YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

ID HI 15
WASHOTOTOETAK' MBBAKY OF
FOSITKHS STEAM'S
BIAMCOCK, If. HI.

THE BOYS' AND GIRLS' LIBRARY
OF AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.
I. — Robert Fulton and Steam Navigation. By Thos W.
Knox, editor of "The Travels of Marco Polo,"
author of "Boy Travellers in the East," etc., etc.
Large i2mo profusely illustrated  $i 75
u Its facts are so valuable, its illustrations so significant, and its
educational influence so direct and powerful, thatthe book cannot fail
to prove exceptionally popular and useful, while it is written in a bright
and thoroughly readable style." — Congregationalist.
11 The style is so easy and agreeable as to commend the book
especially to young readers, but readers of any age will find it enjoy
able. — Boston Journal.
II. — The Life of George Washington. Studied anew by
Edward Everett Hale, author of " Man without a
Country," " Ten Times One is Ten," etc., etc. Large
i2mo. Fully illustrated.
" I have been satisfied for some years that the time had come for
a new view of the life and character of George Washington, a view to be
taken alter a careful study of his own memoranda prepared for the history
of his own life. As the readers of this book will learn, Washington left,
arranged in careful order, perhaps more materials for his biography than
any man of his century ; but a certain habit of deifying him has thus far
prevented writers of his life from approaching the study of the man 111 the
way in which writers would address themselves to most biographical sub
jects. ... It has been my aim, using in my narrative chiefly the dia
ries and letters of the man himself, to present to the new generation of
Americans the human Washington in such a way that they may have
some conception of the man and of the advantages and the disadvantages
with which he worked through his great career." — Extract from A utAor*s
Preface. III. — Abraham Lincoln. By Noah Brooks. Large i2mo
fully illustrated. (In Press.)
A clearly written story, giving a graphic presentation of the chief
events in the life of Lincoln (u the typical American of his century"), in his
dramatic career from the log-cabin to the White House, together with a
clear and comprehensive statement of the nature of his services to the
country during the great struggle for national existence.
Mr. Brooks was for years a close associate and trusted friend of
Lincoln, and he writes with full personal knowledge of the man and his
work. G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS, Publishers, New York.

Frontispiece

WASHINGTON IN 1775.

THE LIFE

GEORGE WASHINGTON

> STUDIED ANEW

EDWARD EVERETT HALE
AUTHOR OF " A MAN WITHOUT A COUNTRY," " TEN TIMES ONE IS TEN," U THE STORY OF
SPAIN," ETC., ETC.

NEW YORK & LONDON
G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS
Wft Jwathtrbotlur Iprtss
188S

COPYKIGHT by
G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS
1887

Press of
. P. Putnam's Sons
New York

PREFACE.
I HAVE been satisfied for many years that the
time had come for a new view of the life and
character of George Washington, a view to be
taken after a careful study of his own memoranda,
prepared for the history of his own life. As the
reader of this book will learn, he left arranged in
careful order for reference, perhaps more materials
for his biography than any man of his century.
But a certain habit of deifying him, a habit which I
have attempted to explain in the last chapter, has
thus far prevented writers of his life from approach
ing the study of the man in the way in which writers
would address themselves to most biographical sub
jects. Washington's diaries exist from his sixteenth
year to the period of his death, with hardly an
important break. He was very careful in the
preservation of copies of his letters ; and the dis
tinction which he early earned was such, that many
letters have been preserved by his correspondents,
of which we have not his own copies. Speaking
roughly, I should say that four fifths of these ma
terials are still in manuscript. Naturally enough,
for the first generation after his death, those writ-

IV PREFACE.

ings which were studied most carefully were what
we should now call public documents. The private
letters were thought to be of less importance for
history. However this may have been then, it is clear
enough now that they are of more importance than
are public despatches, for the study of the character
of the man. Believing Washington to have been a
man preeminently human, evidently largely moulded
by the circumstances of his youth and manhood,
and, as I have said in another place, a person of
hot passions, strong impulses, and vigorous de
termination, I have wished for many years that
some author would study the manuscript material
as I had studied it myself, and would present such
a view of the life of Washington as that material
affords. I could still wish that some one else had
undertaken this duty; but, as no one has, when
Mr. Putnam proposed to me that I should write a
new life of Washington for the biographical series
in which this volume belongs, I told him that I
would gladly undertake the work for the purpose
of which I have spoken. It is simply to present
to the new generation of American readers the
Human Washington in such a way that they may
have some conception of the man, and of the ad
vantages and disadvantages with which he worked
through his great career. Edward E. Hale.
ROXBURY, Oct. I, 1887.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.

BOYHOOD AND EDUCATION.

Birthplace of George Washington — His Father and Mother — A New Home
near Fredericksburg — Early Training — Lawrence Washington — School
Books — Land-Surveying— Death of Augustine Washington — The Fair
fax Family and Marriage of Lawrence Washington — Mount Vernon and
Belvoir — Letters Ascribed to Washington and Richard Henry Lee —
Sea Life Proposed — The Proposal Abandoned — Lord Fairfax — Survey
ing as a Profession — George Washington's First Love-Trials — His
Verses to " The Lowland Beauty " — His First Commission . I
CHAPTER II.
EARLY MANHOOD.
Land-Surveying — Lord Fairfax — Work in the Valley of Virginia — Washing-
Ion's Diary There — Life at Greenway Lodge — Accuracy of His Work
— Good Education — His Brother's Illness — Bermuda — Return — His
Brother's Death — Inherits Mount Vernon — Rules of Deportment. 16
CHAPTER III.

FIRST CAMPAIGN.
Emigration to the West — The Ohio Company— Appointment from Gov.
Dinwiddie — A Winter Journey to Visit the French Commander —
Venango and Fort Le Bceuf — Washington's Diary — The French
Answer — A New Commission — War in Fact— The First Bullets— A
Retreat — Fort Necessity — Carlyle's Account ; Smollett's ; the " Half-
King's " Criticism — Washington's Welcome and Reception in Vir
ginia .......••• '37
v

VI CONTENTS.
CHAPTER IV.
THE BRADDOCK CAMPAIGN.
The French War — Washington an Aide to Braddock — Correspondence
with Orme — His Mother's Anxiety — Correspondence with Mrs.Fair-
fax — Meets Benjamin Franklin — The Advance toward Fort Duquesne
— The Battle and Retreat — Washington's Letters — The English View
of the Event — Mr. Davis's Prophecy — '¦ Legend of the Indian
Chief  59
CHAPTER V.
WAR ON THIi FRONTIER.
Return to Mount Vernon — Ill-Health — Another Campaign — Appointed to
Command — Dinwiddie's Displeasure — William Shirley — Journey to
Boston— Return — Miss Mary Philipse — War on the Frontier — Lord
Loudoun — Mount Vernon Again — Hunting Shirts — Mrs. Custis — Love-
Letters — A Successful Campaign ...... 86
CHAPTER VI.
PEACE AND HOME.
Washington's Love of Home — His Marriage — Visit to Williamsburg —
Mount Vernon — Administration of the Property of His Wife and Her
Children — Correspondence with His English Agents — His Tobacco and
Flour Excellent — Severe Illness — Purchases for Master John and Miss
Patty Custis — His Indignation at Neglect of Duty — Agricultural Ex
periments — Fondness for Riding — Routine of a Country Day — Interest
in Military Affairs — Love of Sport — Constant Interest in Public Busi
ness — Tour to Ohio Valley — John Custis's Education — Patty's Death —
John's Marriage ... ...... in
CHAPTER VII.
TROUBLE WITH ENGLAND.
The Court Party — The Stamp Act— Circular-Letter of the Massachusetts
House of Representatives — George III. — Letter to George Mason —
Non-Importation — Tea Taxes — " The Virginia Patriot " — The Boston
Port-Bill — Extracts from Washington's Diary — The Fairfax Conven
tion and Resolutions Adopted There — Opening of Congress — Public
Speaking— Patrick Henry's Opinion— 'A Kitchen Cabinet"— George
III. Again— Joseph Warren — Washington's Diary at the Time of the
Opening of Congress — Resolution on Acts of Parliament — The Second
Virginia Convention and the Second Congress — Washington Appointed
Commander-in-Chief . . . . . . . _ joy

CONTENTS. vil
CHAPTER VIII.
APPOINTMENT AS GENERAL.
Appointment as General — John Adams's View of It — Appointments of Other
Officers — Arrival at Cambridge — General Artemas Ward — A-sumption
of Command — Washington's War Policy — Condition of the Army and
Supplies — Arnold's Expedition up the Kennebec — Washington's Letter
Giving His Plan for It — War on the Seas — Instructions to John Glover
and D. Moylan — Instructions to Winthrop Sargent Concerning Prizes,
Harbors, etc. — Mrs. Washington's Visit to Camp at Cambridge —
Capture of the Nancy by Marblehead Cruiser — Plan for Attack on
Boston — Fortification of Dorchester Heights — Withdrawal of British
from Boston — Note to General Ward — "Washington Street" — Head-
Quarters in Boston — Fondness for Children — Transfer < f Army to
New York — First American Medal — Canadian Contingent— His Aides
— Message from Admiral Lord Howe — Letter to ' ' George Washington,
F2sq." — English Fleet — Crown Point and Ticonderoga — Plan for a
Capture — Arrival of British Army at New York — Defeat at Brooklyn
— Retreat to the City and to White Plains — Loss of Forts Lee and
Washington — Mrs. Philipse — Retreat through Jersey — Battle of Tren
ton — Success at Princeton — Winter Quarters .... 160
CHAPTER IX.
1777-1778.
Washington's Stay at Morristown — Eclipse of the Sun — Mr. Alexander's
Delays — Letter to a Faulty Officer — Thoughts for Virginia Affairs —
Views on the Campaign — Assisting Gates and Watching Howe — Head-
Quarters Moved to Middleburg — Howe's Expedition to Philadelphia —
Battle of the Brandywine — Battle of Germantown — Head-Quarters at
Valley Forge — The Conway Cabal — Light-Horse Harry — Clinton Re
places Howe — Battle of Monmouth — Count D'Estaing and the French
Fleet — "A Complete Set of Camp Equipage" — Difficulty of Transac
tions with a Depreciated Currency — 1778 Ends Better than It Be
gan  2°4
CHAPTER X.
I'.XD OF THE WAR.
Necessary Inactivity of the Army — Clinton as Commander — Camp Table-
Ware — Letter to Count D'Estaing — Arrival of French Fleet— Accounts
Given by French Officers — Arnold's Treason — Washington's Letters in

viii CONTENTS.
Relation to It — Sit-.ation of the Army — Army Moves South from New
York — Condition of Mt. Vernon— Army at Yorktown — Death of John
Custis — Letter to Heath — Surrender of Cornwallis — Policy of English
Government — Washington's Distrust — Henry Asgill — Officers of Con
tinental Army  231
CHAPTER XI.
HOME REVISITED.
Return to Mt. Vernon — National Government — Army Views — Institution
of Society of the Cincinnati — Letters to Maj.-Gen. Greene, on This
Subject — Letter to Jefferson — His Portrait Painted for Count de la Solms
— Letter to Count d'Estaing — Jewel Presented by French Seamen —
Letter to Robert Morris Concerning Bushrod Washington — Journey
to Western Lands — Letter to the Commandant at Pittsburg — Letter to
Tench Tilghman about Greenhouse — Lafayette's Visit — Letter to Chas-
tellux — Western Tour with Lafayette— Letter about Horse for ' ' Little
Washington "  263
CHAPTER XII.
INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS, ETC.
Navigation of Potomac River — Letters to Counts de la Touche and
Rochambeau — Letter to Gen. Knox — Effects of Overwork — Letter
to Samuel Chase — Public Schools — Letter to ./Eneas Lamont, Poet —
Not "Marshal of France "—To George Wm Fairfax, Refugee —
Ruins of Belvoir — Condition of Private Affairs — To Jefferson — Loan
in Europe — " Cumberland Road " — Present from Virginia Assembly —
Western Emigration — To Richard Henry Lee in Congress — Treaty
with Western Indians — Navigation of Mississippi — To Mr. Car-
michael — Mercantile Interests- To M. de Marbois, French Minister
—Mississippi River and the Spanish — To Mme. Lucretia Wilhelmina
Vari Winter, Holland, Acknowledging a Poern in His Praise— To Mr.
Tilghman Concerning Private Secretary and His Duties — Mr. Tobias
Lear, Secretary— Plans for the "Union'' — Committee Meeting at
Mount Vernon  290
CHAPTER XIII.
THE CONSTITUTION AND PRESIDENCY.
Letter to Mrs. Macaulay Graham, Historian — Letter to Mr. S. Purviance—
Wes ern Settlements— Political Reasons for Commercial Intercourse—
. Visit from Michaux, Botanist— Letter to Lafayette, with .Present of

CONTENTS. IX
Hams — Letter to Dr. William Gordon, about His History of the Revo
lution — Federal Convention — Washington Its President — Notes fiom
Diary, Time of Convention — Contemporary Opinion — Division of
Parties — Journey to New York — Ovation at Trenton — Cabinet " Prog
resses" — Table Furniture — Second Term of Service — Discouraging
Position of Affairs — Genet's Intrigues— Cabinet Changes — The Whiskey
Insurrection — New Change in the Cabinet — National Prosperity —
Farewell to Office — Return to Mount Vernon . . . .311
CHAPTER XIV.
CLOSING YEARS AT MOUNT VERNON.
Return to Mount Vernon — Building and Repairs — Letter to Strickland —
To Sinclair — Habits of Home-Life — Library at Mount Vernon —
Paintings and Engravings — Lawrence Lewis and Nellie Custis —
George Washington Lafayette — Letter to Anderson — Letter on Lend
ing Money — Letter to Goodhue — Commander-in-Chief Again — Miss
Custis's Marriage — Mrs. Washington — The Last Year — Letter to
Robert Lewis — Washington's Final Illness — His Death — Dr. Craik's
Treatment  338
CHAPTER XV.
CONCLUSION.
Washington's Services and Influences — The Mystery That Grew Up about
His Moral Character — His Apotheosis as a Kind of Demi-God — His
Utterances Treated as Those of an Oracle — The Truth of History —
The 1 Tuman Washington as Revealed in His Diaries and Correspon
dence — His Power over Men — His Ideas and Ambitions — His Character
as a Moral Power — His Life an Evidence That Right Is Might . 373

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

WASHINGTON IN 1775
RESIDENCE OF WASHINGTON FAMILY .
WASHINGTON AS SURVEYOR . . . .
IN CAMP 
BOOK OF SURVEYS
EARLY MANUSCRIPT ....
WASHINGTON AT WINCHESTER
PLAN OF LINE OF ARMY MARCH
MARTHA WASHINGTON
WASHINGTON AND FAMILY AT MOUNT VERNON .
PORTRAIT OF WASHINGTON . . . .
WASHINGTON CROSSING THE DELAWARE .
MAP' OF NEW JERSEY .
WASHINGTON AT PRINCETON
WASHINGTON CREST .
WASHINGTON AT VALLEY FORGE
MAP OF WESTCHESTER
MOUNT VERNON
WASHINGTON'S VISITING CARD
LETTER TO FRANKLIN
INAUGURATION .
FIRST PRESIDENTIAL MANSION
INDEPENDENCE HALL
WASHINGTON MEDAL .
TOMB AT MOUNT VERNON
BOOK PLATE
WASHINGTON'S SIGNATURES XI

Frontispiece. 2
17
21
• 23
. 29
• 394i
. "i3
117iS9
197
• 199
201203219245 265289291
327 33i34i
371 372379

INTRODUCTION.

MANY lives of Washington have been written.
But I have long wished to attempt another,
and when Messrs. Putnam determined to include
in this series a new life of him, and were good enough
to consult me with regard to it, I told them my wish,
— and they have permitted me to write for the
series on my plan.
The wish is simply to make Washington his own
biographer, — more largely than he has been per
mitted to be in the standard biographies.- Few men
have left so large a collection of materials, exactly
adapted for such biography, as he. He kept a
diary almost all his life, and most of the volumes of
this diary are at hand for use.
It is true that a diary is not a biography ; it is
something very different. Indeed, it does not re
veal much of a man's character. But it does much
to help us in the arrangement of other materials
from which we can study character.
Besides these diaries it happens that Washing
ton left letter-books in an almost unbroken series,

XIV INTRODUCTION.
which contain almost the whole of his immense cor
respondence, from the beginning of the French
War to the day of his death. Add to this, that for
the last twenty-five years of his life, he was the most
distinguished man in America. Every man's eye
was upon him, and his words and deeds were
chronicled with eagerness, sometimes with affection,
as were those of no other man.
On the other hand, he was a central figure in
American history. It has for this reason seemed
almost impossible to his biographers to write his
life without writing the history of the country.
They are sometimes betrayed into extraordinary
excursions. Thus, in the two longest lives of
Washington, Marshall's and Irving's, there are long
chapters in which he is not named. I do not say
that I am sorry that those chapters were written.
Judge Marshall's study of American history is too
important, and Mr. Irving's is too entertaining for
us to abridge either by a single sentence. But, all
the same, such chapters are not the life of Wash
ington. It can hardly be said that they help us to
know the man, or rightly to estimate his character.
What is more, and what has seemed to me unfor
tunate is this : Washington rendered the country
such peerless service ; he was so loyal to her, and
so unselfish ; he made so few mistakes, and was on
the whole so magnificently successful, that all his
biographers, without an exception known to me,

IN TROD UC TION. XV
have treated him with a certain deference, as if, in
deed, he were hardly a man. It is not simply that
they are unwilling to speak of faults. For we may
" make too much of faults," as Mr. Carlyle says
wisely. But they seem to suppose that he had not
the ordinary human fancies, feelings, habits, affec
tions or motives. They lift him, step by step, in a
mechanical way, over the board, as you might move
a piece in chess when your turn came. We are
apt to have Washington the General, Washington
the Statesman, Washington the President, almost
Washington the Demi-god, where we hardly- find
Washington the Man.
Now, I suppose it to be the business of a biog
rapher to try to present his subject so that people
who read shall know him better, — his character, his
habits, his purposes, his success, or, simply, the es
sentials of his life. I should not say that it was
necessary, in writing the life of Walter Scott, to
give an account of the story of Marmion, or of Ivan-
hoe. I should say that you might write a life of
Florence Nightingale, without one word of detail as
to the methods employed in the hospitals under her
direction. As Judge Marshall himself said, " We
must take something for granted." I should say
then that the life of Washington does not need any
detailed account of Arnold's failure at Quebec, or
Greene's success at Eutaw. I should go further, and
precisely as I might write a life of Shakespeare,

Xvi INTRODUCTION.
without giving the plot of Richard II., I think I
could write a life of Washington, without giving his
plan for the battle of Brandy wine. "The court is
supposed to know something," and if the prime
business we are engaged in is the study of the life
of the Human Washington, then in that study the
history of America is a wholly secondary study.
The writer has the same sort of right to leave it in
the background, as he has to leave undecided the
questions whether Washington's tobacco should or
should not have been stemmed, or whether he
should have paid for his clover seed four shillings a
bushel or five.
These views seem to me so sound, that I should
have been glad to write a treatise rather than a
biography, to be called " The Human Washing
ton," making such a study of his character as most
commonplace biographers make of average men. I
even proposed to Messrs. Putnam to write for their
series the life of Washington, with the omission of
the French War, the Revolution, and the Presi
dency. This treatment seemed to them somewhat
too .heroic for such a series as that now in hand,
and probably it was. But there are some reasons
to justify such a consideration of the subject, which
I should like to commend to those who will follow
me in this field.
For let it be remembered that from the year 1 748,
when Washington's active life began, to 1 799, when

IN TROD UC TION.

he died, are fifty-one years. Twenty-one of these
were spent in the service of his country, in public
life of the highest activity. In regard to the rela
tive importance of their history it would, on the
face of it, be absurd to compare against those
critical years, the other years spent in the planting
of tobacco, in the hunting of foxes, in the training
of children, in building canals, in settling a wilder
ness, or in sitting for a portrait. All this is granted.
But it happens very naturally that the thirty years
of peaceful life show the man as he was, show his
character, its motives, his purposes- — his life, in
short, in far more detail than will the eager corre
spondence or the stately despatches of a public
character. There is not one of us who would not
rather have the record of the evening talk of
Macaulay at the dinner-table of a friend, than the
official record of a month of his work as a member
of the government of India. Yet if Mr. Trevelyan
had padded his life of Macaulay by giving three
quarters of it to Macaulay's public service in India,
Bombay, and Calcutta, he would have served his
readers exactly as most biographers of Washington
have served theirs.
I do not' say that I have myself steered clear of
the mistakes which I have been describing. I do
not believe I have. But I indulge myself in this
criticism that I may give any friendly reader a clue
to the path I have tried to follow. I have tried to

IN TROD UCTION.

use Washington's words where I could, without
making the narrative too long. I have quoted his
diaries very freely, even where the incidents them
selves were unimportant. And, especially where I
have at any length given the history of events in
which he was not the principal actor, it has been
simply because he is the historian. For a marked
instance, I have printed a long narrative of Arnold's
treason. But this is not because it is Arnold's trea
son, but because it is Washington's narrative, a
narrative which I believe has not before been pub
lished. And thus I am led to say that in other instances,
where the reader may think I have violated my own
rules for biography, I have done so because the
special document given has not before come into
print, and seems to me too curious to be longer
kept concealed. Thus if Washington bought lottery
tickets, and wanted to know if he had drawn prizes,
there is no reason for striking out from his letters
the mention of such incident. In almost every in
stance the extracts from his letters here printed are
made from the manuscripts, and have never before
been printed in any permanent collection.
It is curious to observe that Franklin secured to
himself by his masterly autobiography a treatment
exactly the reverse of that which has been meted
out to Washington. He wrote so good a life of
himself that no one has ever wanted to write an-

INTRODUCTION. XIX
other ; if indeed he had ever concluded it, it would
be safe to say that no one would ever have written
another. Mr. John Bigelow took up the broken thread of
Franklin's life at the age of fifty-one, and completed
it, as far as the printed materials would permit, from
his own letters. In the book which is in the reader's
hands, I have not limited myself absolutely to
Washington's own narrative. There are, indeed,
many occasions, some of them of the most critical
character, where such material would fail us. As
John Adams says, when a man is engaged on the
most important matters, he has no time to be writ
ing down the story of them. But Washington
made more time than most men did. His personal
record of his life's work is singularly full. And, as
the reader will see, I have largely used that record
so far as it is preserved.

IPS

fM

*t/t!j$&

B

Piyj

THE LIFE
OF
GEORGE WASHINGTON.

CHAPTER I.
BOYHOOD AND EDUCATION.
Birthplace of George Washington — His Father and Mother — A New
Home near Fredricksburg — Early Training — Lawrence Washington
— School Books — Land-Surveying — Death of Augustine Washington
— The Fairfax Family and Marriage of Lawrence Washington — Mt.
Vernon and Belvoir — Letters Ascribed to Washington and Richard
Henry Lee — Sea Life Proposed — The Proposal Abandoned — Lord
Fairfax — Surveying as a Profession — Geo. Washington's First Love-
Trials— His Verses to " The Lowland Beauty " — His First Commission.
ON the day of George Washington's birth,
there was nothing to suggest that he was to
be the foremost man of his time. He was born
in an old Virginia farm-house in Westmoreland
County, on a spot which overlooks the Potomac
River, near where Bridge's Creek falls into that
river. His father was Augustine Washington,
who had, two years before, married Mary Ball.
George Washington was her oldest son ; she had
afterwards three other sons and two daughters. By
another wife Augustine Washington had two sons

2 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
older than George, — named Lawrence and Augus
tine. George Washington was born in 1732, on the
day which corresponds to the 2 2d of February in
our style.1
There is not now a vestige of the house remain
ing. It was an old-fashioned Virginia farm-house ;
a low-pitched, single-story, frame building, with four
rooms on the first floor, and an enormous chimney

---zzwmm

RESIDENCE OF THE WASHINGTON FAMILY.
at each end on the outside. The spot is visible
from the deck of the steamboat as one goes to
Norfolk from the city of Washington ; but is a con
siderable distance below Mt. Vernon.
1 According to the old style it was the eleventh of February. The origi
nal record of his baptism is preserved. It is in these words : "George
Washington, son to Augustine and Mary his wife, was born the 1 1 th Day of
February, 1731-2, about 10 in the morning, and was Baptiz'd the 3: of April
following, Mrs. Beverly Whiting & Capt. Christopher Brooks, Godfathers,
and Mrs. Mildred Gregory, Godmother."

HOME NEAR FREDERICKSBURG. 3
Two or three decayed fig-trees and some shrubs
may be found, with a flower or two, which mark
perhaps where a garden was. Mr. George W.
Custis placed a stone there some years since, to
mark the site of the house as the birthplace of
Washington. Not long after his birth, his father removed to
another farm opposite the town of Fredericksburg.
The dwelling was another of the old Virginia farm
houses, and stood on rising ground overlooking a
meadow above the Rappahannock River. In the en
campment of the Union forces opposite Fredericks
burg in the year 1863, this ground became familiar
to thousands of men, for whom the legends of
Washington had an especial interest. The house it
self, however, has long since disappeared, and a few
broken bits of bricks are almost the only memorial,
on the spot, of its existence.
Augustine Washington would never have been
remembered in the world, but for the distinction
which attaches to his son. It would seem, however,
that that son owed to him much, for the direction
which he gave to his early education, which was well
carried out both as to intellectual pursuits and moral
training. The anecdotes which have amused and
instructed millions of children, in which the father
and the child appear together, have perhaps, in all
instances, a foundation of truth. Every thing which
is known of Augustine Washington's character is

4 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
such as to lead us to respect him. Mary Ball,
George's mother, at the period of her marriage
to Augustine Washington, was a beautiful girl,
of whom tradition says fondly, that she was the
belle of that part of Virginia. Surer evidence
than that of tradition shows that she brought up
her boys and girls happily, firmly, righteously,
and successfully. Washington's letters to her all
evince great personal regard and respect, and the
memorials of her, of which there are more than we
have of her husband, are such as show that this re
spect was well deserved.
His half-brother, Lawrence Washington, eight
years older than himself, had also a very large share
in the education of George. So far as we know, the
influence which he had over him was always good ;
and it is certain that the younger brother always re
spected his advice and regretted sincerely his early
death. In those days the advantages for education
which Northern Virginia afforded, were not brilliant ;
but they were sufficiently good to give to this
boy a good training in the best elements of an
English education. So regular were his habits
in after life that he preserved many of his early
school-books, and we can still examine specimens
of the writing-books and of some of the volumes
in which he was trained in arithmetic and higher
mathematics. The needs of the country in which he lived, sug-

LAWRENCE WASHINGTON. 5
gested the study of land-surveying. The boy's field
books were kept regularly and neatly when he was
at an early age, as he prepared himself, with such
advice as the neighborhood could offer, for the
profession of a surveyor, and it was as a surveyor
that he did his first man's work. The simple home-
life of these early years was broken up when George
was but eleven years old, by the sudden death of
his father. At the moment of his first illness,
George was absent from home ; but he was sent for
and returned in time to be recognized by his father
before he died. Augustine Washington was, after
the standard of the time, a rich man. He left to
George, when he should become of age, the house
and lands on the Rappahannock, which was the only
home that the boy remembered.
Lawrence Washington, the oldest brother, re
ceived, by his father's will, the estate now well-known
to Americans under the name of Mt. Vernon, and
he made this his residence. The second son,
Augustine, took up his abode at a house built near
the old homestead on Bridge's Creek, where George
had been born. George himself, with his younger
brothers and sisters, remained at his mother's house,
near Fredericksburg, and it is here that most of his
early education was carried on.
Lawrence Washington, his brother, married, very
soon after his father's death, Annie Fairfax, the
daughter of William Fairfax, an English gentleman

6 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
who had settled in Virginia. He had been the
governor of the island of New Providence. He
lived at Belvoir, not far from Fredericksburg, in the
style of an English country-gentleman, surrounded
by an intelligent family. With his sons, daughters,
and other relatives, George Washington was brought
into close intimacy through his brother's marriage
to Miss Fairfax.
The farm-house on the Rappahannock was not
far from the site of Mt. Vernon or Belvoir. As
the boy grew up, he was often in the home of his
brother and of the relatives of his sister-in-law. His
letters and journals show that his life, in the earlier
years of youth, was spent as much with them as at
his mother's home. He enjoyed the young society
of his time, always, perhaps, with a certain shyness
which never left him in after life, and was observed
even when he made " progresses " as President,
fifty years after the time of which we speak.
This did not prevent his mingling in society ; he
was fond of athletic exercises, in which, as early
traditions show, he trained himself assiduously. He
read well and was fond of reading, and had the best
books at command. He engaged with interest in
all the sports of his country and of his age. He
had the advantages which belong to a young man
born to a competence, and his life passed, on the
whole, pleasantly.
Schools, except, perhaps, for little children, were

BOY LETTERS.

nearly inaccessible to him at that time. And he was
never -sent away from home to school. There is
one and another reference to some person employed
as a tutor in the family. There is quite sufficient
evidence that the boy was not permitted to run
wild, — after his father's death more than before.
His mother's hand was firm, and that of his brother
Lawrence probably not weaker.
Within a few years past, there have been pub
lished two little letters, one pretending to be from
Richard Henry Lee, at the age of eight, and the
other the reply to it, by George Washington, at the
age of nine. They will amuse our readers and we
therefore print them. But it is not as a bit of
history, that they appear here. They are, probably,
an illustration of clever literary work, attempting,
at the end of a century, to reproduce the phases
of the past. They must be read with extreme
caution. In the first place, it is very improbable
that in such a family as that of the Lees, these
letters should have been hidden for a hundred
years. Indeed^ no one explains to us whether
Master Richard Henry Lee, at that early age,
had a letter book in which he kept rough copies
of the notes .which he was going to send to a
friend. In the second place, the letters have the
difficulty which all such imagined correspondence
has, that they show us just what we already know,
and that they do not add to our information any

8 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
thing of even the very smallest detail. There is a
clever effort made to sustain the reputation which
Washington afterwards acquired for spelling well,
and poor Master Lee is relegated back to the ranks
of those who cannot spell. The letters, however,
must be classed with a very large number of
myths, some of them interesting and some of them
very stupid, which the enthusiasm of a hundred
years has encouraged in relation to Washington
and the different details of his career. These
make the misery of his biographer.
The boy letters are these :
FROM RICHARD H. LEE TO GEO. WASHINGTON.
" Pa brought me two pretty books full of pictures he
got them in Alexandria they have pictures of dogs and
cats and tigers and elefants and ever so many pretty things
cousin bids me send you one of them it has a picture of
an elefant and a little indian boy on his back like uncle
jo's sam pa says if I learn my tasks good he will let uncle
jo bring me to see you will you ask your ma to let you
come to see me.
" Richard Henry Lee."
To which this is the answer :
"Dear Dickey, I thank you very much for the pretty
picture book you gave me. Sam asked me to show him
the pictures and I showed him all the pictures in it ; and
I read to him how the tame Elephant took care of the
master's little boy, and put him on his back and would not
let anybody touch his master's little son. I can read three

SEA LIFE PROPOSED. g
or four pages sometimes without missing a word. Ma
says I may go to see you and stay all day with you next
week if it be not rainy. She says I may ride my pony Hero
if Uncle Ben will go with me and lead Hero. I have a
little piece of poetry about the picture book you gave me,
but I mustn't tell you who wrote the poetry.
" G. W.'s compliments to R. H. L.,
And likes his book full well,
Henceforth will count him his friend,
And hopes many happy days he may spend.
" Your good friend,
" George Washington."
George Washington was about fourteen years old
when the proposal was seriously entertained at his
mother's home that he should be sent to sea. It is
thought that some steps were taken to obtain a mid
shipman's warrant for him. But in this case a very
sound letter of advice from her brother in London,
dissuaded Mrs.- Washington from carrying out this
plan. The traditions are that she herself was un
willing to expose him to the dangers of a sailor's
life, and had yielded, rather unwillingly, to his boy
ish eagerness for the service. It was a time when
the successes of the English navy were such as to
excite enthusiasm. The capture of Porto Bello was
recent, an event which then was a matter of great
triumph, and which has indeed escaped total forget-
fulness in another century, because it forms the sub
ject of two or three chapters in one of the great
novels of that time.

IO THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
It is remembered that Lawrence Washington, who
had served in the provincial contingent against Car-
thagena, received from Admiral Vernon a copy of
the medal struck in honor of the victory. This
medal bears the quaint inscriptions : " Glory revived
by Admiral Vernon," and again, "He took Porto
Bello with six ships only."
The letter of her brother was a sufficient excuse
to permit Mrs. Washington to change all the plans
for seamanship. Picturesque traditions, to which
most American children have been educated, repre
sent the boy as already dressed in the midshipman's
uniform, when his mother determined that he should
stay at home. The story says that his luggage was
already on board the ship.
He did stay at home, however. That is, he stayed
in Virginia, sometimes at his mother's house, some
times at his brother's in Mt. Vernon, and sometimes
at Belvoir, the home of the Fairfaxes, opposite Mt.
Vernon, on the river. At Belvoir he met Lord Fair
fax, the cousin of Lawrence Washington's father-in-
law, and the owner of immense landed estates in
Virginia. Lord Fairfax became very fond of him,
and interested himself personally in his education.
He was a very interesting man, who had removed
from England in the early part of the century, to-
reside on his Virginia estates. He had lived in
England long enough to win the respect of some of
the best Englishmen ; he was well educated and, in-

LORD FAIRFAX. II
deed, versed in the best accomplishments of the age ;
and thus he brought to the little colony a good illus
tration of the life of the best English society. He
had been the companion of Addison and of Steele,
and contributed one or two papers to the Spectator.
We have letters of his which show an easy pen, and
we may thank him for the simplicity and directness
of Washington's literary style, which suffers little
by comparison with that of Franklin or other of the
best writers of our language. Lord Fairfax became
fond of George Washington, the younger brother of
his cousin's son-in-law, and to his interest the young
man owed the first steps in his career.
There is a certain satisfaction in knowing that the
clear and simple English in which Washington ex
pressed himself in his later life, was an accomplish
ment for which he was, in large part at least, indebted
to the personal tuition of the friend of Joseph Ad
dison. And when one observes the thorough good-
breeding which characterized George Washington,
in his intercourse with the highest or with the lowest,
one remembers with interest, that his training in
that side of morals which we call manners, had such
assistance as could be given him by one of the best
trained gentlemen of his time.
We must satisfy our curiosity by such imaginations
as we can form of the life of an intelligent,, active,
pure-minded boy, living in that fortunate climate of
Northern Virginia, where he can be much in the open

12 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
air, among people who are disposed to encourage him
in his out-door pursuits, and in training for a work
which requires him to attend much to out-door exer
cise. In the midst of such life he has the great
opportunities that are offered by frequent visits at the
home of George Fairfax and at Mt. Vernon. Life
is not without its social attractions, and his educa
tion by no means limited to the requirements of a
country surveyor, but is that of a young Virginia
gentleman, surrounded with the best which his time
has to offer. It is in the midst of such social attrac
tions that Washington met one young lady, who is
remembered under the fond appellation of " The
Lowland Beauty." Her real name is not-certainly
known. He was but fifteen years old at the time,
but the charms of " The Lowland Beauty " were
enough to make him very miserable. And he had
been trained by Lord Fairfax enough in the very
dangerous art of the writing of verses to try his boy
powers in that direction.
We find, therefore, in one of the early note-books,
in the midst of scraps of surveyor's memoranda
and an occasional copy, perhaps, of an engineer's
formula, two different experiments upon poems
which he addressed to the cruel Lowland Beauty.
It may readily be imagined that she was some
young lady a little older than himself, who, in the
midst of other admiration, disregarded the homage
of her boy lover. We copy below, from the original

VERSES TO THE LOWLAND BEAUTY. 13
manuscript, the two sets of verses. From a liter
ary point of view nothing could possibly be worse.
In the view of the historian or biographer, they
have the interest which attaches to every experi
ment which a boy who has proved distinguished
has made in the early exercise of his powers.
Oh ye Gods why should my Poor Resistless Heart
Stand to oppose thy might and Power
At Last surrender to cupid's feather'd Dart,
And now lays Bleeding every Hour.
For her that's pitiless of my grief and Woes
And will not on me Pity take.
He sleep amongst my most inveterate Foes
And with gladness never wish to wake.
In deluding sleepings let my eyelids close,
That in an enraptured Dream I may
In a soft lulling sleep and gentle repose
Possess those joys denyed by Day.
From your bright sparkling Eyes, I was undone ;
Rays, you have, rays more transparent than the sun,
Amidst its glory in the rising Day,
None can you equal in your bright array :
Constant in your calm and unspotted mind ;
Equal to all, but will to none Prove kind,
So knowing, seldom one so young you'l Find.
Ah, woe's me, that I should Love and concel
Long have I wish'd but never dare reveal,
Even though severely Love's Pain I feel ;
Xerxes that great, was't free from Cupid's Dart,
And all the greatest Heroes, felt the smart.
The Virginian traditions seem to imply that the
lady in question was Miss Grimes of Westmore-

14 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
land, who afterwards married the very Master
Lee whose imagined correspondence on the subject
of the elephant we have already cited.
If this be so, she became afterwards the mother
of " Light-Horse Harry," whom we shall meet
again in the accounts of the Revolution. It was
left for him to pronounce upon Washington the
noblest eulogy which has, perhaps, ever been spoken
on any man. He said truly that Washington was
" first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of
his countrymen." It is pleasant to believe that in
the cordial letter which Washington afterwards wrote
to Lee, and which the reader will find in its place,
congratulating him on his success in a brilliant mili
tary exploit, there lurked some fond memories of the
old boy days when he was writing verses to " The
Lowland Beauty."
It is interesting, again, to those who from the dis
tance of a hundred years look back at this enthu
siasm, to remember that "The Lowland Beauty"
was the grandmother of Gen. Robert E. Lee who,
as commander of the forces of the Confederate
States in the war of the rebellion, showed such
distinguished military skill.
Lord Fairfax, himself, had left England with a
broken heart from some misadventure in love. Of
this the history is not preserved. His young friend
and pupil learned from him or from somebody
the secret of mastering his sorrows, if indeed

FIRST COMMISSION. 1 5
there were any sorrows. What is, certain is, that
he entered into a fresh open-air life, as the surveyor
whose services were needed by Lord Fairfax in
marking out the boundaries of his vast domains.
Lord Fairfax had large grants in what we now
call "the valley of Virginia." He was preparing
to build for himself a house in that country which
should be his permanent home. Although he never
carried out this purpose, he did build a lodge where
he often resided, and where indeed, forty years after,
he died, at the age of ninety-two. Lord Fairfax
entrusted the boy surveyor with the work of survey
ing the boundaries of this estate, and so well did he
succeed in it, that he was able to present himself, in
the regular order of the sensible civil service of that
day, before the President and Master of William
'& Mary College. They appointed him to be sur
veyor of Culpepper County, and his first commis
sion in the service of his country is that which they
gave him when he was but seventeen years old.
The record of it still exists in these words :
" George Washington, Gent., produced a commission
from the President and Master of William & Mary Col
lege, appointing him to be surveyor of this county, which
was read, and thereupon he took the usual oaths to his
Majesty's person and government, and took and sub
scribed the abjuration oath and test, and then took the
oath of a surveyor, according to law."

CHAPTER II.

EARLY MANHOOD.
Land-Surveying — Lord Fairfax — Work in the Valley of Virginia — Washing
ton's Diary There — Life at Greenway Lodge — Accuracy of His Work —
Good Education — His Brother's Illness — Bermuda — Return — His
Brother's Death — Inherits Mt. Vernon — Rules of Deportment.
THIS commission had been fairly earned. There
is no doubt that George Washington was a
good land-surveyor. Land-surveying was the duty
that came next his hand, and that duty he did well
though he was but a boy of fifteen. The pride and
fondness of later days preserved the memory of the
names of several special teachers who claimed the
credit of having trained him.
Lord Fairfax invited him one day to join in a fox
chase and was delighted with his courage, his horse
manship, and his address. The old nobleman
watched the lad, and saw how well he understood
the business he had engaged in. He proposed to
him to go out with George Fairfax, his son, who
was now twenty-two years old, and undertake some
of the surveys which were necessary in his Shenan
doah property. For this purpose they left Mt.
Vernon in March, 1748, and were absent in the
woods for more than a month. His little diary
16

LAND SURVEYING.

17

which he kept during the expedition tells the story
so briefly that it is well worth transcribing.
March 13th. Rode to his Lordship's (Lord Fairfax's)
quarter. About four miles higher up the river Shenan
doah we went through most beautiful groves of sugar

WASHINGTON AS SURVEYOR.

trees, and spent the best part of the day in admiring the
trees and richness of the land.
14th. We sent our baggage to Captain Hite's, near
Fredericktown (afterwards Winchester), and went ourselves
down the river about sixteen miles (the land exceedingly

1 8 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
rich all the way, producing abundance of grain, hemp, and
tobacco), in order to lay off some land on Cate's Marsh
and Long Marsh.
15 th. Worked hard till night, and then returned.
After supper we were lighted into a room, and I, not
being so, good a woodsman as the rest, stripped myself
very orderly, and went into the bed, as they called it,
when to my surprise I found it to be nothing but a little
straw matted together, without sheet or any thing else, but
only one threadbare blanket, with double its weight of
vermin. I was glad to get up and put on my clothes,
and lie as my companions did. Had we not have been
very tired, I am sure we should not have slept much that
night. I made a promise to sleep so no more, choosing
rather to sleep in the open air before a fire.
1 8th. We travelled to Thomas Berwick's on the
Potomac, where we found the river exceedingly high, by
reason of the great rains that had fallen among the Alle-
ghanies. They told us it would not be fordable for
several days, it being now six feet higher than usual, and
rising. We agreed to stay till Monday. We this day
called to see the famed Warm Springs. We camped out
in the field this night.
20th. Finding the river not much abated, we in the
evening swam our horses over to the Maryland side.
2 1 st. We went over in a canoe and travelled up the
Maryland side all day, in a continued rain, to Colonel
Cresap's, over against the mouth of the South Branch,
about forty miles from the place of starting in the morn
ing, and over the worst road, I believe, that ever was trod
by man or beast.
23d. Rained till about 2 o'clock and then cleared up,
when we were greatly surprised at the sight of more than

WASHINGTON'S DIARY. 1 9
thirty Indians coming from war with only one scalp. We
had some liquor with us, of which we gave them a part.
This, elevating their spirits, put them in the humor of
dancing. We then had a war-dance. After clearing a large
space and making a great fire in the middle, the men seated
themselves around it and the speaker made a grand
speech, telling them in what manner they were to dance.
After he had finished, the best dancer jumped up, as one
awaked from sleep, and ran and jumped about the ring in
a most comical manner. He was followed by the rest.
Then began their music, which was performed with a pot
half full of water and a deerskin stretched tight over it,
and a gourd with some shot in it to rattle, and a piece of
horse's tail tied to it to make it look fine. One person
kept rattling and another drumming all the while they
were dancing.
25th. Left Cresap's, and went up to the mouth of
Patterson's Creek. There we swam our horses over the
Potomac, and went over ourselves in a canoe, and travel
led fifteen miles, where we camped.
26th. Travelled up to Solomon Hedge's Esquire, one
of his Majesty's justices of the peace in the county of Fred
eric, where we camped. When we came to supper, there
was neither a knife on the table, nor a fork to eat with ;
but, as good luck would have it, we had knives of our own.
28th. Travelled up the South Branch (having come to
that river yesterday), about thirty miles to Mr. J. R.'s
(horse-jockey), and about seventy miles from the mouth
of the river.
29th. This morning went out and surveyed five hun
dred acres of land. Shot two wild turkeys.
30th. Began our intended business of Jaying off lots.
April 2d. A blowing, rainy, night. Our straw, upon

20 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
which we were lying, took fire, but I was luckily preserved
by one of our men awaking when it was in a flame. We
have run off four lots this day.
4th. This morning Mr. Fairfax left us, with the inten
tion to go down to the mouth of the river. We surveyed
two lots and were attended with a great company of
people, men, women, and children, who followed us through
the woods, showing their antic tricks. They seemed to
be as ignorant set of people as the Indians. They would
never speak English, and when spoken to, they all spoke
Dutch. This day our tent was blown down by the vio
lence of the wind.
6th. The last night was so intolerably smoky, that we
were obliged to leave our tent to the mercy of the wind
and fire. Attended this day by the aforesaid company.
7th. This morning one of our men killed a wild turkey,
that weighed twenty pounds. We surveyed fifteen hun
dred acres of land, and returned to Vanmeter's about one
o'clock. I took my horse and went up to see Mr. Fairfax.
We slept in Cassey's house, which was the first night I
had slept in a house since we came to the Branch.
8th. We breakfasted at Cassey's, and rode down to
Vanmeter's to get our company together, which, when we
had accomplished, we rode down below the Trough to lay
off lots there. The Trough is a couple of ledges of
mountains impassable, running side by side for seven or
eight miles, and the river between them. You must ride
round the back of the mountains to get below them. We
camped in the woods, and after we had pitched our tent,
and made a large fire, we pulled out our knapsacks to re
cruit ourselves. Every one was his own cook. Our spits
were forked sticks ; our plates were large chips. As for
dishes, we had none.

WASHINGTON'S DIARY.

21

roth. We took our farewell of the Branch and travelled
over hills and mountains to Coddy's on Great Cacapehon
about forty miles.
1 2th. Mr. Fairfax got safe home, and I to my brother's
house at Mount Vernon, which concludes my journal.

In the little volume which contains this journal,
are the rough drafts of letters written during the
same period. They are imperfect and of very little
importance. One of them is descriptive of his ad
ventures, at a period somewhat later than that of
the details above.

22 the life of washington.
" Dear Richard :
" The receipt of your kind favor of the 2d instant afford
ed me unspeakable pleasure, as it convinces me that I am
still in the memory of so worthy a friend, — a friendship I
shall ever be proud of increasing. Yours gave me the
more pleasure, as I received it among barbarians and an
uncouth set of people. Since you received my letter of
October last, I have not slept above three or four nights
in a bed, but, after walking a good deal all the day, I have
lain down before the fire upon a little hay, straw, fodder,
or a bearskin, whichever was to be had, with man, wife,
and children, like dogs and cats ; and happy is he who gets
the berth nearest the fire. Nothing would make it pass
off tolerably but a good reward. A doubloon is my con
stant gain every day that the weather will permit of my
going out, and sometimes six pistoles. The coldness of
the weather will not permit of my making a long stay, as
the lodging is rather too cold for the time of the year. I
have never had my clothes off, but have lain and slept in
them, except the few nights I have been in Frederick-
town." A letter of about the same date shows that the
open air and active life had not wholly swept away
the memories of his heart-sickness.
" My place of residence is at his Lordship's where I
might, were my heart disengaged, pass my time very
pleasantly, as there is a very agreeable young lady in the
house, Col. George Fairfax's wife's sister. But that only
adds fuel to the fire, as being often and unavoidably in
company with her, revives my former passion for your
Lowland Beauty ; whereas, were I to live more retired

A
BOOK of SURVEYS
Beg'an

JULY 22: 37.

A3

£"A

23

24 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
from young women, I might, in some measure, alleviate
my sorrow by burying that chaste and troublesome passion
in oblivion and I am very well assured that this will be the
only antidote or remedy."
His life as a surveyor began in practice, as the
journal we have cited shows, as early as 1748, the
year before he received his commission as surveyor
for Culpepper. Even at this early age he won more
than a local distinction for the accuracy of his work.
Now that all that county is settled, there is, of
course, frequent occasion for testing it, and it is
interesting to know that the surveyors of to-day
confirm his accuracy and skill.
Looking back on such an education as has been
described, almost any intelligent young American
would wish he might have such good fortune.
Good training at home, freedom from the cares of
poverty, a large family of brothers and sisters, good
teachers when he needed teachers, good society
among people of the best training of his time, books
enough of the best, and time enough to read them,
with an open-air life in a congenial and temperate
climate, work to do which he liked, with reasonable
compensation, and enough of it, in the intervals of
which he spent his time in the home of an English
nobleman, who had had wide experience of the
most cultivated society. Such were the experiences
of the years which we commonly call the years of
education.

BARBADOES. 25
It could, of course, be said that the conditions
and limitations of this education were somewhat
provincial, but it happened curiously enough that
in his twentieth year it was necessary that he should
take a voyage away from home. His brother
Lawrence was sinking into consumption. It was
hoped that he would be benefited by a voyage to
the West Indies. George was recalled from his
surveying and Greenway Court to accompany him,
and they sailed for Barbadoes in September, 1 75 1.
His little diary, with its narrative of what passed
there, is curious, and again we make some extracts
from it.
Nov. 4th, 175 1. This morning received a card from
Major Clark, welcoming us to Barbadoes, with an invita
tion to breakfast and dine with him. We went, — myself
with some reluctance, as the small-pox was in his family.
We were received in the most kind and friendly manner
by him. Mrs. Clark was much indisposed, insomuch that
we had not the pleasure of her company, but in her place
officiated Miss Roberts, her niece, and an agreeable young
lady. After drinking tea we were again invited to Mr.
Carter's, and desired to make his house ours till we could
provide lodgings agreeable to our wishes, which offer we
accepted. 5th. Early this morning came Dr. Hilary, an eminent
physician recommended by Major Clark, to pass his opin
ion on my brother's disorder, which he did in a favorable
light, giving great assurances that it was not so fixed but
that a cure might be effectually made. In the cool of the
evening we rode out, accompanied by Mr. Carter, to seek

26 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
lodgings in the country, as the Doctor advised, and were
perfectly enraptured with the beautiful prospects which
every side presented to our view, — the fields of cane, corn,
fruit-trees, etc., in a delightful green. We returned with
out accomplishing our intentions.
7th. Dined with Major Clark, and by him was introduced
to the Surveyor General and the Judges, who likewise dined
there. In the evening they complaisantly accompanied us
in another excursion into the country to choose lodgings.
We pitched on the house of Captain Croftan, commander
of James's Fort. He was desired to come to town next
day to propose his terms. We returned by the way of
Needham's Fort.
8th. Came Captain Croftan with his proposals, which,
though extravagantly dear,' my brother was obliged to ac
cept. Fifteen pounds a month were his terms, exclusive
of liquor and washing, which we find. In the evening we
removed some of our things up, and went ourselves. It is
very pleasantly situated near the sea, and about a mile from
town. The prospect is extensive by land and pleasant by
sea, as we command a view of Carlyle Bay and the shipping.
9th. Received a card from Major Clark, inviting us to
dine with him at Judge Maynard's to-morrow. He had
a right to ask, being a member of a club called the " Beef
steak and Tripe," instituted by himself.
10th. We were genteely received by Judge Maynard
and his lady, and agreeably entertained by the company.
They have a meeting every Saturday, this being Judge
Maynard's day. After dinner there was the greatest col
lection -of fruits set on the table, that I have yet seen, — the
granadilla, sapadilla, pomegranate, sweet orange, water
melon, forbidden fruit, apples, guavas, etc., etc. We re
ceived invitations from every gentleman there. Mr. War-

BARBADOES. 27
ren desired Major Clark to show us the way to his house.
Mr. Hacket insisted on our coming Saturday next to his,
it being his day to treat with beef-steak and tripe. But
above all the invitation of Mr. Maynard was most kind
and friendly. He desired and even insisted, as well as his
lady, on our coming to spend some weeks with him, and
promised nothing should be wanting to render our stay
agreeable. My brother promised he would accept the in
vitation as soon as he should be a little disengaged from
the doctors.
15th. Was treated with a ticket to see the play of
George Barnwell acted. The character of Barnwell and
several others were said to be well performed. There was
music adapted and regularly conducted.
17th. Was strongly attacked with the small-pox. Sent
for Dr. Lanahan, whose attendance was very constant till
my recovery and going out, which were not till Thursday,
the 1 2th of December.
December 12th. Went to town and called on Major
Clark's family, who had kindly visited me in my illness,
and contributed me all they could in sending me the neces
saries which the disorder required. On Monday last began
the grand session, and this day was brought on the trial of
Colonel C, a man of opulent fortune and infamous char
acter. He was brought in guiltless and saved by a single
evidence, who was generally reckoned to have been sub
orned. 22d. Took leave of my brother, Major Clark, and
others, and embarked on board the Industry for Virginia.
Weighed anchor and got out of Carlyle Bay about twelve
o'clock. The Governor of Barbadoes seems to keep a proper
state, lives very retired and at little expense, and is a gen-

28 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
tleman of good sense. As he avoids the errors of his
predecessor, he gives no handle for complaints ; but at
the same time, by declining much familiarity, he is not
overzealously beloved. . . .
Hospitality and a genteel behavior are shown to every
gentleman stranger by the gentleman inhabitants. Taverns
they have none, except in the towns ; so that travellers
are obliged to go to private houses. The people are said
to live to a great age where they are not intemperate.
They are, however, very unhappy in regard to their offi
cers' fees, which are not paid by any law. They complain
particularly of the provost-marshal, or sheriff-general, of
the island, patented at home and rented at eight hundred
pounds a year. Every other officer is exorbitant in his de
mands. There are few who may be called middling people.
They are very rich or very poor; for by a law of the island
every gentleman is obliged to keep a white person for
every ten acres, capable of acting in the militia, and con
sequently the persons so kept cannot but be very poor.
They are well disciplined and appointed to their several
stations ; so that in any alarm every man may be at his post
in less than two hours. They have large entrenchments
cast up wherever it is possible to land, and, as nature has
greatly assisted, the island may not improperly be said to
be one entire fortification.
It is not very often that in the eminently practi
cal career of Washington, we touch the literary his
tory of his time. There is, therefore, especial inter
est in the little note, in which he describes himself
as witnessing the "moral melodrama" of George
Barnwell, not yet forgotten. This play, which has

5rtV»-*4B Hi *t/4- 2?S-1
&*•/!, CHEF- aoa.finl f\ ^
^. CT^K gg^-3 j ^ ^^

EARLY MANUSCRIPT.

29

30 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
held the stage for more than a century, was written
by George Lillo, an English dramatic author, who
died in 1739, and who, with all his other plays, is
forgotten excepting by the biographical dictionaries.
Arden of Feversham was another of his plays. " He
had the spirit of an old Roman " said Fielding, "with
the innocence of a primitive Christian." George
Washington, while in Barbadoes, passed through
another experience, more important to himself and
to his country, than was any little enlargement of
his habits or views which he may have gained from
the grandeurs of the society of the island. While
he was attending upon his invalid brother, he took
the small-pox, having never been inoculated. He
passed through it safely and was thus exempt from
danger from it, in one and another critical period
afterward, when it ravaged the armies which were
under his command.
George returned alone to Virginia in order to
take his brother's wife to meet her husband in Ber
muda. . But Lawrence Washington's health was giv
ing way too fast. He followed George to Virginia,
and arrived before his wife had sailed, and died
shortly after. He was but thirty-four years of age,
and left but one child, an infant daughter, to whom
his large fortune descended. He made his brother
George one of his executors, although he was not
of age. The young man's acquaintance with the
property made him among the most prominent of

RULES OF DEPORTMENT. 3 1
those upon whom the charge of it devolved. On
the death of the little girl, a few years after, he in
herited, under his brother's will, the estate at Mt.
Vernon. We will conclude this chapter, by some specimens
of the Rules for Conduct, found in one of the note
books, which have been a puzzle to all his biogra
phers. There are phrases in them, which seem to be
long certainly to a boy's vocabulary. On the other
hand, they sometimes relate to experiences which
this boy could hardly have had. Mr. Everett thought
that they must have been copied from some printed
code of the time, of which there are many in con
temporary books. But if this is the case, the origi
nal from which this has been taken has not been
found by careful search,- nor has any one of the rules
been identified.
It is quite possible that he may have accustomed
himself, from an early period, to writing out these
rules when he heard them laid down by experienced
men, such, for instance, as Lord Fairfax. However
this may be, there are very few of them which could
not be applied, even after'the lapse of a century, by
intelligent young men or young women of to-day.
I. Every action in company ought to be with some sign
of respect to those present.
2. In the presence of others sing not to yourself with a
humming noise, nor drum with your fingers or feet.
3. Sleep not when others speak, sit not when others

32 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
stand, speak not when you should hold your peace, walk
not when others stop.
4. Turn not your back to others, especially in speak
ing > j°g n°t the table or desk on which another reads or
writes ; lean not on any one.
5. Be no flatterer; neither play with any one, that de
lights not to be played with.
6. Read no letters, books, or papers in company ; but
when there is a necessity for doing it, you must ask leave.
Come not near the books or writings of any one so as to
read them, unless desired, nor give your opinion of them
unasked ; also, look not nigh when another is writing a
letter. 7. Let your countenance be pleasant, but in serious
matters somewhat grave.
8. Show not yourself glad at the misfortune of another,
though he were your enemy.
9. When you meet with one of greater quality than
yourself, stop and retire, especially if it be at a door or
any straight place, to give way for him to pass.
10. They that are in dignity, or in office, have in all
places precedency ; but whilst they are young they ought
to respect those that are their equals in birth, or other
qualities, though they have no public charge.
11. It is good manners to prefer them to whom we
speak before ourselves, especially if they be above us,
with whom in no sort we ought to begin.
12. Let your discourse with men of business be short
and comprehensive.
13. In visiting the sick, do not presently play the phy
sician, if you be not knowing therein. '
14. In writing or speaking, give to every person his due
title, according to his degree and the custom of the place.

RULES OF DEPORTMENT. 33
15. Strive not with your superiors in argument, but al
ways submit your judgment to others with modesty.
16. Undertake not to teach your equal in the art him
self professes ; it savours of arrogancy.
17. When a man does all he can, though it succeeds
not well, blame not him that did it.
1 8. Being to advise or reprehend any one, consider wheth
er it ought to be in public or in private, presently or at
some other time, in what terms to do it ; and in reproving
show no signs of choler, but do it with sweetness and
mildness. 19. Take all admonitions thankfully, in what time or
place soever given ; but afterwards, not being culpable,
take a time or place convenient to let him know it that
gave them.
20. Mock not, nor jest at any thing of importance ; break
no jests that are sharp-biting, and if you deliver any thing
witty and pleasant, abstain from laughing thereat your
self. 21. Wherein you reprove another be unblamable your
self ; for example is more prevalent than precepts.
22. Use no reproachful language against any one, neither
curse nor revile.
23. Be not hasty to believe flying reports to the dis
paragement of any.
24. In your apparel, be modest, and endeavor to accom
modate nature, rather than to procure admiration ; keep
to the fashion of your equals, such as are civil and orderly
with respect to times and places.
25. Play not the peacock, looking everywhere about
you to see if you be well decked, if your shoes fit well, if
your stockings sit neatly, and clothes handsomely.
26. Associate yourself with men of good quality, if you

34 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
esteem your own reputation, for it is better to be alone,
than in bad company.
27. Let your conversation be without malice or envy,
for it is a sign of a tractable and commendable nature ;
and in all causes of passion, admit reason to govern.
28. Be not immodest in urging your friend to discover
a secret. 29. Utter not base and frivolous things amongst grave
and learned men ; nor very difficult questions or subjects
among the ignorant ; nor things hard to be believed.
30. Speak not of doleful things in time of mirth, nor
at the table ; speak not of melancholy things, as death,
and wounds, and if others mention them, change, if you
can, the discourse. Tell not your dreams, but to your in
timate friend.
3 1 . Break not a jest, where none takes pleasure in mirth ;
laugh not aloud, nor at all without occasion. Deride no
man's misfortune, though there seems to be some cause.
32. Speak not injurious words neither in jest nor earnest ;
scoff at none, although they give occasion.
33. Be not forward, but friendly and courteous ; the first
to salute, hear and answer ; and be not pensive when it is
a time to converse.
34. Detract not from others, neither be excessive in
commending. 35. Go not thither, where you know not whether you
shall be welcome or not. Give not advice without being
asked, and when desired, do it briefly.
36. If two contend together take not the part of either
unconstrained, and be not obstinate in your own opinion ;
in things indifferent, be of the major side.
37. Reprehend not the imperfections of others, for that
belongs to parents, masters, and superiors.

RULES OF DEPORTMENT. 35
38. Gaze not on the marks or blemishes of others, and
ask not how they came. What you may speak in secret
to your friend, deliver not before others.
39. Speak not in an unknown tongue in company, but
in your own language, and that as those of quality do,
and not as the vulgar ; sublime matters treat seriously.
40. Think before you speak, pronounce not imperfectly,
nor bring" out your words too hastily, but orderly and dis
tinctly. 41. When another speaks, be attentive yourself, and
disturb not the audience. If any hesitate in his words,
help him not, nor prompt him without being desired ; in
terrupt him not, nor answer him, till his speech be ended.
42. Treat with men at fit times about business, and
whisper not in the company of others.
43. Make no comparisons, and if any of the company be
commended for any brave act of virtue, commend not an
other for the same.
44. Be not apt to relate news, if you know not the truth
thereof. In discoursing of things you have heard, name
not your author always. A secret discover not.
45. Be not curious to know the affairs of others, neither
approach to those who speak in private.
46. Undertake not what you cannot perform, but be
careful to keep your promise.
47. When you deliver a matter, do it without passion, and
with discretion, however mean the person be you do it to.
48. When your superiors talk to anybody, hearken not,
neither speak, nor laugh.
49. In disputes be not so desirous to overcome, as not
to give liberty to each one to deliver his opinion, and sub
mit to the judgment of the major part, especially if they
are judges of the dispute.

36 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
5 o. Be not tedious in discourse ; make not many di
gressions, nor repeat often the same manner of discourse.
51. Speak not evil of the absent ; for it is unjust.
52. Make no show of taking great delight in your vict
uals; feed not with greediness; cut your bread with a
knife ; lean not on the table ; neither find fault with what
you eat.
53. Be not angry at table, whatever happens, and if you
have reason to be so, show it not ; put on a cheerful
countenance, especially if there be strangers, for good
humor makes one dish of meat a feast.
54. Set not yourself at the upper end of the table ; but
if it be your due or that the master of the house will have
it so, contend not, lest you should trouble the company.
55. When you speak of God, or his attributes, let it be
seriously in reverence. Honor and obey your natural
parents, although they be poor.
56. Let your recreations be manful, not sinful.
57. Labor to keep alive in your breast that little spark
of celestial fire, called conscience.

m|gff

P^^
|||||I||

liiii

H9.

