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CONrEDERATION ;
OR,
THE POLITICAL AND PAELIAMENTAET
HISTOEY OF CANADA,
FROM
THE CONFERENCE AT QUEBEC, IN OCTOBER, 1864,
TO THE
ADMISSION OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, IN JULY, 1871.
IN TWO VOLUMES.
BY THE
HON. JOHN HAMILTON GRAY, D.C.L., M.P.
Umpire between. Great Britain and the United States under the Treaty of Washington
I 857-1858.
H. M.'s Comm.issioner on the Tenant Question in Prince Edward's Island, i86o-i86i.
Dominion Arbitrator between tJte Provinces of Ontario and Quebec, under the British
North A?nerican Act, 1867.
Formerly Attorney-General, and Speaker of the House of Assembly in New Brunswick.
One of the Delegates to the Charlotte Town and Quebec Conventions, in 1864.
And Member for the City and County of Saint John, New Brunswick, from 1S50 to i.Zt2.
FIRST VOLUME.

TORONTO:
COPP, CLARK & CO., PRINTERS, KING STREET EAST.
1872.

Entered according to Act of Parliament of Canada, in the year one thousand eight
hundred and seventy-two, by John Hamilton Gray, D.C.L,, M.P., in the
Office of the Minister of Agriculture.

TO THE MEMBERS

HOUSE OF COMMONS

CANADA.

" St quid novisii rectius istis,
Candidus imjierti. Si nottr-his utere mecum." Hor. Epist. 6.

J. H. GRAY.

Ottawa, April ii, 1872.

COITTEIirTS.

CHAPTER I.
Preliminary observations as to the Imperial Colonial Policy, from the time of
the American Revolution to the adoption of Free Trade — Progress of
opinion in England — Concurrent progress of opinion and political deve
lopment in Canada and the Maritime Provinces — Lord Durham's mis
sion — Intercolonial Trade — Intercolonial Railway — Frontier disputes
with the United States — Ashburton Treaty — Consequences — Intercolo
nial negotiations respecting commercial union — Abortive — Gait's policy
on joining the cabinet in 1858 — Imperial policy undecided..— American
troubles in 1862 — Trent affair — Effect on Imperial policy — Dead lock in
Canada — Brovfn joins the government ih 1864 — Ministerial explanations
— Movements in the Maritime Provinces towards Legislative Union —
CharlottetoviTi Convention — Attendance of Canadian Ministers — Dis
cussions — Halifax — Macdonald and Brown's speeches — Saint John —
Cartier and Gait — A.D. 1776 to 1864.
CHAPTER II.
Meeting of Delegates at Quebec, October 10, 1864 — Reflections on the time,
place and circumstances — American war — Sittings with closed doors —
Reasons for — Voting by Provinces — Adoption of Federal instead of
Legislative Union — Submission of Resolutions defining proposed Consti
tution — Discussion of do — Contrast of source of power in the proposed
Constitution and that of the United States — Policy of free trade — No
distinction in political rights — Difficulties in representative and financial
arrangements — Electoral Divisions of Lower Canada — Representation by
Population — Rule exceptional on entering Confederation — Absolute for
subsequent guidance — Similarity to original provision in the American
Constitution — Upper House, territorial and nominative — Provision for
primary selection — Admission of North-West Territories and British
Columbia — Adjustment of the financial arrangements — Direct taxation
for general purposes unknown in Maritime Provinces — Crisis — -Sub-

VI CONTENTS.
Committee of Finance Ministers — Report — -Apportionment of powers —
Crown Lands and Minerals to Local Governments — Reasons for — Judi
ciary — Court of Appeal — Uniformity of Laws — Intercolonial Railway — '
Crown Lands in Newfoundland — Exceptions for Prince Edward Island —
Export duty on lumber in New Brunswick — Royalties in Nova Scotia — ¦
Resolutions — Financial Statement of the position of Canada as compared
with the other Provinces — A.D. 1864.
CHAPTER III.
Banquets at Quebec and Montreal — Public sentiment in Lower Caiiada —
Conduct of the Press — Custom of the ancient Germans followed by the
English — Speeches at Quebec — Reception by the Laval University —
Reception at Montreal- — Education of the public mind — Remarks of Dele
gates and Local Members at Montreal — A.D. 1864.
CHAPTER IV.
Public sentiment in Upper Canada (now Ontario) — Selection of Ottawa as the
seat of Government — Description — Reasons for — Propriety of — Ultimate
fiiture and requisites for, as the Capital of the Doniinion — American legis
lation and action on the selection of Washington — Banquet at Ottawa —
Observations of speakers — Banquet at Toronto — Ditto — Explanations of
details by Hon. Geo. Brown — Rude awakening of the Maritime Delegates
on their return to Nova Scotia and New Bruns-nHck — A. D. 1864.
CHAPTER V.
Assent of the Imperial Government — Despatch from the Colonial Secretary,
December, 1864 — Public sentiment in England, Scotland and the United
States on the proposed Confederation — Seward — A.D. 1864.
CHAPTER VI.
The Situation — Relative position of Great Britain and the B. N. American
Provinces as to the internal government of the latter — As to Trade Re
lations with Foreign Countries — Despatch to Lord Elgin, December
1 84&— Objection to policy by manufacturing interests in England and
Scotland— Reiteration of poUcy by the Imperial Government  Excep
tional and liberal conduct towards the Provinces iu matters of Recipro
city with the United States — Position of Inter-Provincial Trade  Objec
tions to Confederation from different stand-points — Political aspect 
Misapprehension in England on the severance of Canada from Great
Britain — Observations in the Imperial Parliament — Mr. Roebuck  Mr.
Adderley— Sii: Cornwall Lewis— Mr. D'Israeli— Lord Palmerston, and

CONTENTS. Vll
Mr. Baring — The Times —Pamphlets — Irritative effect in Canada — -
Examination of the subject — Position 20 years hencQ — Views of the " Com
mittee on Commerce" of the House of Representatives of the United
States — Free Trade Policy of Canada — Hincks — Imports — Exports —
Character of Comparison — Breadstuffs to England — Change in 17 years
— Export trade to the United States — Change — Effect on British producer
— Tea trade — Affected by Pacific Railway — Returns — Pumpelly on
Russian Asiatic Trans-continental Railway — Canada as a market — United
States diminution of shipping — Internal trade — Merger of Canada in the
United States — Loss of Asiatic trade to England — Action of United States
not to be tested by ordinary rules of reasoning — Interest of Canada as
separate — Intercontinental carrying trade — Effect of separation upon Great
Britain in case of war — Canadian neutrality — Effect on Canada — Loss —
Loss greater to Great Britain — Mutual interest to continue the connection
— Blackwood — Letter of an American statesman.
CHAPTER VII.
Debate in the Canadian Legislature on Confederation — The Governor-
General's Speech — Motion in the Legislative Council — Do. in the House
of Assembly — Character of the Debate — Division in the Council on the
main motion — Names — Do. in the House — Names — Synopsis of speeches
of men representing views of all parties — A. D. 1865.
CHAPTER VIII.
Death of Sir E. P. Tache — Character — Reconstruction of the Government —
Ministerial negotiations — Action of the Government after reconstruc
tion — Confederate Council on Trade — Resolutions — Deputation to Wash
ington — Negotiations at Wa,shington for renewal of the Reciprocity
Treaty — Failure — Report to the British Minister at Washington — Terms
proposed by Canada — Counter terms by the United States — Public
satisfaction at the ^ejection of the latter — Effect on Confederation —
A. D. 1865 & 1866
CHAPTER IX.
Resignation of Mr. Brown — Parliamentary explanations — Reasons assigned —
Examination of minutes of Council and Mr Gait's memorandum —
Reasons existing— Subsequent conduct — A. D. 1865 & 1866.
CHAPTER X.
Deputation to England — Defence — Imperial policy on Confederation after
defeat in New Brunswick — The West Indian and Brazilian Commis
sion — Instructions — Report — Imperial Despatches — Relaxation of the
rule with reference to the Inter-Provincial Trade as to British North

¦Vm CONTENTS.
America — Constitutional question— Gait — Macdougall — Difficulty of
dealing with the West Indies — Gait on Colonial Taxation — Action of
the Imperial Government — Negotiations in 1862 with France — Remon
strance — Removal of Baron Boilleau — Importance of Trade question —
Necessity of concession tq Canada by the Imperial Government to
make exceptional reciprocal arrangements with South America, and
with all the British Colonies wherever situate — Changed position of
Canada — Increased responsibilities necessitate increased powers —
A.D. 1865.
CHAPTER XI.
The Fenian Invasion of i866 — Lower Canada Education Bill — Action of the
Government — Gait's resignation — Subsequent conduct — Constitution of
the Local Governments and Legislatures for Upper and Lower Canada —
Resolutions and amendments — Parliamentary action of prominent Upper
Canadian Politicians on Representation by Population — Address to the
Queen — Announcement of Deputation — Expiry of the Parliament of Old
Canada-A. D. 1866.
CHAPTER XH.
Vancouver Island — Canadian Pacific Railway — Thunder Bay Mining Region —
Departure of Deputation for England — Legislative action of Nova Scotia
and New Brunswick— Future consideration of details of contest in those
Provinces — Political Acrobats — Departure of Deputations from New
Brunswick and Nova Scotia — Remonstrance on non-arrival of Canadian
Deputation— Reply— Proposition relative to Prince Edward Island —
Formation of London Conference — Resolutions — Differences from Quebec
Resolutions — Discussions and Bills framed — Additional Clauses in Act as
ultimately passed — Propositions on Intercolonial Railway— Guarantee 
Imperial Legislation— Return of Deputation— Legislation in New Bruns
wick and Nova Scotia on Dual Representation — Resignations of Members
—Imperial Honours— Royal Proclamation— Charge of corruption against
Canadian statesmen— First of July, 1867— A.D. 1866 and 1867.

CONFEDERATION :
OR,
THE POLITICAL AND PARLIAMENTARY
HISTOEY OF CANADA,
¦ FROM
OCTOBER, 1864, TO JULY, 1871.

CHAPTER I.
Preliminary observations as to the Imperial Colonial Policy, from the time of
the American Revolution to the adoption of Free Trade — Progress of
opinion in England — Concurrent progress of opinion and political deve
lopment in Canada and the Maritime Provinces — Lord Durham's mis
sion — Intercolonial Trade — Intercolonial Railway — Frontier disputes
with -the United States — Ashburton Treaty — Consequences — Intercolo
nial negotiations respecting commercial union — Abortive — Gait's policy
on joining the cabinet in 1858 — Imperial policy undecided — American
troubles in 1862 — Trent affair — Effect on Imperial policy — Dead lock in
Canada — Brown joins the government in 1864 — Ministerial explanations
— Movements in the Maritime Provinces towards Legislative Union —
Charlottetown Convention — Attendance of Canadian Ministers — Dis
cussions — Halifax — Macdonald and Brown's speeches — Saint John —
Cartier and Gait — A.D. 1776 to 1864.
The policy of the Imperial Government towards its possessions
in British North America for many years after the American
Revolution, was one of disintegration, rather than consolidation.
" Ships, Colonies and Commerce," remained the chosen motto of
the Empire. The strength acquired by the union of the thirteen
United States indicated, as it was conceived, future dismember
ment and severance of the remaining Colonies, should they be
allowed to coalesce too much.
Convenience for the administration of local affairs in countries
so widely extended and so sparsely settled, also in some degree
tended to keep the remaining Provinces apart. New Brunswick
was separated from Nova Scotia ; the two Canadas were divided ;
2

10

CONFEDERATION.

Cape Breton was constituted a distinct government; Prince
Edward Island, with its scant population and limited area,
retained its old isolation, and Newfoundland was made a post
captain's appointment. Separate governments, separate parlia
ments, different laws, and hostile tariffs fostered local prejudices
and created divergent interests.
Thirty-five years ago the voice of Free Trade was heard in
England. Protection was assailed. The change was rapid. In a
few years the preferential duties in favour of colonial timber were
abolished. The old idea of restricting the trade of the Colonies
to the mother country was abandoned. The Cromwell code of the
navigation laws lost its hold upon the country ; the corn laws were
swept away. " Buy in the cheapest market, sell in the dearest,"
was heard from Manchester and Birmingham, echoed in Liverpool
and London, and rolled back from the Solway and the Clyde.
The policy of the Empire was changed. The United States were
hetter customers than the British North American Provinces.
Why, then, it was asked, retain the latter at the expense of the
over-taxed citizens of England? British interests, it was said,
required that they should be severed, from the parent state.
British honor forbade that they shoidd be abandoned, until able
to take care of themselves. They must be taught self-reliance ;
to share largely, nay, to bear almost entirely, the burden of their
own defence. Having the entire and absolute control of all local
sources of wealth, with unrestricted powers of legislation in all
matters save those affecting Imperial interests, they had been for
fifteen years past, in all but the tie of a willing allegiance, inde
pendent countries. But they must not be allowed to fall into the
United States, and add to the aggressive power of that already
great Republic. The loyal sentiment of the people must be
nurtured ; the attachment of a free people to the mother country
must not be rudely rent asunder. Sustained and strengthened by
the Imperial connection, they must be guided on to a development
of power, of nationality, that would enable them at a future day
to take their place amid the nations of the earth, the friend and
not the foe of England. Opinion changed. Union is strength •
and Consolidation becomes the policy of the Empire.

CONFEDERATION. 1 1
Such was the working of the public mind in England. But
during these same thirty-five years, the public mind in British
North America had not been stationary. Equally progressive, it
had passed from the weakness of infancy and pupilage to the
strength of maturity and manhood. Thirty-five years ago, these
Provinces were governed from England ; local appointments of
honor and emolument were made from England. A few favored
families held the patronage of the country. The debates of the
legislative councils were held with closed doors. Irresponsible
office-holders, bishops and judges were members. They admitted
no right in the people to question the sacred character of their
proceedings. The public lands and public revenues, the mines and
minerals, were Imperial property, and disposed of by Imperial
direction ; sometimes to pay the debts of a spendthrift duke, some
times to provide for a needy baronet, and sometimes for the colony.
Treaties were made by which Provinces were dismembered without
consulting the Colonial authorities or considering the Colonial
interests ; engendering future complications with foreign countries,
and leaving to the Colonies the seeds of future permanent injury,
though giving to the mother country a temporary relief from
anxiety. Measures of internal vital importance, passed by the
local legislatures, were ignored. . Complaints against public officers
were studiously disregarded, or, if acceded to, neutralized by the
action of irresponsible ministers, holding their appointments from
abroad, irrespective of the wishes of the people whose interests
they were to serve. Sustained, though condemned, the ofiicial
retained his place. " Hie est dcminatus inani judicio at tu victrix
Provinda ploras."
This could not last. Howe in Nova Scotia, Wilmot in New
Brunswick, Papineau in Lower, and Baldwin in Upper Canada,
struggled for reform. They demanded for the people the control
of the local revenues, the appointment of Provincial officers, and
the constitutional selection of ministers responsible to the people
of the country for the administration of local affairs. Theirs was
no pigmy contest in those days ; every vested interest arrayed its
hydra head against them. Persons whose families had held office
until they deemed the succession should be hereditary, denounced

12 CONFEDERATION.
them as rebels — as disloyal. Misrepresentation and calumny
followed them abroad, social ostracism at home. The Lieutenant-
Governors, regardless of their duty, became partizans in the
contest, and put themselves in personal antagonism to the friends
of progress. To such an extent did this go, that Sir Archibald
Campbell, the sturdy old conqueror of Burmah, the then Lieu
tenant-Governor of New Brunswick, coolly informed the Legis
lature of that Province, in answer to an overwhelming address
from that body for his removal, " that he had served his Sovereign
so long abroad, that he did not care for their opinion." Between
Mr. Howe and Lord Falkland, the Lieutenanl^Govemor, the alter
cation went so far, that the indignant Nova Scotian threatened to
hire a black man to horsewhip the representative of the Sovereign.
Papineau did not stop on the verge of rebellion, and the language
of Rolph and Baldwin had the ring of Massachusetts Bay in
1776. American experience was not thrown away on England. The
broad intellect of Lord Durham and the constitutional knowledcfe
of Charles Buller quieted the storm. The practical concession of
their rights having been established, the people of British North
America set themselves to work, each Province in its own way, to
develope the resources of its own locality. A healthy cHmate
and great natural advantages bore them onward, but no one
common direction governed the general movement. Each did
what was best for itself, regulated its tariff by its own immediate
wants, built its little Chinese wall round its own frontier, and
taxed the manufactures of a sister Province as readily as those of
Russia or the United States. Resting on its mother's leading
hand, each toddled along in its own harmless way. But science,
steam, telegraphs and railways, had taught a new education. The
stupendous progress of the United States, with an unrestricted
commerce from Florida to Maine, stood out in bold contrast to
the narrow policy of Provincial isolation; and thinking minds, in
advance of their time, conceived that if all the Provinces' of
British North America were united, Avith a common tariff and an
unrestricted internal trade, a similar result, to a certain extent,
might be obtained.

CONFEDERATION. 13
The dream of the political economist was brought about by
ca uses, the effect of which, at their inception, was not foreseen
Many years previous to the Ashburton treaty — as far back as
1834 or 1835 — John Wilson, an enterprising merchant of St.
Andrews, in the Province of New Brunswick, had originated a
company for the construction of a railway from St. Andrews to
Quebec ; and a survey of the same had been made, under the
directioii of Major Yule, an officer of the Royal Engineers. This
line, though countenanced by the British Government, owed its
coStompIS^tion more to its commercial than to its military impor
tance. Its course was comparatively straight and short. But,
pending this survey, the United States Government claimed the
territory through which it passed. The border difficulties of 1839
and 1840 — ^during w^hich war was only averted by the prudence of
Sir John Harvey and General Scott — ^terminated in disgraceful
concession. The "Ashburton capitulation," as Lord Palmerston
called it, was signed in 1842. A wedge of foreign territory was
thrust up between Canada and New Brunswick, without consulting
those Provinces ; and the opportunity of constructing, on British
soil, speedy and direct land communication between the two, was
lost forever.
Resulting from the disturbances in Canada previous to and
during the years 1837 and 1838, the circumstances attending the
claim of the United States to the frontier bomidary, and other
occurrences about the same time, the attention of the British
Government, which had before been turned to the construction of
a military road from Halifax to Quebec, sufficiently far removed
from the Ajnerican frontier to be always available, was materially,
strengthened. The proposition to substitute a railroad in lieu of
such military road had been thrown out by Lord Durham, but in
no way acted upon. In 1845, the Governor of Nova Scotia applied
to Her Majesty's Government to conduct a survey under the
direction of competent military engineers, either at the expense of
the British or Colonial Governments ; suggesting at the same time
that the importance of the ultimate object was so great, that he
hoped this preparatory step might be deemed worthy of Imperial
assistance. Her Majesty's Government assented to the application,

14 CONFEDERATION.
but declined granting Imperial aid ; and a survey and exploration
of a line from Halifax to Quebec, through the northern part of
New Brunswick, made at the joint expense of the three Provinces
of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick and Canada, under the direction
of Major Robinson, an officer of the Royal Engineers, was com
menced in 1846, and completed in 1848. No immediate action
was taken on this survey ; but, after several years of negotiations,
principally through the exertions of Mr. Howe, the Imperial
Government, in 1851, by the Colonial Secretary, Lord Grey, made
a specific offer to aid with an Imperial guarantee the construction
of a railway on the route surveyed by Major Robinson, if the
Provinces of Canada, New Brunswick and Nova Scotia would
undertake to build one, subject to the approval of Her Majesty's
Government. A re-formation of the Government of New Bruns
wick, in 1851, based upon a demand for a similar extension of the
Imperial guarantee to the construction through New Brunswick of
lie European and North American Railway, then lately originated
at a railway convention held at Portland, in the State of Maine,
and legislated upon by the Provinces of New Brunswick and Nova
Scotia and the State of Maine; and the refusal of the British
Government to extend that guarantee — upon the ground that the
newly proposed road could not be regarded as of the same Imperial
character or importance as the Intercolonial, and that the language
of the despatch, upon which such demand had been made, was
misunderstood — ^prevented at that time any action upon the offer.
In the subsequent year, 1852, Canada (through the instrumentality
of Messrs. Hincks, Young and Tach6, members of the Government)
and New Brunswick agreed upon a line to be buUt by their Govern
ments, through the valley of the St. John ; but to this Nova Scotia
objected ; and the Colonial Minister having refused the guarantee
to file new route, upon the ground that the negotiations had been
based upon the Major Robinson line, or an approximation to it,
efforts for its construction ultimately died out. The three Pro
vinces, therefore, if they desired to act conjointly and obtain the
Imperial guarantee, were compelled to adopt a line sufficiently
removed from the American frontier to comply with the military
character of the work for which the guarantee was orio-inally offered.

CONFEDERATION. 15
Though, owing to these different complications in the Provinces,
the work was thus retarded, the idea was never abandoned, and at
various times between that period and 1860, numerous negotiations
were had between the Provinces touching its construction. In
1862-3, these had proceeded so far, that an apportionment of the
relative expense to be borne by the Provinces separately had been
agreed upon, and laws passed in the Legislatures of New Bruns
wick and Nova Scotia to confirm the arrangement. From some
cause, which to the maritime Provinces was never satisfactorily
accounted for, the arrangement was not adhered to by Canada.
During the same period efforts had also been repeatedly made by
the several Governments to bring about a union of postal and
fiscal regulations, and a similarity of tariffs, but the local necessi
ties of each, and the supposed divergence of interests, had rendered
those efforts ineffectual.
No serious attempt, however, at a pohtical union had been
made ; but the public mind was rapidly expanding both to ite
importance and necessity. In 1854 the question had been brought
up in the Nova Scotia House of Assembly, and the great leaders
of the Conservative and Liberal parties, Messrs. Johnston and
Howe, throwing aside the rivalry of party, had delineated with
equal power the advantages that would result from combining the
scattered elements of prosperity and strength separately possessed
by the several Provinces.
In 1858, in the Canadian Parhament, the movement assumed a
more tangible shape, and union was made a part of the policy of
the Government. Mr. Gait, on his becoming a member of the
administration, insisted on its being made a cabinet question ; and
Sir Edmund Head, in his speech at the close of the session,
intimated that his government, during the recess, would take
action in the matter. These tendencies, however, were all abor
tive ; they produced nothing. On this subject, at that time, the
Imperial Government itself had no definite policy. In 1857,
when, in furtherance of the movement in the Nova Scotia Parlia
ment, the Hon. Messrs. Johnston and Adams G. Archibald had gone
to England to confer with Her Majesty's Government on that as
well as on other matters, Mr. Labouchere, the Secretary of State

CONFEDERATION.

for the Colonies, intimated to them that it was a question entirely
for the Colonies themselves, and that no obstacle to its accomplish
ment would be thrown in their way. In 1858, when, in further
ance of the then adopted policy of the Canadian Government,
Messrs. Cartier, Gait and Ross specially waited upon the Imperial
Government, requesting authority for a meeting of delegates from
each of the Colonies, to take the question into consideration. Sir
Edward Bulwer Lytton, the then Secretary, replied that the ques
tion " was necessarily one of an Imperial character," and declined
to authorize the meeting because, with the exception of one, he
had received no expression of sentiment from the Lower Provinces
on the subject. In 1862, the Duke of Newcastle, the then Colo
nial Secretary, in a dispatch to the Governor-General, after stating
in explicit terms that Her Majesty's Government was not prepared
to announce any definite policy on this question for a similar
reason, added that " if a union, either partial or complete, should
hereafter be proposed, with the concurrence of all the Provinces
to be united, I am sure that the matter would be weighed in this
country, both by the public, by Parliament, and by Her Majesty's
Government, with no other feeHng than an anxiety to discern and
promote any course which might be the most conducive to the
prosperity, the strength and harmony of all the British communi
ties in North America."
The war in the United States, however, and the Trent affair of
1861-2, put an end to all vacillation on the part of the Imperial
Government ; and from the Prime Minister to the peasant, whether
Liberal or Conservative, whether Tory or Radical, but one policy
for the future was to prevail. British America was to be consoli
dated ; British America was to be made self-reliant ; British
America was to be put in a position to require as little from the
British Government as was possible, with an allegiance that was
voluntary, and a connection that was almost nominal. The inteo'-
rity of the Empire was to be preserved, but the outlying frontier
was to be mainly instrumental in preserving it. Union, received
an astoundmg impulse. It perhaps never before occurred that
two independent bodies, moving in their own orbits, so suddenly'
and so simultaneously received an influence from different causes

CONFEDERATION. 17
impelling them in the same direction, and that direction to result
in their mutual good. The force was irresistible ; it was to the
same end, but neither body was to be coercive of the other. The
outward pressure of mutual necessity and mutual advantage broke
like light upon the public mind. Both parties were to be strength
ened, but the result was to be obtained by the voluntary action of
a free people, the exercise of their constitutional rights, the assent
of the national judgment. Events moved on with startling
rapidity. What, up to 1861, had been the shadowy outline of a
patriot's broad conceptions, or the enthusiast's dream, suddenly
sprang into a tangible creation, "rudis indigestaque moles" at
first, but soon to be moulded into shape, each fragment taking its
proper place, each individual part fitting to its proper sphere, and
standing forth a compact and substantial fabric.
Li the winter of 1864, though the public mind was thus agitated,
all reasonable hopes of effecting any arrangement with Canada,
either of a fiscal nature or for the construction of the intercolonial
road at an early day, seemed to have been abandoned in the Lower
Provinces ; and the Legislatures of New Brunswick, Nova Scotia
and Prince Edward Island had, at their sessions in that year,
severally passed resolutions authorising their respective Govern
ments to enter into negotiations, and hold a Convention for the
purpose of effecting a union of the Maritime Provinces, political,
legislative and fiscal. That Convention was appointed to meet at
Charlottetown, in Prince Edward Island, in the month of September
following. It is necessary here to retrace our steps for a moment, and take
a rapid glance at the position of Canada. During the previous
ten or fifteen years, though politically united, the conflicting
interests of Upper and Lower Canada had become more 4ivergent.
At the union of the two Provinces, under Lord Sydenham, in
1841, the Parliamentary representation was rather in favor of
Lower Canada; and the rule of equal territorial representation,
which, in the interests of Upper Canada, was at that time adopted,
in order to neutralize the supposed inequality, was, owing to the
more rapid increase in wealth and population of that Province,
found soon to operate to its disadvantage. In a short time Upper
exceeded Lower Canada in its population by many hundred thou-

18 CONFEDERATION.
sands (nearly half a million), without ha^^ng received any corres
ponding increase in representation, or influence in the raising or
disbursement of the revenues obtained from the taxation of both.
Thus, prominent among the political questions of the day became
Representation by Population.
But the governing by double majorities was equally a source of
difficulty. It was necessary that the portion of the cabinet formed
from each Province should carry -n-ith it the support of the majority
of the representatives of the Province from which it came. A more
absurd mode of government could hardly be conceived ; for wliile
the leading ministers and statesmen of both Provinces might be
thoroughly united on a question of general importance to the
whole, the local jealousy of a part of either one particularly
affected might deprive the portion of the cabinet belonging to that
Province of its support, and thus defeat a ministry commanding
the confidence of the whole country, and a majority of the Parlia
ment, but unable, from some local cause, to carry a particular
section. Under such a system, local jealousies are fostered, broad
and Kberal views are abandoned, sections become powei-s, principles
degenerate into personalities, consistency is sacrificed for place, and
the parliamentary debates become remarkable for the acerbity they
display, rather than for the talent they evolve.
The jealousies between the Upper and Lower Canadas increased ;
party lines became more clearly defined (if adherence to persons
and sections more than to principle can be called party) ; and
government, in a parliamentary sense, became practic;\lly impos
sible. In the session of 1863, on all questions aftecting the then
existmg ministry, under the leadership of the Hon. John Sandfield
Macdonald, the divisions were so nearly equal that the Government
ceased to command its proper infiuence. At the re-assembling of
Parliament in February, 18G4, finding that no additional strength
had been acquired during the recess, though a dissolution had
taken place and a general election had been held for the purpose of
testing public opinion, the Government resigned ; and in March
1864, a new administration, under Sir E. P. TachiS, was formed.
Up to June the divisions shewed a similar position for the new
Government. On the 1 4th of June the Journals of the Legislative
Assembly have the following entry: — "The Hon. Mr. Brown

CONFEDERATION. 19
from the select Committee appointed to enquire into the important
subjects embraced in a dispatch to the Colonial Minister, addressed
to him on the 2nd Feb., 1864, by the Hon. Geo. E. Cartier — ^the
Hon. A. T. Gait and the Hon. John Ross, then members of the
Executive Council of the Province, while in London, acting on
behalf of the Government of which they were members, in which
they declared that 'very grave difficulties now present themselves'
in conducting the Government of Canada in such a manner as
to show due regard to the wishes of its numerous populations.'
That ' differences exist to an extent which prevents any perfect
and complete assimilation of the views of the two sections.' That
' the progress of population has been more rapid in the western
section, and claims are now being made on behalf of its inhabi
tants for giving them representation in the Legislature in propor
tion to their numbers.' That ' the result is shewn by an agitation
fraught with great danger to the peaceful and harmonious work
ing of our constitutional system, and consequently detrimental to
the progress of the Province,' — and that ' the necessity of provid
ing a remedy for a state of things that is yearly becoming worse,
and of allaying feelings that are daily being aggravated by the
contention of political parties, has impressed the advisers of Her
Majesty's Representative in Canada with the importance of seek
ing such a mode of dealing with the difficulties as may forever
remove them,' — and the best means of remedying the evils therein
set forth, presented to the House the Report of said Committee,
which was read as followeth : " That the Committee have held
eight meetings, and have endeavoured to find some solution for
existing difficulties likely to receive the assent of both sections of
the Province." — '' A strong feeling was found to exist among the
members of the Committee in favor of changes in the direction of
a Federative system, applied either to Canada alone, or to the
whole British North American Provinces, and such progress has
been made as to warrant the Committee in recommending that the
subject be again referred to a Committee at the next Session of
Parliament. " The whole respectfully submitted.
" George Brown,
" Chairman.'''

