113
Haldimand, Frederick, governor of
Canada (1778-1786), acquires seig
niory of Sorel (or Saurel), 116 ; de
spatch of, concerning seigniorial
incidents, 248
Hamelin, Louis, seignior of Grondlnes,
127
Hebert, Louis, seignior of Sault au
Matelot, 4
Hemp, cultivation of, suggested by
Raudot, 84 ; .urged by Catalogne,
146
Hdrisson, Michel Leneuf, Sieur du,
obtains lands at Three Rivers, 149
Hertel (or Arbre-k-la-Croix), rear-
seigniory of, described by Catalogne,
122
 Frangois, Sieur de Chambly,
obtains seigniory of Chambly, 117;
acquires arridre-fief of Hertel, 122
Hocquart, Gilles, intendant of New
France (1729-1748), despatch of,
regarding abuses, 169 ; complains
of conduct of seigniors, 172 ; de
crees forfeiture of lands, 174 ; re
ports concerning enforcement of
royal orders, 170 ; asks favour for
Major Pean, 177 ; reports various
new grants, 178 ; proposes military
settlement at Crown Point, 181 ;
describes the French-Canadians,
Hotel Dieu at Quebec, donation of
fief to, 132 ; acquires Berthier-en-
Bas, 141

INDEX

373

Hunaut, Joseph, habitant of Isle Per
rot, contestation of with M. I^e Due,
194
Intendant, office of. In New France,
6; duties of, 196. See also Talon,
Duchesneau, Raudot, Bdgon, Hoc-
quart
Isle k la Fourche, added to seigniory
of Nicolet, 125
 aux Coudres, described by Cata
logue, 136
 aux Grues au Canot, seigniory
of, mentioned In Catalogne's report,
144
 aux Oyes, seigniory of. See Isle
du Portage
 Deschaillons, part of seigniory of
St. Ours, 115; described by Cata
logne, 127
 d'Orldans (or St. Laurent), seig
niory and countship of, described
by Catalogne, 136
 • Dupas, seigniory of, acquired by
Jacques Brisset, 117
 du Portage (or Isle aux Oyes),
seigniory of, described by Catalogne,
144
 Jdsus, seigniory of, purchased by
Frangois Berthelot, 38 ; exchanged
for Isle d'Orldans, 39 ; given to
seminary at Quebec, 102
 Madame, Included In seigniory of
Ldvrard, 126
 Perrot, seigniory of, granted to
Frangois-Marie Perrot, 107
 St. Jean, seigniory of, described
by Catalogne, 143
- — ¦ Ste. Hdldne given to Lemoyne de
Longueuil, no
 Ste. Thdrdse, granted to Sidrac
Dugud, 112
Isles Bouchard, seigniory of, described
by Catalogne, 104
 Communes (or Isles Percdes),
part of seigniory of Boucherville, in
 de la Paix, form part of seigniory
of Chateauguay, 107
 Lamoureux, included in fief of
Tremblay, in
 Mlngan, seigniory of, title-deed
of, signed by Intendant only, 47
Jarret, Frangois, Sieur de Verchdres,
ensign In the Carignan regiment,
first seignior of Verchdres, 114