His

NIPp

^^^W®^^?^S^6

CHAPTER III.
FIRST CAMPAIGN.
Emigration to the West — The Ohio Company — Appointment from Gov.
Dinwiddie — A Winter Journey to Visit the French Commander—
Venango and Fort Le Boeuf — Washington's Diary — The French
Answer — A New Commission — War in Fact — The First Bullets — A
Retreat — Fort Necessity — Carlyle's Account ; Smollett's ; the
" Half- King's " Criticism — Washington's Welcome and Reception in
Virginia.
THE reputation of Washington as a military
commander, was made before he was twenty-
six years old. It is an interesting illustration of the
history of this country, that, from the very begin
ning, its fortunes should so often have been intrusted
to the foresight, promptness, courage, decision, and
judgment of young men. The immediate under
taking on which Washington was engaged in his
early life, which endeared him so closely to the
people of Virginia, and which eventually made him
known to the people throughout the colonies, was
an enterprise of colonization. It was true then as
it is true to this hour, that the business of the young
American is to found new States. Lawrence
Washington, with wisdom and foresight which
would have made him a distinguished man, had he
lived, had entered on an enterprise for the coloni-
37

38 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
zation of the beautiful region west of the Alleghany
Mountains. He had engaged with a number of
Virginian gentlemen of wealth and influence, in a
company for the settling of this western territory.
They had obtained a charter from each one of the
provincial governments that had any connection with,
or claims upon those regions. They had secured a
grant from the Crown which gave them control of a
very large tract, including the region which we now
call West Virginia, and a considerable part of our
State of Ohio.
The new company had engaged by its charter
to place, within the term of four years, one hundred
and fifty families of emigrants on this territory,
which we now know to be so rich and beautiful.
The government at home had granted these
privileges without the slightest hesitation. In point
of fact, however, the English title to these lands was
based on little more than the original discovery of
the American coast. But the English charters of
almost all the colonies on the sea-board, gave them
boundary lines running west as far as the Pacific
Ocean, at whatever distance that might prove to be.
In later years, however, since the French had made
the great discovery of the mouth and course of the
Mississippi River, their own governors, both in
Louisiana and in Canada, had claimed the valley of
that river as their own. They asserted, not for the
first time, perhaps, a claim, which has since been

^J^SP^

Pit

40 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
much insisted upon in such discussions, that the
discoverers of the river are entitled to the largest
benefits of the lands which are watered by the
streams that flow into it. It is clear enough, with
out much study of the map, that if the English
colonies were to run east and west, from the
Atlantic to the Pacific, they must interfere in the
course of a very few hundred miles with the claims
which included every inch of land watered by the
streams which flowed into the Mississippi.
As to the real right which George the Second of
England, or Louis the Fifteenth of France, had to
the territory, it was simply the right of the stronger.
Each of these monarchs, and each of their ministers,
when attention was called to the subject, made some
slight effort to enforce the one claim or the other.
Their officers, or their people on the frontiers near
est to this territory, did what they could to cultivate
friendly relations with the native tribes. But kings
and generals and treasurers in Europe cared but
little for lands to which there were no roads and on
which there were no people.
It was true then, as it is true now, that land has as
little value as ocean unless there are men upon it.
The world has not well learned this lesson yet, but
it had some power in the counsels of statesmen,
even then.
The English Crown gave such authority as it
could to the Virginian company, of which we have

inc
'3 a.rt
U

ina
.a 3
w

in
"to V
W

"0. O II
I
2

in
V >
P-

ing
'3 8*
u

inG
en

in
¦Si

0
u

in

PLAN OF ALink of
March for the
Army under

GENERAL
FORBES,
Oct., 1753. Drawn
byG.
Washington.

A. Van Guards consisting of 1st 2d3d
4th
B. Flank Guards, each consisting of
C. 1st, 2d, and 3d Division, each .
D. 1st and 2d Brigades, each . .
E. Eight Captain's Guards, each .
F, Sixteen Subaltern's Guards, each
G. Sixteen Sergeant's Guards, each
H. Rear and Baggage Guard . .

1

1
2

II
2

4
12
24 50

1
28

3
68
16

48 8
1616

5
101616
16

90
l8o
730
1,900 200240 160500

11

3 11

4 11 1

5 21
1

90
243
950 25 1510

4,000

¦

D

3 c
1 c

=

^

D

j^
. : c c c „__
» ¦ _»m M^^ ^W^*H ^W^^ CJII' B9
§^>. BS
>r=»sss
^. s
BB
<==' F ==
^
1~— '
^
42 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
spoken, to colonize the garden to which it pretended
to give a claim. As the reader has seen, the grant
was accompanied by the condition that, within a time
not unreasonable, the company should place one
hundred and fifty fam ilies upon the land. To prepare
to do this was, therefore, the first object. And the
first manly enterprise of George Washington, one
which called him away for the first time from 'field
sports, and verses to ladies, and the duties of a boy
surveyor, was an expedition beyond the Alleghanies
for the survey of a part of this region.1
It was in the spring of 1751 that the certainty of
French aggressions on the upper waters of the Ohio
roused the government of Virginia to corresponding
effort. Lawrence Washington, even then, sought
an appointment in the military line for his brother
George, though he was but nineteen years of age.
But his own health was really failing. George
Washington, in fact, spent the greater part of the
two next years in the voyage to and from the Bar
badoes, and in other cares for his brother's health
and for the administration of his estate. As it
proved, there was no actual appeal to arms either in
1 75 1 or 1752. But in the Autumn of 1753, Govern-
1 Carlyle's reference in " Frederick the Great " is in these words : " Ohio
Company was laudably eager in this matter ; land-surveyor in it (nay at
length 'Colonel of a regiment of 150 men raised by the Ohio Company')
was Mr. George Washington, whose family had much promoted the enter
prise, and was indeed a steady-going, considerate, close-mouthed young
gentleman, who came to great distinction in the end."

A WINTER JOURNEY. 43
or Dinwiddie, determined to send a special com
mission into the Ohio valley, where the English
traders had been taken prisoners by the French,
and the French flag waved over at least one trading
post which the English claimed as their own.
Dinwiddie selected George Washington for the
commission which he proposed. He left Williams
burg, the capital of Virginia, on the 30th of October.
At Winchester, then on the frontier, he procured
his horses, tents, and other equipments for camp
life. With an Indian and French interpreter, and
five other frontiersmen, he left Will's Creek, the
place which we now call Cumberland, on the 1 5th
of November, for a winter journey through a wild
country. The first part of that journey went
through the passes of the Alleghany Mountains,
where the snow had already begun to fall. The
rivers rose so high that the horses had to swim them.
The party descended the Monongahela and, at its
junction, Washington waited for the canoe which
bore their baggage. With a soldier's eye he ob
served at once the fitness for fortification of the
point where this river unites with the Alleghany.
He thus anticipated the decision of the French.
engineers, who, the year after, established the
post there against which Braddock was sent in
1 754. Washington continued on his journey, prof
iting by the assistance and advice of the more ma
ture men who were with him, but showing all along

44 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
a degree of good sense in his dealings with the In
dians and afterwards his dealings with the French,
which, at that early age, gave token of the man that
he was to be.
The chief sachem of the Delawares was then
named Shingis. His capital, if it may so be called,
was at a place which the English called Logstown,.
not far from the junction of the river, where Pitts
burgh now stands. Shingis gave Washington in
formation as to the two forts which the French had
established. One was on Lake Erie and the other
fourteen miles inland above it, connected by a wagon
road. At Washington's request he called a council of
chiefs, and Washington explained to them the com
mission which he had received from the governor
of Virginia. In reply they assured him that they
considered the English and themselves as brothers,
and that they meant to send back to the French
the " speech belts " which the French had sent to
them. They said they were willing to furnish
Washington with an escort, but asked for three
days to prepare for the journey. This escort event
ually consisted of four men only, an Indian hunter,
Shingis, another sachem named Jeskake, and a fourth
known as " White Thunder." With this party and
his own, Washington arrived on the fourth of De
cember at Venango,1 by a route about seventy miles
1 At the junction of French Creek and Alleghany Run.

A WINTER JOURNEY. 45
The French colors were flying at a house
from which an Indian trader had been driven.
Washington found their captain, Joncaire, who was
the chief among the French officers who were at
tempting to win the favor of the Indians. Unfor
tunately for the Virginian commission, the French
gentlemen had supplies of whiskey and other liquor,
which, in those days, if not in these, was most essen
tial for Indian negotiation. The stay at Venango
resulted, therefore, in very little advantage to the
English claim; for although when the four Indians
were sober they affected the strictest loyalty to
George the Second, when they were drunk, as they
were much of the time, they were willing to make
any promises to the French commander. On the
7th of December, Washington succeeded in ex
tricating his Indian friends from the attractions of
the French, and went on to meet a higher officer,
the Chevalier de St. Pierre, whom he found at a post
of some military pretensions, fourteen miles south of
Lake Erie, on the west fork of French Creek.
Washington presented his credentials from Din
widdie, and spent two days in discussions with the
chevalier and his officers. While these two days
went on, the Frenchmen were doing their best to
induce the Indian sachems to renounce their friend
ship with the English. On the other hand, Wash
ington urged them to deliver up their belts of wam
pum, as they had promised him, to the French. The

46 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
French, however, declined to receive them ; and it
may be feared that the Indian sachems were quite
willing to stand well with both sides. Finally, on the
14th of December, the chevalier gave to Washington
his sealed reply to Governor Dinwiddie's letter. But,
although he was courtly in his manner, Washington
was satisfied that he was pushing his intrigues with
Shingis and the others to the utmost. It was with
difficulty that he induced them to leave the fort.
They were obliged to push their canoes up the river,
which was full of floating ice, and it was not until the
2 2d that they again reached Venango. Here Wash
ington parted from the Indians, but decided to keep
his saddle-horse to aid him in transporting the bag
gage, and to travel himself on foot.
The journey home was to the last degree peri
lous, for the week between Christmas and the New
Year. But on the second of January, the little
party arrived at the residence of Mr. Gist, one of
their number, on the Monongahela River, and here
Washington was able to purchase a horse with
which to continue his homeward route. He met on
this journey horses laden with materials and stores
for the fort proposed at the fork of the Ohio, and
families going out to settle there. He reached
Williamsburg on the 16th of January, after a jour
ney, full of adventure, which had lasted for nearly
three months, and delivered to Governor Dinwiddie
the letter of the French commander.

WASHINGTON'S DIARY. 47
The spirit which he had shown in this difficult
enterprise showed to the governor that he had
rightly chosen his man, and brought him at once
into note with the people of the colony. " It was an
expedition," says Mr. Irving, "which may be con
sidered as the foundation of his fortunes. From
that moment he was the rising boy of Virginia."
The material for the study of this interesting
journey is in a diary which Washington himself
kept and which is still preserved. Interesting as
it is, it is impossible, in these pages, to copy the
whole of it. But no better illustration of this man
can be given, at the period when he was just enter
ing on manhood, than this bit of simple narrative.
We will therefore close this chapter by an extract
from the notes of the diary. The events which
followed became so important that, as it happened,
the diary was not long after printed in England.
We should gladly copy it all as an admirable illus
tration both of the young man's character, and his
power of expressing himself at an early age. But
a short extract is all which our limits permit. That
which we copy describes his interview with the
French commissary. The place of this interview was
at Fort Le Boeuf on the French Creek, or Venango
River, about fourteen miles south of Lake Erie :
"December I2th, I prepared early to wait upon the
commander and was received and conducted by him to the
head officer in command. I acquainted him with my busi-

48 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
ness, and offered my commission and letter, both of which
he desired me to keep, until the arrival of Monsieur Re-
parti, captain at the next fort, who was sent for and ex
pected any hour.
" This commander is a knight of the military order of
St. Louis, and named Legardeur de St. Pierre. He is an
elderly gentleman and has much the air of a soldier. He
was sent over to take the command immediately upon
the death of the late general, and arrived here about
seven days before me.
" At two o'clock, the gentleman who was sent for ar
rived, when I offered the letter, etc., again, which they
received, and adjourned into a private apartment for the
captain to translate, who understood a little English.
After he had done it, the commander desired I would
walk in and bring my interpreter to peruse and correct it,
which I did.
" 1 3th. The chief officers retired to hold a council of
war, — which gave me an opportunity of taking the dimen
sions of the fort, which I did.
" It is situated on the south or west pit of French Creek,
near the water, and is almost surrounded by the creek, and
a small branch of it, which form a kind of island. Four
houses compose the sides. The bastions are made of
piles driven into the ground, standing more than twelve
feet above it, and sharp at the top, with port-holes cut for
cannon, and loop-holes for the small arms to fire through."
After this description of the fort, and an estimate
of the garrison, the diary goes on :
" 14th. As the snow increased very fast, and our horses
daily became weaker I sent them off unloaded, under the

WASHINGTON'S DIARY. 49
care of Barnaby Currie and two others* to make all con
venient despatch to Venango, and there to wait our ar
rival, if there was a prospect of the river's freezing ; if not,-
then to continue down to Shannopin's Town, at the fork
of the Ohio, and there to wait until we came to cross the
Alleghany, intending myself to go down by water, as I
had the offer of a canoe or two.
"As I found many plots concerted to retard the Indians'
business, and prevent their returning with me, I endeav
ored all that lay in my power to frustrate their schemes,
and hurried them on to execute their intended designs.
They accordingly pressed for admittance this evening,
which at length was granted to them privately, to the com
mander and one or two other officers. The Half King told
me that he offered the wampum to the commander, who
evaded taking it and made many fair promises of love and
friendship ; said he wanted to live in peace and trade ami
cably with them, as a' proof of which he would send some
goods immediately down to the Logstown for them. But I
rather think the design of that is to bring away all our
straggling traders they meet with, as I privately under
stood they intended to carry an officer with them. And
what rather confirms this opinion, I was inquiring of the
commander by what authority he had made prisoners of
several of our English subjects. He. told me that the coun
try belonged to them ; that no Englishman had a right to
trade upon these waters ; and that he had orders to make
every person prisoner who attempted it on the Ohio, or the
waters of it.

"This evening I received an answer to his Honor the
Governor's letter from the Commandant."

50 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.'
The letter thus received, was carried after weeks
of perilous adventure to Gov. Dinwiddie. It was
diplomatic but conceded nothing. The Virginian
government was satisfied that the French intended
to send a military force into the valley of the Ohio
in the next year. They printed Washington's journal
and sent to England the information which they had
received by him. This had no little effect in quick
ening the movements which led up to what we call
"The Seven Years' War." Governor Dinwiddie
sent circular letters to the governors of the other
American provinces, calling their attention to the
certainty that war would be upon them in the next
year. He called together his own colonial assem
bly. This assembly was almost always in contro
versy with any governor appointed by the Crown ;
but, after a good deal of wrangling, they consented
to provide a sufficient revenue for the enlistment of
three hundred and fifty troops. These were divided
into six companies. The command of the whole
was offered to Washington. It must be remembered
that he was not yet twenty-two years old. He had
the prudence to decline the charge, and was made sec
ond in command under Colonel Joshua Frye, an
English gentleman of some military experience and
education. Washington was dissatisfied with the
recruits, who were gathered under the call made for
troops, but, such as they were, their officers began
the rather hopeless task of training them. On the

WAR IN FACT. 5 I
second of April, 1 754, with two companies he left
Alexandria, to join the party building the new fort
at the junction of the two rivers which formed the
Ohio. It must be observed that this was two years
before a formal declaration of war. Before he ar
rived at Will's Creek, they were startled by a rumor
that Captain Trent, who was in advance, had been
captured, with all his men, by the French. This
rumor proved to be false. But Trent had not suc
ceeded in fortifying the post, and before many days
the whole party he had left at work there came in
to Will's Creek, having retired before the body of
French, which they thought consisted of a thousand
men. Captain Contrecceur had suddenly appeared
with this force, in a fleet of six boats and three
hundred canoes, as they estimated them, and had
summoned the ensign in command to surrender.
All the terms the young man could obtain was
permission to depart with his men and their tools.
The French began the fort, which they named
Duquesne, at the point which the English aban
doned to them.
This was war, indeed. It was war pronounced
on the spot by the officers in charge before any
proclamation had been made by the powers of Eu
rope. Washington had expected it. He was
simply disgusted to learn that the French had been
too quick for his sluggish subordinate, and that the
important post which he had himself determined

52 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
upon, at the junction of the two rivers, had fallen
into their hands.
He found himself compelled, with an army of
three hundred and fifty men just raised, to attack
the French forces, who were represented to him as
nearly three times his superiors. Between him and
them were the Alleghany Mountains. Behind him
was the administration, necessarily poor, of a colony,
unacquainted with war, which was just learning the
alphabet of military procedure. Washington's own
officers were dissatisfied with the provision made for
them, and the rank and file of his six companies was
of the poorest material. None the less, did he press
forward. He succeeded in opening a communica
tion with the " Half- King," who had accompanied
him, the winter before, and having taken a position
at Great Meadows, a place which for some years
was a central point in the frontier warfare, he began
to build a fort there. A few days after he sur
prised a party of French and took twenty-one pris
oners. Of his own party, one was killed and three
wounded. His account of this skirmish, unfortunate
ly for his reputation, was printed in England. For
it was in this letter that he made the remark which
was often afterwards quoted, that " the whistling of
bullets was like music." George the Second said,
that if he had heard more, he would not have thought
so. Walpole printed that story, and Washington
was asked, in after life, if he ever had used the

WAR IN FACT. " 53
phrase. " If I did so," he said, " it must have been
when I was very young."
Among the killed in this first skirmish was the
commander of the French, Jumonville.
It is very evident from Washington's letters that
he was quickened to the utmost by the sense of re
sponsibility and that of success. Though his re
sources were so wretchedly poor, he had done the
best with them ; and though the French were in
force so much stronger, he had got the better of
them at the outset. It is indeed very seldom, in the
history of that long one hundred years, in which
French and English frontiersmen were trying to
outwit each other on our borders, that the English
man, on the first alarm, was too quick for the French
man. In the history of the world, indeed, Keltic
quickness has usually been too much for Teutonic
dulness in the outset of affairs, and the forests of
America did not often furnish an exception to the
general rule. Washington had good reason then
for congratulation, and his success promised him the
speedy co-operation of considerable Indian allies.
If, indeed, he could not rely upon these, he had little
else to rely upon. The quarrels between the gov
ernor and the legislature of Virginia, perhaps it
would be fair to say, the parsimony of the House of
Burgesses of Virginia, would give him no reinforce
ment besides the wretched two hundred and fifty at
the head of whom he started. His commander-in-

54 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
chief, Frye, died at Will's Creek just at this critical
period, and Washington was notified that a certain
Col. Innes, who was at Winchester with a North
Carolina contingent, was to take the command.
But Innes never joined, nor his contingent, and in
fact the campaign was Washington's from the be
ginning to the end. On the ioth of June, nine
French deserters came in, and on the same day, a
company from South Carolina, under a Captain
Mackay. Mackay claimed to be independent of his
command, and Washington left him with his force
as the garrison of Fort Necessity. But he did not
himself advance very far, as he learned that a large
force was advancing against him. This proved in
deed to consist of five hundred French and several
hundred Indians. He called Mackay up to join him,
and so soon as he could consult with him and his
scouts, ordered a retreat. Nor was this decision ar
rived at any too soon. The French force under De
Villiers, a brother-in-law of Jumonville, came as far
as Gists, Washington's farthest post. He would
himself have retreated, it is said, but that a deserter,
probably an Indian, told him that the English force
was discouraged and reduced from want of provi
sions. This deserter told him that they were at Fort
Necessity, which was only thirteen miles away.
De Villiers determined at least to see for himself
what enemy he had in his front, and pushed on.
Meanwhile, Washington and his discouraged

FORT NECESSITY. 55
force had arrived at the fort again. The men were
undoubtedly demoralized by defeat. Though he
and his Virginians had worked upon the defences
diligently, these were not yet completed. Mac-
kay's Carolinians would do no work at all. The
half-king deserted with the Indian allies. Wash
ington sent back to Will's Creek for supplies, and
to hasten the march of two companies of New
York troops who were on their way to join him.
For two days he continued to work upon his de
fences, but on the third, the French surrounded
him, drove his men under cover of their intrench-
ments, and summoned him to surrender. They had
little cover from the enemy and none from the
skies. The rain fell in torrents, the men were
hungry, discouraged, and exhausted. De Villiers
offered -them permission to depart with the honors
of war, with their arms and all their munitions
except their artillery. These terms they accepted :
indeed, they could do nothing else. De Villiers, on
his part, agreed that they should not be molested
on their retreat, a promise which he did not, per
haps could not, fulfil. Washington, with his worn-
out men, marched back seventy miles, and reported
his discomfiture to Governor Dinwiddie. This was
the discouraging close of his. first independent
command. But it seems to have been generally ac
knowledged that he had done his best. In our own
time, Carlyle's account in " Frederick" is amusing.

56 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
" Washington entrenches himself 1st July at what he
calls ' Fort Necessity,' some way down, and the second day
after, is attacked in vigorous military manner. Defends
himself what he can through nine hours of heavy rain ;
has lost thirty, the French only three, and is obliged to
capitulate. ' Free withdrawal ' the terms given. This is
the last I heard of the Ohio Company ; not the last of
Washington, by any means."
But to the credit of the Virginians, it should be
said that he did not forfeit by defeat the confidence
which they had placed in him. The House of
Burgesses gave their thanks to him and to his
officers, and ordered that a considerable sum of
money should be distributed among the privates as
a reward. The view taken of the matter in Europe
is thus summed up by Smollett :
'• While he remained in this situation, De .Viller, a
French commander, at the head of 900 men, being on his
march to dislodge Washington, detached one Jumonville,
an inferior officer, with a small party, and a formal summons
to Colonel Washington, requiring him to quit the fort, which
he pretended was built on ground belonging to the French
or to their allies. So little regard was paid to this inti
mation that the English fell upon this party and, as the
French affirm, without the least provocation, either slew
or took the whole detachment. De Viller, incensed at
these unprovoked hostilities, marched up to the attack
which Washington for some time sustained under mani
fold disadvantages. At length, however, he surrendered
the fort upon capitulation, for the performance of which
he left two officers as hostages in the hands of the French,

CRITICISM. 57
and in his retreat was terribly harassed by the Indians,
who plundered his baggage and massacred his people.
This event was no sooner known in England than the
British ambassador at Paris received directions to com
plain of it to the French ministry as an open violation of
the peace ; but this representation had no effect."
The criticism which the half-king passed upon
this campaign, after he had deserted his allies, is
worth remembering. The French, he said, were
cowards, and the English fools. He thought
Washington a good man without experience, who
would not take advice of the Indians, but compelled
them to fight according to his own notions. This
was the justification which he gave for his desertion.
The campaign was really over, and all the English
troops were safely back on the east of the Alle-
ghanies, before the first of August. Three months
were left of the season most favorable for military
operations. One of the hostages, whom the French
had taken with them, sent back, from their new fort,
word that a sudden attack, like theirs on Fort
Necessity, would certainly be successful. Dinwiddie ¦
had some dreams of trying again where he had
failed. But, really, the Alleghany ridge protected
them against him, as well as it protected his frontier
against them. Much letter-writing and planning,
but no action, occupied the summer and the autumn.
Washington received a letter, courteous and even
flattering, from Governor Sharpe, of Maryland, who

58 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
had been placed by the English government at the
head of all these operations. But Washington
knew too well by this time what was the innate
source of weakness in such enterprises. A man
was to be held to the responsibility of command
who had no commission which entitled him to com
mand others. A company from South Carolina
was an independent army. An officer with the
king's commission would not obey one commissioned
by Virginia. It seems as if some skilful enchanter
had been showing him, on the petty scale of his first
adventures, phantoms which should represent the
jealousies of after years — when he was to be the
commander-in-chief of ' the contingents of thirteen
independent States.

CHAPTER IV.

THE BRADDOCK CAMPAIGN.

The French War — Washington an Aide to Braddock — Correspondence with
Orme — His Mother's Anxiety — Correspondence with Mrs. Fairfax —
Meeis Benjamin Franklin — The Advance toward Fort Duquesne —
The Battle and Retreat— Washington's Letters— The English View of
the Event — Mr. Davis's Prophecy — Legend of the Indian Chief.
IN 1755 the English government had awakened
at last to the condition of things in all parts of
the country, and was ready for war with France. On
the side of England and on the side of France a
like secrecy was observed, each government pre
tending that it was maintaining peace with the
other. But while the ambassador of England in
Paris was complaining of violations of peace, the
government in London was preparing for military
operations in America.
It is not the part of this book to go into the gen
eral history of America in that time. We are con
cerned with that history only in so far as it has to
do with the work of George Washington. Though
a young man, only twenty-three years of age, he
had so closely connected himself with affairs upon
59

6b THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
the frontier that the part he took was important.
He had already, as has been seen, attracted the at
tention of the authorities at home. His letters and
journals had been printed in London ; and though
we have only the epigrammatic remark of George the
Second regarding him, and Walpole's comment, made
at the same time, these are enough to show that
some importance was attached to him among per
sons in high position. The Duke of Cumberland,
whose military reputation was perhaps at its height
at this period, had been charged with the organiza
tion of the campaign. It was by his selection that
Major-General Edward Braddock was entrusted
with the execution of that part of it which was to be
wrought out on the frontier of Virginia. Little did
the Duke of Cumberland think, or little did Brad
dock think, that his name was to be rescued from
utter oblivion, before a century was over, by the con
tingencies which united him with the Virginia colo
nel who had hardly passed into manhood. Smol
lett, writing in 1758, says of Braddock, that he
" was undoubtedly a man of courage, and expert in all
the punctilios of a review, having been brought up in the
English Guards. But he was naturally very haughty,
positive, and difficult of access, qualities ill suited to the
temper of the people amongst whom he was to command.
His extreme severity in matters of discipline had rendered
him unpopular among the soldiers ; and the strict military
education in which he had been trained from his youth,
and which he prided himself on scrupulously following,

WASHINGTON AN AIDE TO BRADDOCK. 6l
made him hold the American militia in great contempt,
because they could not go through their exercise with
the same dexterity and regularity as a regiment of Guards
in Hyde Park, little knowing or indeed being' able to
form any idea of th'e difference between the European
manner of fighting and an American expedition through
woods, deserts, and morasses."
Braddock arrived on the 20th of February at
Hampton, Virginia, and went at once to Williams
burg to consult with Governor Dinwiddie. Shortly
afterwards he received from England two fine
regiments of about 500 men each, which were to
be increased to 700 men by Virginia recruits. The
troops were forwarded to Alexandria and instruc
tions were sent westward for procuring wagons and
horses for the train. The Virginians were cheered
for the first time, by seeing soldiers, munitions, and
artillery really arriving from "home" for their
relief. Every one was in good spirits. The levies
which were to bring up the numbers of the English
regiments were readily enlisted, and Braddock gave
them in charge of an " ensign " to make them " look
as like soldiers as possible." From the windows of
Mount Vernon, Washington could see the ships of
war and transports as they passed up to Alexandria.
In Alexandria itself, when he rode over, he found
all the brilliant apparatus of war. He expressed an
eager desire to join the expedition as a volunteer.
Braddock was only too glad to avail himself of such

62 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
a request. He directed Orme, an officer of his
staff, to write to Washington and invite him to join
them as a member of his own military family.
Braddock could have done nothing more wise, nor
could any invitation more agreeable, have reached
Washington. He accepted it at once. The two
letters, in view of what followed, are interesting.
They are in the following words :
ORME TO WASHINGTON. " Williamsburg, 2 March, 1755.
"Sir: "The General, having been informed that you ex
pressed some desire to make the campaign, but that
you declined it upon some disagreeableness which you
thought might arise from the regulations of command,
has ordered me to acquaint you, that he will be very glad
of your company in his family, by which all inconven
iences of that kind will be obviated.
" I shall think myself very happy to form an acquaint
ance with a person so universally esteemed, and shall use
every opportunity of assuring you how much I am, Sir,
your most obedient servant, " Robert Orme, Aide-de-camp."
WASHINGTON TO ORME.
Mount Vernon, 15 March, 1755.
" SIR :
" I was not favored with your polite letter of the 2d
instant until yesterday, acquainting me with the notice
his Excellency, General Braddock, is pleased to honor me
with, by kindly inviting me to become one of his family
in the ensuing campaign. It is true, Sir, I have, ever

CORRESPONDENCE WITH ORME. 63
since I declined my late command, expressed an inclina
tion to serve in this campaign as a volunteer ; and this
inclination is not a little increased, since it is likely to be
conducted by a gentleman of the General's experience.
" But . besides this, and the laudable desire I may
have to serve, with my best abilities, my King and
country, I must be ingenuous enough to confess that I
am not a little biassed by selfish considerations. To ex
plain, Sir, I wish earnestly to attain some knowledge in
the military profession, and, believing a more favorable
opportunity cannot offer, than to serve under a gentleman
of General Braddock's abilities and experience, it does,
you may reasonably suppose, not a little contribute to
influence my choice. But, Sir, as I have taken the
liberty to express my sentiments so freely, I must beg
your indulgence while I add, that the only bar which can
check me in the pursuit of this object, is the incon
veniences that must necessarily result from some pro
ceedings which happened a little before the General's
arrival, and which, in some measure, had abated the ardor
of my desires, and determined me to lead a life of retire
ment, into which I was just entering at no small expense,
when your favor was presented to me.
" But, as I shall do myself the honor of waiting upon his
Excellency, as soon as I hear of his arrival at Alexandria,
(I would do it sooner, were I certain where to find him,)
I shall decline saying farther on this head till then ; beg
ging you will be pleased to assure him, that I shall always
retain a grateful sense of the favor with which he is
pleased to honor me, and that I should have embraced
this opportunity of writing to him, had I not recently
addressed a congratulatory letter to him on his safe arrival
in this country.

64 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
" I flatter myself you will favor me in making a commu
nication of these sentiments.
" You do me a singular favor in proposing an acquaint
ance. It cannot but be attended with the most flattering
prospects, on my part, as you may already perceive,'by
the familiarity and freedom with which I now enter upon
this correspondence ; a freedom which, even if it is dis
agreeable, you must excuse, and lay the blame of it at
your own door, for encouraging me to throw off that
restraint, which otherwise might have been more obvious
in my deportment, on such an occasion.
"The hope of shortly seeing you will be an excuse for
my not adding more, than that I shall endeavor to approve
myself worthy of your friendship, and that I beg to be
esteemed your most obedient servant,
" George Washington."
Before he started he secured one lady as a corre
spondent for the campaign, and there is a reference
to another. The following letter is to Mrs. Fair
fax, at Belvoir ; probably his brother's sister-in-law,
though the last paragraph makes this doubtful :
" Bullskin, April 30, 1755.
" Dear Madam :
" In order to engage your correspondence, I think it is
incumbent on me to deserve it ; which I will endeavor
to do, by embracing the earliest and every opportu
nity of writing to you.
" It will be needless to dwell on the pleasure that a cor
respondence of this kind would afford me ; let it suffice
to say, a correspondence with my friends is the greatest
satisfaction I expect to enjoy in the course of the cam-

HIS MOTHER'S ANXIETY. 65
paign ; and that from none shall I derive such satisfac
tion as from yours, for to you I stand indebted for many
obligations. " If an old proverb will apply to my case, I shall close
with success ; for no man could have made a worse begin
ning than I have done. Out of four horses which I
brought from home* one I have killed outright, and the
other three are rendered unfit for use ; so that I have
been detained here three days already, and how much
longer I may continue to be so, time can only discover.
" I must beg my compliments to Mrs. Fairfax, Miss
Dent, and others that think me worthy of their inquiries.
I am, madam, your most obedient servant,
" George Washington."
It is interesting to observe that Washington's
mother felt great distress at his entering the military
life again. Thus far, indeed, that life, as she had
seen it, had been nothing but failure or misfortune.
But Washington was now no longer a boy. He
obeyed her, as he should have done, when she de
termined that he should not enter the English navy.
He now made his own determination, a determina
tion which has proved so important for his country
and mankind, and explained it to her in a modest
letter. He joined Braddock's staff at Will's Creek,
having Braddock's permission to remain a little
longer than he had at first proposed, to make the
difficult arrangements for the management of his
estate. It is interesting to note that he provided
Braddock with a small map of the back country,

66 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
drawn by himself, which, he says, though imperfect,
may give "a better knowledge of the parts than
you have hitherto had an opportunity to acquire."
In fact, he overtook the General at Fredericktown
early in May. Even at that early period, he de
tected a job which had taken the staff and Colonel
Dunbar's regiment through Maryland rather than
Virginia. " But I believe the eyes of the General
are now opened and the imposition detected ; and
consequently the like will not happen again." A
letter from Fort Cumberland shows that he was
mindful of home and its attractions, in the midst of
the excitements of the camp. After writing to his
brother John, whom he calls " My dear Jack," about
some good and neat boots which he wanted, because
"wearing boots is quite the mode, and mine are in
a declining state," he says :
" I have now a good opportunity, and shall not neglect
it, of forming an acquaintance which may be serviceable
hereafter, "if I find it worth while to push my fortune in
the military line. I have written to my two female cor
respondents by this opportunity, one of whose letters I
have enclosed to you, and beg your deliverance of it. I
shall expect a particular account of all that has happened
since my departure."
He was proclaimed, in general orders, as one of
General Braddock's aides on the ioth of May.
An interesting subject for an historical picture

MEETS BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 6j
would be the meeting of Washington with Benja
min Franklin at Fredericktown, just "at this period.
We have Franklin's account of it, and another, from
the other side, wholly independent. It is probable
that even then these two men contracted the respect
for each other which they always maintained to the
very end of Franklin's life. But we do not re
member that either of them in after life alluded, in
his correspondence, to this interview. An English
letter-writer says, in a letter written from Frederick-
town: " The day before our march back was appointed, there
arrived five Quakers, decently dressed. They were pure,
plump men, on brave fat horses, which, by the way, were
the first plump creatures I had seen in this country.
Then, as I told you before, I believed Virginia was peo
pled by Pharaoh's lean kine, but these Quakers seem to
come from the land of Goshen, they looked like Christian
people ; they went directly to his Excellence, and curios
ity carried us all to the general quarters. They came
with thanks to the general from the people of Pensil-
vania, for the great labour he had gone through in advan
cing so far into the wilderness for the protection of his
Majesty's dutiful subjects. They acquainted him further,
that they had been cutting roads to meet him with a
number of waggons loaded with flour, cheese, bacon, and
other provision, tho' this was good news I did but half
like it, I fear'd it would occasion our stay, and prevent
our marching back ; besides it was ominous, your cheese
and your bacon being the baits that draw rats to destruc
tion, and it proved but too true ; this bait drew us into a

68 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
trap, where happy was he that came off with -the loss of
his tail only."
There can be little doubt that one of these well-
apparelled Quakers was Benjamin Franklin. In
Franklin's own narrative, he gives this account of
the meeting :
" We found the General at Fredericktown waiting im
patiently for the return of those he had sent through the
back parts of Maryland and Virginia to collect wagons.
I stayed with him several days, dined with him daily, and
had full opportunities of removing his prejudices by the
information of what the Assembly had, before his arrival,
actually done and were still willing to do, to facilitate his
operations. When I was about to depart, the returns of
wagons to be obtained were brought in, by which it ap
peared that they amounted only to twenty-five, and not
all of those were in serviceable condition. The General
and all the officers were surprised, declared the expedi
tion was then at an end, being impossible ; and exclaimed
against the ministers for ignorantly sending them into a
country destitute of the means of conveying their stores,
baggage, etc., not less than one hundred and fifty wagons
being necessary.
" I happened to say that it wasa pity they had not been
landed in Pennsylvania, as in that country almost every
farmer had his wagon. The General eagerly laid hold of
my words and said : ' Then you, sir, who are a man of in
terest there, can probably procure them for us, and I beg
you will undertake it.' "
Braddock acknowledged this service handsomely

THE ADVANCE TOWARD FORT DUQUESNE. 69
in his report to his government. " I , agree," he
says, "with Mr. Benjamin Franklin, postmaster in
Philadelphia, who has great credit in that province,
to hire one hundred and fifty wagons, and the
necessary number of horses. This he accomplished
with promptitude and fidelity, and it is almost the
only instance of address and integrity which I have
seen in all these prdvinces."
On this hint, Franklin issued an advertisement,
at once asking for these wagons, and his appeal was
successful. In two weeks the 150 wagons, with 259
carrying horses, were on their march to the camp.
" The General," he says again, " was highly satis
fied with my conduct, thanked me repeatedly, and
.requested my further assistance. I undertook this
also, and was busily employed in it till we heard of
his defeat."
Franklin was one of those who warned him of the
danger of Indian ambuscades ; but Braddock smiled
at his ignorance, and replied : " These savages may
indeed be a formidable enemy to your American
militia, but upon the King's regular and disciplined
troops, sir, it is impossible that they should make
any impression."
That Franklin's account of these affairs was not
the exaggerated recollection of after years, appears
from the English letter from which we have already
quoted. The writer says that "the chief of them
told the General that he feared greatly for the

70 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
safety of the army ; that the woods, the further we
went, would be more dangerous, and the French
were a subtle and daring enemy, and would not
neglect any opportunity of surprising us ; that the
further we went the more difficult it would be to
supply us with provisions, and the country was not
worth keeping, much less conquering."
He also says that Franklin told Braddock that
the Indians might be made the guard of the colonies
with very small expense to England. " The Gen
eral not only heard this proposal with pleasure, and
communicated it to most of his officers, but doubted
if he had the power to execute it. Some of the
braggadocio Virginians, who last year ran away so
stoutly, began to clamor against the Quakers and.
the General, and so we marched."
One of the preposterous delays, which belonged
to all the English campaigning in America of that
time, kept the army on the eastern side of the moun
tains until June. This delay practically determined
the defeat which followed. Fortunately, we now
have the story very much in Washington's own
words : " Fort Cumberland, 14th May, 1755.
" Dear Brother :
" I left home the twenty-fourth of last month, and over
took the General at Fredericktown in Maryland ; from
whence we proceeded by slow marches to this place,
where, I fear, we shall remain some time, for want of
horses and carriages to carry our baggage, &c, over the

LETTER TO MAJOR CARLYLE. 71
mountains ; but more especially for want of forage, as it
cannot be imagined that so many horses as we require
will be subsisted without a great deal.
" We hear nothing particular from the Ohio, except that
the French are in hourly expectation of being joined by
a large body of Indians ; but I fancy they will find them
selves so warmly attacked in other places that it will not
be convenient for them to spare many.
" I am treated with freedom, not inconsistent with re
spect, by the General and his family. I have no doubt,
therefore, but that I shall spend my time more agreeably
than profitably during the campaign, as I conceive a little
experience will be my chief reward.
" Please to give my love to my sister, &c.
" I am, dear sir,, your most affectionate brother,
"George Washington."

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO MAJOR CARLYLE.
" Fort Cumberland, 14th of May, 1755.
" To Major John Carlyle, present at Williamsburg:
" SIR : — I overtook the General at Fredericktown, in
Maryland, and proceeded with him by way of Winchester
to this place, which gave him a good opportunity to see
the absurdity of the route, and damning it very heartily.
Col. Dunbar's regiment was also obliged to recross at Con-
nogogee, and come down within six miles of Winchester
to take the new road to Will's Creek, which, from the ab
surdity of it, was laughable enough.
" We are to halt here till forage can be brought from
Philadelphia, which I suppose will introduce the month- of
June, and then we are to proceed upon our tremendous

72 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
undertaking of transporting the heavy artillery over the
mountains, which, I believe, will compose the greatest
difficulty of the campaign ; for, as to any apprehensions
of the enemy, I think they are more to be provided
against than regarded, as I fancy the French will be
obliged to draw their force from the Ohio to repel the at
tack from the north under the command of Gov. Shirley,
&c, who will make three different attempts immediately.
" I could wish to hear what the assembly and others
have done, and are doing, together with such other occur
rences as have happened since my departure.
" I am in very great want of boots, and have desired my
brother John to purchase a pair, and send them by you,
who I hope will contrive to get them to me by the first
opportunity. " I have written to my old correspondent, Mrs. Carlyle
and must beg my compliments to my good friend Daltoh,
&c." The detention into June took place. It was at
Cumberland and Will's Creek that Braddock met
the Indian chiefs and made his treaties with them,
Washington was sent across the State of Virginia
to Williamsburg to bring on four thousand pounds
for the military chest. After his return he wrote
the following letter to his mother. It seems that
the conveniences of slavery did not prevent her
from needing German help, nor the exigencies of a
campaign hinder her from calling on her son to
help her. How curious the fortunes of American
history ! The earliest Winthrop papers in New
England, like these earliest memorials of Washing-

LETTER TO MRS. WASHINGTON. fi,
ton, are lighted up by negotiations for " help " for
the ladies who are alluded to;
TO MRS. WASHINGTON.
"Near Fredericksburg, Camp at Will's Creek, )
7th June, 1755. f
" Hon'd Madam :
" I was favored with your letter, by Mr. Dick, and am
sorry it is not in my power to provide you with a Dutch
servant, or the butter, agreeably to your desire. We are
quite out of the part of the country wherein either is to
be had, there being few or no inhabitants where we now
lie encamped, and butter cannot be had here to supply
the wants of the army.
" I am sorry it was not in my power to call upon you
as I went to or returned from Williamsburg. The busi
ness that I went upon (viz., money for the army) would
not suffer an hour's delay.
" I hope you will spend the chief part of your time at
Mount Vernon, as you have proposed to do, where I am
certain every thing will be ordered as much for your satis
faction as possible, in the situation we are in there.
" There is a detachment of five hundred men marched
from this camp toward the Alleghany, — to prepare the
roads, &c, &c. Is it imagined the main body will move
in about five day's time.
" As nothing else remarkable occurs to me, I shall con
clude (after begging my love and compliments to all
friends), dear madam,
" Your most aff'e and dutiful son,
" George Washington."
The army moved from the camp at Will's- Creek
on the 10th of June, reached the Little Meadows'

74 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
on the 1 6th, left Washington sick at Youghiogeny
on the 24th, and on the 4th of July encamped at
' Thickety Run. From this point they all moved
slowly, and on the 8th of July Washington over
took them just in time for the massacre. Braddock
had been a month in marching little more than a
hundred miles. Horace Walpole, who in a cant
phrase of the time had called Braddock " an Iro
quois," says of this march truly enough that " Brad
dock does not march as if he was at all impatient to
be scalped." But the end had now come.
Wholly unmolested by the enemy, the slow train
had come within ten or twelve miles of Fort
Duquesne. On the morning of the 9th it was on
the south side of the Monongahela River. But at
a point just above the present village of McKee's
Port, the high land or bluff closes so near to the
stream that there is no bottom land left on that
side. The river was low and the army forded it to
the northern side. It moved along the open bottom
for two miles, — and then, just where Mr. Carnegie's
great steel works at Bessemer now stand, they forded
again. They marched up the gentle ascent, to the
well defined road which led to the Fort. And here
they met their fate.
Beaujeu, the French commander, would have
been glad to check Braddock's advance at the cross
ing of the Monongahela, which the French writers
call Malangeule. Mr. Shea says :

BATTLE OF FORT DUQUESNE. J$
" The hesitation of the savages (Beaujeu's allies) de
layed his march so long that the enemy had crossed
the river and passed the place which he had selected
for his ambuscade. He had no choice left him but
to attack the English in front. The English and Ameri
can historians, in general, and among others, Irving,
Everett, and even Lossing, speak of this attack as from
an ambuscade. This seems to be an error. The French
army, if that may be called an army which Washington
calls a handful of Frenchmen, threw itself in open sight
upon the English advance. Beaujeu was at the head of
his braves, dressed as a Canadian chasseur, and distin
guished as an officer by his gorget. After the first dis
charge he divided his forces, and attacked the English on
both flanks, taking care to cover himself by trees. The
English stood firmly, and tried to maintain themselves
with their artillery and musketry. Beaujeu fell dead with
the Sieur de Carqueville, his lieutenant. La Perade,
Sieur de Parieux, ensign, and the Sieur de Hertel, cadet,
were wounded. But the carbines of the French and the
savages made a terrible slaughter in the English ranks.
The officers fell on all sides. When the savages saw that
the enemy dared not pursue them, they threw themselves
upon them, tomahawk in hand. The rout then became
general." Whether this were an ambuscade or not- depends
on the definition of terms. The English army was
marching up a narrow road, " a tunnel of trees," as
it has been called. They met Beaujeu and his men,
and the fight began. After it began, in the fashion
of frontier fight, of those days, every man who
could, chose his tree and picked off his enemy.

76 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
The ground of the first encounter is now the site
of a village, North Braddock. The Pennsylvania
Railroad passes nearly along the line of the road
where the armies met.
We have Washington's own account of this battle
in two or three letters, one of which Mr. Sparks has
printed. Another of them, of which he cites a part
in a foot-note, is his letter to Governor Dinwiddie,
of Virginia, approaching as nearly as possible the
character of an official report. As such, Dinwiddie
published it at the time, and it appears in the
contemporary Virginia, Philadelphia, and Boston
papers, as a letter from a " Virginian officer." Mr.
Sargent, the ¦ accomplished historian of Braddock's
defeat, quotes from this letter, as he found it in
The Pennsylvania Gazette, the fine phrase : " The
Virginia officers and troops behaved like" men and
died like soldiers." But he was not aware that in
these words he was quoting the language of the
first soldier of Virginia. Mr. Irving has the same
letter, and used it. We copy the article now from
the original letter-book.
TO THE HON. ROBERT DINWIDDIE, ESQ., WILLIAMSBURG.
"Fort Cumberland, July i8, 1755.
"Honorable Sir:
" As I am favored with an opportunity, I should think
myself inexcusable was I to omit giving you some ac
count of our late engagement with the French on the
Monongahela the ninth instant.

WASHINGTON'S REPORT OF BATTLE. *J7
" We continued our march from Fort Cumberland to
Frazer's (which is within seven miles of Du Quesne)
without meeting any extraordinary event, having only a
straggler or two picked up by the French Indians. When
we came to this place we were attacked (very unexpec
tedly) by about three hundred French and Indians. Our
numbers consisted of about thirteen hundred well-armed
men, chiefly regulars, who were immediately struck with
such an inconceivable panic that nothing but confusion
and disobedience of orders prevailed among them. The
officers in general behaved with incomparable bravery,
for which they greatly suffered, there being nearly sixty
killed and wounded, a large proportion of the number we
had. " The Virginia companies behaved like men, and died
like soldiers ; for, I believe, out of three Companies that
were on the ground that day, scarce thirty were left alive.
Capt. Peyronne and all his officers down to a corporal
were killed. Capt. Poison had almost as hard a fate ; for
only one of his escaped.
" In short, the dastardly behavior of the regular troops
(so called) exposed those who were inclined to do their
duty to almost certain death, and at length, in spite of
every effort to the contrary, [they] broke and ran as sheep
before hounds, leaving the artillery, ammunition, pro
visions, baggage, and in short every thing, a prey to the
enemy ; and when we endeavored to rally them in hopes
of regaining the ground and what we had left upon it, it
was with as little success as if we had attempted to have
stopped the wild bears of the mountains or rivulets with
our feet ; for they would break by in despite of every ef
fort that could be made to prevent it.
" The General was wounded in the shoulder and breast,

78 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
of which he died three days after. His two aides-de-camp
were both wounded, but are in a fair way of recovering.
Col. Barton and Sir John St. Clair are also wounded, and
I hope will get over it. Sir Peter Halket, with many
other brave officers, were killed in the field. It is sup
posed that we had three hundred or more killed ; about
that number we brought off wounded, and it is conjec
tured (I believe with much truth) that two-thirds of both
received their shot from our own cowardly regulars,1 who
gathered themselves in a body, contrary to orders, ten or
twelve deep ; would then fire and shoot down the men
before them.
" I tremble at the consequences that this defeat may
have upon our back settlers, who, I suppose, will all leave
their habitations unless there are proper measures taken
for their security.
" Col. Dunbar, who commands at present, intends, as
soon as his men are reunited at this place, to continue
his march to Philadelphia for winter quarters ; conse
quently there will be no men left here, unless it is the
shattered remains of the Virginia troops, who are totally
inadequate to the protection of the frontiers.
" As Capt. Orme is writing to you, however, I doubt
not but that he will give you a circumstantial account of
all things, which will make it needless for me to add more
than that I am, honorable sir, your most obedient and
humble servant, GEORGE WASHINGTON."
The terror inflicted by this repulse knew no
bounds. It will be seen that in seven days the
army retreated over the road which it had taken a
month to cross.
1 It was supposed that Gen. Braddock was shot by one of his own men.

KEP PEL'S REPORT OF BATTLE. ?g
The contemporary view of the battle and the re
treat, after it was fairly known, may be judged of
from the following letter of the celebrated Keppel.1
He writes to Governor Lawrence, of Nova Scotia,
—the Governor Lawrence of " Evangeline." Law
rence must have got this letter just in the midst of
the Evangeline misery. For it was on the 5th Sep
tember, ten days after Keppel wrote, that the peas
ants of Beau-Sejour were assembled at Grand Pre
to receive his Majesty's orders for their exile, and
on the 10th of September that their removal began.
******
" Between the first report of the General's death and
any confirmation of the story, there was a space of ten
days, which gave me flattering hopes that it was only re
port ; but the day before yesterday I received a confirma
tion of it by express from Will's Creek. I imagine, al
though it is a melancholy subject, you would be glad of
the particulars, and have enclosed you a list of the killed
and wounded, a copy of a letter from Mr. Orme, Gen.
Braddock's aide-de-camp to me, and a copy of Mr. Wash
ington's (who was likewise the General's aide-de-camp') to
Gov. Dinwiddie. Great blame and shame is laid to the-
charge of the private men of poor Sir Peter Halket and
Col. Dunbar's regiment that was upon the spot. The
loss of the artillery is irretrievable, as it enables the
French to fortify themselves so strongly, and I fear very
much the credit of the British arms among the Indians
will now be lost. A number of unhappy circumstances
will attend this defeat ; it may affect Gen. Shirley in his
1 From the autograph letter.

80 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
attack against Niagara, as well as many other operations
that were proposed.
" I give you joy that your expedition up the Bay has
succeeded so well ; and I wish, sir, you may always be as
successful. I am too far to receive your commands from
England, and am, sir, your most obedient and most hum
ble servant, A. Keppel."
Oddly enough, one of the most spirited contem
porary accounts of the battle is by Mr. Day, in
"Sandford and Merton." He must haye talked
with some soldier who .had returned. It confirms
Washington's letter curiously :
" We entered a swampy valley surrounded by shade.
It was impossible to continue our march without dis
ordering our ranks, and part of the army extended inself
beyond the rest, while another part of the line involun
tarily fell behind.
" While the officers were rectifying the disorder of
their men, a sudden noise of musketry was heard in front,
which stretched about twenty of our men upon the field.
The soldiers instinctively fired towards the part whence
they were attacked, and instantly fell back in disorder.
But it was equally in vain to retreat, or to go forward ;
for it now appeared that we were completely hemmed in.
On every side resounded the peals of scattering fire, that
thinned our ranks. After a few unavailing discharges,
the ranks were broken, and all subordination lost. The
woods resounded with cries and groans, and fruitless at
tempts of. our gallant officers to rally their men. By
intervals was heard the yell of the victorious savages, who
now began to leave the covert, and hew down those who

REPORT IN "SANDFORD AND MERTON." 8 1
fled with unrelenting cruelty. Those who stood and
those who fled were exposed to equal danger ; those who
kept their rank, and endeavored to repel the enemy, ex
posed their persons to their fire, and were successively
shot down, as happened to most of our unfortunate
officers, while those who fled frequently rushed upon
death. " A small number of Highlanders sheltered themselves
behind the nearest trees, and began to fire with more
success at the enemy, who now exposed themselves with
less reserve. This seemed to confound them ; and, had
not the panic been so general, it is possible that this effort
might have changed the fortune of the fight ; for, in an
other quarter, the provincial troops behaved with the
greatest bravery, -and, though deserted by the European
forces, effected their retreat.
" But it was now too late to hope for victory, or even
safety ; the ranks were broken on every side, the greater
part of our officers slain or wounded, and our general had
expiated with his life his fatal rashness."
Writing to Orme, after his own return to Mount
Vernon, Washington says :
"It is impossible to relate the different accounts
that were given of our late unhappy engagement,
all of which tend greatly to the disadvantage of the
poor deceased general, who is censured on all hands."
In the same letter he sends his "sincere compli
ments to Morris, Burton, Gage, and Dobson."
Gage he probably never met again, though he may
have seen him through a spy-glass. He was an
other of Braddock's aids, and will appear again as

82 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
General in Boston, when Washington besieges that
town. In such crash of battle, and such failure of home
commanders are the colonists, — and Colonel George
Washington among them, learning the slow lesson
of independence. On the 14th of August Wash
ington learns that he has been appointed to the
command of the Virginia troops, with the right to
appoint his own field officers*
But, in truth, after the catastrophe, he had been
practically the commander of the whole force in its
retreat. Braddock was dead ; Orme and Morris were
wounded. When Washington arrived at the camp
from which the army had moved so proudly that
morning, he found a panic reigning. It is said that
Braddock, as he died, apologized to Washington
for the petulance with which he had rejected his ad
vice, and that he then bequeathed to him his faithful
servant Bishop, who had helped to convey him from
the field. Fugitives from the battle, and the little
body of the head-quarters' staff, and their escort,
which still maintained some discipline, arrived at
Fort Cumberland on the 17th.
Washington says, in writing to his mother :
" The Virginia troops showed a good deal of bravery,
and were nearly all killed. The dastardly behavior of
those they call ' regulars ' exposed all others that were
ordered to do their duty to almost certain death, and at

WASHINGTON'S NARROW ESCAPE. 83
last, in spite of all the efforts of the officers to the con
trary, they ran as sheep pursued by dogs, and it was im
possible to rally them."
This is an interesting remark, like the similar
passage in his official report, as it serves to mark
the period when Washington must have begun to
feel less respect for the regular discipline of the
English army than was natural to a boy educated
in the colonies. To his brother, writing at the
same time, he says :
" By the all powerful dispensation of Providence I have
been protected beyond all human probability or expecta
tion ; for I had four bullets through my coat and two
horses shot under me, yet escaped unhurt, though death
was levelling my companions on every side of me. We
have been most scandalously beaten by a trifling body of
men. A feeble state of health obliges me to halt here for
two or three days to recover a little strength that I may
thereby be enabled to proceed homeward with more ease."
When Colonel Dunbar took command it was still
in his power to protect the frontier and to have re
gained something of the prestige which had been
lost. But Dunbar left two Virginia and Maryland
companies for this service, and really fled to Phila
delphia. The enemy did not pursue. In truth,
the force which had defeated Braddock and massa
cred his men was hot the main force of the French.
It was only a detachment of 72 regulars, 146 Cana
dians, and 637 Indians — 8.55 in all, led by Beaujeu.
The commander of Fort Duquesne was despairing

84 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
of defending his fort. Beaujeu prevailed on him to
let him try the great experiment which proved so
successful. He was himself killed at the beginning
of the fight ; but not more than seventy of his little
force were killed or wounded " On the whole," says
Smollett, reflecting the English opinion of the time,
"this was perhaps the most extraordinary victory
that ever was obtained, and the farthest flight that
was ever made."
A curious letter, written to Captain Montour this
autumn, shows what was the Indian name for
Washington. Here is a chance for the American
epic-poet : WASHINGTON TO CAPT. MONTOUR.
"Winchester, Oct. 10, 1755.
"... Recommend me kindly to our good friend,
Monocatoothe, and others. Tell them how happy it
would make Conotocaurious to have an opportunity of
shaking them by the hand at Fort Cumberland, and how
glad he would be to treat with them as brothers of our
great king beyond the waters."
In another letter of the same autumn he calls
George II. "the best of kings." In another cen
tury Thackeray calls him "the old pagan," and
"the strutting turkey-cock."
In a sermon preached the same summer by Rev.
Mr. Davis, afterwards President of Princeton Col
lege, he spoke of Washington's preservation on the
day of Braddock's fight, and said : "I cannot but
hope Providence has hitherto preserved him in so
signal a manner for some important service to his

MR. DAVIS'S PROPHECY. 85
country." His seal, bearing his initials, was found
on the battle-field eighty years after. He says him
self at the time : " I had four bullets through my
coat." Of these facts there can be no question. A
statement more romantic, which comes to us in the
somewhat rhetorical narrative of Mr. Custis, has
probably some foundation in fact. He says when
in 1770 Washington visited the Kanawha country a
body of Indians met them, commanded by the same
chief who led the Indians against Braddock. He
says that this Indian maintained towards Washing
ton the most reverential deference. A council fire
was lighted, and the chief addressed the Virginians.
He said then that at Braddock's fight he bade his
men aim at Washington, but that their aim was
vain. " A power mightier than we shielded him
from harm. He cannot die in battle."
Washington himself, in his diary of 1770, speaks
of an embassy led by White Mingo, which his party
met ; but he makes no allusion to the extraordinary
speech which Mr. Custis reports at length. Custis
received the story from Dr. Craik, who was present
on the occasion, and was much impressed by the in
cident. According to Mr. Custis, Dr. Craik told it
to a party of officers on the eve of the battle of
Monmouth. No Indian ever made such a speech as
Custis puts in the mouth of this unknown savage,
whom he miscalls "a sachem." But Craik was a
man of truth, and there can be -little doubt there
was some foundation for the story.

CHAPTER V.
WAR ON THE FRONTIER.
Return to Mount Vernon — 111 Health — Another Campaign — Appointed to
Command — Dinwiddie's Displeasure — William Shirley — Journey to
• Boston — Return — Miss Mary Philipse — War oh the Frontier — Lord
Loudoun — Mount Vernon Again — Hunting Shirts — Mrs. Custis —
Love-Letters — A Successful Campaign.
WASHINGTON arrived at Mount Vernon on
the 26th of July, feeble from sickness, and
discouraged to the very heart by the failure of the
expedition. He writes a very melancholy letter tc
his brother Augustine :
" What did I get by going to the Ohio ? Why, after
putting myself to a considerable expense in equipping
and providing necessaries for the campaign, I went out,
was sadly beaten, and lost all. Came in, and had my
commission taken from me ; or, in other words, had my
command reduced under the pretence of an order from
home. I then went out and volunteered with General
Braddock, and lost all my horses and many other things.
But this being a voluntary act I ought not to mention it ;
nor should I, were it not to show that I have been on the
losing way ever since I entered the service, which is now
nearly two years."
In such a crisis of affairs Governor Dinwiddie
convened the Virginia Assembly to devise measures
86

APPOINTED TO COMMAND. 87
for public safety. To the justice of the Virginians
it ought to be said, that when danger came upon
them they always showed their public spirit. They
issued orders at once for raising a regiment of 1,000
men. Washington was proposed as a candidate for
the command. His poor mother begged him not
to accept it. Washington had refused to ask for it,
and he had named the only conditions on which he
would take it. But to his mother he writes :
" Honored Madam :
" If it is in my power to avoid going to the Ohio
again, I shall ; but if the command is pressed upon me
by the general voice of the country, and offered upon'
such terms as cannot be objected against, it would reflect
dishonor on me to refuse it. And that I am sure must
and ought to give you greater uneasiness than my going
in an honorable command. Upon no other terms will I
accept it, At present I have no proposals made to me,
nor have I any advice of such an intention, except from
private hands." '
That very day, however, he received intelligence
that Governor Dinwiddie had commissioned him on
the very terms which he had dictated. The assem
bly also had voted three hundred pounds to him
and proportionate sums to other officers and to the
privates of the Virginia companies in consideration
of their gallant conduct and their losses. The ap
pointment of Washington was made simply in def
erence to the public sentiment of Virginia. Din-
1 Sparks' "Washington," vol. ii.