20 CONFEDERATION.
On the same day the Government was defeated by 60 to 58, on
a vote of censure relative to some transactions connected with
bonds of the City of Montreal, and to the Grand Trunk Railway
in 1859, five years before, under a previous administration. The
contest was personal, — the Dead Lock had come. Between that
day and the 30th of June the supplies were hurried through,
and the House was prorogued. On the 23rd of June, previous to
the prorogation, when the Orders of the Day were called, the
Hon. Attorney-General Macdonald rose to make ministerial ex
planations in regard to the recent negotiations for strengthening
the Government. He read the following statement of what had
passed between the Government and Mr. Brown from the com
mencement to the close of the negotiations.
" Immediately after the defeat of the Government on Tuesday
night (the 14th), and on the following morning, Mr. Brown
spoke to several supporters of the Administration, strongly urging
that the present crisis should be utilized in settling forever the
constitutional difficulties between Upper and Lower Canada, and
assuring them that he was prepared to co-operate with the exist
ing, or any other Administration that would deal with the ques
tion promptly and firmly, with a view to its final settlement.
" Messrs. Morris and Pope asked, and obtained leave, to com
municate these conversations to Mr. John A. Macdonald and
Mr. Gait.
" On Thursday, at three, p.m., just before the Speaker took the
chair, Mr. Jolm A. Macdonald said to Mr. Brown while standunr
in the centre of the Assembly Room, that he had been informed
of what he, Mr. Brown, had stated, and he wished to know if
Mr. Brown had any objections to meet Mr. Gait and discuss the
matter 1 He replied, certainly not. >
" Mr. Morris accordingly arranged an interview with Mr.
Brown; and on Friday, the 17th June, about one, p.m., Messrs.
Macdonald and Gait called on Mr. Brown, at the St. Louis Hotel.
Mr. Brown stated that nothing but the extreme urgency of the
present crisis, and the liope of settling the sectional troubles of
the Province for ever, could, in his opinion, justify their meetino-

CONFEDERATION. 21
together with a view to common political action. Messrs. Mac
donald and Gait were equally impressed with this, and stated that
on that footing alone the present meeting had been invited.
" Mr. Brown asked in what position these gentlemen came to
him, whether as deputed by the Administration, or simply as
leading members of the Ministerial party. They replied they
were charged by their colleagues formally to invite hie aid in
strengthening the Administration, with a view to the settlement
of the sectional difficulties of Upper and Lower Canada. Mr.
Brown then stated that, on grounds purely personal, it was quite
impossible that he could be a member of any Administration at
present, and that even had this been otherwise, he would have
conceived it highly objectionable that parties who had been so
long and so strongly opposed to each other, as he and some mem
bers of the Administration had been, should enter the same cabi
net. He thought the pubhc mind would be shocked by such an
arrangement, but he felt very strongly that the present crisis pre
sented an opportunity of dealing with this question that might
never occur again. Both political parties had tried in turn to
govern the country, but without success, and repeated elections
only arrayed sectional majorities against each other more strongly
than before. Another general election at this moment presented
little hope of a much altered result ; and he believed that both
parties were far better prepared than they had ever been before,
to look the true cause of all the difficulties firmly in the face, and
endeavour to settle the Representation question on an equitable and
permanent basis. Mr. Brown added that if the Administration
were prepared to do this, and would pledge themselves clearly and
publicly to bi-ing in a measure next Session that would be accept
able to Upper Canada, the basis to be now settled and announced
in Parliament, he woiUd heartily co-operate with them, and try to
induce his friends (in which he hoped to be successful) to sustain
them until they had an opportunity of presenting their measiu-e
next ses.sion.
" ]\Ir. Macdonald replied that he considered it would be essen
tial that Mr. Brown himself should become a Member of the
Cabinet, with a -^-iew to give guarantees to the Opposition and to
the country for the earnestness of the Government.

22 CONFEDERATION.
" Mr. Brown rejoined that other Members of the Opposition
•could, equally with himself, give that guarantee to their party
and the Country, by entering the Government in the event of a
satisfactory basis being arrived at. He felt that his position had
been such for many years as to place a greater bar in the way of
his entering the Government, than in that of any other Member
of the Opposition.
" Mr. Macdonald then said that he thought it would be neces
sary that Mr. Brown himself should, in any case, be identified
with the negotiations that would necessarily have to take place,
and that, if he did not himself enter the Cabinet, he might un
dertake a mission to the Lower Provinces, or to England, or both,
in order to identify himself with the action of the Canadian Go
vernment in carrying out the measure agreed upon.
" It was then suggested by Mr. Brown, and agreed to, that all
questions of a personal character, and the necessary guarantees,
should be waived for the present, and the discussion conducted
with the view of ascertaining if a satisfactory solution of the sec
tional difficulty could be agreed upon.
" Mr. Brown asked what the Government proposed as a remedy
for the injustice complained of by Upper Canada, and as a settle
ment of the sectional troubles. Mr. Macdonald and Mr. Gait
replied that their remedy was a Federal Union of all the British
North American Provinces; local matters being committed to
local bodies, and matters common to all to a General Leo-islature
-constituted on the well-understood principles of Federal Govern
ment. " Mr. Brown rejoined that this would not be acceptable to the
people of Upper Canada as a remedy for existing evils. That he
believed that Federation of all the Provinces ought to come and
would come about ere long, but it had not yet been thoroughly con
sidered by the people ; and even were this otherwise, there were
so many parties to be consulted, that its adoption was uncertain
and remote.
" Mr. Brown was then asked what his remedy was, when he
¦stated that the measure acceptable to Upper Canada' would be
Parliamentary Reform, based on population, without regard to a
separating line between Upper and Lower Canada.

CONFEDERATION. 23
" To this both Mr. Macdonald and Mr. Gait stated that it was
impossible for them to accede, or for any government to carry
such a measure, and that unless a basis could be framed on the
Federative principle suggested by the report of Mr. Brown's Com
mittee, it did not appear to them likely that anything could be
settled. " After much discussion on both sides, it was found that a com
promise might probably be had in the adoption either of the
Federal principle for all the British North American Provinces,
as the larger question, or for Canada alone, with provision for the
admission of the Maritime Provinces and the North Western
Territory, when they should express the desire. Mr. Brown con
tended that the Canadian Confederation should be constituted
fixst, in order that such securities might be taken, in regard to
the position of Upper Canada, as would satisfy that section of the
country ; that in the negotiations with the Lower Provinces, the
interests of Upper Canada would in no case be overlooked.
" Further conversation ensued, but as the hour for the meeting
of the House had nearly arrived, an understanding was come to
that the state of the negotiations was such as to warrant the hope
of an ultimate understanding ; and it was agreed that that fact
should be communicated to Parliament, and an adjournment until
Monday asked for.
" On Friday evening Mr. Gait saw Mr. Brown, and arranged
for an interview next morning, at which Sir Etienne Tach6 and
Mr. Cartier should be present.
"On Saturday, at ten, 'a.m., other engagements requiring a
change in the hour appointed, Mr. Macdonald and Mr. Gait called
on Mr. Brown, and after further discussion a second appointment
was made for one, p. m., >vhen the gentlemen named, with Mr.
Cartier, met in the Provincial Secretary's room, Sir Etienne Tach6
being out of town.
" The consideration of the steps most advisable for the final
settlement of the sectional difficulties was then entered upon fully,
and a general accord seemed to exist that, as the views of Upper
Canada could not be met under our present system, the remedy
must be sought in the adoption of the Federal principle.

24 CONFEDERATION.
" Mr. Brown then requested to have the views of the Adminis
tration, as expressed to him, reduced to writing, for the purpose
of being submitted confidentially to his friends. The following
memoi-andum was then proposed, and having to be submitted to
the Cabinet and to the Governor-General, Mr. Brown enquired
whether any objection existed to his seeing His Excellency, where
upon he was infonned that no objection whatever existed.
" Mr. Brown, accordingly, waited on the Governor-General, and
on his return the memorandum approved by Council and by the
Governor-General was handed to him, and another interview ap
pointed for six, P. M., Mr. Brown stating that he did not feel at
liberty either to accept or reject the proposal without consulting
his friends. ',' ' MEMORANDUM.  CONFIDENTIAL.
" ' The Government are prepared to state that immediately
after the prorogation they will address themselves, in the most
earnest manner, to the negotiations for a confederation of all the
British North American Provinces.
" ' That failing a successful issue to such negotiations, they are
prepared to pledge themselves to legislation during the next Ses
sion of Parliament, for the purpose of remedying existing difficul
ties by introducing the Federal principle for Canada alone, coupled
with such provisions as will permit the Maritime Provinces and
the North-Western Territory to be hereafter incorporated into the
Canadian system.
" ' That for the purpose of can-ying on the negotiations, and
settling the details of the promised legislation, a Royal Commis
sion shall be issued, composed of three members of the Govern.
ment and three members of the Opposition, of whom Mr. Brown
shall be one ; and the Government pledge themselves to give all
the influence of the Administration to secure to the said Commis
sion the means of advancing the great object in view.
" ' That subject to the House permitting the Government to
carry through the public business, no dissolution of Parliament
shall take place, but the Administration will again meet the pre
sent House.' "

CONFEDERATION. 25
" Shortly after sis, p. m., the parties met at the same place,
when Mr. Brown stated that, without communicating the contents
of the confidential pajier entrusted to him, he had seen a sufficient
number of his friends to warrant him in expressing the belief that
the bulk of his friends would, as a compromise, accept a measure
for the Federative Union of Canada, with provision for the future
admission of the Maritime Colonies and the North- West Territory.
To this it was replied that the Administration could not consent
to waive the larger question, but after considerable discussion an
amendment to the original proposal was agreed to in the fol
lowing terms, subject to the approval, on Monday, of the Cabinet
and His Excellency.

" ' The Government are prepared to pledge themselves to bring
in a measure, next Session, for the purpose of removing existing
diffictdties by introducing the Federal principle into Canada,
coupled with such provision as will permit the Maritime Provinces
and the North- West Territory to be incorporated into the Same
system of government.
" ' And the Government will seek, by sending representatives
to the Lower Provinces, and to England, to secure the assent of
those interests which are beyond the control of our own Legisla
tion, to such a measure as may enable all British North America
to be united under a general Legislature based upon the Federal
principle.' "
" Mr. Brown then stated that having arrived at a basis which
he believed would be generally acceptable to the great mass of
liis pohtical friends, he had to add that, as the proposition was
so general in its terms, and the advantage of the measure depend
ed so entirely on the details that might finally be adopted, it was
the very general feeling of his friends that security must be given
for the fairness of those details, and the good faith with which
the whole movement would be prosecuted by the introduction into
the Cabinet of a fair representation of his political friends. Mr.
Brown stated that he had not put this question directly to his
friends, but that he perceived very clearly that this was the strong
3

26 CONFEDERATION.
opmion of a large majority of them, and that liis own personal
opinion on this (to which he still adhered) was participated in by
only a small number. Messrs. Macdonald, Cartier and Gait re
plied that they had of course understood in proposing that Mr.
Brown should enter the Government, that he would not come
alone, but that the number of seats at his disposal had not been
considered by their colleagues. Mr. Brown was requested to
state his views on this point, and he replied that the Opposition
were half of the House, and ought to have an equal influence in
the Government, Messrs. Macdonald, Cartier and Gait said this
was impossible, but they would see their colleagues and state their
views on Monday.
" On Monday, at 10.30, a.m., Messrs. Macdonald, Cartier and
Gait called on Mr. Brown at the St. Louis Hotel, and stated that
Sir E. P. Tach6 had returned to town. Mr. Brown accompanied
them to the Provincial Secretary's room, when Mr. Brown having
bqen asked to explain how he proposed to arrange equal represen-
tionin the Cabinet, replied that he desired to be understood as
meaning four members for Upper Canada, and two for Lower
Canada, to be chosen by the Opposition.
" In reply Messrs. Cartier and Gait stated that as fai- as related
to the constitution of the Cabinet for Lower Canada, they be
lieved it already afforded ample guarantees for their sincerity, and
that a change in its personnel would be more likely to produce
embarrassment than assistance, as the majority of the people of
Lower Canada, both French Canadians and English, had implicit
confidence in their leaders, which it would not be desirable to
shake in any way. That in approaching the important question
of settling the sectional difficulties, it appeared to them essential
that the party led by Sir E. P. Tach6 should have ample assurance
that their interests would be protected, which, it was feared, would
not be strengthened by the introduction into the Cabinet of the
Lower Canada Opposition.
" Mr. Macdonald stated that as regards Upper Canada that in
his opmion the reduction to two of the number of the gentlemen
in the Cabinet who now represented Upper Canada, would involve
the withdrawal of the confidence of those who now support them

CONFEDERATION. 27
in the House of Assembly, but that he would be prepared for
the admission into the Cabinet of three gentlemen of the Oppo
sition, on its being ascertained that they would bring with them a
support equal to that now enjoyed by the Government from Upper
Canada. " Mr. Brown asked in what manner it was proposed the six
Upper Canada ministers should be selected, — was each party to
have carte-blanche in suggesting to the head of the Government
the names to be chosen 1 To which Mr. Macdonald replied that,
as a matter of coiu-se, he would expect Mr. Brown to be himself a
member of the Administration, as affording the best, if not the
only, guai-antee for the adhesion of his friends. That Mr. Mac
donald, on Mr. Brown giving his consent, would confer with him
as to the selection of Upper Canada colleagues from both sides,
who would be the most acceptable to their respective friends, and
most likely to work harmoniously for the great object, which alone
could justify the arrangement proposed.
" Mr. Brown then enquired what Mr. Macdonald proposed in
regard to the Upper Canada leadership. Mr. Macdonald said that,
as far as he was concerned, he could not with propriety, or with
out diminishing his useftdness, alter his position, but that he was,
as he had been for some time, anxious to retire from the Govern
ment, and would be quite ready to facilitate arrangements by
doing so. Of course he could not retire from the Government
without Sir Etienne Tach6's consent.
" I\Ir. Brown then stated that without discussing the propriety
or reasonableness of the proposition, he would consult his friends
and give an eaidy reply.
" Tuesday. — The respective parties being occupied during the
forenoon in consulting their friends, a meeting was held at two,
P.M., at which were present Sir E. P. Tach^, Mr. Macdonald, Mi-.
Cai-tier, MJr. Gait and Mr. Brown.
" Mr. Brown stated that his friends had held a meeting, and
approved of the course he had pursued, and the basis arrived at,
and authorized him to continue the negotiation.
" Mr. ]Macdonald and Mr. Cartier also said that they had re
ceived .satisfactory assurances from then- friends.

28 CONFEDERATION.
" A frirther meeting was appointed at half-past eight, p. m.,
at which the details of the arrangements, in case Mr. Brown and
his friends accepted office, were discussed at much length.
" Mr. Brown contended strongly that the Government should
concede a larger representation in the Cabinet than three mem
bers. To which it was replied, that the Administration believed
that it was quite impossible to satisfy their own friends with a
different arrangement.
" Mr. Brown then asked whether he could be sworn in as an
Executive Councillor, without department or salary, — ^in addition
to the three departmental offices to be filled by his friends. Mr.
Macdonald replied that the principle of equality would in this
case be destroyed, and he was satisfied it could not be done.
"Mr. Brown asked whether it was a sine qua rum, that he
should himself enter the Cabinet. To which it w^as replied that
to secure a successful issue to the attempt to settle the sectional
difficulties, it was considered that Mr. Brown's acceptance of office
was indispensable.
" Mr. Brown then stated that it was now for him to consider
what course he should pursue, entertaining as he still did the
strongest repugnance to accepting office.
"A meeting was then appointed for the following day.
"On Wednesday a little after one, the same parties met — -when
Mr. Brown stated as his final decision, that he would consent to
the reconstruction of the Cabinet as proposed, but inasmuch as
he did not ^vish to assume the responsibility of the Government
busmess before the House, he prefen-ed lea-sing till after the pro
rogation, the consideration of the acceptance of office by himself
and the two gentlemen who might be ultimately selected to enter
the Administration with him.
" Sir E. P. Tach6 and Mr. Macdonald thereon stated that after
the prorogation, they would be prepared to place three Seats in
the Cabinet at the disposal of Mr. Brown."
On the 30th of June, simultaneously with the prorogation a
new Government was announced. The Hon. George Brown ^^ith
Messrs. Mowat and jNIacdougall, two other prominent Reformei-s

CONFEDERATION. 29
had taken the place of Messrs. Foley, Buchanan, and Simpson,
in the existing Administration. A coalition had been formed
between the leaders of the Reform and Conservative parties, with
the general assent of their supporters. They agreed to unite to
bring about a measure, which they hoped and believed would
remove the difficulties then obstructing the successful administra
tion of Constitutional Government of Canada. That measure was
the Confederation of the Provinces of British North America, on
the Atlantic side, with the prospect, at some ultimate day of
bringing in the North West and Hudson Bay Territories, and
British Columbia.
We now resume the current of events in the Maritime Pro
vinces. The action of Canada had not been unnoticed, but the
Governments of New Brunswick, Nova Scotia and Prince Edward
Island proceeded with their original design. In order that the
question of their Union might, as much as possible, be removed
beyond the pale of party conflict, the delegates to attend the
Convention at Charlottetown were selected from the Liberal and
Conservative ranks aUke. Dr. Tupper, the leader of the Govern
ment of Nova Scotia, with his own colleague Attorney-General
- Henry, and Mr. Dickey, a Conservative supporter, had included
the Hons. Adams G. Archibald and Jonathan McCully, long and
well-known leaders of the Liberal party. Mr. Tilley, the leader
of the Government in New Brunswick, with his own colleagues,
Messrs. Johnston and Steves, had included the Hons. Edward
Barron Chandler and John Hamilton Gray, prominent and well-
known leaders of the Conservative party there ; whilst in Prince
Edward Island the Premier had, with equal consideration, selected
the Island delegates from both sides of the House. The recom
mendations of the respective Governments were approved by the
Lieutenant-Governors, and the Convention was opened in due
form at Charlottetown, September 8th, in the Chamber of the
House of Assembly.
The Premier of Prince Edward Island, the Hon. John Hamilton
Gray, was unanimously chosen Chairman, and the Convention as
organized, stood thus :
Nova Scotia — The Hon. Messrs. Tupper, Henry, Dickey, Archi
bald and McCully.

30 CONFEDERATION.
New Brunswick — The Hon. Messrs. Tilley, Steves, Johnston,
Chandler, and Gray.
Prince Edward Island — The Hon. Messrs. Gray, Coles, Pope,
Palmer, and Macdonald.
The first question submitted was, whether the sittings of the
Convention and its deliberations should be with closed doors, or
open to the public? After consideration it was determined that
the proceedings should be with closed doors, to avoid as much as
possible, any undue pressure upon the Island delegates from their
constituencies, which surrounded them, — to ensure an unrestrained
freedom of discussion, — and a clear, candid, and business like
consideration of the important questions involved, — in a word, to
remove all inducements to "buncombe." There being no occasion
for display, the speeches were practical and to the point. It is to
be borne in mind that this Convention was not a public represen
tative body having power to legislate, determine, or finally affect
the public interests, but rather a committee of public men, deputed
by their several Governments to enquire and report upon a pro
position which might or might not ultimately be adopted, but
which before either its adoption or rejection, would be subject to
a searching' and exhaustive public discussion in the several Legis
latures of the Provinces.
The departure from Quebec of certain members of the Canadian
Government who had been deputed by the Governor-General to
attend the Convention, having been announced by telegram, and
it having been determined to receive the deputation, and to consider
any propositions they might make with all fairness, it was agreed
to postpone the consideration of the union of the Maritime Pro
vinces, until after the Canadian deputation had been heard. The
following morning the Canadian Government steamer arrived the
deputation was received with a cordial welcome, and in due time
introduced to the Convention. The ¦ Hons. John A. Macdonald
Geo. Brown, Geo. E. Cartier, Alex. T. Gait, Thos. D'Arcy McGee
Hector L. Langevin, Wm. McDougall and Alex. Campbell were
men who had made their mark in their own country and had
been wisely selected to put the case of the broader union of British
North America as contra-distinguished to the more limited one of

CONFEDERATION. i 31
the Maritime Provinces before the Convention in a clear and
comprehensive manner. The advantages of such a union, and the
outlines of the proposed constitution — should a union be effected 
were submitted by the Hon. John A. McDonald, ably supported
by Messrs. Brown and Cartier. The financial position of Canada
was contrasted with the several Provinces, their several sources of
wealth, their comparative increase, the detrimental way in which
their conflicting tariffs operated to each other's disadvantage, the
expansion of their commerce, the expansion of their manufactures,
and the development of the various internal resources that would
be fostered by a free intercourse of trade, and" a greater unity of
interest were pointed out with great power by Mr. Gait. In a
speech of three hours, statistics were piled upon statistics con
firming his various positions, and producing a marked effect upon
the Convention. It might almost be said of him on this occasion
as was once said of Pope though speaking of flgures in a different
sense "He lisped in numbers — for the numbers came.'' Messrs.
McGee, Langevin, and McDougaU briefly but strenuously corrobo
rated the views of their colleagnes, and after two days command
of the undivided attention of the Convention, the Canadian depu
tation withdrew.
Before doing so, however, they had proposed, that the Conven
tion should suspend its deliberations upon the immediate subject
for which they had met, and should adjourn to Quebec at an early
day, to be subsequently named by the Governor-General, there,
further to consider the wider and broader Union which had been
proposed. On the following day the Convention deemed it better
for the general interests of British North America that an adjourn
ment should take place, and agreed to report to their respective
Governments what had occurred.
During the sitting of the Convention the well-known hospitalities
of the Island had been extended to the members of the Convention
and the Canadian deputation. At a public festival given in the
Government Buildings the proposed coming Union of the Colonies
had been toasted and received with the most enthusiastic cheers,
and the general expression of Union sentiments was warm and
strong. Mr. Dundas, the Lieutenant-Governor of the Island,

32 CONFEDERATION.
cordially cheered on the movement, but it was well-known to the
New Brunswick delegation, that Mr. Gordon, the Lieutenant-
Governor of New Brunswick (who was on a visit to the Governor
of the Island during the first day of the sitting of the Convention,)
was not friendly, though with diplomatic reticence he was most
cautious in expressing his opinions, and it was believed that the
Lieutenant-Governor of Nova Scotia was equally unfriendly.
From Charlottetown, the members of the Convention and the
Canadian deputation, went to Halifax, a pro forma meeting of the
Convention was held on the 10th September in the Legislative
Council Chamber, no business of any consequence was done, and
the further consideration of Confederation was by unanimous
consent postponed until after the details should be fully entered
into at the proposed Conference at Quebec. A short report to
that effect to be presented to their several Governments by the
delegates, was agreed upon. On Monday, the 1 2th of September,
the Canadian deputation and the delegates were entertained at a
magnificent banquet in the Halifax Hotel. The Hon. Dr. Tupper,
one of the delegates, and Premier of Nova Scotia, acted as chair
man. The Lieutenant-Governor, Sir Richard Graves McDonell,
the Admiral commanding on the Station, Sir James Hope, the
leading public men of all parties, the merchants and prominent
citizens attended, a buoyant feeling seemed to pervade the com
munity and the union of British North America, in one great
political Confederation, was the apparent and expressed wish of
those representing the Imperial Government, and those represent
ing the influential masses in the Province of Nova Scotia. At the
banquet. Sir Graves McDonell, speaking with the guarded caution
of the representative of a Sovereign, whose desire was to act in
accordance with the best interests and wishes of the people, as
testified by themselves, stated : " That, whatever might be the
result of the deliberations of the delegates of the British Provinces,
the Crown of England, and the British Government had but one
object in view, namely to give the most indulgent consideration to
whatever plan they might themselves devise, with a reasonable
hope and prospect of promoting the social welfare and material
progress of Her Majesty's subjects in British America,'' while Sir

CONFEDERATION. 33
James Hope, with the characteristic bluntness of a sailor, taking
a sweeping view of the extended Empire of Great Britain, and
boldly relying on the loyalty and devotion of the people, declared,
" That it was, therefore — that he, looking to the glory and interest
of his country, was able to say to them, in this project as in any
other, which was for their advantage and welfare — go on and
prosper." The Hon. George Brown, President of the Executive Council of
Canada, replied to the toast of " The Provincial Delegates," in a
speech of great power. We give it in full, not only for the valu
able statistical information with which it abounds, but as being
the first of a series of speeches, which, delivered then and during
the subsequent month by the delegates throughout the Provinces,
gave a practicaL shape and mould to the agitation of the public
mind, and, gathering the floating ideas respecting Union into a
tangible form, found for them at last "a local habitation and a
name." After a few introductory remarks, complimentary to the
people of Halifax for their large and generous hospitality, he said :
" It may be expected that I should say a few words as to the
object of our present mission; and perhaps I cannot begin better
than by noticing certain statements that have appeared in the
public press, and which have received some credence, in reference
to our visit. It has been said that we have had the opportunity
before now of entering into closer union with Nova Scotia and
New Brunswick, but we did not avail ourselves of it ; that we
were offered an intercolonial railway, but refused to undertake it ;
and that we only come now seeking union with these Provinces to
escape from our own sectional difficulties at home. Now, I am
a member of the party in Canada which up to this moment has
been most strenuous in its resistance to the intercolonial railway ;
and I am persuaded there is not one man in this assembly who,
under similar circumstances, would not have acted precisely as we
did. In these Lower Provinces you have all had your political
troubles, but we in Canada have had sectional difficulties to distract
us vastly more serious than any you have had to contend with.
Our constitution of 1840 brought together under one government

34 CONFEDERATION.
two countries peopled by two races, with different languages,
different creeds, and different laws and customs ; and unfortunately,
while making us nominally one people, it retained the line of
demarcation between Upper and Lower Canada, and gave the
same number of representatives in Parliament to each section,
without regard to thqii' respective populations, their contributions
to the general revenue, or any other consideration. The dispro
portion between the two sections gradually increased, until Upper
Canada has 400,000 people more than Lower Canada, and pays
full three-fourths of tha whole national taxation ; but all the while
the Lower Canadians had equal representation with us in both
Houses of Parhament. A systematic agitation for the redress of
this great wrong was commenced in Upper Canada ; and as the
only means of enforcmg justice, we resisted all l^rge schemes of
improvement; we refused to enter into any new undertakings,
involving an increase of our public debt, until a reform of our
constitutional system was obtained, and we knew what our future
position as a people was to be. We regarded the apparently far-off
scheme of federation of the whole Provinces as no remedy for our
present wrongs, and we scouted the idea of building moie railroads
from the pilblic chest until the tax-payers who were to bear the
burden of their construction had their just share of control over
the public purse. Long and earnestly did we fight for the justice
we demanded ; but at last light broke in upon us. Parties were
nearly equally balanced; the wheels of government had nearly
ceased to move ; a dead lock was almost inevitable ; when Mr.
Cartier, who wields great power in Lower Canada, boldly and
manfully took the ground, that this evil must be met, and he
would meet it. On this basis, I and two political friends joined
the administration, and the existing coalition was formed, expressly
for the purpose of settlmg justly and permanently the constitu
tional relations between Upper and Lower Canada. We have
agreed to a principle of settlement acceptable to a large majority
of the representatives in Parhament, and, I am also persuaded to
the great mass of our people in both sections of the Province.
We are pledged as a government to place before Parliament, at its
next session, a bill givmg effect to the conditions of our compact •

CONFEDERATION. 35
and should the union of the whole Provinces not be proceeded
with, our Canadian Reform Bill will go on, and our grievances be
redressed. You will therefore clearly perceive that we have not
come here to seek relief from our troubles, for the remedy of our
grievances is ali-eady agreed upon; and, come what may of the
larger scheme now before us, our smaller scheme will certainly be
accomplished. Our sole object in coming here is to say to you :
We are about to amend our constitution ; and before finally doing
so, we invite you to enter with us frankly and earnestly into the
inquiry, whether it would or would not be for the advantage of all
the British American Colonies to be embraced imder one political
system. Let us look the whole question steadily in the face. If
we find it advantageous, let us act upon it; but if not, let the
whole thing drop. This is the whole story of our being here ; this
is the full scope and intention of our present visit. Biit, there
is another objection raised. It is said that the debt of Canada is
very great, that our taxation is heavy, and that we seek to throw
a portion of our burdens on the shoulders of our neighbours.
Now, I belong to the party of economy in Canada ; the party that
has resisted the increase of the public debt and taxation, and has
loudly complained of their rapid advance. But, large as our debt
and taxation undoubtedly are, for a young country, the people
of Canada are abundantly able to bear it all, and much more,
without assistance from any quarter whatever. Were our bur
dens much greater than they are, we would have but to stand still
in our extraordinary expenditures for a few years, and the ' rapid
increase of our population, industrial energy and wealth, would
easily enable us to overcome it all. And if gentlemen who make
this suggestion would look narrowly into the finances of their own
Provinces, and, having regard to the populations of their respective
countries, will compare them with ours, I fancy they will find no
great disparity between our respective burdens. It ought not to
excite any surprise that the federation of all the British North
American Provinces is at last presented to us as a practical ques
tion. The subject has often and again been discussed in the press
and in Parliament ; but at no time has any provincial statesman
ever expressed a doubt that the fitting future of these Colonies was.