Jarret, Jean-Baptlste, Sieur de Ver
chdres, Inherits seigniory, 114
Jeantilly, seigniory of. See Gentllly
Jesuits (Reverend Fathers of the
Society of Jesus), obtain fief of
Notre-Dame-des-Anges, 4 ; protest
against action of Talon, 30 ; petition
for augmentation of La Prairie, 39 ;
obtain mission of Sault St. Louis,
108 ; acquire La Prairie de la Mag
delaine and St. Lambert, 109 ; ob
tain fief of Cap de la Magdelaine,
121 ; grant sub-seigniory of Arbre-
k-la-Croix to Jacques Hertel, 122 ;
acquire Batiscan, 123 ; obtain fief
of Slllery, 131 ; lands of, pass to the
crown, 133 ; fealty and homage of,
refused by Haldlmand, 247
Jesus, Reverend Fathers of the Society
of. See Jesuits
Jeu de fief, obligation of, established
by first arrdt of Marly, 91 ; report
of solicitor-general on, 254 ; report
of commissioners of 1843 on, 315
Juchereau, Ignace, Sieur Duchesnay,
seignior of Beauport, 134
 Nicholas, Sieur de St. Denis,
inherits Beauport, 134; first seig
nior of Grand Ance, 143
Juges-consuls, appointment of, re
commended by Catalogne, 147
Justice, seigniorial, scope of, 26 ; ad
ministered subject to royal courts,
35 ; opinion of Murray regarding
administration of, 198; report of
Carleton on, 236 ; privilege of, not
to be continued, 239 ; abolished by
British authorities, 263 ; opinion of
M. de Lanaudidre regarding ad
ministration of, 270 ; report of com
missioners of 1843 O") 3'2
Kalm, Peter, Swedish naturalist, his
description of New France, 185
Kamouraska, seigniory of, described
by Catalogne, 185
L'Assomption, seigniory of. See Re
pentlgny
La Chesnaye (or Lachenaie), seig
niory of, described by Catalogne,
103
 Louis Aubert, Sieur de, seignior
of Yamaska, 124
La Chevrotidre, seigniory of, described
by Catalogne, 128

374

INDEX

La Chevrotidre, Frangois de Chavigny,
Sieur de, seignior of La Chevrotidre,
128
La Citiere, Louis de Lauzon, Sieur de,
seignior of Gaudarvllle, 130
La Corne (or Lacorne), Frangois-
Antoine de, seignior of Contrecoeur,
 de St. Luc, seignior of Terre
bonne, attempts to exact military
service, 242
Lamotte-Cadillac, Antoine de, makes
grants of land at Detroit, 251
Lamotte (or La Motte), Dominique
de, Sieur de Lucidres, officer in the
Carignan regiment, mentioned in
Talon's despatch, 28; seignior of
Lussaudidre, 124
Lamoureux. See Isles Lamoureux
Langlois, Noel, seignior of Port Joli, 51
Langloiserie. See Piot
Lanaudidre, Charles de, petitions for
commutation of tenure, 250; sub
mits answers to various questions,
267
 Jacques-Thomas Tarieu, Sieur
de, co-seignior of Ste. Anne de la
Perade, 123
La Noraye (Lanoraie, or La Nord),
seigniory of, described by Cata
logne, 105
 Louis de Niort, Sieur de, seig
nior, 105
La Noiie, Zacharie Robutel, Sieur de,
acquires fief of Chateauguay, 107
La Pierre, arridre-fief of, described by
Catalogne, 121
Lapierre. See Charles Le Sieur
La Prairie de la Magdelaine, seig
niory of, granted to Jesuits, 30 ;
augmentation of, asked for, 39; in
creased in area, 40 ; described by
Catalogne, 109
La Rividre, Frangois Bissot, Sieur de,
seignior, 139
La Tesserie, Eldonore de Grand
maison, Madame de, seignioress of
La Chevrotidre, 128
La Touche, Etienne Pdzard, Sieur de,
first seignior of Champlain, 122
La Trinitd, seigniory of, described by
Catalogne, 113
Laubia, Sieur de, officer in Rdglment
de Broglle, asks permission to sell
fief, 38 ; obtains seigniory of Nico
let, 125