88 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
widdie had been obliged to sacrifice his own per
sonal inclination, which was in favor of Colonel
Innes, the other candidate. From this time for
ward it is thought that Dinwiddie never regarded
Washington with a friendly eye. Washington re
ceived his instructions, and went on the 14th of
September to Winchester, where he fixed his head
quarters. He was here near to that " Greenway
Court," where he had spent so much of the three
years of his early life. Here again he found his
old friend, Lord Fairfax. He was Lord-Lieutenant
of the County, just what he would like to be.
Greenway Court was his head-quarters. Lord Fair
fax had been an officer in the " Blues " in England,
and all his military ardor had revived. He had
organized a troop of horse, which he exercised him
self, and actually he may be said to have served
under Washington's command. On one occasion,
when Washington was visiting the frontier, the
alarm came that a body of Indians was ravaging
the country. Washington was at once sent for.
Lord Fairfax called on the militia to come in. They
showed no enthusiasm, and Washington's indigna
tion at the cowardice of the people whom he was to
protect rose almost without bounds. The panic
and confusion increased. After he returned to
Winchester, he put himself at the head of about
forty men, and pushed out to the place, only twelve
miles off, which the last alarm had come from. It

WILLIAM SHIRLEY. 89
proved to be wholly unfounded. The ferocious
party of Indians were two black men in quest of cat
tle ; but this report, when it arrived at Alexandria,
was magnified into a story that Winchester was in
flames. As the winter came on, such alarms died
away, and quiet, in a measure, returned.
The commander to whom the English govern
ment had now, in 1755, entrusted the general over
sight of its American affairs, after much blun
dering and consequent failure, was William Shirley.
It is a matter of surprise and of regret that the life
of Shirley was not properly written when the mate
rials existed from which it could have been pre
pared. For the years of his American administra
tion he distinguished himself as a skilful, prompt,
and successful officer. He never quarrelled when
a quarrel was not necessary. He always kept in
sight the aim for which he was contending, and he
did much, as it proved, in that course of education
by which the colonists were trained to learn their
own strength. By the death of Braddock, Governor
Shirley was entrusted with the chief command of
the English enterprises in America. It was, accord
ingly, to him that Washington went in person for
the purpose of bringing light out of darkness, if he
could, or wisdom out of folly, in that complicated
matter of the worth of a provincial commission,
which had so annoyed him from the very beginning
of his military service. Either a Virginia colonel

Q.O. THE LIFE. OF WASHINGTON.
might command a major commissioned by King
George, or he might not. Or a colonel, commis
sioned on the ist of May by. Governor Dinwid
die, might command a colonel commissioned by
George the Second on the ist of June, or he might
not. Washington and his friends in the Virginia
contingent meant to find out what was the answer
to these questions.
And Washington had had quite enough of the
long-delayed course of correspondence on such mat
ters. He proposed now to go himself. Shirley
was in Boston, 500 miles from Washington's home ;
but the distance was a trifle, in comparison with
the importance of the object to be secured. So
soon as the active campaign, or the prospect of it,
was over, he prepared to go to Boston, to obtain
from Shirley a decision on the special point which
had arisen in Virginia, and a general regulation by
which such difficulties would in future be prevented.
Captain Stewart, of the Virginia Light Horse, accom
panied him, and also his own aide, Captain George
Mercer, of Virginia. These gentlemen each had
one or two colored servants in livery. As was the
necessity of the time, the party went on horseback,
though they travelled in the depth of winter. They
remained for some days in Philadelphia, and for
some days further in New York.
Although the connection between the colonies
was then not nearly so close as the events of twenty

JOURNEY TO BOSTON. 91
years after made it, still the common danger had
interested every one in the fortunes of Virginia.
Although he was so young, George Washington's
name was probably better known, in Pennsylvania,
in New York, in Connecticut, and in Massachusetts,
than that of any other Virginian of his time, unless
it were Governor Dinwiddie' s. It may easily be im
agined, therefore, that the brilliant little party, as
it passed from town to town, attracted no little at
tention. In Philadelphia, in New York, and in
Boston, the young gentlemen received the most
cordial welcome, and saw the very best of society.
Washington stayed long enough in Boston to suc
ceed in interesting Shirley in his object. So far as
the question of rank between, officers commissioned
by different colonies was concerned, he carried his
point. Governor Shirley gave a written order, say
ing that each provincial officer must obey his supe
rior in nominal rank, even if that superior were
commissioned by another colony. Such difficulties,
therefore, as Washington had had with insubordi
nate captains, from Maryland, from North Carolina,
and South Carolina, were at an end. But Shirley
knew too well the temper of the English army, and
the men from whom he received instructions in
London, to venture any further. He would not say
that provincial officers might command officers com
missioned by the Crown, merely on the strength of
their provincial rank. He left rankling, therefore,

92 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
the thorn which, from the very beginning of any at
tempted co-operation between the provincial troops
and the troops of England, had made a sore place
in every American establishment.
While he was in Boston, Washington attended
the meeting of the General Court, then held in
what is now known as the Old State House, and
was greatly interested in the discussions of the plans
of military operations. He received the most
cordial attentions from the social leaders of the
town, to which he referred, with interest, twenty
years later, when he entered it as a triumphant
commander-in-chief. The party returned to New
York, and he made another stay there of several
days. In New York resided Beverly Robinson, who was
the son of the Speaker of the Virginia House of
Burgesses. This gentleman had lately married, and
at his house, where Washington was a frequent
guest, he met Miss Mary Philipse, a very charming
young lady. She was a sister of Mrs. Robinson,
and co-heiress with her to the property of Mr.
Adolphus Philipse, a rich land-owner, whose fine
old manor-house is still standing on the banks of the
Hudson, at Yonkers. Washington admired Miss
Philipse and did not conceal his admiration. A
tradition says, "that he offered himself to her ; that
he sought her hand, but was refused." Mr. Irving,
who had good opportunity to learn the basis of this

MISS MARY PHILIPSE. 93
tradition, decides " that it is not very probable."
He thinks " the most probable version of the story
is, that Washington was called away by his public
duties before he had made sufficient approaches in
his siege of the lady's heart, to warrant a summons
to surrender."
What we know happened was this: that he was
obliged to be at Williamsburg, in Virginia, in the
latter part of March, attending the meeting of the
Legislature. Here he was to promote measures for
the capture of Fort Duquesne, at the head of the
Ohio River. The neighboring states of Maryland
and Pennsylvania, willing enough to help them
selves, showed no disposition to join Virginia in
an attack on the French position. More than this,
every thing was to be provided if so strong a post
was to be attacked in force. Washington was en
gaged, therefore, earnestly in begging the Assembly
to increase the forces of Virginia and to improve
their military laws.
Human life is dramatic. While he was engaged
in these cares, he received, almost at once, two des
patches. One was from a friend in New York,
who warned him that Morris, his fellow aide under
Braddock, was paying close court to Miss Philipse.
If Washington meant to persevere in that direction,
he must return to New York as quickly as he might.
But, alas, the other news made it certain that the
French and Indians were again spreading terror and

94 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
desolation through the frontier beyond Winchester.
There was no time to be lost in love-making. Wash
ington repaired in haste to the post which had been
established in Winchester, that he might take com
mand of the troops there assembled, and Captain
Morris was left to carry off successfully the Helen
of this new Iliad.
When he arrived at Winchester, Washington
found that, for once, the frontier troubles had not
been exaggerated. The French had succeeded in
obtaining the cordial co-operation of the savages.
They had, in more than one instance, penetrated
the valley of the Shenandoah, and even in the
neighborhood of Winchester, people had been
killed by them.
Washington's own sensibilities were touched in a
peculiar way when he found that his old friend,
Lord Fairfax, in his beautiful retreat of Greenway
Court, was himself in danger. His friends knew
well that the savages regarded him as a great chief,
and would make special effort to make him prisoner
if they could. His nephew, Colonel Martin, of the
militia, who resided with him, suggested the expedi
ency of a removal to the lower settlements, beyond
the Blue Ridge. The high-spirited old nobleman
demurred ; his heart clung to the home which he
had formed in the wilderness.
" I am an old man," said he, " and it is of little impor
tance whether I fall by the tomahawk or die of disease

WAR ON THE FRONTIER. 95
and old age ; but you are young, and, it is to be hoped,
have many years before you ; therefore, decide for us
both. My only fear is that if we retire, the whole district
will break up and take to flight, and this fine country,
which I have been at such cost and trouble to improve,
will again become a wilderness."
In fact, however, the old man lived until 1 78 1.
Mr. Rqbinson, the Speaker of the House wrote
to Washington : " Our hopes, Dear George, are
all fixed on you for bringing our affairs to a happy
issue." In the same letter he urged him not to
throw up his commission.
Washington had two matters upon his hands at this
time. First of all, he had to protect and encourage
the frontier. Further, he had to find out whether
Lord Loudoun had not conceived some false im
pressions regarding Virginia and her people. In
deed, while he and his immediate companions at
home were criticising their own government for its
weakness and fickleness, whenever he represented
them to the other colonies it was his duty to show
what it had done, and not to dwell upon its failures.
The basis of his own plan was the wish to build
a strong fort at Winchester, which was, in fact,
the central point of the frontier settlements.
Here he would be glad to make a great deposit of
military stores, a place for head-quarters of the com
mand, and a place of refuge for the families of men
who were obliged to take the field. Besides this,

.>•

g6 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
he proposed to have three or four considerable es
tablishments, with strong garrisons, upon the fron
tier. He saw no reason why the State of Virginia
should keep up the expense of Fort Cumberland,
which was not within its own territory, and was out
of the track of Indian encroachments. He also pro
posed strong military enactments which should raise
the militia, when they were embodied, into the
character of a regular armed force.
Unfortunately for him and for Virginia, Govern
or Dinwiddie had conceived very different plans,
of which some account has been given above.
He proposed a series of forts, which would have
been little more than block-houses, twenty-three in
number, to be scattered all along the frontier. He
proposed to keep up Fort Cumberland also, al
though at a great expense. But he yielded so far
to Washington as to permit the establishment of
the great central fort at Winchester.
Washington devoted himself to this business. He
gave to the new station the name of Fort Lou
doun, in honor of Lord Loudoun, for whose arrival
in Virginia he was hoping. Through the summer
of 1 756 he used such force as he could command
for the establishment of this post, which in the
rather grand language of the day is called a fortress.
He was obliged also to select sites for the twenty-
three frontier posts of which he did not approve.
This work kept him very often in the wilderness,

MISUNDERSTANDINGS 97
and was a service of peril. At one time, indeed,
when with only a servant and a guide he was
journeying in a wild part of the country, he learned
that two men had been murdered by Indians in a
certain defile shortly after he had passed through it.
He had more reason to be dissatisfied with the
behavior of the militia who were called into service.
Fortunately for him, no formidable encroachments
were made by the French this summer. If there
had been, the result which he had himself seen in
the surrender of Fort Necessity and in the defeat
of General Braddock might have been repeated.
Before the summer was ended, he was so completely
at variance with Governor Dinwiddie, that, in spite
of all his remonstrances, the Governor ordered that
the garrisons should be withdrawn from most of
the small frontier forts to strengthen Fort Cumber
land. He arranged that the head-quarters of the
army should be established at that place, and even
sent there most of the troops from Winchester.
No force, indeed, was needed at Fort Cumberland,
and it was out of the way in most cases of alarm.
But by these movements, made by Governor Din
widdie from a distance, the frontier was weakened
wherever an attack might have been expected. It
is not too much to say that Dinwiddie was gov
erned in these movements by his jealousy of the
reputation which Washington had already gained
among the people of the province It is intimated

98 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
also that there was a little Scotch faction at Wil
liamsburg, who thought that they might disgust
Washington with the service, induce him to resign,
and make a place for Colonel Innis, who was his
rival. The plan on the northern frontier was that a
movement should be made at once against Niagara,
on the west of Newv York, and against Montreal
upon the north. But so little energy was there in
the government at London, that General Aber-
crombie, who was next' in command to Lord Lou
doun, did not reach Albany, which was to be his
head-quarters, until the 25th of June, when the sea
son for the campaign was well forward. Abercrom-
bie's movements were then so slow and irresolute
that he disgusted all the provincial troops and their
officers. When, at last, Lord Loudoun himself, the
commander-in-chief, arrived, on the 29th of July,
nothing had been done. Against these two com
manders was Montcalm, one of the ablest soldiers
of the enemy. Montcalm moved promptly up the
St. Lawrence, besieged the forts which had the
names " Oswego " and " Ontario," and compelled
the garrisons to surrender as prisoners of war.
This was substantially the end of the great north
ern campaign. The fame of it, however, had gone
so far, that it probably did relieve the Virginian set
tlements to a certain extent from invasions from-
Fort Duquesne. The commander at that post

LORD LOUDOUN. 99
may well have been excused, if he could not con
ceive of such delays as rendered powerless the great
English forces at the northeast of him. After this
unsatisfactory year was over, Washington deter
mined that if he were to remain in the military
service it must be with a better understanding on
both sides between himself and his chiefs. Lou
doun's welcome was such as to gratify a youn-g
man, and he found himself frequently consulted on
points of frontier service. He urged in vain that a
new attempt should be made on the French fort at
the head of the Ohio, while attacks were made on
Canada. But Lord Loudoun was not willing to at
tempt so much, and insisted that the middle and
southern provinces should stand on the defensive.
He even ordered the Virginians to send four hun
dred of their troops to the South Carolina frontier,
so that, in fact, her own available force was weaker
than before. Washington renewed the attempt
which he had made with Shirley, to have his own
regiment placed on the same footing as if it were in
the regular army, and in connection with this plan
he would have been glad to obtain a king's com
mission. But it was not in the book of the fates
that he should ever directly serve under an English
king. He did succeed in persuading Loudoun that Fort
Cumberland must be reduced to a subordinate posi
tion and the Virginia garrison be ordered back to

10O THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
Winchester. He was instructed also to co-operate
in military affairs with Colonel Stanwix, in command
on the Pennsylvania frontier. This relationship
grew into a cordial, mutual esteem between the two
officers. So far satisfied, Washington returned to his
routine duties in defending the frontier against sav
ages ; and Lord Loudoun and the English govern
ment lost the opportunity of placing in active com
mand the man whom Frederick the Great after
wards spoke of as the greatest general of his time.
But at that period, however it may have been since,
it was not the custom in the English service to ap
point to places of command the fittest men who
could be found. And England and America were
consequently destined to see the year 1757 pass, as
the year 1756 had passed, without any energetic
measures against an enemy, whose forces in Amer
ica were entirely inferior to those under the control
of the English king.
In point of fact, the operations at the north were
all unsuccessful. The year wore away for Washing
ton in the harassing service of defending a wide
frontier with an insufficient and badly organized
force, and in continual misunderstandings with
Governor Dinwiddie. Once and again he addressed
Dinwiddie directly, to ask him that he might have
an opportunity to explain the misrepresentations
made to him. It is curious enough, indeed, that a
man who is now recollected only because he stood

ILL HEALTH. lot
in any personal relations to George Washington,
should at that time have had the petty pride of a
superior, scolding a young officer for his absence
from this place or that place, and taking him to task,
as if he were a wayward boy. We shall have more
than one such instance of the mistakes of precedence
in human arrangements, as we follow this history.
The vexations which Washington received, and
the countless fatigues of frontier service, affected
his health. For some time he struggled, while on
duty, with repeated attacks of dysentery and fever ;
but at length relinquished his post near the end of
the year, and retired to Mount Vernon. He was
affected by the return of his malady for several.
months. He thought the symptoms indicative of a
consumptive decline. " My constitution," he writes
" is much impaired, and nothing can retrieve it but
the greatest care and the most circumspect course of
life." It is probably at this time that he had one or
more attacks which are called afterwards pleurisy,
which are spoken of by the physicians who had the
care of him in his last illness. But after this period,
although he was ill more than once, there seems to
be no reference to delicacy of the lungs in his dis
orders. As the spring of 1758 came on, he had the
pleasure of seeing that his favorite measure, the re
duction of Fort Duquesne, was at last resolved
upon. He was still commander-in-chief of the
Virginia troops, which were now considerably in-

to2 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
creased by an act of the Assembly. The whole of
this force was to make a part of General Forbes's
army in the expedition against Fort Duquesne.
He was at Mount Vernon on the 4th of March.
At that time he writes :
" I am at this time under a strict regimen, and shall set
out to-morrow for Williamsburg to receive the advice of
the best physicians there. I have thoughts of quitting
my command and retiring from all public business, leav
ing my post to be filled by some other person more capa
ble of the task, and who may, perhaps, have his endeavors
crowned with better success than mine."
He went to Williamsburg ; he probably consulted
with the government there, and he was at Fort Lou
doun, at Winchester, about the first of April. His
correspondence at once begins to prepare actively
for the campaign. He writes to his old friend Hal-
kett, who had been on Braddock's staff : " My dear
Halkett, are we to have you once more among us?
And shall we revisit together a spot that proved so
fatal to so many of our former brave companions ?
Yes, and I rejoice at it, hoping it will now be in our
power to testify a just abhorrence of the cruel butch
eries exercised on our friends in the unfortunate day
of General Braddock's defeat ; and, moreover, to
show our enemies that we can practise all that lenity
of which they boast without affording any adequate
proofs." He had asked Stanwix, whom he knew
and trusted, to represent him favorably to General

HUNTING SHIRTS. I03
Forbes. Before the 23d of April he had heard
from Forbes indirectly by a letter addressed to
President Blair, and was glad to find that Forbes
had confidence in him. On, the 3d of July he
writes from the camp near Fort Cumberland, which
was situated near the present city of Cumberland,
a letter to Colonel Bouquet. It makes the first al
lusion, which we remember, to the use of the hunt
ing shirt as a uniform, which afterwards became so
celebrated under Morgan. Bouquet had written :
' Major Lewis, with your two hundred men, arrived
here last night. I am extremely obliged to you for
this extraordinary despatch. Their dress shall be
our pattern in this expedition." Again, afterwards,
he says : " The dress takes very well here, and,
thank God, we see nothing but shirts and blankets."
To which Washington replied :
" It gives me great pleasure that you approve the dress
I have put my men into. It is evident that soldiers in
that trim are better able to carry their provisions, are
fitter for the active service we must engage in, less liable
to sink under the fatigues of a march, and we thus get
rid of much baggage, which would lengthen our line of
march. These, and not whim or caprice, were my rea
sons for ordering this dress."
The detail is not unimportant when we remem
ber that it proved at the end of this century that
Lord Cornwallis, by the tactics which he introduced
in his army, and the French officers who had seen

I04 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
the American light infantry, revolutionized th:
movements of European armies. The days of
heavy infantry were over, and the days of light in
fantry began, after the experience of the American
Revolution. Meanwhile, he carried into this campaign one
happy memory and hope. Whatever may have been
the wound made on his heart by the attractions of
Miss Philipse, it was so far cured that in the spring
of 1758 he engaged himself to Martha Custis, the
beautiful widow of Daniel Parke Custis. He was on
his way from Mount Vernon to Williamsburg for
one of his consultations before the opening of the
campaign. It was on a beautiful day in May when
with his servant, Bishop, he came down to the
Pamunkey River, not far from a public crossing,
known as William's Ferry. The tradition says that
he was riding a powerful chestnut-brown horse,
which had been General Braddock's, and that
Bishop, his servant, was as tall as he himself was,
and of military mien. Major Chamberlayne, who
lived in a fine house not far from the White House,
which still gives its name to that landing at the
Pamunkey, saw from his side of the river the trav
ellers as they crossed the ferry. He recognized
Washington, and begged him to stay at his house
for a day or two. Washington declined, giving
urgent business as his excuse. Major Chamber
layne pressed the invitation, and said that one of

MRS. CUSTIS. I OS
the most charming young widows in all Virginia
was his guest at the moment. This lady was Mrs.
Custis. The handsome young colonel was then the most
distinguished soldier in Virginia. It is said that he
and Mrs. Custis " were mutually pleased at the
moment of the introduction ; that here was a notable
case of love at first sight." However that may be,
it is sure that the colonel stayed long after the
time when he had bidden Bishop to bring his horse
to the door ; and the sun was just setting when he
arose to depart. Major Chamberlayne would not
permit his departure, and said : " No guest ever
leaves my house after sunset." Washington was
not sorry for the prohibition. He- and Mrs. Custis
lingered long in conversation. It is said they
lingered " after the other guests had retired." It is
certain that the next morning was well advanced
before his important business dragged him to
Williamsburg. He finished it with all possible
despatch. He returned to the Pamunkey, and this
time stopped, not at Major Chamberlayne's house,
but at the White House, where he was graciously
received by its mistress. This was the evening of
a delicious day. He remained as a guest till late
the next day, and, before he left, he and Martha
Custis had pledged their troth to each other. In
after life, Mrs. Washington, afraid of just such
books as the reader has in his hand, succeeded in

106 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
destroying all her letters to him, ,and all his letters
to her, which she could find, perhaps with one or
two choice exceptions. It is said that there are but
four or five of his letters to her in existence. One
of these, written on the 20th of July, of the year of
their engagement, has been copied by Mr. Lossing
from the autograph, and is in these words :
" We have begun our march for the Ohio. A courier
is starting for Williamsburg, and I embrace the opportu
nity to send a few words to one whose life is now insepa
rable from mine. Since that happy hour when we made
our pledges to each other, my thoughts have been con
tinually going to you as to another self. That an All
powerful Providence may keep us both in safety, is the
prayer of your ever faithful and ever affectionate friend,
" G: Washington."
A second letter in the same campaign is a queer
mixture of the slow fun of those times of sentiment
and of history, as the following extracts will show :
" Camp at Rasts Town, 25th Septr., 1758.
" Dear Madam :. — Do we still misunderstand the true
meaning of each others Letters ? I think it must appear
so, tho' I would feign the contrary as I cannot speak plainer
without — but I '11 say no more, and leave you to guess
the rest.
" I am now furnish'd with News of a very Interesting na
ture, I know it will affect you, but as you must hear it from
others I will state it myself. The 12th past then, Major
Grant with a chosen Detachment of 800 Men Marched

LETTER TO MRS. CUSTIS. 107
from our advanced Post to Loyal Hannan against Fort
Du-quesne. On the night of the 13th he arrived at that
place or rather upon a Hill near to it ; from whence went
a Party and viewed the Works, made what observation's
they coud and burnt a Loge House not far from the
Walls. Egg'd on rather than satisfied by this success,
Major Grant must needs Insult the Enemy next morning
by beating the Riveille in different places in view, this
caused a great Body of Men to Sallie from the Fort and
an obstinate engagement to ensue, which was maintained
on Our Side with the utmost efforts that bravery could
yield, till being overpower'd and quite Surrounded they
were obliged to Retreat with the loss of 22 officers killed
and 278 Men besides wounded.
* * * * * *
" What was the great end proposed by this attempt, or
what will be the event of its failure, I cant take upon me
to determine ; it appears however (from the best Accts)
that the Enemy lost more Men than we did in the en
gagement. Thus it is the Lives of the brave are often
disposed of — but who is there that does not rather Envy,
than regreat a Death that gives birth to Honour and
Glorious memory.
* * * * * *
" So miserably has this Expedition been managed,
that I expect after a Months further Tryal, and the loss
of many more Men by the Sword, Cold and Perhaps
Famine, we shall give the Expedition over as Impracti
cable this Season and retire to the Inhabitants condemned
by the World and derided by our Friends. I should
think my time more agreeably spent, believe me, in play
ing a part in Cato with the Company you mention, and
myself doubly happy in being the Juba to such a Marcia
as you must make.

108 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
" Your agreable Letter contained these words ' My
Sisters and Nancy Gist who neither of them expect to be
here soon after our return from Town, desire you to ac
cept their best Compliments &c.' Pray are these Ladies
upon a Matrimonial Scheme ? Is Miss Fairfax to be
transformed into that charming Domestic — a Martin —
and Miss Cary to a Fa  re. What does Miss Gist turn
to — A Cocke — that cant be we have him here.
" One thing more and then have done, you ask if I am
not tird at the length of your Letter ? No Madam I am
not, nor never can be while the Lines are an inch asunder
to bring you in haste to the end of the Paper, you may
be tird of mine by this. Adieu dear Madam, you pos
sibly will hear something of me, or from me before we
shall meet. I must beg the favour of you to make my
Compliments to Col" Cary and the Ladies with you, and
believe that I am most unalterably
" Yr Most Obedt, and Oblig'd
" G° Washington."
A new era had come when Pitt was put in charge
of affairs in England. It is said that when he sent
a commander, he asked him what was the force
which he wished to employ, and whatever the officer
wanted, Pitt gave him double the strength he
asked for ; so that, whoever else was responsible
for lack of success, Pitt himself might not be.
Pitt was greatly discouraged at the failure of Aber-
crombie before Ticonderoga in 1758. " I own this
news has sunk my spirits," he wrote, " and has left
very painful impressions on my mind." But he did
not lose hope.
On the frontier in which Washington was inter-

WAR ON THE FRONTIER. 109
ested, he entrusted the command to John Forbes, a
Scotchman. Washington was now in full command
of the Virginian levies. Forbes had determined to
cross the mountains by a route heretofore untried.
Washington urged him to avail himself of Brad
dock's route, and to take advantage of the time which
had been spent in opening it. Rightly or wrongly,
but with' Scotch persistency, Forbes held upon his
plan. Washington loyally seconded the movement
which he had not advised. In fact, the French
were already beaten. The commander at Fort Du
quesne knew that he could not hold the post, after
Bradstreet's success at Frontenac had cut off his
supplies of food. The English were delayed by a
wet October, but Forbes, carried on his litter, ar
rived at Loyal Hanna, the farthest outpost, in early
November. He had not thought that he could go
forward farther, so bad were the roads and so late
the season. But news was brought that the French
were at their last gasp. A light force was pressed
forward which, at Turkey Creek, heard the glad ex
plosion, announcing that the fort at Duquesne had
been blown up and that the garrison was withdrawn.
The next year brought the great success of Wolfe
in Quebec, and the long contest was practically over.
His military correspondence of these years all
shows his practical ability, even at this early period
of his life, and the satisfaction with which, at last,
he conducts a campaign now that he is in the chief
command, where he has seen one misconducted

IIO THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
before. Still he is dissatisfied with Bouquet's plans,
— and urged that they should advance by Braddock's
road, in which wish he was overruled. Still, they
succeeded. After almost endless delays, — which
seemed to him unnecessary, he has the satisfaction
of writing to Fauquier, who now holds the place of
Governor, " that Fort Duquesne, or the ground
rather on which it stood, was possessed by His
Majesty's troops on the 55th of November.
" The enemy, after letting us get within a day's march
of the place, burned the fort and ran away by the light of it
at night, going down the Ohio by water, to the number of
about five hundred men, according to our best information.
This possession of the fort has been matter of surprise to
the whole army, and we cannot attribute it to more proba
ble causes than the weakness of the enemy, want of
provisions, and the defection of their Indians. Of these
circumstances we were luckily informed by three prison
ers, who providentially fell into our hands at Loyal
Hanna, when we despaired of proceeding farther. A
council of war had determined that it was not advisable
to advance this season beyond that place ; but the above
information caused us to march on without tents or bag
gage, and with only a light train of artillery. We have
thus happily succeeded. It would be tedious, and I
think unnecessary, to relate every trivial circumstance
that has happened since my last. To do this, if needful,
shall be the employment of a leisure hour, when I shall
have the pleasure to pay my respects to your Honor." '
1 Letter in Sparks, vol. ii., p. 320.

CHAPTER VI.
peace and home.
Washington's Love of Home — His Marriage — Visit to Williamsburg —
Mount Vernon — Administration of the Property of His Wife and Her
Children — Correspondence with His English Agents — His Tobacco and
Flour Excellent — Severe Illness — Purchases for Master John and 'Miss
Patty Custis — His Indignation at Neglect of Duty — Agricultural Ex
periments — Fondness for Riding — Routine of a Country Day — Interest
in Military Affairs — Love of Sport — Constant Interest in Public Busi
ness — Tour to Ohio Valley — John Custis's Education — Patty's Death —
John's Marriage.
WASHINGTON had a real love of home.
In the midst of his campaigns, this peeps
out sometimes in a curious way, as one reads his let
ters. And this year of peace meant for him mar
riage to the beautiful woman who had engaged
herself to him when he was in the very thick of
war. He returned to the civilized parts of Virginia
in time to be married to Mrs. Custis at her own
house, the White House on the Pamunkey River,
on the 6th of January, 1759. The wedding was
celebrated with all the solemnities and elegancies of
a liberal hospitality, with a large and joyful assem
blage of friends. HI

112 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
He lived at the White House, which gave its
name to that region, a name still remembered, for
the first three months after his marriage. He was
a member of the House of Burgesses from Fairfax,
his own county, and soon after the wedding he
went to Williamsburg to take his seat. It had
been determined in the House that he should be
met by fit recognition of his distinguished services.
The Speaker, Robinson, addressed him in eloquent
language, and thanked him on behalf of the colony
for the success of his military administration. Wash
ington was taken unawares. He rose to reply,
blushed, stammered, trembled, and could not speak.
It was then that the Speaker made the remark
which has become almost proverbial : "Sit down,
Mr. Washington ; your modesty is equal to your
valor, and that surpasses the power of any language
that I possess." From this time Washington at
tended the meetings of the colonial legislature for
fifteen different sessions. His experience in that
body was of great importance to him. He certainly
overcame the diffidence of the beginning, and soon
became an easy speaker. His acquaintance with
men and with affairs grew as he met the delegates
from all parts of the colony, and he learned here, or
somewhere else, that tolerance for ignorant and
foolish people, which is a very interesting character
istic of his later habits of dealing with men. So
soon as the session ended, he led his bride back to

MARTHA WASHINGTON, 113

114 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
Mount Vernon, which was to be their home. The
title to this property had come to him, as has been
said, on the death of his niece, to whom it had
passed after the death of Lawrence Washington.
There are few more beautiful situations in
America. Whoever selected the site as a place
for a residence, chose well. At the time when
Washington took his bride there, the house was a
handsome one for the Virginia of the day ; but it
was by no means so large as the house now known
to many Americans as the home of Washington.
His means, however, were ample, and he soon
began a series of improvements, which continued
from that time almost to his death. Apart from his
own property, he had the administration of the
estate of his wife. . Her first husband, Mr. Custis,
had left large landed property and forty-five thou
sand pounds sterling in money. One third of this
fell to his widow on his death ; two thirds were
shared by her two children, a boy of six and a girl
of four years of age. By a special vote of the Gen
eral Court of Virginia, Washington was entrusted
with the care of this property. His discharge of
that trust made one of the special duties of his life.
And we shall find again and again, in the letters,
either to these young people themselves or to
others, allusion to their estate as different from his
own. Soon after his marriage, it is evident that he
had had an intention or wish to visit England. But

WASHINGTON'S LOVE OF HOME. 1 15
it was not so easy to cross the ocean with a lady
then as it is now, and his marriage seems to have
put an end to his ideas of foreign travel. " I am
now, I believe," he writes, " fixed here with an
agreeable partner for life. I find more happiness
in retirement than I ever experienced in the wide
and bustling world."
This was certainly true. Washington had no
lack of resources in home life. He. was fond of the
detail of agriculture. He was even fond of the de
tail of accounts. The business of a Virginia planter
threw him into somewhat wide relations. He ship
ped his own crops. He received the returns di
rectly, — frequently in English goods, of which, on
this side, he was to take charge. His English cor
respondents, to whom we have his business letters,
were Robert Carey, a merchant, Richard Washing
ton, and Capel Hanbury, Francis Dandridge, and
occasionally one of his old military friends.
Although the subjects of these letters generally
relate to the business of the year, or to the immedi
ate needs of Mount Vernon or the family, they
make an interesting series, if only as a display of
the habits of the time. Washington's own notions
were always large and liberal. He meant to furnish
Mount Vernon with the best. His equipages, his
furniture and his books, the clothing for his house
hold and his family, are always provided for on a
liberal scale. There is little or no hectoring of his

r t6 the life of Washington.
correspondents, or complaints that they do not at
tend to his instructions. He gave those instruc
tions distinctly, and seems to have generally been
fortunate enough to secure intelligent co-operation
in his agents on the other side. Twice a year there
is a careful inventory of every article needed for
household purposes, every article of wearing apparel
for himself and each member of the family. These
lists go so far as to give the measures by which
clothing was to be made. He entered with his own
hand, in books prepared for the purpose, these long
lists of orders, and could tell if the agent took any
advantage of him, even in the smallest matter.
Here is an illustration of the way in which he
showed his agents that he did not mean to be
cheated :
" Let me beseech you to give the necessary directions
for purchasing these goods upon the best terms. It is
needless for me to particularize the sorts, qualities, or
taste I would choose to have them in, unless it is to be
observed ; and you may believe me when I tell you that
instead of getting things good and fashionable in their
several kinds, we often have articles sent us that could
only have been used by our forefathers in days of yore."
These Virginia people knew as well how they
should be dressed as if they had lived in London.
" It is a custom, I have reason to believe, with many of
the shop-keepers and tradesmen in London, when they
know goods are bespoken for exportation, to palm some-

H7

WASHINGTON FAMILY AT MOUNT VERNON.

T T 8 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
times old and sometimes very slight and indifferent ones
upon us, taking care at the same time to advance ten, fif
teen, or perhaps twenty per cent, upon them."
It seems to be well established that the care taken
in the packing and curing of his tobacco- reaped its
reward in the steadiness of its hold in the English
market ; and there are memoranda still existing
which show that he received a high price for his
flour, and that his reputation was well-known among
the dealers.
It is a little curious, as he supplied so much to
bacco for other people to use, that, from the begin
ning of his life to the end of it, he detested all the
personal habits connected with tobacco, and never
himself made use of it.
In 1759, writing to Richard Washington in Lon
don, he says that his brother, who has been in Eng
land, has found no benefit to his health ; but he
adds :
" The longing desire which for many years I have had
of visiting the great metropolis of that kingdom is not in
the least abated by his prejudices, because I think the
small share of health he enjoyed while there must have
given a check to any pleasure he might anticipate, and
would render any place irksome ; but I am now tied, and
must set inclination aside."
This was while he was yet in military command.
The next year, he says, writing to the same gentle
man about indulging himself in a trip to England :

PRIVATE AFFAIRS. 1 19
" It depends upon so many contingencies, which in all
probability may never occur, that I dare not even think
of such a gratification. Nothing, however, is more ar
dently desired. But Mrs. Washington and myself would
both think ourselves very happy in the opportunity of
showing you the Virginia hospitality, which is the most
agreeable entertainment we can give, or a stranger expect
to find, in an infant, woody country like ours."
Writing to the same gentleman the next year, he
says :
" I do not know that I can muster up one tittle of
news to communicate. In short, the occurrences of this
part of the world are at present scarce worth reciting, for
as we live in a state of peaceful tranquillity ourselves, so
we are at very little trouble to inquire after the operations
against the Cherokees, who are the only- people that dis
turb the repose of this great continent."
After this allusion to public affairs, he speaks of
his own private business :
" On the other side is an invoice of clothes, which • I
beg the favor of you to purchase for me, and to send
them by the first ship bound to this river. As they are
designed for wearing apparel for myself, I have committed
the choice of them to your fancy, having the best opinion
of your taste. I want neither lace nor embroidery ; plain
clothes with gold or silver buttons, if worn in genteel
dress, are all that I desire. I have hitherto had my
clothes made by one Charles Lawrence. Whether it be
the fault of the tailor or of the. measure sent, I cannot
say ; but certain it is, my clothes have never fitted me
well. I therefore leave the choice of the workman to

120 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
you. I enclose a measure, and for further direction, I
think it not amiss to add, my stature is six feet ; other
wise, rather slender than corpulent."
At this time, the second of October, 1761, he had
been suffering from one of the illnesses which were
not unfrequent in his early life. He says himself
that he fell into a very low and dangerous state :
" I once thought the grim king would certainly master
my utmost efforts, and that I must sink in spite of a res
olute struggle ; but, thank God, I have now got the better
of the disorder and shall soon be restored, I hope, to
perfect health again."
These attacks, which are referred to more than
once in his early life, were generally attacks of
pleurisy. Dr. Craik, his life-long physician and
friend, says that they were very severe at that period
of his life, but thinks that they left no permanent
result on his constitution.
The two little Custis children were growing up,
and were favorites of his. This very year of his
illness is the year when the following invoice was
sent out to London for them. It will be observed
that a little girl of four was expected to kick and
dance out ten pair of pumps and other shoes as the
year went by. Her doll and picture-books are
provided for.
Invoice of sundries to be shipped by Robert Carey &
Company for the use of Master John and Miss Patty Cus
tis, each to be charged to their own accounts, but both
consigned to George Washington, Potomac River :

PURCHASES FOR THE CUSTIS CHILDREN.

121

For Master Custis, 6 years old.
I piece of Irish Holland at 4s.
2 yards fine Cambric at 10s.
6 Pocket Handkerchiefs, small and
fine.
2 pairs Gloves ; 2 Laced Hats.
6 pieces India Nankeen.
6 pairs fine thread Stockings.
4 pairs coarser do.
6 pairs worsted do.
4 pairs strong Shoes ; 4' pairs Pumps.
I summer suit of clothes to be made
of somelhing light and thin.
3 fine Ivory Combs ; 2 Horn -do.,
and 2 Brushes.
I piece black Hair Ribbon.
I pair handsome silver Shoe and
Knee Buckles.
ioj. worth Toys.
6 little books for children beginning
to read.
I oz. 8d. Thread ; 1 oz. I2</. do. ; 1
oz. 2s. do. ; 1 oz. 3J. do.
J lb. whited brown Thread.
r light duffel Cloak with silver frogs.

For Miss Custis, 4 years old.
8 yards fine printed Linen at 3s. td.
I piece Irish Holland
2 ells fine Holland at iar.
8 pairs Kid Mits ; 4 pairs Gloves ;
2 pairs silk Shoes.
4 pairs Calamanco do., 4 pairs leath
er Pumps.
6 pairs fine thread" Stockings.,
4 pairs worsted do.
J piece flowered Dimity.
2 yards fine Cambric at ioj-.
2 Caps, 2 pairs Ruffles, 2 Tuckers,
Bibs, and Aprons if fashionable.
2 Fans ; 2 Masks ; 2 Bonnets.
2m. large Pins ; 2m. short whites ;
2m. Minikins ; 1 cloth Cloak.
1 stiffened Coat of fashionable silk,
made to pack-thread stays.
6 yards Ribbon ; 2 Necklaces.
1 pair silver Sleeve Buttons, with
Stones.
I fashionable-dressed Baby, iar.,
and other Toys, ioj.
6 Pocket Handkerchiefs.

Four years afterwards he wrote to the same firm
the following sharp letter. We copy it in full, be
cause it shows how distinctly he could express him
self, when he chose, to people who were neglecting
their duty. " Mount Vernon, 20 September, 1765.
" Gentlemen : It cannot reasonably be imagined that
1 felt any pleasing sensations upon the receipt of your
letter of the 13th of February, covering accounts of
sales for one hundred and fifty-three hogsheads of Master
Custis's tobacco, and one hundred and fifteen of mine.

122 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
" That the sales are pitifully low needs no words to
demonstrate, and that they are worse than many of my
acquaintance upon the river Potomac have got in the out-
ports, and from Mr. Russell and other merchants of Lon
don, for common Aronoke tobacco, is a truth equally as
certain. Nay, not so good as I myself have got from
Mr. Gildart of Liverpool for light rent tobaccos (shipped
to him at the same time I did to you) of the meanest sort,
such as you once complained of, as the worst of Mary
land, and not salable. Can it be otherwise than a little
mortifying, then, to find that we, who raise none but
sweet-scented tobacco, and endeavor, I may venture to
add, to be careful in the management of it, however we
fail in the execution, and who, by a close and fixed cor
respondence with you, contribute so largely to the de
spatch of your ships in this country, should meet with
such unprofitable returns ? Surely I may answer, No.
Notwithstanding you will again receive my own crops this
year, and sixty-seven hogsheads of Master Custis's ; but,
gentlemen, you must excuse me for adding (as I cannot
readily conceive that our tobaccos are so much depreci
ated in quality, as not only to sell much below other
marks of good repute, but .actually for less, as I before
observed, than the commonest kinds do) that justice to
myself and ward will render it absolutely necessary for
me to change my correspondence, unless I experience an
alteration for the better.
" I might take notice upon this occasion also, that my
tobacco nets a good deal less than Master Custis's, and
why it should do so, I am really at a loss to discover ; his
one hundred and fifty-three hogsheads averaging £j Js.
yd., and my own one hundred and fifteen only £5 ip.
6d. Perhaps it may be urged that some of mine was

HIS INDIGNATION AT NEGLECT OF DUTY. 1 23
Potomac tobacco.. I grant it, but take these out, and
the Yorks then average £6 6s. $d. only. If you had al
lowed him the benefit of the bonded duties, I should not
have wondered at the difference ; but this, I perceive, is
not done ; and certain I am, my tobacco ought not to
have been inferior to his in any respect, the lands being
the same, and my directions for making it good equally
as express. . . .
" Once, upon my urging a complaint of this nature, you
wrote me that the goods ought to be sent back, and they
should be returned upon the shopkeeper's hands in case
of imposition, but a moment's reflection points out the
inconveniences of such a measure, unless the imposition
be grossly abusive, or we could afford to have a year's
stock beforehand. How otherwise can a person, who im
ports bare requisites only, submit to lie a year out of any
particular article of clothing, or necessary for family use,
and have recourse to such a tedious and uncertain way of
relief as this, when possibly a tradesman would deny the
goods and consequently refuse them ? It is not to be
done. We are obliged to acquiesce in the present loss,
and hope for future redress.
" These, gentlemen, are ray sentiments, fully and can
didly expressed without design, believe me, of giving you
offence ; but, as the selling of our tobaccos well, and the
purchasing of our goods upon the best terms, are mat
ters of the utmost consequence to our well-doing, it be
hooves me to be plain and sincere in my declarations on
these points, previous to any change of measures, that I
may stand acquitted of the imputation of fickleness, if I
am at last forced to a discontinuance of my correspond
ence with your house."
Washington was never satisfied with the processes

124 THE LIFE 0F WASHINGTON
of agriculture that went on around him. His cor
respondence of this time often alludes to agricul
tural books which he was importing, and the
catalogue of his library shows that he bought and
used some of the best agricultural treatises of the
day. Even during the Revolution, afterwards, he
managed, by some system, to obtain the recent
agricultural books from England. We shall have
occasion to cite some letters which refer to them.
There is a letter to Carey, in which he makes partic
ular inquiry after a stump-puller of which he had
heard, as working successfully in Switzerland, and
as having been improved in England :
" The chief purport of this letter is to beg the favor
of you to make minute inquiries into the trials which
have been made by order of the society, and if they have
proved satisfactory, to send me one of these engines by
the first ship bound for the Potomac River. If they are
made of different sizes, I should prefer one of a middle
size, capable of raising a tree of fifteen or eighteen inches
in diameter. The cost I am a stranger to. Fifteen,
twenty, and twenty-five guineas have been mentioned ;
but'the price, were it double these sums, I should totally
disregard, provided the engine is capable of performing
what is related of it, and not of that complicated nature
which would cause it to be easily disordered and rendered
unfit for use, but constructed upon so plain, simple, and
durable a plan that the common artificers of this country
may be able to repair it if any accidents should happen."
He maintained the elegant hospitality at Mount

FONDNESS FOR RIDING. 125
Vernon which has distinguished the name of Vir
ginia, and was in every way liberal in giving it
dignity. He had a chariot and four with postilions
in livery for the use of Mrs. Washington and her
lady visitors. But, unless he rode with her, he
always went on horseback. He took care to raise
good horses, and was well mounted. The names
of many of these horses are preserved. There were
Magnolia, and Arab, Ajax, Blueskin, and Valiant.
One of his letter-books gives orders for riding
equipments on his London agent. Here are some
of the details :
I man's riding-saddle, hogskin seat, large plated stir
rups, and everything complete.' Double reined bridle and
Pelham bit, plated.
A very neat and fashionable Newmarket saddle-cloth.
A large and best portmanteau, saddle, bridle, and
pillion. Cloak-bag, surcingle, checked saddle-cloth, holsters, &c.
A riding-frock of a handsome, drab-colored broadcloth,
with plain double-gilt buttons.
A riding waistcoat of superfine scarlet cloth and gold
lace, with buttons like those of the coat.
A blue surtout coat.
A neat switch whip, silver cap.
Black velvet cap for servant.
From a much earlier period than this to the last
day of his life, he was a very early riser. It is
familiarly and generally said that he always rose at
four o'clock ; and this statement is probably nearly

126 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
true. Early rising seems to be one of the traits
which are necessary in a great military commander.
Washington was not dependent upon others for his
comfort. He lighted his own fire if he needed any,
and if it were required, worked by candle-light. He
breakfasted at seven in the summer and at eight in
winter. His breakfast was two cups of tea, not
large, and three or four hoe-cakes of Indian meal.
As soon as he had breakfasted, it was his habit to
mount his horse and ride over the estate, giving his
personal direction to such affairs as were needed.
Or, if it were a day for hunting or sport, he joined
such guests as he had invited.
The regular dining hour at Mount Vernon was
two. Washington ate heartily, but was never crit
ical about his food. He drank, as a beverage at
table, small beer or cider, and closed the dinner with
one or two glasses of Madeira. In the evening, tea
was served, of which he partook, and he went to
bed at nine o'clock. These are the hours given as
the regular hours at Mount Vernon : and these
habits correspond, in most particulars, with the hab
its of his camp life afterwards, which were very care
fully noticed by the different visitors whom he
received at the head-quarters.
His collection of books, and other circumstances,
show that he never lost the military interest which
he had acquired in the French and Indian war.
The collection of military books, to which we shall

AGRICULTURAL EXPERIMENTS. \2J
allude in another place, must have been begun as
early, at least, as his regular residence at Mount
Vernon. Among the titles are books of no little
importance ; and it is quite clear that Washington
had made a study of these books. In one of the
orders given for furniture and other decorations of
Mount Vernon, is included his directions for sev
eral plaster busts of distinguished generals. He
wished to have " one of Alexander the Great ;
another of Julius Cssar; another of Charles XII.
of Sweden ; a fourth of the King of Prussia." This
note is added : " These are not to exceed fifteen
inches in height, nor ten in width." There were also
to be " two other busts, of Prince Eugene and the
Duke of Marlborough, somewhat smaller," and " two
wild beasts, not to exceed twelve inches in height
nor eighteen in length," as well as " sundry small
ornaments for chimney-piece."
Like other country gentlemen of his time, he tried
his inventive faculty with a new plough, and the
diary describes the manufacture :
" March 6th. — Fitted a two-eyed plough, instead of a
duck-billed plough, and with much difficulty made my
chariot-wheel horses plough. 7th. — Put the pole-end
horses into the plough in the morning, and put in the
postillion and hind horse in the afternoon, but the ground
being well swarded over, and very heavy ploughing, I re
pented putting them In at all, for fear it should give
them a habit of stopping in the chariot."

128 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
The diaries have frequent allusions to success or
failure in hunting. Washington delighted in the
chase. Even in going to watch the work in parts of
the estate where he supposed a fox might be started,
he would take the dogs with him. He was always a
bold rider and a good horseman. It is recollected
that, at the battle of Princeton, when he saw an
English regiment give way, he turned to his staff
and said, " An old-fashioned Virginia fox-hunt,
gentlemen." At the time we are describing, in the
height of the season, he would be out with the fox
hounds two or three times a week, and especially
when Lord Fairfax came to visit his relatives at
Belvoir, hunting was kept up with spirit. The
diary has many such passages as these.
" November 25th. — Mr. Bryan Fairfax, Mr. Corson, and
Phil Alexander came here by sunrise. Hunted and
catched a fox with these. Lord Fairfax, his brother, and
Colonel Fairfax, all of whom, with Mr. Fairfax and Mr.
Wilson, of England, dined here.
" Nov. 26th and Nov. 29th. — Hunted again with the
same company."
On the other hand, Washington occasionally vis
ited Winchester, and was Lord Fairfax's guest -at
Greenway Court. Lord Fairfax kept hounds there,
and Washington frequently joined in the recrea
tion, as at home.
There is a series of notes in one of the diaries,
describing the continued festivities, day after day,

CHASTISING A POACHER. 1 29
when the British frigate Boston arrived in the river
just in front of Belvoir. Sir Thomas Adams was
the commander. The officers were made at home
in Mount Vernon and at Belvoir. Breakfast parties
and dinner parties varied the ordinary life, and on
board the frigate there were occasional tea parties.
Washington;, the Fairfaxes, and the other rich plan
ters on the Potomac had beautiful barges, which had
been built for them in England, and these barges
were manned by negroes in uniform, with the neat
ness and precision of the navy or of our best mod
ern boatmen.
Canvas-back ducks were then abundant on the
Potomac, and the shooting of them comes in among
the other annual sports. A story is told of a vaga
bond, who, in his piratical canoe, ran into one
and another inlet, and was warned off ineffectually.
Washington himself, one day in riding, heard the
report of the poacher's gun, dashed in that direc
tion, and caught the man in person. He raised
his gun ; but Washington rode into the stream him
self, seized the rope which drew the boat, dragged
it to shore, and then, pulling the gun from the man's
hands, gave him a practical lesson with his own
whip, which is said to have cured him from after
trespasses. They were not far from Annapolis, and he and
Mrs. Washington would visit that capital when the
Legislature was in session, meeting an elegant,

130 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
though not very large society. There were dinners
and balls during the session, and occasional efforts
at theatricals. Washington was always fond of the
theatre ; but in his day he had few opportunities
for gratifying this taste. He danced at balls, and
though the tradition is that he was a ceremonious
and grave partner, that tradition probably belongs
rather to a later period than to these days of his
early marriage. Among the articles imported for
his wife and her daughter masks are mentioned.
He engaged himself, with other men of enter
prise in his neighborhood, in a plan to drain the
great Dismal Swamp in Southern Virginia. He
explored it personally, both on horseback, as far as
that was possible, and on foot where he could not
press his horse. At the next session of the Vir
ginia Legislature, the company, in behalf of which
he had visited it, was chartered under the name of
the " Dismal Swamp Company." With the work
of that company the operations which have gone
forward from time to time to improve that region
practically began.
From the moment of the passage of the Stamp
Act, in 1765, public affairs occupied a large part of
his time and attention. It will be more convenient
to the readers that we shall review these together
in the next chapter, without attempting to hold
strictly here to the order of time. The work of the
farm goes on, and the draining of the great swamp,

WELCOME OF THE WHITE MINGO. 131
and other matters of private and of general duty, in
the midst of political anxiety. He never loses sight
of the great valleys of the West. The correspond
ence often refers to hopes for introducing emigrants
to that region direct from Europe.
In the autumn of 1770 Washington made a long
tour to the valley of the Ohio with his old travel
ling companion, Dr. Craik. His diary is fuller than
usual for the nine weeks of this journey, and it is
by far the best account we have of that country in
those days. The party consisted of Washington,
Craik, William Crawford, a woodsman, and, for a
part of the way, Colonel Croghan, a person of
much experience in Indian affairs. On one occa
sion he was greeted with much ceremony- by a party
of Indians. Of this occasion he gives the following
account : *
19th. — Received a message from Colonel Croghan, that
the White Mingo and other chiefs of the Six Nations had
something to say to me, arid desiring that I would be at
his house about eleven, where they were to meet. I went
up and received a speech, with a string of wampum, from
the White Mingo, to the following -effect :
" That, as I was a person whom some of them remem
ber to have seen, when I was sent on an embassy to the
French, and most of them had heard of, they were come
to bid me welcome to this country, and to desire that the
people of Virginia would consider them as friends and
brothers, linked together in one chain; that I. would in
form the governor that it was their wish to live in peace

132 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
and harmony with the white people, and that though
there had been some unhappy differences between them
and the people upon our frontiers, they were all made up,
and they hoped forgotten ; and concluded with saying
that their brothers of Virginia did not come among them
and trade as the inhabitants of the other provinces did,
from whence they were afraid that we did not look upon
them with so friendly an eye as they could wish."
To this I answered, after thanking them for their
friendly welcome, "that all the injuries and affronts that
had passed on either side were now totally forgotten,
and that I was sure nothing was more wished and de
sired by the people of Virginia, than to live in the strict
est friendship with them ; that the Virginians were a peo
ple not so much engaged in trade as the Pennsylvanians,
which was the reason of their not being so frequently
among them ; but that it was possible they might, for the
time to come, have stricter connexions with them ; and
that I would acquaint the government with their desires."
After dining at Colonel Croghan 's we returned to Pitts
burg, Colonel Croghan with us, who intended to accom
pany us part of the way down the river, having engaged
an Indian called the Pheasant, and one Joseph Nichol
son, an interpreter, to attend us the whole voyage ; also
a young Indian warrior.
20th. We embarked in a large canoe, with sufficient
stores of provisions and necessaries, and the following
persons, besides Dr. Craik and myself, to wit : Captain
Crawford, Joseph Nicholson, Robert Bell, William Har
rison, Charles Morgan, and Daniel Rendon, a boy of Cap
tain Crawford's, and the Indians, who were in a canoe by
themselves. From Fort Pitt we sent our horses and boys
back to Captain Crawford's, with orders to meet us there

JOHN CUSTIS'S EDUCATION. 133
again on the 14th day of November. Colonel Croghan,
Lieutenant Hamilton, and Mr. Magee set out with us.
At two we dined at Mr. Magee's, and encamped ten
miles below, and four above Logstown. We passed sev
eral large islands, which appeared to be very good, as the
bottoms also did on each side of the river alternately ;
the hills on one side being opposite to the bottoms on the
other, which seem generally to be about three or four
hundred yards wide, and so vice versa.
21st. Left our encampment about six o'clock and break-
• fasted at Logstown, where we parted with Colonel Cro
ghan and company about nine o'clock. At eleven we
came to the mouth of the Big Beaver Creek, opposite to
which is a good situation for a house, and above it, on
the same side, that is the west, there appears to be a body
of fine land. About five miles lower down, on the east
side, comes in Raccoon Creek, at the mouth of which, and
up it, appears to be a body of good land also.
In 1 771 he was obliged to occupy himself with
the details of the education of his step-son, John
Parke Custis, whom we saw last with his picture
books, beginning to read. He was now old enough
to leave home for his studies. He had been placed
under the charge of the Rev. Jonathan Bouchier,
an Episcopal clergyman residing in Annapolis.
When the boy was sixteen years old he was sent to
Annapolis, that he might study with this gentleman.
Between them they made a plan for John Custis's
travelling in Europe with Mr. Bouchier, which would
probably have been agreeable enough to both of them.
It appears that, in the family council, the friends of

134 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
young Custis were divided in opinion " as to the pro
priety of his travelling, not because they thought
advantages would not result from it, but on account
of the expense, as he would commence his tour
with the heavy charge which you thought requisite
to induce you to accompany him, and which would
at once anticipate half his income." This is what
Washington says quietly in his letter to the clergy
man, written on the 9th of July, 1771. He goes
on to say : "His estate is of that kind which rather'
comes under the denomination of a large than a
profitable one. This divided opinion was a suffi
cient cause, as I observed in my last, for me to be
circumspect in my conduct." In the same letter
Washington gives his own views as to travel and
education. " My own inclinations are still as strong as ever for
Mr. Custis's pursuing his travelling scheme, provided the
court should approve of the expense, and provided also
that it should appear, when his judgment was a little
more matured, that he was desirous of undertaking this
tour upon a plan of improvement rather than a vague
desire of gratifying an idle curiosity or spending his
money. Not that I think his becoming a mere
scholar is a desirable education for a gentleman, but I can
say the knowledge of books is the basis upon which other
knowledge is to be built, and in travelling he is to become
acquainted with men and things, rather than books. . . .
At present, however well versed he may be in the princi
ples of the Latin language (which is not to be wondered

PATTY'S DEATH. 135
at, as he began the study of it as soon as 'he could speak),
he is unacquainted with several of the classical authors
that might be useful to him. He is ignorant of Greek,
the divine advantages of learning which I do not pretend
to judge, and he knows nothing of French, which is ab
solutely necessary to him as a traveller. He has little or
no acquaintance with arithmetic, and is badly ignorant of
the mathematics, than which, at least, so much of them
as relates to surveying, nothing can be more essentially
necessary to any man possessed of a large landed estate,
the bounds of some part or other of which are always in
controversy." It would seem, from this, that the young gentle
man had spent his sixteen years more actively in
following the hounds and in shooting canvas-back
ducks, than in prosecuting any special line of schol
arship. The boy's sister, Martha, who seems to have been
an interesting and lovely child, died at Mount Ver
non on the 19th of June, 1773. Washington had
been absent at Williamsburg for some time, and
found her in the last days of her life on his return.
He had made an engagement to go to the western
country with Lord Dunmore, but her death caused
him to remain at home. The pictures of this lady,
still existing, show that she was truly beautiful.
Her complexion was so dark a brunette that she
was always called " the dark lady." She left all
her large fortune to Washington, who had been, in
deed, the only father whom she remembered.

I36 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
Just before ' her death, Master John Custis, her
brother, had settled all questions about his travels
and education, by engaging himself to Miss Eleanor
Calvert, of Mount Airy, in Maryland. It was agreed
by all parties that he should be sent to King's Col
lege, in New York, for two years before marriage ;
but, in fact, he remained there only a few months,
and on the third of February, 1774, they were mar
ried. He was then nineteen years old and Miss
Calvert was sixteen. He was the father of the
George Washington Parke Custis who died in
185 7, and who always observed jealously and faithful
ly the reminiscences of Mount Vernon and its great
master. When the boy went to college, Washing
ton went to New York with him, introduced him to
Dr. Cooper, the president of the college, and estab
lished him there. This was in May, 1773.
Such were some of the domestic affairs which
occupied Washington in what may well be looked
back upon as one of the happiest periods of his life.
From the time of his marriage till he left his wife
to attend the Continental Congress in Philadelphia,
nearly sixteen years passed, devoted to such pur
suits. Of the public or political life of those years,
we must attempt to give some account in another
chapter.

CHAPTER VII.
TROUBLE WITH ENGLAND.
The Court Party — The Stamp Act — Circular-Letter of the Massachusetts
House of Representatives— George III. — Letter to George Mason —
Non-Importation — Tea Taxes — " The Virginia Patriot " — The Boston
Port-Bill — Extracts from Washington's Diary — The Fairfax Conven
tion and Resolutions Adopted There — Opening of Congress — Public
Speaking — Patrick Henry's Opinion — " A Kitchen Cabinet " — George
III. Again— Joseph Warren— Washington's Diary at the Time of the
Opening of Congress— Resolution on Acts of Parliament— The Second
Virginia Convention and the Second Congress— Washington Appointed
Commander-in-Chief.
THERE were only a few years after Wolfe's
success in Canada before the folly of George
III., who was beginning his reign with his miserable
hopes of imitating the kings of France, brought
anxiety into the home of every man in America,
who was in any sort a leader.
The "court party" of men who flattered the
young king led him to his real ruin.
" Men that fn a narrower day,
Unprophetic rulers they,
Drove out from the mother's nest
The young eagle of the West."
The Stamp Act and the host of troubles which
137

I38 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
followed it gave material enough for thought and
correspondence, even to men who, like Washington;
had, but a year or two before, said that there . was
no public business of importance. While far-sighted
statesmen in Europe had expected some such breach
as followed between the colonies and the home
government, it is clear enough that, on the colonies
themselves, the Stamp Act and the policy to which
it belonged were like flashes of lightning in a clear
sky. The outburst of opposition was as quick in
Virginia as anywhere. In 1765, in May, Washing
ton was in his seat in the House of Burgesses, to
which he was regularly chosen for fifteen years from
Fairfax County, when a discussion arose, which has
been famous ever since in America, on a series of
resolutions protesting against the Stamp Act and
the principle on which it was founded. Washington
felt the seriousness of the crisis. He wrote immedi
ately to his correspondent, Dandridge, the uncle of
his wife, who was then in London, the danger of
such an unconstitutional and ill-judged measure.
" As to the Stamp Act, regarded in a single view, one
of the first bad consequences attending it is, that our
Courts of Judicature must inevitably be shut up. For it
is impossible, or next to impossible, under our present
circumstances, that the act of Parliament can be complied
with, were we ever so willing to enforce its execution.
and not to say, which alone would be sufficient, that we
have not money enough to pay for the stamps, there are
many other cogent reasons which prove that it would be
ineffectual."

THE STAMP ACT. 139
He did not, however, take any part in the more
popular agitation by which public assemblies con
demned the Stamp Act and terrified the men who
were to carry it into execution. Still, it was under
stood by his neighbors and friends that he looked
with entire disapproval, on the plans of the govern
ment. On the other hand, his neighbors, the Fair
faxes, were watching the popular drift with uneasi
ness. For a moment this strain of great suspense
was loosened when the Stamp Act was repealed, on
the eighteenth of March, 1766. But the second
tax act, which we recollect as the " Tea tax," fol
lowing at once, the public excitement was renewed.
The landing of troops in Boston showed what was
the determination of the government ; and from
this time forward, with occasional lulls of hope, and
promises of peace, the preparation for war was real
ly beginning. No one was more conscious of this
than Washington. Writing to Capel H anbury in
London, as late as 1767, he goes back to the repeal
of the Stamp Act, and then says :
"I could wish it were in my power to congratulate you
on the success of having a commercial system of these col
onies put upon a more enlarged and extensive footing
than it is, because I am well satisfied that it would ulti
mately redound to the advantage of the mother country,
so long as the colonies pursue trade and agriculture, and
would be an effectual let to manufacture among them.
The money which they raise would centre in Great Brit
ain as certainly as the needle would settle to-the pole."