36 CONFEDERATION.
to be united under one government and legislature, under the
sovereignty of Great Britain. But two questions ever sprang up
at once in considering so great a movement : — Have the Colonies
yet gained such a strength as to warrant their undertaking such a
charge 1 and, could such terms be agreed upon, and such a consti
tution be framed, as would be acceptable to the whole of the
Provinces ? These questions are as serious, and as needful to be
met, at this hour, as they ever were in the past. It is no light
matter to change the whole political and commercial relations of
any country. In these Colonies, as heretofore governed, we have
enjoyed great advantages under the protecting shield of the mother
country. We have had no army or navy to sustain, no foreign
diplomacy to maintain ; our whole resources have gone to our
internal improvement ; and notwithstanding our occasional strifes
with the Colonial Office, we have enjoyed a degree of self-govern
ment and generous consideration such as no colonies in ancient or
modem history ever enjoyed at the hands of a parent state. Is it
any wonder that thoughtful men should hesitate to countenance a
step that might change the happy and advantageous relations we
have occupied towards the mother country 1 I am persuaded there
never was a moment in the history of these Colonies, when the
hearts of our people were so firmly attached to the parent state by
the ties of gratitude and affection, as at this moment ; and for one
I hesitate not to say, that did this movement for colonial union
endanger the connection that has so long and so happily existed,
it would have my firm opposition. But, far from fearing such
a result, a due consideration of the matter must satisfy every one
that the more united we are, the stronger will we be; and the
stronger we are, the less trouble we will give the Imperial Grovem-
ment, the more advantageous will be our commerce, and the more
proud they will be of us as a portion of the Empire. Our relation
to the mother country does not, therefore, enter into the question.
Whether the right tune for a general union has arrived, must be
determined by a close examination into the present position of all
the Provinces, and the possibility of such an arrangement being
matured as will be satisfactory to all concerned. And that has
been the work in which the conference has been engaged for

CONFEDERATION. 37
two weeks past. We have gone earnestly into the consideration
of the question in all its bearings, and our unanimous conclusion
is, that if terms of union fair to all and acceptable to all could be
devised, a union of all the British American Provinces would be
highly advantageous to every one of the Provinces. In the first
place, from the attitude of half a dozen inconsiderable colonies,
we would rise at once to the position of a great and powerful state.
At the census taken on the 12th January, 1861, the population of
the Provinces was as follows :
Upper Canada  1,396,091
Lower Canada  1,111,566
Nova Scotia  330,857
New Brunswick  202,047
Newfoundland  122,635
Prince Edward Island  80,857
Total in 1861  8,244,053
But since then nearly four years have elapsed, and the average
increase meanwhile, calculated at fifteen per cent., makes the popu
lation of the six Provinces at this moment 3,787,750. And if to
this we add the large numbers necessarily omitted in countries so
vast and sparsely settled, we will find that our total population,
in the event of a union, would from the start be not much less
than fovu- millions of souls. And there is perhaps a better
way of measuring our strength than by mere numbers, and that
is by comparing ourselves with other countries. Now, there are
in Europe forty-eight sovereign states. Of these there are no
fewer than thirty-seven containing less population than would the
united British North American Provinces ; and among them are
no less prominent countries than Portugal, Holland, Denmark,
Switzerland, Saxony, Hanover aud Greece, all of which are
inferior to us in population. There are but eleven states in
Europe suijerior to us in population, and three of these are so little
in advance of us that a very few years would undoubtedly send
us far ahead of them. The three are, Sweden and Norway, con
taining 6,349,775 people; Belgium, containing 4,782,255; and
Bavaria, with 4,689,837. These three once passed, and but eight

38 CONFEDERATION.
European states would be in advance of us. And let us see how
we would stand in regai-d to the question of defence. I find by
the census returns of 1861, that the male persons then in the
Provinces were as follows :
Upper Canada  From 20 to 30—128,740
30 to 40— 84,178
40 to 50— 59,660
50 to 60— 36,377
 308,955
Lower Canada  From 20 to 30— 93,302
30 to 40— 59.507
40 to 50— 42,683
50 to 60— 30,129
 225,620
Nova Scotia  From 20 to 60  67,867
New Brunswick  From 21 to 40— 33,574
40 to 50— 10,739
50 to 60— 7,312
 , 51,625
Newfoundland  From 50 to 60  25,532
Prince Edward Island  From 21 to 45— 11,144
45 to 60— 3,675
 14,819
Total Males from 20 to 60  693,918
Of this enormous body of men, about 150,000 were between
the years of 45 and 60 ; but striking them all off, and throwing
off fifty thousand for the lame and the halt, we would have still
left half a million of able-bodied men ready and willing to defend
then- country. But let us look at the aspect we should present
to the world in an industrial and commercial point of view.
And first let us examine the agricultural interests. From the
census returns it appears that there were in 1861 no fewer than
333,604 farmers in the six British American Provinces and
160,702 laborers, of which, doubtless, a very large proportion are
farm laborers. It also appears that the land granted by Govern
ment, and now held by private parties in the Provinces, is not less

CONFEDERATION.

than 45,638,854 aci-es, of which 13,128,229 are under cultiva
tion, and the balance has yet to be brought into use. These lands
are thus distributed : HELD. , CULTIVATED.
Upper Canada  .'  17,708,232 6,051,619
Lower Canada  13,680,000 4,804,235
Nova Scotia  5,748,893 1,028,032
New Brunswick  6,636,329 835,108
Newfoundland, about  100,000 41,108
Prince Edward Island  1,365,400 368, 127

46,688,854 13,128,229
And mark the enormous amomit of produce obtained from these
cultivated lands. I compile from the Census Returns of the
several Colonies the follo-^^ing results as our miited crop in the
year 1860 :
Wheat  bushels, 28,212,7f0

Barley 
Kye 
Peas 
Oats 
Buckwheat 
Indian Corn 
Beans . , 
Potatoes 
Other Roots 
Grass Seed 
Hay  tons,
Hops  lbs.
Maple Sugar 
Wool 
Flax and Hemp  ._ 
Butter 
Cheese 
Beef  bbls., 200 lbs.
Pork  „

5,692,991 1,934,583
12,302,183
45,684,472 3,648,450
2,624,163 75,755
39,845,246 23,730,706 115,345
2,242,596 300,439
17,782,873 7,010,914
2,183,759
52,570,886 4,602,065 134,562
581, «02

At a fail- valuation these crops will be foimd to sum up to the
enoi-mous amount of nearly one hundred and twenty millions of
dollars ; and if to this we add the increase on the number and
value of the farm stock during the yeai-, and the value of garden

40 CONFEDERATION.
and orchard produce during the year, and the improvements in
clearing and fencing and buildings during the year — we will come
safely to the conclusion that the product of our fields and gar
dens in 1860 was not less than $150,000,000. The assessed
value of our farm lands in 1860 was upwards of $550,000,000.
And then, if we consider that our agriculture is yet in its
infancy; that only a small portion of the thirteen millions of
acres in pasture and under the plough is yet in high cultivation,
and much of it almost in a_state of nature ; that thirty millions
of good lands, over which the plough has not passed, are yet in
private hands, and that vast quantities still remain with Govern
ment for disposal ; some slight conception may be gained of the
future agricultural capabilities of the united British American
Provinces. But if our position would be so remarkable as an
agricultural people, oui« union would give us almost as high an
attitude before the world as a great Maritime State. By the
census of 1861 it appears that four years ago the sailors and fisher
men of the six Colonies summed up no fewer than 69,256. They
were :-^
In Upper Canada  808
In Lower Canada  5,150
In Nova Scotia  19,637
In New Brunswick  2,765
In Newfoundland  38,578
In Prince Edward Island  2 318
Total sailors and fishermen  ,  69,256
Setting aside the unspeakable value of such a body of men in
defence of the country, the commercial returns from their industry
must be very great. The exports of fish alone from the united
Provinces amounted to no less a sum than nearly ten millions of
dollars. I have been unable to ascertain with accuracy the num
ber and tonnage of the shipping owned and sailed in British
America ; but this we do know, that last year no fewer than 628
vessels were built within our borders, ha\dng an aggregate ton
nage of 230,312 tons. These vessels were distributed thus :

CONFEDERATION. 41
Built in Canada  168 vessels  67,209 tons.
" Nova Scotia  -  207 "  46,862 "
" New Brunswick  137 "  85,250 "
" Newfoundland  26 " about 6,000 "
" Prince Edward Island. . . 100 "  24,991 "
Total  628 "  230,312 "
And highly giivtifying as are these results, they are the pro
duct of two branches but yet in thoir infancy, and both capable of
great extension. I might continue this analysis through our
whole industrial purauits, and show you one and all of them in the
same high state of efficiency ; I might tell you how we exported
last year .'7ir),0(X1,0()0 in timber alone ; I might expose to you the
r.ipidly increasing importance of our coal muies, our gold fields,
our copper mines, our iron works, and our petroleum wells.
I might enlai'ge on the fast rising importance of our manufac-
tuvos ; but :i,lrpa<ly I have detained you far longer than I intended,
aud must come to a close. Let me, however, wind up with this
that were the Provinces all united to-morrow, they would have
an annual export trade of no less than sixty-five millions of
dollars, and an import traffic to an equal amount ; they would
have two thousand five hundred miles of railway ; telegraph
wires extending to o\'eiy city and town throughout the coimtry,
and an aimual goverimieut revenue of nearly thirteen millions
of dollars. It needs no special wisdom to porceive that a state
presenting such resources, and offering suph \aried and lucrative
employment to the immiL,'raiit and capitalist, would at once occupy
a high position, and attract to it the marked attention of other
countri<^s. It would be something to be a citizen of such a state.
Hei-etofore we liave been known as separate colonies, and the me
rits and disadvantages of each compared and set oft" against tlie
other ; but with union the ad\'autages of eiioli would pertain to
the whole — a citizen of one would 'lie a citizen of all — and the
foreign emigrant would come with very different feelings of con
fidence to our shores. In England we should occupy a very dif
ferent position from what we have ever done as separate and
feelile colonies. I cannot agree with my hon. friend, Mr. Cartier,
4

42 CONFEDERATION.
in his opinion as to the great political party in Great Britain that
has done so much to break the fetters of trade, and raise the com
merce of England to its present unexampled point of high pros
perity. But regretting, as all must do, the extreme colonial views
of Messrs. Bright and Cobden and their political friends, who
can fail to see that a union of the whole Provinces would have
the effect of inspiring respect even with that school of public men,
and commanding confidence in our commercial future 1 The doubt
and uncertainty as to the future of these colonies that have hung
so long and so injuriously over us, would be greatly modified by
the union ; and our securities would sensibly feel the effect in the
money market of the world. How different a position, too, would
we occupy in the eyes of our American neighbors. Instead of
appearing in their commercial returns as separate buyers, we
would stand out unitedly as their very best customer ; and we
would be able to deal with them for a permanent renewal of the
Beciprocity Treaty, under advantages that we have not enjoyed
before. But far in advance of aU other advantages would be this,
that union of all the Provinces would break down aU. trade bar
riers between us, and throw open at once to all a combined mar
ket of four millions of people. You in the east would send us
your fish, and your coals, and your West India produce, while we
would send you in return the flour and the grain and the meats
you now buy in Boston and New York. Our merchants and
manufacturers would have a new field before them — the barrister
in the smallest provinces would have the judicial honors of all
of them before him to stimulate his ambition — a patentee could
secure his right over all British America — and in short all the
advantages of free intercourse which has done so much for the
United States, would be open to us aU. One other argument
there is in favor of the Union that ought with all of us to
weigh most seriously, and that argument is, that it would
elevate the politics and the politicians of oiu- country. It would
lift us above the petty strifes of small communities, and ^ive to
our public affairs a degree of importance, and to our leading pub
lic men a status very different from what they have heretofore
occupied, On a survey of the whole case, I do think there is no

CONFEDERATION. 43
doubt as to the high advantages that would result from a union
of all the Colonies, provided that terms of union could be found
just to all the contracting parties, and so framed as to secure har
mony in the future administration of affairs. That is the unani
mous conclusion of the Conference, and I am persuaded that when
the facts are before the country, it is a conclusion that will be
cordially endorsed by the people of all the provinces. But it were
wrong to conceal for a moment that the whole merit of the scheme
of imion may be completely marred by the character of its details.
The consideration of the details has already received, in an infor
mal manner, the earnest attention of the Convention. I commit
no indiscretion in saying that as yet we have arrived at no formal
conclusion as to any of those details ; and I am sure you will feel
we are right in studiously refraining at present from all discussion
of our views in regard to them. A formal meeting for their
earnest and mature deliberation will be held at an early day ; and
when difficulties have been removed and our plans matured, the
whole scheme will be placed fully and frankly before our consti
tuents in all the Provinces."
The honorable gentleman resumed his seat amid applause.
The Hon. Mr. Cartier, in following, after a brief but vigorous
resumS of the population and territory of Canada, enunciated that
idea which has since become so well known and popular, and
regarded as so eminently characteristic of his mode of dealing
with great public questions :
" I need hardly bring to, your notice, gentlemen," said he, " that
we in Canada have those two great elements of nationality, the
personal and territorial elements. But we know our shortcomings.
Though great in territory and population, we want the other
element, which is absolutely necessary to make a nation, that is,
the maritime element. What nation on earth has obtained any
amount of greatness, unless it has been united with a maritime
element?" In replying to the toast of " Colonial Union,'' the Hon. John
A. Macdonald, Attorney-General of Canada West, remarked :

44 CONFEDERATION.
"The question of colonial union was one of such magnitude,
that it dwarfed every other question on this portion of the conti
nent. It had assumed a position that demanded and commanded
the attention of all the Colonies of British America. He was
able to announce that they had arrived unanimously -at the opmion
that the miion of the Provinces was for the advantage of all ; and
the only question remaining to be settled was, whether it could be
arranged with a due regard to sectional and local interests. We
were at present states of one sovereign, and all paid allegiance to
the great central authority ; but as between ourselves, there was
no political connection, and we were as wide apart as British
America was from AustraUa. But we must have one common
organization, one political government. It has been said that the
United States government is a failure. I do not go so far. On
the contrary, I consider it a marvellous exhibition of human
wisdom. It was as perfect as human wdsdom could make it, and
under it the American States greatly prospered until very recently.
But being the work of men, it had its defects ; and it is for us to
take advantage of experience, and endeavour to see if we cannot
arrive, by careful study, at such a plan as wiU avoid the mistakes
of our neighbours. In the first place, we know that every indivi
dual State was an individual sovereignty ; that each had its own
army and navy, and political organization ; and when they formed
themselves into a confederation, they only gave the central autho
rity certain specific powers, reserving to the individual States all
the other rights appertaining to sovereign powers. The dangers
that have risen from this system we will avoid, if we can agree
upon forming a strong central government, a great central legisla
ture, a constitution for a union which will have all the rights of
sovereignty except those that are given to the local governments.
Then we shall have taken a great step in advance of the Ajnerican
Republic. If we can only obtain that object, a vigorous general
government, we shall not be New Brunswickers, nor Nova
Scotians, nor Canadians, but British Americans, under the sway
of the British sovereign. In discussing the question of colonial
union, we must consider what is desirable and practicable ¦ we
must consult local prejudices and aspirations. It is our desire to

CONFEDERATION. 45
do so. I hope that we will be enabled to work out a constitution
that AvUl have a strong central government, able to offer a powerful
resistance to any foe whatever, and at the same time will preserve
for each Province its own identity, and will protect every local
ambition ; and if we cannot do this, we shall not be able to carry
out the object we have in view. In the conference we have had,
we have been united as one man; there was no difference of
feeling, no sectional prejudices or selfishness exliibited by any one.
We all approached the subject feeling its importance, feeling that
in our hands were the destinies of a nation ; and great would be
our sin and shame if any different motive had intervened to
prevent us carrying out the noble object of founding a great
British monarchy, in connection with the British Empire, and
under the British Queen. ***-** >f j d.o not hesitate
to say that with respect to the intercolonial railway, it is under
stood by the people of Canada that it can only be built as a means
of poUtical union for the Colonies. It cannot be denied that the
railway, as a commercial enterprise, would be of comparatively
little commercial advantage to the people of Canada. Whilst we
have the St. Lawrence in summer, and the American ports in time
of peace, we have aU that is requisite for our purposes. We
recognize, however, the fact that peace may not always exist, and
that we must have some other means of outlet if we do not wish
to be cut off from the ocean for some months in the year. We
wish to feel greater security — to know that we can have assistance
readily in the hour of danger. In the case of a union, this railway
must be a national work ; and Canada will cheerfully contribute
to the utmost extent, in order to make that important link without
which no political comiection can- be complete. * * ¦' Here
we are now in a state of peace and prosperity. We can now sit
down without any danger threatening us, and consider and frame
a scheme advantageous to each of these Colonies. If we allow so
favourable an opportunity to pass, it may never come again. But
I believe we have arrived at such a conclusion in our deliberations,
that I may state, without any breach of confidence, that we all
unitedly agree that such a measure is a matter of the first neces
sity, and that only a few (imaginary, I believe) obstacles stand in

46 CONFEDERATION.
the way of its consummation. I shall feel that I have not served
in public life without a reward, if, before I enter into private life,
I am a subject of a great British American nation, under the
government of Her Majesty, and in connection with the Empire
of Great Britain and Ireland."
From Halifax, the Canadian members and delegates went over
to St. John, in New Brunswick, and in that large and thriving
commercial city again avaUed themselves of the opportunity of
speaking on the question of the day. On the 12th September
they were handsomely entertained at a pubUc dinner at Stubb's
hotel. As m Halifax, the leading pubUc men, the prominent
merchants, politicians of all shades, and the representatives of the
press, were present. The chair was occupied by the Hon. John
H. Gray, the member for the county of St. John and one of the
delegates. A warm feeling towards the guests, and a spirit of
enthusiasm on the subject of Union, pervaded the meeting. The
speeches were Ustened to with deep and earnest attention. There
was no Governor present, and no Admiral. But there were
business men ; men of energy and enterprise ; men of trade, whose
ships were far away, carrying the commerce of the world ; men of
science ; mechanics — ^men of the steam engine and the forge, whose
works of toil and labour were telling on the progress of a young
country ; men of the railway and the telegraph ; men whose life
was work.
In answer to the toast, " Our friends from Canada, Nova Scotia
and Prince Edward Island," the Attorney-General for Canada East,
Hon. George E. Cartier, said :
" Prosperity such as this great country was capable of attainino-
to, could never be fully enjoyed until the several sectional parts of
it were united under the same political and commercial systems
their respective populations brought into closer relations with each
other, and all the maritime facilities aUke afforded to all which
nature had so bountifully bestowed upon some of the parts. This
was what Confederation proposed to accomplish. Canada has
population and territory sufficient to make a great nation in course

CONFEDERATION. 47
of time ; but she wants what the Lower Provinces possess, an
outlet to the sea. As the Lower Provinces now stand, they are
comparatively weak and powerless ; and the wealth, labour and
industry which Canada possesses, go in a great measure to enrich
such cities as New York, Boston and Portland. This must con
tinue to be the case untU the Intercolonial Railway, of which he
had ever been an advocate, shall be built ; and as soon as the
Colonies were confederated, the construction of that work would
undoubtedly commence. With regard to the question of defence,
which was inseparable from the general subject, he was confident
that when England saw we were self-reliant to a great extent, and '
capable of organizing a large military and naval force for mutual
protection, and which union only would enable us to do, she would
cheerfully come to our assistance, with all her vast power, in any
difficulty that might arise. Canada had been accused of insincerity
in her dealings with the Maritime Provinces, and this led to the
formation of a strong prejudice against accepting the proposals of
his Province for confederation ; but he assured every one who
listened to him, that Canada was unjustly accused, and that her
ministers did not come there to urge them by undue means into
the adoption of any scheme of union, but fairly to point out to
them the enormous advantages which, in a commercial point of
view, their merchants, traders and manufacturers would derive
from having a market of four millions of people for the exchange
of their several commodities, instead of being restricted to the
smaU and scattered populations which now compose the Lower
Provinces, where their industry is hampered by custom-house
regulations different in each."
Hon. George Brown followed Mr. Cartier, reiterating with much
effect his arguments reported so fully as delivered at Halifax.
Hon. A. T. Gait, Finance Minister of Canada, in answer to
a call made upon him, reviewed the financial condition of the
several Provinces, referred to the efforts that had been made in
Canada to improve the communication between the St. Lawrence
and the ocean, the large expenditure for the construction of rail
ways, and to the advantages that were resulting, and must continue

48 COI^FEDERATION.
to result from these expenditures. He referred to the relative
taxation of the several Provinces : Nova Scotia $2.32 per head,
Canada $2.50, New Brunswick $2.56. In answer to the objection
that Canada sought the union to be relieved of her burdens, spoke
of the Intercolonial Railway, of the benefit it would confer on the
Maritime Provinces, whilst the expense under the proposed union
must be borne principally by Canada, an arrangement entirely
different from that which had been contemplated while the Pro
vinces were separate. He then referred to the commercial advan
tages of a union, which would confer upon the Colonies benefits
similar to those which have been enjoyed by the United States in
consequence of their union, their free trade and uniform tariff.
In framing the constitution for British America, the errors of the
Republican Union were to be avoided. The rebeUion which distract
ed that Union was, in some measure, caused by slavery, and to a
very great extent, by what was known as State rights. Of course,
the question of slavery could never be an element of discord with
the united Provinces, and as regards "State rights," collision might
be easily avoided in reference to that subject by clearly defining
the powers of the Central Government as totaUy distinct from the
authority which should be vested in the Loc.il Legislatures.
Hons. Mr. McCully and Dr. Tupper of Nova Scotia, Messrs.
Palmer, Coles and Gray of Prince Edward Island, and Messrs.
McDougall and McGee of Canada, with the Chaii-man, and Mr.
Tilley, also spoke briefiy on the occasion, supporting the ^-iews
that had been expressed, and ui-ging the adoption of the measure
by the public.
Shortly afterwards the delegates presented theii- report to their
respective Governments, and the Prince Edward Island Conven
tion was at an end.

CHAPTER II.
Meeting of Delegates at Quebec, October lo, 1864 — Reflections on the time,
place and circumstances — American war — Sittings with" closed doors —
Reasons for — Voting by Provinces — Adoption of Federal instead of
Legislative Union — Submission of Resolutions defining proposed Consti
tution — Discussion of do — Contrast of source of power in the proposed
Coustitution and that of the United States — Policy of free trade — No
distinction in political rights — Difficulties- in representative and financial
arrangements — Electoral Di-visions of Lower Canada — Representation by
Population — Rule exceptional on entering Confederation — Absolute for
subsequent guidance — Similarity to original provision in the American
Constitution — Upper House, territorial and nominative — Provision for
primary selection — Admission of North-West Territories and British
Columbia — Adjustment of the financial arrangements — Direct taxation
for general pui-poses unknown in Maritime Provinces — Crisis — Sub-
Committee of Finance Ministers — Report — Apportionment of powers —
Crown Lands and Minerals to Local Governments — Reasons for — ^Judi
ciary — Court of Appeal — Uniformity of Laws — Intercolonial Railway —
Crown Lands in Newfoundland — Exceptions for Prince Edward Island —
Export duty on lumber in New Brunswick — Royalties in Nova Scotia —
Resolutions — Financial Statement of the position of Canada as compared
with the other Provinces — A.D. 1864.
In accordance with the recommendation of the Canadian Minis
try, the Governor-General had addressed the several Lieutenant-
Governors of the Maritime Provinces, including Newfoundland,
to send delegates to a Convention to be held at Quebec on the
10th October. The request had been responded to. The same
gentlemen had been re-appointed, with the addition in New Bruns
wick of the Hon. Peter Mitchell, a member of the Legislative
Council and of the Government, aud the Hon. Charles Fisher, a
prominent member of the Liberal party, twice Attorney-General
in the Government of New Brunswick with Mr. Tilley and one of
the oldest members of the House of Assembly ; in Prince Edward
Island, of the Hon. T. Heath Haviland, a Conservative, and the
Hon. Edward Whelan, a Liberal, and editor of the " Charlotte
town Examiner.'' In Newfoundland, the Hon. F. B. T. Carter,
Speaker of the House of Assembly, and the Hon. Ambrose Shea,
had been appointed.
The Canadian Government steamer " Victoria " had been sent
down to Pictou for the delegates. On the 5th October, Sir Richard

50 CONFEDERATION.
Graves McDonell and Lady McDonell, and the Nova Scotia dele
gates, embarked. On the 6th she called at Charlottetown for the
Prince Edward Island delegates, and thence proceeded to- Shediac
for the New Brunswick delegates. On the 7th she bore away for
Quebec. Many ladies were on board, members of the families of
the gentlemen from Nova Scotia, New Brunswick and Prince
Edward Island. Every provision had been made for comfort. On
Sunday evening, the 9th, she arrived at Quebec ; and on Monday,
the 10th October, 1864, at 11 a.m., in the Parliament House of
old Canada, the Conference was opened.
The respective Provinces were represented as foUows :
Canada. — Hon. Sir Etienne P. Tach6, Premier, M.L.C. ; Hon.
John A. Macdonald,Attorney-GeneralWest, M.P.P.; Hon. George
E. Cartier, Attorney-General East, M.P. P. ; Hon. George Brown,
President of the Executive Council, M.P.P. ; Hon. Alex. T. Gait,
Finance Mmister, M.P.P. ; Hon. Alex. Campbell, Commissioner
of Crown Lands, M.L.C. ; Hon. William McDougall, Provincial
Secretary, M.P.P.; Hon. Thomas D'Arcy McGee, Minister of
Agi-iculture, M.P.P. ; Hon. Hector Langevin, Solicitor-General
East, M.P.P. ; Hon. J. Cockburn, SoUcitor-General West, M.P.P. ;
Hon. Oliver Mowat, Postmaster-General, M.P.P.; Hon. J. C.
Chapais, Commissioner of public Works, M.L.C.
Nova Scotia. — Hon. Chas. Tupper, Provuicial Secretary, M.P.P.;
Hon. W. A. Henry, Attorney-General, M.P.P. ; Hon. R. B. Dickey,
M.L.C; Hon. Adams G. Archibald, M.P.P.; Hon. Jonathan
McCully, M.L.C.
New Brunswiok. — Hon. Samuel L. Tilley, Provincial Secretary,
M.P.P.; Hon. John M. Johnson, Attorney- General, M.P.P.;
Hon. Edward B. Chandler, M.L.C. ; Hon. John Hamilton Gray,
M.P.P.; Hon. Peter Mitchell, M.L.C; Hon Charies Fisher^
M.P.P. ; Hon. William H. Steves, M.L.C.
Newfoundland.— Hon. F. B. T. Carter, M.P.P., Speaker of the
House of Assembly ; Hon. Ambrose Shea, M.P.P.