Lauzon, seigniory of, described by
Catalogne, 139
 Frangois de, makes grant to
Jesuits, 30
 Jean de, governor of New France
(1651-1656), seignior of Lauzon,
139
 Louis de, Sieur de la Cltidre,
seignior of Gaudarvllle, 130
Laval, Frangols-Xavler de, vlcar-apos-
tollc In New France, and first bishop
of Quebec, 13; exchanges Isle d'
Orleans for Isle Jdsus, 39, 136
La Vallidre, Michel Le Neuf, Sieur de,
seignior of Yamaska, 123
La Valterie, seigniory of, described by
Catalogne, 105
 Sdraphin Margane, Sieur de,
lieutenant in Carignan-Salieres, ob
tains seigniory, 105
Law, John, promotor of commercial
companies, 164
Law Officers, of the crown, opinions
of, regarding changes In Canadian
tenures, 284, 288
Le Barroys, Mille-Edmd, sent to New
France by company, 18 ; proposes
change in methods of granting
lands, 20
Lechasseur, Jean, seignior of Rividre-
du-Loup-en-Haut, 119
Le Due, Jean-Baptiste, seignior of
Isle Perrot, 194
Lefdbre, seigniory of. See Baie St.
Antoine
 Jacques, seignior of Baie St.
Antoine, 125
Le Gardeur, Charles, Sieur de Tilly,
member of the Superior Council, 78
 Charles-Pierre, Sieur de Villiers,
seignior of Bdcancour, 126 ; seignior
of Tilly, 139
— — Pierre, Sieur de Repentlgny,
seignior of La Chesnaye, 103 ; seig
nior of Repentlgny, 103; seignior of
Bdcancour, 126
Le Maitre, Simon, director of Com
pany of One Hundred Associates,
obtains seigniory in New France, 6
Lemire, Jean, seignior of Prairies Mar
solet, 122
Lemoine (or Le Moyne), Joseph, seig
nior of New Longueuil, 109
Lemoyne (or Ste. Marie prds Batis
can), seigniory of, described by
Catalogne, 123

INDEX

375

Lemoyne (or Lemoine), Jean, first
seignior of Ste. Marie, 123
Le Moyne (or Lemoyne), Charles, the
elder, obtains seigniory of Chateau
guay, 107 ; obtains seigniory of Lon
gueull, 109
 Charles, the younger, first baron
of Longueull, 66
 Jacques, Sieur de Ste. Hdldne,
seignior of La Trinitd, 113
 Joseph, Sieur de Longueuil, re
ceives ratification of grant, 179
Leneuf, Jacques, Sieur de la Poterie,
first seignior of Portneuf, 129
 Michel, Sieur du Hdrisson, ob
tains lands near Three Rivers, 149
 Michel, Sieur de la Vallidre, first
seignior of Yamaska, 123
Le Platon de la Salnte-Croix, seigniory
of, described by Catalogne, 138
Ldry, Chaussegros de, military en
gineer, clears lands at Crown Point,
182
L'Espinay, seigniory of, described by
Catalogne, 141
Lestage, Pierre, purchases Berthier-
en-Haut, 106
Le Sieur, Charles, part owner of Grand
Yamachiche, 120
 Charles, dit Lapierre, owner of
rear-seigniory of Lapierre, 121
 Julien, CO - seignior of Grand
Yamachiche, 120
Levasseur, Louis, contestation of, with
Eustache Lidnard, 179
Ldvrard (or St. Pierre les Bequets),
seigniory of, described by Catalogne,
126
¦  Louis, master-gunner at Quebec,
seignior of Ldvrard, 126
Lidnard, Eustache, dit Mont d'Or, con
testation of, with Louis Levasseur,
179
Lingtot (or LInctot), seigniory of, de
scribed by Catalogne, 150
 Jean-Baptlste Godefroy (or God
froy), Sieur de, first seignior of
Godefroy, 125
Livaudidre, seigniory of, granted to
the Sieur dela Fontaine, 180
Lods et Ventes, nature and amount of,
162 ; report of solicitor-general on,
258
Longueuil, seigniory and barony of,
described by Catalogne, 109. See
also Le Moyne