140 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
Nothing, indeed, is more pathetic than the account
of the joy with which the news of the repeal of the
Stamp Act was received. In Virginia, for instance,
the House of Burgesses voted to erect a statue to
George III., by way of expressing their high sense
of his attention to the rights and petitions of his
people. Conway, the English secretary, however,
did his worst to prevent the benefit of the repeal,
by sending a circular-letter in which he extolled
the moderation, the forbearance, the unexampled
lenity and tenderness of Parliament towards the
colonies. But before the year 1 768 it was clear enough to
everybody that the claim to tax America was re
vived. The Massachusetts House of Representa
tives, after stating to the king in a petition their
sense of the taxation, addressed a circular-letter to
the other colonies. It was extremely well received,
and the various colonies joined Massachusetts in
similiar petitions to the king, and in vigorous in
structions to their agents. Virginia transmitted to
her sister colonies a statement of her proceedings.
In a letter to Massachusetts her committee says
that her measures do not affect the independency
of the parent kingdom, but that this independency
does not imply its right to raise money from the
colonies without their consent. " No power on
earth has a right to impose taxes on the people
without their consent given by their representatives

LETTER TO GEORGE MASON. 141
in parliament. This has always been considered as
the chief pillar of the Constitution."
All such representations, public or private, were
received by George III. with indignation, and
his ministry and Parliament expressed his indigna
tion. In Virginia Lord Botetourt had recently been
appointed governor. He was a gentleman of con
ciliating manners and address. The home govern
ment sent to him the votes of Parliament requiring
that the governor of Massachusetts should furnish
the names of all persons who had committed trea
son, with a view to their trial. The members of
Assembly had received the parliamentary votes al
ready, from their agents in London and public
sources. It is in this juncture that Washington
writes the letter to George Mason, which contains
the following passages :
" At a time when our lordly masters in Great Britain
will be satisfied with nothing less than the deprivation of
American freedom, it seems highly necessary that some
thing should be done to avert the stroke and maintain
the' liberty which we have derived from our ancestors.
But the manner of doing it to answer the purpose effec
tually, is the point in question. That no man should
scruple, or hesitate a moment to use arms in defence of so
valuable a blessing, is clearly my opinion. Yet arms, I
would beg leave to add, should be the last resource, the
dernier ressort."
In what follows, he expresses approval of the

142 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
non-importation plan of the northern colonies,
"which must be attended with salutary effects, pro
vided it can be carried pretty generally into execu
tion." Again he says :
" I have always thought that, by virtue of the same
power which assumes the right of taxation, the Parlia
ment may attempt, at least, to restrain our manufactures,
especially' those of a public nature, the same equity and
justice prevailing in the one case as the other ; it being
no greater hardship to forbid my manufacturing, than it
is to order me to buy goods loaded with duties, for the
express purpose of raising a revenue. That as a measure
of this sort would be an additional exercise of arbitrary
power, we cannot be placed in a worse condition, I think,
by putting it to the test."
This letter closes by saying : " On the whole, I
think the scheme a good one, and that it ought to
be tried here, with such alterations as our circum
stances render absolutely necessary."
The letter contains a statement worthy of men
tion, as to the pecuniary distress under which Vir
ginia was suffering. Many families were reduced
to penury, and estates were sold every day for the
discharge of debt.
The date of this letter is April 5, 1 769. Mason
concurred in the plan which Washington suggests
in it, of a non-importation agreement. He drew
such a plan, which they took to the meeting of the
Assembly in May. This body at once passed firm
resolutions protesting against the transportation of

NON-IMPOR TA TION. 1 43
citizens of any colony for trial, and maintaining the
exclusive right of the Assembly to impose taxes.
The governor at once appeared in the capitol.
" Mr. Speaker," he said, " I have heard of your, re
solves, and I augur ill of their effects ; you have
made it my duty to dissolve you, and you are dis
solved accordingly."
This was in accordance with general orders from
London — that all obstinate assemblies should be
dissolved at once. The Virginian members at once
met in a private house. Washington brought for
ward the agreement which Mason had proposed.
It was unanimously adopted. Each member signed
it, and it was printed and circulated for the signa
tures of the people.
The reader knows, from the invoices which we
have copied, how various were the articles for which
Virginia depended upon England. The non-impor
tation agreement did not include all these, but left
permission for the reception of articles of prime
necessity. In Washington's correspondence after
wards, he always directs that- none of the prohibited
articles shall be forwarded to him, unless the ob
noxious taxes have been repealed.
Changes of what were called parties in England,
which really amounted to little more than changes
in the persons of the landed aristocracy which then
governed England, led to a remission of all the ob
noxious duties except that on tea, which was kept

144 THE LIFE 0F WASHINGTON.
" for the principle," as was said. Really it was kept
at the wish of the East India Company, and Eng
land owed the loss of an empire to her subserviency
to a great corporation. Lord Hillsborough, in
June, 1769, announced the remission of taxes to the
colonies. His letter arrived in Virginia in July,
when the Assembly was again in session. Lord
Botetourt sent the message to the Assembly. " I
shall exert every power in order to obtain and main
tain for the continent of America, that satisfaction
which I have been authorized to promise this day, by
the confidential servants of our gracious sovereign,
who, to my certain knowledge, rates his honour so
high that he would rather part with his crown than
preserve it into deceit." Poor George III., to have
a provincial governor vouching, in fustian, for his
honor !
New York broke the non-importation agreement.
That city, voting by wards, determined to renew the
importation of every thing except teas. The other
commercial colonies were forced to give way, as
most of their merchants, perhaps, would have gladly
done before. The New York merchants com
plained that Albany received goods from Quebec,
and that the agreement had not been enforced in
the other colonies ; and these charges were prob
ably true.
It must be remembered/that at this time Washing
ton's position is that of the richest planter in Vir-

THE VIRGINIA PATRIOT. 1 45
ginia, — the man most widely known in that colony.
A. contemporary authority says that he was the
richest man in America, and that statement has
never to our knowledge been contradicted. Such
a man, with every personal reason for cultivating
friendly relations with the royal governors, and the
people who sent them, appears, on the other hand,
always as a popular leader against the folly of the
Crown. He is publicly known as " The Virginia
Patriot." By the time 1 7 74 was well advanced, public matters
engaged universal attention. A leader like Washing
ton could attend to little but the public necessities.
Lord Botetourt had died. Lord Dunmore was his
successor. In December, 1773, the tea was thrown
over in Boston harbor. The Boston Port-Bill was
passed by Parliament in retaliation. It was to take
effect on the ist of June, 1774. When the House
of Burgesses met, they set apart that day " as a day
of fasting, humiliation, and prayer, to implore the
divine interposition for averting the heavy calamity
which threatened destruction to their civil rights,
and the evils of civil war."
The governor, on this, dissolved the House the
next morning.
The delegates replied by meeting at the " Rawley
Tavern," and forming an association. They advised
their Committee of Correspondence to suggest a
general congress of all the colonies. Washington' 3

146 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
diary throws some side-lights on the passage of these
events. The preservation of personal relations with
the governor in this or that dinner party, — and, on
the other hand, the day of fasting and the fire-works,
are a good illustration of the daily contrasts of life,
as the struggle began.
May 16th. — Came to Williamsburg. Dined at the
Governor's, and spent the evening at Mrs. Campbell's.
25th. —Dined and spent the evening at the Governor's.
26th. — Rode out with the Governor to his farm, and
breakfasted with him there.
27th. — Dined at the Treasurer's, and went to the ball
given by the House of Burgesses to Lady Dunmore.
June ist., Wednesday. — Went to church, and fasted all
day. 1 oth. — Dined at the Raleigh, and went to the fire-works.
1 6th. — Dined at the Governor's, and spent the evening
at Anderson's.
20th. — Set off on my return home.
The delegates, before they parted, called a con
vention to meet at Williamsburg in August. It
was at a county convention at Fairfax, at which,
Washington himself presided, called to prepare for
the general convention, that a series of resolves,
twenty-five in number, were passed, which made a
thorough and radical statement of the whole diffi
culty with the Crown. To us the resolves have
a special interest, because Washington had so large
a hand in them. They had at the time a wide circu
lation in America and in England. " The King's

THE FAIRFAX RESOLUTIONS. T47
ministers," says Mr. Bancroft, "were startled by
their significance."
It is now interesting to see that the people of Fair
fax County, with only one dissentient voice, declared
their " most earnest wishes to see an entire stop for
ever put to such a wicked, cruel, and unnatural
trade as that in African slaves."
The convention responded to this appeal by voting
that, after the first day of November, the members
should neither import slaves, nor purchase those who
had been imported.
In the contribution for the relief of the working-
men of Boston — thrown out of employment by the •
Stamp Act, — Washington headed the paper with a
subscription of fifty pounds. In the general conven
tion — for which the Fairfax meeting prepared the
way — he expressed the wish to " raise one thousand
men, subsist them at his own expense, and march at
their head for the relief of Boston."
The Fairfax resolutions may be judged from the
two last.
23. " Resolved, That it be recommended to the depu
ties of the general Congress to -draw up and transmit an
humble and dutiful petition and remonstrance to his
Majesty, asserting with decent firmness our -just and
constitutional rights and privileges, lamenting the fatal
necessity of being compelled to enter into measures dis
pleasing to his Majesty and his Parliament, or injurious
to our fellow-subjects in Great Britain, declaring, in the
strongest terms, our duty and affection to his Majesty's

148 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
person, family, and government, and our desire to con
tinue our dependence upon Great Britain, and most hum
bly conjuring and beseeching his Majesty not to reduce
his faithful subjects of America to a state of desperation,
and to reflect that from our sovereign there can be but
one appeal. And it is the opinion of this meeting that
after such petition and remonstrance shall have been
presented to his Majesty, the same should be printed in
all the public papers in all the principal towns in Great
Britain. 24. " Resolved, That George Washington and Charles
Broadwater, lately elected our representatives to serve in
the General Assembly, be appointed to attend the con
vention at Williamsburg on the first day of August next,
to present these resolves, as the sense of the people of
this country, upon the measures proper to be taken in
the present alarming and dangerous situation of America."
It was a matter of course that, when the Con
gress met, which Virginia had suggested, Washing
ton should be appointed one of her delegates. Few
men in the colonies had had such training for that
position as he.
This Congress was chosen, undoubtedly, simply
with the view of making the strongest protest pos
sible against the oppressions of England. It and
each of its several successors proved to be, what no
one then expected, the executive in the war which
followed. But when Washington with his friends,
left their Virginian homes to go to Philadelphia,
they went with much the same impressions with

OPENING OF CONGRESS. 1 49
which to-day a delegate goes to a national conven
tion, which is to nominate a President or to confer
together about some matters of philanthropy or of
business. So soon as he arrived in Philadelphia he was,
as is clear enough, a person distinguished among
the more distinguished members. The body was
a strong one, stronger, perhaps it may be said,
than the Continental Congress ever was, after
the war had fairly begun. In the enthusiasm
of the moment, and in the eagerness to make
the best statement possible of their wrongs, the
people of different colonies had sent the very best
men among those who had enlisted on the popular
side, and the very best men had been willing to go.
Among these men, Washington, rich, dignified in
appearance, of good repute from the service which.
he had rendered in war, and representing the largest
of the colonies, was generally observed. The pas
sages, which we will cite at the end of this chapter,
from his diary, show how many invitations he re
ceived from the people of Philadelphia, and how
often his opinion was aeked for.
It is well known that he did not frequently speak
in public assemblies. He left it as his mature ad
vice, in a rather striking passage, to people who
would obtain the lead of such assemblies, that it is
not well to speak often, and that one should speak
only on important subjects on which he has care-

150 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
fully prepared himself. But he was not adverse to
speaking, as has been sometimes supposed ; and
when he spoke he spoke with decision and with
effect. There is an early and important notice
to this point from so high an authority as Patrick
Henry, who was one of his fellow-members in this
Congress. When Henry returned to his home in
October, 1774, he was asked whom he thought the
greatest man in Congress. He replied :
" If you speak of eloquence, Mr. Rutledge, of South
Carolina, is by far the greatest orator ; but if you speak
of solid information and sound judgment, Colonel Wash
ington is unquestionably the greatest man on that floor."
It is true that this testimony of Henry's appears
in his life, written many years afterward. But it
should not be forgotten, in estimating its truth, that
at an after period of his life Henry might not have
given the same impression with regard to Washing
ton, nor have had it himself ; and the very change
of his opinion makes it probable that we have, in
this citation, his real thought at the time of the first
meeting of the great Continental Congress.
The principal work of this Congress was the
preparation of the petition to the king. From this
petition a great deal was expected ; much more
than it is easy now to believe. But the impression
had been assiduously cultivated through the colo
nies that George III. was one of the best of princes

A KITCHEN CABINET. 151
and one of the greatest of men. It was really sup
posed, and supposed by men of intelligence, that
he had been hoodwinked and kept in the dark in
all of the measures by which the colonies were
oppressed; and that these were simply the meas
ures of a " ministry " which had been thrown acci
dentally into office, and which would be easily
displaced. The wits of the time were forever
ridiculing the Scotch influence in the ministry, and
seem to have supposed that so soon as England
asserted herself all of them would be turned put, as
if they were what our later politics have called " A
Kitchen Cabinet." Lord Bute had a little earlier
been the special object of popular indignation, as
Lord North was now. It was the fashion of the
time, therefore, to speak of' the king somewhat as,
a few years after, it was the fashion in France to
speak of Louis XVI., as an amiable, intelligent,
and vigorous young prince, who only wished to
have right done, and who, by the misfortune of the
moment, was powerless in the hands of those who
should have been his advisers. Long after this
time, indeed, the conviction was maintained that
the Americans were fighting against the " ministe
rial army " and the " ministerial navy," while they
were loyal to him whom they had not yet ceased to
call " the best of kings."
We know now that the most unscrupulous and
the most short-sighted of all the persons in the

152 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
English government, who advised the measures
which led to the independence of America, was
George III. himself. The modern expression
which has called him a " Brummagem Louis XIV.,"
expresses tolerably well the attitude of the man,
and the dreams which were misleading him to his
ruin. So far from his being hoodwinked by his
ministers, he was compelling them to acts of which
they themselves saw, in part, at least, the folly.
Indeed it would not be difficult for an essayist to
make out poor Lord North as a victim of his loyalty
to his sovereign. This is certain, that Lord North
already had reason to know of the aberration of
mind under which George III. eventually broke
down. Among the difficulties of his administration,
even at this early period, was the necessity of his
preserving the terrible state secret that it was prob
able the king might be crazy.
Of all this, literally nobody in this Continental
Congress knew any thing. Samuel Adams himself
would not have dared to speak of the king with
contempt. As late as the 5th of March, 1775,
Joseph Warren, who was to die so soon after
at Bunker Hill, even in the Old South Meeting-
House, Boston, the nursery of rebellion, speaks
with perfect loyalty of the king and of the prospect
of " a Brunswick bringing in liberty." And thus it
was that a sort of sentimental feeling had been
brought about in the colonies, by which even sensi-

EXTRACTS FROM DIARY. 153
ble people persuaded themselves that if a petition
was presented with great dignity " at the foot of
the throne," as one of the phrases was, to the king
himself, all would be well.
To the Congress which was to prepare this peti
tion, and to state definitely the rights and wrongs
of United America, Washington repaired as Sep
tember began. The following passages from his
diary give some details of his life as its session went
forward. Mr. Pendleton and Patrick Henry spent
a night with him at Mount Vernon on their way to
Philadelphia, and they all set off together for that
place on the 31st of August.
September 4th. Breakfasted at Christiana Ferry ; dined
at Chester; and lodged at Dr. Shippen's in Philadelphia,
after supping at the New Tavern.
5th. Breakfasted and dined at Dr. Shippen's. Spent
the evening at the Tavern.
6th. Dined at the New Tavern, after being in Con
gress all day.
7th. Dined at Mr. Pleasant's, and spent the evening
with a club at the New Tavern.
8th. Dined at Mr. Andrew Allen's, and spent the
evening at my own lodgings.
9th. Dined at Mr. Tilghman's, and spent the evening
at home.
10th. Dined at Mr. Richard Penn's.
nth. At Mr. Griffin's.
1 2th. At Mr. James Allen's.
13th. At Mr. Thomas Mifflin's.

154 THE LIFE 0F WASHINGTON.
14th. Rode over the -Province Island, and dined at
Mr. William Hamilton's.
1 5th. Dined at my lodgings.
1 6th. Dined at the Stone House, at an entertainment
given by the city to the members of Congress.
17th. Dined at Mr. Dickinson's, about two miles from
town. 1 8th. Dined at Mr. Hill's, about six miles from town.
19th. Rode out in the morning, and dined at Mr.
Ross'. 20th. Dined with Mr. Fisher, the mayor.
2 1 st. With Mr. James Mease.
22d. With Mr. Chew, Chief-Justice.
23d. With Mr. Joseph Pemberton.
24th. With Mr. Thomas Willing, and spent the even
ing at the City Tavern.
25th. Went to the Quaker meeting in the forenoon,
and to St. Peter's in the afternoon ; dined at my lodgings.
26th. Dined at old Dr. Shippen's, and went to the
hospital. 27th. Dined at the Tavern with the Virginia gentle
men. 28th. Dined at Mr. Edward Shippen's ; spent the
afternoon with the Boston gentlemen.
29th. Dined with Mr. Allen and went to the ball in
the afternoon.
30th. Dined at Dr. Cadwallader's.
October 1st. At the Congress till three o'clock; dined
with Mr. Hamilton at Bush Hill.
2d. Went to Christ Church, and dined at the New
Tavern. 3d. At Congress till three o'clock; dined at young Dr.
Shippen's.

EXTRACTS FROM DIARY. 155
5th. At Congress as above ; dined at Dr. Bond's.
6th. At Congress; dined at Mr. Samuel Meredith's.
7th. At Congress ; dined at Mr. Thomas Smith's.
8th. At Mr. John Cadwallader's.
9th. Went to the Presbyterian meeting in the fore
noon, and the Romish church in the afternoon ; dined at
Bevans's. 10th. At Congress ; dined at Mr. Morgan's.
nth. Dined at my lodgings, and spent the evening at
Bevans's. 12th. At Congress all the forenoon ; dined at Mr.
Thomas Wharton's, and wentto the Governor's club.
13th. At Congress till four o'clock; dined at my
lodgings. 14th. Dined at Mr. Thomas Barclay's, and spent the
evening at Smith's.
15th. Dined at Bevans', and spent the evening at
home. 16th. Went to Christ Church in the morning, after
which rode to and'dined at the Province Island ; supped
at Byrns's.
17th. After Congress dined on board with Captain
Hamilton ; evening at Mr. Mifflin's.
1 8th. Dined at Dr. Rush's, and spent the evening at
the New Tavern.
19th. Dined at Mr. Willing's; evening at my own
lodgings. 20th. Dined at the New Tavern with the Pennsylvania
Assembly ; went to the ball afterwards.
2 ist. Dined and spent the evening at my lodgings.
22d. Dined at Mr. Griffin's, and drank tea with Mr.
Roberdeau. 23d. Dined at my lodgings, and spent the evening there.

156 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
24th. Dined with Mr. Mease ; evening at the New
Tavern. 25th. Dined at my lodgings.
26th. Dined at Bevans's, and spent the evening at the
New Tavern.
27th. Set out on my return home ; dined at Chester
and lodged at New Castle.
It will be seen from the diary that Washington
gave his unremitted attendance during the sittings of
Congress. It was his custom in order thoroughly
to understand every important measure in which he
engaged, to examine its grounds, and study and
weigh its details. There is now among his papers
a copy of the petition to the king, sent out by this
Congress, carefully and handsomely written with
his own hand. This shows one of his habits
through life. When he wished to possess himself
perfectly of the contents of any paper, he would
copy it in a fair hand, and apparently with delibera
tion, that no point might escape his notice, or fail
of making its due impression. Another habit akin
to this was to condense documents and papers by
writing down their substance in a few words, and
always in a distinct and clear method. Many
papers of both these kinds have been preserved,
particularly on political subjects after the revolu
tion, to which we shall have occasion to recur here
after. In this first Congress a resolution was passed ex-

THE SECOND CONGRESS. 1 57
pressing the feelings of the members with regard to
the acts of Parliament. A committee from all the
provinces reported a declaration of colonial rights.
Congress recommended a new non-importation
agreement, and resolved to prepare an address
to the people of Great Britain, a memorial to the
inhabitants of British America, and an address to
the king. It is on the work of this Congress that
Chatham passed the high eulogium which is so
often cited.
The Congress sat nearly two months, and he
then returned to Mount Vernon.
But its work was not over, nor his. In the month
of March, 1775, the second Virginia convention was
held at Richmond, and Washington was' a member.
John Augustine Washington, his brother, was dis-,
ciplining an independent company. Washington
offered to accept the command of it, should occa
sion require it to be drawn out. He did the same
when an independent company at Richmond offered
him its command. He is reported to have said that
he would arm and equip a thousand men at his own
expense, and march with them to Boston. He wrote
to his brother " I will devote my life and fortune to
the cause."
He was to be tested more quickly than men gen
erally imagined. The second Congress met in
Philadelphia on the tenth of May. Washington
was again in attendance. And it was by this Con-

158 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
gress that he was commissioned to the command of
the American army. As early as the 29th of May,
John Adams writes :
" Col. Washington appears at Congress in his uniform,
and by his experience and abilities, is of much service
to us.
" Mr. Mifflin is a major. He ought to have been a
general, for he has been the animating soul of the
whole." The day of Lexington and Concord had come,
and it was evident that petitions and statements of
rights were not enough. An army existed, an army
was to be directed by this Congress. And Con
gress did not hesitate longer to take the initiative,
and in accepting the army as a continental army,
it appointed its general officers. Of these officers,
as the world knows, Washington was the first. On
the fifteenth of June he was appointed commander-
in-chief. The election was by ballot and was unan
imous.

¦&%$?/}

159

CHAPTER VIII.
APPOINTMENT AS GENERAL.
Appointment as General — John Adams's View of It — Appointments of Other
Officers — Arrival at Cambridge— General Artemas Ward — Assumption
of Command — Washington's War Policy — Condition of the Army and
Supplies — Arnold's Expedition up the Kennebec — Washington's Letter
Giving His Plan for It — War on the Seas — Instructions to John Glover
and D. Moylan — Instructions to Winthrop Sargent Concerning
Prizes, Harbors, etc. — Mrs. Washington's Visit to Camp at Cambridge
— Capture of the Nancy by Marblehead Cruiser — Plan for Attack
on Boston — Fortification of Dorchester Heights — Withdrawal of
British from Boston — Note to General Ward — ' ' Washington Street "
— Head-Quarters in Boston — Fondness for "Children— Transfer of
Army to New York — First American Medal — Canadian Contingent —
His Aides — Message from Admiral Loid Howe — Letter to "George
Washington, Esq." — English Fleet — Crown Point and Ticonderoga —
Plan for a Capture — Arrival of British Army at New York — Defeat
at Brooklyn — Retreat to the City and to White Plains — Loss of Forts
Lee and Washington — Mrs. Philipse — Retreat through Jersey — Battle
of Trenton — Success at Princeton — Winter Quarters.
POLITICAL reasons united with personal in
the decisive act of the Continental Congress
by which Washington was appointed to be general
in command. It may be doubted whether, when he
and his Virginia friends rode to Philadelphia to
gether, either of them had any idea of such a pos
sibility. But as events rushed with the crisis of
1 60

APPOINTMENT AS GENERAL. l6l
blood, as it was more and more evident that the
issue was to be decided, riot by petitions or discus
sions, but by the arbitration of armies, it was neces
sary that America should have an army worthy of
that name. The colony of Massachusetts Bay was
without a government. Its leaders, with a sagacity
which was unrivalled, knew well that in the institu
tion of the new government they should connect
themselves as closely as they could with other parts
of the nation, which men did not yet dare call by
that name. In a formal letter to the Continental
Congress they said :
" We hope that you will favor us with your most ex
plicit advice respecting the taking up and exercising the
powers of civil government, which we think absolutely
necessary for the salvation of our country."
At the same time, in private letters, the men who
had the control of affairs in the province which
was already in rebellion wrote to beg that the
Continental Congress would take command of
the army which had gathered around Boston,
by appointing the generalissimo. Joseph War
ren, so soon to be killed at Bunker Hill, Warren
of Plymouth, and Elbridge Gerry, all. wrote in the
same vein ; and from their distant home they had
agreed that Washington, so favorably known to the
country in the old war, and now as the " Virginia
Patriot," was the man who should be designated for
this post.

1 62 the life of Washington.
It was clear enough that if this were a New
England army, with a New England commander,
the interest of the nation in it would be much less,
than if it were an army composed of men from
every colony, and were under the command of
some one who was not himself a New Englander.
These great leaders were perfectly satisfied if they
had a southern man with thorough principles. In
this instance, also, there was every personal reason
to join with that of political wisdom, in the appoint
ment of Washington. Washington had succeeded.
He had been in absolute command. He was a
member of the Congress. He was known as the
Virginia patriot. For these reasons the Massachu
setts men at home, not without prompting, perhaps,
from those who had observed Washington in Phila
delphia, wrote to Philadelphia letters, which were
freely read in the Congress itself, to urge his ap
pointment to the command.
" On the earliest occasion," says Mr. Bancroft, " John
Adams explained to the Congress the position and char
acter of the New England army ; its merits and its wants,
the necessity of its being adopted by the colonies, and the
consequent propriety that Congress should name its gen
eral. Then, speaking for his constituents, he pointed at
Washington as the man above all others fitted for that
station, and best able to promote union. Samuel Adams,
of Massachusetts, seconded his colleague. The delegates
from Virginia, especially Pendleton, Washington's per
sonal friend, disclaimed any wish that the officer whom

OPINION OF JOHN ADAMS. 1 63
Massachusetts had advanced, Artemas Ward, should be
superseded by a Virginian."
Washington himself had never aspired to the
honor, though he had now seen, for some time,
that he might not be able to avoid the appoint*
ment. When the proposal was made by Adams,
the choice was delayed because the members from
New York wished to consult their immediate con
stituents on the nominations to be made from that
colony. But on the 15th day of June, two days
before the battle of Bunker Hill, which proved to
be the decisive battle of the war, Congress voted
to appoint a general. At this time Johnson, of
Maryland, nominated George Washington, and he
was elected by ballot unanimously.
In the announcement of this election on the same
day to his wife, in that interesting personal corre
spondence, which gives us so much of our best
material for history, John Adams said :
" The Congress have made choice of the modest and
virtuous, the amiable, generous, and brave George Wash
ington, Esquire, to be the general of the American army,
and he is to repair, as soon as possible, to the camp
before Boston. This appointment will have a great effect
in cementing and securing the union of these colonies."
Washington accepted the nomination in a little
speech, which showed the real diffidence of the
man at the same time that it showed a determina
tion to stake every thing for the American cause.

164 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
To Patrick Henry he said, in private : " This day
will be the commencement of the decline of my
reputation." Henry thought that his eye glistened
with a tear. He had absented himself from the
Congress when his appointment had been made.
On the next day he appeared in his place. He
declined to . eceive any payment for his services
beyond what his expenses might be ; and then
said :
" As the Congress desire it, I will enter upon the mo
mentous duty and exercise every power I possess in their
service, and for the support of the glorious cause. But I
beg it may be remembered by every gentleman in this
room that I this day declare, with the utmost sincerity, I
do not think myself equal to the command I am honored
with." When he spoke thus modestly, he was probably
looking back on the nature of the military training
which he had really received. It is worth while to
remember here that eighteen months after, in all
the perplexities of White Plains, he wrote in a con
fidential letter that there was not a man of them all
who had ever seen two regiments in line of battle
when this war began.
From Philadelphia he writes to his wife :
" I hope my undertaking this service is designed to
answer some good purpose. I rely confidently on that
Providence which has beautifully preserved and been
bountiful to me. You may believe me, my dearest Patsy,

APPOINTMENTS OF OTHER OFFICERS. 1 65
when I assure you in the most solemn manner, that, so far
from seeking this appointment, I have used every en
deavor in my power to avoid it, — not only from my
unwillingness to part with you and the family, but from
a consciousness of it being a trust too great for my ca-
pacity, and that I should enjoy more real happiness with
ypu at home than I have the most distant prospect of
finding abroad, if my stay were to be seven times seven
years." With but little delay, Congress appointed the
other officers who were to serve under Washington,
not having so much regard to military ability as to
the necessity for conciliating the different states
who were to furnish the privates and subalterns for
the army. Of these men, only one or two made
good, in after time, the reputation which they re
ceived temporarily by such appointment. But it is
interesting to note that Thomas, Wooster, and
Montgomery sealed with their lives the record of
their devotion to their country. The ablest general
of them, as the event proved, was Greene of Rhode
Island, the youngest brigadier. Two generations
afterwards, Jared Sparks, who was perhaps, as com
petent to form a judgment as any of our historians,
said that had Washington died, Greene was compe
tent to have taken up his work and to have carried
it on to success.
The generals who were in Philadelphia left im
mediately for their duties. At a farewell supper,
the members all rose as they drank a health to the

1 66 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
commander-in-chief of the American army. " They
listened in stillness to his thanks, for the sense of
the difficulties which lay before him suppressed
every festal cheer." The next day they had the
first rumors of the battle at Charlestown. On the
the 23d of June Washington was escorted out of
Philadelphia by a cavalcade of light-horse in uni
form attended by the Massachusetts delegates, offi
cers of militia, and many others. On the 26th of
June he arrived at New York. It was announced
that he was to cross the Hudson on that day. At
four o'clock in the afternoon, dressed in a uniform
of blue and buff, which had been the uniform of the
English army in the old days when England was a
Commonwealth and was really free, and which was
retained through the colonies from old memories of
Fairfax and of Cromwell, as the color to be worn
by free men, Washington landed in the city. Drawn
in an open carriage by a pair of white horses, he
was escorted by nine companies of infantry. The
day was Sunday. On the next day the Provincial
Congress of New York addressed Washington with
their felicitations, but they still declared that " an
accommodation with the mother country was the
fondest wish of each American soul." Washington
himself, in reply, said : " When we assumed the
soldier, we did not lay aside the citizen " ; but he
added, that " all thought of private life must be
postponed to the establishment of liberty on the

GENERAL ARTEMAS WARD. 167

\

firmest foundations." He did not loiter in New
York, but kept on upon his way to Cambridge,
where he arrived on the 2d day of July.
At Cambridge he was most cordially received by
the officers of the army, and by none more cordially
than by one of nature's noblemen, whom he had
superseded, Artemas ,Ward. It is a melancholy
thing to say that in the revenge of time, and in the
carelessness of history, the name of the man whom
Massachusetts had honored with the first command
of her first army, and who had taken, as a matter
of course, the command of all the armies of the
four New England provinces, should now be almost
wholly forgotten by his countrymen. A cruel acci
dent has transferred the name from him to be the
name of a merry jester, and it is difficult now to
make even a skilful printing-house spell rightly the
name of the great soldier who once commanded the
only army of America.
Artemas Ward never showed the slightest jealousy
of George Washington. He was the first officer
under his command, and he rendered to him the
most loyal assistance. He commanded the right
wing of the American army at the siege of Boston.
To his personal supervision was due the successful
carrying out of the admirable plans by which the
English army were driven from Boston in the
spring. And if any man ever deserved a second
copy of the medal struck by Congress to be pre-

1 68 THE LIFE OF WA SHINGTON.
i
sented to Washington on that occasion, with the
proud motto " Hostibus Primo Fugatis," that man
was Artemas Ward, who carried out, in so masterly
a manner, the masterly directions of the chief whom
he obeyed.
On the 3d of July, the division of the army which
formed its centre was paraded on Cambridge Com
mon, and under an elm tree, which still stands,
Washington read his commission and assumed com
mand. It was the habit of Washington's enemies in the
revolution, to assail what they were pleased to call
his Fabian policy. In the underhand letters of
Lee, Conway, and others of the malcontents, the
sentiment appears again and again, that in more
enterprising hands the American cause would gain
much. There can be little doubt that this impres
sion has worked its way into the general notions of
Washington's character, and his military ability.
But it is probably quite unfounded. Certainly it
would be difficult for the most dashing young mar
shal of the Napoleon school to have contrived more,
and indeed to have done more, than Washington
did in the eight months between his arrival at
Cambridge and the departure of Howe from Bos
ton. The history of those months is indeed
dramatic. First of all, there comes in the terrible revela
tion that he and his army were almost entirely

CONDITION OF THE ARMY AND SUPPLIES. 169
without powder. It is said that he was silent for a
long time after this' revelation was made to him, and
well may it have been that none of the gentlemen
around him dared to break this silence. It is not
yet fully explained how the misunderstanding took
place, by which he and the other officers in chief
command had been deceived. It would appear
that an effort had been made to conceal from the
guards themselves, the small amount of powder in
the storehouses. This was an effort dictated by
the finest military insight and is highly creditable
to Ward, or whoever carried it into effect. In the
execution of this plan, barrels of sand marked as
powder, had been delivered with the proper amount
of parade, from time to time, and had been entered
by the unconscious clerks in charge, as if they were
the powder which they should have been. The
secret was so well maintained that it deceived even
those who ought not to have been deceived. And
when, for his own use, Washington had an accu
rate statement of the amount of real powder and of
the amount of sand, which he had in store, he was
literally struck dumb by the revelation. He had
not nine cartridges for each man in his army.
To begin, then, he had to provide the most
necessary munition for modern war, and to provide
it in such a way that neither friends nor enemies
"should know that he was in need. This thing he
did. It is interesting now to see how diverse were

170 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
the stores from which this powder was drawn, but
there is hardly a letter in the varied correspondence
which does not allude to the need, sometimes of a
very few barrels, sometimes of a more considerable
amount. A bold dash on Bermuda and another on
the Bahamas, brought them some supplies from
those islands. In the southwest, Oliver Pollock,
acting on his own responsibility, in New Orleans,
sent up to Pittsburg powder from the Spanish gar
risons. Here a little and there a little, and by
diligent manufacture in the northeastern states,
powder, so to speak, dribbled in upon the army,
which was powerless without.
So soon as he was sure of any supply, Washing
ton contrived and sent out the expedition of Arnold
up the Kennebec River to support, by a diversion,
the movement which Schuyler was making against
Montreal. This expedition of Arnold almost suc
ceeded. If it had succeeded, if Quebec had fallen
into the hands of the Americans at that early
period of the war, the whole history of the war
would now be written with other words, with other
successes, and with an end coming far sooner than
it did. Early in October, once more, Washington
took the bold initiative of sending cruisers out to
prey even on the transports and store-ships of the
English army. He actually supplied himself that
winter, with the stores which had been intended for
the army which he was besieging, and this while

COUNCILS OF WAR. 171
his enemy had a fleet in the harbor of Boston, of
which the smallest vessel was stronger, by far, than
the largest vessel which Washington could put into
commission. Again and again, as that autumn and winter
passed, he held councils of war for the purpose of
proposing aggressive measures, in which he and his
immediate friends were overruled by the prudence
or caution of a majority of his generals. At that
period it would have been impossible for a young
commander from a distance to have ordered these
gentlemen into action for a plan which they did not,
at heart, approve. It is always difficult for any
commander to do this under the best of circum
stances. But the deficiency was not Washington's
lack of push or energy. It was in the circum
stances so nearly hopeless, that such generals as he
commanded, who certainly had zeal enough and en
thusiasm enough, were unwilling to risk every thing
on the event. At the end of what we call the
siege, the measures by which he succeeded are not
the measures of prudence. They are the measures
of a resolute man who has made himself master of
the position and is able to make his attack in such
a way that an enemy even as largely provided as
the English army was, under a commander like
Howe, who had no lack of courage even if he was
somewhat indolent, preferred to retire than enter
into an unequal contest.

172 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
The following despatch to Congress explains the
plan of the Arnold expedition, as it existed in his
own mind.
" I am now to inform the honorable Congress that, en
couraged by the repeated declarations of the Canadians
and Indians, and urged by their requests, I have detached
Colonel Arnold with a thousand men to penetrate into
Canada by way of Kennebec River, and, if possible, to
make himself master of Quebec. By this manoeuvre I
propose either to divert Carleton from St. John's, which
would leave a free passage to General Schuyler. Or, if
this did not take effect, Quebec, in its present defenceless
state, must fall into his hands an easy prey. I made all
possible inquiry as to the distance, the safety of the route,
and the danger of the season being too far advanced ; but
found nothing in either to deter me from proceeding,
more especially as it met with very general approbation
from all whom I consulted upon it. But, that nothing
might be omitted to enable me to judge of its propriety
and probable consequences, I communicated it by express
to General Schuyler, who approved of it in such terms
that I resolved to put it in immediate execution. They
have now left this place seven days, and, if favored with
a good wind, I hope soon to hear of their being safe in
Kennebec River. For the satisfaction of the Congress, I
here enclose a copy of the proposed route. I also do my
self the honor of enclosing a manifesto which I caused to
be printed here, and of which Colonel Arnold has taken a
suitable number with him. I have also forwarded a copy
of his instructions. From all which I hope the Congress
will have a clear view of the motives, plan," and intended
execution of this enterprise, and that I shall be so happy
as to meet with their approbation in it.

LETTER TO CONGRESS. 173
"I was the more induced to make this detachment, as
it is my clear opinion, from a careful observation of the
movements of the enemy, corroborated by all the intelli
gence we receive by deserters and others (of the former
of. whom we have some every day), that the enemy have
no intention to come out until they are reinforced. They
have been wholly employed for some time past in procur
ing materials for barracks, fuel, and making other prepara
tions for winter. These circumstances, with the constant
additions to their works, which are apparently defensive,
have led to the above conclusions, and enabled me to
spare this body of men, where I hope they will be usefully
and successfully employed.
" The state of inactivity in which this army has lain for
some time by no means corresponds with my wishes to
relieve my country by some decisive stroke from the
heavy expense its subsistence must create. After fre
quently reconnoitring the situation of the enemy in the
town of Boston, collecting all possible intelligence, and
digesting the whole, a surprise did not appear to me
wholly impracticable, though hazardous. I communi
cated it to the general officers some days before I called
them to a council, that they might be prepared with
their opinions. The result I have the honor of enclosing.
I cannot say that I have wholly laid it aside; but new
events may occasion new measures. Of this I hope the
honorable Congress can need no assurance, that there is
not a man in America who more earnestly wishes such a
termination of the campaign as to make the army no longer
necessary. " I have filled up the office of quartermaster-general,
which the Congress was pleased to leave to me, by the
appointment of Major Mifflrn, which I hope and believe
will be universally acceptable.

174 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
" It gives me great pain to be obliged to solicit the at
tention of the honorable Congress to the state of this
army in terms which imply the slightest apprehension of
being neglected. But my situation is inexpressibly dis
tressing, to see the winter fast approaching upon a naked
army, the time of their service within a few weeks of ex
piring, and no provision yet made for such important
events. Added to these, the military chest is totally ex
hausted, the paymaster has not a single dollar in hand,
the commissary-general assures me he has strained his
credit for the subsistence of the army to the utmost, the
quartermaster-general is precisely in the same situation,
and the greater part of the troops are in a state not far
from mutiny, upon deduction from their stated allowance.
I know not to whom I am to impute this failure, but I am
of opinion, if this evil is not immediately remedied, and
more punctuality observed in future, the army must abso
lutely break up. I hoped I had so fully expressed myself
on this subject, both by letter and to those members of
the Congress who honored the camp with a visit, that
no disappointment could possibly happen. I therefore
hourly expected advice from the paymaster that he had
received a fresh supply in addition to the hundred and
seventy-two thousand dollars delivered to him in August ;
and thought myself warranted to assure the public credi
tors that in a few days they should be satisfied. But the
delay has brought matters to such a crisis as admits of no
further uncertain expectation. I have therefore sent off
this express with orders to make all possible despatch. It
is my earnest request that he may be returned with all
possible expedition, unless the honorable Congress have
already forwarded what is so indispensably necessary."
This letter gives a good enough illustration of the

WASHINGTON'S WAR POLICY. 175
course which Washington pursued all through the
war, and it may fairly be said that never was any
other general in such a position as he was in. He
was made the commander-in-chief of the American
army ; but he knew very well that the power which
he served was jealous and sensitive, while it was
ignorant and wholly without experience. He was
obliged, then, to make his plans, to instruct his in
structors, and to keep them as well informed as any
sovereign might have been who should be attending
a favorite general on the field of battle. He was
thus under the necessity of entrusting the secrets of
war to a body of forty or fifty men, who very soon
proved that they could not keep any secrets at all.
It is this curious position which gives value and
interest to his own despatches through the war.
And any one who should wish to write the history
of the American war, and would publish together
all of Washington's despatches, would give us such
a history as probably never was written in any
other war. We should have it from the pen of the
person who had most responsibility and who de
serves most praise.
It will not be in our power to follow this history
in that way. Indeed, it is not our purpose to write
the history of the revolution. But from time to
time, we will cite from the despatches, such personal
recollections as may give the reader a better idea of
the man whose life we are following.

176 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
The war was to show that on the seas the rebel
commanders and their crews were to inflict even more
injury on the resources of Great Britain than on the
land. Sufficient attention has not been paid, in
history, to the change brought about in the public
opinion of England by the losses sustained by her
merchants under the perpetual infliction of priva
teers. In the whole system of maritime war, the
beginning was made nine months before the Dec
laration of Independence, when Washington com
missioned Glover and Moylan to hire and fit out
cruisers against the " Ministerial " fleet. The com
missions were given thus : with a view to sending
Marblehead crews from the army, as will be seen.
Glover and Moylan were already in the service.
TO COL. JOHN GLOVER AND D. MOYLAN, ESQ.
" Camp-at-Cambridge, 4 Oct., 1775.
" Instructions to Colonel Glover and Mr. Moylan.
" His Excellency, having resolved to equip two armed
vessels, has empowered you to negotiate this business, in
which the following directions are to be observed :
" 1st. That the vessels be approved sailers, and as well
found as possible.
" 2d. That you have an appraisement made of them,
by indifferent people, to be returned to head-quarters.
" 3d. That you agree, at as reasonable a rate as you can,
for the hire of the, vessels, and, if possible, procure the
cannon and swivels on loan ; and if not, purchase them at
the cheapest rate per month.

INSTRUCTIONS. \J1
"4th. If you cannot equip them suitably at Salem or
Marblehead, one of you to proceed to Newbury Port,
where there are several vessels and sundry cannon pro
vided suitable for this purpose.
" 5th. You are as soon as possible, to send down proper
directions for the making of the cartridges, and providing
ammunition, and a list of what will be wanted.
" 6th. You are to nominate some suitable person at
Cape Ann, Marblehead, and each other place, where any
"prizes may be sent, as an Agent, to take care of such
prizes, instructing him to give as early information as
possible of all captures and a list of the cargoes, as far as
he can do it from papers.
" These persons, when nominated by you, to receive in
structions from head-quarters. You are also to settle
with them the terms, and let them be persons of approved
good character and known substance. All agreements,
etc., to be put in writing.
" 7th. All contracts entered into by you jointly when
together, or separately in case one should go to Newbury,
the General will ratify and confirm.
" 8th. As soon as either of the vessels is in such for
wardness as to be ready to sail in a few days, you are to
send notice to head-quarters, that the officers and men
may march down."
To the agent, the following commission was
given, countersigned by Moylan.
" To Winthrop Sargent, Esq., Cape Anne. Instructions
as Agent, for continental armed vessels :
" Head-Quarters, i January, 1776.
"Sir: " You being recommended to His Excellency as a proper
person to transact the business of the several armed ves-

178 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
sels, fitted out or to be fitted out at the continental ex
pense, will be pleased to consider what follows as your
instructions. " 1. When any of the continental vessels put into Cape
Anne, you are to supply them with such necessaries as are
absolutely wanting.
" When any prize is sent in, you are, without delay, to go
on board, receive all the papers on board, and transmit them
by express to Head Quarters.
" 2. You are to make out an inventory of the cargo, as
near as you can from the papers found on board, or in
formation from the master or mate of the prize. All pos
sible care that can be taken, must be used to prevent any
embezzlement of the cargo ; or of the captain's, crews', or
passengers' private property, which must be given up to
them, except some extraordinary circumstances should
arise to make an alteration of this order necessary.
"3. All sailors belonging to a prize, to be detained with
you or sent to a neighboring town, where you may think
them more secure, until you receive orders from Head
Quarters for the farther disposal of them.
" 4. All prisoners of whatever rank to be treated with
the utmost humanity and tenderness.
" 5. As you are appointed a continental agent only, if the
officers and men choose to appoint an agent for their one
third of any prize taken, they may do so. In that case,
you are to permit him to take a copy of all papers relating
to the cargo, and when the vessel is discharged you must
give unto said Agent, a copy of what was on board.
" 6. The Hulls of all vessels taken with all their ap
purtenances, to be carefully laid up in a secure port, until
further orders.
" 7. Whatever advice you at any time have respecting

INSTRUCTIONS. 1 79
the armed vessels or prizes, that is material, you will send
up to Head Quarters by suitable opportunities.
" 8. Forasmuch as the port of Cape Anne lies con
venient for the armed vessels to run into, when in want of
provisions and other necessaries, you will lay in on the
most reasonable terms, 12 bbls. of Beef and 12 of Pork ;
20 barrels of bread will be ordered you from Beverly,
where a quantity is reserved for the use of the armed
vessels ; and, as you supply any vessel with a part of these
articles, you are to replace them, so as always to keep up
that quantity on hand. You must take the Steward's re
ceipt for every thing you supply.
" 9. As the harbour of Cape Anne is not looked upon as
safe to lay up any prizes or their cargoes, you must, as
soon as possible, have such as may be brought in there,
sent up to Beverly, where William Bartlett Esq. : is by his
Excellency appointed an agent. Ydu and Mr. Bartlett
must agree between yourselves about the terms upon
which you will do business for each other of this sort.
The commission allowed to all agents is two and a half
per cent, on sales of any prize &c, and the same on the
amount of provisions and necessaries supplied the vessels
with. " 10. In making up your accounts, you are to remem
ber that the original bills or invoices are to be sent as
vouchers ; that your own account is to be general, and at the
bottom an affidavit of the justice of your accounts. This
is not done from any jealousy or suspicion, but that the
utmost satisfaction may be given the country, and that all
agents may be on the same footing. You will at all times
give the utmost dispatch, and, of any irregularity, miscon
duct, or negligence in the officers of any vessel, you are
desired to give immediate information to the General.

l8o THE LIFE. OF WASHINGTON.
" Should any of the vessels unnecessarily remain in
port, you are to give orders to the commander to proceed
forthwith to sea. Should he refuse, you are to demand
his reasons and transmit the same to Head Quarters."
We publish these papers (for the first time, so far
as we know) because they show how far-sighted was
the policy of the very beginning. Washington and
the other leaders no longer supposed that a cam-
. paign of a few weeks was to setttle this affair. And
they entered on an international war by measures
which boldly threatened England's empire on the
seas, though at the outset they only involved the
outfit of a few Marblehead schooners.
We have the record of the councils of war
which so young a general was obliged to hold, when
he had under his command men who thought, they
knew more than he. In every instance he is over
ruled in his bold projects, excepting in the despatch
of Arnold to Canada, until the great success of
March. In the month of November he wrote to
Mrs. Washington to propose that she should come
to camp, and she did so. She travelled in her own
chariot, with four horses, and black postilions in
scarlet and white liveries. Modest Cambridge was
unused to such grandeur, but did not disapprove.
Mrs. Washington's presence gave vivacity to life at
head-quarters, and the memory is still preserved of
the elegant parties of that winter.
As the winter passed, one of the Marblehead

CAPTURE OF THE "NANCY." l8l
cruisers brought in, almost under the eyes of the
English fleet, the Nancy, a government vessel filled
with every sort of military stores. Howe was
crippled and Washington strengthened in equal
measure by this bold capture. From the West,
Knox arrived in triumph, with cannon and mortars,
which he had brought across on the snow from
Ticonderoga and Crown Point. Powder had come
in, enough for a reasonable use of this ordnance,
and under the eyes of his enemy Washington
reorganized his army.
Every thing served but the climate. The winter
was milder than usual, and the Charles River would
not freeze. Every thing was ready, when the ice
should freeze solidly, for a bold attack upon Boston.
With lesser attempts on one side or another, the
critical push would have been made not far from the
present line of Commonwealth Avenue ; for that.
part of the bay on the west of Boston has been
changed into land, and is covered by streets and
houses. This plan failing, in the first week in
March, Ward, in command of the right wing, was
directed to seize Dorchester Heights, bold hills
which commanded Boston harbor on the south.
Ward did so. He arranged with Thomas, a
spirited brigadier under his command, so skilfully,
that by a night movement the higher of these hills
was seized and fortified by a strong body of troops.
" It was like the work of the genii of Aladdin's

1 82 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
wonderful lamp " ; so writes an English officer. On
that night, or the next, Washington was himself upon
the spot to encourage the men, and to consult his
brave coadjutors.
It was enough. Howe sent a strong attacking
force to the castle, who were to cross to the foot of
the heights, to storm the works, if they could, the
next day, but a tempest prevented the attack ; and,
before it was possible, the works were so strength
ened that no soldier who remembered Bunker Hill
would think of carrying them by storm.
Through the mediation of the select-men of Bos
ton, Howe intimated to Washington that if he were
unmolested he would withdraw fleet and army with
out injuring the town. The compact was a good
one for both parties. Although Washington would
make no formal promise, Howe retired on these
terms, and the 1 7th of March saw the last of him, of
his fleet, and of his army.
The following note, written from Washington to
• Ward in the thick of these events, is a pleasant re
minder of the importance of the crisis, of his own
eagerness, and of his careful attention to detail.
WASHINGTON TO WARD.
"Cambridge, 2 March, '76.
" SIR :
"After weighing all circumstances of Tide, &c, and con
sidering the hazard of having the Posts on Dorchester
Neck taken by the enemy, and the evil consequences

HEAD-QUARTERS IN BOSTON. 1 83
which would result from it, the Gentlemen here are of
opinion that we should go on there Monday night. I give
you this early notice of it, that you may delay no time in
preparing for it, as every thing here will be got in readi
ness to co-operate. In haste,
" I am, Sir, your most obed. servt.,
" Geo. Washington.
" (Saturday evening.) Remember — Barrels."
The allusion to " barrels " is to the preparation of
casks, heavily loaded with stone and gravel, which
were to be rolled down on the advancing troops.
A triumphal entry into Boston followed, and the
people of the town welcomed with delight him
whom they fondly called their liberator. The name
of " Washington Street " was at once given to the
main street by which Boston was approached by land.
That name has since gradually taken the place of
the other names by which this long street was then
called, Orange Street, Marlboro Street, and Corn-
hill. Indeed, a recent extension carries Washing
ton Street to the extreme north of the city, and the
change of local names extends it on the south for
eight or ten miles.
Washington established himself for his head
quarters at the inn at the head of State Street,
which Howe had occupied. Such is the fate of war,
that a general frequently sleeps in the same bed
which his rival had used, and thiswas probably true in
that instance. The house was a boarding-house, so

1 84 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
called, kept by Mrs. Edwards. Washington's fond
ness for children showed itself still. He would
catch up Mrs. Edwards' granddaughter, take her on
his knee, and talk to her. He asked the child one
day, which soldiers she liked best, the red coats or
the blue coats. The child, with the truth of child
hood, said that she liked the red coats best. Wash
ington laughed and said : " Ah, my dear, they look
better ; but they don't fight. The ragged fellows
are the boys for fighting." The anecdote is worth
telling, because it is one of a dozen which might be
cited, which refute that very grim statement of one
of the eulogists of Washington, that he was never
seen to smile during the Revolutionary war.
Crowded as Washington's years were, there is
not one which shows the pressure of a thousand
cares as this does. In comparison with other years
there are very few letters home. Writing to Lan-
don Carter, March 25, '76, he says:
" Though I might entrench myself behind the parade of
great business with as much propriety as most men, yet I
shall neither avail myself of it, nor be debarred the
pleasure of making this address."
The country was now left virtually without an
English soldier. The English fleet lay, for some
time, in Nantasket Roads, below Boston, but at last
it was known that Howe had taken his forces to
Halifax. Every military man understood that if
the English government made any new attempt

THE FIRST AMERICAN MEDAL. 1 85
against the colonies, they would take, for their cen
tral position, the city of New York. Washington
immediately began to detach his army to New
York, and as soon as several bodies had passed
thither, he followed himself, going by way of
Providence, Newport, New London, and the shore
of Long Island Sound. He thus had an oppor
tunity, in Rhode Island, to see some few points,
which proved to be of critical importance as the
war .went on.
He arrived in New York on the 13th day of
April, in advance of most of his troops. One of
the early letters from that city is to John Adams,
thanking him for the medal which Congress had
voted him. " We have nothing, my dear sir, to
depend upon but the protection of a kind provi
dence and unanimity among ourselves. I am im
pressed with the deepest gratitude for the medal
intended me by Congress. Whatever device may
be determined upon by the respectable committee
they have chosen for that purpose, will be highly
agreeable to me." The medal which was struck is
the finest in the American series. It was executed
in France under orders by Franklin. The mottoes
are, on one side, " Bostonium Recuperatum," and
on the other, " Hostibus Primo Fugatis." The
original medal, after many chances of inheritance
and war, is now in the possession of the Massa
chusetts Historical Society.

1 86 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
In a letter of April, writing to the President of
Congress, he says :
" I have communicated in general orders, to the officers
and soldiers under my command, the thanks of Congress
for their good behavior in the service, and I am happy in
having such an opportunity of doing justice to their merit.
They were no doubt, at first, a band of undisciplined hus
bandmen ; but it is, under God, to their bravery and at
tention to their duty, that I am indebted for that success
which has procured me the only reward I wish to receive,
the affection and esteem of my countrymen."
On the 23d of April he was able to write that he
had re-enforced the Canadian contingent with four
strong regiments, a company of riflemen, a company
of artificers, and two of engineers. They embarked
for Albany " with a fair wind." He was not without
hopes, though not sanguine hopes, even at this
time, of recovering the ground which had been lost
in Canada.
In a letter of the 23d, urging the necessity of a
favorable allowance for his aides, Washington says :
" Nothing but the zeal of those gentlemen who live
with me and act in this capacity for the great American
cause, and personal attachment to me, have induced them
to undergo the trouble and famine they have experienced
since they have become members of my family. I give
in to no kind of amusements myself, and consequently
those about me can have none, but are from morning till
evening mailing and answering the applications and letters
of one and another. If these gentlemen have the same re-

LETTER TO HIS BROTHER. \%7
laxation from duty as other officers have in their common
routine, there would not be so much in it. But to have the
man always on the stretch, scarce ever unbent, and no
hours for recreation, makes a material odds. Knowing
this, and how inadequate the pay is, I can scarce find in
clination to impose the necessary duties of their office
upon it."
In a letter of the 29th, reviewing the position to
his brother, he says :
" I have brought the whole army which I had in the
New England governments, except five regiments left
behind for the defence of Boston, to this place. Eight
days ago I detached four regiments for Canada, and I am
about embarking six more regiments for the same place.
It was thought best to strengthen that quarter at the ex
pense of this, but I am afraid we are rather too late in
trying it."
And so the event proved. In the same letter he
says :
" Mrs. Washington is still here and talks of taking the
small-pox ; but I doubt her resolution. Mr. and Mrs.
Custis (these are the young people who had been married
two years before) will set out in a few days for Maryland.
I did not write you by the squire, because his departure,
in the first place, was sudden ; in the next, I had but little
to say. I am very sorry to hear that my sister was indis
posed when you last wrote. I hope she has now re
covered, and that your family is well."
Meanwhile the news from the north was so bad
that Gates had been sent to Philadelphia to confer
with Congress, and on the 19th of May Washington

I

1 88 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
himself was summoned there. It was time for Mrs.
Washington, who had spent the winter with him,
to return home, as an active campaign was before
them ; and she and her husband left New York on
the 2 ist of May. They we.e Hancock's guests
while they were in Philadelphia. The visit seems
to have quickened the action of Congress, and im
portant measures were taken under his suggestion
for carrying on the war with more alacrity. While
in Philadelphia, Mrs. Washington brought her
courage up to the mark, and was inoculated for the
small-pox with a favorable result. The reader re
members that Washington had taken the disease in
the natural, way, when he was a young man.
From this time until summer he was engaged in
New York, watching the fortifications of that city
and of Long Island, and awaiting the arrival, which
was more and more sure, of Howe's army.
He had not long been in New York when a plot,
which began among a set of low-lived liquor dealers,
was formed to capture him and deliver him to the
English. The Tory mayor of the city, Mathews,
was implicated, and he was arrested. A careful in
vestigation was made, and Hickey, a member of
Washington's guard, was hanged on the 28th of
June. The same afternoon, four English ships of
war appeared off the Hook and dropped anchor in
the bay. The next day forty sail arrived, and this
was the beginning of the appearance of Howe's

L6RD HOWE. 189
army. It was the largest and the best-equipped
army which was ever on American soil until
the beginning of the civil war in 1861. The full
returns show that Howe landed at Staten Island
more than thirty-one thousand men. This was a
force much larger than that- which Washington had
with which to meet them.
In a letter to the President of Congress of 14th
of July, Washington gives an account of his first
message from Lord Howe.
Lord Howe was the admiral of that name, the
brother of that Howe who had been killed at Ti-
conderoga, in the French war. There had been
three of these Howes, and the youngest of the three,
William Howe, was the general who had distin
guished himself at Bunker Hill and who had been
appointed to supersede Gage when Gage was re
called. Lord Howe was an admiral in the English
navy, and was now in command of the fleet. These
two were commissioners who were entrusted with
large powers for the restoration of peace. But un
fortunately for them, their commissions had been
issued in England before independence had been
declared in America ; and when they arrived, they
found they were dealing no longer with rebels, but
with an independent nation- which would receive no
terms which did not recognize their independence.
Washington's account of his first communication
with Lord Howe is in the following words.

I go THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
" About three o'clock this afternoon, I directed Colonel
Reed to go down (to meet Lord Howe) and manage the
affair. On his return, he informed me that after the com
mon civilities the officer acquainted him that he had a
letter from Lord Howe to Mr. Washington, which he
showed under the superscription to ' George Washington,
Esquire.' Colonel Reed replied that there was no such
person in the army, and that a letter intended for the
general could not be received under such a direction.
The officer expressed great concern, said it was a letter
rather of a civil than a military nature, that Lord Howe
regretted that he had not arrived sooner, that he had
great power, that his anxiety to have the letter received
was very evident, though the officer disclaimed all knowl
edge of its contents. However, Colonel Reed's instruc
tions being positive, they parted. After they had got
some distance, the officer with the flag again put about,
and asked under what direction Mr. Washington chose to
be addressed, to which Colonel Reed answered that his
station was well known, and that certainly they could be
at no loss how to direct to him."
This letter was written on the 14th of July,
ten days after the declaration of independence.
The reader will observe that the Howes arrived
just at the moment of public rejoicing on the dis
tinct definition of the American position.
So soon as the English fleet could show its power,
it was evident that the Americans were at disad
vantage. The English ships passed the batteries of
the city of New York without receiving any apparent
injury. They ascended to Haverstraw Bay and

THE ENGLISH FLEET. 191
anchored so far from the shore as to be out of dan
ger. When they attempted to land, their men were
beaten back by militia, but they controlled the wa
ter passages.
From the north, Washington had the worst ac
counts. Schuyler and Gates had determined to
give up Crown Point and Ticonderoga, but Wash
ington writes to his brother, in a letter which is
necessarily cautious :
" What kind of opposition we shall be able to make,
time only can show. I can only say that the men appear
to be in good spirits, and if they will stand by me, this
place shall not be carried without some loss."
His estimates of the numbers on both sides gave
the enemy twenty-five thousand, which, as the reader
has seen, was six thousand too small. His own
force was about fifteen thousand men. In. speaking
of the passage of the English ships by his batteries,
he says that " it exhibited a proof of what I had long
most religiously believed, and that is, that a vessel
with a brisk wind and strong tide, cannot, unless by
a chance shot, be stopped by a battery, unless you
can place some obstruction in the water to impede
her motion within reach of your guns."
This is not the place to describe in detail Howe's
successful movement, by which he landed his army
on the south of the village of Brooklyn, Long
Island, overpowered the American army there, and
compelled them to retreat. The ground is now

I92 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
perfectly known, the mistakes made are understood,
and it is fair to say that the defeat, which was a de
feat, was not a disgraceful one to the American
arms. Washington was obliged to withdraw his
force from Brooklyn, and this he did with singular
success. There is a letter to Hancock, written at
Brooklyn on the afternoon of the 29th of August :
" I am sorry to inform the Congress that I have not yet
heard of either General Sullivan or Lord Sterling, who
were among the missing after the engagement, nor can I
ascertain our loss."
On the 31st of August, in his despatches from
New York City, he says :
" Inclination as well as duty would have induced me to
give Congress the earliest information of my removal and
that of the troops to this city, but the extreme fatigue
which myself and family have undergone, as much from
the weather since, as the engagement of the 27th, rendered
me and them entirely unfit to take pen in hand. This
month scarce any of us have been out of the lines till our
passage across the East River was effected yesterday
morning ; and for forty-eight iiours preceding that, I had
hardly been off my horse, and never closed my eyes, so
that I was quite unfit to write or dictate till this morning."
He had heard from Generals Sullivan and Ster
ling, both of whom were prisoners.
From this time, through the month of September
and the fortnight following, Washington was on the
Island of New York, holding the city inch by inch,

RETREAT THROUGH NEW YORK. 193
but gradually withdrawing before his stronger ene
my. He is sometimes beside himself with distress
at the failure of his men, and sometimes encouraged
again by their spirit. In a letter to a friend, Greene
says : " Fellows's and Parsons's brigades ran away
from about fifty men, and left his excellency on the
ground within eighty yards of the enemy, so vexed
at the infamous conduct of his troops that he sought
death rather than life." "Are these the men," he
cried, " with whom I am to defend America ? "
And Mr. Irving says that, in a paroxysm of passion
and despair, he snapped his pistol at some of them
and threatened others with his sword. His own
letter says :
" To my surprise and mortification, I found the troops
flying in every direction and in the greatest confusion,
notwithstanding the exertions of their generals to form
them. I used every means in my power to rally and get
them into some order, but my attempts were fruitless and
ineffectual, and on the appearance of a small party of the
enemy, not more than sixty or seventy, their disorder in
creased, and they ran away in the greatest confusion with
out firing a single shot."
Dr. Gordon says that his attendants caught the
bridle of his horse and gave him a different direc
tion, being afraid that he would be taken prisoner.
On the other hand, but a few days after, Knowl-
ton's regiment, in the skirmish on ground which is
now in the Central Park, behaved so well that

194 THE LIFE 0F WASHINGTON.
Washington complimented them in his general
orders. In writing to his brother, he says : " Our
troops behaved well, putting the enemy to flight
in open ground, and forcing them from posts they
had seized two or three times." And he says of
Knowlton : " He would have done honor to any
country." But all would not do. The English held the river
with their ships, and it was a mere question of time
when the army should move forward from the island
of Manhattan. Washington's head-quarters were at
Harlem Heights till the 21st of October, and on the
23d were established at White Plains. Howe fol
lowed him, and for the rest of the month the armies
confronted each other, with some hard fighting, but
on the night of the 4th Howe withdrew to the
North River. The movements followed which re
sulted in the loss of Forts Washington and Lee, on
the defence of which Congress had relied for main
taining the control of the passage of the Hudson.
Washington himself had not shared their confidence.
Fort Washington was held contrary to his wishes
and opinions. " As I conceived it to be a hazardous
determination, but it having been determined on by
a full council of general officers, and a resolution
of Congress having been received, I did not care
to give a resolute order for withdrawing the garri
son, and then it became too late. I had given it as
my opinion to Gen. Greene that it would be best to

MRS. PHILIPSE. 195
evacuate the place, but as the order was discretion
ary, it was. delayed, to my great grief."
In the midst of these public movements, old as
sociations assert themselves. Here is a letter to
the mother of the Mary Philipse, whom he did not
marry twenty years before :
TO MRS. PHILIPSE, PHILIPSBORO.
" Head-quarters at Mr. Valentine's, Oct. 22, 1776.
" Madam :
" The misfortunes of war and the unhappy circum
stances frequently attendant thereon to individuals are
more to be lamented than avoided ; but it is the duty
of every one to alleviate these as much as possible. Far
be it from me, then, to add to the distress of a lady who,
I am but too sensible, must already have suffered much
uneasiness, if not inconvenience, on account of Col.
Philipse's absence.
" No special order has gone forth from me for removal
of the stock of the inhabitants, but from the nature of
the case, and in consequence of some resolutions of the
convention of this State, the measure has been adopted.
However, as I am satisfied it is not meant to deprive
families of their necessary support, I shall not withhold
my consent to your retaining such parts of your stock as
may be essential to this purpose, relying on your assur
ances and promise that no more will be retained.
" G. W."
In the correspondence of the autumn, both military
and private, are one and another intimation of the
condition of the currency. In a long letter of Aug.
15th to his agent, Lund Washington, he says : "A

196 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
barrel of corn which used to sell for ten shillings
will now fetch forty shillings. A barrel of pork
which could be had for three pounds sells for five
pounds." In the surrender of Fort Washington, Washing-
ten lost two thousand men, a good deal of artillery,
and some of his best small-arms. When Fort Lee
was abandoned, he saved the ammunition and a
part of the stores, and his garrison.
Satisfied that Howe intended to operate in New
Jersey, he withdrew the principal part of his force
there, and was obliged, from point to point, to retire
before him. Early in December he crossed the
Delaware River, and virtually left the Jerseys in the
hands of the English. At the same time, Lee was
taken prisoner. He had been in traitorous corre
spondence with the enemy for some time, but this
the Americans did not know. And so much con
fidence was placed in his military ability that the
loss was considered severe by all, with the exception
perhaps of his chief.
It was one of Washington's own prompt measures
which changed the aspect of things. While Lee
and Gates were proposing that all the army should
retire to the south of the Susquehanna, Washington
had directed the movement by which, on Christmas
day, Trenton was surprised, its Hessian commander
killed, and a thousand Hessian troops taken pris
oners.

197

WASHINGTON CROSSING THE DELAWARE.

198 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
The 24th of December, 1776, may be said to be
the date of the lowest point in his fortunes since
some of those early experiences in Virginia, of which
we have his own melancholy estimate. He knew
he was distrusted by some of the people closest to
him. He knew that he had been beaten in every
important event since the Declaration of Indepen
dence. A considerable part of his army had been
taken prisoners, and he knew that the term of serv
ice of a very large number would expire on the first
of January. He had been obliged to retreat across
the Delaware, and with little more than a handful of
men was trying to cover the city of Philadelphia
from the approach of a successful enemy four times
as strong in numbers as he was.
It is then that he is said to have exclaimed, with
a sort of elasticity that belongs to his character:
" Now that their wings are so spread, it is the time
to strike at them." Gates, be it observed, had ex
pressed the view that the line on which to stop Sir
William Howe was not the line of the Delaware,
but that of the Susquehanna. He was on his way
to propose this measure to Congress when the bat
tle of Trenton was fought. Washington had de
termined to recross the Delaware, and make the
celebrated attack on Trenton. He does not even
hint of it in his letter to Congress of the 24th. On
that day, his whole effective force was 5,906 men.
He had only five thousand with him ; four hundred

Ewftlbwn

PART QF NEW JERSEY &e.

199

20O THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
were sick on furlough, or detached. Howe's army,
scattered between Trenton and New York City, was
about thirty thousand.
On this occasion, Washington himself took com
mand, and wherever he was, there was success. The
quantity of ice in the river had made him despair
of surprising the town ; and, in fact, he did not reach
it until eight o'clock in the morning. Three min-
nutes after, the principal division arrived at the
enemy's advanced post, the other division advanced
at the lower post. Washington's own letter states
what followed :
" The upper division arrived at the enemy's advanced
post exactly at eight o'clock, and in three minutes after, I
found, from the fire on the lower road, that that division
had also got up. The out-guards made but small opposi
tion, though, for their numbers, they behaved very well,
keeping up a constant retreating fire from behind houses.
We presently saw their main body formed, but, from their
motions, they seemed undetermined how to act. Being
hard pressed by our troops, who had already got posses
sion of their artillery, they attempted to file off by a road
on their right, leading to Princeton. But, perceiving their
intention, I threw a body of troops in their way, which
immediately checked them. Finding from our disposition
that they were surrounded, and that they must inevitably
be cut to pidces if they made any further resistance, they
agreed to lay down their arms. The number that submit
ted in this manner was twenty-three officers and eight
hundred and eighty-six men. Colonel Rahl, the com
manding officer, and seven others were found wounded in

WASHINGTON AT PRINCETON.