CONFEDERATION. 51
Prince Edward Island. — Hon. John Hamilton Gray, Premier,
M.P.P. ; Hon. Edward Palmer, Attorney-General, M.P.P. ; Hon.
W. H. Pope, Provincial Secretary, M.P.P. ; Hon. George Coles,
M.P.P. ; Hon. A. A. Macdonald, M.L.C. ; Hon. T. H. Haviland,
M.P.P. ; Hon. Edward Whelan, M.L.C.
Sir Etienne P. Tach4, Premier of Canada, was unanimously
chosen President ; and Major Hewitt Bernard, of the Staff of the
Attorney-General West, Private and Confidential Secretary.
Thus was organized a Convention, whose deliberations were to
have a marked bearing upon the future of British North America.
The time, the men, the circumstances, were peculiar. The place
of meeting was one of historic interest. Beneath the shadow of
Cape Dianfcnd, on the ruins of the old Castle of St. Louis, with
the broad St. Lawrence stretching away in front, the Plains of
Abraham in sight, and the St. Charles winding its silvery course
through scenes replete with the memories of old France, where
scarce a century gone the Fleur de Lys and the Cross of St. George
had waved in deadly strife, now stood the descendants of those
gallant races, the Saxon and the Gaul, hand in hand, with a
common country and a common cause. Met with the full sanction
of their Sovereign and the Imperial Government, attended by the
representatives and ministers of the Crown, sent from the Parlia^
ments chosen by the people, they were called upon to lay in peace the
foundations of a State that was to take its place in friendly posi
tion beside that RepubUc, which wrenched from the parent land in
strife, had laid the foundations of its greatness with the sword and
baptized its power in blood.
Ninety years before, when the first Congress of the thirteen
States met at Philadelphia, it was in defiance of the authority and
of the country from which their people sprung'. How different !
How much more auspicious was the gathering of the Provincial
representatives at Quebec ! In their deliberations and the fram
ing of their constitution they would have the benefit of the expe
rience of the working of that constitution, which under conditions
in some degree similar to their own as to country, institutions,
and people, had carried the United States through half a century

52 CONFEDERATION.
of triumphant progress. It would be for them to avoid those
causes of dissension which had created the then existing troubles
of that country.
But apart from this, the time at which they had assembled was
one of deep import. The civU war in the United States, between
the North and South, was raging in all its fury. No one could
tell how soon its crimson flood might burst upon our shores.
Causes of great irritation were already existing. The imperious
demand of England for the immediate surrender of Mason and
Slidell, and the disavowal of the act of the officer who had boarded
the " Trent," and violated the sanctity of her flag ; the sympathy
of a portion of her people with the Southern cause, and the preda^
tory character of the "Alabama" and other cruisers, fitted out and
leaving her ports through the aUeged indifference of her officers or
the insufficiency of her laws, were rankling in the breasts of large
numbers of the American people.
The piratical seizure of the steamer " Chesapeake,'' her subse
quent escape to Nova Scotia, the aUeged plottings of Southern
refugees in Canada, and the St. Albans raid, notwithstanding the
vigilance of the Canadian authorities, and their prompt efforts to
apprehend and punish the offenders — all tended, however unjustly,
to intensify the bitterness of the national mind in the United
States, and little, but very little, was wanted to cause a war
between the two countries.
Under such circumstances, great prudence should govern the
deliberations of men, who, however limited their authority, or how
ever remote from the cause of dissension the subject referred to
them, might yet by some unguarded act precipitate difficulties
which it should be the interest and object of all to avoid.
On the men who formed the Conference was directed the atten
tion of British America. They had all served many years in pub
lic and parliamentary life in their several Provinces. ' All had
filled prominent public positions — had had the cares and respon
sibilities of government, and the stimulus of opposition. From
fifteen to twenty years had been the average of their public ser
vices. All were young enough to feel that, contrasting the past
with the future, there was still before them a career of honorable

CONFEDERATION. 53
ambition in a greater country and a greater cause. All were old
enough to know that rashness was the folly of a statesman, and
that the future influence, character and position, as well as the
prosperity of their country, would depend on the Avisdom and
practicability of their conclusions.
The venerable chairman and two others might perhaps claim
exemption from any personal ambition for the future. To Sir E.
P. Tach^ half a century of public life had brought gravity with
age, and had given to a spotless name the light to command
respect, and to preside with dignity over the councils of his coun
try. The Hon. E. B. Chandler, by his quick and restless move
ments, showed that seventy years had not dulled the activity of
his mind or body ; but forfy years as a representative and member
of the Legislative Council of his own Province he declared had
rendered him personally mdifferent to the future ; whilst the gal
lant Premier of Prince Edward Island, the rugged outlmes of
whose gaunt frame still bore the vigorous impress of its Scotch
lineage, seemed to glory only in the future greatness of his coun
try, and to hope that the prowess of her sons might rival the
glories of that land whose flag he had followed for so many years
in every quarter of the globe.
We will now proceed to the work of this Convention. After
much consideration it was determined, as in Prince Edward Island,
that the Convention should hold its deliberations with closed doors.
In addition to the reasons wliioh had governed the Convention at
Charlottetown, it was further urged, that the views of individual
members, after a first expression, might be changed by the discus
sion of new points, differing essentially from the ordinary current
of subjects that came under their consideration in the more limited
range of the Provincial Legislatures ; and it was held that no man
ought to be prejudiced, or be liable to the charge m public that he
had on some other occasion advocated this or that doctrine, or this
or that principle, inconsistent with the one that might then be
deemed best; in view of the future union to be adopted. The
relation of a federation of Provinces towards each other — the con
stitutional necessities operating upon the united body, might be so
different from the necessities hitherto operating upon each in the

54 CONFEDERATION.
separate administration of its local affairs, that it was well held
that no man should be governed by opinions given under phases of
oircumstances entirely dissimilar, and which might be altogether
inapplicable. Liberals and Conservatives had there met to deter
mine what was best for the future guidance of half a continent, not
to fight old party battles, or stand by old party cries, and candour
was sought for more than mere personal triumph. The conclusion
arrived at, it is thought, was judicious. It insured the utmost
freedom in debate ; the more so, inasmuch as the result would be
in no way binding upon those whose interests were to be affected,
until and unless adopted after the greatest pubKcity and the fuUest
public discussion.
As the course pursued by the Convention on this point was at
the time made the subject of much mis-animadversion, and in some
-of the Provinces, of grave censure, upon the ground that the
discussion of its proceedings by the press and public pending its
sittings would have been of great advantage, it is as well to
observe, that in addition to the reasons infiuencing the members
at the time, history afforded an excellent precedent. In the
convention of 1787, which sat at Philadelphia by authority of the
then existing,^ Congress, for the purpose of devising a constitution
for the more perfect confederation of the United States, a conven
tion, presided over by Washington, led by Hamilton, and sustained
by the wisdom and experience of Franklin, then eighty-four years
of age — men who, if the men of any nation or time could be con
sidered as above sordid or selfish motives, must be so ret^arded 
the proceeduigs, though lasting four months, were conducted in
secret ; and all that is known of what was then said and done
save the constitution devised and adopted, was known by notes
kept by Madison, and which he some time after made public*
It was further determined, after debate, that, inasmuch as the
Canadian representation in the Convention was numerically so
much greater than that of any of tbe other Provinces— indeed
equal to that of any two combmed — the voting in case of division
should be by Provmces, and not by members ; Canada, as composed
* " Alexander II.aniilton's Times," by MuUer.

CONFEDERATION. . 55
of two Provinces, having two votes ; thus ensuring to the smaller
Provinces that ift the adoption of any proposition, equal weight
should be given to all. Consequently, on each particular proposi
tion on which a difference of opinion was expressed, the represen
tatives of each Province consulted thereon apart, determined by a
majority its acceptance or rejection, and reported the result by
their chairman to the Convention. In the arrangement of the
sittings, Canada occupied the central position, with New Bruns
wick and Nova Scotia on one side, and Prince Edward Island and
Newfoundland on the other.
It was in a very short time decided that a Federal in preference
to a Legislative Union would be best suited to the exigencies of the
country; its extended area and comparatively sparse population
rendering it utterly impossible that the local wants of distant
districts could be attended to in the General Parliament, parti
cularly as in several of the Provinces municipalities were not
established, direct taxation was unknown, and the people were
accustomed to look to their local legislatures for all those measures
which would increase the settlement, open the communications,
afford education, and tend to develope the resources of their
Provinces. On the second day, the outlines of a contemplated Confederation
were submitted, in a series of resolutions, by the Hon. John A.
Macdonald, substantially in accordance with the views that had
been more generally expressed in the meeting at Charlottetown.
They were elaborated in a clear and comprehensive speech, pointing
out with minuteness the distinction between the constitution pro
posed and the model from which -it might be supposed to have
been framed — ^that of the United States — and claiming emphati-
caUy that it was intended to be, as far as circumstances would
permit, similar to that of the Imperial Government, and recog
nizing the Sovereign of Great Britain as its sole and only head.
In the course of the arguments that followed on the submission
of these resolutions, and which extended over several days, it was
clearly shown that whereas in the United States all powers not
specificaUy conceded by the several States to the Federal Govern
ment were stiU to remain with the several States, here, on the

56 CONFEDERATION.
contrary, all powers not specifically conceded by the Imperial Par
liament in the proposed constitution to the separate Provinces were
to remain with the Federal Government. The source of j)ower
was exactly reversed. At the time of the framing of their consti
tution, the United States were a congeries of independent States,
which had been united for a temporary purpose, but which recog
nized no paramount or sovereign authority. The fountain of con
cession therefore flowed upward from the several states to the
united government. The Provinces, on the contrary, were not
independent States ; they still recognized a paramount and sove
reign authority, without whose consent and legislative sanction
the Union could not be framed. True, without their assent their
rights would not be taken from them ; but as they could not part
with them to other Provinces without the Sovereign assent, the
source from which those rights would pass to the other Provinces
when surrendered to the Imperial Government for the purposes of
confederation, would be through the supreme authority. Thus
the fountain of concession would flow downward, and the rights
not conceded to the separate Provmces would vest in the Federal
Government, to which they were to be transferred by the para
mount or sovereign authority.
This was in accordance with the theory of the IBritish constitu
tion, which, while boasting its old Saxon popular origin, yet'
claims the unparalleled expansion of its present freedom as
wrenched from the sovereign authority by the struggles of a thou
sand years, and recognizes that authority as the source of power.
" That land of old and fair renown.
Where Freedom slowly broadens down
From precedent to precedent."
In the United States, on the contrary, the theory is that the power
springs from the people, and what they have not chosen to part
with they still retain.
Practically, in both countries the result is the same. The peo
ple are the source of power, and in them the power resides, under
whatever name it may be called ; but in the framing of a consti
tution for a congeries of states, to be governed by one central au
thority, the result is different. In the one case the separate

CONFEDERATION. 57
states, in their individual capacities, retain the undefined and un-
conceded power. In the other the central authority holds it.
The latter form, it was contended, gave greater strength, com
pactness and facilities for intercourse with other countries, and
removed causes of disintegration.
The question of states rights, which led to the frightful war in
the United States, was forcibly enlarged upon, and an earnest de
sire expressed that, in the framing of the new constitution, defects
which might lead to such results should be avoided.
It was well observed, that in British America no taint of slav
ery existed to create a hostility of sections, or raise the cry of
" squatter sovereignty," — that no diverse productions of climate
suggested a divei-sity of tariffs, — that no manufactures of the
North would demand an antagonism to the productions of
those fertile lands whose southern sun gave forth spontaneous
wealth, which asked for exchange and not protection, — that lying
in almost one continuous Une on the same parallel of latitude
from the Atlantic to the Pacific, the interests of all parts of the
country for which the new constitution was to be framed would
be identical, — ^that its trade should be free, and the surplus of its
products not used for home consumption should with equal privi
lege seek the markets of the world, — that no distinction of race
or color or creed was known, and that therefore it was sound that
that body which would be vested with the responsibility of guard
ing the interests of the whole country, should be clothed with
power adequate to the circumstances with which it might have to
deal. Thus the Central Government took all, and the powers of
the Provincial Governments were to be exercised strictly within
the Umits defined.
But it was in the apportionment of the representation in the
Federal Parliament, and of the financial burdens and benefits, that
the greatest difficulties arose. Representation -by Population had
been for many years the demand of the most -populous and most
powerful of the Provinces, and had indeed been one of the causes,
if not the main cause, of that constitutional embarrassment which
on the part of Canada had led to the proposition for federation.
5

58 CONFEDERATION. r
The principle, therefore, was recognized, and was proposed to be
acted upon, so far as consistently with existing arrangements in
the several Provinces it could be.
The Electoral Divisions of the Province of Lower Canada (now.
Quebec) at the time were sisty-five. In New Brunswick the
fourteen counties, with the city of Saint John ih addition, making
fifteen constituted Electoral Districts. In Nova Scotia there were
nineteen, the county of Halifax being divided into two. It was
considered politic not to disturb these divisions, but making Que
bec as the pivot, to give to each district or division, as then exist
ing, one representative ; and taking Upper Canada, (now Ontario,)
to give to her eighty-two representatives, the number that her
presumed population would entitle her to.
The actual proportions throughout the fom- Provinces were not
the same, for v/hile taking the then last census of the several Pro
vinces as the- guide, Quebec would have one representative to
about 1 6,500 of her population — New. Brunswick would have one
to 16,800 — Nova Scotia, one to 17,500 — Prince Edward Island,
one to 16,000 — Newfoundland, one to 18,750 — and Ontario, one
to 17,070 ; but it was determined that every future re-adjustmerit
of the representation in the several Provinces, at the completion
of each decennial census, should be, as to the number of members,
upon the same proportion to the population of the Province that
the number 65 bore to the population of Quebec at the same cen
sus, the number for Quebec being fixed at 65.
Thus at the first inception on entering into the Union, population
was not intended to be held as the only rule for representation.
Though taken as a guide, the apisortionment must be more or less
arbitrary. Existing' arrangements, territorial and other consider
ations must be taken mto account, and modifications to suit cir
cumstances necessarily made ; but, after entering the union,
future changes of the entii'e representation were to be governed
by that principle. ' Such seemed to be the views on this subject.
The principle itself was affirmed simply and explicitly in the 1 7th
Resolution m the Conference at Quebec ; but in the constitution
as subsequently settled at Westminster, and enacted by the Bri
tish North America Act, 1867, while the re-adjustment made by

CONFEDERATION. 59
the Quebec Resolution is adliered to, the prmciple so explicitly
laid down, " That the basis of representation in the House of
Commons shall be by population " is not re-deolared. So marked
a distinction, it must be presumed, was intentional — to remove
any doubt that the confederation of the four Provinces then formed
should have free scope for terms that might be necessary there
after to bring in other portions of British North America.
In the United States representation by population is simply
numerical. Each so many thousand of recognized voters is
entitled to a representative ; though by such calculation twenty
representatives might come from one city or place. New York,
Philadelphia, or Brooklyn, for instance. But in the plan adopted
at the Conference tlie electoral districts would have the same repre
sentation, though one district might number 50,000 and another
only 5000. For instance, the County of St. John, with a popula
tion of nearly 50,000, would have only one representative, while
Cornwall, Sherbrooke, Niagara, Montreal Centre, Restigouche or
Algoma, with populations under 7000, would each equally have
one. To meet any objections arising of this nature, it was pro
posed and declared that the Local Legislature of each Province
should divide its own Province into constituencies, and define
then- boundaries, and should have power from time to time to
alter the electoral districts for the purposes of representation in the
House of Commons, and to distribute the representation to which
each Province might be entitled in such manner as its Local
Legislature might see fit. It is but proper, however, to state,
that from a correspondence which subsequently passed between
the Lieutenant-Governor of New Brunswick and the Governor-
General, it appeared that this stipulation had been altered by the
Canadian Ministry, and was, in the resolutions laid before the
Canadian Parliament, restricted to the representation in the Local
Legislatures only ; it being alleged that the error arose from an
improper wording of the resolution at the Conference, and that
the power was not intended to apply to the representation in the
Federal Parliament.
The Conference, therefore, while taking population as the basis,
and laying down that strictly as the rule, acted upon the principle

60 CONFEDERATION.
that in the first instance territorial area and local circumstances
must also be considered.
Something of a similar character seems to have taken place at
the formation of the original constitution of the United States,
for in the second section an arbitrary number of representatives
was assigned to the thirteen states separately, though the rule was
strictly defined as to the subsequent increase or decrease — the
franchise at the same time being expressly denied to Indians and
slaves.* The representation in the Upper House was a matter much
more easily disposed of. It was at once arranged territoriaUy,
the Provinces being formed into three divisions, namely, Quebec
(Lower Canada), Ontario (Upper Canada), and the Maritime Pro
vinces (New Brunswick, Nova Scotia and Prince Edward Island),
with equal representation, 24 to each division. An exceptional
provision was made for Newfoundland, with a representation of
four members. The selections in the first instance were to be
from the existing Legislative Councils of the several Provinces,
(excepting Prince Edward Island), as fauiy as possible from all
political parties. This provision, it being naively expected, would
facilitate the passage of the necessary measures to effectuate the
Union in those branches of the Local Legislatures.
The question of an elective or a nominative Legislative Council
was fuUy discussed, and decided by an overwhelming majority in
favor of the [latter, the President of the Canadian CouncU, the
Hon. George Brown, leading the Kberal section of the Canadian
Cabinet strongly in support. A particular exception of the mode
of selection of the members for this branch Avas made as regards
Prince Edward Island, at the urgent demand of its delegates.
With reference to the North-west Territories and British Colum-
hia, inasmuch as they were in no way reiDresented at the Confer
ence, and theii- admission at the time seemed remote, no observa
tion of any kind was made as to their representation in either
bi-anch ; but all matters relative to them were left to future con
sideration, and "such terms as might be deemed equitable or

* Shephard's " Constitutional Text Book." Edition of 1856.

CONFEDERATION. 61
agreed upon, when they were admitted or applied for admission
into the contemplated union."
Concurrently with the consideration of these questions the adjust
ment of the financial burdens was also under discussion.
The simplest and the shortest mode would have been at once to
determine that each Province should by its own direct taxation
bear the burden of its own local expenditure and wants, and that
the general revenues should all be distributed solely for general
purposes. But this was simply out of the question. The system
existing in Upper Canada of governing by municipalities, and pro
viding for local wants by local taxation, though fully understood
had never been adopted by the people of the Maritime Provinces.
The Government was to them "a nursing mother" of children.
Bridges, roads, schools, wharves, piers, bye-roads, internal improve
ments and communications of all kinds, m addition to the Legis
lative, fiscal, postal, and executive expenses of every kind, were
paid out of the general revenues, arising from customs, sales of
crown lands, or other public revenues. A toll-gate did not exist
in the Provinces, and if a bridge were buUt across a public navi
gable river like the Petitcodiao by a company for its own private
gain, under the sanction of an Act of the Legislature and aided by
public grants, the members for and the inhabitants of the adjoining
counties rebelled at the idea of being charged for crossing it, and
agitated until the $20,000 or .f 30,000, that it was said to have
cost, was paid to the company out of the public funds, and the
bridge thrown open to the public free of charge, fiut two toll
bridges existed in the Province of New Brunswick, both expensive
suspension bridges at the Upper and Lower Falls of the River St.
John 240 or 250 mUes apart, and from the Restigouche to the
St. Croix in the other direction, 300 mUes along the sea coast,
across the mouths of broad rivers, and over deep ravines, well
roaded and well bridged, except at one of these suspension bridges
no toll-gatherer stopped the traveller, The same might be said of
Nova Scotia.
It was absurd, therefore, to suppose that the delegates from
those Provinces could consent to any propositions for union that
did not make adequate provisions for meeting the existing wants

62 CONFEDERATION.
and contributions to which their people had been accustomed. It
was equally hard to make the representatives of the people of
Upper Canada understand that that was right. In vain was
argument used. It amounted to nothing. Unless some compro
mise could be effected the discussion about union might as well
cease. Subsidies were proposed, the expenses of each Local Gov
ernment were in calculation, reduced to the smallest figure — the
General Government assumed the burden of every expenditure
that could possibly be considered of a general character — but still
as the distribution was to be by population the Province of Upper
Canada would receive what it did not want, whUe the others did not
get what they did want. Agreement seemed hopeless, and on or
about the tenth morning after the Convention met, the conviction
was general that it must break up without coming to any conclu
sion. The terms of mutual concession and demand had been drawn
to their extremist tension, and silence was all around. At last a
proposition was made that the Convention should adjourn for the
day, and that in the meantime, the Finance Ministers of the several
Provinces should meet, discuss the matter among themselves, and
see if they could not agree upon something. Acoordmgly, Messrs.
Brown and Gait on behalf of Canada, Dr. Tupper and Mr.
Archibald of Nova Scotia, Mr. TUley of New Brunswick, Mr.
Pope of Prince Edward Island, and Mr. She.i of Newfoundland,
withdrew for that purpose.
On the following morning they reported the conclusions at which
they had arrived. These with some modifications, after discussion,
were ultimately adopted by the Convention, reduced to resolutions,
and the "financial crisis" jiassed away.
The Convention resumed its labors and proceeded to define the
respective powers of the General and Local Parliaments, and of
the rights and properties under their control. The retention of
the ungranted Crown lands and of the mines and minerals by the
several Provinces, in which they were situated was deemed best,
as affording to them severally additional sources ' of revenue,
stimulus for local improvements, and the means of encouraoing
immigration; but more particularly as removing causes of conflict
and dissension between the Local and General Governments and

CONFEDERATION. 63
relieving iJie latter of duties which ought to be municipal. The
regulation and management of lands and royalties within a Pro
vince by a Go^•ernment other than that of the Province would
only be creEiting tui '¦' imperiuvi in iinpcrio,'' which would surely
become antagonistic.
The question of the judiciary was not so easily settled, aud led
to long aud aiiuuated discussions. Wliile it was admitted that
the public interests would be best promoted by having the highest
tribunals of the country deriving their authority from the higliest
source of power in the country, and that a uniform Bar extending
thi-oughout tlie whole would tend to its elevation, by the greater
confiiot of talent, and the wider sphere of action, it was urged that
untU the laws were in some measure assinalated the benefit with
reference to the Bar would be more seeming than real. And with
reference to the Bench, a vague dread of the overa-wing power of
Caaiada, led some of the delegates from the Miuitime Provinces to
fear that the courts of theu- Provinces might be filled with judges
who were strangers to their laws, and whose traditions were with
other lands. The representatives from Lower Canada at once put
their Province beyond the pale of consideration. Their jm-is-
prudence was governed by the CivU Law, and admitted of no
uniformity with the codes of the other Provinces. The result was
a provision for rendering uniform the laws of the five other
Provinces, Upper Canada, Now Brunswick, Nova Scotia, New
foundland, and Prince Edward Island, relative to property and
civU rights, and that iintU such uniformity took place, the judges
of the Courts of those Provinces should be selected from the
respective Bars of those Provinces; the power of appointment of
the judges in all — Lower Canada included — with this restriction
being placed in the hands of the General Government, to which
already the duty of paying then- salaries had been assigned. It
wa,s admitted with one voice, that the criminal law must be the
same thi-oughout the whole, and that the Pai'liament of the General
Go\ ernment must form the criminal code.
Thus was this question disposed of, but tempoi-arUy only, for
tho time must come when substanti;Uly one code, and a similar
administration must pervade the tribimals of those Provinces, the
basis of whose jurisprudence is the Common Law of England.

64 CONFEDERATION.
Provision was made for the establishment of a Court of Appeal,
and for the completion without delay of the Intercolonial RaUway
from the Riviere du Loup through New Brunswick to Truro in
Nova Scotia, without an express understanding to which effect
those two Provinces would not have assented to enter the imion.
An expression of opinion was also given as to the importance of the
communications with the North-West Territories and the improve
ments in the canals requisite to develop the trade' of the West with
the sea-board, and a declaration made that they should be prose
cuted at the earliest possible period, that the finances of the country
would permit.
Other provisions, with reference to existing laws in^the several
Provinces, and some contingent liabUities, for which, under thefr
existing laws, they might become responsible, were also made.
The necessities of Newfoundland compelled a departure, with
reference to that colony, from the principle the Convention had
adopted as regards the ungranted Crown lands in the other Pro
vinces. The agreement for the transfer of those in that island to
the General Government was only carried after much discussion.
It was stoutly urged that if Newfoundland required $150,000 per
annum more than the general plan proposed, it was bettei' to give
it 'at once, or forego her admission ; but the former could not be
conceded without injustice to the other Provinces, and a departure
from the terms on which they were induced to come in ; and the
latter could not be assented to without a departure from the broad
scheme of the consolidation of aU British North America. The
acceptance of her lands was therefore carried ; and, at the request
of her delegates and those of Prince Edward Island, an exception
was made, that the qualification for members of the Legislative
Council from tho two Islands might consist of personal as well as
real property, leaseholds being extensively in use in both.
No other exceptional provision was made with reference to
Prince Edward Island, save as to the members of the Legislative
Council not being in the first instance selected from the existing-
CouncU, that body in the Island being elective, and her delegates
especially requesting that -with reference to that Island the question
of nomination or election might be left open for further considera
tion ; and as to any particular claim she might have on the British

CONFEDERATION. 6 5
Government for the Lieutenant-Governor's salary, in consequence
of that salary ha-ving been always paid by the British Government,
and not by the Island; though during the discussion on the repre
sentation in Parliament, and on the financial arrangements, her
representatives were restive and perhaps exacting ; but after the
report of the committee appointed to devise the financial arrange
ments, on which she was represented by her Provincial Secretary,
no dissatisfaction was expressed.
Among the provisions relating to the imposition or regulation
of duties on imports and exports, for which power was to be given
exclusively to the General Government, was an exception, which
led to much discussion, and demands explanation, namely, the
exemption from the power of the General Government of affecting
(if not increased) the export duty on timber, logs and lumber from
New Bruns-wick, and of coal and other minerals in Nova Scotia.
Not only -was the principle of export duties denounced, but it was
observed that no such power was permitted to the other Pro-vinces,
and that most of them dealt quite as largely in the lumber trade
as New Bruns-wick, and the reason for such exception was not
apparent. It must be remembered that the Cro-wn lands and
mines and minerals in each Province were to remain the property
of each Province, as a part of its source of local revenue. Many
years previously, the Legislature of New Brunswick, finding the
expenses of coUecting the stumpage dues unnecessarily great — ^in
fact, so far as the j)ubUc revenue went, rendering her forests
entirely unproductive — had simplified the matter by the substitu
tion of an export duty in lieu of stumpage ; and that law ha-ving
been in successful operation for many years, and still being in
force, could not be interfered with. It was simply another mode
of coUecting cullers' dues, as known at the port of Quebec, and
-was more the irregular application of a term or expression, than
the adoption of a general principle in trade. The same observa
tion is applicable to the exemption in favour of coal and other
minerals in Nova Scotia, being simply a more convenient mode
there in use of coUecting the royalties. In this way an exception
was introduced into the constitution, which would other-wise appear
inconsistent.