Longueuil, seigniory of See New
Longueuil
Lotbinidre, seigniory of, described by
Catalogne, 138
 Louis-Thdandre Chartler, Sieur
de, obtains fief In New France, 31
 Rend- Louis-Thdandre Chartler,
Sieur de, co-seignior of Lotbinidre,
138
Loyalists. See United Empire
Loyalists
Lucidres, Dominique de la Motte
(or Lamotte), Sieur de, seignior of
Lussaudidre, 124
Lussaudidre, seigniory of, described by
Catalogne, 124
Mabane, Adam, member of the
Executive Council, gives reasons
for dissent from resolutions, 279
Maranda, seigniory of, described by
Catalogne, 139
Margane, Sdraphin, Sieur de la
Valterie, lieutenant in the Carlg
nans, obtains seigniory In New
France, 105
Marly, Arrets of, 91
Marsolet, Nicholas, seignior of Prairies
Marsolet, 121; co-seignior of Lot
binidre, 138
Martigny, Jean-Baptlste Le Moyne (or
Lemoyne), Sleurde, acquires interest
in fief of La Trinitd, 113
Masdres, Frangois, on attempt of Car
leton to exact military service, 241
Maskinonge (or Masquinonge) seig
niory of, described by Catalogne, 119
Maurepas, Jean-Frangois Phdlypeaux,
Comte de, minister of Louis XV.,
proposals for military settlement at
Crown Point transmitted to, 181
Mazarin, Jules, Cardinal, succeeded
by Colbert as chief minister, 42
Messier, Michel, Sieur de St. Michel,
part owner of fief of La Trinitd, 113
Mdzy, Augustin Saffrey, Sieur de,
governor of New France (1663-
1665), 13
Military service, the feudal obligation
of, made a condition of La Roche's
charter, 2 ; Talon's proposals re
garding, 23 ; not stipulated for in
deeds given to Carignan officers,
25 ; emphasis laid by Talon upon,
29 ; Carleton's attempt to exact,
241 ; Lanaudldre's opinion on, 271

376

INDEX

Mills, seigniorial, royal arret concern
ing, 6 1 ; proposals of Raudot re
garding, 77 ; instructions from Pont
chartrain relating to, 83 ; Catalogne's
report on, 146 ; of advantage to
colony, 156; report of solicitor-
general on, 259 ; remarks of Com
missioners of 1843 on, 319. See
also Ovens, seigniorial
Mille Isles, seigniory of, given to
Sidrac Dugud, 102 ; forfeited to the
crown and re-granted, 103
Missionary, extract from the memoir
of, 64
Monceaux, Anne Gasnler, Madame
de, seignloress of Jacques Cartier,
77
Monnier, Frangois, memorandum of,
explaining methods of granting
lands, 216
Mont-k-Peine, seigniory of, described
by Catalogne, 140
Mont d'Or. See Eustache Lienard
Montreal, district of, as defined by
Catalogne, 96 ; Island of, given to
Seminary of St. Sulpice, 97 ; capitu
lation of, extracts from, 193
Morel, Louis - Joseph, Sieur de la
Durantaye, member of Superior
Council, inherits fief of La Duran
taye, 141
 Olivier, Sieur de la Durantaye,
officer of the Carignan- Salidres,
first seignior of La Durantaye, 141 ;
acquires Kamouraska, 144
Murray, General James, governor of
Quebec (i 764-1 768), grants seig
niory of Murray Bay, 195 ; reports
on state of colony, 196 ; instructions
to, regarding land grants, 206 ; re
port of, on seigniorial relations, 217
Murray Bay, seigniory of, granted to
Captain John Nairne, 195
Nairne, John, captain in the 78th
regiment, seignior of Murray I3ay,
195
Neuville, seigniory of. See Pointe
aux Trembles
Neveu, Jean-Baptlste, purchases seig
niory of Lanoraie (or La Noraye),
105 ; acquires Derrldre Dautrd, 106
 Nicholas Dupont, Sieur de,
seignior of Polnte aux Trembles,
130
New Longueuil, seigniory of, given