202 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON. "--
the town. I do not exactly know how -many were killed,
but I fancy not above twenty or thirty, as they never
made any regular stand. Our loss is very trifling indeed,
only two officers and one or two privates wounded."
After this success he carried off his prisoners
to Pennsylvania. He learned what he could from
their officers, and then satisfying himself 'that the
English wings were still widespread, crossed the
river again and took a position at Trenton. Learn
ing that Cornwallis was approaching him, he affected
to await an attack on his lines in Trenton;; but, in
truth, on the night of the 2d of January, 'removed
his whole force and cut Cornwallis's line of supplies
at Princeton. Here were three regiments of in
fantry, and three troops of dragoons, under orders
to join Cornwallis. The Americans attacked them
boldly, broke their order, and took three hundred
prisoners. A hundred of the English were left
dead on the field. Cornwallis had been completely
deceived. Nothing but the sound of the cannon at
Princeton awakened him from his security. He hur
ried back to Princeton, too late to find his enemy,
and retired to Brunswick terrified lest the military
stores there might have been seized.
Clinton, in his " Notes on the Campaign," says
"that all the English officers were surprised that
Washington did not attack Brunswick, so strong
was the probability of success. The attack was, in
fact, considered in the American councils. But the

INTO WINTER QUARTERS.

203

American army was in no condition for a movement,
where failure was, in the least, possible. Washing
ton withdrew into good winter quarters at Morris
town, and passed the winter with the encouragement
of a final success. Fortunately for the American
cause, the accounts of this success in Europe mag
nified it even beyqnd its reality. The depression
which followed in the English army, the encourage
ment given to the people of the Jerseys, and the
sense of success in the American camp, all made
the year 1777 open more cheerfully than could have
been hoped.

CHAPTER IX.
1777-1778.
Washington's Stay at Morristown — Eclipse of the Sun — Mr. Alexander's
Delays — Letter to a Faulty Officer — Thoughts for Virginia Affairs-
Views on the Campaign— Assisting Gates and Watching Howe — Head-
Quarters Moved to Middleburg— Howe's Expedition to Philadelphia-
Battle of the Brandywine— Battle of Germantown — Head-Quarters at
Valley Forge — The Conway Cabal — Light-Horse Harry — Clinton Re
places Howe— Battle of Monmouth— Count D'Estaing and the French
Fleet— "A Complete Set of Camp Equipage "— Difficulty of Transac
tions with a Depreciated Currency — 1778 Ends Better than It Began.
WE know now that the effect of these successes
in New Jersey was even exaggerated in
New York, and more exaggerated in England. In
deed, the desertion of the Hessians who had not
been taken prisoners, when they found that they
were in a country where every man might have
a farm for the asking, was so large, that Howe suf
fered materially from this cause, so long as he had
his men scattered far from their garrisons. The
upshot of the campaign was, that, from Washing
ton's post at Morristown, his skirmishing parties
could annoy the English all through the winter.
He remained there, in fact, until July, 1777.
Mrs, Washington joined him here, and with the
204

ECLIPSE OF THE SUN. 205
quiet of winter quarters he was able to pay some at
tention to his business at home. The following let
ters show some traits of his character which do not
appear in the more formal correspondence with
presidents of congresses or governors of States. As
early as January he acknowledges a letter which
was probably dictated by Rittenhouse, the Vice-
President of the Council of Safety.
Rittenhouse had expressed a fear, which now
seems amusing, that an approaching eclipse might
discourage the soldiers, and had sent warning in
advance, remembering, probably, a classical model.
Washington sends this reply :
" Morristown, January 8, 1777.
"GENTLEMEN: — I have been honored by your several
letters, and return you many thanks for your kind atten
tion to the wants of the army and endeavors to supply
them. Nor am I less obliged by your notice of the
eclipse of the sun which is to happen to-morrow. This
event, without a previous knowledge, might affect the
minds of the soldiery, and be attended with some bad
consequences." Here is a letter to one of his Virginia neighbors,
who has been for six years making up his mind
whether he will or will not conclude a' bargain :
TO ROBERT ALEXANDER. " Morristown, March 20, 1777.
" Dear SIR : — I have waited, as I think you must do me
the justice to acknowledge, with a good deal of patience,

206 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
to see if you were disposed to fulfil your agreement with
me respecting the land I purchased of you in Maryland.
As I hear nothing of your intentions of carrying this mat
ter into execution, and see no greater prospect of its
being done now than when the bargain was first made, I
cannot help considering the affair in a point of view very
unfavorable. " I think any gentleman possessed of but a moderate
degree of influence with his wife, might, in the course of
five or six years (for I think it is at least that time), have
prevailed upon her to do an act of justice, in fulfilling his
bargains and complying with his wishes, if he had been
really in earnest in requesting the matter, especially as the
inducement which you thought would have a powerful
operation on Mrs. Alexander, namely, the birth of a
child, has been doubled and tripled.
" It is not, I acknowledge, a very favorable time to pur
chase lands upon the water, but as this purchase still
corresponds with the views I first set out upon, and I
have waited your time for the completion of it, with a
degree of patience which few others in my situation
would have done, I hope you will give me no further
cause for delays, for I cannot help repeating, and the w6rld
will believe, that the fault is not in Mrs. Alexander but
yourself, if matters are procrastinated any longer.
" I am, sir, etc., etc."
To a negligent officer he writes thus :
TO ANTHONY WALTON WHITE.
" Morristown, March 20, '77.
" It was my wish to serve you. It is still my wish to do
so. But I have been told that your manner of leaving the
northern army was inconsistent with the character of an

LETTER TO A FAULTY OFFICER. 207
officer. This is not all. I am also told that you have
unfortunately indulged yourself in a loose, unguarded way
of talking, which has often brought your own veracity in
question, and trouble upon others. . . .
" I have no design of raising any more horse till I see
how those now on foot can be equipped. But possibly
it may be in my power to give you some other appoint
ment, especially if I could be convinced that such foibles
as must forever stain a character could be done away.
For, believe me, sir, it is considered a very exceptional
point of yours, and what most people with whom I have
conversed are afraid of as hurtful to the good harmony of
a corps, and dangerous to the peace of society.
" This letter is altogether private. No person but your
self is acquainted with the contents of it, and but for the
inclination I have to serve you, you also would be unin
formed of my sentiments and wishes for a reformation."
This will show that Washington could say yes and
no very decidedly when he had occasion. Writing
to his brother on the 24th of February, he says :
" Your remark, that you cannot depend upon the re
ports of our strength, is most literally true. It is morally
impossible that anybody, at a distance, should know it
with precision and certainty, because while it depends
upon militia, whose ways, like the ways of Providence,
are almost inscrutable, who are here to-day and gone to
morrow, and when it is our interest, however much our
characters may suffer by it, to make small numbers ap
pear large, it is impossible you should ; for in order to
deceive the enemy effectually we must not communicate
our weakness to anybody."

208 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
He is still providing for Mount Vernon. He
writes to General Mifflin on the 18th of March with
reference to horses :
" Dear Sir :
" . . . As it is more than probable that in the course
of service many horses may be so worn down as to render
it beneficial to the public to have them sold, I should be
glad in such a case, and no other, to come in as a common
purchaser of a parcel of mares to the number of even fifty
or a hundred.
" I have many large farms, and am improving a great
deal of land into meadows and pasture, which cannot fail
of being profited by a number of brood mares, the getting
of which may, perhaps, come easier and readier in this
way than any other. I again repeat, that it is upon the
presumption the good of the service requires such sales
that I mean to become (as any other person) a purchaser,
but could wish, nevertheless, that it might be done without
any mention of my name, well knowing that the most
innocent and upright actions are often misconstrued, and
that it would not be surprising if it should be said that I
was deirauding the public of these mares by some collu
sion or other.
" I should not care how low in flesh or even crippled they
are,. provided I could get them home, but I should not
like to have them old, and would prefer bays, though I
should not object to any color. If such sales are found
necessary, you can, I dare say, easily manage the matter
so, in my behalf, as to keep my name out of the question.
My best respects to Mrs. Mifflin. With truth and sincer
ity, I am, dear sir, etc.
" G. Washington."

LETTER TO D'ANMOURS. 209
Writing to his brother, on the first June, he gives
at length his views on inoculation, ending thus :
" Surely that impolitic act — restraining inoculation in
Virginia — can never be continued. If I were a member
of that Assembly, I would rather move for a law to com
pel the masters of- families to inoculate every child born
within a certain limited time, under severe penalties."
The following letter to a French, officer named
d'Anmours, gives Washington's own impression of
foreign policy, and the opening of the campaign :
" Middlebrook, June 19, 1777.
". . . It were to be wished that sentiments similar
to yours were impressed upon the French court, and that
they could be induced not to delay an event so desirable
both to them and to us, as the one you are desirous should
take place.
"An immediate declaration of war' by France against
Britain in all probability could not fail to extricate us from
all our difficulties, and to cement the bond of "friendship
so firmly between France and America as to produce the
most permanent advantages to both. Certainly nothing
can be more to the true interest of France, than to have
a weight of such magnitude as America taken out of the
scale of British power and opulence, and thrown into that
of her own, and if so, it cannot be advisable to trust any
thing to contingencies, when by a conduct decisively in
our favor the object in view might be put upon a sure
footing. " Permit me, sir, to correct a mistake you have made in
narrating a fact with respect to the Danbury expedition,1
1 April 26th, 27th, 28th.

2IO THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
in which some magazines of ours were destroyed. You
mention only a hundred men being lost to the enemy ;
but from various accounts and circumstances, there is
little reason to doubt there must have been at least four
hundred killed, wounded, and taken. I have taken no
tice of this error, because it is of some little importance
the affair should be righty stated, as it seems to show in a
striking point of view the spirit of opposition prevailing
among the people, which animated them to assemble on
so sudden an occasion, and to attack a regular body of
two thousand men with so much vigor, as to force them
to a precipitate retreat, little differing from a rout.
" General Howe has lately made a very extraordinary
movement. He sallied out from Brunswick on the night
of the 13th instant, and marched toward Somerset, about
nine miles distant, when he halted and began to fortify.
By this operation he has drawn much nearer to us, and was
in a tolerably convenient position for attacking our right,
which led us to conjecture that this might have been his
design. But all of a sudden he last night began to de
camp, and with a good deal of expedition, if not precipi
tation, has returned to his former position, with his right
at Amboy and his left at Brunswick. This was certainly
a hasty resolution, but from what motive it is not easy to
determine. He had begun a chain of redoubts from right
to left, which with other circumstances indicated a design
of remaining there some little time, at least. His aban
doning the ground he had taken, and leaving the redoubts
half finished, is an argument that he had been disappoint
ed in his views and found it necessary to alter them.
Perhaps he was discouraged by the spirit that appeared
among the inhabitants who flocked together to join our
army, even beyond my expectation. As he began to re-

WATCHING HOWE. 211
tire in the night, had but little way to go, and was pro
tected on his flank next to us by the Raritan, and on his
rear by the Millstone, I had little or no opportunity of
damaging him in his return. His soldiery plundered the
people, as usual, and burned many valuable houses on
their route."
All this winter they knew that Burgoyne, with a
choice corps, had landed at Quebec and was follow
ing up the English success there by moving down
Lake Champlain and Lake George and threatening
to cut off the New England provinces from the rest
of the country. As the season advanced, Schuyler,
who was in command in this region, became very
unpopular among the New England troops, who
were largely depended upon for the defence to be
made against Burgoyne, and eventually the pressure
against him was such that he was obliged to with
draw. Gates, who was in the first place appointed
to co-operate with him, afterwards received the full
command. All this time Washington was strength
ening Gates and Schuyler with his very best, was
abused by Gates for not doing his best by them,
and yet was weakening himself loyally for the com
mon good. At home he had all the difficulty to
contend with created by the jealousies among his
own officers, who found foreign gentlemen arriving,
expecting to receive commissions over their heads.
The letters are full of his soothing in one direction,
and his predications in another.
At the same time he was watching Howe, and,

212 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
with no little success, annoying him by one and
another attack upon his posts. Howe, who was
constitutionally lazy, kept himself more upon the
defensive than, with the facts now before us, seems
to have been necessary. But he did not know the
country, and his offensive operations were not
specially successful. The attack on Danbury, which
was led by Tryon, was one of those successes which
a man does not like to repeat. Washington main
tains with Howe, all the winter, a correspondence,
sometimes almost bitter, with regard to prisoners.
Howe was obliged to give way at last from the high
ground which the English undertook to take in the
beginning. The head-quarters were moved from Morristown
to Middleburg on the 28th or 29th of May. In the
beginning of July, Washington was watching Howe
very anxiously, to know whether he meant to co
operate with Burgoyne directly, or not. At last
Howe put to sea, to Washington's entire surprise.
Howe sent out a letter, meaning that it should be
captured, telling Burgoyne that he was on his way
to Boston, with the view of drawing the enemy in
that direction. The messenger and the letter were
taken, and Washington was then sure that Howe
was not going to Boston, but to Philadelphia, which
was the fact. Washington moved across the
country at once, to cover Philadelphia as well as he
might, and soon learned that Howe had looked in
at the capes of the Delaware and then departed

BATTLE OF BRANDY WINE. 213
again. In point of fact, this was a feint on Howe's
part. But he seems to have been detained at sea
longer than he meant. Congress at Philadelphia
wondered what had become of him. At last he
came up the Chesapeake, and landed his troops at
the Head of Elk, a point now known as Elktown,
not very far from the railroad bridge which crosses
the Susquehanna, between Philadelphia and Balti
more. This was but clumsy strategy at best.
Washington was ready to receive him as well as he
could in such a country, and the battle of Brandy-
wine followed on the nth of September.
Meanwhile the family at head-quarters had the
interest which attached to the arrival of Lafayette,
an elegant young gentleman from France, then in
his twenty-first year. Washington at once attached
him to his own person, and the fondness for him
which began then, continued till the last moment of
his life. His letters to Lafayette are always affec
tionate and have a sort of intimacy which gives
them a special interest. The reader will remember
that Lafayette, who behaved with great gallantry
at Brandywine, was wounded in that battle.
The following is Washington's own narrative of
this action :
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
"Chester, twelve o'clock at night, 11 September, 1777.
" Sir : — I am sorry to inform you that in this day's
engagement we have been obliged to leave the enemy

214 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
masters of the field. Unfortunately the intelligence re
ceived of the enemy's advancing up the Brandywine and
crossing at a ford about six miles above us was uncertain
and contradictory, notwithstanding all my pains to get
the best. This prevented me from making a disposition
adequate to the force with which the enemy attacked us
on our right ; in consequence of which, the troops first
engaged were obliged to retire before they could be rein
forced. In the midst of the attack on the right, that
body of the enemy which remained on the other side of
Chad's Ford crossed it and attacked the division there
under the command of General Wayne, and the light
troops under General Maxwell, who, after a severe con
flict, also retired. The militia under the command of
General Armstrong, being posted at a ford about two
miles below Chad's, had no opportunity of engaging.
" But though we fought under many disadvantages, and
were, from the causes above mentioned, obliged to retire,
yet our loss of men is not, I am persuaded, very consider
able ; I believe much less than the enemy's. We have
also lost seven or eight pieces of cannon, according to
the best information I can at present obtain. The bag
gage, having been previously moved off, is- all secure
saving the men's blankets, which being at their backs
many of them doubtless are lost. I have directed all the
troops to assemble behind Chester, where they are now
arranging for this night. ..."
The truth is, that Cornwallis, who was a very able
commander, out-generalled the Americans ; and the
only credit to be derived from the battle on the
American side was that the army retreated in decent
order. It was already an army. Men were acting

BATTLE OF GERMANTOWN. 215
under their commanders ; and from this time forward
the game assumes the character of the regular game
of war, rather than a series of surprises, which
would always take place when perfectly raw troops
are under fire for the first time. What excited im
mediate attention in Europe, after the battle of
Brandywine, was the fact that so soon, with his
beaten army, Washington attacked Howe so boldly
at Germantown, and this time came within the turn
of a straw of success. Here is his own account, as
he gives it to the Continental Congress, a good deal
mortified by his failure.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
"Camp Near Pennibecker's Mill, 5 October, 1777.
"... We marched about seven o'clock the pre
ceding evening, and General Sullivan's advanced party,
drawn from Conway's brigade, attacked their 'picket at
Mount Airy, or Mr. Allen's house, about sunrise the next
morning, which presently gave way ; and his main body,
consisting of the right wing, following soon, [we] engaged
the light infantry and other troops encamped near the
picket, which they forced from their ground. Leaving
their baggage, they retreated a considerable distance,
having previously thrown a party into Mr. Chew's house,
who were in a situation not to be easily forced, and had it
in their power, from the windows, to give us no small
annoyance, and, in a great measure, to obstruct our
advance. " The attack from our left column, under General Greene,
began about three-quarters of an hour after that from the
right, and was, for some time, equally successful. But I

2l6 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
cannot enter upon the particulars of what happened in
that quarter, as I am not yet informed of them with
sufficient certainty and precision. The morning was
extremely foggy, which prevented our improving the
advantages we gained so well as we should otherwise have
done. This circumstance, by concealing from us the true
situation of the enemy, obliged us to act with more cau
tion and less expedition than we could have wished ; and
gave the enemy time to recover from the effects of our
first impression ; and, what was still more unfortunate, it
served to keep our different parties in ignorance of each
other's movements, and hindered their acting in concert.
It also occasioned them to mistake one another for the
enemy, which, I believe, more than any thing else, con
tributed to the misfortune that ensued. In the midst of
the most promising appearances, when every thing gave
the most flattering hopes of victory, the troops began
suddenly to retreat, and entirely left the field, in spite of
every effort that could be made to rally them.
" Upon the whole, it may be said the day was rather
unfortunate than injurious. We sustained no material
loss of men, and brought off all our artillery, except one
piece which was dismounted. The enemy are nothing
better by the event ; and our troops, who are not in the
least dispirited by it, have gained what all young troops
gain by being in action. We have had, however, several
valuable officers killed and wounded, particularly the
latter. General Nash is among the wounded, and his life
is despaired of. As soon as it is possible to obtain a
return of our loss, I will transmit it. In justice to General
Sullivan and the whole right wing of the army, whose
conduct I had an opportunity of observing, as they.acted
immediately under my eye, I have the pleasure to inform

THE CONWAY CABAL. 217
you that both officers and men behaved with a degree of
gallantry that did them the highest honor. I have the
honor to be, etc., etc."
In all his letters at this time he expresses himself
as in good spirits. The position of Howe, indeed,
was not very satisfactory, and in letters which the
government of Massachusetts wrote to Franklin,
with the great news of the surrender of Burgoyne,
which happened about this time, they expressed
their hopes, for which there was some foundation,
that in their next despatches they might give an
account of Howe's capitulation, which would be a
good companion to the account they sent of Bur
goyne. Letters from different officers in the Amer
ican army show that this opinion was not a mere
folly of success. In point of fact, however, Howe
withdrew into the city of Philadelphia, and with a
sort of characteristic laziness, amused himself there
through the winter. Washington established his
head-quarters at Valley Forge,, where he could ob
serve the city, and another of those long truces
began, such as winter then brought upon war, and
which are so little understood in the modern science
of war.
The success of Gates was enough to quicken all
the plans and hopes of all the people who regarded
Washington as indecisive and slow. The Conway
cabal, as it is generally known, was the immediate
result of Gates's success at Saratoga. Washington

2i8 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
describes it in a letter printed below. In Congress
itself there were members so foolish or so wicked
that they were willing to join in this cabal. On his
own staff Washington had loyal and enthusiastic
friends, young men who were quick to expose every
detail of this affair ; and before the winter was over,
his position with Congress was quite assured. Nor
was he in any danger of a renewal of such compli
cations from this time forward. Gates exchanged
northern laurels for southern willows. Lee, never
trustworthy, lost his manufactured prestige * in the
summer of 1778, as we shall see later, and what
would have perhaps called itself the "Anti-Dictator"
party in Congress, was left without a chief to rally
round. Howe practically kept himself within the limits
of Philadelphia. Conflicts between his foraging
parties and Washington's light troops were the
events of the winter. In one of these, " Light-
Horse Harry," 2 the son of Washington's old sweet
heart, distinguished himself. The official recogni
tion of his service was, of course, published at the
time. A private note to Capt. Lee has, if we are
right, never been published till now, and will inter
est the reader :
1 It is to be observed that Lee was well '' written up " in France.
Hilliard d' Aubeiteuil's book, an amusing farrago of lies, is full of his
imaginary exploits.
5 The father of Gen. Robert E. Lee, of the Confederate army. Gen.
Charles Lee was of an English family. _

2iy

WASHINGTON AT VALLEY FORGE.

220 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
TO CAPT. HENRY LEE, FIRST DRAGOONS.
"Valley Forge, 20 January, 1778.
"My Dear Sir: — Although I have given you my
thanks in the General Orders of this day, for the late in
stance of your gallant behavior, I cannot resist the inclina
tion I feel to repeat them again in this manner. I
needed no fresh proof of your merit to bear you in re
membrance ; I waited only for the proper time and season
to show it. These I hope are not far off. I shall also think
of and will reward the merit of Lindsay, when an open
ing presents, as far as I can consistently ; and I shall not
forget the corporal, whom you have recommended to my
notice. Offer my sincere thanks to the whole of your
gallant party, and assure them that no one felt pleasure
more sensibly, or rejoiced more sincerely, for your and
their escape than Your affectionate,
" G. W."
In a letter to Congress, of March ist, he asks a
frank question in a straightforward way. It illus
trates his difficulties :
TO THE COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS.
"Valley Forge, i March, 1778.
"... Will Putnam or Heath do for the command
at Rhode Island ? If not, 't is hard to furnish tools that
cannot be used and yet expect good workmanship from
them. The appointment of general officers cannot be
delayed without injury to the cause."
In writing to Patrick Henry, on the 28th of
March, he expresses himself freely regarding the
Conway cabal :

MR. ALEXANDER'S DELAYS. 221
. " . . . The anonymous letter with which you were
pleased to favor me, was written by Dr. Rush, so far as I
can judge, by a similitude of hands. This man has been
elaborate and studied in his professions of regard for me,
and long since the letter to you.
'' My caution to avoid any thing that could injure the
service prevented me from communicating but to very
few of my friends the intrigues of a faction which I knew
was formed against me, since it might serve to publish
an internal dissension. But their own artless zeal to ad
vance their views has too clearly destroyed them, and
made concealment on my part fruitless. I cannot pre
cisely mark the extent of their views, but it appeared in
general that Gen. Gates was to be exalted on the ruin of
my reputation and influence. This I am authorized to
say from undeniable facts in my own possession, from
publications, the evident scope of which could not be
mistaken, and from private detractions widely circulated.
Gen. Mifflin,, it is commonly supposed, bore the second
part in the cabal, and Gen. Conway, I know, was a very
active and malignant partisan, but I have good reasons
to believe that their machinations have recoiled most
sensibly upon themselves."
Mr. Alexander, the neighbor who was so long in
deciding what to do, appears again in a letter to
young Custis. "Valley Forge, 26 May, 1778.
" With respect to your purchase of Mr. Robert Alex-
. ander's land, I can only say that the price you have of
fered for it is a very great one, but as you want it to live
at, as it answers yours and Nelly's views, and is a pleasant
seat, capable of improvement, I do not think the price

222 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
ought to be a capital object with you. But I am pretty
sure that you and Alexander will never agree, for he is so
much afraid of cheating himself, that if you were to offer
him five thousand pounds more than he ever expected to
get for his land, the dread of injuring himself, or the hope
of getting more, would cause him first to hesitate and
then to refuse ; which leads me to think that the increas
ing of your offer, if you were disposed to do so, would an
swer no valuable end, nor bring you one whit nearer the
mark." '
Before the spring of 1 778 opened, General Howe,
who had now been made Sir William Howe in
honor of his success at Brooklyn, had dissatisfied
the English government, and he also was withdrawn,
as Gage had been before him. Henry Clinton,
afterwards Sir Henry Clinton, was appointed in his
place. Clinton had shown spirit at Bunker Hill;
he had failed before Charleston, South Carolina;
he had shown great decision and pluck in the North
River, in an effort to co-operate with Burgoyne, and
was the highest officer under Howe. He certainly
was an able soldier, and originally he had a certain
advantage, because he had known America from his
childhood. It is matter of question, indeed, whether
he were not born in the city of New York, where
his father was, for many years, the provincial gov
ernor. It is interesting to observe that he was the
near relative of Arabella Johnson, one of the saints
in the Boston calendar, and one of the Puritan
1 But Custis bought it. See G. W.'s letter, Aug. 3, 1778.

CLINTON REPLACES HOWE. 223
ladies of the first emigration to Massachusetts Bay.
He was a spirited officer, and if he had had the abso
lute confidence of the people at home, he probably
would have effected more than he did in America.
His notes on the American campaign are very use
ful hints for the historian.
The English army had gone to Philadelphia for
the sake of such prestige as might be gained by the
capture of another city, and with the view of with
drawing Washington, as it did, from any co-opera
tion with Gates against Burgoyne. Great censure
attached to Howe afterwards in England, for going
directly out of the way — disappearing, indeed, for
months at sea, when Burgoyne was approaching
from the north. Lord Shelburne even tells the
very curious story that after his accession to power
in 1 781, he found in the pigeon-holes of his office
the original despatches instructing Howe to move
to the northward, which had never been sent to him
because Lord George Germaine did not like the
handwriting. Military men would probably even
now doubt whether Howe's co-operation with Bur
goyne was not as efficient when he withdrew half
the enemy's force from him by his Southern move
ment, as it would have been had he moved in force
to the north. But failure requires a victim, and in
this case both Howe and Burgoyne were selected as
the sacrifices at home.
Clinton now determined to return to New York,

224 THE LrFE 0F WASHINGTON.
marching across New. Jersey. Washington was
close behind him and, in the battle of Monmouth,
attacked him with great prospect of success. His
own account of the transaction is in the following
letter : TO JOHN AUGUSTINE WASHINGTON. " Brunswick, 4 July, 1778.
" Dear Brother : — Before this will have reached you,
the account of the battle of Monmouth will probably get
to Virginia, which, from an unfortunate and bad begin
ning turned out a glorious and a happy day. . . .
" General Lee, having the command of the van of the
army, consisting of full five thousand chosen men, was
ordered to begin the attack next morning so soon as the
enemy began their march, to be supported by me. But
strange to tell, when he came up with the enemy, a
retreat commenced, whether by his order or from other
causes is now the subject of inquiry, and consequently
improper to be descanted upon, as he is in arrest, and the
court-martial is sitting for his trial. A retreat, however,
was the fact, be the causes what they may, and the dis
order arising from it would have proved fatal to the
army, had not the bountiful Providence, which has never
failed us in the hour of distress, enabled me to form
a regiment or two (of those that were retreating) in the
face of the enemy and under their fire ; by which means
a stand was made long enough (the place through which
the enemy were pursuing being narrow) to form the
troops that were advancing upon an advantageous piece
of ground in the rear. Here our affairs took a favorable
turn, and, from being pursued, we drove the enemy back
over the ground they had followed, and recovered the

COUNT D'ESTAING AND THE FRENCH FLEET. 225
field of battle and possessed ourselves of their dead. But
as they retreated behind a morass very difficult to pass,
and had both flanks secured with thick woods, it was
found impracticable, with our men fainting from fatigue,
heat, and want of water, to do any thing more that night.
In the morning we expected to renew the action ; when,
behold, the enemy had stolen off silently in the night>
after having sent away their wounded. Getting a night's
march ahead of us, and having but ten miles to a strong
post, it was judged expedient not to follow them any
farther, but to move towards the North River, lest they
should have any designs upon our posts there. . . ."
As the reader sees, Washington believed that it
was to Lee's misbehavior that the doubtful fortune
of the battle was due. Lee was court-martialled,
and never again saw service under Congress. The
history of his gradual downfall from the very first is
a curious one.
With the retreat, for it was such, of Clinton into
New York, and such prestige as the American army
gained by the doubtful battle of Monmouth, the
campaign of 1778 in the field closed.
Meanwhile the treaty with France had enabled
'France to detach Count D'Estaing with a large
fleet, for the assistance of the Americans, and great
hopes were entertained, both in France and in
America, for the result of this co-operation.
Those hopes were to a certain extent disap
pointed because they had been over-sanguine,
although, as we now know, the presence of

226 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
D'Estaing's fleet paralyzed all the English naval
operations. In fair battle between the two fleets
off Newport, honors were at least evenly divided,
and while the operations on shore at Rhode Island
were very unsatisfactory to Washington and to the
Americans generally, still the year passed by with
out any such success on the part of England as to
give sufficient encouragement for the prosecution of
the war into another season. One or two letters,
which have never been published before, from
Washington to the Count D'Estaing are curious.
They show the confidence which the presence of
the French fleet encouraged, and they give some
interesting details of the conduct of the campaign.
When the fleet was to act near Rhode Island, he
sent Greene to D'Estaing with the following letter :
" Maj.-G. Greene, who is now quartermaster-general of
our army, will have the honor of delivering to you this.
Besides the military abilities of this gentleman, he is a
native of the State of Rhode Island, and having always
resided there till the commencement of the war, he is in
timately acquainted with every part of it and with its
navigation. From these circumstances, added to his.
weight and influence in that country, I have thought that
his services might be of material importance in the in
tended enterprise against our common enemy. I com
mend him to your notice and attention, as a brave, intelli
gent, worthy officer, in whom you may place the utmost
confidence." He wrote again to D'Estaing, September. 1 8th :

A COMPLETE SET OF CAMP EQUIPAGE. 227
"... Deserters from the six ships of Lord Bryon's
fleet, which arrived at New York some time since, mention
the extreme sickness of the crews of these ships. Some of
them say that two thousand have been landed upon
Staten Island, and are there in hospital huts. Perhaps
this may be an exaggerated account ; but from a variety
of information, I am inclined to believe that an uncom
mon sickness has prevailed among them."
In the private correspondence of the same au
tumn is a letter which shows how he was able, per
sonally, to supply himself from the stores of the
Egyptians, as the country had often done.
TO COL. COX OR JOHN MITCHELL, PHILADELPHIA,
D. Q. M.-GENERAL. "Fishkill, October 4, 1778.
" DEAR SIR: — I am informed that sundry goods in the
military line addressed to James Rivington, New York,
were taken, carried into Egg Harbor, and are now in Phila
delphia ; among them a complete set of camp equipage.
As I am perfectly incompleat in this way, I should be glad
if you would inquire into the truth of this matter, and
make a purchase of it for me, if it answers the descrip
tion and can be had upon terms not unreasonable. I am
also informed that there are proper camp trunks, with
straps, etc., two of which equal in size I should be glad to
get, and a cut and thrust sword, genteel but not costly,
with chain and swivels strong. . . .
" If there are any of Doland's best pocket telescopes, be
so good as to get one of these also, and send it to me as
soon as you can."
The following passages from a letter to his step-

228 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
son illustrate the care which he took of the property
of the young man and his sister, and they are also
of value in showing the difficulty of managing any
property in the changes of value in the paper cur
rency. Any person who has been taught to think
that Washington had to call an aide when he wanted
to express himself with vigor, may study to advan
tage the frankness of his letters to young Custis, and
his son. " Fredericksburg, N. Y., October 10, 1778.
"... The inference I meant to draw, and the ad
vice I shall give in consequence of it, is this, that you do
not convert the land you now hold into cash, faster than
your present contract with Alexander, and a certain pros
pect of vesting it in other land more convenient, require
of you. This will be treading on sure ground. It will
enable you to discharge contracts already existing, and in
effect exchange land for land. For it is a matter of
moonshine to you, considered in that point 'of view, how
much the money depreciates, if you can discharge one
pound with another pound, and get land of equal value to
that you sell. . . . [And at the end.] It may possi
bly be said that this is setting up a distinction between
specie and paper, and will contribute to its depreciation.
I ask if there is a man in the United States that does not
make a distinction when five to one is the difference, and
if it is in the power of an individual to check this when
Congress and the several Assemblies are found unequal to
the task. Not to require a contract for the actual pay
ment in specie, but to keep this out of sight, as much as
may be, in common cases, that are to have an immediate

CONDITION OF THE CAMPAIGN. 229
operation, is all that can be. expected ; but in a bargain
that may exist for twenty years, there should be some
thing to insure mutual advantage ; which advantages
though any man can judge of it in the transactions of a
day, ho man can do it, when it is to be extended for
years, under the present fluctuating state of paper bills of
credit. " My design in being thus particular with you is to an
swer two purposes.
" First to show my ideas of the impropriety of parting
with your own lands, — farther than you can vest the
money in other lands (comprehending those already pur
chased) ; and secondly to evince to you the propriety of
my own conduct, in selling to myself, and your mother,
the intrinsic value, neither more nor less, of the Dunn
estate. " I have only one piece of advice more to give, and that
is to aim rather at the exchange than sale of your lands,
and I think among those gentlemen mentioned in former
letters you may find chapmen.
" I am with very sincere regard
" Your affectionate friend and servant,
" G. W."
In the following letter to one of his neighbors in
Virginia, he gives his feeling about the campaign
as the autumn went on.
" October 30, 1778.
" We still remain in a disagreeable state of suspense
respecting the enemy's determinations. There are reasons
for and against a total evacuation of New York. I ought
rather to have said there are circumstances and evidence
for and against it, for reason will allow no alternative, so

230 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
clearly does it point out the propriety of relinquishing
their ideal project of bringing the United States to their
terms. A few days must, I think, unfold theirviews, and
as they have been and now are busily employed in em
barking troops, stores, etc., most of which have fallen
down to Sandy Hook, the West Indies is the supposed
place of destination for the armament."
In fact, however, nothing decisive took place.
The public were wretchedly disappointed by the
failure of operations at Rhode Island. But some
fortunate captures of stores intended for New York
enabled the government of Massachusetts to fit
out D'Estaing satisfactorily for his voyage to the
West Indies. Clinton continued to maintain a
merely defensive position at New York, and the
year closed much more cheerfully for the American
cause than it began.

*rfyMlt0ter^^

mm

¦*tP^iiKr&

^^^^^^^M

l«rj

ViJi/
life
CHAPTER X.
END OF THE WAR.
Necessary Inactivity of the Army — Clinton as Commander — Camp Table
Ware — Letter to Count D'Estaing — Arrival of French Fleet — Accounts
Given by French Officers — Arnold's Treason — Washington's Letters in
Relation to it — Situation of the Army — Army Moves South from New
York — Condition of Mt. Vernon— Army at Yorktown — Death of John
Custis — Letter to Heath — Surrender of Cornwallis —Policy of English
Government — Washington's Distrust — Henry Asgill — Officers of Con
tinental Army.
THE years 1779 and 1780 are the years which
have given to Mashington his reputation as a
" Fabian commander," who relied on what has since
been called " a masterly inactivity." There is no
Dorchester Heights, no Arnold's march, no Tren
ton or Princeton, no Brandywine or Germantown,
and no Monmouth in their history. But in truth
his quiet, or what appears his quiet on the record,
was much more dictated to him by the inaction of
the enemy, than by his own disposition. He saw
too well the increasing incapacity of Congress, and
the growing languor of the several State Assemblies,
to trust with too much confidence to the alliance of
time. 231
232 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
We know now that Clinton's orders were to
maintain a defensive position. Why, it would be
hard to say, unless one count it as a reason that
Germaine was at the head of the department which
gave him orders. Germaine is the Lord George
Sackville, who had disgraced himself at Minden
twenty years before, and who was the evil genius
of George the III. Now if Clinton chose to keep
himself and his army in the city of New York and
on Staten Island, the nut was a very hard one to
crack. From time to time Washington entertains
a plan or a dream of some foray which is to insult
him, or perhaps to drive him from the city. To
this day there resounds in New England homes the
refrain of a camp song of those days, which sings of
" A hunk of pudding and a pound of pork,
And we will go down and take New York."
There were bold plans projected for parties of
men, who were to land at night and surprise and
carry off one and another officer of the English
army. There is a story that Alexander Hamilton
crushed one of these plans, which had been made
for the capture of Clinton. Hamilton said that
they were better off with Clinton as the commander
of the enemy, than they would be with any one
who should take his place. For a joke it may be
that Hamilton said so. And, in general, it is to be
remembered that Washington never believed in

CAMP TABLE-WARE. 233
petty war or mere fretting annoyance under the
name of war.
All parties now knew that they were at war.
This appears oddly enough in mere domestic cor
respondence. Here is a letter from Middlebrook,
in which Washington explains to the commissary-
general how badly his table-ware appears.
GEN. WASHINGTON TO JOHN MITCHELL, ESQ.,
D. Q. M.-GEN., PHILADELPHIA.
" Camp at Middlebrook, Feb. 17, 1779.
" DEAR Sir : — My plates and dishes, once of tin, now
little better than rusty iron, are rather too much worn
for delicate stomachs in fixed and peaceable quarters,
though they may yet serve in the busy and active move
ments of a campaign. I therefore desire that you will
send me a set of queen's china, if to be had. Not less I
conceive than what follows of each article will do :
2 large tureens,
3 dozen dishes, sized,
8 dozen shallow plates,
3 dozen soup ditto,
8 table drinking mugs,
8 ditto salts, and some pickle plates ; the
whole to be very carefully packed.
" I also desire that you will send me six tolerably genteel
but not expensive candlesticks, all of a kind, and three
pairs of snuffers to them. I wish for as much fur as will
edge a coat, waistcoat, and breeches ; and that it may be
sent to me as soon as possible. Let this be accompanied
by two pounds of starch.
" Your nephew gave me the padlock keys of the two last

234 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
trunks sent, but not the other keys of them. It is not in
my power, therefore (without spoiling the locks, which I
am not disposed to do, as I shall deliver the trunks to
General Greene, for his and Harrison's use), to get out
the sheeting you procured for me. You will please to
have inquiry made for the other keys, and to send them
under cover, by some safe conveyance.
" Let me know how many table-cloths you sent to me
at different times, and by whom. No more than seven
ever came to my hands, three at one time and four at
another. I must request you to get me a good hat. If
my old hatter, Parish, is furnished with materials, I would
prefer one of his, as those already had from him have
proved good, and he knows the size of my head. I
do not wish by any means to be in the extreme of the
fashion, either in the size or manner of cocking it. Please
to examine if any of the enclosed tickets have come up
prizes, and if any thing is to be made of them be so
obliging as to do it for me. My compliments to Mrs.
Mitchell." And another set of letters, of which the follow
ing is a specimen, show their ill success in trying
to find a set of queen's ware. Did poor Mrs.
Washington, who was responsible for the hospital
ities of head-quarters in mid-winter, look back with a
sigh sometimes for the porcelain of Mount Vernon ?
" At the same time I wrote to Mr. Mitchell for a set of
queen's ware, consisting of the following articles :
2 large tureens,
3 dozen dishes, sized,
8 dozen shallow plates,

CAMP TABLE-WARE. 235
3 dozen soup ditto,
8 table drinking mugs,
8 ditto salts, and some pickle plates,
To which he gave the following answer on the 21st ulti
mo : ' I have made inquiry for a set of queen's ware, but
am afraid it will be difficult, if not impossible, to procure
it. I will do all in my power to get them as quick as pos
sible.' Since which, nothing further has been said about
them ; from whence I conclude my chance in that quarter
is but indifferent. I, therefore, apply to you to procure
them, as Lady Stirling informed me a few days ago that
they were to be had at Brunswick. I am thus particular,
lest you may know more of my dependence on Mitchell,
than I do myself."
As for table-cloths, it is certain that eleven had
been sent somewhere, but only seven had arrived,
If the reader will look at the postscript of this
letter, he will be interested to see that Washington
was not above wondering what had become of his
lottery tickets. But unfortunately no answer shows
what were his successes or failures.
It may ' here be observed that this is just an
illustration of the sort of passages which the
earlier biographers omit from his letters, in the ab
surd fear that he may lose the respect of those who
read. Some other private letters of this period show
how many cares occupied him. Here is a letter to
a nephew, who, as will be seen, had sadly misbe
haved.

236 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
WASHINGTON TO CAPT. GEORGE LEWIS.
"February 13, 1779.
" It is with concern and resentment I find, by the re
turn of Colonel Bayler's regiment, that you are again
absent therefrom ; nay, more, that you had left it while
the command devolved upon you. I am sorry to add
that these things reflect much discredit upon you as an
officer, and involve me in the censure, for the natural
presumption is, that such indulgences are the effect of
partial proceeding from our connection.
" With truth, I believe, it may be said that, in the
course of the last fifteen months, you have scarcely been
once with your regiment, and when ordered to join it,
the latter part of last summer or fall, was shamefully
tardy in obeying the order.
" Immediately upon the receipt of this letter you will,
I expect, join your regiment, and give that constant
attendance on duty which is to be expected from a good
officer." A careful • letter, hitherto unpublished, — written
in the autumn of 1779, — gives Washington's own
condensed account of the condition of affairs at
that time. WASHINGTON TO THE COUNT D'ESTAING.
" Head-Quarters, West Point, September 13, 1779.
" SIR : — Having received intelligence which made it
probable that a squadron of His Most Christian Majesty
was approaching our coast, I thought it my duty to meet
you with the earliest advice of the situation of the enemy
in this quarter. Admiral Arbuthnot arrived at New York
the 25 th of last month with a reinforcement under his

MOVEMENTS OF THE ENEMY. 237
convoy, consisting, from the best accounts I have been
able to obtain, of about three thousand men, mostly
recruits and in bad health. This makes the land force
of the enemy at New York and its dependencies near
fifteen thousand men, distributed in the following man
ner : On the Island of New York about 7,700 ; on Long
Island about 5,000; on Staten Island about 1,000; at
King's Ferry, up the North River, 45 miles from New
York, about 2,000 ; and a small garrison at Powles Hook,
a fortified peninsula on the Jersey shore opposite the
city. This distribution is agreeable to the last advices ;
but the enemy's disposition undergoes' very frequent
changes and may have since altered. They have been
for some time past drawing a line of works across New
York Island, and have lately fortified Governor's Island
near the city. They have also works on Staten Island,
and are said to have begun a strong fort at Brooklyn, on
Long Island.
" The best information of the naval force in the harbor
of New York makes it one seventy-four, one sixty-four,
two fiftys, and two or three frigates, with a few small
armed vessels.
" The land force at Rhode Island is estimated between
three and four thousand. There may be one or two
frigates there.
" Sir George Collier sailed some time since on an expe
dition to the eastward of Boston. The force with him
was composed of one vessel of the line, one forty-four
gun-ship, and several smaller frigates and armed vessels.
He has completed his object, but I have not heard of his
return. " If it is your Excellency's intention to operate' against
the enemy at New York, it will be infinitely interesting

238 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
that you should immediately enter the harbor and make
such dispositions as will be best calculated to prevent a
reunion of their force at a single point, which would make
their reduction a matter of no small difficulty. If your
Excellency has a land force, you will be able to judge in
what manner it may be most usefully employed to inter
cept the detachments on Long and Staten Islands. From
the situation of the former relatively to New York, it will
not be easy to-intercept the troops there, because the
enemy can throw their troops from one to the other at
pleasure ; and your ships could not conveniently lie in the
East River to cut off the communication. It is not im
probable the enemy's fleet will endeavor to take shelter
in this river. It will also be of importance to run two or
•three frigates up the North River into Haverstraw Bay,
to obstruct the retreat of the garrison at King's Ferry by
water; and I should be happy these frigates may an
nounce themselves by firing a number of guns in quick
succession, which will put it in my power to push down a
body of troops below the garrison on the east side to
intercept a retreat by land to King's Bridge. This will
also answer the purpose of giving me earlier advice of
your arrival than I could obtain in any other way. But
some caution will be necessary in the passage of these
frigates up the river, as there have been some clievaux-de-
frise sunk opposite Fort Washington, which has given a
partial obstruction to the channel. Your Excellency will
probably be able to capture some seamen who will be
acquainted with the navigation of the river in its present
state. " To prevent the retreat of any part of the enemy through
the Sound, it will be useful to detach a few ships round
to take a convenient station there. These may answer

FRENCH NA VAL VICTORIES. 239
another object, to hinder the evacuation of Rhode Island ;
either to form a junction with the main body, or withdraw
to a place of security and avoid falling into your hands.
The detachment for this purpose need not be greater
than to be a full match for Sir George Collier.
" I have taken the liberty to throw out these hints for
your Excellency's information, and permit me to entreat
that you will favor me, as soon as possible, with an
account of your Excellency's intention, and the land
force under your command, which will help me to judge
what additional succor it may be expedient to draw from
the country, and what other measures ought to be taken
for a perfect co-operation. I also entreat your Excel
lency's sentiments on the manner of this co-operation,
and you may depend upon every exertion in my power
to promote the success of an enterprise from which such
decisive advantages may be expected to the common
cause. " I sincerely congratulate you on your glorious victories
in the West Indies, in which no one takes greater interest
than myself, as well from motives of personal attachment
as a concern for the common cause.
" I have the honor to be, with the most perfect respect
and esteem, Your Excellency's, etc.,
" G. Washington.
" P. S. — Major Lee, who will have the honor of deliver
ing these dispatches, is an officer of intelligence and
judgment, in whose information your Excellency may
place great confidence. He will be happy to execute any
orders with which you may be pleased to honor him."
With the beginning of 1780, the French court
had determined on more active measures, and all

240 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
parties knew that a French fleet with an army of
nearly five thousand men was to be sent early in
the year to America. This prospect alone modi
fied everybody's plans. Clinton hardly dared go
outside his shell, and Washington did not mean to
strike until he had the help of his allies. In fact,
however, though Ternay with the French fleet, and
Rochambeau with the army, sailed in the middle
of April, they did not arrive in Newport until
the ioth of July. The French army was reduced
by scurvy and other sickness after its long voyage.
The fleet was only seven ships of the line and two
frigates, quite inferior to the English fleet ; but a
second and very large contingent was promised.
More waiting ensued, till this second contingent
should arrive. But it never did arrive. The Eng
lish government, for once, was quicker than their
enemies, and blockaded this magnificent fleet in
Brest. This is the reason why nothing came of
the great combination in the summer of 1 780.
For us, who are trying to find out, by whatever
indications, what manner of man Washington was,
the arrival of the French contingent has a special
value, secondary indeed, but important. For these
Frenchmen could write entertaining memoirs, vivid
and suggestive. No Americans of the Revolu
tionary time had that power. So it is that we owe
to these elegant French officers, not only our bright
est but our most intelligible accounts of life at head-

ACCOUNT BY A FRENCH OFFICER. 24 1
quarters, and especially of him who was the centre
of the whole. It is very interesting to see that
Washington did not disappoint them. On the other
hand, though they had formed a perfectly romantic
ideal of this western chieftain, he surprised them
by his dignity, his affability, and his resource. It
would seem that he was much more of a gentleman
than they had expected. The following passages
from Chastellux, a nobleman of high rank, who had
so far distinguished himself in literature that he
was already one of the forty of the French Acade
my, is his account of his first visit at head-quarters :
" M. de la Lafayette was in conversation with a tall
man, five feet nine inches high (about five feet ten inches
and a half English)', of a noble and mild countenance.
It was the General himself. I was soon off horseback
and near him. The compliments were short ; the senti
ments with which I was animated, and the good wishes
he testified for me, were not equivocal. He conducted
me to his house, where I found the company still at table,
although the dinner had been long over.
"Afresh dinner was prepared for me and mine; and
the present was prolonged to keep me company. A few
glasses of claret and Madeira accelerated the acquaint
ances I had to make, and I soon felt myself at my ease,
near the greatest and best of men. The goodness and
benevolence which characterize him are evident from
everything about him ; but the confidence he gives birth
to never occasions improper familiarity, for the sentiment
1 Washington himself says, in a letter ordering clothes, that he is six feet
high.

242 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
he inspires has the same origin in every individual, — a pro
found esteem for his virtues, and a high opinion of his
talents." The next year Chastellux writes :
" At our return we found a good dinner ready, and
about twenty guests, among whom were Generals Howe
and Sinclair. The repast was in the English fashion, con
sisting of eight or ten large dishes of butcher's meat and
poultry, with vegetables of several sorts, followed by a
second course of pastry, comprised under the two denom
inations of pies and puddings. After this the cloth was
taken off, and apples and a great quantity of nuts were
served, which General Washington usually continues eat
ing for two hours, proposing toasts and conversing all the
time. These nuts are small and dry, and have so hard a
shell that they can only be broken by the hammer ; they
are served half open, and the company are never done
picking and eating them. The conversation was calm
and agreeable ; his Excellency was pleased to enter with
me into the particulars of some of the principal opera
tions of the war, but always with a modesty and concise
ness which proved that it was from pure complaisance he
mentioned it. About half past seven we rose from table,
and immediately the servants came to shorten it and con
vert it into a round one ; for at dinner it was placed diag
onally to give more room. I was surprised at this ma
noeuvre, and asked the reason of it ; I was told they were
going to lay the cloth for supper. In half an hour I re
tired to my chamber, fearing lest the General might have
business, and that he remained in company only on my
account ; but at the end of another half hour, I was in
formed that his Excellency expected me at supper. I re-

ACCOUNT BY A FRENCH OFFICER. 243
turned to the dining-room, protesting against this supper ;
but the General told me he was accustomed to take some
thing in the evening; that if I would be seated, I should
only eat some fruit and assist in the conversation.1 I de
sired nothing better, for there were then no strangers, and
nobody remained but the General's family. The supper
was composed of three or four light dishes, some fruit,
and above all, a great abundance of nuts, which were as
well received in the evening as at dinner. The cloth be
ing soon removed, a few bottles of good claret and ma
deira were placed on the table. Every sensible man will
be of my opinion : that being a French officer, under the
orders of General Washington, and what is more, a good
Whig, I could not refuse a glass of wine offered me by
him ; but I confess that I had little merit in this complai
sance, and that less accustomed to drink than anybody, I
accommodate myself, very well to the English mode of
toasting : you have very small glasses ; you pour out
yourself the quantity of wine you choose, without being
pressed to take more ; and the toast is only a sort of
check in the conversation, to remind each individual that
he forms a part of the company, and that the whole form
only one society. I observed that there was more solem
nity in the toasts at dinner : there were several ceremo
nial ones ; the others were suggested by the General, and
given ^ut by his aides-de-camp, who performed the hon
ors of the table at dinner; for one of, them is every day
seated at the bottom of the table, near the General, to
serve the company and distribute the bottles."
In the midst of visits and correspondence, back-
1 The more recent criticism of travellers has been that Americans hurry
their meals. But all the French officers speak as if their hosts spent most of
the time at table.

244 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
ward and forward, the great dramatic event of the
year took place, — the treason of Arnold. It is not
needful, for the purpose of this book, to describe
this event again, nor to point out the curious and
critical turns which give to the history all the' points
demanded for the Greek drama. The discovery of
the whole comes within the few hours in which a
play might be put upon the stage, and it is by the
turn of a straw that Arnold escapes with his life.
The following accounts of it, one written by Wash
ington to Heath, and one to Jefferson, are of inter
est, as showing how it affected him, at the moment.
To Jefferson, then Governor of Virginia, Wash
ington wrote :
" Head-Quarters, near Passaic Falls, Oct. 10, 1780.
"You[r Excellency] will have heard, . probably before
this reaches you, of the perfidy of Major-Gen. Arnold.
On the 25th of September he went to the enemy. He
had entered very deeply into a combination with them,
as far as we can judge, for putting them in possession of
the important post of West Point, where he commanded,
and the command of which he had solicited. For this
purpose he had contrived an interview with Major Andre,
adjutant-general to their army, on the night of the 21st,
and delivered to him a copy of a state of matters which I
had laid before a council of general officers on the 6th of
September. An estimate of the force at West Point and
its dependencies, of men to man the works at West
Point, remarks on those works, a return of ordnance at
West Point and its dependencies, artillery orders for the

ARNOLD'S TREASON. 245
disposition of. the corps in case of an alarm at West
Point, a permit to Major Andre, under the assumed name
of John Anderson, to pass our guards. This officer, with
all those papers in Arnold's hand-writing, was taken by a
most extraordinary and providential intervention of cir
cumstances, under the assumed name of John Anderson,
and in a disguised habit, about fifteen miles from the
enemy's outpost and King's Bridge, by a small militia
patrol, who acted with great virtue upon the occasion, as
he was returning to New York ; having been all. the night
of the 2lst and next day in the vicinity of our posts at
Stoney and Verplanck's Points, and passed by them the
night preceding his capture. Arnold got information of
the event on the morning of the 25th before it was known
to any of the officers under his command, or any in au
thority, and pushed down the river in a barge to the Vul
ture, sloop of war, which lay a few miles below Stoney
Point. Major Andre was tried by a board of general of
ficers, and on his free and voluntary confession and let
ters, was sentenced to suffer death, agreeable to the prac
tice and usage of nations in like cases, which he has ac
cordingly suffered. He acted with great candour, after
he avowed himself, until he was executed. Your Excel
lency will probably see the whole of the proceedings in
his case published. We have no doubt now, whatever
may be the future objects and measures of the enemy,
that the primary and principal design of the embarkation
they were making, was to take West Point, which, through
the preconcerted arrangements between them and Mr.
Arnold, in all human probability, would have inevitably
fallen into their hands, and most likely in the course of a
few days after the discovery. The enemy have not laid
aside, from the accounts I continue to receive, their prep-

246 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
arations for an expedition, and must now mean to make
a push in some other more remote quarter. Hence your
Excellency will perceive that they leave nothing unessayed
to carry their point ; but I trust there are more than
abundant virtue, as well as means in our hands, if these
are properly directed, to withstand and baffle easily all
their most vigorous and artful efforts."
To Heath, who was to replace Arnold, he wrote
the following letter. Heath was, at this time, with
Rochambeau, to whom he had made himself very
agreeable. " Robinson's House, 26 September, 1780.
" Major-General Arnold has gone to the enemy. He
had an interview with Major Andr6, adjutant-general of
the British army, and had put into his possession a state
ment of our army, of the garrison at this post, of the
number of men considered as necessary for the defence
of it, a return of the ordnance, and the disposition of the
artillery corps in case of an alarm. By a most providential
interposition, Major Andre was taken on returning to
New York, with all those papers in General Arnold's
handwriting, who, hearing of the matter, kept it secret,
and left his quarters immediately, under the pretence of
going to West Point on Monday forenoon, about an hour
before my arrival ; then pushed down the river in the
barge, which was not discovered till I had returned from
West Point in the afternoon ; and when I received the
first information of Major Andre's captivity, measures
were instantly taken to apprehend General Arnold ; but,
before the officers, sent for the purpose, could reach Ver-
planck's Point, he had passed it with a flag, and got on
board the Vulture, ship of war, which lay a few miles be-

SITUA TION OF THE ARMY. 247
low. He knew of my approach, and that I was visiting,
with the Marquis, the north and middle redoubts, and
from this circumstance was so straitened in point of time,
that I believe he carried with him very few if any material
papers, though he has a very precise knowledge of the
affairs of the post. The gentlemen of General Arnolds'
family,1 I have the greatest reason to believe, were not
privy in the least degree to the measures he was carrying
on, nor to his escape. I am, dear sir, with very great
esteem and regard, your, etc., etc."
Rochambeau's force was too much reduced by
sickness for any active operations in 1780. The
second French fleet, as the reader knows, did not
arrive. The autumn and winter therefore wore
away without important movement.
On the first of May, 1781, Washington began a
military journal. The following is a brief state
ment of the situation of the army at that time :
" I begin at this epoch a concise journal of military
transactions, etc. I lament not having attempted it from
the commencement of the war, in aid of my memory;
and wish the multiplicity of matter which continually
surrounds me, and the embarrassed state of our affairs,
which is momentarily calling the attention to perplexities
of one kind or another, may not defeat altogether, or so
interrupt my present intention and plan, as to render it of
little avail.
" To have clearer understanding of the entries which
1 Colonel Franks and Colonel Varick were General Arnold's ' aides-de-
camp, but they had no knowledge or suspicion of his treasonable designs,
till he had escaped to the enemy.

248 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
may follow, it would be proper to recite, in detail, our
wants and our prospects ; but this alone would be a work
of much time and great magnitude. It may suffice to
give the sum of them, which I shall do in a few words,
viz. :
" Instead of having magazines filled with provisions,
we have a scanty pittance scattered here and there in the
different States.
" Instead of having our arsenals well supplied with
military stores, they are poorly provided, and the work
men all .leaving them. . . . Instead of having the
various articles of field equipage in readiness to deliver,
the quartermaster-general is but now applying to the sev
eral States (as the dernier ressort) to provide these things
for their troops respectively. Instead of having a regu
lar system of transportation established upon credit
. . . or funds in the quartermaster's hands to defray
the contingent expenses of it . . . we have neither
the one nor the other ; and all that business, or a great
part of it, being done by military impressment, we are
daily and hourly oppressing the people, souring their
tempers, and alienating their affections. Instead of having
the regiments completed to the new establishments (and
which ought to have been so by the ... of ... ,
agreeable to the requisitions of Congress, scarce any
State in the Union has, at this hour, one eighth part of
its quota in the field ; and there is little prospect that I
can see of ever getting more than half. In a word, in
stead of having every thing in readiness to take the field,
we have nothing. And instead of having the prospect
of a glorious offensive campaign before us, we have a be
wildered and gloomy prospect of a defensive one ; unless
we should receive a powerful aid of ships, land troops

THE ARMY MOVES SOUTH. 249
and money from our generous allies, and these at present
are too contingent to build upon."
In this year, however, thejnovement which had
been hoped for in 1780 became possible. Under
the Count DeGrasse, a French fleet arrived in the
West Indies, sufficient to meet the English fleet in
Atlantic waters with some prospect of success.
Immediately on this being made certain, Washing
ton and Rochambeau determined on that prompt
movement by which they hemmed in Cornwallis at
Yorktown, and brought the war to an end. Wash
ington himself wrote the most ardent letters to
DeGrasse to press him to join in this combination,
and his arrival just in time, in the Chesapeake, was
one of the dramatic incidents of the war. One of
the French writers, describing the rapid march of
the army southward from New York, says that when
Washington received the news he turned back to
tell it to Rochambeau, and as he waited for the ferry
boat to cross, he signified by his gestures his pleas
ure in the great success. He waved his hat in
exultation and joy. No child could have shown
more gladly bis delight at some great surprise.
On their way south, he spent one full day at
Mount Vernon, and here he entertained the French
gentlemen. It was the first time he had been in
his own house for more than six years. He apol
ogized to . them for the lack of order which they
had observed on that account. But Chastellux is

2 SO THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
careful to say that he regarded every thing as in
very perfect condition. He alludes particularly to
the care with which Washington had kept up, by
correspondence, his management of affairs at home.
Every thing moved on in the neighborhood of
Yorktown almost exactly as they could have wished.
There were certainly times of anxiety, and Wash
ington was obliged to overpersuade the French
admiral to remain where he was, so absolutely
necessary was his position there ; while the French
man was desirous to go elsewhere. But his per
sonal power and that of Rochambeau availed, and
the fleet kept the blockade of the Chesapeake,
although they were tempted out for an action with
the English fleet which appeared on the outside.
Day by day the successful advances of the com
bined army were made, and all the American
soldiers had an opportunity of seeing war on the
large scale, while up to this time there had scarcely
been an action, in which they had been engaged,
which could be reduced to the rules of European
warfare. Washington's own confidential letters to Heath
are interesting, as showing briefly how these ad
vances came forward. The great surrender fol
lowed. It is matter of history, and we need not
go into the details of it. But it is one of the
pathetic things of human life, that at the time when
the whole of America was rejoicing in the great

LETTER TO HEATH. 2$ I
success, Washington himself was anxiously watch
ing the sickness of John Custis, his adopted son.
Young Custis had joined the army but just before,
and he arrived only in time to contract a fever, of
which, on the 5th day of November, he died. Wash
ington's own correspondence during these days is
of the very briefest, and the reason is, that he was
occupied in what was, to him, a terrible personal
distress, at the time when the whole country was
rejoicing. WASHINGTON TO HEATH.
" I have not leisure to give a particular account of our
proceedings: it must suffice to inform you that, after
assembling all the troops at Williamsburg, and making
the necessary arrangements, the allied army moved on
the 28th of September, and took post in the neighbor
hood of York that night. The enemy gave us no annoy
ance on the march. A body of horse, that was paraded
in front of the works, retired upon our firing a few shot
among them.
"The 29th was spent in reconnoitring, and taking a
position as near the advanced works as could be done
without placing the encampments directly in the range of
the enemy's shot. Some skirmishing happened between
our riflemen and the Yagers, in which the former had the
advantage. At night, the enemy abandoned all their
outposts (some of which were very advantageous), and
retired to the town. Yesterday morning we occupied the
same ground, and last night made some lodgments at a
short distance from the lines.
" The horses and teams are beginning to arrive from the

252 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
northward. The heavy artillery will be brought up as
soon as possible, and the siege pushed with vigor, as I
have no idea that Lord Cornwallis will surrender so
respectable a force as he has under his command, unless
he is compelled by dire necessity. "
It was, indeed, remarkable, that the three great
successes of the Revolution were, each in its- field,
complete, Nothing was left on that field to do.
When Howe evacuated Boston in 1776, he took
every English soldier from New England out of the
country. When Burgoyne surrendered in 1777, he
gave up his whole army. And in the great sur
render of Cornwallis another whole army was made
prisoners of war. The dramatic or critical character
of such events affected the public opinion of Eu
rope* — especially of England. The number of men
engaged bore no comparison with those which have
made up the history of the wars of Frederic and
Maria Theresa. But the completeness of the event,
when it came, had all the precision, and wrought
the impression, of the close of a tragedy.
It happened, probably from this cause, that
English statesmen of all parties knew that the war
was over. Lord North himself, "as if he had been
hit by a ball," struck both hands on his breast and
cried, " All is over ! " And we now know that it
was. But in America there was no such certainty.
What men knew was that Clinton was recalled

WASHINGTON'S DISTRUST. 2$3
and Sir George Carleton transferred from Canada
to New York. Men did not know that he was
transferred with instructions simply to hold the
posts until peace was made. In fact, his instruc
tions were of the conciliatory character. The
policy of the English government now was to
detach the Americans from the French ; and the
step-mother, who had been so cruel but a year
before, was really fawning now in her effort to
regain the lost affections of her children. In all
this Washington saw the treachery which was, in
fact, involved, and the year 1782 was for him an
anxious one. It ought to be said, however, that in
his correspondence with the governors of the
States, and with other members of such executive
as there was in America, he succeeded, to a certain
extent, in conveying the impression of his own
doubts, and thus was able to keep up at least a
decent military establishment, watching for any
sudden movement on the part of the enemy, whom
he had learned to distrust so thoroughly. It is
fair, perhaps, to say, in passing, that that distrust
has never, to this moment, thoroughly left the
American mind.
A very delicate matter, which has worked its
way even into romance, was one of the minor
difficulties of the winter of 1781-2. The brutal
acts of barbarity on the part of some English
troops, who affected to be American loyalists, in

254 THE LIFE 0F WASHINGTON.
New Jersey, had compelled a threat of retaliation
from Washington, or the officers under his com
mand. He had notified Sir Henry Clinton that if
a certain Lippincott was not given up to him for
punishment, he would execute upon some prisoner
of the English army in his possession the same
measure as that by which Lippincott had dis
graced himself. A court of inquiry held by the
English commander pronounced their disapproba
tion of Lippincott's act, but found him innocent, as
acting under superior command. It was an early
case of that double opinion which Mr. Lowell has
satirized since as the opinion of people who were
in favor of a certain law, but against enforcing it.
This court-martial disapproved the act, but found
the actor innocent. Washington was committed
to the threat of retaliation. Lots were drawn
among the English prisoners, and the lot fell upon
a boy, only nineteen years old, named Henry
Asgill, an officer in the guards. For months the
poor fellow's life seemed to hang upon a thread.
But peace was impending, and there was probably
never any real intention on the part of the Ameri
cans to execute the threat, as they might have
done in perfect justice and honor. Asgill wrote
home to his mother, and his mother entreated
everybody in Europe ; everybody in Europe en
treated Franklin, and Congress, and Washington ;
and Asgill, as an act of mercy, was discharged.