66 CONFEDERATION.
The foregoing detaUs, -with othei-s deemed essential, were embo
died in seventy-two resolutions, wiiich -were to be authenticated by
the signatures of the delegates, to be transmitted to their respec
tive Governments for submission to tlieu- Legislatiu-es, and to the
Governor-General for the Secretary of State for the Colonies.
Throughout the resolutions the present Pro-sdnces of Ontario and
Quebec were spoken of as Upper and Lower Canada. Though, as
at present, more generallj- recognized under the former designation,
they are indifferently so referred to in tliis -n'ork.
The Resolutions were as follows :
1. The best interests and present :md future prosperity of Bri
tish North America wUl be promoted In- a Fedeiiil Union under
the Crowai of Great Britain, provided such Uuion can be eflooted
on prmciples just to the several Pro\inces.
2. In the FedeK-ition of the British North American Provinces
the system of government best adapted under existing circum
stances to protect the diversified interests of the several Pro-^-inces,
and secure efficiency, harmony aud permanency in the working of
the Union, would be a General Government charged with matters
of common interest to the whole eounti-v, luid Local Governments
for each of the Canadas, .and for the Provinces of Nova Scotia, New
Brunswick and Prince Edward Ishmd, chai-ged with the control of
local matters in their respective sections ; provision being made for
the admission into the Union, on equitable terms, of Ne\vfoimd-
land, the North-West Territory, British Columbia and Vancouver.
3. In framing a Constitution for the General Government, the
Conference, with a view to the periietuation of our comiection witli
the mother country, and to the promotion of the best interests of
the people of tiiese Provinces, desire to follow the model of the
British Constitution, so far as our cii-cumstaiices will permit.
4. The executive authority or govornment shall be Nested in the
Sovereign of the United Kmgdom of Great Britain and Ireland,
and be administered according to the well-understood principles of
the Britisli Constitution by the Sovereign personally, or by the
representative of the SoA'ereign duly authorized.
5. The Sovereign or represeiitati\-e of the Sovereign shall be
Commander-in-Cliief of the Land and Naval MUitia Forces.

CONFEDERATION. 67
6. There shall be a General Legislature or Parliament for the
Federated Provinces, composed of a Legislative Coimcil and a
House of Commons.
7. For the purpose of forming the Legislative Council, the
Federated Provinces shall be considered as consistmg of three
di-pisions : 1st, Upper Canada ; 2nd, Lower Canada ; 3rd, Nova
Scotia, New Bruns-wick and Prince Edward Island, each di-vision
with an equal representation in the Legislative Council.
8. Upper Canada shall be represented in the Legislative CouncU
by twenty-four members. Lower Canada by twenty-four members,
and the three Maritime Pro-vinces by twenty-four members, of
which Nova Scotia shall have ten. New Bruns-wick ten, and Prince
Edward Island four members.
9. The colony of Ne-wfoundland shall be entitled to enter the
proposed Union -with a representation in the Legislative CouncU
of four members.
10. The North-West Territory, British Columbia, and Van
couver, shall be admitted into the Union on such terms and
conditions as the Parliament of the federated Pro-vinces shall deem
equitable, and as shall receive the assent of Her Majesty ; syid in
the case of the Province of British Columbia or Vancouver, as
shall be agreed to by the Legislature of such Pro-vince.
11. The members of the Legislative Council shall be appointed
by the Cro-wn, under the Great Seal of the General Government,
aud shall hold office during life. If any Legislative CouncUlor
shall, for two consecutive sessions of Parliament, fail to give his
attendance in the said CouncU, his seat shall thereby become vacant.
12. The members of the Legislative Council shall be British
subjects by birth or naturalization, of the full age of thirty years,
shall possess a continuous real property qualification of four thou
sand dollars over and above all incumbrances, and shall be and
continue worth that sum over and above their debts and liabUities ;
but in case of Newfoimdland and Prince Edward Island, the pro
perty may be either real or personal.
13. If any question shall arise as to the qualification of a Legis
lative CouncUlor, the same shall be determined by the CouncU.

68 CONFEDERATION.
14. The first selection of the members of the Legislative CouncU
shall be made, (except as regards Prince Edward Island,) from the
Legislative CouncUs of the various Provinces, so far as a sufficient
number be found qualified and willing to serve : such members
shall be appointed by the Cro-wn, at the recommendation of the
General Executive Government, upon the nomination of the res
pective Local Governments ; and in such nomination due regard
shall be had to the claims of the members of the Legislative
Council of the Opposition in each Pro-vince, so that all political
parties may as nearly as possible be fairly represented.
15. The Speaker of the Legislative Council (unless other-wise
provided by Parliament) shall be appointed by the Cro-wn from
among the members of the Legislative Council, and shall hold
office during pleasure, and shall only be entitled to a casting vote
on an equality of votes.
16. Each of the twenty-four Legislative CouncUlors representing
Lower Canada in the Legislative CouncU of the General Legislature
shall be appointed to represent one of the twenty-four Electoral
Di-visions mentioned in schedule A of chapter 1 of the Consolidated
Statutes of Canada, and such CouncUlor shall reside or possess his
qualification in the di-vision he is appointed to represent.
17. The basis of representation in the House of Commons shaU
be population, as determined by the official census every ten years;
and the number of members at first shaU be one hundred and
ninety-four, distributed as follows :
Upper Canada  82
Lower Canada  65
Nova Scotia  19
New Brunswick  15
Newfoundland  ; . . 8
Prince Edward Island  5
18. Until the official census of 1871 has been made up, there
shall be no change in the number of representatives from the
several sections.
19. Immediately after the completion of the census of 1871
and immediately after every decennial census thereafter, the repre-

CONFEDERATION. 69
sentation from each section in the House of Commons shall be
readjusted on the basis of population.
20. For the purpose of such readjustments. Lower Canada shall
always be assigned sixty-five members ; and each of the other sec
tions shall, at each readjustment, receive, for the ten years then
next succeeding, the number of members to which it will be
entitled on the same ratio of representation to population as
Lower Canada wUl enjoy according to the census last taken by
having sixty-five members.
21. No reduction shall be made in the number of members
returned by any section, unless its population shall have decreased,
relatively to the population of the whole Union, to the extent of
five per centum.
22. In computing, at each decennial period, the number of
members to which each section is entitled, no fractional parts shall
be considered, unless when exceedmg one half the number entitling
to a member, in which case a member shall be given for each such
fractional part.
23. The Legislature of each Province shall divide such Province
into the proper number of constituencies, and define the boundaries
of each of them.
24. The Local Legislature of each Province may, from time to
time, alter the Electoral Districts for the purposes of representa
tion in the House of Commons, and distribute the representatives
to which the Province is entitled in any manner such Legislature
may think fit.
25. The number of members may at any time be increased by
the General Parliament, regard being had to the proportionate
rights then existing.
26. UntU pro-visions are made by the General Parliament, all
the laws which, at the date of the proclamation constitutmg the
Union, are in force in the Pro-vinces resjieotively, relating to the
qualification and disqualification of any person to be elected or to
sit or vote as a member of the Assembly in the said Provinces
respectively; and relating to the qualification or disqualification of
voters, and to the oaths to be taken by voters, and, to Returning
Officers and their powers and duties ; and relating to the jwoceed-

70 CONFEDERATION.
int^ at elections, and to the period during which such elections
may be continued ; and relating to the trial of controverted elec
tions, and the proceedings incident thereto ; and relating to the
vacating of seats of members, and to the issuing and execution of
new writs in cas:.- of any seat being vacated otherwise than by a
dissolution, shall respectively apply to elections of members to
serve in the House of Commons for places situate in those Pro
vinces respectively.
27. Every House of Commons shaU continue for five yeare fr'om
the day of the return of the -writs choosing the same, and no
longer; subject nevertheless, to be sooner prorogued or dissolved
by the Governor.
28. There shaU be a session of the General Parliament once at
least in every year, so that a period of twelve calendar months
shaU not intervene between the last sitting of the General Parlia
ment in one session and the first sitting thereof in the next session.
29. The General Parliament shaU have power to make laws for
the peace, welfare and good government of the federated Provinces
(sa-ving the sovereignty of England), and especially laws respecting
the foUowing subjects :
1. The public debt and property.
2. The regulation of trade and commerce.
3. The imposition or regulation of duties of customs on
imports and exports, except on exports of timber, logs,
masts, spars, deals and sa-wn lumber, and of coal and
oth^r minerals.
4. The imposition or regulation of excise duties.
5. The raising of money by all or any other modes or systems
of taxation.
6. The borro-wing of money on the public credit.
7. Postal seiwice.
8. Lines of steam or other ships, raUways, canals and other
works connecting any two or more of the Provinces
together, or extending beyond the limits of any Pro-
-vince.
9. Lines of steamships between the federated Provinces and
countries.

CONFEDERATION. _ 71
10. Telegi-aphic communication, and the incorporation of
telegraphic companies.
11. All such works as shall, although lying wholly within
any Province, be specially declared, by the Acts autho
rizing them, to be for the general advantage.
12. The census.
1 3. MUitia ; MUitary and Naval ser-vice and defence.
14. Beacons, buoys and light-houses.
15. Navigation and shipping.
16. Quarantine.
17. Sea-coast and mland fisheries.
18. Ferries between any Province and a foreign country, or
between any two Provinces.
19. Currency and coinage.
20. Bankmg, incorporation of Banks, and the issue of paper
money.
21. Sa-vings Banks.
22. Weights and measures.
23. BUls of exchange and promissory notes.
24. Interest.
25. Legal tender.
26. Bankruptcy and insolvency.
27. Patents of invention and discovery.
28. Copyrights.
29. Indians, and lands reserved for the Indians.
30. Naturalization and aliens.
31. Mariiage and divorce.
32. The Criminal Law, excepting the constitution of the
Courts of ciiminal jurisdiction, but including the
procedure in criminal matters.
33. Rendering uniform all or any of the laws relative to
property and civU rights in Upper Canada, Nova
Scotia, New Brunswick, Newfoundland and Prince
Edward Island, and rendering uniform the procedure
of all or any of the Courts in these Provinces ; but
any statute for this purpose shall have no force or
authority in any Pro-vince untU sanctioned by the
Legislature thereof.

72 CONFEDERATION.
34. The establishment of a Genei-al Com-t of Appeal for the
federated Pro-\-inces.
35. Immigiation.
36. AgriciUture.
37. And generally i-especting all matters of a general chai-ac-
ter, not specially and exclusively reserved for the Local
Governments iuid Legislatures.
30. The Genei-al Government and Parliament shall have all
powers necessary or proper for performing the obligations of the
federated Provmces, as p;u-t of the British Empii-e, to foreign
countries, arising under treaties between Great Britain and such
countries. 31. The General Parliament may also, fi-om time to time,
establish additional Courts ; and the General Government may
appoint Judges and officei-s thereof, when the same shall appear
necessary or for the pubhc advantage, in order to the due execution
of the laws of Parliament.
32. All Coiu-ts, Judges tmd officei-s of the several Pi-o-dnces
shall aid, assist and obey the General Government in the exercise
of its rights and powers, and for such purposes shall be held to be
Coiu-ts, Judges and Officers of the G-enei-al Government.
33. The General Government shall appoint and pay the Judges
of the Superior Courts in each Province, and of the County Courts
of Upper Canada, and Pai-liament shall fix then sal;u-ies.
34. UntU the consolidation of tlie laws of Upper Canada, New
Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Newfoundland and Prince Edward Island,
the Judges of these Provmces appointed by the General Govern
ment shall be selected from then- respective Bars.
35. The Judges of the Courts of Lower Canada shall be selected
fr'om the Bar of Lower Canada.
36. The Judges of tlie Court of Admiralty now receivino- sala
ries shall be paid by the General Governmeut.
37. The Judges of the Sujierior Courts shaU hold their offices
durmg good behavioui-, and shall be removable only on the address
of both Houses of Parliament.

CONFEDERATION. 73
LOCAL GOVERNMENT.
38. For each of the Pro-vinces there shall be an executive officer
styled the Lieutenant-Governor, who shall be appointed by the
Governor-General in ComicU, under the Great Seal of the Fede
rated Pro-vinces, during pleasure ; such pleasure not to be exercised
before the expiration of the first five years, except for cause ; such
cause to be communicated in -writing to the Lieutenant-Governor
immediately after the exercise of the pleasure as aforesaid, and
also by message to both Houses of Parliament, within the first
week of the first session afterwards.
39. The Lieutenant-Governor of each Province shall be paid by
the General Government.
40. In undertaking to pay the salaries of the Lieutenant-
Governors, the Conference does not desire to prejudice the claim
of Prince Edward Island upon the Imperial Government for
the amount now paid for the salary of the Lieutenant-Governor
thereof. 41. The Local Government and Legislature of each Pro-vinco
shaU be constructed in such manner as the existing Legislature of
such Province shaU pro-vide.
42. The Local Legislatures shall have power to alter or amend
their constitution from time to time.
43. The Local Legislatures shall have power to make laws
respecting the foUo-wing subjects :
1. Direct taxation and the imposition of duties on the export
of timber, logs, masts, spars, deals and sawn lumber,
and of coals and other minerals.
2. Borrowing money on the credit of the Pro-vince.
3. The establishment and tenure of local offices, and the
appointment and payment of local officers.
4. Agriculture.
5. Immigration.
6. Education ; sa-ving the rights and privUeges which the
Protestant or Catholic minority in both Canadas may
possess as to their denominational Schools, at the time
when the Union goes into operation.
6

74 CONFEDERATION.
7. The sale and management of public lands, excepting lands
belonging to the General Government.
8. Sea-coast and inland fisheries.
9. The establishment, maintenance and management of peni
tentiaries, and of public and reformatory prisons.
10. The establishment, maintenance and management of hospi
tals, asylums, charities, and eleemosynary institutions.
11. Municipal institutions.
12. Shop, saloon, tavern, auctioneer and other licenses.
13. Local works.
14. The incorporation of private and local companies, except
such as relate to matters assigned to the General
Parliament.
15. Property and ci-vil rights, excepting those portions thereof
assigned to the General Parliament.
16. Inflicting punishment by fines, penalties, imprisonment,
or otherwise for the breach of laws passed in relation
to any subject -within their jurisdiction.
17. The administration of justice, including the constitution,
maintenance and organization of the courts — both of
civU and criminal jurisdiction, and including also the
procedure in civU matters.
18. And generally all matters of a private or local natm-e,
not assigned to the General Parliament.
44. The power of respiting, reprieving and pardoning prisoners
convicted of crimes, and of commuting and remitting of sentences,
in whole or bi part, which belongs of right to the Crown, .shall be
administered by the Lieutenant-Governor of each Province in
Council, subject to any instructions he may from time to time
receive from the General Government, and subject to any provi
sions that may be made in his behalf by the General Parliament.
MISCELLANEOUS.
45. In regard to all subjects over which jurisdiction belongs to
both the General and Local Legislatures, the laws of the General
Parliament shall control and supersede those made by the Local

CONFEDERATION. 75
Legislature, and the latter shall be void so far as they are repug
nant to, or inconsistent with the former.
46. Both the English and French language may be employed in
the General Parliament and in its proceedings, and in the Local
Legislature of Lower Canada, and also in the Federal Courts and
in the Courts of Lower Canada.
47. No lands or property belonging to the General or Local
Government shall be liable to taxation.
48. All bUls for appropriating any part of the public revenue,
or for imposing any new tax or impost, shall originate in the
House of Commons, or in the House of Assembly, as the case
may be.
49. The House of Commons or House of Assembly shall not
originate or pass any vote, resolution, address or bUl, for the
appropriation of any part of the public revenue, or of any tax or
impost to any purpose, not first recommended by message of the
Governor-General, or the Lieutenant-Governor, as the case may
be, during the session in which such vote, resolution, address or
biU is passed.
50. Any bill of the General Parliament may be reserved in the
usual manner for Her Majesty's assent; and any bill of the Local
Legislatures may in like manner be reserved for the consideration
of the Governor-General.
51. Any biU passed by the General Parliament shall be subject
to disallowance by Her Majesty within two years, as in the case
of biUs passed by the Legislatures of the said Provinces hitherto;
and in like manner any bUl passed by a Local Legislature shall be
subject to disallowance by the Governor-General within one year
after the passing thereof.
52. The Seat of Government of the Federated Pro-vinces shaU
be Ottawa, subject to the ROyal Prerogative.
53. Subject to any future action of the respective Local Govern
ments, the Seat of the Local Government in Upper Canada shall
be Toronto; of Lower Canada, Quebec; and the Seats of the Local
Governments in the other Pro-vinces shall be as at present.

76 CONFEDERATION.
PROPERTY AND LIABILITIES.
54. All stocks, cash, bankers' balances and securities for money
belonoing to each Pro-yince, at the time of the union, except as
hereinafter mentioned, shaU belong to the General Government.
55. The folio-wing public works and property of each Pro-vince,
shall belong to the General Government, to -wit :
1. Canals.
2. Public harbours.
3. Light-houses and piers. ¦'¦
4. Steamboats, dredges and public vessels.
5. River and lake improvements.
6. Railways and raUway stocks, mortgages and other debts
due by raUway companies.
7. MUitary roads.
8. Custom houses, post offices and other public buUdings,
except such as may be set aside by the General Gov
ernment for the use of the Local Legislatures and
Governments.
9. Property transferred by the Imperial Government and
kno-wn as ordnance property.
10. Armories, drill sheds, mUitaiy clothing and munitions
of war.
11. Lands set apkrt for public purposes.
56. All lands, mines, minerals and royalties vested in Her
Majesty in the Provinces of Upper Canada, Lower Canada, Nova
Scotia, New Brunswick and Prince Edward Island, for the use of
such Provinces, shall belong to the Local Government of the terri
tory in which the same are so situate; subject to any trusts that
may exist in respect to any of such lands, or to any interest of
other persons in respect of the same.
57. All sums due from purchasers or lessees of such lands
mines or minerals at the time of the union, shall also belong to the
Local Governments.
58. All assets connected -with such portions of the public debt
of any Province as are assumed by the Local Governments shall
also belong to those Governments respectively.

CONFEDERATION. 77
59. The several Pro-vinces shall retain aU other public property
therein, subject to the right of the General Government to assume
any lands or public property required for fortifications or the
defence of the country.
60. The General Government shall assume all the debts and
liabilities of each Province.
61. The debt of Canada, not specially assumed by Upper and
Lower Canada respectively, shall not exceed at the time of the
union, $62,500,000; Nova Scotia shall enter the imion -vrith a
debt not exceeding $8,000,000, and New Bruns-wick -with a debt
not exceeding $7,000,000.
62. In case Nova Scotia or New Brunswick do not incur
liabUities beyond those for which their Governments are now
bound, and which shall make their debts at the date of the union
less than $8,000,000 and $7,000,000 respectively, they shaU be
entitled to interest at five per cent, on the amount not so incurred,
in like manner as is hereinafter provided for Newfoundland and
Prince Edward Island ; the foregoing resolution being in no respect
intrinded to limit the powers given to tho respective Governments
of those Provinces by Legislative authority, but only to limit
the maximum amount of charge to be assumed by the General
Government. Pro-vided always that the powers so conferred by
the respective Legislatures shall be exercised within five years
from this date or the same shall then lapse.
63. Ne-wfoundland and Prince Edward Island not ha-ving in
curred debts equal to those of the other Provinces, shall be enti
tled to receive, by half-yearly payments, m advance, from the
General Government, the interest at five per cent, on the differ
ence between the actual amount of their respective debts at the
time of the union, and the average amount of indebtedness per
head of the population of Canada, Nova Scotia and New Bruns-wick.
64. In consideration of the transfer to the General Parliament
of the powers of taxation, an annual grant in aid of each Province
shall be made, equal to 80 cents per head of the population, as es
tablished by the census of 1861, — the population of Newfound
land being estimated at 130,000. Such aid shall be in full
settlement of all future demands upon the General Government

78 CONFEDERATION.
for local purposes, and shall be paid half-yearly in advance to each
Province. 65. The position of New Brunswick being such as to entail
large immediate charges upon her local revenues, it is agreed that
for the period of ten years from the time when the union takes
effect, an additional allowance of $63,000 per annum shall be
made to that Pro-vince. But that so long as the jliabUity of that
Province remains under $7,000,000, a deduction equal to the
interest on such deficiency shall be made from the $63,000.
66. In consideration of the surrender to the General Govern
ment by Newfoundland of all its rights in the mines and minerals,
and of all the ungranted and unoccupied lands of the Cro-wn,, it is
agreed that the sum of $150,000 shaU each' year be paid to that
Pro-vince, by semi-annual payments. Pro^-ided^that that Colony
shall retain the right of opening, constructing and controlling
roads and bridges through any of the said lands, subject to any
laws which the General Parliament may pass in respect of the
same. 67. All engagements that may, before the union, be entered
into -with the Imperial Government for the defence of the country,
shall be assumed by the General Government.
68. The General Government shall secure, -without delay, the
completion of the Intercolonial RaUway fr-om Riviere-du-Loup,
through New Bruns-wick, to Truro in Nova Scotia.
69. The communications -with the North-Western Territory,
and the improvements requfred for the development of the trade
of the great West with the seaboard, are regarded by this Confer
ence as subjects of the highest importance to the Federated
Pro-vinces, and shall be prosecuted at the earliest possible period
that the state of the finances will permit.
70. The sanction of the Imperial and Local ParUaments shaU
be sought for the Union of the Pro-vinces, on the principles adopted
by the Conference.
71. That Her Majesty the Queen be solicited to determine the
rank and name of the Federated Provinces.
72. The proceedings of the Conference shall be authenticated
by the signatures of the delegates, and submitted by each delega^

CONFEDERATION. 79
tion to its Q-wn Government, and the Chairman is authorized to
submit a copy to the Governor-General for transmission to the
Secretary of State for the Colonies.
It wUl be observed that these resolutions differ in some material
respects from those ultimately adopted at Westminster, which
formed the final basis of the articles of Confederation, and were
embodied in the British North America Act 1867.
As the financial arrangements constituted the prmcipal difficulty
throughout the preliminary negotiations, and were afterwards in
the Confederated Parhament frequently made the subject of much
discussion, and of many very different constructions, it would be
as weU to preserve the statements and figures made and used at
the Quebec Conference. They were subsequently tabulated* and
arranged under the direction of Mr. Gait, the Finance Minister,
and were officially published in the early part of the -winter of 1865.
* Vide Appendix A.

[80]

CHAPTER III.
Banquets at Quebec and Montreal — Public sentiment in Lower Canada —
Conduct of the Press — Custom of the ancient Germans followed by the
English — Speeches at Quebec — Reception by the Laval University —
¦ Reception at Montreal — Education of the public mind — Remarks of Dele
gates and Local Members at Montreal — A.D. 1864.
On the 28th October, the Convention closed its sittings at
Quebec, and adjourned to Montreal.
We -will now pause, and, looking at the current events that
surrounded the Convention whUe at Quebec, endeavour to trace
the formation of public opinion on the important subject under
the consideration of its members.
The Resolutions themselves were not made public in extenso,
because the delegates had first to report them to their respective
Governments ; but the purport of them was sufficiently kno-wn,
through the instrumentality of the press, to enable a tolerably
correct estimate to be formed of their character. The one broad
fact, at any rate, was proclaimed — that the representatives of the
several Pro-vinces had agreed upon a plan for union of aU British
North America, and that its future consolidation was to some
degree secured. It is -with the reception of this one fact by the
public, rather than with the detaUs of the plan, that we have at
present to deal.
It would be superfluous to observe, that during the sitting of the
Convention, the weU-known hospitalities of Quebec were extended
to its members. Those graceful courtesies which in private life
had made its society the delight of strangers, and the capital of
old Canada the most acceptable station to Her Majesty's forces
when serving abroad, were offered in profusion. But it is to public
matters our attention must be turned.
The proceedmgs of the Convention were watched with intense
interest by the representatives of the press from the different
centres of influence throughout the country ; and though, by the
determination of the Convention to sit -with closed doors the

CONFEDERATION. 81
individual action of members was but little known, the results, in
some way, were always sure to reach the public ear. Thus day
by day the public mind became imbued -with the nature of those
changes which were being suggested ; and though the actual tran
script might not go abroad, yet sufficient information was obtained
to indicate their tendency and character. The conduct of the press
-was most admirable. No attempt was made to foster party preju
dice, or create local jealousies ; no effort to advance the indi-vidual
triumph of one politician over another ; no fulsome eulogy. All
was fair — a determination to wait untU the whole projet was
promulgated; not to anticipate, not to prejudge from objections
to any particular part. The fabric must stand from its general
solidity, what was weak sustained by what was strong, or it must
faU, from its entire insufficiency to accomplish the end proposed.
Tacitus, in his " De Moribus Germanorum," states that it was
the custom of that ancient people, when any great measure was to
be proposed, or any great work undertaken, to gather together in
general assembly, when much -feasting took place, and great drunk
enness prevaUed, and there and then to discuss -with the fullest
fi'eedom the subject matter they had met to consider, but not to
determine upon it untU the day after. Thus, he tersely observes,
" Deliberant dum fingere nesciunt, constituunt dum errare non
possunt." They deliberate whUe they cannot feign ; they deter
mine when they cannot err.
Whether it be that this custom has descended, in some modified
form, to our ancestors or not, we cannot exactly say ; but true it
is, that it is the habit of the English-speaking race and their
descendants in every part of the world, to inaugurate great under
takings -with eating and drinking. If a raUroad is to be buUt, a
constitution to be framed, a lord-mayor to be sworn in, a states
man to be complimented, a prince to be received, a charitable
institution to be founded, a dock to be opened, an asylum to be
buUt, a call for money for any great work to be made, a banquet
must be held. An Englishman is a queer man. Hard-fisted,
hard-headed, hard-hearted, you may nevertheless lead him to any
thing — you can drive him to nothing. He has plenty of money —
he wiU refuse it ; he has certain political rights — he wUl defy you

82 CONFEDERATION.
to touch them ; things are good enough as they are — he does not
want any change. But reason -with him, show him that a thing is
right ; he is a gregarious animal ; convince his neighlSours -with
himself; make out your plan; prove it to be solid and sensible,
and likely to be productive of good ; appeal to his generosity ;
give him time, and he wUl become as enthusiastic as before he -was
obdurate, as liberal as before he was close, as generous in the
concession of rights as before he was reserved, and as ready to go
heart and soul into the great change as before he was opposed.
Have a banquet — he becomes uncontrollable ; and mid the cheers
of the -wine-cup, and the fiowers of speech, his heart and hand and
purse are open. But try to take his money from him against his
-will, and he would not yield it, if it was to buUd a pathway to
heaven ; try to trample upon a right, and no power on earth would
make him concede it.
This utUizing of a banquet is characteristic of the race in every
part of the world, from Australia to Hudson's Bay. By its
means the movers in any great measure of progress become the
expounders of their own proposition, and the public receive
authoritatively the outlines thus announced. Fortunately, unlike
the ancient Germans, we have not to discuss or determine at or
after the banquet. The work is in some measure moulded before.
It is only for heralding the birth we make use of the banquet, and
to ask the public to become sponsors for the organism, whose sub
sequent attainment to maturity must depend upon their approval.
Quebec had its banquet under the auspices of the Board of
Trade ; its citizens gathered together to do honor to the occasion
a day or two before the Convention adjourned, and there, amid
fruit and flowers, mid the drapery of friendly flags, mid the strains
of martial music, and the cheers of excited men, the proposed
Federation of British North America was first authoritatively
announced by the representatives of the several Provinces to their
people. It is not proposed to give in fuU the speeches made on this and
simUar occasions, or in any of the parliamentary debates or public
demonstrations throughout the three succeeding years immediately
preceding Confederation. Selecting the leading points, condensing

CONFEDERATION. 83
without weakening the infoimation conveyed, and avoidmg, as
far as possible, the reiteration by different speakers of the same
idea, -will afford, it is believed, a correct estimate of the gradual
process by which a change in the constitutional government of
the Provinces was brought about — a change for which the public
mind was prepared, and to which its tendencies were directed.
On this occasion Mr. Joseph, the President of the Board of
Trade, who presided over the hospitable board, in giving the
toast of the evening, " Our Guests, the Delegates from the Mari
time Provinces," declared :
" That whUe the merchants of Quebec did not think they
were caUed upon to express an opinion on the question of
confederation itself, they all heartily desired some change in
their then position. They desired a thorough commercial union.
They desired that the unequal and hostile tariffs of the several
Pro-vinces shoiUd disappear. They wanted one tariff instead of
five. They wanted a commercial union under the flag of Eng
land, strengthened stUl further by the iron ties of the Intercolo
nial Railway. They had long been in the habit of calling the
Maritime Provinces sister colonies ; but not-withstanding this
appellation, they were strangers to each other, as was sho-wn by
the diversity of tariffs ; but they hoped a new era was about
dawning upon them."
The Hon. Dr. Tupper, the Provincial Secretary of Nova' Scotia,
on behalf of that Pro-vince remarked :
" That assembled as the delegates were in an endeavour to devise,
imder the authority and with the sanction of the Crown of Great
Britain, a better system for their country, they were obliged to
observe that confidence as to their proceedings which was so ma
terial to the success of the undertaking. It would be very embar
rassing if the opinions of the Conference were sent broadcast
throughout the country, and made a bone of contention before
they were matured. They believed that the time had come when
it was desirable to choose a sounder and more judicious system for
the British North American Provinces.." He briefly referred to

84 CONFEDERATION.
a few of the advantages likely to accrue from a union with the Man-
time Provinces. " It was true," he observed, " that the Canadians
possessed a boundless country and a large population ; but -vdth
all their territory, population and resources, the Maritime Pro-
¦vinces could offer them something necessary in forming a great
nation. They would bring -with them fifty or sisty thousand
square mUes of country, and an additional population of eight
hundred thousand souls ; and it was needless to say that an addi
tion of eight hundred thousand consumers of the growing manu
factures of Canada was no small item. They did not require to
unite -with Canada fqr the purpose of taking anything from it, or
of drawing upon its wealth or its resources. It was needless to
say what Canada owed to the St. La-wrence, that great natural
highway between the productive regions of the West and the
ocean ; but great as it undoubtedly was, it was imperfect, inas
much as it was closed to navigation for five months of the year.
The remedy for this state of things was the construction of the
Intercolonial RaUway. This work would provide a highway to
the ocean over British territory, gi-ving not political greatness alone,
but commercial greatness Uke-wise. The question under consider
ation was, however, a great and important question in all its bear
ings. It was so great that the voice of faction was hushed.
Throughout the whole of British North America the feeling pre
vaUed that the magnitude of this question demanded that all
partizanship should cease whUe the matter was being discussed."
The Hon. Mr. Tilley, the Provincial Secretary of New Bruns-
"wick, replied for that Pro-vince with equal frankness, and remark
ing upon the cordial feeling, observed :
" The delegates from the Lower Provinces were not seeking this
union. They had assembled at Charlotteto-wn in order to see
whether they could not extend their own famUy relations and
then Canada intervened, and the consideration of the larger ques
tion was the result. He considered it right to make this remark,
inasmuch as it had been asserted that the Maritime Provinces,
weak and impoverished, were endeavouring to attach themselves
to Canada, in order to reap the benefits arising from such a union.