to Joseph Lemoine (or Lemoyne),
109
Nicolet, seigniory of, granted to the
Sieur de Laubia, 38 ; described by
Catalogne, 125
Niort, Louis de, Sieur de la Noraye,
seignior of La Noraye, 105
Noblesse, list of, compiled by Hoc-
quart, 187 ; Murray's opinion of,
202
Normanville, Louis Godefroy, Sieur
de, seignior of Pointe du Lac, 120
Notre-Dame-des-Anges, seigniory of,
given to Jesuits, 4 ; part of, taken
by Talon, 30 ; described in Cata
logne's report, 133
Orleans, Philippe, Due d'. Regent
of France (171 5-1723), issues In
structions to grant no more seig
niories in New France, 151 ; asked
by Vaudreuil to send salt-smugglers
to Canada, 151
 Isle of. See Isle d'Orleans
Orsainvllle, countship of, given to
Jean Talon, 133
Orvilliers, seigniory of. See Ste. Anne
de la Pdrade
Ovens, seigniorial, objections of Rau
dot to establishment of, 74 ; instruc
tions of Pontchartrain regarding,
81 ; suppression of, urged by Inten
dant, 86. See also Mills, seigniorial
Pachiriny, fief of, near Three Rivers,
314
Pachot, Marie-Frangoise, seignloress
of Berthier-en-Haut, 106
Paris, Custom of. See Custom
Pdan, Major Ives-Jacques, asks for
remission of quint, 177
Pdcody (or Pdcaudy), Antoine, Sieur
de Contrecoeur, captain In Carignan
regiment, obtains fief In New France,
115
Pelletier, Michel, Sieur de la Prade,
first seignior of Gentllly, 150
Pdrade, "fhomas Tarieu, Sieur de la,
receives ratification of land grant,
179. See also Ste. Anne de la
Pdrade
Perrot, seigniory of See Isle Perrot
 Francois- Marie, captain in Regi
ment of Auvergne, governor of
Montreal, first seignior of Isle
Perrot, 107

INDEX

377

Petit, Jean, co-selgnlor of Mille Isles,
103
 Joseph, dit Bruneau, co-seignior
of Mille Isles, 103
 Pierre, merchant of Three Rivers,
acquires fief of Yamaska, 123
 ¦ Yamachiche (or Grosbois), seig
niory of, granted to Boucher de
Grand-Prd, 120
Peuvret, Jean-Baptlste, royal greffier
at Quebec, 130 ; seignior of Gaudar
vllle, 131
Pezard, Etienne, Sieur de la Touche,
seignior of Champlain, 122
Pilots, training of, recommended by
Catalogne, 148
Plot, Gaspard, dit Langloiserie, ac
quires interest in Mille Isles, 103 ;
seignior of Isle Ste. Thdrdse, 112
Pointe-k-la-Chevelure. See Crown
Point
 ¦ k-la-Taille, seigniory of, de
scribed in Catalogne's report, 141
 aux Escureuils (or Belair), seig
niory of, described by Catalogne,
129
 aux Trembles (or Neuville), seig
niory of, described by Catalogue,
130
 du Lac (or Tonnancour), seig
niory of, granted to Godefroy de
Normanville, 120
Poisson, P'rangois, Sieur de Gentilly,
seignior of Gentllly, 150
Pontchartrain, Jerome Phelypeaux,
Comte de, minister of marine, suc
ceeds his father in office, 70
 Louis Phelypeaux, Comte de,
minister of marine, 1691-1699), re
plies to Raudot's complaints, 70 ;
requests jurists to draft arret, 82
Port Joli, seigniory of, acquired by
Noel Langlois, 45
Portneuf, seigniory and barony of,
granted to Robineau de Becancour,
53 ; described by Catalogne, 139
Poterie. See Leneuf
Poulain (or Poulin), Jeanne Jallaut,
widow of Maurice, Sieur de la Fon
taine, seignioress of St. Maurice,
46
Poulin (or Poulain), Jean-Baptiste,
Sieur de Courval, seignior of Nico
let, 125
Prade, Michel Pelletier, Sieur de la,
first seignior of Gentilly, 150