HENRY ASGILL. 2$$
The discharge was undoubtedly helped by the
combined verdict of the court of inquiry which had
been held. The transaction was one which, in
critical times, might perhaps have escaped the
observation of the historian. But, as it happened
at the time when every, one was singing paeans of
peace, it engaged more general attention and has
claimed a place in history.1
At the end of the year, when it was clear that
the war was over, the officers of the Continental
line, had been absent from home for seven years.
They had been paid most of that time in paper,
constantly depreciating, were about to return home
poor men, and were naturally uneasy as to the
promises made to them by a Congress which
had done little but promise. The truth is, that
their real ground of complaint was against the
Constitution of their country. It was not against
the particular men in Congress who were unfortu
nate enough to be at once the legislative and the
executive of that country. In point of fact, as we
know now, this executive had no power, and was
merely the shadow of a name. But it professed
power, it made war, it made peace, it issued procla
mations, and why should it not pay its debts ? The
1 Here is a curious note of Asgill's, which we print from his autograph,
written in London the next year :
" In answer to your question if the Americans put me in irons during the
time of my confinement, for their sake as well as mine, I have the satisfac
tion to inform you that they never did. Henry Asgill.''

256 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
answer, alas, was, that it had nothing with which
to pay them.
It was in that irritation which is natural to
any man who has been refused payment of his
honest debt, year in and out, by a person who, at
the time, affects to be in command of millions, that
the officers of the army were called upon, by an
unknown hand, to unite in compelling justice. , In
the printed appeal which was circulated among them,
the strong proposal was made that they should not
lay down their arms " until they had gained some
security for their rights." This appeal is generally
known as the " Newburgh address." It is now
known that it was the work of Armstrong of the
line. The most striking passage in it is in the fol
lowing words :
" If this, then, be your treatment while the swords you
wear are necessary for the defence of America, what have
you to expect from peace, when your voice shall sink, and
your strength dissipate by division; when those very
swords, the instruments and companions of your glory,
shall be taken from your sides, and no remaining mark of
military distinction left but your wants, infirmities, and
scars ? Can you then consent to be the only sufferers by
this revolution, and retiring from the field, grow old in
poverty, wretchedness, and contempt ? Can you consent to
wade through the vile mire of dependency, and owe the
miserable remnant of that life to charity, which has hither
to been spent in honor? If you can . . . go . . .
and carry with you the jest of Tories and the scorn of

AN ANONYMOUS APPEAL. 2$y
Whigs . . . the ridicule, and what is worse, the pity
of the world. Go, starve, and be forgotten ! but if your
spirit should revolt at this ; if you have sense enough to
discover, and spirit enough to oppose, tyranny under what
ever garb it may assume- — whether it be the plain coat of
republicanism, or the splendid robe of royalty ; if you
have not yet learned to discriminate between a people
and a cause, between men and principles . . . awake ;
attend to your situation, and redress yourselves. If the
present moment be lost, every future effort is in vain ; and
your threats then, will be as empty as your entreaties
now." So soon as this appeal was placed in Washington's
hands, he met it by one of his most vigorous
addresses. He said in it :
" My God ! what can this writer have in view, by rec
ommending such measures ? can he be a friend to the
army? can he be a friend to this country? rather is he not
an insidious foe; some emissary, perhaps, from New York,
plotting the ruin of both, by sowing the seeds of discord
and separation between the civil and military powers of
the continent ? and what a compliment does he pay to our
understandings, when he recommends measures, in either
alternative, impracticable in their nature? "
Still, the author of the anonymous appeal affected
to consider that the malcontents had gained some
support from the commander-in-chief ; and, in a
very clever second address, implied that they had
thus made him commit himself to some vigorous
appeal on their side. But when the day of the
meeting came, it was very clear how Washington

258 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
and those under his influence regarded any appeal
to sedition. It is at this moment that the American
revolution separates itself from nearly all similar
passages of history; Here is one throne which is
not built upon bayonets. Here is one army which,
with the only power the country had in its hands,
surrendered that power and left the country to learn
the lesson of anarchy. In the next four years, the
country learned that lesson as no country had
learned it before. Without any military force on
the right hand or on the left to tempt it into the
folly of a military usurpation, the four years were
hard years, but the lesson was well learned ; and
constitutional liberty has been possible from that
hour to this, simply because that army did not keep
its sword in its hand, for the purpose of enforcing
the rights which certainly were its own.
The tone of the resolutions passed by the officers
may be understood from the last :
" Resolved unanimously, that at the commencement
of the present war the officers of the American army
engaged in the service of their country from the purest
love and attachment to the rights and liberties of human
nature, which motives still exist in the highest degree;
and that no circumstances of distress or danger shall
induce a conduct that may tend to sully the reputation
and glory which they have acquired at the price of their
blood and eight years' faithful services."
These proceedings of the army produced a con-

TREATY OF PEACE. 259
currence of nine States in Congress in favor of a
resolution commuting the half pay into a sum in
gross equal to five years' full pay. But the value
of this resolution depended on the success of requi
sitions and of applications to the respective States
to place permanent funds in the power of Congress.
The winter, at last, having passed by, news of
the long-delayed peace was received. It had been
deferred by the English intrigues, which had
attempted a peace with America, while there should
still be war with France. But Franklin was firm
on this matter, and he had compelled Congress to
be firm. The commissioners in France never gave
way, and the English ministry found itself at last
compelled to make peace at once, with the United
States, with France, and with Spain.
Washington's correspondence with the English
commanders, which began with his note to Gage,
in 1775, which drew out a reply so insolent from
that officer, ends with a cordial and courteous note,
which he addresses to Sir Guy Carleton, on the eve
of his embarkation from New York.
Washington himself was called to attend on
Congress, which was sitting in Princeton, New
Jersey. It had been obliged to remove from Phil
adelphia by the mutiny of the soldiers of the
Pennsylvania Line. From August to November,
therefore, Washington lived with Mrs. Washing
ton and a part of his military family at Rocky Hill,

26o THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
about four miles from Princeton. On the 2d of
November he issued from this place his farewell
address to the armies ; on the 14th he conferred
with Governor Clinton, of New York, and made
arrangements to enter the city from which they
had both been driven seven years before. On the
morning of the 25th a column of Americans under
Knox marched to the Bowery Lane and halted at
the point where the Cooper Institute now stands.
They remained there until one o'clock in the after
noon, when the English left their posts and marched
to Whitehall, the extreme southern point of the
city. The American army followed, and, before
three o'clock Knox took formal possession of Fort
George. For more than a week brilliant festivities
followed. It is at this point that an amusing inci
dent took place, which comes into Mr. Custis's
somewhat mythical recollections, but probably has
certain foundation in fact. Washington's secret ser
vice was always admirably administered, and it is
probably true that, through the war, he had Riv-
ington in his pay. Rivington was known to the
country as being the chief maligner of the Ameri
can cause. Mr. Custis's story is, that, after the
group of officers had stopped at Rivington's,
Washington withdrew into the back-shop to " look
at some books on agriculture " ; that the chink of
guineas was then heard, and that the aides be
lieved that this was a part payment for secret

FAREWELL ADDRESS. 261
service which Rivington had rendered, during the
war. On Thursday, the 4th of September, the princi
pal officers of the army met at Fraunce's tavern to
take leave of Washington. He entered the room
where they waited, and taking a glass of wine, he
said : " With a heart full of love and gratitude I
now take leave of you. I most devoutly wish that
your latter days may be as prosperous and happy
as your former ones have been glorious and honor-
orable." After drinking he said : " I cannot come to
each of you to take my leave ; but I shall be obliged
to you if each will come and take me by the
hand." Knox stood next to him. He turned and
grasped his hand, and Washington kissed him,
while the tears flowed down the cheeks of each.
He bade good-by to each officer in the same way
as they passed him. Then passing between lines
of light infantry, he walked in silence to Whitehall,
and in a barge crossed the river on his way to
Annapolis. From New York to Annapolis his
progress was a triumphal march. Voluntary escorts
of citizens and soldiers accompanied him, and he
was everywhere greeted by testimonials of the peo
ple's regard. At every capital the State legisla
tures presented addresses to him, and so did the
philosophical societies, the citizens of towns, reli
gious societies, and other associations.
At Annapolis a great ceremonial was arranged

262 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
for his resignation. The act in itself was dra
matic, the arrangements made for it were dignified,
and his resignation is still remembered among the
critical moments of his life. A picture by Trum
bull, in the Capitol at Washington, commemorates
it, and his address has been widely circulated. One
of the closing passages is in these words :
" Having now finished the work assigned me, I retire
from the great theatre of action, and bidding an affec
tionate farewell to this august body, under whose orders
I have so long acted, I here offer my commission, and
take my leave of all the employments of public life." '
The next day he reached Mount Vernon, having
been in command of the army more than eight and
a half years. In that time he had seen his home
only when he visited it with Count de Rocham
beau, and on his return from Yorktown.
1 It is, perhaps, not beneath the dignity of history to record that, at the
present moment, one of the jokes of the Naval Academy at Annapolis is to
say that Washington endured all the terrors of the war, the starvation of
Valley Forge, and every intricacy of politics ; but that when he came to so
dull a place as Annapolis he was obliged to give up his commission.

CHAPTER XI.
.HOME REVISITED.
Return to Mt. Vernon — National Government — Army Views — Institution
of Society of the Cincinnati — Letters to Maj.-Gen. Greene, on this
Subject — Letter to Jefferson — His Portrait Painted for Count de.la Solms
— Letter to Count d'Estaing — Jewel Presented by French Seamen —
Letter to Robert Morris Concerning Bushrod Washington — Journey
to Western Lands — Letter to the Commandant at Pittsburg — Letter to
Tench Tilghman about Greenhouse — Lafayette's Visit — Letter to Chas
tellux- — Western Tour with Lafayette — Letter about Horse for "Little
Washington."
IT was a good omen which brought Washington
to Annapolis on Christmas Eve. " I entered
these doors an older man by near nine years than
when I left them. Since that period we have been
often locked up in frost and snow, and excluded, in
a manner, from all kinds of intercourse." Thus he
writes to Lafayette, with whom his correspondence
has always a tender and friendly tone :
" I am become a private citizen, my dear Marquis. On
the banks of the Potomac, and under the shadow of my
own vine and my own fig-tree, free from the bustle of a
camp and the busy scenes of public life, I am solacing
myself with those tranquil enjoyments which the soldier,
who is ever in pursuit of fame ; the statesman, whose
263

264 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
watchful days and sleepless nights are spent in devising
schemes to promote the welfare of his own, perhaps the
ruin of other countries, as if this globe were insufficient
for us all ; and the courtier, who is always watching the
countenance of his prince in hopes, of catching a gracious
smile, can have very little conception."
In the same letter he says to Lafayette that he
is expecting in a few days a visit from the Govern
or of Virginia. He also thanks Lafayette for a kind
invitation to his house if he should come to France,
but he says :
" I see but little prospect of such a voyage. The de
ranged situation of my private concerns, occasioned by
an absence of nearly nine years, and the entire disregard
of all private business during that period, will not only
suspend, but may put it forever out of my power to
gratify this wish. This not being the case with you,
come with Madame de Lafayette and view me in my
domestic walks. I have often told you, and' repeat it
again, that no man could receive you in them with more
friendship and affection than I should do, in which, I am
sure, Mrs. Washington would cordially join me. We
unite in respectful compliments to your lady, and the
best wishes for your little flock."
Writing to Lafayette again in April, he says :
" Your favor of November to me, and of December to
Congress, both announce your intention to make us a
visit this spring. On this hope I shall fully rely, and
shall ardently long for the moment in which I can em
brace you in America. Nothing could add more to the
pleasure of this interview than the happiness of seeing

' ." . , ... _ -

MOUNT VERNON.

265

266 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
Madame de Lafayette with you, that I might have the
honor of thanking her in person for the flattering letter
she has been pleased to write me, and to assure her of
the sincerity of my wishes and those of Mrs. Washing
ton, that she can make Mount Vernon her home while
she stays in America. Lest I should be disappointed of
this gratification, I accompany this letter with another to
the Marchioness ; and if I could express to her half what
I feel upon the occasion, it would, if twenty years could
be taken from the number of my days, make you diligent
at your post."
And to the Marchioness he writes :
" Great as your claims as a French or American woman,
or as the wife of my amiable friend, to my affectionate
regards, you have others to which the palm must be
yielded. The charms of your person and the beauties
of your mind have a more powerful operation. These,
Madame, have endeared you to me, and every thing
which partakes of your nature will have a claim to my
affections. George and Virginia, the offspring of your
love, whose names do honor to my country and to my
self, have a double claim, and will have the best of my
vows. " Mrs. Washington is highly honored by your invita
tions, and feels very sensibly the force of your polite
invitation to Paris, but she is too far advanced in life,'
and is too much immersed in the care of her little prog
eny, to cross the Atlantic.
" This, my dear Marchioness, indulge the freedom, is
not the case with you. You have youth, and if you
should not incline to bring your children, can leave them
1 Mrs. Washington was now fifty-two years old.

SOCIETY OF THE CINCINNATI. 267
with all the advantages of education, and must have a
curiosity to see the country, young, rude, and unculti
vated as it is, for the liberties of which your husband has
fought, bled, and acquired much glory, where everybody
admires, everybody loves him. Come, then, let me en
treat you, and call my cottage your home, for your own
doors do not open to you with more readiness than mine
would. You will see the plain manner in which we live,
and meet with respectful civility, and you shall taste the
simplicity of rural life. It will diversify the scene, and
may give you higher relish f-r the gayeties of the court
when you return to Versailles."
In a letter to Dr. Craik, written as early as March,
1784, he speaks of the prospect before him, as to
his biography.
" I will frankly declare to you, my dear doctor, that
any memoirs of my life, distinct and unconnected with
the general history of the war, would rather hurt my feel
ings, than tickle my pride, whilst I live. I had rather glide
gently down the stream of time, leaving it to posterity
to say and think what they please of me, than, by any
act of mine, to have vanity or ostentation imputed to me.
It is for this reason and candor, and a desire to be explicit,
that I stipulate against the publication of the memoirs
Mr. Bowe has in contemplation to give the world, till I
should see more probability of avoiding the darts which
I think would be pointed at me upon such an occasion."
It is hardly necessary here to go far into the dis
cussion, which excited a good deal of public atten
tion in certain quarters, as to the Society of Cincin
nati. It is enough, perhaps, to say that many men

268 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
not of the army were jealous of the society. They
were afraid that it would create a class of hereditary
patricians. Mr. Jefferson disliked it, all civilians
disliked it, and the sentimental and theoretical
friends of liberty in France disliked it. The cor
respondence regarding it, which still exists in
manuscript, has a certain historical curiosity, but it
should be studied by itself, and scarcely belongs to
the life of Washington. In one letter, he gives, in
some detail, his views as to the amendment which
should be made in the original constitution — and
these views were quite closely adopted in the final
arrangement made for the society. As all America
knows, it has proved a most harmless institution,
while in those States which have maintained it, it
has done a respectable work in the maintenance of
some charities.
It combined for social, and indeed charitable,
purposes, the Continental officers ; somewhat as
the " Grand Army of the Republic " now unites all
who enlisted in the War of the Union. To Wash
ington's intelligent counsels it was due that every
thing which could really challenge jealousy was
withdrawn from its constitution.
In May he went to Philadelphia to the first meet
ing. He writes : " We have been amazingly im
pressed in the business that brought us here. It is
now drawing to a conclusion, and will soon be given
to the public." The constitution, as eventually

SOCIETY OF THE CINCINNA TI. 269
drawn, was much upon the lines of his suggestions.
The following letter to General Greene relates to
this meeting. " Mount Vernon, 21 March, 1784.
" My Dear Sir : — From the purport of your letter,
dated February 16th, at Newport, (which only came to
my hands yesterday,) I have little expectation that this
reply to it will find you in the State of Rhode Island.
If, however, the case be otherwise, it is to express an
earnest wish that you might make it convenient to take
the general meeting of the Cincinnati in your way to So.
Carolina. " I was concerned to hear you say only one delegate
from your State would be there. It were to be wished,
on many accounts, that the ensuing meeting might not
only be full in representation, but that the best abilities
of the society might also be present. There are, in my
opinion, very important reasons for this, and I cannot
help expressing an earnest wish, that yours may be among
them. I would add more were I not apprehensive that
this will not meet you in time. I have received letters from
France on this subject, which, with the sentiments which
many seem disposed to entertain of the tendency of this
society, makes it, I repeat again, indispensably necessary
that the first meeting should be full and respectable.
" As there is time (supposing that this letter gets to your
hand in Rhode Island) to give me an acknowledgment of
it, let me entreat an answer. My best wishes attend Mrs.
Greene, yourself, and family, in which Mrs. Washington
joins." The next week he recurs at more length to this
subject.

270 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
" Mount Vernon, 27th March, 1784,
" My Dear Sir : — A few days ago, by the post, on which
of late there seems to be no dependence, I wrote you a
few lines expressive of an earnest wish that you could
make it convenient to be at the general meeting of the
Society of Cincinnati, before you took your departure for
South Carolina. I did not then, nor can I now, assign
all my reasons for it ; but to me it should seem indispen
sable, that the meeting in May next should not only be
full, but composed of the best abilities of the representa
tion. The temper of the New England States, in particu
lar, respecting this society, the increasing jealousies of it,
a letter from the marquis, and other considerations point
strongly to wise determinations at this time. If, then,
private interest or convenience withhold the first charac
ters from the meeting, what may be the consequence?
It is easier and perhaps better to be conceived than told.
At any rate a bare representation will bring the society
into disrepute, and unfit it, perhaps, to decide upon the
weighty matters which may come before it. Besides,
these excuses may be offered by one man as well as an
other, and sure I am, none can urge them with more pro
priety than myself. I would add more, but that I fear
this letter may not reach you in time, and I am detaining
a countryman of yours, who has a fair wind, and I know
is sitting upon thorns from his eagerness to embrace it.
Most sincerely and affectionately, I am yours."
The changes which he proposed in the plan were
these :
Strike out every word, sentence, and clause which has
a political tendency.
Discontinue the hereditary part in all its connections

PROPOSED CHANGES. 271
absolutely, without any substitution, which can be con
strued into concealment, or a change of ground only, for
this would, in my opinion, increase rather than allay
suspicions. Admit no more honorary members into the society.
Reject subscriptions or donations from every person
who is not a citizen of the United States.
Place the funds upon such a footing as to remove the
jealousies which are entertained on that score.
Respecting the funds, it would be magnanimous to
place them, in the first instance, in the hands of the legis
latures for the express purposes for which they were
intended. This would show a generous confidence in
our country, which might be productive of favorable
sentiments and returns.
If it should be thought that this would be going too
far, reserve them till our numbers are reduced to a cer
tain ratio of what they now are, or for a certain number
of years ; then to be disposed of as above.
The disposal of them by will or deed is too unimportant
an object, in my opinion, for any member to be tenacious
of it. The sums subscribed were, in that moment, con
signed to charitable purposes. No one ever expected to
receive a farthing of it back, unless, unhappily, he should
become an object of its charity ; and in this case, whether
he receives the benefit mediately or immediately from
the society, the effect to him and obligation to them are
precisely the same.
Authorize the foreign officers to hold meetings in
France, if it shall be permitted by their government.
Empower them at those meetings to hear and decide
upon the pretensions of their own body, who, under the
letter or spirit of the institution, claim the privilege of be-

272 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
coming members of the Cincinnati ; as also the preren-j
sions of foreigners not of any particular State line, whose
claims are founded on being officers in the American
army. Americans, in foreign countries, who belonged to
the line of any State, are to make application to the
society of that State, who shall hear and decide there
upon. Upon these principles let the institution be formed in
as clear, distinct, and explicit terms as language can con
vey. Let your secretary transmit the same to the senior
foreign member in France, or the senior land and naval
officer in that kingdom, if- it shall be adjudged better for
their government. Send copies also to the president of
each State society. Accompany all these with a well-
composed letter, expressive of the reasons which induced
us to alter the constitution.
Then abolish the general meetings altogether as un
necessary. The constitution being given, a .continuation
of them would be expensive, and very probably, from a
diversity of sentiment and tenacity of opinion, might be
productive of more dissension than harmony ; for it has
been much observed, " that nothing loosens the bands of
private friendship more than for friends to put themselves
against each other in public debate, where every one is
free to speak and to act." District meetings might also
be discontinued, as of very little use, but attractive of
much speculation.
No alterations short of what are here enumerated will
in my opinion, reconcile the society to the community.
Whether these will do it is questionable. Without be
ing possessed of the reasons which induce many gentle
men to retain their order or badge of the society, it
will be conceived by the public that the order (which ex-

REQUESTING JEFFERSON'S OPINION. 273
cept in its perpetuity still appears in the same terrific
array as at first) is a feather we cannot consent to
pluck from ourselves, though we have taken it from our
descendants. If we assign the reasons, we might, I pre
sume, as well discontinue the order.
To Jefferson, a few days later, he wrote thus :
"April 8, 1784.
" DEAR SIR : — If, with frankness and the fullest latitude
of a friend, you will give me your opinion of the institu
tion of the Society of Cincinnati it would confer an
acceptable favor upon me. If to this opinion you would
be so obliging as to add the sentiments or what you sup
pose to be the sentiments of Congress respecting it, I would
thank you.
" That you may have the best materials on which .to
form a judgment, I send you a copy of the proceedings
of the society consequent of their choice of me for Pres
ident pro tempore and the direction therein, which I sent
with the Constitution to the French land and naval com
manders, and to the Marquis de la Fayette, as the senior
French officer in the American army, whose proceedings
thereon I also enclose.
" These papers you will please to retain for fear of
accidents, till I shall have the pleasure to see you at
Annapolis, the week after next, on my way to Phila
delphia, where this and other business will take me ; but
the sooner I could receive your sentiments on this sub
ject, the more pleasing they would be.
" The pamphlet ascribed to Mr. Burke has, I am told,
had its effect. People are alarmed, especially in the
Eastern States. How justly, or how contrary to the
avowed principles of the society and the purity of their

274 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
motives, I will not declare, lest it should appear that I
wanted to bias your judgment rather than obtain an opin
ion, — which, if you please, might be accompanied with
sentiments upon the information here given respecting
the most eligible measures to be pursued by the society
at their next meeting.
" You may be assured, sir, that to the good opinion
alone which I entertain of your abilities and candor, this
liberty is to be attributed ; and I can truly add that, with
very great esteem and regard, I am, dear sir, your most
obedient, humble servant."
There is a striking resemblance between the
circumstances of Washington's return to Mount
Vernon now, and that of his return after the French
and Indian war. In each instance he was person
ally very eager to put his estate in order, and to
repair the damages caused by his long absence.
But in each case the necessities of the country
engaged his mind ; and so, side by side with plans
for the rotation of crops, there comes in an eager
correspondence with his friends regarding the na
tional situation.
It may interest some young statesman or some
young general to know, in the hard testimony of
figures, how much money the commander-in-chief
of the American army spent in the nearly nine
years of his public service, for what may be called
his personal expenses. Under the head of "per
sonal expenses," however, in the remarkable account
furnished by Washington at the end of his military

NECESSITY OF A STRONG NATIONAL UNION. 275
career, is included the outlay for secret service,
which, in his administration, was so successful for
information and for " reconnoitring." The total
amount was 74,485 dollars. Every detail was ex
hibited in a form which admitted of complete
examination and audit.
As early as the spring of 1784 he expresses him
self, in the strongest terms, as to the necessity of a
vigorous national government, which shall unite
the thirteen weak States, whose independence was
only nominal.
Indeed, it is to be observed by any student of the
Constitution of America, that almost all the gentle
men who had served in the army were, from the be
ginning, stanch advocates of a strong national gov
ernment. They had outgrown any petty notion of
special allegiance to separate States, and with it had
outgrown the fantastic vision in which little men
supposed that little States could be strong. In the
first place, they had been fighting for a nation, and
not for any separate colony. It was the United
States which had called the army into being, it was
the United States which they had obeyed, and the
United States to which they had sworn allegiance.
It was for the United States that their companions
had given their lives. Mr. Webster's magnificent
boast is literally true. He said " that the bones of
the sons of Massachusetts, who had fallen in the
great struggle for freedom, whiten the soil of every

276 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
State from Massachusetts to Georgia." Even in
those days of slow movement, it was possible that a
soldier who had supped in New York might dine
the next day somewhere in the Jerseys, might pass
through or by Pennsylvania on his way southward,
and find himself the next morning on picket in one
of the " counties on Delaware."
These men had come to know, in their marches to
and fro, the good of every State and the weakness
of every State. And whatever theorists supposed,
these men knew that the country must hold to
gether, and hold by a strong tie, or that it was no
country. They knew that there was no safety for
one State, excepting in the assured union of the
whole. It was for speculators like Jefferson, who
had never taken the field, or aged enthusiasts like
Sam. Adams, who had seen the wayward councils
of the Continental Congress more than once over
ruled by the necessities of the field, — it was for such
men as these to block the wheels, as far as they
could, of a new form of national government. But,
from the beginning, the officers of the old Conti
nental line, and Washington at the head of them,
were, almost to a man, enthusiasts for a strong na
tional union.
In the midst, then, of Washington's cares for
Mount Vernon, and his effort to put his whole
establishment into the condition which satisfied his
accurate and scientific habit, he was engaged in the

JOURNEY TO WESTERN LANDS. 277
much larger and more difficult problem of helping
to secure a national government. His letters on
this subject alone would be well worth collecting
and printing together. Perhaps this would be done
if the nation had not at last learned, and learned by
some very bitter lessons in the course of its hundred
years of experience, the truth of the principles which
he there laid down in the beginning.
After the Philadelphia visit he was in Mount
Vernon again on the first of June. Writing to
Chevalier Chastellux at that time, he says :
" We have no occurrences out of the common course,
except the establishment of ten new States in the western
territory, and the appointment of Mr. Jefferson as one of
the commissioners in Europe."
It was in this off-hand way of dealing with large
subjects that France was at once delighted and
amazed by the American habit. Jefferson's sugges
tion for the western territory included ten States,
which he named, after his own habit, with as many
rigmarole titles. Saratoga, Chersonesus, Mesopa-
tamia, Assenisippia, Sylvania, are specimens.
The announcement to Chastellux, that the crea
tion of ten States was a bagatelle, was no boast
on Washington's part. He knew that the es
tablishment was on paper, and he fancied that his
correspondent did.
In the autumn he made a visit to the west, com
fortable in its plan, and successful in its execution.

278 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
The invitation to Dr. Craik is such an invitation as
one would be glad to accept to-day.
" I am not going to explore the country, nor am I in
search of fresh lands, but to secure what I have. Your
business and mine lie in the same part of the country, and
are of a similar nature. If you go, you will have occasion
to take nothing from hence, but a servant to look after
your horse and such bedding as you may think proper to
make use of. I will carry a markee, some camp utensils,
and a few stores. A boat, or some other kind of vessel,
will be provided for the voyage down the river, either at
my place on the Youghiogeny or Fort Pitt."
As in his former expeditions, he kept a journal
through this excursion, from which we publish some
passages. Once more we find an interesting ac
count of a part of the country which has since proved
so important, of which he saw the importance before
most men.
The journey occupied him several weeks, he was
most of the time on horseback, and he travelled 680
miles. He crossed the mountains by the usual
route of Braddock's road, but returned through the
wild and unsettled country which is watered by the
different branches of the Cheat River, and came
into the Shenandoah valley near Stanton.
He engaged himself at once again in enterprises
on uniting the navigation of the rivers of the east,
with those of the west. In writing to Harrison,
the father of President Harrison, on the tenth of
October, he says :

ROUTES OF FUTURE TRA VEL. 27g
'' I shall take the liberty now, my dear sir, to suggest a
matter which would, if I am not too short-sighted a poli
tician, markyour administration as an important era in the
annals of this country, if it should be recommended by
you and adopted by the Assembly."
There follows an admirable sketch of the geo
graphical relations of the west and the east, and a
prophecy of the routes of future travel. Any person
who thinks that Washington's best work in the war
was done for him by his aides, had better read such
a paper as this, to show what he did when he was
alone. " Taking Detroit as a port by which the northwestern
trade must come, it appears from the statement enclosed
that the tide-waters of this State are nearer to it, by 168
miles, than those of the river St. Lawrence, or than those
of the Hudson at Albany by 176 miles."
Speaking afterwards of the Pennsylvanians :
" A people who are possessed of the spirit of commerce,
who see and who will pursue their advantages, may
achieve almost any thing." " In the meantime, under
the uncertainty of these undertakings [meaning under
takings for canals] they are smoothing the roads and
paving the ways for the trade of the western . world.
That New York will do the same, as soon as the
British garrisons are removed, no person who knows
the temper, genius, and policy of those people as well
as I do, can harbor the slightest doubt." " The west
ern States, I speak now from my own observation,
stand, as it were, upon a pivot ; the touch of a feather
would turn them any way. They have looked down the

28o THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
Mississippi until the Spaniards, very impolitically, I think
for themselves, threw difficulties in that way. And they
looked that way for no other reason than because they
could glide gently down the stream."
The whole letter, which is a masterly plea, pro
poses an appeal to the Assembly for a plan for the
opening of the western waters. This plan was act
ually set on foot. It is alluded to all the way
through the Washington correspondence, and re
sulted in the first steps for the system of public im
provement, of which the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal
is now the most important monument.
The long-expected visit of Lafayette took place
in the autumn of 1784, but the Marchioness was
not with him. He arrived at Mount Vernon on the
17th of August, and remained there twelve days.
During that time Mount Vernon was crowded with
other guests who came to meet him, and when he
left for Baltimore a large cavalcade of Virginia gen
tlemen accompanied him on his way. Among
other offerings from Europe Lafayette brought
Washington a letter from Mesmer, the great char
latan to whom we owe the word "mesmerism," as
related to the science which is yet unexplained.
Washington's answer is amusing, as showing his
faculty for saying something when he had to say
it but had nothing to say.
•' The Marquis of Lafayette did me the honor of pre
senting to me your favor of the 16th of June, and of

LETTER TO THE MARCHIONESS LAFAYETTE. 28 1
entering into some explanation of the powers of magnet
ism, the discovery of which, if it should prove as exten
sively beneficial as it is said it will, must be fortunate
indeed for mankind, and redound very highly to the
honor of that genius to whom it owes its birth. For the
confidence reposed in me by the society which you have
formed for the purpose of diffusing all the advantages
expected, and for your favorable sentiments of me, I
pray you to receive my gratitude and the assurances of
the respect and esteem with which I have the honor to
be, etc., etc."
To the Marchioness Lafayette, when her hus
band returns, he writes :
" The Marquis returns to you with all the warmth and
ardor of a newly inspired lover. We restore him to you
in good health, crowned with wreaths of love and respect
from every part of the Union. That his meeting with
you, his family, and friends, may be propitious, and as
happy as your wishes can make it, that you may live
long together, revered and beloved, and that you may
transmit to a numerous progeny the virtues which you
both possess, is the fervent wish of your devoted and
most respectful humble servant.
"N. B.— In every good wish for you, Mrs. Washington
sincerely joins me."
Lafayette and his heirs male, were, by special
statutes, made citizens of Maryland and of Virginia.
With the return of peace his great duty of sitting
for his portrait began again. Here is an amusing
letter to the Count de Solms regarding a picture,

282 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
which probably can still be found by some enter
prising traveller in Germany. "January, 1784.
" To the Count de Solms, Gen I of Infantry in. the Service
of Saxe, etc.
"SIR: — The letters which you did me the honor to
write from Konigstein on the 9th of July last came safely
to my hands a few days ago, accompanied by one from
Mons. le Comte de Bruhl.
" I must entreat, my general, that you will accept my
best acknowledgments for the favorable opinion you arc
pleased to express of my military character, as well as
for your great politeness in proposing to introduce my
likeness amongst your collection of heroes. I must like
wise be permitted to assure you with how much satis
faction I should have embraced and welcomed, at my
seat on the banks of the Potomac, the venerable Soudart,
the noble Count de Solms, who has had the happiness
to have served with, and to have been the friend and
companion of, those illustrious characters which now
compass his inestimable collection, and into whose com
pany I am sensible it is no small honor to have even my.
portrait admitted.
" But as the distance and circumstances will not permit
me the pleasure of seeing you, I must be contented with
giving the best demonstration of respect in my power.
I have not delayed a moment, therefore, to comply with
your wishes, but have employed a gentleman to per
form the work who is thought on a former occasion to
have taken a better likeness of me than any other painter
has done. His forte seems to be in giving the distinguish
ing characteristics with more boldness than delicacy, and

JEWEL PRESENTED BY FRENCH SEAMEN. 283
altho' he commonly marks the features very strongly,
yet I cannot flatter you that you will find the touches of
pencil extremely soft, or that the portrait will in any re
spect equal your expectations. Such as it may be (and
for your sake I would wish the execution was as perfect as
possible), it will be forwarded from Philadelphia, to the
orders of the Count de Bruhl, as soon as it is finished, and
I pray your acceptance of it as a token of the great ven
eration and esteem with which," etc.
The following letter of the same spring to the
French Count d'Estaing acknowledges the receipt
of a handsome jewel presented to him by the sea
men of France. It appears to have been in the
form of the Eagle of the badge of the Cincinnati :
"Philadelphia, 15th May, 1784.
" Sir : — Any token of regard, of whatever intrinsic
worth in itself, coming from the Count d'Estaing, must be
stamped with dignity and respect ; but when attended with
the esteem and regards of all the sailors of your nation, the
companions of your honorable toils in America, is not
only agreeably acceptable, — it becomes absolutely ines
timable. As such I receive the American ' Eagle which
your Excellency has been pleased to present me in the
name of all the sailors of the French nation. And at the
same time that I acknowledge myself hereby inexpressibly
honored by that most respectable body of men, I beg you
to assure them in my name of the very high estimation
in which I shall ever hold this particular mark of their
regard and attention.
" To the navy of France, sir,. this country will hold it
self deeply indebted ; its assistance has rendered practi
cable those enterprises which without it could not with

284 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
any probability of success have been attempted. I feel
myself happy in this opportunity, through your Excel
lency's favor, of paying to the officers and sailors of his
most Christian Majesty this tribute of grateful acknowledg
ment, which I beg you, sir, to be so obliging as to convey
to them, and at the same time to assure yourself of
possessing in my breast every sentiment of inviolable
attachment and respect with which your character has
impressed my mind.
" I have the honor to be, etc., etc.,
" G. Washington."
The session-of the Cincinnati did not detain him
longer than May in Philadelphia. He came back
to Mount Vernon to find, among other things, that
his ice had not kept, or, as he says, that " he was
lurched." A friendly letter to Robert Morris, ask
ing his help for a nephew, a brother to the gentle
man who became Judge Bushrod Washington, an
nounces this misfortune :
" Mount Vernon, June 2, 1784.
" . . . The inclination of the young gentleman also
points to this walk of life ; he is turned of twenty ; pos
sesses, I am told (for he is a stranger to me), good natural
abilities, an amiable disposition, and an uncommon share
of prudence and circumspection.
" Would it suit you, my dear sir, to take him into your
counting-house, and to afford him your patronage? If this
is not convenient, who would you recommend for this pur
pose ? What advance and what other requisites are neces
sary to initiate him? Excuse this trouble; to comply with
the wishes of a parent anxious for the welfare of his chil-

LETTER TO THE COMMANDANT AT PITTSBURG. 285
dren, I give it, and my friendship prompted it, but I
wish you to be perfectly unembarrassed by the applica
tion, on either account.
" If General Armand should have left Philadelphia, you
will oblige me by placing the enclosed in the readiest
channel of conveyance. My affectionate regards, in which
Mrs. Washington joins me, attend Mrs. Morris, yourself,
and family. With every sentiment of friendship and pure
esteem, I remain, dear sir, etc., etc.,
" G. Washington."
" P. S. — The house I filled with ice does not answer; it
is gone already. If you will do me the favor to cause a
description of yours to be taken — the size, manner of
building, and mode of management, — and forward it to me,
I shall be much obliged. My house was filled chiefly with
snow. Have you ever tried snow ? Do you think it is
owing to this that I am lurched ? "
A letter of July, preparing for his journey, to the
commandant at Pittsburg, makes arrangements for
it, with the sort of delicacy which belongs to Wash
ington's character and makes it worth quoting :
"July 10, 1784.
" I propose to be at my plantation, on Youghiogeny, the
10th of September, which with my mill and other matters
will be disposed of the 15th, as you may see by the en
closed advertisements. From thence, I have thoughts of
visiting my lands on the Great Kanawha, and on the Ohio,
between the two Kanawhas, if I can do it conveniently,
and obtain the means of a water conveyance.
" Let me request the favor of you, therefore, sir, to in
form me by a line to be left at my plantation in the care

286 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
of Mr. Gilbert Simpson, whether there are any public boats
at the post under your command, which might answer my
purpose ; if there are not, whether one or more could be
hired from the inhabitants in the vicinity of it, and at
what price by the day, with hands to navigate her, as also
without hands.
" Whether you could spare me from the garrison three
or four trusty soldiers (a corporal one of them) for the
trip ; and whether provision for man and horse could be
purchased at Fort Pitt, with liquor for such a jaunt, and
on what terms. 'T is probable I may want water trans
portation, etc., for ten horses.
" I persuade myself you will excuse the trouble this ap
plication will occasion you, and think there is no impro
priety in my request respecting the boat and^soldiers ; if
I had thought there was, I pledge myself to you I should
not have made it. I am desirous of meeting your answer
at Mr. Simpson's to all these queries by the ioth, because
my ultimate measures must be decided on at that place
the moment I arrive there ; and no time ought to be lost
in having recourse to other measures if I cannot be sup
plied with you. " I am, with esteem, sir, yours, etc.,
" G. Washington."
He added a greenhouse to the establishment at
Mount Vernon. For this he asked instructions
from Mr. Tilghman. WASHINGTON TO T. TILGHMAN.
" Mount Vernon, August u, 1784.
" Dear Sir : — I shall essay the finishing of my green
house this fall, but find that neither myself nor any per
son about me is so well skilled in the internal construe-

CONSTRUCTING A GREENHOUSE. 287
ture as to proceed without a probability, at least, of run
ning into error.
" Shall I for this reason ask the favor of you to give me
a short description of the greenhouse at Mrs. Carroll's ?
I am persuaded now that I planned mine upon too con
tracted a scale. My house is (of brick) 40 feet by 24 in
the outer dimension, and half the width disposed of for
two rooms back of the part designed for the greenhouse,
leaving the latter in the clear not more than about 37 by
10. As there is no. cover on the walls yet, I can raise
them to any height.
" The information I wish to obtain is the dimensions
of Mrs. Carroll's greenhouse ; what kind of floor is
to it ; how high from the floor to the bottom of the win
dow-frame ; what height the windows are from bottom to
top ; how high from the top to the ceiling of the house ;
whether the ceiling is flat, or of what kind ; whether the
heat is conveyed by flues and a grate ; whether those flues
run all round the house ; the size of them without and in
the clear ; whether they join the wall, or are separate and
distinct from it ; if the latter, how far they are apart,
with any other suggestions you may conceive necessary.
" I should be glad to hear from you soon on this sub
ject, as I shall leave home on or before the first of next
month, and wish to give particular directions to the work
men before I go. I am, dear sir, etc., etc.,
Of Lafayette's visit Washington makes some
note in a letter to Chastellux.
TO THE MARQUIS BE CHASTELLUX.
" Mount Vernon, August 20, 1784.
"My DEAR SIR:— The Marquis de la Fayette, who I
had been looking for with the eyes of friendship and

288 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
impatience, arrived here on Tuesday last, and presented
me your favor of the 16th of June.
" I thank you, my dear sir, for every testimony of your
recollection of me, and every fresh assurance you give
me of the continuation of your friendship is pleasing; it
serves (to borrow an Indian phrase) to brighten the chain,
and to convince me that you will not suffer moth or rust
to injure or impair it. We talk of you often, and though
we wish in vain to have you of our party, we do not fail
to drink your health at dinner every day. I will not
give up the hope of seeing you at Mount Vernon before
I quit the stage of human action ; the idea would be too
painful. I must indulge a contrary one.
"As I have no communications at this time that are
worthy of your attention, and a house full of company to
claim mine, I shall, as the ship by which I write has
spread her canvas wings, only add new assurances of what
I hope you were before perfectly convinced, that I am,
with the greatest esteem and regard,
" My dear sir, yours, etc., etc.,"
The following letter, written the day before he
left home, gives a pretty bit of home life. It is to
Dr. Le Moyeur :
" 30th of August, 17S4.
" Sir : — Your letter of the 14th, accompanying the horse
for little Washington, came safe. It is not in my power to
describe his delight, which is the best proof of his thanks
to you. He finds beauty in every part, and, though shy
at first, he begins now to ride with a degree of boldness
which will soon do honor to his horsemanship. Mrs.
Washington and all the family join me in best wishes for
you. Mrs. Lund Washington has added a daughter to

PRIVATE LETTER.

28g

her family. Miss Bassett is on a visit to her friends in
the lower parts of this State, and I shall set off to-morrow
on a tour to the western country. I shall always be
happy to hear from you, and only wish for opportunity
to make you amends for the attentions you have shown
me. This letter will be handed to you by the Marquis de
la Fayette, to whom I have mentioned you as one to
whom I am under obligations."

fcWfcSS

^mf^m

a^^lnlsHis

^ffiFT&ffiP'

^£^'v;?SC>*t

'TpScigftSS'SS*

^giS^s^g

§ift$$8(lopl

jQk-^fvj3

SjMM

i^^^wS

SiSSI!!

t-^^y^^^^f
Sgtoyjg:
nw*^"^
1IS21P91
w^^Mol
It
1111
K
till
iSll
$$
CHAPTER XII.
INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS, ETC.
Navigation of Potomac River — Letters to Counts de la Touche and
Rochambeau — Letter to Gen. Knox — Effects of Overwork — Letter
to Samuel Chase — Public Schools — Letter to jEneas Lamont, Poet —
Not "Marshal of France" — To George Wm. Fairfax, Refugee —
Ruins of Belvoir — Condition of Private Affairs — To Jefferson — Loan
in Europe — "Cumberland Road " — Present from Virginia Assembly —
Western Emigration — To Richard Henry Lee in Congress — Treaty
with Western Indians — Navigation of Mississippi — To Mr. Car-
michael — Mercantile Interests — To M. de Marbois, French Minister
— Mississippi River and the Spanish — To Mme. Lucretia Wilhelmina
Van Winter, Holland, Acknowledging a Poem in His Praise — To Mr.
Tilghman Concerning Private Secretary and His Duties— Mr. Tobias
Lear, Secretary — Plans for the "Union" — Committee Meeting at
Mount Vernon.
AFTER his western journey, on his return to
Mount Vernon he occupied himself in the
negotiations between Maryland and Virginia, which
were necessary for the opening of the navigation
westward on the line of the Potomac River. His
plans for this are described in a familiar letter to
Knox, his old companion in arms, which the reader
will be glad to follow. It is interesting to see that
he still speaks of the Virginians as his " country
men," and when he alludes to the men of Massa
chusetts, he calls them his " compatriots." The
language of United America was not yet formed.
290
.s

J i Jiif

\T

¦M . TY.N

\tf

.v

V

h

4

^
^

LETTERS TO FOREIGN FRIENDS. 29 1
One or two letters to Europe explain themselves.
TO THE COUNT DE LA TOUCHE.
" Mount Vernon, 25 November, 1784.
" SIR: — The Marquis de la Fayette presented me with
honor of your favor of the 1 5th of June. Let me beseech
you to be persuaded, sir, that I derived great pleasure
from its contents, and shall think it a very happy circum
stance if fortune should ever place it in my power to facili
tate your views of settlement in a country which your
personal services have contributed to free from those
shackles which were forging for its bondage. The acqui
sition of such a citizen, cannot be more pleasing than
honorable to America ; and in whatever I can be useful
towards the fulfilment of your wishes, you have only to
command my best services.
" Ihave the honor to be, etc.,
" G. Washington."
TO THE COUNT DE ROCHAMBEAU.
"November 25, 1784.
" MY Dear Count : — Your favor of the 9th of Sep
tember, enclosing the copy of a letter from the Marquis
de Segur, is this moment come to hand The repeated
instances of the honor conferred on the Society of the
Cincinnati by his most Christian Majesty's indulgent
recognition of it, are highly flattering, and merit the most
graceful acknowledgments of all its members.
" The pleasure with which you say Prince Henry of
Prussia viewed my picture at your house is very flatter
ing. I can never too often assure you of my affectionate
regard, and of the respect and attachment with which I
have the honor to be, My dear Count, " Yours, etc."

292 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
The letter to Knox also dwells on the burden of
his correspondence, and embodies some of his New-
Year's resolutions of 1785: " Mount Vernon, 5th January, 1785.
" My Dear Sir : — About the beginning of last month I
wrote you a pretty long letter, and soon after received your
favor of the 23d of November. It is not the letters from
my friends which give me trouble or add aught to my per
plexity. I receive them with pleasure, and pay as much
attention to them as my avocation will permit. It is
reference of old matters with which I have nothing to do,
applications which oftentimes cannot be complied with,
enquiries which would employ the pen of an historian to
satisfy ; letters of compliment, as unmeaning, perhaps, as
they are troublesome, but which must be attended to ; and
the commonplace business, which employs my pen and
my time, often disagreeably. Indeed, these, with com
pany, deprive me of exercise, and unless I can obtain
relief, must be productive of disagreeable consequences.
I already begin to feel the effect : heavy and painful op
pressions of the head, and other disagreeable sensations
often trouble me. I am determined, therefore, to employ
some person who shall ease me of the drudgery of this
business ; at any rate, if the whole of it is hereby sus
pended, I am determined to use exercise. My private
concerns also require infinitely more attention than I have
given, or can give them under present circumstances; they
can no longer be neglected without involving my ruin.
" This, my dear sir, is a friendly communication. I give
it in testimony of my unreservedness with you, and not
for the purpose of discouraging your letters ; for be as
sured, that to correspond with those I love is among my

LETTER TO GEN. KNOX. 293
highest gratifications, and I persuade myself you will not
doubt my sincerity when I assure you I place you among
the foremost of this class. Letters of friendship require
no study; the communications are easy, and all allow
ances are expected and made. This is not the case with
those which require researches, consideration, recollection,
and the D — 1 knows what, to prevent error and answer
the end for which they are written.
" In my last I informed you that I was endeavoring to
stimulate my countrymen to the extension of the inland
navigation of our rivers, and to the opening of the best
and easiest communication for land transportation be
tween them and the western waters. I am just returned
from Annapolis, to which place I was requested to go by
our Assembly (with my bosom-friend General G — s, who,
being at Richmond, contrived to edge himself into the
commission), for the purpose of arranging matters and
framing a law, which should be similar in both States, so
far as it respected the river Potomac, which separates
them. I met the most perfect accordance in that legis
lature, and the matter is now reported to ours for its con
currence. The two Assemblies (not being in circumstances
to undertake this business whollyat the public expense)
propose to incorporate such private adventurers as shall
associate for the purpose of extending the navigation of the
river from tide-water as far up as it will admit craft of ten-
ton burthen, and to allow them a perpetual toll and other
emoluments to induce them to subscribe freely to a work
of such magnitude, whilst they have agreed (I should
rather say probably will agree, as the matter is not yet
concluded in the Virginia Assembly) to open at the pub
lic expense the communication with the Western Terri
tory. To do this is a great political work, may be im-

294 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
mensely extensive in a Commercial point, and beyond all
question will be exceedingly beneficial to those who ad
vance the money for the purpose of extending the navi
gation of the river, as the tolls arising therefrom are to be
held in perpetuity, and will increase every year.
" Our amiable young friend the Marquis de la Fayette
could not be otherwise than well pleased with his recep
tion in America. Every testimony of respect, affection,
and gratitude has been shown him wherever he went ; if
his heart therefbre has not been impressed with the ex
pectations of them (which I am far from supposing),- the
political consequences which he will derive from them
must bear them in his remembrance, and point to the
advantage which must follow.
" The report of my coming to Boston was without foun
dation. I do not at this time know when or whether ever I
may have it in my power to do this, although to see my
compatriots in war would be great gratification to my
mind. " With every sentiment of esteem and friendship,
" I am, my dear sir,
" Your most obedient and affectionate servant."
On the same day he wrote to his neighbor and
friend, Samuel Chase, the same who was afterwards
on the Supreme Bench. " Mount Vernon, 5 January, 1785.
" Dear Sir : — Receive my thanks for your favor of 31st
ult. and for the copies therein enclosed. They will an
swer my purposes equally with the fairest that could be
made. " When I found your express at Mount Pleasant, and was
unable to procure another in Marlbro', I commenced one

LETTER TO MNEAS LA MONT. 2g$
myself. I got home before dinner and despatched one of
my servants to Hove's Ferry immediately. He placed
the packet in the hands of the express there waiting,
before nine o'clock the next morning. On Friday with
ease the business might have been laid before the Assem
bly of this State, yet sitting I believe. When I hear from
thence I will, with pleasure, communicate the result.
" The attention, which your Assembly is giving to the
establishment of public schools for the encouragement of
literature, does them honor. To accomplish this ought
to be one of our first endeavors. I know of no object
more interesting. We want something to expand the
mind and make us think with more liberality and act
with sounder policy than most of the States do. We
should consider that we are not now in' leading-strings.
It behooves us, therefore, to look well to our ways. My
best wishes attend the ladies of your family.
" I am, dear sir, etc.,
" Your most obedient servant."
In the following letter to a poet, whose name is
otherwise forgotten, he corrects an error which has,
however, crept into history.
TO ^ENEAS LAMONT.
" Mount Vernon, 31 January, 1785.
" SIR : — The interruption of the post by the frost with
held your letter of the 31st ult. from me until within a few
days. " The liberty you have taken of dedicating your poetical
works to me does me great honor. The conditions upon
which you offer them to the public are generous ; evin
cive of their purity, and a conscious worth of them. I

296 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
shall with pleasure,, therefore, take a few copies of the
bound and lettered books, when they are ready for de
livery. " It behooves me to correct a mistake in your printed
address " To the Fine Arts." I am not a Marshal of
France, nor do I hold any commission, or fill any office
under that government or any other whatever."
A letter of the same winter, to his old neighbor
and friend, George Fairfax, is pathetic in its ac
count of change and ruin. The beautiful Belvoir,
which had been, in earlier life, a place so charming
to him, is no more. And he describes the desola
tion very sadly. Fairfax was a refugee in England.
THE HONORABLE GEO. WM. FAIRFAX.
" Mount Vernon, 27 February, 1785.
" My Dear Sir : — In a letter of old date, but lately
received, from the Countess of Huntington, she refers to
a letter which her ladyship says you obligingly undertook
to forward to me ; never having received one from her
to the purport she mentions, there can be no doubt but
that this letter, with your cover to it, have met the fate
of some of mine to you, as I have wrote several within
the last twelve or eighteen months, without any acknowl
edgment of them from you.
" I cannot at this moment recur to the contents of
those letters of mine to you which I suspect have miscar
ried, further than that they were all expressive of an
earnest wish to see you and Mrs. Fairfax once more fixed
in this country ; and to beg that you would consider
Mount Vernon as your home until you could build with
convenience— in which request Mrs. Washington joins

LETTER TO GEO. WM. FAIRFAX. 2g"J
very sincerely. I never look towards Belvoir without
having this uppermost in my mind. But, alas ! — Belvoir
is no more ! I took a ride there the other day to visit
the ruins — and ruins indeed they are. The dwelling-
house and the two brick buildings in front underwent the
ravages of the fire, the walls of which are very much
injured ; the other houses are sinking under the depreda
tions pf time and inattention, and I believe are now scarcely
worth repairing ; in a word, the whole are or very soon
will be a heap of ruins. When I reviewed them, — when I
considered that the happiest moments of my life had been
spent there, — when I could not trace a room in the house
(now all rubbish) that did not bring to my mind the. recol
lection of pleasing scenes, I was obliged to fly from them,
and came home with painful sensations and sorrowing for
the contrast.
" Mrs. Morton still lives at your barn quarters. The
management of your business is entrusted to one Mase
(the son to a colonel of that name whom you cannot have
forgotten) ; he is, I am told, a very active and industri
ous man ; but in what sort of order he has your estate I
am unable to inform you, never having seen him since
my return to Virginia.
" It may be, and I daresay is presumed, that if I am
not returned to my former habits of life, the change is to
be ascribed to a preference of ease and indolence to exer
cise and my wonted activity. But be assured, my dear
sir, that at no period of the war have I been obliged my
self to go through more drudgery in writing or have
suffered so much confinement to effect it, as since what is
called my retirement to domestic ease and tranquillity.
Strange as it may seem, it is nevertheless true, that I have
been able since I came home to give very little attention

298 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
to my own concerns or to those of others with which I
am entrusted.
" My accounts stand as I left them near ten years ago ;
those who owed me money, a very few instances excepted,
availed themselves of what are called the Tender Laws,
and paid me off with a shilling and sixpence in the pound.
Those to whom I owed I have now to pay under heavy
taxes with specie or its equivalent value. I do not men
tion these matters by way of complaint, but as an apology
for not having rendered you a full and perfect statement
of the account as it may stand between us ere this. I allot
ted this winter, supposing the dreariness of the season
would- afford me leisure to overhaul and adjust all my
papers (which are in sad disorder, from the frequent hasty
removals of them from the reach of our trans-atlantic foes,
when their ships appeared), but I reckoned without my
host ; company, and a continual reference of old military
matters with which I ought to have no concern, applica
tions for certificates of service, etc., copies of orders, and
the Lord knows what besides, to which, whether they are
complied with or not, some response must be made, en
gross nearly my whole time. I am now endeavoring to
get some person as a secretary or clerk to take the fatigu
ing part of this business off my hands. I have not yet
succeeded, but shall continue my enquiries till one shall
offer, properly recommended.
" It is unnecessary, I persuade myself, to use argu
ments to convince Mrs. Fairfax and yourself of the sincere
regard, attachment, and affection Mrs. Washington and
I have for you both, or to assure you how much I am, my
dear sir, etc., etc."
At the same time he wrote to Jefferson, who had

"CUMBERLAND ROAD." 299
just then gone to France as American Minister.
The letter is, perhaps, the first to propose a loan in
Europe for internal improvements in America, on
the credit of the American States. The plan of the
combined States of Maryland and Virginia was to
improve the navigation of the Potomac as far as
possible, and then to open a turnpike road across
the mountains, — a plan which eventually grew into
the " Cumberland Road " of a later generation. It
was also proposed to improve the navigation of
James River and to open inland communication
with North Carolina. For all this more money
was needed than there was prospect of finding at
home. Washington therefore looks for help abroad.
" I have, the honor to enclose to you the copy of an act
which passed the Assemblies of Virginia and Maryland at
the close of their respective sessions, about the first of
last month. The circumstances of these States, it is said,
would not enable them to take the matter up altogether
upon public ground ; but they have granted, at the joint
and equal expense of the two, six thousand six hundred
sixty six dollars and a half for the purpose of opening a
road of communication between the highest navigation of
the Potomac and the river Cheat, and have concurred in
an application to the State of Pennsylvania for leave to
open another road from Fort Cumberland, on Will's Creek,
to the Youghiogeny at the three forks, or the Turkey fort.
" Besides these joint acts of the States of Virginia and
Maryland, the former has passed a similar law respecting
the navigation of James River, and its communication with
the Greenbriar, and have authorized the executive to ap-

300 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
point commissioners, who shall carefully examine and fix
on the most convenient source for a canal from the waters
of Elisabeth River in this State, to those passing through
the State of North Carolina, and report their proceedings
thereon,with an estimate of the expense necessary for open
ing such canal, to the next General Assembly, and in case
they shall find that the best course for such canal will require
the concurrence of North Carolina in the opening thereof,
they are further authorized and instructed to signify the
same to the said State, and to concert, with any person or
persons who may be appointed on the part thereof, the
most convenient and equitable plan for the execution of
such work, and to report the result to the General As
sembly. With what success the books will be opened, I cannot,
at this early stage of the business, inform you ; in general,
the friends of the measure are better stocked with good
wishes than money;, the former of which, unfortunately,
go but little way in undertakings where the latter is neces
sary, and is not to be had ; and yet, if this matter could
be well understood, it should seem that there would be
no more want of the latter than of the former ; for certain
I am that there is no speculation of which I have an idea
that will insure such certain and speedy returns of the
money advanced, with a great and yearly increase of in
terest, than the tolls arising from these navigations ; the
accomplishment of which, if funds can be obtained, ad
mits of no more doubt in my mind, under proper direc
tion, than that a ship with skilful mariners can be carried
from hence to Europe. What a misfortune therefore
would it be, if a project which is big with such political
consequences, commercial advantages, and which might
be made so productive to private adventurers, should mis-

SOLICITING HELP FROM ABROAD. 301
carry, either from the inability of the two States to execute
it at the public expense, or for want of means, or the want
of spirit and foresight to use them in their citizens.
" Supposing a danger of this, do you think, sir, the
monied men of France, Holland, England, or any other
country with whom you may have interviews might be
induced to become adventurers in the scheme ? Or if,
from the remoteness of the object, this might appear to
them ineligible, would they incline to lend money to one
or both of these States, if there should be a disposition in
them to borrow for this purpose ; or to one or more in
dividuals in them, who might be disposed and could give
sufficient security for the repayment ? At what interest
and on what conditions, respecting time, payment of
interest, etc., could this be obtained ?
" I foresee such extensive political consequences which
depend upon the improvement of the navigation of these
two rivers, and communicating them by short and easy
roads, with the waters of the Western Territory, that I am
pained by every doubt of obtaining the means for their
accomplishment ; for this reason, I also wish you would
be so obliging as to direct your inquiries after one or more
characters who have skill in this kind of work ; that if
companies should be incorporated under the present acts,
and should incline to send to France or England for an
engineer or man of practical knowledge in this kind of
work, there may be a clue to the application. You will
readily perceive, my dear sir, that no engagement obliga
tory or honorary can be entered into at this time, because
no person can answer for the determinations of the com
panies, admitting they should come into existence."
As its last act, on its adjournment, the Assembly

302 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
had presented to Washington fifty shares in each
company, free of assessment. He closes his letter
to Jefferson by asking his private advice, how he can
refuse this present without the aspect of over-preci
sion, or of unkindness.
The emigration to the west, both south and
north of the Ohio, flowed on with a rapidity which
startled all the statesmen of the old colonies, and
alarmed all but the wisest. Instantly the new set
tlers found that their access to the sea, by the
Mississippi, was jealously guarded by the Spanish
government. There was, therefore, a pressing
necessity for the new nation to assert itself in re
gard to that navigation. As to maritime commerce
the Atlantic States found at once that they must
come to some understanding with each other in re
gard to that.
This is what is said in fewer words, when one
says the Federal Constitution was needed, or,
as Washington calls it in one of these letters, " the
Union": TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.
[in CONGRESS.] "Mount Vernon, 15 March, 1785.
" Dear Sir : — I have had the honor to receive your
Excellency's favor of the 14th of February, and pray you
to receive my thanks for the copy of the treaty with the
Western Indians which you were so obliging as to send.
" From the accounts given me of the temper these
people were in last fall, I did not expect such a cession

LETTER TO RICHARD HENRY LEE. 303
of territory from the tribes that met. The Shawanese
are pretty numerous and among the most warlike of the
Ohio Indians ; but if the other tribes are in earnest and
will observe the treaty, and a third treaty is concluded
with the more southerly Indians, their spirits must yield,
or they could easily be extirpated.
" The wisdom of Congress will now be called upon to
fix a minimum price on these lands, and to point out the
most advantageous mode of settling them, so as that law
and good government may be administered, and the Union
strengthened and supported thereby.
" Progressive seating, in my opinion, is the only means
by which this can be effected ; and unless in the scale of
politics more than one new State is found necessary at
this time, the unit, I believe, would be found more preg
nant with advantages than the decade? the latter, if I
mistake not, will be more advancive of individual interest
than the public welfare.
" As you will have that untowardness, jealousy, and
pride which are characteristic of the Spanish nation to
contend with, it is more than probable that Mr. Gardoqui"
will give Congress a good deal of trouble respecting the
navigation of the Mississippi River.
" To me it should seem that their true policy would
lie in making New Orleans a free mart, instead of shut
ting the port ; but their ideas of trade are very limited.
" I take the liberty of putting a letter under your cover
for Mrs. Lee. Mrs. Washington joins me in respectful
compliments, and I am, etc."
The following letter to Mr. Carmichael, in the
1 He means that one new State is better than ten, and his language is a
humorous allusion to the new-coining projects.
8 The Spanish Minister.

304 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
United States service at Madrid, refers to the same
subjects in part. There are other references to the
Andalusian jacks which soon arrived at Mount
Vernon : TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL.
[on DIPLOMATIC SERVICE IN SPAIN.]
" Mount Vernon, June ro, 1785.
" Sir: — It is with grateful pleasure I sit down to
acknowledge the receipt of your favor of the 25th of
March, covering a triplicate of your letter of 3d of De
cember (which is the first that has been received), and a
copy of the Count of Florida Blanca's note to you.
" I feel myself under singular obligation to you, sir, as
the means of procuring two Jacks of the first race to be
sent me, but my gratitude for so condescending a mark of
esteem from one of the first crowned heads in Europe
calls for a better expression than I have, to make suitable
acknowledgments to His Catholic Majesty, especially,
too, as His Majesty's very valuable present was accom
panied by a sentiment of approbation which cannot fail
of making a lasting impression on my mind, and of
becoming very dear to my remembrance.
" It is to you, sir, I must stand further indebted for
the manner of making known, in terms most acceptable,
the high sense I entertain of the King's goodness. The
Jacks are not yet arrived, but I hope they soon will ; and
the account which you mean to transmit of the mode of
treating them for the propagation of mules will be equally
necessary and acceptable for my management of them.
" Mr. Gardoqui is safely arrived at Philadelphia. I
have not had the honor of paying my compliments to ¦
him, but, as well for the respect I owe his Sovereign and

LETTER TO M. DE MARBOIS. 305
his own great merit, as on account of your recommen
dation of him, I shall be happy in every opportunity
which shall offer of showing him all the attention in my
power. " Great Britain, viewing with eyes of chagrin and jeal
ousy the situation of this country, will not, for some time
yet, if ever, pursue a liberal policy towards it ; but unfor
tunately /<?r her the conduct of her ministers defeats their
own ends ; their restriction of our trade with them will
facilitate the enlargement of Congressional powers in
commercial matters more than half a century would
otherwise have effected.
" The mercantile interests of this country are uniting
as one man to vest the federal government with ample
powers to regulate trade and counteract the selfish views
of other nations ; this may be considered as another proof -
that this country will ever unite in opposition to unjust
or ungenerous measures, whensoever or from whomsoever
they are offered." WASHINGTON TO MARBOIS.
[the french minister at philadelphia.] " Mount Vernon, 1785.
" SIR : — The last Post brought me the honor of your
favor of the 12th instant. I am made happy by occasions
which induce you to write to me, and shall take pleasure
in tendering M. De Corney any service in my power.
" I will immediately inform myself of the name and resi
dence of the Treasurer of the Society of the Cincinnati in
this State, and transmit M. De Corney's bill on Colonel
Wadsworth to him.
" I am much obliged to you, sir, for the several communi
cations in your letter. I wish something disagreeable may

306 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
not result from the contentions respecting the navigation
of the river Mississippi ; the emigration to the waters
thereof is astonishingly great, and chiefly from a descrip
tion of people who are not very subordinate to the laws
and constitution of the State they go from. Whether the
prohibition of the Spaniards, therefore, is just or unjust,
politic or impolitic, it will be with difficulty that a people
of this* class can be restrained from the enjoyment of
natural advantages. It is devoutly to be wished that
Mr. Gardoqui would enter into such stipulations with
Congress as may avert the impending evil, and be mu
tually advantageous to both nations.
" After the explicit declarations of the Emperor respect
ing the navigation of the Scheldt, and his other demands
upon Holland, it should seem, I think, as if he stood in a
predicament not very- desirable : for, if he recedes, his
foresight and judgment may be arraigned; and, if he pro
ceeds, his ruin may be involved. But, possibly, I am
hazarding sentiments from a superficial view of things,
when it will appear ultimately that he has had important
objects in view, and accomplished them."
Letters of compliment and of business from
Europe still followed him. It is interesting to
observe, in one of his answers, that even after
his* acquaintance with Rochambeau's officers, he
does not read French. The catalogue of his
library shows many poems, for which he had
given the subject, which are, alas, forgotten. Here
is a letter to Madame Van Winter, a Dutch lady,
acknowledging one of them. It may be feared
that she is nowhere else remembered.