CONFEDERATION. 85
This was not the case. He was in a position to state that, for the
year 1864, after paying the interest on all their debts, and after
pro-viding liberally for roads, bridges and other public works, they
would have a surplus of half a mUlion." ¦» * * Next alluding
to the Intercolonial RaUway project, he said, " their feeling on this
subject was : ' We wont have this union unless you give us the
raUway.' It was utterly impossible we could have either a politi
cal or commercial union -without it."
In replying to the toast of " The Commercial Prosperity of
British North America," which had been given by Mr. James Bell
Forsyth, one of the most prominent and respected merchants of
Quebec, accompanied with the fervent -wish that " we would have
not only a railroad, but a uniform tariff, and not only a uniform
tariff, but such a union, whether federal or legislative, as would
give us unity of sentiment and community of interest,'' Mr. Gait,
then Finance Minister of Canada, said :
" With regard to the question of commercial prosperity arising
out of this subject, he might remark, that in commerce we should
never be contented -with the minor advantages if we could get the
major. What depressed the commercial energies of this country '!
Because we had hitherto been confined to two markets — English
and the United States. Now a union with the Lower Provinces
would not only give the benefit of their local markets, but would
also open up to us the benefit of their foreign trade — a trade
which, in one or two instances, Canada had once possessed, but
lost. We had in our o-wn Province a certain amount of the
maritime element ; but not so much as we should have after a
union -with the sister Pro-vinces. In these circumstances it was
gratifying that those points in which they might be deficient
would be amply supplied by the other Provinces. They were
trying to encourage manufacturing in Canada. A supply of coal
was a most important element of success in this respect, and Nova
Scotia possessed that element. The great resources of the Mari
time Pro-vinces had been amply sho-wn, and it had been abundantly
proved that they came not as seeking assistance, but in a broad
and national spirit. He was glad their speeches would go forth

86 CONFEDERATION.
to the public, and that it would be seen that the Pro-vinces came
together with a liberal and patriotic desire for mutual advance
ment, and to perpetuate and preserve British institutions in a truly
British spirit."
Sir Etienne Tach6, the venerable Chairman of the Convention,
in replying to " Her Majesty's Ministers," remarked :
" The existing administration in Canada had been formed for the
express purpose of carrying out the important measure for which
the delegates from the other Pro-^Tnces were then assembled at
Quebec — the Confederation of the British American Provinces.
The union of British America had been recommended by Lord
Durham, and thougSti not then adopted, yet that portion of his
report which had been adopted, namely, the union of Upper and
Lower Canada, had doubled our population and trebled our
resources in twenty years.''
With equal frankness, Hon. Mr. Carter, from Ne-wfoundland;
and the Hon. and gallant Colonel Gray, the Premier of Prince
Edward Island, and Chairman of the Charlotteto-wn Convention,
replied for their respective Provinces.
But it was not solely at public dinners and on festive occasions
that the public approbation of the proposed change in the position
and constitution of the Provinces was manifested. The literary
institutions were equally earnest in their cordial expressions of
concurrence. Among others, the Laval University, reno-whed in
the old city of Quebec for- the number of distinguished scholars
and able men it had already supplied to Canada, arranged a public
reception at the University, and presented the Delegates from the
Maritime Pro-vinces with an address which is well worthy of beino-
remembered. The venerable Bishop of Tloa, the administrator of
the diocese of Quebec, the Rector, Deans, Professors and officers
of the institution, with the pupUs from the Quebec Seminary,
assembled in their hall, and gave to the occasion the solemnity
which their presence among their fellow citizens always commanded.
The Rector then read the foUo-wing address :

CONFEDERATION. 87
Honorable Gentlemen, — ^There are in the lives of nations, as
in those of indi-viduals, moments of solemn import, on which their
destiny hangs.
The British Colonies of North America are now in one of those
critical periods, the influence of which may even surpass our
pre-vision. History will hand down to posterity the names of those whom
the confidence of their fellow-citizens has entrusted -with this great
mission of examining the basis of our political constitution, and
of proposing fundamental modifications.
It is not the part of a literary and scientific institution to ex
press an opinion on "the all-important questions of the day ; yet it
cannot remain indifferent to debates which concern our common
country, understanding as it does how well worthy of the best
wishes of aU are the eminent personages on whose shoulders weighs
so hea-vy a responsibUity.
Moreover, the prosperity of an institution such as this is too
closely connected -with the future of the country not to partake in
the anxiety -with which, from the sources to the mouth of the St.
La-wrence, five millions of British subjects await the result of your
important labors.
The students of the Quebec Seminary and those of Laval Uni
versity, whom you see here united, also share in our emotion ; in
after years some of them may, in their tum, be called on to guide
the ship of the state, and to continue the construction, the foun
dations of which it is your mission to lay.
Whatever may be the issue of your deliberations, pemit us to
assm^e you, honorable gentlemen, in the name of all our pupUs
and alumni, that your -visit -will be long borne in mind by them.
Nor wUl it be without result, for, whUe engaged m the task of
developing their intelligence, they will be animated by the grateful
remembrance of the honor conferred on their alma mater by the
presence of the most eminent and most influential men of this
immense territory.
Hon. Dr. Tupper, on behalf of himself and associate delegates,
read the folio-wing reply :

88 CONFEDERATION.
To the Yery Rev. E. A. Taschereau, D.C.L., Rector of the University
of Laval.
Vert Reverend Sir, — We beg to express our grateful estimate
of the very flattering terms in which we have been addressed by
you on behalf of the Faculties and Alumni of this distinguished
University, and of the Professors and Students of the Quebec
Seminary. Engaged as we are in the important duty of endeavouring, in
¦conjunction with the Government of Canada, so to improve the
political institutions of the British American Provinces as to pro
mote the common interests of aU, we are much gratified to learn
that our high mission is duly appreciated at a great seat of learning
from which the public sentiment of the country must be largely
influenced. The Students of the Quebec Seminary, as also the Faculties and
Alumni of Laval University, may rest assured that our best efforts
-wiU be exerted to find a -wise solution of the great question which
has been submitted to our deliberations ; but in any event, we -wUl
not soon forget the distinguished mark of respect which you have
been pleased to offer us on the present occasion.
(Signed)
Charles Tupper, W. A. Henry, J. McCully, R. B. Dickey,
A. G. Archibald, Kova Scotia.
S. L. Tilley, W. H. Steeves, J. M. Johnston, E. B.
Chandler, J. H. Gray, Chas. Fisher, Xew Brunswick.
F. B. T. Carter, J. Ambrose Shea, Newfoundland.
J. H. Gray, E. Palmer, W. H. Pope, A. A. McDonald*
George Coles, T. Heath Haviland, Edward Whelan
Prince Edwa/rd Island.
Thus, in every way in which public opinion could be jud<Ted
of in Quebec, iJie movement in favour of Union was cordially
approved of.
But the enthusiasm was not less warm as the Convention moved
its deliberations westward. On the 28th October the sittings were

CONFEDERATION. 89
adjourned to Montreal. The press was to a great degree united in
its approbation of the contemplated measure. The citizens of
Montreal were not less generous in their public demonstrations
and hospitalities, than had been the citizens of Quebec. Public
receptions and municipal courtesies were extended on every side.
A magnificent banquet was given at the St. La-wrence Hall. The
Ministers of State, the Commander of the Forces (Sir Fenwick
WUliams), the Governor of Nova Scotia (Sir R. G. McDonnell),
the Mayor, prominent merchants and leading citizens of aU shades
of politics attended.
When in the Maritime Provinces, the members of the Canadian
Government, at the request of the delegates of those Provinces,
had avaUed themselves of simUar occasions to explain to the people
of those Provinces the reasons and advantages which appeared. to
them' to render the Union desfrable for the Maritime Provinces.
On the occasion of the public demonstrations in Canada, they, in
return, called upon the delegates from the Maritime Provinces to
point out to their people the reasons which would render the
Urdon desirable for Canada ; and thus, as it were, we have an
outline of that education of the public mind on this subject which,
¦commenced -with a definite aim at the Prince Edward Island
Convention, was foUowed up untU it terminated in the successful
accomplishment of Confederation a few years after.
But there is yet another reason why the observations made on
these occasions should be recorded. Public men ought to be as
much bound by their public declarations, openly made, on the
pubUc affairs of their country, as private individuals are by theirs
in the affairs of private life. All confidence in negotiations, all
combinations of states or communities for theu- common good,
would be utterly worthless, if those who are vested with power to
act, and do act, can repudiate compacts soleninly made and pubUcly
announced, because some unexpected circumstance may make what
they have done temporarily detrimental to their personal advantage.
Public morality and public faith ought to be exacted even more
scrupulously than private morality or private faith. A -violation
of the latter may be injurious to the individual, but a violation of
the former reflects dishonor upon the country, and lowers the
7

90 CONFEDERATION.
standard of those who have been chosen by the people to fiU places
of trust and honor, in reliance on their integrity.
On returning to their respective Pro-vinces, and finding that the
measure was not there as popular as they expected, some of the
delegates immediately repudiated their acts and words at the Con
vention, and joined in resisting the Union, to the consideration of
which, as members of the Government of their Pro-vince, they had
acceded, and as members of the Quebec Convention had agreed to.
Thus the original plan of Confederation to this day remains
incomplete. The Island of Prince Edward, which, from its pecu
liar position with reference to the Fisheries would have been, and
¦wUl.yet be, an important acquisition to the Confederation, remains
isolated ; and Newfoundland, not-withstanding the earnest efforts
of both Mr. Carter and Mr. Shea, who most ably represented that
Island at the Convention, has not yet, by the action of its people
or Legislaf;ure, expressed its assent.
On the occasion of the banquet at the St. Lawrence Hall, in
reply to the toast of his health. Sir R. G. McDonnell, Governor of
Nova Scotia, after some preliminary observations, said :
" The moment was a very critical one in the history of the Pro-
-vinces ; and suggestions, however patrioticaUy made, ought not to
be all at once accepted without due consideration. The whole
future history, both of Canada and the Maritime Provinces, would
no doubt be materially affected, for the better or for the worse, by
the decision which the community at large and the different Legis
latures might make on these proposals. He trusted it would not
be thought necessary to buUd up such a Union on a mass of
guarantees and mutual suspicions. If you are to become a nation "
he said, " you must lay its foundations in mutual confidence. On
the other hand, if you once begin -with the system of guarantees
against one another, where is it to endl The end in view, -with
mutual confidence one towards another, might just as easUy be
attained by simple as by complicated means."
To the toast of " The Delegates from the Maritime Provinces "
the Hon. Adams G. Archibald, M.P., from Colchester, replied on
behalf of Nova Scotia. He said :

CONFEDERATION. 91
" From the little acquaintance he had with Canadian gentlemen,
he found that there existed a yery limited idea of the Lower Pro-
-vinces, of their resources, and of the character and habits of the
people. He was not surprised at this. The business relations of
Canada connected it with the United States and the old world,
and its communications carried it beyond the Lower Provinces.
The people of Canada saw nothing of the Lower Pro-vinces, and
had little knowledge of their resources or position ; little know
ledge, in fact, of that -which the Lower Pro-vinces desired Canada
should know. The Delegates came here with a -view to disseminate
such information and state such facts as would shew that Lower
Pro-vinces would cheerfully assist in the construction of a nation.
K the Lower Provinces could not equal Canada in grandeur and
magnificence, they far exceeded her in the number and variety of
their resources. He would not assume to speak of the resources
of all the Lower Pro-vinces, but take as an instance his own Pro
vince of Nova Scotia, which was hardly known. The people of
Canada imagip.e that they possess the finest agricultural soil on
the continent, but he could take any Canadian who wished it to
Nova Scotia, to some of the fertUe vaUeys of the west, and point
out land equal to the best in the western peninsula. But though
the agricultural interest in Nova Scotia was an important one, it
did not predominate. A large portion of the people were engaged
in the fisheries, and drew from their inexhaustible stores immense
quantities of that which added to the richness and value of the
country. And this pursuit trained up a large body of hardy men,
who, if we become one nation, would be ready in the hour of dan
ger to bear the flag of England. But Nova Scotia was exten
sively engaged in manufactures and in the export of lumber. In
that interest which was mixed up -with the lumber interest, name
ly, shipping, he believed that, man for man, the people of Nova
Scotia had a larger tonnage than any country in the world. It
was a fact, that for every man, woman and child in Nova Scotia
there was about a ton of shipping. On the entire coast of Nova
Scotia there were inexhaustible mines of that which influenced the-
industry of the world — coal. No change of circumstances or poli
tical relations could ever prevent the people of Nova Scotia from

92 CONFEDERATION.
having that material which all the Atlantic States of the neigh
bouring country must have, and which they could get from no other
place. Since 1858, when they were opened to free mining, twenty-
five large coal mines had been opened, and it could be easUy seen
that with such resources the future of that country did not depend
on its relations to any other country. As the Delegates from
Canada travelled over the country what did they find 1 That
there were in one harbour no fewer than 80 square rigged vessels,
representing a capacity of 16,000 tons, employed to convey coals'
to the Americans on the Atlantic border. This was a scene re
peated in many harbours ; nevertheless, -with all this supplying
power, the Pro-vince was unable to supply the demand for coal.
The time had arrived when we were about to assume the position
of a great nation, and such being the case, we should not shrink
from its responsibUities. The people of the Lower Pro-vinces en
tertain a magnificent idea of the grandeur which awaits us aU.
A united nation, we shaU become a great country ; and the time
is not far distant when a colossal power, gro-wing up on the conti
nent, shall stand -with one foot on the Pacific and the other on the
Atlantic, and shaU present to the world, even on this side of the
Atlantic, the proof that monarchial institutions are not inconsis
tent -with ci-vU and religious liberty, and the fullest measure of
material advancement."
Hon. Lieut.-Col. Gray, M.P. for St. John, New Brunswick,
responded on behalf of that Province. He observed :
" That whUe it was unquestionably the duty of statesmen to
consider the bearing any question of importance might have upon
the material interests of the people, it was equaUy their duty to
remember there were occasions when kindred emotions and senti
ments rose superior to the cold calculations of interest, and pointed
the way to honor and to patriotism. That was such an occasion.
The presence of that vast assemblage was the pubhc recognition of
the fact that a question was then before the people of the greatest
importance, momentous in its character, and preo-nant -with in
fluence upon the future destinies of the country. The public men
of the Maritime Provinces had for yeajrs looked to a union -with

CONFEDERATION. 93
Canada. Year after year they had turned their attention to the
construction of the Intercolonial RaUway, as tending towards that
object. Their legislatures had passed bills, had granted subsidies ;
arrangements had been made with Canada : yet year after year,
from causes which it would be difficult to explain, the object had
eluded their grasp, and it was only when it appeared beyond at
tainment that the Parliaments of the Maritime Provinces had
directed certain of their leading men to assemble at Charlotte
to-wn in Prince Edward Island, to consider how best a union
could be effected among themselves, since one with Canada seemed
imattainable. When assembled for that purpose the Ministry
from Canada came down and proposed that, - instead of -remaining
divided, they should come together, and lay the foundations of an
empire to perpetuate on this continent the principles of British
constitutional liberty. The proposition was received -with un
qualified satisfaction. The Maritune Provinces were worthy of
their regard. The amount of capital, the resources they would
bring into the Union, their exhaustless mines, their broad coal
fields, theii? deep sea fisheries, their hardy and enterprising popu
lation, would form no inconsiderable elements in the foundation
of a great nation. The revenue of the four Maritime Pro-vinces
for the year 1863 by the official returns amounted to $2,340,000,
but so far as had yet been ascertained for the year 1864, there had
been an increase of 20 per cent., bringing the amount to nearly
$3,000,000, (three millions), an increase which, judging from the
past financial history of those Provinces, might fairly be counted
upon as still progressive. The imports and exports of the four
Pro-vinces from the same returns for the year 1863, amounted to
$44,200,000. He believed those of Canada had amounted to
between $80,000,000 and $90,000,000. Thus it would be seen
the trade of the Maritime Pro-vinces was nearly the half of that
of Canada. The population of the Maritime Provinces, as she-wn
by the census of 1857 and 1861, (they were not taken in each of
the Provinces in the same year), was 804,000 ; but allowing for
the natural increase since those periods, might now be safely put
do-wn at 900,000. With reference to the shipping of the Mari
time Proviiices, he said " the registered tonnage by the returns

94 CONFEDERATION.
of 1863 amounted to 645,530 tons, which at $40 per ton, a not
unreasonable valuation, represented an avaUable transferable pro
perty of $27,821,200, in one article alone ; and as an e-vidence of
the soundness of the financial position of those four Pro-vince,
during the then year, 1864, after paying all debts and liabilities,
they would have a clear surplus of between $450,000 and $500,000,
to be applied to the future exigencies of the several Pro-vinces as
their respective legislatures might determine, each disposing, of
course, of its o-wn surplus. VVhUe, however, the revenue and
position of Canada could not but be appreciated, he must observe
that for six months in the year they were without the power of
access to one mUe of sea coast, except through the territory of
their neighbours. They held their trade at the beck of a nation
that might be their foe — a position, apart from aU other consider
ations, inconsistent with the dignity of any country which desired
to take its proper position in the world. The Maritime Pro-vinces
proposed to add their marine to that of Canada. British North
America would then become the fourth maritime power in the
world, England, France and the United States alone having a
marine superior. Canada alone could not claim that position, nor
could the Maritime Provinces. Isolated, their position was insig
nificant ; but united, there was no country — save England from
whom they claimed their birth, save the United States whose
power was derived from the same parent soiu-ce, save France from
whom many of those present had sprung — could take rank before
them. In Canada were combined the talents and characteristics
of the most industrious and energetic, as well as of the most cul
tivated and spirituel races in the world. Written on the patres of
the history of this country were records of heroic deeds. From
the Plains of Abraham the ascending spirits of Montcalm and
Wolfe, united in their death, left them the heritage of a common
country and a glorious name. Many men behoved that a commer
cial union, a Zolverein, might accomphsh the object sought to be
obtained ; but in the oiiinion of practical men of integrity and
experience, this could not be done. For the past ten or fifteen
years the Provinces had been separately carrying on great public
works, for which the public credit had been pledged, and it was

CONFEDERARION. 95
the duty of each Province, as it was indeed a point of honor, to
maintain its credit intact. WhUe this was the case, it might be
come the interest of one Province to impose duties on articles that
clashed -with the interests of the other Provinces. Trade would
be governed by no great or permanent principles. The tariff
would fluctuate -with local expediency, and be varying and uncer
tain. Therefore, in the absence of any general arrangement, by
which the indi-vidual liabihty of each Provmce could be removed,
and the general credit afterwards effectually maintained, it was
plain that a commercial union of the kind referred to was impos
sible. It would fade away before the necessities of the occasion.
Turning to the subject of national defence, he asked them to
bear in mind how httle each man contributed towards the defence
of his country. He asked them to turn to Europe, to Russia, to
France, to England, to the United States, and say upon what spot
they could place a flnger where the people contributed so little
towards the defence of their homes as did the people of British
North America. They would be unworthy of their heritage and
race if they did not take cognizance of the fact, and when the
mother country declared that the time had come for them to act
for themselves, they did not show that they were prepared to do
so. Without violating any rule of secrecy, he might state that
the Maritime Provinces had gone hand in hand -with the repre
sentatives of Canada, and were prepared to place all their re
sources, all their wealth, all their power, in one general fund for
the maintenance of the liberty and honor of all. If they approved
of this union of their common interests, their first step would be
to sanction, by the expression of their strong and earnest opinion,
the construction of the Intercolonial RaUway, that work which
was alone required to bring them together, which would give them
in the depth of their long -vdnters free access to the sea, and would
make the people of the Maritime Pro-vinces and of Canada, nOw
strangers to each other, brothers in identity of interests as well as
of race. The question of the union of the Pro-vinces was one of deep
importance. And," continued the honorable gentleman, " I now
caU upon you, Canadians, by your o-wn name, here in the presence
of your own hUls, which rose to their majestic height ere yet .your

96 CONFEDERATION.
race began, — ^here in the presence of your o-wn St. Lawrence, hal
lowed by the memory of Cartier, and spanned by one of the
noblest triumphs of modem skUl, — by the memory of the past, by
the spirit of the present, by the hopes of the future, — I call uj)on
you to rally round a proposition which -wiU tend to perpetuate the
glory of your name, and promote the prosperity and happiness of
your people."
Hon. John Ambrose Shea, of Ne-wfoundland, on rising to return
thanks on behalf of the colony which he represented, was greeted
with hearty cheers. He said :
" In considering a union of the Pro-vinces, it became necessary
to take into account the position of the proposed Confederation
-with regard to safety and defence. In this view, the position of
the Island of Ne-wfoundland became one of marked significance.
Were this colony in the hands of a hostUe power in war time, the
trade ^ of Canada would be hermetically sealed, as if perpetual
winter prevailed. Ne-wfoundland had a coast of twelve hundred
miles, with some of the finest harbours in the world, in which
ships might repose m security. The main stay of Ne-wfoundland,
the main element of its wealth was, however, its fisheries, in which
were employed 30,000 men, able, hardy, industrious, fit saUors for
anything in which daring and energy were required. In the article
of fish it had commercial relations with almost every maritime
nation in Europe, -with BrazU and the United States. With the
Colonies of British North America, however, its relations were
very limited. The imports of Ne-wfoundland were from five to
six mUlions annually ; the exports were six or seven mUlions per
annum. The exports almost invariably exceeded the imports.
Three hundred and fifty vessels were employed in seal fishino-
manned by about fourteen thousand men, the very best and most
active portion of the community. The revenue of Newfoundland
was higher than that of any of the British North American
Provinces, man for man of the population, because it imported
almost everything it required. With a population of 130,000,
it had a revenue of $500,000 to $550,000. The debt, he' was

CONFEDERATION. 97
happy to say, was not very large, compared with the other colo
nies, being about $900,000. Represented by public buildings of
various descriptions, the Provmce had ample tangible value for all
the money it had expended ; whUe such was the credit in which
its securities were held, that the Government had no difficulty,
even at the present moment, when the rate of interest in England
was unusually high, in raising money at 4J- per cent. There were
about twelve hundred vessels entering and clearing annually, going
to all countries. With regard to the financial position of the Island,
he might say that perhaps it was sounder than that of any of the
Colonies or States of America, in spite of the unusual vicissitudes
of trade. He had said that the imports amounted to between five
and six millions. Now, of this they received from $1,500,000 to
$1,750,000 in value from the United States, chiefly in flour, butter,
and other articles of that description. A very small proportion
of imports came from Canada. Why 1 Was it because the United
States offered superior commercial advantages 1 This was not the
case ; they could generally purchase on better terms in Canada
than in the United States. It would no doubt bo said that political
arrangements could have no effect, could exercise no control over
matters of this kind. That doctrme, however, had its limits,
which were in some cases very remarkable. But let them look at
the Intercolonial Railroad as an illustration. That road would be
productive of the most important commercial advantages to the
people of these Pro-vinces ; and yet, every one knew, that might
have remained for years -without any progress towards completion,
had it not now become a pohtical necessity. How did Newfound
land stand towards Canada at the present moment? Its people
had to go to the United States to do business, for they had to pass
by way of Halifax and Boston to reach Montreal. It took nearly
a month to carry letters between Canada and Newfoundland and
back, and the rate of postage was double what it was between the
Colonies and Great Britain. If arrangements had been made
designed for the purpose of preventing commercial intercourse,
they could not have been made more effective than these. Give
Ne-wfoundland the means of entering into trade relations, and
trade would soon spring up. A close connection with the mother

98 CONFEDERATION.
country was what he behoved aU the Colonies desired ; and speak
ing for his o-wn Province of Newfoundland, he would say he hoped
the day was far distant when she would have forced upon her any
other allegiance than that she now rejoiced to acknowledge.''
Hon. Edward Whelan, M.P., of Prince Edward Island, in
speaking on behalf of that Island, said :
" The Confederation, if perfected, would give all the Colonies a
national and indi-visible character ; and commercial and pecuniary
motives, if no other of a sterner nature prevaUed, should certainly
teach them to unite. There should be no hostile or restrictive
tariffs between the several Provinces, no dissimilar postal regula
tions, no dissimilarity in currency and exchange. Our commerce,
so much of which now flows into other channels, where we get
Httle thanks for it, would difiFuse its enriching streams amongst
ourselves, and nothing could possibly prevent us from becoming a
great and powerful confederacy. It would be the duty of public
men in each and every Pro-vince, whose representatives were then
in Canada, to educate the public mind up to the adoption of their
views. The task might be a tedious, difficult and protracted one ;
but no great measure was ever yet accomplished, or worth much,
unless surrounded -with difficulties. Deferring reverently to the
public opinion of his o-wn Pro-vince, he would cheerfully go amongst
its people, and, explaining it as well as he could, would ask them
to support a measure which he beUeved would enhance their pros
perity. Few and comparatively poor as the population of the
Island of Prince Edward may be now, its fertUe fields and vaUeys
are capable of supporting a population at least three times greater
than it is at present. It was once designated the garden of the
St. Lawrence, and it was a valuable fishing station for Canada
during the occupation of the French under Montcalm. It stUl
possesses all the quaUties of a garden, and its rivers and bays stUl
abound -with fish. He desired that those great resources should
become as well kno-wn now and in the future as they were in
by-gone days; and regarding the advantages which modem
improvements and institutions afforded as auxiliaries to the