Prairies Marsolet, seigniory of, owned
and described by Catalogne, 121
Prdvotd, Court of the, established at
Quebec, 52 ; to hear appeals from
seigniorial jurisdictions, 78 ; or
ganisation and powers of, 197
Quebec, district of, as described by
Catalogne, 127
Queylus, Gabriel de, Abbd de Loc-
Dieu, proposes to establish hospital
at Montreal, 37
Quint, obligation of, provisions in the
Custom of Paris relating to, 76 ;
remission of, asked for on behalf
of Major Pdan, 177
Raimbault, Pierre, merchant of
Montreal, seignior of Lussaudidre,
124; receives concession of lands,
180
Ramezay, Claude de, obtains seigniory
of Sorel, 116
Randin, Lieutenant, granted seigniory
of Berthier-en-Haut, 106
Raudot, Antoine - Denis, adjunct-in-
tendant of New France, reports on
state of agriculture, 90
 Jacques, intendant of New
Fiance (1706-1711), despatch of,
concerning seigniorial abuses, 70 ;
further discusses same subject, 85
Relief, provisions of French Vexin
relating to incident of, 76
Rentes, seigniorial, amount of, 74 ;
proposals of Raudot regarding rate
of, 76
Repentlgny, Pierre Le Gardeur, Sieur
de, obtains fief of La Chesnaye,
103 ; seignior of Repentlgny, 104 ;
first seignior of Becancour, 126
Reservations, seigniorial, of wood and
stone, 155 ; opinion of Parisian
jurists on scope of, 218 ; report of
solicitor-general on legality of, 255 ;
answers of Lanaudidre relating to
scope of, 270 ; opinions of commis
sioners of 1843 rcg.irdlng, 315
Retrait. See Droit de retrait
Retrenchment, of seigniorial land
holdings, 32 ; of lands remaining
uncleared, 43 ; ordered by arrets of
Marly, 91
Revocation, of seigniorial titles, 12 ; of
title held by Jesuits, 30; methods
of, explained by Monnier, 216

378

INDEX

Richelieu, River, lands along, granted
to Carignan officers, 23 ; a channel
of Iroquois Invasion, 24
 Armand-Jean du Plessis, Car
dinal and Due de, sponsor for
Company of One Hundred Associ
ates, 4
Rlgaud, Plerre-Frangols, Marquis de
Vaudreuil, governor of New France
(1755-1760), signs capitulation of
Montreal, 193
 Philippe de. Marquis de Vaud
reuil, governor of New France (1703
-1725), despatch of to Regent, 151
RIgauvIlle, Charles des Bergdres,
Sieur de, bequeathes Berthler-en-
Bas to Hotel Dieu, 141
Riviere du Chene (or St. Ours Des
chaillons), seigniory of, described
by Catalogne, 127
 du Loup-en-Haut, seigniory of,
granted to Jean Lechasseur, 119
 du Sud (or St. Thomas), seig
niory of, described by Catalogne,
141
 Ouelle, seigniory of, described
by Catalogue, 144
 Piiante, seigniory of See Bdcan
cour
Robert, Louis, appointed intendant of
New France, 1663, 13
Roblneau, Frangois, Sieur de Fortel
(or Fortelle), obtains Isles Bouchard,
104
 Rend, Sieur de Becancour, be
comes baron of Portneuf, 53 ; ac
quires fief of Bdcancour, 126
Robutel, Zacharie, Sieur de la Noiie,
acquires Chateauguay, 107
Roche, Troillus du MesgoUets, Sieur
de la, commission of, i
Rouer, Louis, Sieur de Villeray, mem
ber of Superior Council, 78
Ruette. See Auteuil
Ste. Anne de la Perade, seigniory
of, described by Catalogne, 123
St. Antoine, seigniory of, held by
Ladles of the Hotel Dieu, 132. See
also Bale St. Antoine, and Tilly
St. Augustin, seigniory of. See De
maure
St. Bernard, seigniory of, described
by Catalogne, 132
St. Charles des Roches, seigniory of.
See Grondlnes