ACKNOWLEDGMENT OF A POEM. 307
WASHINGTON TO LUCRETIA WILHELMINA VAN WINTER.1
" Mount Vernon, 30 March, 1785.
" Madam : — The honor, which your pen has done me,
so far exceeds my merits, that I am at a loss for words to
express my sense of the compliment it conveys.
" The poem, in celebration of my exertions to establish
the rights of my country, was forwarded to me from Phila-
-delphia by Mr. Vogels, to whom I should have been happy
to offer civilities, but he did not give me the pleasure to
see him.
" At best I have only been an instrument in the hands of
Providence, to effect, with the aid of France and many
virtuous fellow-citizens of America, a revolution interest
ing to the general liberties of mankind, and the emancipa
tion of a country which may afford an asylum (if we are
wise enough to pursue the paths that lead to virtue and
happiness) to the oppressed and needy of the earth.
Our region is extensive, our plains are productive, and
if they are cultivated with liberality and good sense, we
may be happy ourselves, and diffuse happiness to all who
wish to participate.
" The lady, of whom you have made such honorable
mention, is truly sensible of the obligation, and joins with
me in wishing you every happiness which is to be found
here, and met with hereafter."
The pressure of correspondence and of hospi
tality became more than he could bear. He began
the inquiries which resulted in the appointment of
Mr. Tobias Lear as the tutor of the children of
Jack Custis and as Washington's own secretary.
1 This lady resided at Leyden in Holland.

308 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
He tells what he wants in the following letter to
his friend, Mr. Tilghman : " Mount Vernon, 2 June, 1785.
" Dear Sir : — As your letter of the 30th ultimo did not
reach me until late this afternoon, and as the post goes
from Alexandria at four o'clock in the morning, I have
scarcely a moment (being also in company) to write you
a reply. I was not sufficiently explicit in my last. The
terms upon which Mr. Falconer came to this country are
high for my finances and (to you, my dear sir, I will add)
too numerous expenses. I do not wish to reduce his, per
haps well-founded, expectations, but it behooves me to
consult my own means of complying with them.
" I had been in hopes that a young man of no great ex
pectation might have begun the world with me for about
fifty or sixy pounds per annum, Virginia currency, but
for one qualified in all respects to answer my purposes,
I would have gone as far as seventy-five pounds — more
would rather distress me.
" My purposes are these : To write letters agreeably to
what shall be dictated, do all other writing which shall
be entrusted to him, keep accounts ; examine, arrange,
and properly methodize my papers, which are in great
disorder ; ride, at my expense, to do such business as I
may have in this or other States, if I should find it more
convenient to send than to attend myself the execution
thereof ; and, what was not hinted at in my last, to ini
tiate two little children (a girl of six and a boy of four
years of age, descendants of the deceased Mr. Custis,
who live with me and are very premising) in the first
rudiments of education ; this to both parties would be
mere amusement, because it is not my desire that the
children should be confined closely.

PLANS FOR THE "UNION." 309
" If Mr. Falconer should incline to accept the above
stipend in addition to his board, washing, and mending,
and you — for I would rather have your own opinion of the
gentleman than the report of a thousand others in his
favor, — upon a close investigation of his character, tem
per, and moderate political tenets (for, supposing him an
Englishman, he may come with the prejudices and doc
trines of his country), should find him competent to the
duties above mentioned, the sooner he comes the better
my purposes would be promoted."
Mr. Falconer did not come. The next January
Mr. Tobias Lear, a native of Portsmouth, N. H., a
gradate of Harvard College, recommended by Gen.
Lincoln, did come. He filled this delicate and re
sponsible position until Washington's death.
AH- other interests now merged in the determina
tions for Union. In March, 1785, Washington
was one of the Virginia commissioners who met
commissioners from Maryland for the purpose of
making common arrangements about the naviga
tion and fisheries of the Potomac. As it happened,
Washington invited these gentlemen to Mount Ver
non. They concerted together a plan for the ap
pointment of a new commission, which should
consider all the foreign commercial relations of the
two States. This plan they sent to the legislature
of Virginia ; that body adopted it, and in January,
1786, passed the votes proposing the plans, which
were afterwards approved by Congress, from which

3IO THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
the Convention at Philadelphia was born, which
adopted the Federal Constitution.
It will thus be seen that it was at Washington's
impulse and actually under his own roof that the
practical measures began from which the present
nation of the United States was born.
The letters already printed in this chapter, which
are now published for the first time, show his views
on the necessity of union so fully that it is hardly
necessary to copy passages from letters already in
print. It is enough to say that Washington took not
only a general interest in the great plan, but that
he engaged himself personally in every detail which
could help it forward.

CHAPTER XIII.
THE CONSTITUTION AND PRESIDENCY.
Letter to Mrs. Macaulay Graham, Historian — Letter to Mr. S. Purviance —
Western Settlements — Political Reasons for Commercial Intercourse —
Visit from Michaux, Botanist — Letter to Lafayette, with Present of
Hams — Letter to Dr. William Gordon, about His History of the Revo
lution — Federal Convention — Washington Its President — Notes from
. Diary, Time of Convention — Contemporary Opinion — Division of
Parties — Journey to New York — Ovation at Trenton — Cabinet ' ' Prog
resses '' — Table Furniture — Second Term of Seryice — Discouraging
Position of Affairs — Genet's Intrigues — Cabinet Changes — The Whiskey
Insurrection — New Change in the Cabinet^National Prosperity —
Farewell to Office — Return to Mount Vernon.
AMONG the private letters of the year 1786 is
the following to the historian, Mrs. Graham,1
a lady whose name is not yet wholly forgotten.
Her relationship to the greater historian, Lord
Macaulay, has recently recalled her to memory :
" Mount Vernon, January 10, 1786.
" I wish my expressions would do justice to my feel
ings, that I might convey to you adequate ideas of my
gratitude for those favorable sentiments with which the
letter you did me the honor to write to me from New
York is replete. 1 Catharine Macaulay Graham.
3«

312 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
" The plaudit of a lady so celebrated as Mrs. Macaulay
Graham is, could not fail of making a deep impression
upon my sensibility ; and my pride was more than a little
flattered by your approbation of my conduct through an
arduous and painful contest.
" During the time in which we supposed you to have
been on your journey to New York, we participated in the
distresses in which we were sure you must have been in
volved, on account of the intemperature of the air, which
exceeded the heat, common in this country at the most
inclement season ; and though your letter was expressive
of the great fatigue you had undergone, still we rejoiced
that the journey was attended with no worse consequences.
" I hope and most sincerely wish that this letter may
find you happily restored to your friends in England,
whose anxiety for your return must, I am persuaded, have
been great ; and that you will have experienced no incon
venience from your voyage to America.
" Mrs. Washington, who has a grateful sense of your
favorable mention of her ; and Fanny Bassett and Major
Washington, who, since we had the honor of your com
pany, have joined their hands and fortunes, unite with me
in respectful compliments to you, and every good wish
that can render you and Mr. Graham happy. The little
folks enjoy perfect health. The boy, whom you would
readily have perceived was the pet of the family, gives
promising hopes for maturer age."
The following letter to Mr. Purviance gives some
details as to the new country of the West, which
show how freely Washington was called upon in all
quarters for information :

LETTER TO SAMUEL PURVIANCE. 313
TO SAMUEL PURVIANCE, ESQUIRE.
" Mount Vernon, 10th March, 1786.
" SIR : — Your letter of the 6th instant is this moment
put into my hands. Was it in my power, I would cheer
fully answer your queries respecting the settlements on
the Kanawha — the nature of the water, and of the soil. ¦
" But of the first, I only know from information that
Colonel Lewis is settled there ; from his own mouth I
learnt that it was his intention to do so, and to establish
a town in the fork of the two rivers, where he proposed to
fix families in the vicinity on his own lands. Of the sec
ond, I never could obtain any distinct account of the nav
igation. It has been variously represented, — favorably by
some, extremely difficult by others, — in its passage through
the Ganley Mountain (which, I presume, is the Laurel
Hill) ; but the uncertainty of this matter will now soon be
at an end, as there are commissioners appointed by this
State to explore the navigation of that river, and the com
munication between it and James River with a view to a
portage. " This, equally with the extension of the Potomac navi
gation, was part of my original plan, and equally urged by
me to our Assembly ; for my object was to connect the
Western and Eastern or Atlantic States together by strong
commercial ties.
" I am a friend, therefore, to every channel that can be
opened, and wish the people to have choice. The Kan
awha and James rivers, if the obstacles in the former are
not great, are certainly the shortest and best for the set
tlers thereon, for those on the Ohio below, above per
haps as high as the Little Kanhawa and for the country
immediately west of it.

314 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
" The Monongahela and Youghiogeny with the Potomac
are most convenient for all the settlers from the little
Kanawha, inclusively, to Fort Pitt and upwards, and west
as far as the Lakes.
" Susquehanna and the Alleghany above Fort Pitt some
distance will accommodate a third district of country, and
may, for aught I know, be equally convenient to the trade
of the Lakes. All of them, therefore, have my best wishes ;
for, as I have observed already, my object and my aim are
political. If we cannot bind those people to us by inter
est, and it is not otherwise to be effected but by a com
mercial knot, we shall be no more to them after a while
than Great Britain or Spain, and they may be as closely
linked with one or other of those powers as we wish them
to be with us, and, in that event, they may be a severe
thorn in our sides.
" With respect to the nature of the soil on the Kan
awha, the bottoms are fine, but the lands adjoining are
broken. In some places the hills are very rich, in others
piney and very poor ; but the principal reason, as I con
ceive, why the settlement has not progressed more, is that
the greater part, if not all the good lands on the main
river are in hands of persons who do not incline to reside
thereon themselves, and possibly hold them too high for
others, as there is a surrounding country open to them.
This I take to be my own case, and might be an induce
ment to concur in any well-concerted measures to further
a settlement, which might ultimately, not at too great a
distance, subserve my interest in that quarter.
" The great Kanawha is a long river, with very little
interruption for a considerable distance. No very large
waters empty into it, I believe; Elk River, Coal River, and
a creek called Pokitellico below the falls, and Green River

VISIT OF MICHAUX, THE BOTANIST. 315
above them, are the most considerable. I am glad to hear
that the Susquehanna Canal is so well advanced.
" I thank you for the offer of Mr. Nielson's services in
the Western country, and am, with very great esteem and
regard, dear sir, etc."
In the summer of 1786, the botanist Michaux, to
whose research this country is so much indebted, was
on a visit to Mount Vernon, where he was intro
duced by Lauzun. The following letter of the same
date to Lafayette is worth preserving as an amusing
record of the Mount Vernon house-keeping.
" Mount Vernon, June 8, 1786.
" MY Dear Marquis :— You would be surprised at the
old date of the letter herewith sent you, were I not to
tell you that the vessel which carries it was to have sailed
agreeable to the date, and by information was to do so
every day since. Nothing new has occurred since it was
written, nor should I have given you the trouble of a sec
ond letter by" the same ship, had I not forgotten to men
tion in my last that Mrs. Washington had packed and
sent for Madame de la Fayette's acceptance a barrel of
Virginia hams. I do not know that they are better, or so
good as you make in France (and you know the Virginia
ladies value themselves on the goodness of their bacon),
yet we recollect that it is a dish of which you are fond,
she prevailed on me to ask yours and Madame de la Fay
ette's acceptance of them.
" I wanted to have accompanied them with an anchor
of old peach brandy, but could not provide any which I
thought of such a quality as would do credit to the distil
lery of this liquor, and therefore sent none ; and after all,

316 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
both perhaps would have been better furniture for your
canteens on a long wet march than for your table in Paris."
Dr. William Gordon of Massachusetts was this
year preparing to publish his " History of the Revo
lution." According to the painful custom of the time,.
he was soliciting subscriptions which should justify
the expense of printing. The following letter shows
how kindly Washington, though in the midst of
national cares, lent himself to such an application.
" Mount Vernon, 20 April, 1786.
" DEAR Sir : — Mr. Lund Washington having expressed
a wish to quit business and live in retirement and ease,
I could not oppose his inclination ; and his having carried
these desires into effect, that kind of business which he
usually transacted for me is now thrown on my shoulders,
in addition to what they bore before, and has left me less
time than ever for my numerous correspondences and
other avocations. I mention this by way of apology for
not having acknowledged the receipt of your several late
favors at an earlier date.
" As soon as your subscription papers came to my hands
I offered one in Alexandria, and sent another to Freder-
icksburgh. From the first a specific return has been made
of the subscribers, and is now enclosed ; from the other,
eleven pounds have been sent me without the paper ; the
gentleman (the Hon. James Mercer, Esq., one of the
judges of our general courts) having informed me that
he would take it with him to Richmond, and endeavor to
increase the number of subscribers there. The sum of
eleven pounds added to the amount of the paper enclosed,
makes ,£42, with which I have bought a bill on Rhode

FEDERAL CONVENTION. 317
Island. I endeavored to get one on Boston, but could
not without waiting, which I thought might be more in
convenient than the negotiation at the former place.
"Your Cypher came safely to hand. I have not had
leisure to examine it, but presume no difficulty will arise
in the use. I have laid it by till occasion may call it forth.
" From the purport of your letters, you must be on the
eve of your departure for Europe. My best wishes, in
which Mrs. Washington and the family join me, are
offered for a prosperous voyage, and the accomplishment
of your plans,"
The Federal Convention, as we now call it, met
in Philadelphia on the second of May, 1787. It sat
four months. Virginia had sent seven delegates, of
whom Washington was the first. He was, almost of
course, elected its president unanimously. To
prepare himself for the responsibility, he had read
with care the history of ancient and modern con
federacies. " There is a paper in his handwriting
which contains an abstract of each, and in which
are noted, in. a methodical order, their chief char
acteristics, the kinds of authority they possessed,
their modes of operation, and their defects. The
confederacies analyzed in this paper are the Lycian,
Amphictyonic, Achaean, Helvetic, Belgic, and Ger
manic." He gave close attention to the business of
the Convention. When it was in Committee of the
Whole, Mr. Gorham of Massachusetts presided.
At the end of the session, in an impressive speech,
he congratulated the Convention upon its success,

318 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
and from that moment gave his whole influence to
secure the adoption of the Constitution.
The following notes on the Convention, from
Washington's diary, are interesting, though the
obligation of secrecy prevented his inserting any
mention of the daily business.
" May 9, 1787. — Crossed from Mount Vernon to Mr.
Digges's a little after sunrise, and, pursuing the route by
the way of Baltimore, dined at Mr. Richard Henderson's
in Bladensburg, and lodged at Major Snowden's, where,
feeling very severely a violent headache and sick stomach,
I went to bed early.
" 10th. — A very great appearance of rain in the morning,
and a little falling, induced me, though well recovered, to
wait till about eight o'clock before I set off. At one
o'clock I arrived at Baltimore ; dined at the Fountain
Inn, and supped and lodged at Dr. McHenry's ; rain in
the evening.
" 1 ith. — Set off before breakfast ; rode twelve miles to
Skirrett's; baited there, and proceeded without halting
(weather threatening) to the ferry at Havre de Grace,
where I dined but could not cross, the wind being turbu
lent and squally. Lodged there.
" 1 2th. — With difficulty, on account of the wind, crossed
the Susquehanna. Breakfasted at the ferry-house on the
east side. Dined at the Head of Elk (HoUingsworth's
tavern), and lodged at Wilmington. At the Head of
Elk I was overtaken by Mr. Francis Corbin, who took a
seat in my carriage.
" 13th. — About eight o'clock Mr. Corbin and myself set
out, and dined at Chester (Mr. Wilky's), where I was met
by Generals Mifflin (now Speaker of the Pennsylvania

NOTES FROM DIARY. 319
Assembly), Knox, and Varnum, Colonel Humphreys and
Menges, and Majors Jackson and Nicholas, with whom I
proceeded to Philadelphia. At Gray's Ferry, the city
light-horse, commanded by Colonel Miles, met me, and
escorted me in ; and the artillery officers, who stood
arranged, saluted me as I passed. Alighted through a
crowd at Mr. House's ; and being again warmly and ,
kindly pressed by Mr. and Mrs. Robert Morris to lodge
with them, I did so, and had my baggage removed thither.
Waited on the president, Dr. Franklin, as soon as I got
to town. On my arrival the bells were chimed.
" 14th.— This being the day appointed for the Conven
tion to meet, such members as were in town assembled at
the State-house ; but only two States being represented,
namely, Virginia and Pennsylvania, agreed to attend at
the same place at eleven o'clock to-morrow. Dined in a
family way at Mr. Morris's.
" 15th. — Repaired at the hour appointed to the State-
house, but no more States being represented than yes
terday, though several more members had come in, we
agreed to meet again to-morrow. Governor Randolph, of
Virginia, came in to-day. Dined with the members of
the general meeting of the Society of the Cincinnati.
" 16th. — No more than two States being yet represented,
agreed, till a quorum of them should be formed, to alter
the hour of meeting at the State-house to one o'clock.
Dined at the president's, Dr. Franklin's, and drank tea and
spent the evening at Mr. John Penn's.
" 17th. — Mr. Rutledge, from Charleston, and Mr. Charles
Pinckney, from Congress, having arrived, gave a repre
sentation to South Carolina, and Colonel Mason, getting
in this evening, placed all the delegates from Virginia on
the floor of the Convention. Dined at Mr. Powel's, and
drank tea there.

320 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
" 1 8th. — The representation from New York appeared
on the floor to-day. Dined at Gray's Ferry, and drank
tea at Mr. Morris's ; after which accompanied Mrs. Mor
ris and some other ladies to. hear a Mrs. O'Connel read.
The lady, being reduced in circumstances, had recourse to
this expedient to obtain a little money. Her perfor
mance was tolerable ; at the College Hall.
" 19th. — No more States represented. Dined at Mr.
Ingersoll's ; spent the evening at my lodgings, and re
tired. to my room soon.
" 20th. — Dined with Mr. and Mrs. Morris and other
company at their farm, called the Hills ; returned in the
afternoon, and drank tea at Mr. Powel's.
"2lst. — Delaware State was represented. Dined and
drank tea at Mr. Bingham's in great splendor.
"22d. — The representation from North Carolina was
completed, which made a representation for five States.
Dined and drank tea at Mr. Morris's.
" 23d. — No more States being represented, I rode to
General Mifflin's to breakfast, after which, in company
with him, Mr. Madison, Mr. Rutledge, and others, I
crossed the Schuylkill above the Falls, visited Mr.
Peters's, Mr. Penn's seat, and Mr. William Hamilton's.
Dined at Mr. Chew's with the wedding guests (Colonel
Howard, of Baltimore, having married his daughter
Peggy). Drank tea there in a very large circle of ladies.
" 24th. — No more States represented. Dined and
drank tea at Mr. John Ross's. One of my postilion
boys (Paris) being sick, requested Dr. Jones to attend
him. "25th. — Another delegate coming in from the State of
New Jersey, gave it a representation, and increased the
number to seven, which, forming a quorum of the thir-

NOTES FROM DIARY. 32 1
teen, the members present resolved to organize the body,
when, by a unanimous vote, I was called up to the chair
as president. Major William Jackson was appointed sec
retary, and a committee was chosen, consisting of three
members, to prepare rules and regulations for conducting
the business, and, after appointing door-keepers, the Con
vention adjourned till Monday, to give time to the com
mittee to report the matter referred to them. Returned
many visits to-day. Dined at Mr. Thomas Willing's, and
spent the evening at my lodgings.
" 26th:^Returned all my visits this forenoon. Dined
with a club at the City Tavern, and spent the evening at
my quarters writing letters.
" 27th. — Went to the Romish church to high mass.
Dined, drank tea, and spent the evening at my lodgings.
" 28th. — Met in Convention at ten o'clock. Two States
more, namely, Massachusetts und Connecticut, were on
the floor to-day. Established rules agreeably to the plan
brought in by the committee for the government of the
Convention, and adjourned. Dined at home, and drank
tea in a large circle at Mr. Francis's.
" 29th. — Attended Convention and dined at home ; after
which accompanied Mrs. Morris to the benefit concert of
a Mr. Juhan.
" 30th. — Attended Convention ; dined with Mr. Vaugh-
an ; drank tea, and spent the evening at a Wednesday
evening's party at Mr. and Mrs. Lawrence's.
" 31st.— The State of Georgia came on the, floor of the
Convention to day, which made a representation of ten
States. Dined at Mr. Francis's, and drank tea with Mrs.
Meredith. "June 1st. — Attending in Convention; and, nothing
being suffered to transpire, no minutes of the proceedings

322 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
have been or will be inserted in this diary. Dined with
Mr. Penn, and spent the evening at a superb entertain
ment at Bush Hill, given by Mr. Hamilton, at which
were more than a hundred guests.
" 2d. — Major Jenifer coming in with sufficient powers
for the purpose, gave a representation to Maryland,
which brought all the States in the Union into conven
tion except Rhode Island, which had refused to send a
delegate. Dined at the City Tavern with the club, and
spent the evening at my own quarters.
" September 17th. — Met in convention, when the Con
stitution received the unanimous assent of eleven States,
and of Colonel Hamilton of New York, the only delegate
from thence in Convention, and was subscribed to by
every member present, except Governor Randolph and
Colonel Mason from Virginia, and Mr. Gerry from Massa
chusetts. The business being thus closed, the members
adjourned to the City Tavern, dined together, and took a
cordial leave of each other, after which I returned to my
lodgings, did some business with, and received the papers
from, the secretary of the Convention, and retired to
meditate on the momentous work which had been exe
cuted, after not less than five, for a large part of the time
six, and sometimes seven, hours' sitting every day (ex
cept Sundays and the ten days' adjournment to give a
committee an opportunity and time to arrange the busi
ness) for more than four months."
Mr. Gladstone has said of this Constitution, that
it is, " so far as I can see, the most wonderful work
ever struck off at a given time by the brain and
purpose of man." ' Of course, at the moment, no
1 " Kin beyond Sea," by W. E. Gladstone, N. Am. Rev,, vol. 127, p. 185.

JOURNEY TO NEW YORK. 323
one knew of its wonderful success. John Adams
said, in a letter to Price : " We have made a Con
stitution which will keep us from cutting each other's
throats for a few years longer." Washington
speaks of it more hopefully. The truth was that
on his own acceptance of the Presidency, and on
the good fortune of the country that it had such a
man to make the first President, the success of the
whole depended. He was chosen, of course, by
the unanimous vote of the electoral college, the
votes for Vice-President showing, already, the divi
sion between the Northern States and the Southern,
or, if the reader pleases to say so, between the
commercial and the agricultural States. It was a
division which, without very strict lines, came to
represent the differences between the people who
wanted a strong government and the people who,
for political purposes, took the ground that a weak
central government was to be preferred. So soon,
however, as these last people were in power, they
became as strong partisans of a strong government
as any Washington or Adams in the land.
He left Mount Vernon on the 15th of April to
assume the Presidency. He says in his diary : " I
bade adieu to Mount Vernon, to private life, and to
domestic felicity." His journey was a triumphal
procession. At every point he met companies of
the citizens, who addressed him and to whose ad
dresses he had to respond. The history of one of

324 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
the welcomes thus rendered to him has lingered in
the heart of the nation, because a quaint picture,
supposed to represent it, was early published- — and
had a wide circulation. To this hour, copies of this
print, more or less precise, are sold by the peddlers.
It may be found in cabins on the Pacific shore.
The scene of this ovation was Trenton, in New
Jersey, where he arrived on the 21st of April, 1789.
The sober, but quaint account of his friend, Judge
Marshall, was in these words :
" At Trenton he was welcomed in a manner as new as it
was pleasing. In addition to the usual demonstrations of
respect and attachment, which were given by the dis
charge of cannon, by military corps, by private persons of
distinction, the gentler sex prepared in their own taste a
tribute of applause indicative of the grateful recollection
in which they held their deliverance twelve years before
from a forrrlidable enemy. On the bridge over the creek,
which passes through the town, was erected a triumphal
arch, highly ornamented with laurels and flowers, and
supported by thirteen pillars, each entwined with wreaths
of evergreen. On the front arch was inscribed, in large
gilt letters,
The Defender of the Mothers
will be the
Protector of the Daughters.
" On the centre of the arch above the inscription was a
dome or cupola of flowers and evergreens, encircling the
dates of two memorable events, which were peculiarly
interesting to New Jersey. The first was the battle of

0 VA TION A T TRENTON. T>2$
Trenton, and the second the bold and judicious stand
made by the American troops at the same creek, by which
the progress of the British army was arrested on the
evening preceding the battle of Princeton.
" At this place he was met by a party of matrons lead
ing their daughters dressed in white, who carried baskets
of flowers in their hands, and sang, with exquisite sweet
ness, an ode of two stanzas composed for the occasion.
" Welcome, mighty chief, once more
Welcome to this grateful shore :
Now no mercenary foe
Aims again the fatal blow ;
Aims at thee the fatal blow.
' ' Virgins fair and matrons grave,
Those thy conquering arms did save,
Build for thee triumphal bowers.
Strew, ye fair, his way with flowers ;
Strew your Hero's way with flowers.''
The following communication was made to the
ladies immediately afterwards in writing :
" General Washington cannot leave this place without
expressing his acknowledgments to the matrons and
young ladies, who received him in so novel and grateful
a manner at the triumphal arch in Trenton, for the
exquisite sensations he experienced in that affecting
moment. " The astonishing contrast between his former and
actual situation at the same spot, the elegant taste with
which it was adorned for the present occasion, and the in
nocent appearance of the white-robed choir, who met him
with the gratulatory song, have made such impressions
on his remembrance as, he assures them, will never be
effaced."

326 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
It is not the place of this book to follow the his
tory of the country, the establishment of the prece
dents of administration, the birth of parties in the
eight years which followed, so laborious and so
irritating. It is enough to say that Washington
called to his cabinet Hamilton and Knox, who came
to represent the party of strong government, which
was the party of the Northern and. commercial
States ; and, on the other hand, as a counterpoise,
Jefferson and Randolph, who represented the
Southern, or States'-rights parties, which found
favor mostly in the agricultural States. Between
their jealousies Washington tried, not unsuccess
fully, to hold an even hand. But he was, of course,
pledged to a strong government, and the weight of
his character and reputation was more and more
used, and justly used, by the leaders of what be
came the Federal party. In the very- first summer
he fell very sick, and for a few days his illness was
thought to endanger his life. He was confined six
weeks to his bed, and it was three months before
his strength was restored. Indeed, he never fully
recovered. Congress adjourned after its difficult
and critical session in the autumn, and Washington
in October left New York for a tour through New
England. He was absent a month, travelling in
his own carriage with his own horses, accompanied
by his private secretaries. He was everywhere re
ceived with enthusiasm, and this was the first of a

328 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
series of journeys, which, in the phrase of the time,
came to be called " progresses." In the next year
he made a similar journey to the State of Rhode
Island, after that State had joined the Union, and
at the beginning of his second term of office he
passed through the Southern States in a similar
way. A. letter to Gouverneur Morris, of the autumn of
1789, and another of the spring of 1790, may be
printed, as illustrations of days and thoughts not
wholly given to public difficulties.
"... This letter is an evidence, though of a trifling
sort, that in the commencement of any work one rarely
sees the progress or end of it. I declared to you in the
beginning that I had little to say. I have got beyond the
second page, and find I have a good deal to add ; but
that no time or paper may be wasted in a useless preface,
I will come to the point.
" Will you, then, my good sir, permit me to ask the
favor of you to provide and send to me by the first ship
bound to this place, or Philadelphia, mirrors for a table,
with neat and fashionable, but not expensive, ornaments
for them, such as will do credit to your taste? The mir
rors will, of course, be in pieces, that they may be
adapted to the company (the size of it, I mean). The ag
gregate length of them may be ten feet ; the breadth two
feet ; the panels may be plated ware, or any thing else
more fashionable, but not more expensive. If I am de
fective, recur to what you have seen on Mr. Robert Mor
ris's table for my ideas generally.
" Whether these things can be had on better terms

TABLE FURNITURE. 329
and in a better style in Paris than in London, I will not
undertake to decide.
" I recollect, however, to have had plated ware from
both places, and those from the latter came cheapest ;
but a single instance is no evidence of a general fact.
" Of plated ware may be made, I conceive, handsome
and useful coolers for wine at and after dinner. Those I
am in need of, viz. : eight double ones (for madeira and
claret, the wines usually drunk at dinner) ; each of the
apertures to be sufficient to contain a pint decanter, with
an allowance in the depth of it for ice at bottom, so as to
raise the neck of the decanter above the cooler ; between
the apertures a handle is_ to be placed, by which these
double coolers may with convenience be removed from
one part of the table to another. For the wine after din
ner, four quadruple coolers will be necessary, each aper
ture of which to be of the size of a quart decanter, or
quart bottle, for four sorts of wine; these decanters or
bottles to have ice at bottom, and to be elevated thereby
as above ; a central handle here also will be wanting.
" Should my description be defective, your imagination
is fertile, and on this I shall rely. One idea, however, I
must impress you with, and that is in whole or in part to
avoid extravagance.
" For extravagance would not consort with my own in
clination, nor with the example which ought to be set.
The reason why I prefer an aperture for every decanter
or bottle to coolers that would contain two and four, is
that whether full or empty the bottles will always stand up
right, and never be at variance with each other.
" This letter, enclosed with your draught accompanying
it, will provide the means of payment. The clumsy man
ner in whicfi merchants (or rather their tradesmen) exe-

33O THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
cute commissions where taste is required, for persons at
a distance, must be my apology, and the best that can be
offered by,
" Dear sir, your most obedient and affectionate humble
servant, G. Washington."
" Mrs. Washington presents her compliments to you.
" P. S. — I was in the very act of sealing this letter when
yours of the 31st of July from Dieppe was sent into my
hands. Accept my sincere thanks for the important com
munications contained in it, and for the table which ac
companied. I shall add no more now, except that in the
morning I commence a tour, though rather late in the
season, through the States eastward of this.
" Adieu, yours,
" G. Washington."
to gouverneur morris.
" New York, March 1, 1790.
" DEAR Sir : — Since my last to you, dated the thirteenth
of October, I have removed to a larger house (the one
lately occupied by the Count de Moustier), enlarged my
table, and, of course, my guests ; let me therefore request
the favor of you to add two pieces to the number of
plateaux required in the above letter, and ornaments
equivalent — for it will take these in addition to what I
before asked to decorate the present table. I would
thank you also for sending to me at the same time four
teen (of what I believe are called) patent lamps, similar
to those used at Mr. R. Morris's, but less costly — two or,
at most, three guineas apiece will fully answer my pur
pose. Along with these, but of a more ordinary sort (say
at about one guinea each), I should be glad to receive a

LETTER TO GOUVERNEVR MORRIS.

33*

dozen other patent lamps for the hall, entries, and stairs
of my house. These lamps, it is said, consume their own
smoke, do no injury to furniture, give more light, and are
cheaper than candles. Order a sufficiency of spare glasses
and abundance of wicks.
" If I had not in my former letter on this subject offered
reasons, accompanied with an apology for giving you so
much trouble, I would, to keep up the custom, do it now,

V. 3?,: ¦»'••"¦-¦."¦¦ "t---~ - .". ' -j:-- v-\

FIRST PRESIDENTIAL MANSION, FR \NKLIN SQUARE, NEW YORK.

although I persuade myself you had rather comply with
my request than be troubled with the best apology I could
make for giving it.
" Being well persuaded that you are regularly informed
of the proceedings of the second session of Congress, the
disposition of that body, so far as it has been developed,
and of the general complexion of our public affairs, I shall

332 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
not trouble you with a repetition ; but shall with much
truth assure you that I am
" Your affectionate friend and obedient humble servant,
"G. Washington.
" P. S. — The enclosed requests Messrs. Welch and Son
to pay the cost of these articles."
At the end of the four years of service, all the
members of his cabinet advised him earnestly to
permit the country to elect him a second time. He
was very desirous to retire from public life. But
the difficulties with England and France alone,
and the irritation belonging to the birth of parties,
were reasons weighty enough to compel him to re
main in office. It is now generally forgotten that,
at the end of four years more, when he had been
President for eight years, the same question came
up, whether it would not be wise that he should
stand for a third term. In fact, many of the States
made the choice of their electors, not knowing
whether the President would, or would not, con
sent to a third election. Even then it was distinctly
understood that the country would abide no other
President than he, if he were willing to retain the
office. But Washington, if in fact he wavered at
all, soon determined to leave the nation, which had
been born under his care, to try the fortunes of the
precedents which he had helped to establish.;
He was himself inaugurated at New York. But
it was not long, before the seat of government was

GENET'S INTRIGUES. 333
removed to Philadelphia, and in a vote, which proved
critical in the history of the country, it was after
wards determined that the Federal city, as it was
called, which was provided for by the Constitu
tion, should be established at the point on the Poto
mac, below Georgetown, where it now is. There can
be no doubt that Washington himself had a large
share in the determination of this seat of govern
ment. So long as he was himself President, how
ever, Philadelphia remained the capital.
He did not look forward cheerfully to the second
term of public duties. He had before him an In
dian war in the West ; he was sadly concerned for
Lafayette's safety, and even for his life. Soon
after he received the news of the death of Louis
Sixteenth, and so soon as war began between France
and Great Britain, he felt the necessity of maintain
ing neutrality between these powers. He was at
Mount Vernon when he received the news. But
he hastened back to Philadelphia, and there issued
the first of the proclamations of neutrality which
have played so important a part in the politics of
the country from that day to this. The French
man, Genet, who came as ambassador from the
new republic, appeared in Philadelphia not long
afterwards. He actually attempted to rouse the
country against its chief. But the national pride
was awakened, and Washington probably gained
in popularity with his own countrymen from the

334 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
Frenchman's impertinent interference. It was,
however, in the midst of these calumnies that
Washington, in a cabinet meeting, cried out in the
agony of his heart, that he had never repented but
once " having slipped the moment of resigning his
office," and that was every moment since. He de
clared that he would rather be in his grave than in
his present situation , he had rather be on his farm
than be made emperor of the world. "And yet,'; he
said, indignantly, " they charge me with wanting to
be king."
It was at this period that Hamilton and Jeffer
son both withdrew from the cabinet, and Washing*
ton was obliged to fill their places. He did so by
taking as Secretary of State, Randolph, the At
torney-General. Hamilton remained in office till
the end of the session of Congress. Soon after
Washington was obliged to take some measures
against the Algerine corsairs, and, under the pres
sure of the government, six frigates were ordered
by Congress. This was, however, in the face of a
bitter opposition, and the bill passed by only a small
majority, so unwilling was the country to maintain
any permanent national force. The difficulties of
maintaining a neutral position became greater and
greater with every new year. In the summer of
1794, the people of Western Pennsylvania rose in
insurrection against the excise laws by which the
United States government had taxed their whiskey.

CABINET CHANGES. 335
On the 7th of August, Washington issued a
proclamation warning the insurgents to disperse.
On the 25th, he issued a second, and then went
himself to Carlisle that he might the better direct
the troops whom he had ordered out to suppress
the insurrection. The promptness with which
he acted encouraged and aroused the country. He
placed the troops under the care of his old friend,
Light-Horse Harry Lee, who was now Governor of
Virginia. And so strong a military display was
made that the insurgents yielded without a final
resort to arms.
With the spring of 1 795, Hamilton was succeeded
in the cabinet by Wolcott, and Knox, Washing
ton's friend for twenty years, left the War Depart
ment in the hands of Pickering, who had been
Postmaster-General. With the next year came
the bitter opposition to what was known as " Jay's
Treaty," and it soon appeared that Randolph, the
American Secretary of State, had compromised
himself in his relations with the English govern
ment. He was obliged to resign. Pickering was
made Secretary of State, and McHenry appointed
in his place as Secretary of War. Washington's
relations with McHenry were afterwards so close
that we shall find many letters from him written in
the most confidential intimacy,
Such were the breezes (which popular opinion
thought to be tempests) which distressed, divided,

336 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
not to say convulsed, the cabinet. But, mean
while, the majestic tide of the national prosperity
flowed on. Emigration went steadily forward ;
new improvements were made in agriculture and
in invention. The country grew richer and stronger
almost without knowing it, and its real history is to
be found in the settlement of the West, in the open
ing of intercourse between State and State, in the
immense development of foreign commerce, and in
the wonderful increase of the crop of cotton, a crop
which the country hardly knew to exist when
Washington's administration began.
In tracing Washington's life, we shall learn more
from his private letters, which show his interest in
one and another of these details, than we should if
we followed assiduously the course of political in
trigue. He was at last again free. He gave a farewell
dinner on the third of March to the foreign minis
ters and their wives, Mr. Adams, the new President,
and his wife, Mr. Jefferson, and other gentlemen
and ladies. When the cloth was removed, Wash
ington filled his glass. " Ladies and gentlemen,"
he said, " this is the last time I shall drink your
health as a public man. I do it with sincerity,
wishing you all possible happiness." The next
day an immense crowd gathered about Congress
Hall. Mr. Jefferson took the oath as Vice-President,
and Mr. Adams took the oath as President, Wash-

RETURN TO MOUNT VERNON. 337
ington was received with enthusiastic cheers and
acclamations, and the waving of handkerchiefs. At
the close of the ceremony, people rushed to look
their last at him. So soon as he was in the street,
he waved his hat in acknowledgment of the cheers ;
his gray hair streamed in the wind, and his coun
tenance was "radiant with benignity." As he
turned to the crowd, it assumed a. " grave and al
most melancholy expression," his eyes were bathed
in tears, his emotions were too great for utterance,
and only by gestures could he indicate his thanks
and convey his farewell blessing." In the evening
he attended a splendid farewell banquet in the am
phitheatre, where were the foreign ministers, the
heads of departments, and other persons of note.
But his public life was virtually over, and with the
ladies of his family, and the young Lafayette and his
preceptors, he returned to Mount Vernon.

CHAPTER XIV.
CLOSING YEARS AT MOUNT VERNON.
Return to Mount Vernon — Building and Repairs — Letter to Strickland —
To Sinclair — Habits of Home-Life — -Library at Mount Vernon —
Paintings and Engravings — Lawrence Lewis and Nellie Custis —
George Washington Lafayette — Letter to Anderson — Letter on Lend
ing Money — Letter to Goodhue — Commander-in-Chief Again— Miss
Custis's Marriage — Mrs. Washington — The Last Year — Letter to
Robert Lewis — Washington's Final Illness — His Death — Dr. Craik's
Treatment.
THERE can be no doubt that his return to
Mount Vernon was a happy event indeed to
him. Whether Mrs. Washington enjoyed so much
the retirement of private life, does not appear ; but,
on the other hand, there is nothing to show that
she sighed for the excitements of Philadelphia. This
is certain, that Washington himself was glad to be
free of this " hornet's nest," if one may cite the words
which he had used on an earlier occasion. He re
turned to the details of the plantation life with the
same interest with which he had assumed them at
the end of the French war.
He had, however, many diversions and occupa
tions now, which he had not in those days. It
would seem that hardly a week passed without
some visitor, very likely from Europe, who was to
338

BUILDING AND REPAIRS. 339
be entertained with the hospitality, better than
princely, of this pleasant abode.
The house required considerable repairs, and he
built another house for the safe-keeping of his
papers, military, civil, and private. He says in a
letter to a friend :
" I am already surrounded by joiners, masons, and
painters ; and such is my anxiety to be out of their hands
that I have scarcely a room to put a friend into, or to sit
in myself, without the music of hammers or the, odorifer
ous scent of paint."
But there were other odors. The spring opens,
and he delights in his country life.
" Having turned aside into the narrow paths of private
' life, I shall leave with those whose duty it is to consider
subjects of this sort [politics], and, as every good citizen
ought to do, conform to whatsoever the ruling power
shall decide. To make and sell a little flour annually, to
repair houses going fast to ruin, to build one for the
security of my papers of a public nature, and amuse my
self in agricultural pursuits, will constitute my employ
ment for the few years I have to remain on this terres
trial globe. If, also, I could now and then meet the
friends I esteem, it would fill the measure and add zest to
my enjoyments. But if ever this happens, it must be
under my own vine and fig-tree,, as I do not think it
probable that I shall go twenty miles beyond them."
In another letter he gives some more detail as to
agricultural occupations. He is writing to William
Strickland in England. He says that he has had

340 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
less leisure than he expected, to discharge his " epis
tolary obligations, " for that he has never been more
closely employed than he is now in repairing the
ravages of an eight years' absence ; " engaging
workmen of different sorts, providing and looking
after them, together with the necessary attention to
my farms, have occupied all my time since I have
been at home. I was far from entertaining san
guine hopes of my success to procure tenants from
Great Britain ; but being desirous of rendering the
evening of my life as tranquil and free from care as
the nature of my case would permit, I was willing
to make the experiment." Such schemes as these
for introducing foreign emigration, constantly occu
pied his mind. In a letter to Sir John Sinclair,
who is still remembered as a public-spirited English
leader in farming, he says :
" There are farm lands everywhere for sale. If, there
fore, events should induce you to cast an eye towards
America, there need be no apprehension of your being
accommodated to your liking ; and if I could be made
useful to you therein, you. might command my services
with the greatest freedom.
" Within full view . of Mount Vernon, separated there
from by water only, is one of the most beautiful sites on
the river for sale, but of greater magnitude than you seem
to have contemplated. It is called Belvoir, and belonged
to George William Fairfax, who, were he living, would
now be Baron Cameron, as his younger brother in this
country, George William, dying without issue, at present is

34'

INDEPENDENCE HALL, PHILADELPHIA.

342 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
though he does not take upon himself the title. This site
was the residence of the above-named gentleman before
he went to England. It was accommodated with very
good buildings, which were burned soon after he left
them. There is only two thousand acres of land belong
ing to the tract, surrounded in a manner by water. The
mansion stood on high and commanding ground. The
soil is not of the best quality ; but a considerable part of
it, well-nigh level, might, with proper management, be
properly cultivated. There are some small tenements on
the estate, but the greater part thereof is in wood. At
present it belongs to Thomas Fairfax, son of Baron Fair
fax, who will not, a3 I said before, take upon himself the
title of Baron Cameron."
The reader will imagine the interest with which
Washington saw the decay of this fine property,
with which he had such interesting early associa
tions. In writing to Strickland, he comments- on the
agriculture of Virginia, as many of the real leaders
of Virginia have commented between that time and
this. He says :
" It is indeed wretched ; but a leading if not a primary
cause of its being so is, that instead of improving a little
ground well, we attempt much and do but little. A half,
a third, or even a fourth of what we mangle, well wrought
and properly dressed, would produce more than the whole
under our system of management. Yet such is the force
of habit that we cannot depart from it ; the consequence
of which is that we ruin the lands that are already cleared,
and either cut down more wood, if we have it, or migrate

Letter to Sinclair. 343
into the western country. I have endeavored, both in a
public and private character, to encourage the establish
ment of boards of agriculture in this country ; but hith
erto in vain. And what is still more extraordinary, and
scarcely to be believed, I have endeavored ineffectually
to discard from my own estate the pernicious practice
which is mentioned."
In another letter to Sinclair, written only two
days after he was free, he said :
"On the nth of December, I wrote you a long letter,
and- intended before the close of the last session of Con
gress, which ended on the 3d inst. conformably to the
Constitution, to have addressed you again ; but, oppressed
as I was with the various occurrences incident thereto,
especially in the latter part of it, it has not been in my
power to do so during its continuance ; and now the ar
rangements necessary to my departure from this city, for
a more tranquil theatre, and for the indulgence of rural
pursuits, will oblige me to suspend my purpose until I am
fixed at Mount Vernon, where I expect soon to be, hav
ing resigned the chair of government to Mr. John Adams
on Friday last, the day on which I completed my second
four years' administration.
" Under the circumstances here mentioned, I should
not have troubled you at this time with so short a letter
but for the purpose of accompanying it with two or three
pamphlets on the subject of agriculture, one of which
treats more extensively on gypsum as a manure than any
I have seen before. The other two will only serve to
show that essays of a similar kind are making in this in-'
fant country.
" I am sorry to add that nothing final in Congress has

344 the: life of Washington.
been decided respecting the institution of a National
Board of Agriculture, recommended by me at the open
ing of the session. But this did not, I believe, proceed
from any disinclination to the measure, but from their
limited sitting, and a pressure of what they conceived
more important business. I think it highly probable that
next session will bring this matter to maturity."
The letter which has been cited shows that, like
other farmers, he could not always have his own
way. He goes on, in his letter to Strickland, to
say :
" My system of agriculture is what I have described,
and I am persuaded were I to proceed now, our skill
would be improved by the alteration you have proposed.
At the same time, I must observe that I have not found
oats so great an exhauster as they are represented to be.
But in most instances they follow wheat too closely, and
the rotation will add an advantage in this and, perhaps,
in some other respects."
It is interesting to observe, that after he was sixty
years old he was not unwilling to receive and ac
cept advice, even from persons who were compara
tively strangers. It would seem from these latter
letters, that he was gradually giving up the cultiva
tion of tobacco. In a letter as early as 1789 he had
said :
" Although a precise number of tobacco hills is, by my
general direction, allotted to each plantation, yet my real
intention is that no more ground shall be appropriated to
this crop than what is either naturally good, for which

HABITS OF HOME-LIFE. 345
purpose small spots may be purchased, or what may be
made strong by manuring of some kind or other; for my
object is to labor for profit, and therefore to regard quality
instead of quantity, there being, except in the article of
manuring, no difference between attending a good plant
and an indifferent one. But in any event, let the precise
number of hills be ascertained, that an estimate may be
formed of their yield to the thousand."
It is not the part of this book to go into such de
tails any further than that they show his personal
characteristics and the way in which the last years
of his life were occupied. That these are not mere
matters of theoretical correspondence, written on a
rainy day to a distant friend, appears from the agri
cultural diary, which shows the personal attention
which he gave to such affairs. In a letter to
another friend he describes his daily life. He says
that he begins his course with the sun. As has
been said, the general tradition is that he rose at
four o'clock every day. If at sun-rise he finds
that his foremen are not in their places, he sends
them " messages of sorrow for their indisposition."
He then begins his personal examination. By the
time he has accomplished these matters comes
breakfast, a little after seven o'clock. After break
fast he mounts his horse and rides round his farm.
This employs him until it is time to dress for din
ner, at which he rarely misses seeing some strange
faces of people who have come out of respect for
him. " Pray, may not the word ' curiosity ' answer

346 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
as well ? And how different, this, from having a few
social friends at a cheerful board ! " The dinner-
hour, as has been said, was two o'clock in the
afternoon. " The usual time of sitting at table, a walk, and tea,
bring me within the door of candle light, previous to
which, if not prevented by company, I resolve that as
soon as the glimmering taper supplies the place of the
great luminary, I will repair to my writing-table and an
swer the letters I have received. But when the lights are
brought, I feel tired and disinclined to engage in this
work, conceiving that the next night will do as well."
This remark will show that Washington had
already learned the great rule which Talleyrand
lays down :' " You should always have time to
spare, and rather put off till to-morrow, what you
may not to-day do well and easily, than get into
that hurry and flurry which is the necessary conse
quence of feeling one has too much to do." In
thus accepting the limitations of human nature,
Washington showed much more sense than Frank
lin did, when he laid down the opposite rule, which
has been the ruin of so many well-meaning men and
women : " Never put off till to-morrow that which
can possibly be done to-day."
Washington goes on, with a vein of humor by no
means unusual, to say :
" The next night comes and continues the same course
of postponement ; and so on. Having given you the

LIBRARY AT MOUNT VERNON. , 347
history of a day, it will serve for a year, and I am per
suaded you will not require a second- edition of it. But
it may strike you that in this detail no mention is made
of any portion of time allowed for reading. The remark
would be just. For I have not looked into a book- since
I came home, nor shall I be able to do it, until I have
discharged my workmen, probably not before the nights
grow longer, when, perhaps, I may be looking in Dooms
day-book." In this matter of reading, however, he does him
self injustice, if we be foolish enough to accept the
literal statement which he makes. At all events,
the library of Mount Vernon was an excellent one
for the time, and he was constantly receiving acces
sions to it from his foreign correspondents. Other
accessions came from the zeal of friends, who sent
him presentation copies. The literature of the
house was curiously well up with the times. It
is just possible, although he never says so, that
by this time he read French sufficiently well for
understanding the books in foreign languages, and
many of the French writers of the day sent to him
their writings. Thus he had Chastellux's Travels,
in the French ; he had (oddly enough, also in
French) Sinclair's Statistics, together with the
works of Monsieur Chamousset,1 the Letters of an
American Farmer (in French), Racine's Germanicus
1 A French philanthropist, to whom is due the invention of that great
change in modern civilization, — the establishment of local delivery by the
post, — what men still call " the penny-post.'' Whether this is a blessing
or a curse is not yet determined.

348 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
(in French), and many pamphlets on the opening
events of the French Revolution.
The American Encyclopaedia was already pub
lished, complete in eighteen volumes. It is inter
esting to observe that Washington's copy is valued
by his appraisers at one hundred and fifty dollars.
The catalogue of the library contains the names
of twelve hundred books and more than a hundred
charts and other engravings. The books are largely
military books, as might have been expected. It
is probable, indeed, that Mrs. Washington had a
separate collection of books, of a more distinctively
literary character, which were reserved from the in
ventory of the collection. But, in the collection as
it is described in this inventory, are thirty-four
volumes of poems, and some twenty-seven novels.
Among the poems are Homer, in Pope's trans
lation, but no Virgil ; Shakespeare, but not Mil
ton ; Pope's complete works, but not Dryden.
Burns, Ossian, Hudibras, and Barlow's Columbiad
come in, and many poems on Washington's own
fame — which, as has been said above, are for
gotten elsewhere.
Very few private houses, in America, contained
so many paintings and engravings as appear in
the inventory of his will as belonging to Mount
Vernon at that time. There are more than one
hundred of them. The catalogue does not always
say whether the pictures are prints or paintings.

PAINTINGS AND ENGRA VINGS. 349
In the inventory the following are named : " Two
large gilt-framed pictures, representing the fall of
rivers "; these are valued at one hundred and sixty
dollars, and as two large looking-glasses are valued
at only two hundred dollars, it may be presumed
that silver dollars, not any depreciated currency, is
intended. Among engravings are a picture of Washington's
family at Mount Vernon, one of Alfred visiting his
noblemen, and one of Alfred dividing his loaf with
the pilgrims. There were " ten pictures in the pas
sage " ; and on the different staircases there were
pictures. The busts of generals which were ordered in
earlier life do not seem to have been recognized by
the appraisers, but there are busts of Washington
himself and of Paul Jones.
Washington found himself so much pressed by
the strangers who were constantly arriving, that he
addressed his nephew, Lawrence Lewis, to invite
him to come to his house as his guest, but with the
duty of relieving him of the trouble of entertain
ing company, particularly at night. As Washing
ton himself retired at nine o'clock, he felt that
it was due to his guests that some one should
remain with them if they chose to keep longer
awake. In consequence of this invitation, Law
rence Lewis became an occasional inmate at Mount
Vernon. What followed was that he fell in love

350 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
with Miss Nelly Custis, Mrs. Washington's grand
daughter, who had been adopted by Washington
at their father's death, and had been brought up
by him with the most affectionate care. It would
seem that Miss Custis had very much her way with
her grandfather, who says : " I can govern men,
but I cannot govern girls." There is a letter of
advice written to her when she was about to make
her first appearance at a ball in Georgetown. He
says to her :
" When the fire is beginning to kindle, and your heart
growing warm, propound these questions to it : ' Who is
this invader ? Have I a competent knowledge of him ? .
Is he a man of good character, a man of sense? (for be
assured a sensible woman can never be happy with a fool).
What has been his walk in life ? Is his fortune sufficient
to maintain me in the manner I have been accustomed to
live in and as my sisters do live ? And is he one to whom
my friends can have no reasonable objection ?' If all
these interrogatories can be satisfactorily answered, there
will remain but one more to be asked ; that, however, is
an important one. ' Have I sufficient ground to conclude
that his affections are engaged by me? ' Without this the
heart of sensibility will struggle against a passion that is
not reciprocated." '
The family was accompanied to Mount Vernon
in 1797 by George Washington Lafayette, the son
of the Marquis, who was himself at the time in
prison in Olmutz, in Austria. The young man was
1 Manuscript letter oited by Mr. Irving.

GEORGE WASHINGTON LAFAYETTE. 35 I
now seventeen years old, and had spent two years
in America with his tutor, Monsieur Frestel. They
remained at Mount Vernon until October, when the
joyful news reached him of the release of his father
from confinement. Washington himself had ex
hausted every effort, of American diplomacy to ob
tain Lafayette's freedom, in vain. But the arms of
Napoleon were of more avail than the letters of
Presidents. The first demand made by Napoleon
in the preliminary conferences before the treaty of
Campo Formio was that Lafayette should be re
leased. In after-life Napoleon said that he never
insisted on any article which was so strenuously re
sisted. So soon as this news arrived in America,
the son and his tutor gladly returned to France.
They took with them a charming letter for a father
to receive. Washington writes :
" His conduct since he first set his foot on American
ground has been exemplary in every point of view, such
as has gained him the esteem, affection, and confidence of
all who have had the pleasure of his acquaintance. His
filial affection and duty and his ardent desire to embrace
his parents and sisters in the first moments of their re
lease would not allow him to wait the authentic account
of this much-desired event. But at the same time that I
suggested the propriety of this, I could not withhold my
assent to the gratification of his wishes to fly to the arms
of those whom he holds most dear."
In another letter of the same date he says to
Gen. Dumas :

352 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
" His son and Mr. Frestel, who appears to have been
his mentor, are and have been residents in my family
since their arrival in this country, except in the first mo
ments of it, and a modest, sensible, and well disposed
youth he is."
The interest which he began again to take in the
agriculture of Mount Vernon appears from the fol
lowing careful letter which he wrote to Dr. James
Anderson,1 a Scotch writer on farming. We copy
the whole of the letter.
WASHINGTON TO ANDERSON.
" Mount Vernon, 7 April, 1797.
" Sir : — A few days since, through the channel of our
minister in London, I was favoured with the receipt of
your third volume of essays, relating to agriculture and
rural affairs, for which I pray you to accept my best
thanks. " I am once more seated under my own vine and fig-
tree, and hope to spend, in peaceful retirement, the re
mainder of my days, which, in the ordinary course of
things, cannot be many, making political pursuits yield to
the more rational amusement of cultivating the earth.
" To do this in a small way, I find I shall need a. gar
dener in October next, the time of the one I now have
terminating the loth of that month. You have not only
skilful persons of this profession in Scotland, but, gener
ally speaking, they are more orderly and industrious than
'Dr. James Anderson, born 1739, ditd 1808. The author of many
pamphlets on the American controversy, the editor of The Bee and a writer
on many political subjects. His correspondence with Washington was
printed,

LETTER TO ANDERSON. 353
those of most other nations ; and besides, the dissimili
tude of climate between the southern and middle parts of
Scotland and the middle States of this country is not
great. "These considerations have induced me to turn my
eyes that way, presuming that the emigration of men in
that line is now under governmental restraints.
" My present manager (Mr. James Anderson,1 an hon
est, industrious, and judicious Scotchman, five years since
from the county of Fife) has written to a Mr. Foreman
and to a Mr. Harper (whose places of residence and pro
fessions, together with what was formerly his own, are to
be found in his memorandum enclosed), to procure and
send me a gardener. He thinks it is much in the power
of Mr. Harper, who, according to him, has been several
years principal gardener to Lord Murray, to do this ; but
I have desired him to request them to consult and advise
with you on this subject before any agreement is: entered
into, as I shall place more confidence in a gardener who is
approved by you, than by them alone, without this check.
" For taking the liberty of requesting this favour of
you, and for the trouble it must necessarily give, I shall
rely on your goodness and usual complaisance for a par
don. " I would prefer a single man to a married one, but
shall not object to' the latter if he has no children, or no
more than one or at most two ; and his wife would under
take my spinners and, if required, a small dairy at the
mansion house, where the gardens are. The man ought
to be a good kitchenand nursery gardener, to have some
knowledge of a green-house, and how to raise things in
1 The reader will observe the identity of names. There are many letters
to Anderson the manager.

354 THE LIFE 0F WASHINGTON.
hot-beds. He would have two or three labourers under
him, but not placed there with a view to exempt him from
manual labor. He would be furnished with a good apart
ment, convenient to his work to reside in, and would have
an ample allowance of good provisions, with fuel, and if a
single man, with his washing also.
" My manager conceives that such a character, with the
assurances here given, might be had for twenty guineas
per annum ; but if he should be mistaken in this, and a
well-recommended gardener could be had for twenty-five
guineas a year, I would allow the latter sum, and pay his
or their passage, as the case may be, provided he or they
would enter into articles with you or some other in my
behalf, to remain with me three years. Four would be
still better; without which, that is for a single year only, I
would not encounter the expense of the passage, and run
the hazards -of being left to seek another at the end of it.
Both of us would be placed on surer grounds by the long
est term, while one or the other, perhaps both, ultimately,
might be incommoded by the shorter.
" You would do me a particular favour by acknowled
ging the receipt of this letter as soon as convenient after it
gets to your hands', informing me of the prospect of suc
ceeding ; for I shall be without a gardener in October, and
cannot engage one here permanently until I know the re
sult of my application with you.
" With great esteem, I am, etc.
" P. S. — Upon second thought, it appears best, that the
letters of my manager to Messre Foreman and Harper
should pass under cover with this letter, open to you, that
you may know precisely what is requested of them, and
give your advice accordingly."