CONFEDERATION. 99
natural resources of his Colony, he was satisfied that she could not
faU to become very prosperous and happy under the proposed
Confederation." Hon. T. Heath Ha-viland, a delegate from Prince Edward Island
also, foUowed in a short and effective speech, expressing his con
viction of the benefits that would accrue to his o-wn Island as well
as to the other Pro-vinces from the contemplated union.
Hon. George E. Cartier, M.P., Attorney-General East, ha-ving
been called upon, rose amidst great cheering, and said :
"The question which, we may say, brings us together this
evening, is of great moment. Every one knows that throughout
the British North American Provinces at this time, people are
discussing the question whether it is possible for those Provinces
to form a strong government under a system of administration
which -wUl allow aU the general interests of the Provinces con
cerned to be dealt with by a general government, and wiU leave
all purely local matters to a local government. This is the question
which is agitating all the American Pro-vinces. I know that it may
be expected from me, perhaps on account of what has fallen from
some of the speakers, to disclose the proposals of the Conference
at this entertainment ; but that cannot be the case. The proceed
ings of those who have taken part in these deliberations are confi
dential ; they must first be made kno-wn to our Governments, and ¦
they haye to be made knownn to the Imperial Government. Every
one must understand the delicacy of the trust reposed in us.
With regard to this question of Confederation, and with regard to
my pohtical aUiance with Mr. Bro-wn, I must say that he has kept
faithfuUy to his work. I must repeat to you what I stated whUe
in the Lower Provinces, that while we possessed the personal and
territorial elements which go to constitute a nation, we were want
ing in the maritime element. During six months of the year we
had to knock at the door of our neighbour in order to carry on
our trade. This cannot be tolerated. This Confederation must be
be carried out., I know that every citizen of Montreal wUl under
stand that at this critical time we should look to Nova Scotia, to

100 CONFEDERATION.
New Bi-uns-wick and Prince Edward Island for the elements want
ing in Canada to make a great nation. I do not mean a nation
distinct from the mother country. I -wish that all the powers
granted by the mother country to the Colonies shoiUd be combined,
in order to make, as far as we can, one great nation. I am confi-
den-t — and I have stated it on many occasions — that the union of
Upper and Lower Canada has achieved wonders for the two Pro-
-vinces. The prosperity to which we have risen under the union
of the Provinces, encourages a stUl larger union. In treating of
the question of race, -wdth regard to this great Confederation,
looking to England you -wiU find three distinct nationalities.
Each of these has contributed to the glorj^ of England. Who
would like to take from England the glory conferred on her by
any one of the three nationalities — by the son of Erin or the Scot 1
I think the glory of England might not have been equal to what
it is, if the three nationalities had not been united. Was it sur
prising that some should try to find difficulties in the way of the
formation of a union, because there happened to be different races
and religions 1 I have afready spoken of the elements which are
necessary to constitute a nation. Every one knows that England
is great ; she has achieved a great deal more than any nation whose
history we know. The Romans could not keep their colonies,
because they were wanting in one of the elements which England
possesses — the commercial element. Without detracting from the
power of England, I think, when we come to analyse it, we wUl
find that it wUl not be so great without taking into account her
commercial power. As soon as a colony is conquered by the
bravery of her soldiers and seamen, the work is taken up by her
merchants, who cause the colony to prosper to such an extent that
it is the interest of England to bring her army and fleet to protect
it. The prosperity of the two sections of Canada Ulustrates this
fact. With our prosperity we are enriching the American States
whereas we ought to be enriching our own States ; we oucht to be
enriching such harbours as St. John and Halifax. And then with
regard to Ne-svfoundland, as had been stated by Hon. Mr. Shea
she stands at the bottom of the St. La-wrence, and is the key to
foreign trade. When we are politically connected with Newfound-

CONFEDERATION. 101
land, this will afford an opening tliat -^e cannot yet appreciate.
There wUl be no direct taxation, if the Government be wise and
prudent." The honorable gentleman referred with great force to the advan
tages to be derived from union in case of hostUe attacks upon the
country from abroad, and concluded his observations amid great
applause. The Hon. Thos. D'Arcy Modee, M.P., was loudly called for, and
rose amidst great cheering. His reception was a perfect ovation,
and proved how deeply seated was the feelmg in his favor among
the citizens of Montreal. The waving of handkerchiefs almost
constituted a canopy above the heads of the guests, and it was not
untU after long protracted cheering he could be heard. Subsequent
events have cast a melancholy mterest around his name, and it is
gratifying to recaU that proof of the esteem in which a statesman
was held, whose power for disturbance at the time was incalculable,
but whose efforts were devoted to concUiation, and whose life was
ultimately sacrificed for -his country. He said :
" It was necessary that those engaged in the work should have
with them, and he trusted they would have with them, the public
opinion and the countenance of the people of Montreal, and of
the people of Canada." He then proceeded to touch upon what
the Delegates might tell their constituents upon their return home.
" They might say that we desired the Confederation for the sake
of self-defence, common advancement, coming into union well
dowered. They might say that Canada desired this union,
though at present the pubhc mind was not fully alive to the ad
vantages to be derived from it ; that if she goes into it she goes
into it for no small or selfish purposes ; that the people of Canada
are year by year becoming more liberal and enlightened in their
views ; that we did not speak of cutting each other's throats for
the love of God ; they could say that in Canada religious bigotry
was at a discount. He could point them to the place where that
bigot withered upon his stock ; that where he was held in honor
ho man is now so mean as to do him reverence. That we have

102 CONFEDERATION.
not amongst us bigotry of classes or bigotry of race ; or the beUef
that no good could come out of Nazareth, or any religion but their
o-wn. That the day of these small things had passed away in
Canada ; that we respected one another's opinions, and had sho-wn
ourselves fit to be freemen by allo-wing every class, every sect and
every creed to manage their o-wn affairs, so long as they did not
trouble the peace^ and happiness of the community. He thought
they might say all this in regard to Canada."
Hon. Mr. Gait being loudly called upon to speak, rose and
observed :
" He hoped that the discussion of this pubUc question would
induce gentlemen to look at it in all its bearings, and that they
would find that what was good for Canada would be good for the
Lower Provinces, and for aU sections of the British dominions.
If our institutions have borne any fruit at all, they have borne the
fruit of harmony. He believed we were united in one common
¦ movement for the benefit of Upper and Lower Canada. He be
lieved the union would be productive of good to both Canada and
the Maritime Pro-vinces. If we want an open port, we could find
it in St. John or Halifax. He was not disclosing any secret when
he said this, that so far as the protection of the interests of the
people of Upper and Lower Canada was concerned, there was no i
secret to be kept ; the arrangements were made in a -way to do
honor to his friend, Mr. Cartier. It was not a light thing for
people to trust their prosperity and happiness in the future to
others. But he was sure that a very prudent effort had been
made to try and bring about a state of things that would rescue
them from the troubles that threatened."
Thus closed the demonstrations in the Pro-vince of Lower Canada.

[103]

CHAPTER IV.
Public sentiment in Upper Canada (now Ontario) — Selection of Ottawa as the
seat of Government — Description — ^Reasons for — Propriety of — Ultimate
future and requisites for, as the Capital of the Dominion — American legis-
lation and action on the selection of Washington — Banquet at Ottawa —
Observations of speakers — Banquet at Toronto — Ditto — Explanations of
details by Hon. Geo. Brown — Rude awakening of the Maritime Delegates
on their return to Nova Scotia and New Brunswick — A. D. 1864.
On the 31st October the members of the Convention, having
formally closed their sittings at Montreal, and concurred in the
report to be made to their respective governments, proceeded by
in-vitation to visit the important cities of the Provmce of Ontario,
at that time, though its separate political organization had been
merged by the act of union of 1841, still bearing its old name of
Upper Canada. Except from the somewhat general approval of
the press of that Province — general because the details of the pro
posed Confederation were yet unknown — there had been no cer
tain test of the maimer in which the proposition would be there
received. Holding the position of greatest power among the
Provinces, greatest in wealth and population, foremost in enter
prise and progress, restless in political development, and the home
of that great liberal party which, commencing with, the demand
for responsible government, had concentrated its energies on the
absolute assertion of representation by population, to such a de-
. gree that the powers of the combined parties who wielded the
administration of the government of Upper and Lower Canada
had been paralysed, and the material and political advance of the
country stayed, it was a matter of deep anxiety to know how,
when speaking for themselves, in then- public demonstrations, in
their masses when brought together, when crowds speak unfetter
ed by the restraints of party or personal considerations — that
great lower voice which, like the rumbling that jDrecedes the
earthquake, tells after all of the great power of the people, and of
their determination, — how, under such circumstances, the ener
getic people of that Province would receive the proposition.

04 CONFEDERATION.
It must not be supposed for one moment that the speakers at
the festivals hitherto or hereafter referred to, were the promulga
tors of new ideas, or the sole possessors of the knowledge then put
forth. The public mind throughout the whole coimtry was im
pressed -with the necessity of some change, and a change in the
direction of the character proposed. The speakers merely had the
effect of concentrating the public attention, of fusing the public
power and the public energy into molten action. We have often
seen scattered throughout a field the materials of a great confla
gration, or stUl more in the workshops of science the rude and
fragmentary elements of great strength lying here and there inert
and powerless, suddenly, by the application of the torch or the
power of the forge, bursting into flame or running into molten
masses resistless in their course. Such was the state of the pubhc
mind, and such the consequences of its power when wakened into
movement, and Ontario on this occasion shewed her strength.
The agricultural districts, the great grain producing division of
Canada, was not less loud or less generous in its approval than the
more commercial di-vision of its rival, the Pro-vince of Quebec.
From Montreal to Ottawa, from Ottawa to Toronto, from Toronto
to Hamilton, all along the line there seemed to be but one ex
pression of opinion, welcome to the representatives and assent to
the proposition. It would be impossible, as it is unnecessary, to
give in detaU all that was done or all that was said. Adherins
as much as possible to the plan adopted -with reference to Quebec
and Montreal, it is proposed to limit observation to a synopsis of
the remarks made at Ottawa and Toronto.
A magniflcent repast had been prepared by temporary arrange
ment in some of the rooms of the parliametitary buUdings, then in
course of construction at Ottawa, by Messrs. Jones and Haycock,
the contractors.
" At Ottawa," — it is as well to pause for a moment.
To most of the delegates who were there assembled, particularly
those from the Maritime Provmces, the place was entirely unknown
or if known beyond the mere discussion regardmg its selection -was
kno-wn only as a shanty town, where lumberers resorted and faction
flghts were wont sometimes to take place. Its name had been
made famUiar by the poet's verse, and " Row, brothers row the

CONFEDERATION. 105
stream runs fast,'' with its gentle melody, had given it an ideal
existence — but its political value was a myth. What were its
claims for the future position it was to hold? Why was old
Quebec, with its historic name — why growing Montreal — why
Kingston — why Toronto — why were those cities to be ignored ?
The selection of Ottawa, nevertheless, as the seat of government
for the proposed Confederation was the exercise of a sound dis
cretion. At first extremely unpopular, the place was declared to
be m the -wilderness, and fit only for the habitation of the Indian
and the bear. The American's graphic instructions to find it were
quoted -with evident relish : " Start from the north pole ; strike a
bead for Lake Ontario; and the first spot where the glacier ceases
and vegetation begins — that's Ottawa." But it had been wisely
chosen. In old Canada, after the union of Upper and Lower
Canada in 1841, the seat of Government under Lord Sydenham
had been at Kingston ; in 1849, under Lord Elgin, at Montreal ;
but after the public disturbances and burning of the parliamentary
buUdings in that year in that city, it assumed a migratory charac
ter, and with the erratic course of a comet revolved from Quebec
to Toronto, and from Toronto back to Quebec, every four years.
The jealousies of the two Provinces would permit it to rest in
neither. In the legislature of the union for many years the dis
advantages of such a course were pointed out, but the claims of
rival cities, under the system of popular representation, are not so
easily disposed of. At length a compromise was effected, and the
selection was left to Her Majesty the Queen. The far-seeing judg
ment of Sir Edmund Head, the then Governor-General, receives
credit for the choice.
Attracted greatly by the beauty of its surroundmg scenery, he
at the same time saw its commanding position both for a seat of
government and of a great manufacturing town. Shortly after
the American war in 1814, the British Government, availing
themselves of its strategic advantages, to avoid the rapids of the
St. La-wrence and the dangers of a hostile frontier, had commenced
and constructed a canal which, breaking through the cliffs and fol
io-wing the course of the Rideau River, afforded a safe communi
cation through the interior of the country for munitions of war

106 CONFEDERATION.
from Montreal to Kmgston. In later years, as the dangers
of war passed away, and the great advance in mUitary science
neutralized its supposed value, the government ceased to attach
to it the importance it formerly possessed, and handed it over to
Canada. Situated on the banks of the Grand River, -with the falls of the
Chaudiere above, and the falls of the Rideau like a curtain below,
the unaspiring little village at the time rejoiced in the name of
Byto-wn, so caUed from Colonel Bye, the commanding officer of
the Royal Engineers who built the canal.
The river formed the di-viding line bet-ween the two Provinces
of Upper and Lower Canada, which were thus -within pistol-shot
of each other. The name of Ottawa was given to the proposed
capital ; and after a ministerial crisis or two, brought about by
unavaUing efforts to reverse the decision, the location was finally
adojjted, and the public buUdings commenced. In 1860, on the
Prince of Wales' -visit to the country, the corner-stone was laid
with imposing ceremonies. Large expenditures were incurred ;
and not^vithstanding local grumblings and strong expressions of
disapprobation occasionally from prominent politicians, the question
was considered as definitely settled, and agitation ceased. From
that time its advance became steady and sure. At the Con-vention
it was proposed and carried that it should be the future capital of
the Confederation, and the uihabitants of the Dominion -will have
no reason to regret the decision. Few cities possess greater local
advantages. Watered in front by the Grand River, on the right
by the Rideau, and intersected by the canal, it possesses, for
sanitary arrangements and sewerage, the very greatest facihties.
Originally well planned and laid out by Colonel Bye, who foresaw
its future destmy as a large town, its broad parallel streets, and
reserves for public purposes, afford accommodation and security.
Built on a lofty table-land, eighty or a hundred feet above the
river, with bold escarpments in front, the eye is arrested on every
side by scenes of unequalled beauty. The Gatineau HUls,'* the
* Sir Charlea Lyell says that it is 240,000,000 of years since life has been kno-wn on earth •
and before tliat period, for indefinite ages, thn Eozoon Oanadiensis had lived and died in
the Laurentian limestone of Canada.

CONFEDERATION. 107
first amid the primeval upheavings of the great Laurentian range,
which, far back in the countless ages of chaos, began the, formation
of our solid globe, bound the horizon to the north, and the spread
ing plains toward the south afford scope for unlimited expansion.
But its importance lies not simply m its attractive appearance.
It is the centre of a rich agricultural district, and its great water
powers on the Chaudiere and Rideau have given it the largest
manufacturing establishments in lumber at present on the North
American continent. This latter circumstance is due, in a great
measure, to the energy and enterprize of American citizens, who,
seeing its immense natural advantages, and knowing the unlimited
extent of its forests beyond, and the water tributaries of those
partially unexplored regions, made it their home.
Twenty years ago, its capabiUties were not utilized. An Ameri
can mUlman looked at the Chaudiere. His was not a tourist's
dream ; it was the practical gaze of a man of business. To use
his o-wn expression, he " thought the river might be put in har
ness." The river was put in harness ; and now the spot, which at
that time was simply known as a scene of beauty, is crowded -with
mills and machine shops, and, including both sides of the Falls,
affords unceasing employment to twenty thousand people, daily
creating untold wealth, and, -with its schools and churches, spread
ing the comforts of life around. Its position -with reference to the
entire Dominion, as extending from the Atlantic to the Pacific —
an achievement brought about far more rapidly than at the time
of the Convention -was conceived — is admirable. On the line
along which the Canadian Pacific RaUway must run, it wUl
command equal faoUities for access to Quebec and the Maritime
Provinces on the one side, and the Western Territories and British
Columbia on the other. Nature seems to have formed an interior
valley for communication on the northern and eastern side of the
Ottawa, from Quebec to the Falls of the Chaudiere, and thence
along the valley of- the Ottawa to the shores of Lake Superior,
and on towards the north-west. If properly managed, the vast
trade of this productive country must gravitate towards the capital
of the Dominion as its natural and cheapest outlet. Thus, both
politically and commercially, the selection was judicious.

108 CONFEDERATION.
But nevertheless, viewed from the stand-point of 1871, it is
apparent that at the time of the Convention one mistake occurred :
no provision was made for creating a federal district for the capital,
and -withdra-wing it from the exclusive control of the local legisla
ture of one of the Provinces. That which was destined to be the
capital of the Confederation might fairly rest its claim for support
upon the people of the Dominion. Its order, well-being, sanitary
arrangements, police regulations, adornments and improvements
are essential to the comfort and security not only of the represen
tatives who attend Parliament, but of all those who are compeUed
to resort to it as the capital of the country in the discharge of the
various duties attendant upon the administration of public affairs.
Its reputation should be national, not provincial. It belongs no
more to Ontario than it does to New Brunswick, Nova Scotia,
Quebec, or any of the Provinces constituting the Confederation_
The expenses incident to its ci-vic control must necessarily be far
greater than would devolve upon it if merely an ordinary munici
pality. It is no answer to say that the increased value in property
is sufficient consideration for the increased burden put upon the
inhabitants. That does not meet the question. They may not
ohoose to accejpt the responsibUity ; and the Dominion Parliament
under confederation, has no power to legislate upon the matter.
The legislation for the capital in all ci-vil matters is entirely under
the control of one Province, differing in its laws from the others-
The employes and officials of the Dominion Government, residing
at Ottawa, numbering almost two thousand men, in every respect
-competent as voters, and, under other cfrcumstances, capable of
enjoying and exercising their franchise, are wisely interdicted, by
the policy of the Government of the Dominion, from interfering
in the local Provincial politics, or taking part in the elections for
the Provincial Legislature. Yet they are subject to the taxation
imposed upon them by that Legislature ; and bluff old Harry the
Eighth never unfrocked a bishop with more satisfaction than the
Ontario Legislature, for local purposes, taxes a body of men whom
they do not pay, and who are debarred from exercising any influ
ence upon the selection of their body.
The experience of the United States had pointed out the course
to be pursued. In their original constitution, no permanent or

CONFEDERATION. 109
national capital had been determined on by legislative enactment.
An insult to the Congress, when sitting at Philadelphia, in June,
1783, by a band of mutinous soldiers demandmg arrears of pay,
brought up the subject for debate. After four years' discussion,
by the constitution adopted in convention in 1787, and carried
into effect in 1789, it was decided that the Congress should have
power (sec. 8, art. 17) "to exercise exclusive jurisdiction, in all
cases whatsoever, o-ver such district (not exceeding ten miles square)
as may, by cession of particular States and the acceptance of Con
gress, become the seat of Government of the United States," and
to make all laws necessary and proper for that purpose.
In due course of time, by the action of the States of Maryland
and Virginia, a selection was made upon the banks of the Potomac :
Washington was declared the capital of the Republic, and Congress
undertook to make liberal expenditures in the furtherance of such
improvements and adornments as would be becommg the capital of
a great nation.
By an act passed February 27th, 1801, (up to which time the
congress had met at PhUadelphia, pending the preparations neces
sary for the removal, and for the accommodation of the public
departments and business at Washington,) provisions had been
made for the establishment of the proper tribunals, the creation of
the necessary authorities, the maintenance of existing laws until
superseded by other legislation, and the general exei'cise of those
territorial duties which are essential to the good order and govern
ment of a district. Other legislation has since taken place in
accordance -with the exigencies of the times, and the federal dis
trict has been controlled and regulated by the national congress
alone, until -within the last few years, when a territorial govern
ment was arranged for it. The people of the United States are
well satisfied. Their capital is the national capital of their coun-
¦bry, and not the municipality of a section.
The President thus alludes to this subject in his message of the
4th December, 1871 : " Under the provisions of the act of Con
gress, (approved Febmary 21st, 1871,) a territorial government
was organized in the District of Columbia. Its results have thus
far fully realized the expectations of its advocates. Under the

110 CONFEDERATION.
direction of the territorial officer, a system of improvement has been
inaugurated, by means of which Washington is rapidly becoming
a city worthy of the nation's capital, the citizens of the District
having voluntarily taxed themselves to a large amount for the pur
pose of contributing to the adornment of the seat of government."
Thus we see that the character of a national capital, the security
-of those who attend it, the elimination of sectional and pro-vincial
interests in its government, the preservation of the national public
property, the protection of the public interests, and the mainte
nance of the national reputation in its status, are too important
to be left to local councUs, however good they may be.
Americans have their capital, Canadians have no capital for
their country. They borrow a municipality from Ontario, and
whether they come from the Pro-vinces of the Atlantic or the
Pacific, whether from Quebec or Manitoba, their representatives
in the Dominion Parliament have no power to legislate on any
matter touching the property or civU rights of the so-caUed capital
of the Dominion, however great the -wrong to be redressed or the
e-vU to be remedied. This should not be.
The City of Ottawa, with a certain area around it, .should
be created a Federal District; the laws for its future govern
ment (not interfering -with private rights, or the city's present
municipal privUeges without adequate consideration), should be
passed by the Dominion Parliament, and carried out by officers
responsible to the Dominion Government, aud through it to the
people of the whole Dominion ; or by a territorial arrangement,
as in the District of Columbia, the legislatures of Ontario and
Quebec ceding such portion of territory on both sides of the river
as would make the District thoroughly unprovincial, and stipu
lating such terms in the cession as would preserve existing rights
and interests.
But td return to the banquet. After the usual courtesies and
toasts had been attended to, Hon. W. A. Heiuy, Attorney-General
of Nova Scotia, on behaK of that Province, said :
" The people of Nova Scotia entertained no selfish views when
they proposed to enter into a confederation with the other colonies.

CONFEDERATION. Ill
They knew that their position commanded many advantages not
equally enjoyed by the rest. They felt that their principal port,
Halifax, was one of commandmg importance. Situated as it is
upon the most easterly peninsula of British North America, and
of paramount importance to be retained by England while any
portion of the West Indies remains connected with the British
empire, it would be the last spot of territory on this continent to
be yielded up by the parent state, and would always receive, even
more than the other colonies, the protection of the home govern
ment. The time, however, may come, and may not be far distant,
when, from great political changes, from which we cannot expect
to be always exempt, the protection of the parent state may be
-withdra-wn ; and if we wait until that unfortunate event arrives,
it may be too late to form associations for our local defence. We
-were favored by an in-vitation from the Canadian Government to
meet in conference at Quebec, to consider how far a general con
federation was practicable. The invitation was accepted by all the
colonies, and the delegates were chosen, not exclusively from the
several governments, but were selected from the ranks of parties
representing aU classes and interests in the several communities,
in order that aU party prejudices and sectional feelings might be
laid aside in the contemplation of an object of such vast importance.
Difficulties of a grave character had to be surmounted. Fu'st,
each individual forming part of the delegation entertained his o-wn
-views upon every one of the infinite number of important questions
to be solved ; and, dra-wn as they were from different classes of
opposing politicians in the several Pro-vinces, with the influence of
party relations upon them, and the interest of each Province
clashing to a certain extent with those of the others, it required
the greatest exercise of moderation, and frequent modification
of personal, party and local -views and interests, to arrive at any
thing like a successful issue. None but those who took part in
the conference, or had deeply weighed the importance of the con
siderations involved, could have any idea of the difficult task of
reconciling antagonistic -views and interests, and nothing but the
absorbing feeling of the importance of their mission and its results
could have produced anything hke a satisfactory conclusion. In

112 CONFEDERATION.
contemplation of this great object, the people of every section must
be prepared to yield a portion of their feelings and interests to the
common stock, and m the contemplation as weU as in the working
out of the union this sentiment must not be forgotten."
Hon. John M. Johnson, Attorney-General of New Bruns-wick,
observed :
"At the Conference all agreed to set aside their o-wn pecuUar
opinions for the common good, and the advantages of union were
so great that all minor differences on poUtical matters should be
sunk and forgotten. This was the way he hoped the people would
meet the question : either declare against it like men, if they
believed the union to be without advantage, or, if they believed it
would prove beneficial, to lay aside all questions of mere party,
in order to secure it."
Hon. George Coles, on behalf of Prince Edward Island, said :
" He stood there m a different position from the gentlemen from
the other Provinces, who had just addressed them, both of whom
were members of their respective governments, while he happened
to be one of the opposition. They were aware that the opposi
tions of all the Provinces had entered into the delegation to
assist in carrying out the views of their respective governments.
Generally, when an opposition jomed in carrying out the views of
government, they were looked upon -with suspicion by their consti
tuents ; but the present case was one which stood entirely by itself,
and he claimed that in going for federation the government of
Prince Edward Island were carrying out his -views — -views which
he had entertamed for many years. In former times he had found
many opposed to his sentiments on this question. Mr. Coles went
on to speak of the advantages of Prhice Edward Island as a
delightful summer residence, and of its various resources, particu
larly the inexliaustible treasury it had in the fisheries of its waters..
Hundreds of thousands of pounds worth of fish were taken from
then- waters by the American fishermen. He trusted that soon
Canada would take that fish for the consumption of her inhabi-

CONFEDERATION. 113
tants, and send her fishermen to catch them. He said that
although there was no man more disappointed than himself with
respect to some parts of the constitution, yet, by mutual conces
sion, they had arrived at a result which they could all agree in
supporting and submitting to the people, for he held that it must
be submitted to the people. They could not force it on the people ;
they must endeavour to show them that it was for their benefit,
and thus induce them to accept it."
Hon. A. T. Gait, Finance Minister of Canada, then spoke sub
stantially as follows :
" I believe we are makuig a move in the right direction, in
confederation ; and if we gave more strength to the monarchical
element on this continent, it was because we thought that through
this form of government we could more effectually add to the
peace and happiness of our people. Those who could recall twenty
years could remember the position in which Lower Canada then
stood. They could recall the advantages which arose from the
union of these Pro-vinces. It could be seen that in that short
period (twenty years) this country had gro-wn to a position in
importance such as never could have been hoped for as long as she
remained in a disunited state. It was because we felt that dis
united, Canada was weak, united, she became stronger. We now
ask the other Provinces to jom us in the race of improvement
and progress, and in extending through the whole of the British-
dominions in North America the advantages we now derive from
union, that which gives us essential power, which enables us
to control various matters and maintain our strength. With
regard to the question of the commercial prosperity of these Colo
nies, there could be no doubt whatever that the union of these
Provinces would tend to promote our prosperity. We had seen
the effects of union in regard to matters of free trade in the United
States. He knew perfectly well that if one thing more than
another had tended to promote the prosperity of that great country,
it had been the free trade that had existed between its various
parts. He desired to bring about that same free trade in our
own Colonies."