first See

Ste. Croix, seigniory of. See Le
Platon de la Ste. Croix
St. Denis, Nicholas Juchereau, Sieur
de, seignior of Beauport, 1 34 ;
seignior of Grand Ance, 143
St. Frangois-Xavier, mission of.
Sault St. Louis
St. Frangois, seigniory of, granted to
Jean Crevier, 124
St. Gabriel, seigniory of, described by
Catalogne, 132
Ste. Hdldne. See Isle Ste. Hdldne
St. Ignace, seigniory of, described by
Catalogne, 132
St. Jean, seigniory of, granted to
Ursullnes of Three Rivers, 119
 Deschaillons, seigniory of See
Rividre du Chene
St. Joseph, seigniory of See Bernier
St. Lambert, seigniory of, given to
Jesuits, 109
St. Laurent, countship of. See Isle
d'Orleans
Ste. Marie prds Batiscan, seigniory of.
See Jean Le Moyne
St. Maurice, seigniory of, owned by
Madame Poulain (or Poulin), 46
St. Michel, seigniory of, awarded In
part to Madame Pdan, 178
 Michel Messier, Sieur de, obtains
Interest in fief of La Trinitd, 113
St. Ours, seigniory of, described by
Catalogne, 115
 Deschaillons, seigniory of. See
Rividre du Chene
 Pierre de, officer of the troops,
obtains seigniory, 115; acquires
Rividre du Chene, 127
 Roch de, Sieur Deschaillons,
seignior of Rividre du Chene, 127
St. Paul. See Baye St. Paul
St. Pierre les Bequets, seigniory of.
See Ldvrard
St. Romain, Frangois Chorel, dit Dor
villiers, Sieur de, part owner of Ste.
Anne de la Pdrtide, 123
St. Sulpice, seigniory of, granted to
Seminary of St. Sulpice, 104. See
also Seminary
St. Thomas, seigniory of. See Riviere
du Sud.
Ste. Thdrdse. See Isle Ste. Thdrdse
St. Vallier, Jean-Baptiste de la Croix-
Chevrldres, Sieur de, second bishop
of Quebec (1684-1727), purchases
Talon's seigniory, 133

INDEX

379

Sault, Jean Toupln, Sieur de, seignior
of Polnte aux Escureuils, 129
 au Matelot, seigniory of, granted
to Louis Hdbert, 4
 St. Louis, mission of, given to
Jesuits, 108
Saurel (or Sorel), seigniory of, granted
to Pierre de Saurel, 34 ; described
by Catalogne, 116
 Pierre de, officer of the Carignan
regiment, mentioned by Talon, 27 ;
seignior of Saurel (or Sorel), 116
Scalp Point. See Crown Point
Seignelay, Jean - Baptiste Colbert,
Marquis de, minister of marine
(1676- 1 690), 63
Seminary, Jesuit, at Quebec, acquires
fief of Beauprd, 135 ; acquires fief
of Baye St. Paul, 136
Seminary, of St. Sulpice, at Paris, ob
tains Island of Montreal, 97
 of St. Sulpice, at Montreal, re
ceives right to exact lods et ventes
on exchanges, 102 ; acquires seig
niory of St. Sulpice, 104; acquires
fief of Lussaudidre, 124
Sevestre, Charles, officer of the Prd
votd at Quebec, part owner of La
Noraye, 105
Sillery, seigniory of, described by
Catalogne, 131
Shelburne, William Petty, second
Earl of, president of the Board of
Trade, receives report from Murray,
217 ; receives report of Carleton, 227
Solicitor-general, report of, on seig
niorial questions, 250
Sorel, seigniory of. See Saurel
Suevd, Edmond de, co-seignior of Ste.
Anne de la Pdrade, 123
Succession, to real property, rules of,
in Custom of Paris, 260
Talon, Jean, Intendant of New
France (1665-1668, 1670-1672),
grants seigniories, 21 ; his work In
the colony, 22 ; submits draft of
regulations concerning grants of
lands, 22 ; despatch of, regarding
extent of seigniorial grants, 27 ; re
ports on progress of settlement, 28 ;
founds three villages, 30 ; is asked
for detailed data, 31 ; asks minister
for supplies, 32 ; submits memoir on
state of colony, 36 ; signs title-deed
of Saurel, 39