ON LENDING MONEY. 355
A letter to one of his relatives, of nearly the
same date, is more amusing reading for us than it
was for him who received it. " Mount Vernon, July 12, 1797.
" Dear Sir: — I perceive by your letter of the 7th inst.
that you are under the same mistake that many others
are, in supposing that I have money always at command.
" The case is so much the reverse of it, that I found it
expedient, before I retired from public life, to sell all my
lands (near 5,000 acres) in Pennsylvania, in the coun
ties of Washington ' and Fayette, and my lands in the
Great Dismal Swamp in Virginia, in order to enable me
to defray the expenses of my station and to raise money
for other purposes.
" That these lands might not go at too low a rate (for
they sold much below their value), I was induced, after
receiving prompt payment for part, to allow credit for
the remainder of the purchase money, in obtaining pay
ment of which from two of the purchasers I find much
difficulty ; but a third having within these few days paid
me an" ¦instalment of three thousand dollars, I will, rather
than you should be compelled to sell your land, lend you
a third of them, altho' it will be inconvenient for me to
do so ; and. may be the means of retarding the purchase
of wheat for my mill ; which, for want of it, has been
very unproductive to me for several years, — I might in
deed say an- expense to me.
" It is because you have assured me that misfortunes
have brought on your present difficulties (tho', by the
way, let me observe, if you had inspected, as you ought,
the stacking of your wheat more closely, the spoiling

356 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
thereof might have been avoided), and because I have
heard that you are industrious and sober, that I put my
self to the inconvenience of parting with the above sum ;
for I would not lend it for the purpose of enabling you to
indulge in any thing that is not strictly economical and
proper ; and I shall add further, that it will be my ex
pectation that the money be immediately applied to the
uses for which you have required it. For you may be
assured, that there is no practice more dangerous than
that of borrowing money (instance as proof the case of
your father and uncles), for when money can be had in
this way, repayment is seldom thought of in time ;- the
interest becomes a moth ; exertions to raise it by dint of
industry cease ; it comes easy and is spent freely, and
many things indulged in that would never be thought of,
if to be purchased by the sweat of the brow ; in the mean
time, the debt is accumulating like a snow ball in rolling.
I mention these things to you, because your inexperience
may not have presented them to your mind ; but you
may rely on it, that they are indubitable facts, and have
proved the ruin of thousands before suspected. Great
speculation and sometimes trade may be benefited by ob
taining money on interest, but no landed estate will bear
it. " I do not make these observations on account of the
money I have purposed to lend you, because all that I
shall require is, that you will return the net sum when
in your power, without interest. I am, etc."
President Adams had felt compelled to call a
special session of Congress. French cruisers had
seized American vessels and every thing looked
like war. But as late as October of that year,

HOPING FOR PEACE. 357
Washington hopes for peace, and expresses that
hope in the following letter to Mr. Goodhue :
" Mount Vernon, Oct. 15, 1797.
" Dear Sir : — -No man wishes more devoutly than I
that a stop was put to the further effusion of blood, that
harmony was restored to all nations, and that justice was
done to ours, — but I must confess, that my hopes of see
ing them accomplished soon, exceed my expectation.
The affairs of Europe seem to me to be in so perturbed a
state, and the views of the principal actors so discordant,
that.it is not easy on rational principles and fair calcula
tion to predict events.
" Nothing is wanting in ourselves to steer clear of the
vortex of misery, which has brought so many of the na
tions of Europe to the brink of ruin in this desolating^
war, but unanimity, and if a steady adherence to the prin
ciples which have hitherto directed our councils, are una
ble to effect this, they will, nevertheless, I hope, avert
the evils which otherwise might be expected to flow from
the persevering opposition which is levied at our govern
ment and all those who stand forward in support of it.
" This is my creed and I shall believe in it until the
contrary is verified, which heaven avert ! Adieu, with
very great esteem and regard."
But the next winter showed that such hopes were
vain. Hamilton writes to him on the 19th of May,
1 798 : " You ought to be aware that the public voice
will again call you to command the armies of your
country." Washington replies : " If a crisis should
arise when a sense of duty or a call from my coun
try should become so imperious as to leave me no

358 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
choice, I should prepare for relinquishment, and
go with as much reluctance from my present peace
ful abode as I should go to the tombs of my ances
tors." .
On the 2 2d of June, President Adams wrote him :
" I must tax you sometimes for advice. We must
have your name, if in any case you will permit us
to use it. There will be more efficacy in it than in
many an army." McHenry, the Secretary of War,
wrote more cordially : " May we flatter ourselves
that you will accept the command of our armies. I
hope you will, because you alone can unite all
hearts and all hands, if it is possible that they can
be united." Before the government had received
his answer he had been appointed commander-in-
chief and the nomination was confirmed. Mc
Henry came in person with the invitation, and
Washington accepted the commission.
He named as the three major-generals, Hamilton,
Pinckney, and Knox. This exactly reversed the
rank which these officers held in the old army.
Knox took this very ill and refused his commission.
Pinckney on the other hand, cordially accepted his,
and even offered to take rank after Knox. But, as
the event proved, all these measures were unneces
sary. Early in November, Washington went to
Philadelphia to consult with Hamilton and Pinck
ney as to details. The experience of the old war
was the basis of their studies, and all parties felt

COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF AGAIN. 359
the value of the new government in giving just that
unity which had been impossible before. •
Meanwhile, it was becoming evident that the
French Directory did not want to fight with the
United States. Lafayette so wrote to Washington
on the 5th of September. Writing from Mount Ver
non on Christmas day, Washington replies : " If
they are sincere in this declaration, let them evi
dence it by action, for words unaccompanied there
with will not be much regarded now."
It distressed him that his dear Virginia, of all
the States, should be the leader of the Anti-Na
tional party. He had learned not to call Virginia
his country, as he did in those early letters, but to
consider himself as a citizen of a larger country.
There is a long and careful letter to Patrick Henry,
to induce the old man to leave private life and
enter into the National party in Virginia, against
the efforts made by Jefferson. The letter to Lafay
ette shows that he had no confidence in the French
Directory ; and, indeed, all the national dealings
with the Directory, at that time, show that the in
dividual members were wholly corrupt, and that
they could not be depended upon to keep faith with
any one.
But there was no danger of any immediate
invasion of this country. The Directory had
complications at home, and a certain Napoleon
Bonaparte was bringing in sense in the place of

360 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
nonsense. Although, through the year 1 799, there ¦
was no formal peace, there was no longer any im
mediate threat of war, and the military operations'
of that summer consisted in the gathering of an
army and flotilla at Cincinnati, ready to go down
the Mississippi and take New Orleans.
Mount Vernon was occupied in the spring-time
with more attractive cares. Miss Custis, to whom
Washington had addressed that amusing letter
about her heart and its management, had found
out that Lawrence Lewis was the right man. He
was Washington's nephew, the son of his sister
Elizabeth. His uncle had invited him to Mount
Vernon to take that oversight of its hospitalities
which was almost impossible for so old a man as
himself. " As both your aunt and I are in the decline
of life, and regular in our habits, especially in our
hours of rising and going to bed, I require some
person to ease me of the trouble of entertaining
company, particularly of nights, as it is my inclina
tion to retire (unless prevented by very particular
company I always do retire) either to bed or to my
study soon after candle light."
Lawrence Lewis, as has been said, began to
live at Mount Vernon at the beginning of 1798.
He was fond of Miss Nelly, and she appears to
have been fond of him. A Mr. Carroll, a son of
Charles* Carroll, of Carrollton, seems to have come
across the stage, together with other suitors, but

ADVICE TO HIS GRANDSON. 36 1
there is no evidence of any real break in the stream
of true love. Lawrence and Nelly were married
on his uncle's birthday, 1799.
The following is one of his notes of advice to his
wife's grandson :
TO GEORGE WASHINGTON PARKE CUSTIS.
" Mount Vernon, 7th Jan., 1798.
" System in all things should be aimed at, for in execu
tion it renders every thing more easy. If, now and then
of a morning before breakfast, you are inclined, by way
of change, to go out with a gun, I shall not object to it,
provided you return by the hour we usually sit down to
that meal.
" From breakfast until about an hour before dinner
(allowed for dressing and preparing for it, that you may
appear decent), I shall expect you will confine yourself to
your studies, and diligently attend to them, endeavoring
to make ytmrself master of whatever is recommended
to or required of you. While the afternoons are 'short
and but little interval between rising from dinner and
assembling for tea, you may employ that time in walking
or any other recreation. After tea, if the studies you
are engaged in require it, you will, no doubt, perceive
the propriety and advantage of returning to them until
the hour of rest.
" Rise early, that by habit it may become familiar, agree
able, healthy, and profitable. It may, for a while be irk
some to do this, but that will wear off, and the practice
will produce a rich harvest forever after, whether in the
public or private walks of life.
" Make it an invariable rule to be in place (unless extra-

362 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
ordinary circumstances prevent it) at the usual breakfast
ing, dining, and tea hours. It is not only disagreeable,
but it is also very inconvenient for servants to be running
here and there and they know not where, to summon
you to them, when their duties and attendance on the
company, who are seated, render it improper.
" Saturday may be appropriated to riding, to your gun,
or to other proper amusements.
" Time disposed of in this manner makes ample provi
sion for exercise, and every useful or necessary recreation,
at the same time that the hours allotted for study, if really
applied to it, instead of running up and down stairs and
wasting them in conversation with any one who will talk
with you, will enable you to make considerable progress
in whatever line is marked out for you ; and that you
may do it is the sincere wish of, etc."
We have said but little of the share which Mrs.
Washington took in her husband's affairs, but it
ought not to be supposed that she was by any
means a cipher in the family economy. At some
period of her life, perhaps after his death, she took
the precaution, which all historians regret, of
destroying almost every letter which she had ever
written to him, or which he ever wrote to her. We,
therefore, know a great deal more of his relations
with many people, with whom he had very little to
do, than, what passed between him and her. But
there are left some little memorandum-books, which •
she probably thought too trivial to destroy, and
which, by the kindness of her descendant, the

MRS. WASHINGTON. 363
present possessor,1 we have been permitted to use.-
These letters show that she carried on the estate, so
far as her share of the business went, with the same
accuracy with which her husband attended to out
door affairs.
In the little note-book of 1 798, she tells us that
they " find a pipe of Mr. Francis's wine and began
to use it the 2d." When Washington bought Nelly
Curtis's harpsichord, he paid $1,000 for it. This
was in 1 797. Before 1 798, there was a " forte-piano "
at Mount Vernon. Mrs. Washington's entries show
that she paid $5 for tuning the forte-piano and $3
for tuning the harpsichord.
The entries of the year of her husband's death
give some idea of the responsibilities of a Virginia
matron in those days, which would startle a quiet
Northern housekeeper.
July 17th, 1799. In the meat house.
96 hams.
35 shoulders.
33 midlings.
July 31st. Cut out 32 pairs of men's breeches for
men. 19th. Gave to Frank Christopher and Marcus each
four muslin handkerchiefs to tye round their necks.
25th. Mrs. Law left me.
Nov. 28th. Began to use a barrel of brown sugar.
30th. Gave Mrs. Forbes 5 bottles of rum.
1 The distinguished antiquarian and lover of art, Mr. Rogers, of Balti
more, whose home is itself a shrine for historical study.

364 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
December. 22 turkeys from Mr. Robbins the 2d of
the month.1
Some enthusiast at Mount Vernon manufactured
at one time the somewhat sombre story, that after
George Washington's death, Madam Washington,
or " Lady Washington," as the fond instinct of the
country generally called her, never left her room,
and the statement has strayed into print. She is
represented as sitting and brooding over the death
of her hero, and looking forward to the moment
when she might join him in a better world. For
tunately, for her reputation for good sense and a
true piety, the little pocket books preserve ample
material for disproving this absurdity.
The year which proved to be the last of Washing
ton's life was occupied as fully as any year before.
He is sixty-seven years old, but so far as we can see,
his interest in all public affairs is as quick, and his
action as prompt, as ever. In correspondence with
McHenry and Hamilton, he takes the most careful
view of the army which the country was then rais-
1 Curious housekeepers may be glad to read Mrs. Washington's receipt
for cherry bounce, as it stands in one of her pocket books, in her hand
writing :
"To make excellent cherry bounce, extract the juice of twenty pounds well
ripened Morrella cherrys, add to this ten quarts of old peach brandy and
sweeten it with white sugar to your taste. To five gallons of this mixture
add one ounce of spice, such as cinnamon, cloves, and nutmegs, of each an
equal quantity, slightly bruised, and a pint and a half of cherry kernels that
have been gently broken in a mortar. After the liquor has fermented let it
stand close stoped for a month or six weeks, then bottle it, remembering to
put a lump of loaf sugar into each bottle."

THE LAST YEAR. 365
ing. So determined was Mr. Adams to be pre
pared for the war, which he would not have been
sorry for, that under his urgency, Congress had or
dered twenty-four new regiments to be added to the
army. The recruiting of these regiments was go
ing on through the summer, and Washington's let
ters go into great detail with regard to the appoint
ment of their officers, to the clothing of the men,
and, eventually, to the preparations for their bar
racks through the winter. Sometimes he speaks
very intensely with regard to public affairs. In a
letter to McHenry, the Secretary of War, written
only a month before his death, he says, referring to
a letter from him :
"... With the contents of which I have been stricken
dumb. And I believe it is better that I should remain
mute, than to express any sentiment on the important
matters which are related therein. ... I have some
time passed viewed the political concerns of the United
States, with an anxious and painful eye. They appear to
me to be moving by hasty strides to a crisis, but in what
it will result, that Being, who sees, foresees, and directs
all things, alone can tell. The vessel is afloat or very
nearly so, and considering myself as a passenger only, I
shall trust to the mariners, whose duty it is to watch, to
steer it into a safe port."
The allusion here is to the new mission which
President Adams had determined to send to France.
A special interest attaches to his last letters, and
we publish some which have not been before printed,

366 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
because they are among the last. The very latest
of all closes the series in " Sparks's," and is a letter
to Hamilton on the subject of the military academy.
Washington entirely approves in it of Hamilton's
plans for this institution.
Meanwhile, through the whole summer, he had
been actively employed in his farm operations, and
his correspondence relates very largely to the de
tails of his improvement of the farm. The current
of visitors kept up, as always. He was, for a part of
every day, in the saddle, riding about the estate, and
did not hesitate to make up his plans for the next
year, as he would have done in earlier life. As late
as the ioth of December, he finished a careful new
digest, which occupied thirty-four pages, of the com
plete system of rotation, on which his estate should
be managed for many succeeding years.
The following letter to his nephew, Robert Lewis,
in Fauquier County, has a special interest, as showing
his careful supervision of the details of his estate.
It was dated December 7th — only seven days be
fore his death.
" DEAR Sir :— Your letter of the ioth of Sept. came
duly to hand, but as there was nothing contained in it
that required to be acted upon immediately, I postponed
acknowledging the receipt of it at an earlier period.
" The death of Mr. Airess, of which I have been in
formed, and the direct conveyance afforded by your
brother Howell's return, have induced me to write you
at this time.

367

WASHINGTON MEDAL (1776).

368 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
" You will perceive by the letter herewith enclosed, in
what manner my land in Hampshire is treated. It is
more than probable, if some effectual stop cannot be put
to such depredations, that it will be stripped of all its
timber. " You will have heard that Nellie Lewis has a girl-born.
She, Mrs. Washington, and the family unite with me in
best wishes for yourself, Mrs. Lewis, and the children,
and, I am
" Dear sir, your sincere friend and affectionate uncle,
" G. Washington.
" Mr. Robert Lewis."

Washington's final illness was very short. On
the morning of the 12 th of December, 1799, after
he had written the letter to Hamilton of which we
have spoken, he went out to ride as usual, about ten
o'clock. About one o'clock, as he notes in his
diary, it began to snow, soon after to hail, and then
turned to a settled cold rain. He was dressed with
an overcoat, however, continued his ride, and did
not return home till after three o'clock.
Mr. Lear, his secretary, brought him some letters
to frank for the post-office, as was the custom of
that time. Washington franked the letters, but
said that the storm was too severe to send a ser
vant to the post-office. When Lear observed that
he was wet himself, from the storm, the snow still
hanging on his hair, he said no ; that his great
coat had kept him dry. So little did he think of

HIS FINAL ILLNESS. 369
his exposure, that he sat down to his late dinner
without changing his dress.
The next day it was evident that he had taken
cold. The snow was still falling and he did not
ride, but in the afternoon he walked out and gave
directions for trimming the shrubbery in front of
the house. It was observed that he was more
hoarse in the evening than he had been, but he
himself made light of his cold.
In the middle of the night, however, he was
taken extremely ill with ague and difficult breath
ing. Dr. Craik was sent for, and Rollins, one of
the overseers, bled him. Half a pint of blood was
taken from his arm. External applications were
made to the throat, and his feet were bathed in
warm water. But the difficult breathing con
tinued. His old friend, Dr. Craik, arrived between eight
and nine o'clock, and was in attendance with two
other physicians till the end. He was bled again,
but he was sure, himself, that the end of his life had
come. He called Mrs. Washington and asked her
to bring two wills, which she did. He then gave
her one which was superseded by the other, and
asked her to burn it. At ten in the evening he
made a last effort to speak, gave to Lear some
directions for his burial, and said, " I am just
going." He then looked at Lear again, and said :
" Do you understand me ? " Lear replied, " Yes."

370 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
" It is well," said he ; and these were Washington's
last words.

The impression gained ground not very long after Washington's death,
that the medical treatment on this occasion was bad, and that he was really
killed by his physicians. Whether he were killed by their using a treatment
too heroic, or whether their fault was that their treatment was not heroic
enough, was more doubtful. There was no doubt, from Mr. Lear's full ac
count, that, when he was bled, he asked that more blood might be drawn.
There was. no doubt, also, that Mrs. Washington dreaded more bleeding,
for a man of his age.
When Mr. Everett published his interesting life of Washington, he sub
mitted the question, regarding the medical treatment of the dying man, to
Dr. James Jackson, who was justly regarded the Nestor of the science of
medicine in New England. Dr. Jackson wrote a very interesting monograph
on this subject, dated March, i860. It is evident that he regards the wisdom
of the treatment of Washington as an open question. It might have been
necessary, he says, to draw blood severely, ' ' but who would advise the ac
tive treatment requisite for this purpose in every case of a hoarse cold,
which is the first stage in every such case ? The severe disease may ensue,
but what is the chance that it will come ? A very large proportion of per
sons, probably three quarters of the community, have such a cold once a
year, and not a few have such an attack twice or three times in a year. But
a change into the severe disease called acute laryngitis, is among the most
rare occurrences. It does not take place in one case out of a million. But
if it happened in one case in a hundred, it would not be justifiable to resort
to a severe treatment in each one of a hundred cases in order to save one of
them from the fatal change. There is no doubt that every discreet man
would choose to incur the slight hazard of the severe disease, rather than to
resort to a copious bleeding every time he had a hoarse sore throat."
He says again that he thinks Dr. Craik and his coadjutors have been re
proached because they gave calomel and antimony in large doses. He says:
" There is no reason to believe that the doses were large. In 170.9, the use
of mercurial preparations in inflammatory diseases was very rare, I believe,
in Great Britain, though it was very common in this country. At the pres
ent time the reverse is true. At least in New England, the practice is now
relied on much less than in old England. Fashions change, it must be ac
knowledged, in medicine as in other things. Probably the result, at the
end of another fifty years, will be that mercurials will not be administered

TOMB OF WASHINGTON AT MOUNT VERNON.

371

372

THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.

in either country, as freely as they have been heretofore, but that they will
not be abandoned altogether."
Dr. Jackson does suggest that the modern operation for opening into the
trachea below the diseased part of the throat gives an opportunity for pro
longing life, ' ' while a chance is afforded for the subsidence of the disease,
by a natural process, after which the wound may be allowed to heal up.
This practice has been resorted to with success in various instances of ob
struction in the wind pipe, and especially, of late, in croup. But it is impor
tant that this operation shall be performed before the vital powers have been
too much exhausted by the painful and wearing struggles for life." On the
whole, Dr. Jackson's impression is evidently distinct, that Dr. Craik and his
medical assistants did the best which the science of their time suggested, for
a very severe attack of " Acute Laryngitis."

CHAPTER XV.
CONCLUSION.
Washington's Services and Influences — The Mystery That Grew Up about.
His Moral Character — His Apotheosis as a Kind of Demi-God — His
Utterances Treated as Those of an Oracle — The Truth of History —
The Human Washington as Revealed in His Diarks and Correspon
dence — His Power over Men — His Ideas and Ambitions — His Character
as a Moral Power — His Life an Evidence That Right Is Might.
IN sixty-six years between the birth of Washing
ton and his death, the condition of his country
had wholly changed. As we saw in the beginning of
this biography, he was born in a farmer's family, on
the frontier of a colony, itself insignificant in the
empire of Great Britain. He died the first man in
a nation which owed to him more, in the struggle
from which its existence was born, than it owed to
any other man. At the time of his death, it is a
nation, with all the attributes of nationality, with
its army, its navy, and its position among the nations
of the world, a position well earned and everywhere
respected. This position it owes chiefly to him.
After nearly one hundred years more, a certain
mystery still attaches to a change so great, and
many solutions of this mystery have been attempted
373

374 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
without perfect success. It was the habit of the
writers of the beginning of the nineteenth century,
to keep out of view as far as they could, whatever
was human or simple in the character of Washing
ton, and if they were Americans, to hold him up
before their fellow-countrymen, almost as a demi
god for worship. There was a habit of giving to
his utterances a certain oracular character ; and,
even to this moment, it is thought enough to say of
a given policy that it was recommended by Wash
ington, or that it was disapproved by him ; and all
question among Americans with regard to that
policy is, by this reference to him, supposed to be
settled. This unfortunate apotheosis of the greatest
man in American history, has, as the century went
on, re-acted against his reputation. From this
apotheosis it happened, that, for the very few years
in which the memories of men would best have pre
served the, real incidents and habits of his life, there
was a certain disposition to suppress such anecdotes
as would recall his action and personal bearing, and
to leave the statue as it had been placed upon its
pedestal, without giving to it human color, dress, or
movement. Fortunately for the truth of history, as has been
already said in these pages, he has left us, in collec
tions of his own letters and diaries, very ample
material from which we may, even now, check the
habit of separating him from the other men in his

WASHINGTON'S KNOWLEDGE OF MEN. 375
time, and may show what were the real characteristics
from which sprang his remarkable power. If the
work attempted in this volume has been tolerably
well done, the reader sees that here was emphati
cally a man of the people, who grew up in the midst
of the people and understood them well. A dis
tinguished modern author was asked how it was
that he wrote such good English ; and he replied
that he supposed it was because he never learned
to write Latin. A remark somewhat similar may
be made of Washington, not simply, or chiefly
with regard to literary style, but with regard to
his training for life and its affairs. He was
educated by intimacy with men, — and the con
sequence was that he knew men and knew how to
command them. In all exigencies he dealt with
men with singular success. The people who were
nearest him believed in him most thoroughly, and
were most loyal to him. The men, again, who had
not known him personally, when they came under
his command, or into his immediate presence, were
apt to see the reason of what he urged, and to be
eager to carry out his wishes. Often, indeed, when
the wordy orders of the Continental Congress were
powerless with the States, the private letters of
Washington to the governors of those States,
brought about the results which he needed, and
which the Congress had commanded in vain. As the
reader has seen, in whatever obloquy or intrigues

376 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
his chat-acter was endangered, he could always
look to the members of his own staff with perfect
confidence that they would come to the rescue.
Now this personal power over men may be traced
in some measure to the early intimacy with all' sorts
and conditions of men, which belonged to the sim
plicity of his early life. In his early boyhood he
was the companion of gentlemen and used to the
manners of the best society of his time ; but at the
same time/ and in the same years, he was sleeping
in the log cabins of the West, was carrying out the
land surveys of Lord Fairfax with the rough pio
neers of the wilderness, and was learning to speak
the language even of the savages on the frontier.
He was never so far engaged in the study of books,
as to be withdrawn from the larger study of men
and the realities of life. But he knew enough of
books to know their value, and, as his later life
shows, to use them well. He was accustomed in
early life, to those personal exposures and hardships
which teach a man what is the value of a crust of
bread ; but he was never hampered by the severe re
strictions of poverty, and soon carried the experiences
of such a boyhood into the careful management of a
very large estate. The exigencies of war compelled
him in his very youth to serve his country, and so
soon as war was over he had the opportunity, which
was itself an education, of serving his own Virginia
in the annual sessions of her legislature.

THE SECRET OF HIS SUCCESS. 377
Of all this the consequence was, as has been said,
that when the American Revolution began, he him
self, though little more than forty years old, had
had a very wide training among men, knew how
they were led, and knew how to lead them. A cer
tain shyness accompanied him from his boyhood,
even to his death. But that shyness rather recom
mended him to those with whom he had to do
than injured him. It never affected his resolution
for a real purpose ; and a fixed determination to
carry out the end which he had in mind may be
traced all through his correspondence and strategy.
He was not accustomed to have things fail to which
he had put his hand. He might have said this
when he took command of the army. He did say
that he thought that this was the highest moment
of his reputation. In point of fact his determina
tion to succeed is the secret of the success of the
seven years which followed. He may be compared
in this to the great soldier whom America has lately
mourned, who, from the beginning to the end of
the war which gave him his fame, believed in suc
cess, " as a Christian believes in his ' Saviour."
There is no moment of Washington's administra
tion of the Continental army in which, however
black the surroundings, he does not express his con
fidence of a result such as he desired.
If it had not been for his singular success, then,
the selection of Washington as a sort of demi-god

378 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
for the worship of his countrymen would never
have been made. That is to say, there never was
a man more absolutely human than he, or who has,
in fact, left more record of his humanity. He was
a man of hot passions, of strong impulses, of vigor
ous determination ; a man who forecast the future,
kept it in sight, and meant to have his own way ;
and he was a man, as the reader has seen, who had
his own way very remarkably. It would be hard
for an ambitious boy at fifteen to forecast for him
self a life, which should have more of the tokens of
external success than had the life of Washing
ton. Few boys, even of fifteen, would dare to say :
" I will very early in life compel the government of
this colony to make me commander of its troops ;
I will win everybody's regard and admiration as I
command them ; I will inherit a large fortune, for
which I shall not have to work hard ; I will marry.
the woman I love ; she shall be beautiful and ele
gant, and she, also, shall have a large fortune ; I
will live in the most beautiful place in America, and
I will so carry on my estate that it shall be the ad
miration of all men ; I will be active in the govern
ment of Virginia, and will lead it step by step to
higher prosperity ; when the time comes I will be
unanimously named as the commander of the armies
of my country ; in a war serious enough to test
every quality, I, of all men, shall be the only man
to hold any office of authority, and I will achieve

cZi

tc/C & ' \744A

t/£tf ^mf^ina^c

on?

'a^ # vl*i,Am60t *7A<}

^£r. 17

^ ? <2^ /^^<^d-?^Afl

SEt.U

c^e^s !Xo^C 2f a^£0/6-y^/7y-6

X-

roUR DAYS BEFORE HIS DEATH AZ.T.6y

379

380 THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
the reputation of the first soldier of my time, and I
will be made the ruler of the nation which I have
created, and I will fill this place as long as I choose,
to die honored of all men." Such a dream on the
part of a boy of fifteen would have seemed absurd
enough, and yet this is precisely what happened to
this young Virginian.
Mr. Carlyle once asked an American visitor if he
could not take down a little the enthusiasm with
which his countrymen regarded Washington. No ;
if they study the man and refuse to believe him a
demi-god, their real enthusiasm will only be the
more quick and affectionate. It is undoubtedly
moral force which gives him his command. It is
not that he writes English as well as Lord Fairfax.
It is not that he understands constitutions as well
as John Adams. It is not that he is as skilful in
tactics as Lord Cornwallis. It is not that, in com
pelling jarring factions to agree on a public policy,
he is stronger than any man of his time or any man
since. It is, that in the efforts which he makes in
such directions, or in any direction, this man's intel
lectual or physical force are subordinated to his
sense of duty. He does what he thinks he ought
to do. He is never thinking of his own reputation.
He is never presenting himself to his country or
to mankind, as if it were of much importance to
him or to them, what they thought of him. Having
formed a plan for his country, he carries that plan

RIGHT IS MIGHT.

381

through from the beginning to the end. He is de
termined ; he means to succeed, and he commands
success. It has often been said that here is the finest in
stance in history of the success of moral power.
Probably this is true. This is certain, that the
eagerness of men to believe that pure moral power
carries empire with it, is the reason why men study
with personal interest the life and character of
Washington. His success seems to give a warrant
for the triumph of humanity. In his success men
believe that they will not for any long time be given
over to the sway of men who are merely intellectual
tricksters or giants of physical force. Men agree
to honor Washington, because in his life they think
they have a demonstration that right is might.

INDEX.

Abercrombie, Gen., his delay in join
ing the troops, 98
Adams, John, his letter alluding to
Washington, 158 ; his opinion of
Mifflin, 158 ; letter to his wife con
cerning Washington, 163 ; his opin
ion of the Constitution, 323 ; in
augurated . President, 336 ; calls
special session of Congress, 356 ;
letter to Washington, 358 ; pre
pares for war with France, 365
Adams, Samuel, 152 ; his opposition
to the Constitution, 276
Adams, Sir Thomas, commander of
frigate, Boston, 129
Algerine pirates, 334
Andre, Major, 244
Annapolis, society life in, 129 ; Wash
ington's journey to, 261
Arbuthnot, Admiral, arrives at New
York, 236
Armstrong, Gen. John, at Brandy
wine, 214; author of Newburgh
address, 256
Arnold, Benedict, sent against Que
bec, 170 ; treason of, 244
Arnold's expedition, Washington's
¦ despatch concerning, 172
Asgill, Henry, 254
Assembly, Virginia, votes rewards to
the soldiers, 87 ; passes resolves pro
testing against transporting pris
oners for trial, 143 B
Bahamas, powder obtained from, 170
Barbadoes, Washington's voyage to,
25

Barnwell, George, " Moral Melo
drama " of, 28
Barton, Col., wounded at Braddock's
fight, 78
Beaujeu, commands French forces
against Braddock, 74 ; death of, 75
Belvoir, home of William Fairfax,
6, 115, 296
Bermuda, powder obtained from, 170
Berwick, Thomas, Washington visits
his house, 18
Botetourt, Lord, Gov. of Virginia,
141 ; dissolves the Virginia Assem
bly, 143 ; his message to the As
sembly, 144 ; death of, 145
Boston, Washington's journey to, 90 ;
Tea-Party, 145 ; Port-Bill passed,
145 ; contribution for the relief of
the workingmen of, 147 ; American
troops enter, 183
Bouchier, Rev. Jonathan, teacher of
John Parke Custis, 133
Bouquet, Col., approves Indian dress
for soldiers, 103
Braddock, Major General Edward,
put in command, 60 ; his contempt
of the Indians, 69 ; makes treaties
with the Indians, 72 ; defeated at
Monongahela, 75 ; death of, 77
Bradwater, Chas. , elected with Wash
ington to General Assembly, 148
Brandywine, battle of, 213, 214
Brest, French fleet blockaded at, 240
Bridge's Creek, birthplace of George
Washington, 5
Brooklyn, Howe lands his troops at,
19 1 ; American troops withdrawn
from, 192
Brooks, Capt. Christopher, god
father to George Washington, 2

3»3

384

INDEX.

Brunswick occupied by Cornwallis,
202
Burgesses, House of, recognizes Wash
ington's military services, 112 ;
votes a statue to George III., 140 ;
observes a day of fasting, 145
Burgoyne, Gen., his campaign in the
north, 211
Bute, Lord, 151 C
Calvert, Miss Eleanor, married to
John Custis, 136
Cambridge, Washington takes com
mand of the army at, 167
Carleton, Sir Guy, in command at
New York, 253
Carlyle, Major John, letter from
Washington to, 71
Carlyle, Thomas, his reference to
Washington's surveying expedition,
42
Carter, Landon, letter from Washing
ton to, 184
Cary, Robert, an English merchant,
corresponds with Washington, 115
Chadd's Ford, 214
Chamberlayne, General, entertains
Washington, 104
Chamousset, 116
Champlain, Lake, Burgoyne at, 211
Chastellux, his description of Wash
ington, 241 ; letter from Washing
ton to, 277, 287
Chatham, his praise of the work of the
Continental Congress, 157
Cheas, Samuel, letter from Washing
ton to, 294
Chesapeake and Ohio Canal project
ed by. Washington, 280
Chesapeake Bay, Howe at, 213 ;
blockaded by French fleet, 250
Chester, 214
Cincinnati, Society of the, 267
Clinton, Gov., of New York, enters
the city with Washington, 260
Clinton, Sir Henry, appointed to suc
ceed Howe, 222 ; takes his forces
to New York, 223 ; attacked by
Washington at Monmouth, 224 ; or
dered to maintain a defensive posi
tion, 232 ; plot to capture, 232 ;

detained in New York by expected
arrival of French fleet, 240 ; re
called, 252
Collier, Sir George, 237
Congress, First Continental, prepares
a petition to the king, 150; the
work of, 157
Congress, Second Continental, ap
points officers for the army, 165
Constitution, 310 ; accepted by eleven
States, 322
Contrecoeur, Captain, drives away
Capt. Trent, 51
Conway, Gen. Thomas, 168
Conway cabal, the, 217,220; Washing
ton's letter concerning, 221
Cornwallis, Gen., deceived with re
gard to Washington's attack on
Princeton, 202 ; out-generals the
Americans at Brandywine, 214 ;
surrenders at Yorktown, 249
Cresap, Col. , Washington reaches his
house, 18
Crown Point, Knox captures cannon
at, 181 ; Schuyler determines to
give up, 191
Cumberland (once Will's Creek), 43 ;
Fort, occupied by Braddock's troops
after the defeat, 82 ; Road first
proposed, 299
Custis, George Washington Parke,
son of John Parke Custis, 136 ;
letter from Washington to, 361
Custis, John Parke, goods ordered
from London for, 120 ; education
of, 133 ; marries Eleanor Calvert,
136 ; letters from Washington to,
221, 228 ; death of, 251
Custis, Martha, engaged to George
Washington, 104, letter from Wash
ington to, 106 ; married to Wash
ington, III
Custis, Miss Nelly, 350 ; marriage of,
3&I
Custis, Miss Patty, goods ordered from
London for, 120 ; death of, 135
Custis, Mr., account of Washington's
visit to the Kanawhas, 85
D
Danbury, Washington's account of at
tack on, 209 ; attack on, 212

INDEX.

385

Dandridge, Francis, an English cor
respondent of Washington, 115 ;
letter from Washington to, 138
Davis, Rev. Mr., his allusion to
Washington, 84
Day, Mr., his account of Braddock's
fight, 80
De Grasse, Count, his assistance on
the Yorktown campaign, 249
Delaware River, Washington crosses,
196
D'Estaing, Count, sent to America
with the French fleet,. 225 ; en
gages the English fleet off New
port, 226 ; letters from Washington
to, 236, 283
Detroit, 279
Dinwiddie, Governor, letter from
Washington to, 76 ; convenes Vir
ginia Assembly, 86 ; appoints Wash
ington to command Virginia troops,
88 ; withdraws troops from frontier
forts, 97 ; misunderstandings with
Washington, 100
Directory, French, attitude of, 359
Dismal Swamp, project for draining,
130
Dorchester Heights occupied by
American army, 181
Dunbar, Col., in command of Brad
dock's forces, 83
Dunmore, Lord, Governor of Vir
ginia, 145 ; dissolves House of Bur
gesses, 145
Duquesne, Fort, built, 51; Braddock's
advance toward, 74 ; measures for
the capture of, 93 ; destroyed, 109
E
East India Company, its influence in
England, 144
Elktown, Howe lands at, 213
England, American successes exag
gerated in, 204 F
P'airfax Convention, Washington pre
sided at, 146 ; resolves passed by,
146, 148
Fairfax, Annie, the wife of Lawrence
Washington, 5
Fairfax, George, Washington's com

panion on surveying tour, 16 ; let
ter from Washington to, 296
Fairfax, Lord, cousin of William
Fairfax, 10 ; sends Washingcon to
survey his property, 16 ; lord-lieu
tenant of the county, 88 ; in danger
from the Indians, 94
Fairfax, Mrs., Washington's letter to,
64
Fairfax, Thomas, owner of Belvoir in
1795, 340
Fairfax, William, father-in-law of
Lawrence Washington, 5
Fauquier, Gov. , letter from Washing
ton to, no
Federal city, the, 333
Federal Convention, meets, 317 ;
Washington's diary during, 318 ;
adopts the Constitution, 322
Forbes, Gen., in command of ex
pedition against Fort Duquesne,
102 ; in command on the Virginia
frontier, 109
France, claims the Mississippi valley,
37; treaty with, 225 ; sends fleet to
America, 240 ; makes peace with
England, 259; threatened war with,
356
Franklin, Benjamin, meets Washing-
ington at Fredericktown, 67 ; warns
Braddock of Indian ambuscades, 6g ;
hires wagons and horses for Brad
dock, 69 ; his plan for guarding the
colonies, 70 ; designs first Ameri
can medal, 185
Fredericksburg, Augustine Washing
ton moves to, 3
Fredericktown, Washington joins
Braddock at, 66
Frye, Col. Joshua, put in command
of Virginia troops, 50

G

Gardoqui, Don Diego, minister from
Spain, 303 ; and the navigation of
the Mississippi, 306
Gates, Gen., sent to Philadelphia, 1S7;
decides to give up Crown Point and
Ticonderoga, 191 ; his plans for a
campaign on the Susquehanna, 196 ;
supersedes Schuyler, 211 ; his sue-

386

INDEX.

cess at Saratoga due to the Con
way cabal, 217
Genet, his intrigues against Washing
ton, 333
George, Fort, the Americans take
possession of, 260
George, Lake, Burgoyne at, 211
George II., his opinion of Washing
ton's comparison, 52
George III., his indignation at the
action of the colonies, 141 ; re
sponsibility for the acts of the gov
ernment, 152
Germaine, Lord George, 223 ; his in
fluence in England, 232
Germantown, battle at, 215, 216
Gerry, Elbridge, recommends Wash
ington for commander - in - chief,
161 ; withholds his signature from
the Constitution, 322
Glover, Col. John, commissioned to fit
out privateers, 176
Greene, Gen. Nathaniel, his ability,
165 ; at Germantown, 215, 216; sent
by Washington to D'Estaing, 226;
letter from Washington to, 269
Gregory, Mrs. Mildred, godmother to
George Washington, 2
H
Halifax, Howe retires to, 184
Halkett, Sir Peter, letter from Wash
ington to, 102
Hanbury, Capel, letter from Wash
ington to, 139
Hamilton, Alexander, his opinion of
Clinton, 232 ; in Washington's cabi
net, 326 ; withdraws from the cabi-
inet, 334 ; letter to Washington,
357 ; appointed major-general of
the provisional army, 358
Harlem Heights! Washington's head
quarters, 194
Haverstraw Bay, occupied by British
fleet, 190
Heath, Gen. Wm., letters from Wash
ington to, 246, 251
Hessians, captured at Trenton, 196
desert from the English army, 204 ;
Henry, Patrick, his opinion of Wash
ington, 150;. visits Washington at

Mount Vernon, 153 ; letter from
Washington to, 220
Hickey, hanged for complicity in plot
against Washington, 188
Hillsborough, Lord, announces remis
sion of taxes to the colonies, 144
Howe, attacks American works on
Dorchester Heights, 182 ; evacuates
Boston, 182 ; takes his forces to
Halifax, 184 ; arrives at New York,
188 ; lands on Long Island, igi ;
follows Washington to White
Plains, 194 ; his campaign in New
Jersey, 196 ; suffers by desertion
of the Hessians, 204 ; his advance
to Somerset, 209 ; his efforts to
deceive Washington by letter to
Burgoyne, 212 ; enters Chesapeake
Bay, 213 ; meets Washington at
Brandywine, 213 ; occupies Phila
delphia, 217; withdrawn from com
mand, 222 ; censured in England,
¦223
Howe, Lord, his first message to
Washington, 189
Howes, the, 189

Innes, Col., appointed to the com
mand in Virginia, 54 ; rival of Wash
ington, 98

Jay's treaty, 335
Jefferson, Thomas, letter from Wash
ington to, 244 ; dislike of the " So
ciety of the Cincinnati," 268 ; letter
from Washington to, 273 ; his dis
trust of the national union, 276 ;
appointed commissioner in Europe,
277 ; minister to France, 298 ; let
ter from Washington, 298 ; in
Washington's cabinet, 326 ; with
draws from the cabinet, 334 ; Vice-
President, 336
Johnson, Arabella, a relative of Sir
Henry Clinton, 222
Johnson, Thomas, nominates - Wash
ington to command the army, 163
Jumonville, death of, 53

INDEX.

387

K
Kennebec, Arnold's expedition up
the valley of the, 170
Keppel, A., letter to Gov. Lawrence,
79
King's College, John Custis goes to,
136
Knox, Gen., joins Washington, 181 ;
enters New York, 260 ; letter from
Washingtonto, 292; in Washington's
cabinet, 326-; withdraws from the
cabinet, 335 ; appointed major-gen
eral in the provisional army, 358

Lafayette, Geo. Washington, visits
Mount Vernon, 350
Lafayette, Marchioness, letters from
Washington to, 266, 281
Lafayette, Marquis de, arrival of, 213 ;
wounded at Brandywine, 213 ; let
ter from Washington to, 264 ; visits
America, 280 ; made citizen of
Maryland and Virginia, 281 ; let
ters from Washington, 315, 351 ;
a prisoner at Olmutz, 351
Lawrence, Gov., letter from Keppel
to, 79
Lear, Tobias, appointed Washington's
secretary, 307
Lee, Charles, his criticisms of Wash
ington, 168 ; taken prisoner, 195 ;
his loss of prestige, 218 ; conduct at
Monmouth, 224 ; court-martialed,
225
Lee, Ft., taken by Howe, 194 ; loss to
Americans by capture of, 196
Lee, " Light-Horse Harry." son of
"The Lowland Beauty," 14; his
good service in Pennsylvania, 218 ;
letter from Washington, 220 ; aids
in subduing the whiskey rebellion,
335
Lee, Richard Henry, early correspond
ence with Washington, 7 ; letter
from Washington to, 302
Lee, Gen. Robert E., grandson of
" The Lowland Beauty," 14
Lewis, Lawrence, resides at Mount
Vernon, 349 ; marries Nelly Cus
tis, 361

Lillo, George, 30
Little Meadows, Braddock's army at,
73.
Long Island, fortified by Washington,
188 ; Howe lands at, 191 ; Wash
ington defeated at, 192
Loudoun, Fort, established, 96
Loudoun, Lord, joins the troops on
the frontier, 98
"Lowland Beauty, The," 12
Loyal Hanna, 109 M
McHenry, James, appointed Secre
tary of War, 335; letter from
Washington to, 365
Mackay, Capt, joins Washington, 54
Marbois, Barbe, letter from Washing
ton to, 305
Marshall, Judge, his account of
Washington's reception at Trenton,
324
Mason, Geo., letter from Washington
to, 141 ; withholds his signature
to the Constitution, 322
Massachusetts Bay, colony of, letter
to Congress, 161
Mathews, concerned in plot against
Washington, 1S8
Maxwell, Gen., at Brandywine, 214
Mesmer, his letter to Washington, 280
Michaux visits Mount Vernon, 315
Middleburg, Washington's head-quar
ters removed to, 212
Mifflin, Gen. , John Adams's opinion of,
158 , appointed quartermaster-gen
eral, 173 ; letter from Washington
to, 208 ; concerned in the Conway
cabal, 221
Mingo, White, Washington's meeting
with, 131
Mississippi River, held by the Spanish
government, 302
Monmouth, battle Of, 224
Monongahela, crossed by Braddock,
74
Montcalm takes Forts Oswego and
Ontario, 98
Montgomery, Gen., 165
Montour, Capt. , letter from Washing
ton to, 84

388

INDEX.

Montreal, proposed attack on, 98
Morris, Gouverneur, letters from
Washington to, 328, 330
Morris, Robert, letter from Washing
ton to, 284
Morristown, winter quarters at, 203 ;
skirmishing around, 204
Mount Vernon, bequeathed to Law
rence Washington, 5 ! bequeathed
to George Washington, 31 ; George
Washington makes his home at,
114 ; Washington entertains French
officers at, 249 ; Lafayette's • visit
to, 280 ; the last return to, 338
Moylan, D., commissioned to fit out
privateers, 176 N
Nancy, the, captured by a Marble
head cruiser, 181
Nantasket Roads, occupied by Eng
lish fleet, 184
Napoleon, demands release of Lafay
ette, 351
Necessity, Fort, 54
New England, Washington's tour
through, 326
New Jersey, the American force re
moved to, 196
New Orleans, 303
New York, breaks non-importation
agreement, 144 ; Washington visits,
166 ; garrisoned, 185 ; fortified by
Clinton, 237 ; American army en
ters, 260
Newburgh address, the, 256
Newport, naval battle off, 226
Niagara, proposed attack on, 98
North Braddock, 76
North, Lord, the popular hatred of,
151 ; his reception of the news of
Cornwallis's surrender, 252
North River, Howe at the, 194

O

Ohio, Washington's tour to the valley
of the, 131 ; emigration to the val
ley of the, 302 ¦
Ontario, Fort, surrenders to Mont
calm, 98

Orme, letter to Washington, 62 ; let
ter from Washington, 62
Oswego, Fort, surrenders to Mont
calm, 98

Patriot, the Virginia, 145
Pennsylvania, mutiny of soldiers from,
259 ; whiskey insurrection in, 334
Pitt, his method of conducting mili
tary affairs, 108
Philadelphia, First Continental Con
gress meets at, 149 ; Second Con
tinental Congress meets in, 157 ;
occupied by Howe, 217 ; evacuated
by Clinton, 223 ; Society of the
Cincinnati meets at, 268 ; Federal
Convention meets at, 317 ; the seat
of government at, 333
Philipse,. Miss Mary, Washington's
admiration for, 92
Philipse, Mrs., letter from Washing
ton to, 195
Pickering, Timothy, becomes Secre
tary of War, 335 ; made Secretary
of State, 335
Pinckney, Charles Cotesworth, ap
pointed majorrgeneral of the pro
visional army, 121
Pollock, Oliver, sends powder for the
army, 170
Potomac River, navigation of the, 290,
309
Princeton, battle at, 202 ; Congress
sitting at, 259

Quebec, Arnold's expedition against,
170 ; Burgoyne lands at, 211

R

Rahl, Col., wounded at Trenton, 200
Randolph, Edmund, declines signing
the Constitution, 322 ; in Washing
ton's cabinet, 326 ; becomes Secre
tary of State, 334 ; obliged to re
sign, 335
Representatives, Mass. House of, cir
cular-letter to colonies, 140

INDEX.

3^9

Rhode Island, military operations at,
226 ; failure of operations at, 230 ;
Washington's journey through, 328
Richmond, Second Virginia Conven
tion held at, 157
Rivington, employed in secret service,
260
Robinson, Beverly, entertains Wash
ington, 92
Robinson, Speaker of the Virginia
House of Burgesses writes to
Washington, 95
Rochambeau, arrives in America, 240;
his fleet reduced by sickness, 247 ;
at Yorktown, 249 ; letter from
Washington to, 291
Rush, Dr. Benjamin, his anonymous
letter, 221

St. Clair, Sir John, wounded, 78
St. Pierre, Legardeur de, 48
Sargent, Winthrop, Washington's in
structions to, 177
Schuyler, Gen., decides to give up
Crown Point and Ticonderoga, 191;
his unpopularity, 211
Seven Years' War, the, brought on
sooner by Washington's journal, 50
Sharpe, Gov., writes to Washington,
57
Shelburne, Lord, .223
Shingis, 44; his criticism on the cam
paign, 57
Shirley, Wm., appointed to command
English forces in America, 89 ; set
tles question of rank among pro
vincial troops, 91
Sinclair, Sir John, letters from Wash
ington to, 340, 343
Smollett, his account of Washington's
campaign in Virginia, 56 ; his opin
ion of Braddock, 60
Spain makes peace with England, 259
Stamp Act, passage of, 130 ; opposi
tion to, in Virginia, 138
Stanwix, Col., in command on Penn
sylvania frontier, 100
Staten Island, Howe lands at, 189
Sterling, Gen., taken prisoner at
Long Island, 192 1

Strickland, Wm., letter from Wash
ington to, 341
Sullivan, Gen., taken - prisoner at
Long Island, 192 ; at Germantown,
215
Susquehanna, proposed campaign on
the, 196 T
Ternay, Admiral, arrives in America,
240
Thickety Run, Braddock's army at,
74
Thomas, Gen., 165
Ticonderoga, Knox captures cannon
at, 181 ; given up by Gates, 191
Trent, Capt., rumor of his capture, 51
Trenton, battle at, 198 ; Washing
ton's reception at, 324
Tryon, Wm., leads attack on Dan-
bury, 212 V
Valley Forge, Washington at, 217
Venango, Washington stops at, 44
Vernon, Admiral, ' ' glory revived
by,"_ 10
Virginia, letter to Mass., 140 ; pecu
niary distress in, 142 ; agriculture
of, 341 ; parties in, 359
Virginian Company, the, 40
W
Ward, Artemas, his great ability, 167 ;
seizes Dorchester Heights, 181 ;
letter from Washington to, 182
Warren, Joseph, his loyalty to the
king, 152 ; recommends the ap
pointment of Washington, 161
Washington, Augustine, father of Geo.
Washington, 1 ; good influence of,
over his son, 3
Washington, Augustine, Jr., half-
brother of Geo. Washington, 2 ;
letter from Geo. Washington to, 225
Washington, Ft., taken by Howe,
194 ; the loss by its surrender, 196
Washington, George, birth of, 1 ;
his home influences, 3 ; his educa
tion, 4 ; his plan of going to sea,

39°

INDEX.

Washington, George — Continued.
9 ; influence of Lord Fairfax upon,
10 ; his admiration of " Tne
Lowland Beauty," 12 ; appointed
surveyor of the county, 15 ; sur
veying in the valley of Virginia,
16 ; voyage to Barbadoes, 25 ; takes
the small-pox, 30 ; appointed ex
ecutor of his brother's estate, 30 ;
inherits Mt. Vernon, 31 ; his rules
of deportment, 31 ; his surveying
expedition beyond the Alleghanies,
42 ; his council with the Indian
chiefs, 44 ; his interviews with St.
Pierre, 45 ; his diary of the jour
ney, 47 ; declines the command of
the Virginia troops, 50 ; attacked
at Fort Necessity, 55 ; letters to
Orme, 62, 81; letter to Mrs. Fairfax,
64 ; proclaimed aide to Gen. Brad
dock, 66 ; meets Benjamin Frank
lin, 67 ; letters to his brother, 66,
70, 86, 206, 224 ; letters to his
mother, 73, 87 ; letter to Gov.
Dinwiddie, 76 ; letter to Maj. Car
lyle, 71 ; appointed commander of
Virginia troops, 82 ; letter to Capt.
Montour, 84 ; appointed by Din
widdie to command Virginia troops,
88 ; his journey to Boston, 90 ; at
tends General Court in Boston, 92 ;
visits New York, 92 ; establishes
forts on the frontier, 96 ; .his misun
derstandings with Gov. Dinwiddie,
100 ; retires to Mount Vernon on
account of ill-health, 101 ; prepara
tions for a second campaign, 102 ;
engaged to Martha Custis, 104 ;
letter to Mrs. Custis, 106 ; letter to
Fauquier, no ; his marriage, ill ;
a member of the House of Bur
gesses, IT2 ; takes charge of Mr.
Custis's property, 114; his occupa
tion at Mt. Vernon, 115 ; letters to
Robert Carey, 120, 124 ; his interest
in agriculture, 123 ; his daily life at
Mt. Vernon, 126 ; his tour to the
valley of the Ohio, 131 ; an inter
view with Indian chiefs, 131 ; let
ter to Rev. Jonathan Bouchier, 134 ;
letter to Francis Dandridge, 138 ;
letter to Capel Hanbury, 139 ; let-

Washington, George— Continued.
ter to Geo. Mason, 141 ; suggests
non-importation agreement, 142 ;
called " The Virginia Patriot," 145 ;
is president of the Fairfax Conven
tion, 145 ; his high reputation in
the colonies, 149 ; sent as delegate
to ist Continental Congress, 153 ;
his diary in the Congress, 153'; his
habit of studying political subjects,
156 ; commissioned to the com
mand of the American army, 157 ;
why appointed to the command of
the army, 162 ; his estimate of his
own fitness for the command, 164 ;
takes command of the army, 167 ;
his war policy, 168 ; sends Arnold
against Quebec, 170 ; his instruc
tions to Glover and Moylan, 176 ;
negotiations for the surrender of
Boston, 182 ; letter to Gen. Ward,
182 ; his love for children, 184 ;
letter to Landon Carter, 184 ;
sends troops to New York, 185 ;
receives a. medal from Congress,..
185 ; summoned to Philadelphia,
187 ; his first message from Howe,
1 89 ; withdraws troops from Brook
lyn, 192 ; at New York, 192 ; his .
difficulty in dealing with undisci
plined troops, 193 ; af Harlem
Heights, battle at White Plains,
194; letter to Mrs. Philipse, 195 ;
letter about the currency, 195 ;
his retreat through New Jersey,
196 ; his letter describing attack on
Trenton, 200 ; attack on Prince
ton, 202 ; at Morristown, 203 ;
letter to Rittenhouse, 205 ; letter
to Robert Alexander, 205 ; letter
to a negligent officer, 206 ; letter
to Mifflin, 208 ; letter to d' An-
mours, 209 ; assists Gates, 211 ;
correspondence with Howe re
garding prisoners, 212 ; at Mid-
dleburg, 212 ; moves toward Phila
delphia, 212 ; his account of the
battle of Brandywine, 213 ; de
spatch regarding battle of German-
town, 215 ; at Valley Forge, 217 ;
his prestige with Congress estab
lished, 218 ; letter to the commit-

INDEX.

391

Washington, George — Continued.
tee of Congress, 220 ; letter to
" Light-Horse Harry," 220; letter
to Patrick Henry, 220 ; attacks Clin
ton at Monmouth, 224 ; letters to
Count d'Estaing, 226, 236, 283 ; let
ter to Col. Cox, 227 ; letters to John
Custis, 221, 228; reasons for. this
war policy of 1779-80, 232 ; letter to
John Mitchell, 233 ; letter to Cap
tain George Lewis, 236 ; Chastel-
lux's description of, 241 ; letters to
Jefferson, 244, 273, 298 ; letters to
Heath, 246, 251 ; begins a military
journal, 247 ; conducts the York-
town campaign, 249 ; his reply to
Newburgh address, 257 ; issues
farewell address to the army, 260 ;
takes leave of his officers, 261 ;
his resignation at Annapolis, 261 ;
return to Mount Vernon, 264 ;
letters to Lafayette, 264, 315 ;
letters to the Marchioness Lafay
ette, 266, 281 ; letter to Dr. Craik,
267 ; his influence upon the Cincin
nati, 268 ; letters to Greene, 269,
270 ; amount of his personal ex
penses during the war, 274 ; his
desire for a national government,
275 ; letters to Chastellux, 277, 287 ;
his visit to the West, 277 ; letter to
Harrison, 278 ; letter to Mesmer,
280 ; letter to the Count de Solms,
281 ; letter to Robert Morris, 284 ;
letter about his journey to the
West, 285 ; letter of inquiry about
greenhouse, 286 ; letter to Dr. Le
Moyeur, 288 ; letter to the Count
de la Touche, 291 ; letter to
Rochambeau, 291 ; letter to Knox,
292 ; letter to Samuel Chase, 294 ;
letter to iEneas Lamont, 295 ; let
ter to George Fairfax, 296 ; letter
to Richard Henry Lee, 302 ; letter
to William Carmichael, 304 ; letter
to Marbois, 305 ; letter to Madame
Van Winter, 307 ; appointed a
commissioner to regulate navigation
of the Potomac, 309 ; letter to Mrs.
Graham, 311 ; letter to Samuel
Purviance, 313 ; letter to Dr. Wil
liam Gordon, 316 ; president of

Washington, George — Continued.
the Federal Convention, 317'; his
diary on the Federal Convention,
318 ; chosen President, 323 ; his
journey through New England,
326 ; letters to Gouverneur Morris,
328, 330 ; his second term, 332 ;
his foreign policy, 333'; changes in
his cabinet, 334 ; his retirement
from office, 336 ; his last, return to
Mount Vernon, 338 ; letters to Sir
John Sinclair, 340, 343 ; letter to
. William Strickland, 342 ; his daily
life at Mount Vernon, 345 ; his li
brary, 348; his collection of pict
ures, 349 ; letter to Nelly Custis,
350 ; letter to General Dumas, 352 ;
letter to Dr. Jas. Anderson, 352 ;
letter to a relative, 355 ; letter to
Mr. Goodhue, 357 ; called to com
mand the provisional army, 358 ;
letter to George Washington Parke
Custis, 361 ; the last year of his
life, 364 ; letter to McHenry, 365 ;
letter to Robert Lewis, 366 ; his
final illness, 368 ; death of, 369 ;
apotheosis of, 373, 374 ; his power
overmen, 376 ; cause of, 376 ; secret
of his success, 377.
Washington, Lawrence, half-brother
of George Washington, 2 ; his good
influence over his brother, 4 ; death
of,30 ; his scheme of colonization, 37
Washington, Lund, letter to, about
the currency, 1 95
Washington, Martha, letter from
George Washington to, 164; visits
Washington at Cambridge, 180 ;
visits Morristown, 203 ; her house
keeping at Mount Vernon, 362
Washington, Mary Ball, mother of
George Washington, 1 ; success in
bringing up her sons, 4 ; letters
from Geo. Washington to, 73, 87
Washington, Richard, letter from
Washington, 118
Wayne, Gen-., at Brandywine, 212
West Point, 244
White Plains, Washington's head
quarters at, 194
Whiting, Beverly, godfather to Ceo.
Washington, 2

392

INDEX.

William and Mary College, 15
Williamsburg, conventi6n called at,
146
Will's Creek (now Cumberland),
Washington leaves, 43
Winchester, Washington equips him
self there, 43 ; frontier troubles at,
94 ; central fort established at, 96

Wolcott, Oliver, becomes Secretary of
the Treasury, 335
Wooster, Gen., 165

Yorktown, Cornwallis's surrender at,
249

gfee Staxvj at tfe* Hati0ws.

A series of historical studies presenting in graphic narratives the stories
of the different nations that have attained prominence in history.
In the story form the current of each national life is distinctly indi
cated, and its picturesque and noteworthy periods and episodes are pre
sented for the reader in their philosophical relations to each other, as well
as to universal history.
It is the plan of the writers of the different volumes to enter into the
real life of the peoples, and to bring them before the reader as they
actually lived, labored, and struggled — as they studied and wrote, and as
they amused themselves. In carrying out this plan, the myths, with
which the history of all lands begins, have not been overlooked, though
these are carefully distinguished from the actual history, so far as the
labors of the accepted historical authorities have resulted in. definite
conclusions. " No series of the day deserves more praise." — Commercial Gazette.
" For students, young or old, there are few better books than these." —
Lippincott* s.
" Clear, rapid, and entertaining accounts of the principal nations of the
ancient and modern world.'" — N. Y. Tribune.
The following volumes are now ready (May, 1887), each fully illustrated.
and beautifully printed. Large 12010, $1.50 :
I-— The Story of Greece. By Prof. Jas. A. Harrison.
II.— The Story Of Rome-. By Arthur Gilman.
III.— The Story Of the JeWS* By Prof. James K. Hosmer.
iv.— The Story of Chaldea. By z. A. Ragozin.
v.— The Story of Germany. By s. Baring-Gould.
VI.— The Story Of Norway. By Hjalmar H. Boyesen.
VII.— The Story Of Spain. By Rev. E. E. and Susan Hale.
vin.— The Story of Hungary. By Prof. A. v&mbfiry.
ix. -The Story of Carthage. By Prof. Alfred J. Church.
X.— The Story of the Saracens. By Arthur Gilman.
XI.— The Story of the Moors in Spain. By Stanley Lane-
Poole.
XII.— The Story of the Normans- By Sarah Orne Jewett.
XIII.— The Story of Persia. By S. G. W. Benjamin.
XIV.— The Story Of Ancient Egypt. By Prof. Geo. Rawlinson.
xv.— The Story of Alexander's Empire. By Prof. j. p.
Mahaffy.
XVI.— The Story Of Assyria. By Z. A. Ragozin.
*#* Full prospectus sent on application to
G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS, Publishers, New York and London.

WfiLusfaingftou QmiUQ's WLovks.

G. P. Putnam's Sons issue the only authorized and revised editions of
Irving's Works. They publish these in the following styles :
I-— The Geoffrey Crayon Edition. 27 vols. Large octavo,
cloth, $65.
11.— The Hudson Edition. 27 vols. Octavo, cloth, $45.
in. — The People's Edition. 26 vols. i6mo, cloth, $26.
IV.— The StUyVesant Edition, exclusive of The Companions of
Columbus, The Successors of Mahomet, The Life of Irving, and
The Life of Washington. 7 vols. Large i2mo, cloth, $12. Or,
with The Life of Washington, 10 vols., $17.00.
v.-The Stratford Edition.
• Washington and the American Revolution.
The Life of Columbus.
The Sketch Book.
Knickerbocker's History of New York.
4 vols, in box, $5.00.
*** The above volumes sold separately.
The separate works are :
1.— The Alhambra. x.— Mahomet and His Sue-
II.— Astoria. cessors. 2 vols.
in.- Bonneville. XL— Miscellanies.
iv.-Bracebridge Hall. xn.-The Sketch Book.
v.— Crayon Miscellany. xni.— Spanish Papers.
vi.— Lifeof Columbus. 3vois. xiv.— Salmagundi.
vil.-Oliver Goldsmith. xv.— Tales of a Traveller.
viii.— Conquest of Granada, xvi.— Life of George Wash-
ix.— Knickerbocker's His- ington. 5 vols.
tory of New York. xvn.-Wolfert's Roost.
*#* Any of the above can be supplied separately, in various styles,
ranging in price from $x to $16 per volume.
A complete descriptive list of Irving's Works will be forwarded to any
address upon application to
G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS, Publishers, New York and London.

Travels of Edmondo de Amicis.

I. CONSTANTINOPLE. Octavo, cloth ... $i 50
" The most picturesque and entertaining volume contained in the recent litera
ture on the Eastern quesLion."— Boston Journal.
"A remarkable work # # * the iiuthor is a poet, an artist, a wonder
worker in words * * * hj., descriptions arc j;iven with rare skill."— N. Y. Evening
Post. II. HOLLAND AND ITS PEOPLE. Octavo, cloth. With 18 full-
page plates  $2 co
u In descriptive passages, Signor Amicis is at home. A wealth of imagery
flows from his pen and lightens the pages into prose poems. He has a quiet humor of
the Latin type, a disposition to be amused ; but he is quick to sympathize with the
emotions of nis Dutch friends, and if he smiles at their stolidity, admires the rugged
qualities and native genius which have produced a William of Orange, a John De Witt,
a Barneveld, and a Rembrandt." — Boston Traveller.
*' It is only simple justice to say that a more delightful volume of travels
hardly may be found." — Philadelphia Times.
" His sparkling, graphic book is a thoroughlv charming one, to which we give
the most unaffected praise."— Louisville Courier-Journal.
III. STUDIES OF PARIS. Octavo, cloth . . . . %1 25
"Poet in prose, painter in phrases, subtle musician in the harmonies of lan
guage, de Amicis has comprehended the manifold amazement, the potent charm of
Paris as no writer before him has done." — Portland Press.
*k A marvel of intense, rapid, graphic, and poetic description, by one of the most
brilliant of modern Italian writers. The chapters, on Hugo and Zola show the same
power of description and analysis in dealing with mind and character." — Christian
Register. IV. SPAIN AND THE SPANIARDS. Octavo, cloth. With fulU
page illustrations  $2 00
11 For it may justly be claimed for this book that it contains one of the most
vivid, and withal one of the most agreeable and faithful panoramas of Spanish life and
scenery anywhere to be found." — 'J he Critic.
"This volume is the freshest and most readable of all recent ones about this
romantic land." — Hartford Courant.
"Of his now famous books of travel, 'Spain' is second to none of them m
freshness of sight and vivacious description." — N. Y. Tribune.
V. MOROCCO, ITS PEOPLE AND PLACES. Octavo, cloth,
fully illustrated . . . . . . . . $2 00
The centre of European political interests and complications has for the
moment been transferred to North Africa, and this description of methods of life and
thought of one of the most picturesque of North African peoples, and by one of the
most picturesque of modern travellers, has at this time a special interest and value.
Morocco is a country of color and of brilliant contrasts, and presents a worthy
subject for a writer who revels in color and has been called a painter in words.

G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS, New York and London.

MISS BIRD'S TRAVELS.
Unbeaten Tracks in Japan. An account of Travels on Horse
back in the Interior. By Isabella Bird. 2 vols. 8vo. Illustrations
and maps  $5 00
 The same. Popular edition. 1 vol. 8vo . . . $3 00
11 Miss Bird is one of the most remarkable travellers of our day. Penetrating into
regions wholly unknown by the outside world, she has accomplished, by the force of an
indomitable will, aided by great tact and shrewdness, a task to which few men would have
been found equal ; and she has brought away from the scene of her researches not only a
lively tale of adventure, but a great store of fresh and interesting information about the
character and habits of a people now undergoing one of the strangest transformations the
world has ever seen. We doubt whether the inner life of Japan has ever been better described
than in the pregnant pages of this pertinacious Englishwoman." — N. Y. Daily Tribune.
A Lady's Life in the Rocky Mountains. By Isabella L.
Bird, author of ' ' Unbeaten Tracks in Japan, " etc. OcLavo, illus
trated .  $1 75
uOf the bold dragoons who have recently figured in military life, bewitching the
world with feats of noble horsemanship, the fair Amazon who rides like a Centaur
over the roughest passes of the Rocky Mountains will certainly bear away the
palm." — New York Tribune.
u Told with a gracefulness and an enthusiasm that render her work more entertaining
and thrilling than any fictitious story of adventure." — New England Farmer .
Six Months among the Palm Groves* Coral Reefs, and
Volcanoes of the Sandwich Islands. Fourih edition, with illus
trations. i2mo, cloth ....... %2 50
" Miss Bird is the ideal traveller." — London Spectator.
The Golden Chersonese and the Way Thither. Octavo, cloth,
with 24 illustrations and 2 maps . . . . . . $2 25
Sketches of travel in the Malayan Peninsula.
11 There never was a more perfect traveller than Miss Bird. * * * Interesting
extracts could be made from every page of the book * * * one of the cleverest
books of travel of the year." — New York Times.
u For practical common-sense, womanly dignity, purpose, and, as we Americans say,
clear 'grit,' recommend us to Miss Bird." — New York Churchman.
" It is impossible here to give any fair idea of the charm of this book ; it is redolent
of the tropics." — San Francisco Chronicle.
G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS, Publishers, New York and London.

'YALE 'VNIVERSITY ? |
? L I B R,A R,Y * !