Tarieu, Charles, Sieur de Lanaudidre,
submits answers to questions on
seigniorial relations, 267
 Jacques-Thomas, Sieur de La
naudidre, co-seignior of Ste. Anne
de la Pdrade, 123
 Thomas, Sieur de la Perade, re
ceives confirmation of title to lands,
179
Tartre, Simon-Pierre Denys, Sieur
du, seignior of Isle St. Jean, 143
Thauvenet, Marguerite de, inherits
fief of Chambly, 1 1 7
Thiatakoiiita (or ThiatakoSa), Cather
ine, of Sault St. Louis, 108
Three Rivers, district of, as defined
by Catalogne, 118; royal domain
at, 149
Tilly (or Vlllleu, or St. Antoine), seig
niory of, described by Catalogne,
139
— — Charles Le Gardeur, Sieur de,
seignior of Tilly, 139
Tonnancour, seigniory of See Pointe
du Lac
 Rend Godefroy (or Godfroy),
Sieur de, seignior of Pointe du Lac,
120 ; part owner of Godefroy, 125
Toupln, Jean, Sieur du Sault, seignior
of Pointe aux Escureuils, 129
 Toussalnt, first seignior of Pointe
aux Escureuils, 129
Tracy, Alexandre de Prouville, Mar
quis de, commander of forces in
New France, 22
Tremblay, seigniory of, mentioned by
Duchesneau, 46 ; described by Cata
logne, no
Trottier, Joseph, Sieur Desrulsseaux,
purchases Isle Perrot, 107
United Empire Loyahsts, immigra
tion of, to Canada, 250
Ursullnes, of Quebec, obtain Le Platon
de la Ste. Croix, 138
Ursullnes, of Three Rivers, obtain fief
of St. Jean, 119; receive new grant,
161
Varennes, seigniory of, described by
Catalogne, 112
 Rend Gaultier, Sieur de, lieu
tenant in the Carignan regiment,
contestation of, with Sidrac Dugud,
46 ; seignior of Tremblay, 1 10 ; first
seignior of Varennes, 112

380

INDEX

Vaudreuil, Pierre-Frangois de Rl
gaud, Marquis de, governor of New
France (1755-1760), signs capitula
tion of Montreal, 193
 Philippe de Rigaud, Marquis
de, governor of New France (1703-
1725), despatch of, to Regent, 151 ;
despatch of, to minister concerning
uncleared seigniories, 163 ; reports
on aveux et denombrdments, 167
Verchdres, seigniory of, described by
Catalogne, 113
 Frangois Jarret, Sieur de, ensign
in the Carignan regiment, seignior
of Verchdres, 114
 Marie-Madeleine de, heroism of,
in defending seigniory, mentioned
by Catalogne, 114
Vexin le Frangais (French Vexin),
rules of, followed in New France,
75 ; observed in grant of Murray
Bay, 195
Villeray, Louis Rouer, Sieur de, mem
ber of Superior Council, 78

Villiers, Charles Le Gardeur, Sieur de.
seignior of Bdcancour, 126
 Charles Le Gardeur, Sieur de,
and Sieur de Tilly, seignior of
Villieu, 139
Villieu, seigniory of .See Tilly.
Vincelotte, seigniory of, described by
Catalogne, 142
Vlncennes, seigniory of, owned by
heirs of Frangois Bissot, 140
Vitrd, Charles Denys (or Denis),
Sieur de, seignior of Bellevue,
114; seignior of Mont-a-Peine,
140
West Indies, Company of the, ex
tracts from charter of, 17
Williams, J., solicitor-general, reports
on seigniorial questions, 250
Yamachiche. See Grand Yama
chiche, and Petit Yamachiche
Yamaska, seigniory of, granted to
Leneuf de la Vallidre, 123

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