114 CONFEDERATION.
After leaving Ottawa, at JLingston, at Cobourg, at Belle-ville,
similar cordial greetings were extended. On the arrival at To
ronto at night the city seemed one blaze of light, and repre
sentatives of the Corporation of Toronto and the surrounding
municipalities tendered their hopitalities. On the following day
the literary institutions of Toronto, not less courteous than the
institutions of Quebec, gave to the measure their fullest sanction.
The Upper Canada College under Professor Cockburn, and the
University under the Rev. Dr. McCaul, \ied -with each other in
the expression of their hopes that " by this confederation the
British North American colonies would be bound together for
mutual advancement, prosperity and strength"
At a magnificent banquet given at the Music Hall in Toronto,
the Hon. Geo. Bro-wn, as President of the CouncU, first gave to
the pubhc the full detaUs of the contemplated constitution, and
in a clear and lucid manner explained his reasons for their adop
tion. He was preceded, however, as was usual on the occasion of
the festivities in Canada, by the members fr'om the Maritime
Pro-vinces. In answer to the toast of " The Delegates," Hon. Mr.
McCully responded for Nova Scotia. He said :
" They had framed a constitution for this great confederation.
He trusted in all hopefulness that it would meet their approbation.
It had been the work of men of some experience. Their discus
sions had been characterized by the most friendly intercourse. If,
after so weighing and considering it, they had anything to say
against it, let it be in a spirit of moderation. He asked that with
the more confidence because, a member of the opposition of Nova
Scotia, in-vited to take his share in this task, he had been content
that party feeling and party action should, for the moment, be
hushed and stilled in presence of so great a question. He asked
of the members of the governments of all the Provinces, if they
desired that this enterprise should be successful, that there be no
attempt to make out of it any local political capital. Nothin" in
his opinion, could be more fatal to the measure. But let me say,"
said he, " that if there is one thing connected -with this »rand
scheme of confederation which ought more than another to be

CONFEDERATION. 115
kept in the minds of the public men of all these Provinces it is
this : that it shall not financially weigh too heavily on the people.
In Nova Scotia, whence he came, they had an ad valorem tariff of
ten per cent., and one of the greatest difficulties they would liave
to contend -with in that Province in inducing their people to come
into the confederation, would be to reconcile them to the raising
of that tariff to any very large extent, unless it were for the pubhc
defence of the country, or some great public improvement, advan
tage or necessity."
Hon. Charles Fisher, M.P., from Fredericton, one of the New
Bruns-wick Delegates, spoke ably on behalf of that Province.
Speaking of the unanimity of action throughout the country, he
observed :
' ' Men of every party, of every denomination — ^men from every
section of the country, cognizant of their different ideas m politics
and theology, met together resolved to lay their differences as an
offering upon the altar of their country. No event had occurred
in modem times equal bo this. New Brunswick expended annually
£30,000 a year for schools, £35,000 a year for roads, and small as
their Pro-vince was, they then had at that moment 15,000 mUes
of roads, 7,500 of which might be traversed in a carriage and four.
They had besides 200 miles of railway, equal to anything of the
kind on the continent. Did they know why the intercommunica
tion between these Pro-vinces had hitherto been so limited ? It
did not arise from poverty of soil, or from local and political
causes. UntU 1845 the country between New Brunswick and
Canada was locked up. And then what was done ? Why, a large
tract of land was taken away from New Bruns-wick and Canada,
and handed over to the United States. Did they think, if this
confederation had then been formed, that the interests of New
Brunswick would have been sacrificed to the cotton spinners and
the tobacco dealers? The result of the differences which took
place was that this part of the country long remained a wUderness,
and a large portion of it, equal to the State of New Hampshire,
-with a large settlement of French Canadians, was handed over to the
United States. They had buUt roads through New Brunswick, but

116 CONFEDERATION.
if they were to have complete intercommunication the Intercolo
nial Railway must be buUt, and he hoped its necessity was
recognized as fully in Western Canada as it was in New Bruns
wick. He had almost hoped against hope for its construction,
but he had ever felt that that was an advantage to New Bruns-wick
which must be supplied. When built the district between the t-wo
Provinces, now almost uninhabited, would speedily be filled up,
and the two countries connected. He had been an advocate of
the railway ever since it was proposed. He had always argued
for it as a link in the great chain of railways which would yet
connect Halifax -with Vancouver Island. He had read with great
interest the descriptions of that country, especially those given by
the scientific men sent out by Canada to explore it, and he had
always argued that communication -with that country -was a com
mercial necessity to the west. They enquired woiUd such a road
pay ? Had the Grand Trunk RaUway paid ? Ask the rapid
improvement of Canada if it had not paid ? Ask the hundred
thousand people of Montreal the result of that great instrument
of progress. Ask the increase given to the value of land and to
the products bf the west. Ask all these, and let then- testimony
to the great benefit derived be the reply. When the resources of
the interior were brought into action, what would be required to
carry these products to the ocean? Would not a raUway be
needed? But, after all, possessing as they did such complete
elements for the formation of a great nation, what would they be
-without a free government? The members of the Convention
had met together for the purpore of framing a government adapted
to these colonies, and they had endeavoured to do it upon the
principles of the British monarchy. They had kejit in -view the
great original of the parent state, but they had so constructed the
constitution as to preserve intact the rights of each separate Pro-
•vince. They had left to the local bodies of the confederation
local matters, and when they foimd any condition of things which
it was necessary to preserve, they had pro-vided that these should
be untouched forever. They had endeavoured to build up a strong
central power, which should have control of matters of common
interest. As in the confederation local questions would be left to

CONFEDERATION. 117
the local legislatures, he had high hopesthat in the general legis
lature the smaller politics would be forgotte^i, and that a desire
for national honor would arise, without wiiich national greatness
could never be attained."
Hon. Mr. Carter, of Newfoundland, said :
" Newfoundland was a commercial place, and was not very
celebrated for its agricultural capabilities. The reason of this was
that the attention of the jieople had been chiefly taken up by the
prosecution of the fisheries, which had been most valuable to the
people along the coast, furnishing mexliaustible mines of wealth,
from which, from time to time, immensely large fortunes had been
dra-wn. Speaking of the Provinces, he said: we have mutual
wants, and may be of great benefit the one to the other. You
want the maiitime element, and we are able to give it to you.
You may by aud by require seamen to man your navy, and where
wUl you be able to get them more readily than in Ne-wfoundland ?
A more hardy and enterprising people than that colony contains
are not to be found. From their earliest days they have been
' rocked in the cradle of the deep.' The area of this country, so
Uttle kno-wn in Canada, is over forty thousand square mUes. He
hoped smcerely if this confederation was formed, that it would
tend to do away with jjetty party spirit and prejudices, and that
acerbity of feeling which at one time was characteristic of us ; for
we generally find that the intensity of the acerbity is proportion
ate to the narro-wness of our limits. And, said he, do we not
find here, as everywhere else, a combination of men who, like our
selves, are of different shades of politics, but who have united
together to promote the same reform ? Have you not the ablest
men from both sides of the house represented in the administra
tion, combining together to carry out this noble object ? "
Hon. Edward Palmer, Attorney-General of Prince Edward
Island, on behalf of that colony said :
" As to the proposed miion. Your friends came down, and we
listened to them, and we resolved since then that there should be
a union. In the first place, we resolved that the union should be,

118 CONFEDERATION.
as far as the cncumstances of the country would permit, ui accord
ance -with the British constitution. The Pro-\T.nces were unani
mous in this. We then resolved that each of the colonies should
preserve its peculiar pri-vileges and institutions, and that there
should be no higher power to interfere with thsm. We next
agreed that as iav as possible the debts of the colonies should be
dealt with fairly and equally, and that the tariffs should be equal
throughout. We next agreed that as regarded the outside world
we should, between and amongst ourselves, enjoy free trade. I
confess that in my Province there w^as at first no little anxiety
with regard to this proposition, because we stand at present as
happy and contented a people as any of the British Provinces.
Yet I hesitate not to say that from all that has been -witnessed by
the delegates representuig that Island, they wUl not hesitate to
recommend to then- people the great union which I hope soon to
see accomplished. It is not the great hospitality alone that we
have met with since we entered within your borders — it is not the
kindness which we have received individually or collectively from
the people of this Province — ^that causes us to desii-e to come into
this union ; your excellent institutions of all kinds, and your pro-
gi-ess in everything that goes to make up a gi-eat country, impel
us to such a desirable consummation — to form part of the great
empfre or colony, or whatever you choose to call it, which is to
be constracted out of these pro-vinces of British America, sharmg
the glories of the mother country, which we all desire to see per
petuated and uicreased."
Hon. Geo. Brown, in the course of his observations, remarked :
" It was an old saying, that England loves not coalitions • and
he was sure if the adage was true of England, it was doubly true
of Canada. Except under the pressure of a most grave and urgent
necessity, the combinmg of public men of opposite political senti
ments to form a government under the British parliamentary
system, is very strongly to be deprecated. But if ever there was
a coalition that had a sufficient object to justify its formation he
thought it was the administration which he represented that day.
It was formed for a special purpose, for a great public end ¦ it was

CONFEDERATION. 119
formed in the light of day ; its whole object and end was fully and
openly f)roclaimed to the world, and no charge of intrigue or desire
for personal aggrandisement could -with justice be laid at the door
of any party to the compact. The Government was formed upon
the express understanding that the constitutional difficulties of
Canada should be met immediately ; that a measure for that pur
pose should be submitted to Parliament at its first session ; and
that in the meantime they should strive with all then- energies to
ascertain whether or not a just and satisfactory arrangement for
the union of all the British North American Provinces could be
effected, so that they might present it at the next session of Parha
ment in Ueu of the lesser scheme. A conference of representatives
from the several Provinces had, as they knew, assembled at Quebec,
on the invitation of the Governor-General, to consider this subject.
For sixteen days they were earnestly engaged in considering all the
detaUs of the scheme ; and though, of course, it was impossible
that such a body of men could be -without differences of opuiion,
looking at matters as they did from different points of -view, and
-with different interests to protect ; still it was highly questionable
whether any body of thirty-three gentlemen, even if composed of
men of the same country and the same party, could have sat
together for so long a period, discussing matters of such grave
importance, with more entire harmony and more thorough good-
-wUl and respect than prevailed throughout the whole of their
deliberations. The various details of the confederation scheme
were brought up for consideration by the Conference in the form of
resolutions. Those resolutions were separately discussed, amended,'
and adopted ; and as finally adopted by the unanimous consent of
the whole Conference, they now stand on record. As the only
practicable scheme, and as, in his opinion, the best, they adopted
the plan of constituting a general administration and general legis
lature, to which should be committed matters common to all the
Pro-vinces, and local governments and legislatures for the several
sections, to which should be committed matters peculiar to their
several localities. By committing all purely local matters to local
control, they secured the peace and permanence of the new con
federation much more effectually than could possibly have been

120 CONFEDERATION.
hoped for from a legislative union. It was unnecessary to say that
the Governor-General of the united Provinces was to be appointed,
as heretofore, by the Cro-wn. The dm-ation of Parhament would
be limited to five years, and of com-se it would be composed of two
branches — a Legislative CouncU, appointed by the government of
the day on the principle of equality of the sections, and a House
of Commons, in which we are to obtain that so long desired, so long
earnestly contended for reform. Representation by Population.
In his opinion, an appointed Upper House and an elected Lower
House would be much more in harmony -with the spirit of the
British parliamentary system than two elected bodies. The Upper
Chamber was to consist of seventy-six membei-s, distributed as
follows :
Upper Canada  24
Lower Canada  3-i
Nova Scotia  10
New Brunswick  10
Newfoundland  4
Prince Edward Island  4
Total  76
The House of Commons w^as to be constituted on the basis of
representation by population. It was to be composed, at first, of
one hundred and ninety-four members, distributed as foUows :
Upper Canada  82
Lower Canada  Go
Nova Scotia  19
New Brunswick  15
jNewfoundland  8
Prince Edward Island  5
Total  19*
After each decennial census the sectional representation was to be
readjusted according to population, and for this purpose Lo-wer
Canada was always to have 65 members, and the other sections
were to receive the exact number of members to which they Avould
be severally entitled in the same ratio of representation to popu
lation as Lower Canada wdll enjoy by having 65 members. Thus

CONFEDERATION. 121
the representation would be strictly based on population, the
disparity of population between the several sections would be
accurately j^rovided for every ten years, but the number of
members in the House would not be much increased. The general
government was to have control over all questions of trade and
commerce ; all questions of currency, finance and coinage ; all
questions of navigation and shipping, and the fisheries ; all
questions of defence and militia ; all matters connected with the
postal service, and . aU questions affecting the criminal law. To
it would belong the imposition of customs and excise duties, and
all other modes of taxation ; the construction of great public
works of common benefit to aU the Pro-vinces ; and the incorpora
tion of telegraph, steamship, and raUway companies. It would
also have control of banks and savings banks, btlls of exchange
and promissory notes, interest and legal tenders, bankruptcy and
insolvency, copyright and patents of invention, naturalization and
aUens, marriage and divorce, immigration and quarantine, weights
and measures, Indians and Indian lands, the census, and generally
aU matters of a general character not speciaUy assigned to the
local governments. These were the duties proposed to be assigned
to the general government. A.S to the constitution and powers
of the local governments. It was proposed that each Province
should be presided over by a Lieutenant-Governor, who would be
advised by the heads of the various pubhc departments. As to
the constitution of the local legislatures, there was so much
difference of opinion on the subject, some of the Provmces desir
ing to retain their present institutions, whUe we in Canada must
necessarUy establish new ones, that we thought it the wisest plan
to leave the constitution of the local legislatures to the existing
parliaments of the different sections. The powers and duties of
the local governments have been clearly defined by the Conference.
They are to have the power of imposmg direct taxation ; the sale
and management of the public lands in their respective sections ;
the maintenance and management of prisons, hospitals, asylums,
and charitable institutions ; the construction of local works ; the
promotion of agriculture ; and the imposition of shop, saloon,
tavern and auction licenses. The control of all the national

122 CONFEDERATION.
schools and school property is to be vested in the local .govern
ments ; and they are to have authority over municipal corpora
tions and all municipal matters. They are also to have power to
make laws in all matters affecting property and ci-vU rights, and
for the administration of jtistice. And generaUy, while on the
one hand, all matters of a general character and common to all
the Pro-vinces are to be committed to the general government ; so>
on the other hand, all matters of a local character -will be com
mitted to the local governments. The separate powers to be
exercised by each -wUl be clearly defined in the Constitution Act
to be passed by the British Parliament, so that there -wUl be no
danger of the two bodies coming into collision. There was one
point to which he was desirous of calling particular attention,
namely, to the fact that in framing their constitution they had
carefully avoided what had proved a great e-vil in the United
States, and that is the acknowledgment of an inherent sovereign
power in the separate States, causing a collision of authority
between the general and state governments, which, in times of
trial, had been found to interfere gravely -with the efficient admi
nistration of public affairs. In the government to be formed
under this new constitution whUe we have committed to the local
governments aU that neoessarUy and properly belongs to the
localities, we have reserved for the general government aU those
powers which wUl enable the legislative and administrative pro
ceedings of the central authority to be carried out -with a firm
hand. With this -view we have provided that the whole of the
judges throughout the confederation, those of the county courts
as well as of the superior courts, are to be appointed and paid by
the general government. We have also provided that the general
parliament may constitute a general appeal court, to which an
appeal -will lie from the decisions of all the pro-vmcial courts.
We have likewise provided that the general government shall be
specially charged -with the performance of all obligations of the
Provinces, as part of the British empire, to foreign countries.
The Lieutenant-Governors of the different sections are to be ap
pointed by the general government, and the power of disallo-wino-
all bills passed by the local legislatures is to be vested in the

CONFEDERATION. 123
Governor-General in councU. In this way we wUl have a com
plete chain of authority, extending do-wn from Her Majesty the
Queen to the basis of our political fabric. The Queen will appoint
the Governor-General ; the Governor-General in council -will
appoint the Lieutenant-Governors ; and the Lieutenant-Governors
-will be ad-vised by heads of departments responsible to the people.
Thus we -wUl have the general government working in harmony
¦with the local executives, and in hearty accord -with popular sen
timent as expressed through the people's representatives. All the
debts and assets of the different Provinces were to be assumed by
the general government. A confederation of five states was about
to be formed, and it was to the credit of the whole that not one of
them had ever been unable to meet its obligations to the day ; and
stUl further, that the finances of all were now in such a satisfactory
condition that every one of them had a large surplus of revenue
over expenditure for the current year. He desired to call atten
tion to the fact, that the delegates had unanimously resolved that
the united Provinces of British America should be placed at the
earUest moment in a thorough state of defence. We have agreed,
said he, to buUd the Intercolonial Railway. 1 have not been
in favor of that scheme per se, situated as we have been. But
I have been quite -willing to admit — and I repeat it heartUy
to-day — ^that -without the Intercolonial RaUway there could be no
union of these Pro-vinces ; and after a careful consideration of the
question in all its bearings, and after counting the full cost, I am
prepared to advocate the buUding of that road, in order to accom
plish the great objects we have in -view in the scheme of confede
ration. In agreeing to buUd the Intercolonial RaUway, it should
also be stated that due regard was had to the interests of the west.
With the unanimous consent of the members of the Conference,
we have resolved on the extension of our canal system. WhUe we
have sought confederation -with Nova Scotia, New Bruns-wick,
Ne-wfoundland, and Prince Edward Island, we have not been
neglectful of the Far West ; but we have made it a condition of
union that the great North-west may come into the federation on
equitable terms at any time it pleases, and that British Columbia
and Vancouver Island may also be incorporated with us. We

124 CONFEDERATION.
have like'wise made it a condition that so soon as the state of the
finances 'will permit, communication is to be opened up from
Western Canada to the North-west territory. On the whole,"
said the honorable gentleman, " when we look at the probable
results of this union, I think there is no man from one end of the
Provinces to the other who ought not to give it his most hearty
approbation. He would repeat what had been so well said by Mr.
McCully : all danger was not past. They had stUl to meet the
legislatures of the different Provinces, and it required the greatest
harmony of action to obtain a favorable result. Therefore I would
say -with my honorable friend, Mr. McCully, if there is one thing
more than another necessary at this moment, it is that we should
banish our party discords ; that we should forget for the moment
that we were at one time arrayed against each other ; and what
ever we may do after union is accomplished, let-us forget untU it
is obtained our feuds and differences, in securing to the country
the great boon which this Confederation promises to bring about."
A few days after, on the occasion of the public reception at
St. Catharines, the Hon. Mr. Pope, of Prince Edward Island,
responded on behalf of that Province, and in strong language
declared his endorsation of the views already expressed by his
colleagues, Hon. Messrs. Palmer, Coles, Ha-viland and Whelan,
from that Island.
Thus closed the demonstrations in Ontario. A rude awakening,
however, awaited those gentlemen from the Maritime Pro-vinces
who, thus far floating on smooth seas and amid fairy scenes, fancied
that on their return to their constituencies all would be well. The
storm that burst upon the delegates from New Bruns-wick was like
the hurricane of the tropics. Fa;ir as had been the voyage up to
this time, fragrant as were the breezes that bore them onward the
sky in a moment became suddenly overcast. The moaning of the
surge was heard, the blackened clouds closed upon the fated ship,
and sail and mast went down before the fearful gale. In vain was
there a temporary lull, in vain a seeming hope of safety. The
storm burst out from the opposite quarter with more fearful
violence ; the darkness was more tangible, and destruction seemed

CONFEDERATION. 125
inevitable. In New Brunswick the storm came first from political
foes, but was foUowed quickly from political friends. Hurled from
place and power, they were condemned by their constituencies in
the most emphatic manner, and a more thorough defeat in the first
instance was never meted out to the advocates of a political change.
In Nova Scotia, though not at first so disastrous, the shock was
more lasting, and ultimately more severe. The narrative of the
action of those two Provinces must, however, for the present be
deferred.

[127]

CHAPTER V.
Assent of the Imperial Government — Despatch from the Colonial Secretary,
December, 1864 — Public sentiment in England, Scotland and the United
States on the proposed Confederation — Seward — A.D. 1864.
As soon as possible after the adjournment at Quebec, the
Governor-General, Lord Monck, transmitted to Her Majesty's
Government the Resolutions that had been adopted by the Con
ference, and in the month of December received, in thefoUo-wing
despatch, the strong expression of its approval :
Downing Street, Srd December, 1864-
My Lord, — Her Majesty's Government have received with the
most cordial satisfaction your Lordship's despatch of the 7th ult.,
transmitting for then consideration the resolutions adopted by the
representatives of the several Provinces of British North America,
who were assembled at Quebec.
With the sanction of the Crown, and upon the in-vitation of the
Governor-General, men of every Province, chosen by the respective
Lieutenant-Governors without distinction of party, assembled to
consider questions of the utmost interest to every subject of the
Queen, of whatever race or faith, resident in those Pro-vinces, and
have arrived at a conclusion destined to exercise a most important
influence upon the future welfare of the whole community.
Ajiimated by the warmest sentiments of loyalty and devotion
to their Sovereign ; earnestly desirous to secure for their posterity
throughout all future time the advantages which they enjoy as
subjects of the British Cro-wn ; steadfastly attached to the institu
tions under which they hve, they have conducted their deliberations
with patient sagacity, and have arrived at unanimous conclusions
on questions invol-ving many difficulties, and calculated, under less
favourable circumstances, to have given rise to many differences of
opinion.

CONFEDERATION. 127
Such an event is in the highest degree honourable to those who
have taken part in these dehberations. It must inspire confidence
in the men by whose judgment and temper this result has been
attained, and -wUl ever remain on record as an evidence of the
salutary influence exercised by the institutions under which those
qualities have been so signally developed.
Her Majesty's Government have given to your despatch, and to
the resolutions of the Conference, their most deliberate considera
tion. They have regarded them as a whole, and as ha-ving been
designed by those who have framed them to establish as complete
and perfect a union of the whole into one government, as the
circumstances of the case and a due consideration of existing o
interests would admit. They accept them, therefore, as being, in
the dehberate judgment of those best qualified to decide upon the
subject, the best framework of a measure to be passed by the
Imperial Parliament for attaining that most desirable result.
The point of principal importance to the practical well-working
of the scheme, is the accurate determination of the limits between
the authority of the central and that of the local legislatures, in
their relation to each other. It has not been possible to exclude
from the resolutions some pro-visions which appear to be less con
sistent than might perhaps have been desired -with the simplicity
and unity of the system. But upon the whole, it appears to Her
Majesty's Government that precautions have been taken which are
ob-viously intended to secure to the central government the means
of effective action throughout the several Provinces, and to guard
against those e-vils which must inevitably arise if any doubt were
permitted to exist as to the respective limits of central and local
authority. They are glad to observe that although large powers of legisla
tion are intended to be vested in local bodies, yet the principle of
central control has been steadUy kept in view. The importance of
this principle cannot be overrated. Its maintenance is essential
to the practical efficiency of the system, and to its harmonious
operation both in the general administration and in the govern
ments of the several Provinces. A very important part of this
subject is the expense which may attend the working of the central

128 CONFEDERATION.
and the local governments. Her Majesty's Government cannot
but express the earnest hope that the arrangements which may be
adopted in this respect may not be of such a nature as to increase,
at least in any considerable degree, the whole expenditure, or to
make any material addition to the taxation, and thereby retard the
internal industry, or tend to impose new burdens on the commerce
of the country.
Her Majesty's Government are anxious to lose no time in
conveying to you their general approval of the proceedings of the
Conference. There are, however, two pro-visions of great impor
tance, which seem to require revision. The first of these is the
provision contained in the 44th resolution, -with respect to the
exercise of the prerogative of pardon. It appears to Her Majesty's
Government that this duty belongs to the representative of the
Sovereign, and could not -with propriety be devolved upon the
Lieutenant-Governors, who -will, under the present scheme, be
appointed, not directly by the Cro-wn, but by the Central. Govern
ment of the United Pro-vinces.
The second point which Her Majesty's Government desire should
be reconsidered, is the constitution of the Legislative CouncU.
They appreciate the considerations which have influenced the Con
ference in determining the mode in which this body, so important
to the constitution of the Legislature, should be composed. But
it appears to them to require further consideration whether, if the
members be appointed for life and their number be fixed, there
wiU be any sufficient means of restoring harmony between the
Legislative CouncU and the popular Assembly, if it shall ever
unfortunately happen that a decided difference of opinion shall
arise between them.
These two points, relating to the prerogative of the Cro-wn, and
to the constitution of the upper chamber, have appeared to require
distinct and separate notice. Questions of minor consequence,
and matters of detaUed arrangement, may properly be reserved for
a future time, when, the provisions of the bUl intended to be sub
mitted to the Imperial Parhament shall -come under consideration.
Her Majesty's Government anticipate no serious difficulty in this
part of the case, since the resolutions -wiU generaUy be found

CONFEDERATION. 129
sufficiently explicit to guide those who wUl be intrusted with
the preparation of the bUl. It appears to them, therefore, that
you should nov take immediate measures, in concert with the
Lieutenant-Governors of the several Provinces, for submitting to
the respective Legislatures this project of the Conference ; and if,
as I hope, you are able to report that these Legislatures sanction
and adopt the scheme. Her Majesty's Government -will render you
aU the assistance in their power for carrying it into effect.
It -will probably be found to be the most convenient course that,
in concert -with the Lieutenant-Governors, you should select a
deputation of the persons best qualified, to proceed to this country,
that they may be present during the preparation of the bUl, and
give to Her Majesty's Government the benefit of thefr counsel
upon any questions which may arise during the passage of the
measure through the two Houses of Parhament.
I have, &c., (Signed) E. Cardwell.
Governor Viscount Monck, &c. &c. &c.
The two points particularly selected for reconsideration, namely,
the prerogative of pardon and the non-expansive character of the
Legislative CouncU, were subsequently remodelled in the Confer
ence at London in 1867, which met in accordance with the sugges
tion in the last paragraph, under authority of the several Provincial
Legislatures. The otherwise undoubted sanction of Her Majesty's Govern
ment gave great strength to the cause of Confederation, and
rendered the future contest simply one of overcoming local preju
dices in the several constituencies of the Pro-vinces. The change
was to be of voluntary adoption, without coercion, or even the
threat of coercion, by the dominant authority. A more bloodless
revolution never was brought about. The foundations of an empire
were laid in peace, and the future prosperity and greatness of their
country was left entirely to the colonists themselves, under the
fostering care of the parent state. Whatever charges may be
brought against Great Britain, whatever other nations may say, or
the dark pages of past history record of her tyranny, her power,

130 CONFEDERATION.
or her pride, by the Canadian her name -will be venerated, and
her conduct on this occasion be pointed to by the future genera^
tions of the Dominion as an instance without paraUel, of a great
country, under no compulsion, conceding privileges, and consoli
dating powers, which might at some future day be used to her
disadvantage — of a great country relying upon the justness of her
intentions and the soundness of her principles, -without regard to
what might be the consequences to herself, in the diminution of
authority, or the contraction of her domain.
The English press was not less outspoken. Almost on the same
day, as if the national pulse were vibrating to the same sensation,
from England and from Scotland came words of cheer. It is
well, they should not be forgotten. The Conference was at this
time sitting in Quebec, and amid the Anglo-Saxon races of the old
and the new world the subject engaged attention. What had
occurred in the Convention at Charlotteto-wn, and the subsequent
meetings at Halifax and St. John during the previous month, was
then well kno-wn in England, and the favorable comments which
came across the Atlantic to the delegates at Quebec, added to the
zeal with which they pressed on the work. No doubt was left that
if they could arrange the detaUs in a way satisfactory to their
several Provinces, pubhc opinion would sustain them on the gene
ral question in England. In after years this record of the impres
sions pf the day may be interesting if not useful. A rebeUion
was no longer necessary to waken the pubhc mind in the old
country to the affairs of the colonies in the new, and the message
was conveyed to them in very unequivocal terms, that they could,
-without interference from the mother country, shape their future
course in the way they thought best for then- o-wn interests — con
nected, if they chose to remain ; separated, if they preferred to be.
The London Daily Telegraph, which its special commissioner in
Canada, Mr. Sala, stated had a daily circulation of 120,000, and
represented an influential phase of pubhc opinion in England,
observed in its issue of the 12th of October, 1864 :
" Seldom has there been held a more important conference of
statesmen than that which assembled recently at Halifax to con-

CONFEDERATION. 131
sider the proposed federation of the British North American Pro
vinces, On their dehberations depends, to a very great extent,
the future of a country which possesses magnificent resources, and
which contains -within it the germs of a mighty empire. The
statesmen of British North America have conceived the grand
idea of a federation. They -wish to buUd up a nation ; but they
also -wish — and this is the true imperial justification of their
scheme — to have this nation stUl linked by^ the closest ties to
Great Britain. In other words, they have no notion of seceding ;
they -wish, rather, by increasing their own strength, to become
worthier members of the central state. To this end their nota
bles have met together, and so far is the movement from ha-ving
any separatist tendency, that it received, two years ago, official
encouragement from the Imperial Government. Add to this fact
the equaUy significant circumstance that the officials of the Pro-
-vinces and the Admiral of the British fleet upon the American
station joined in the recent proceedings, and it -will at once be
seen that the object is one in which the mother country can
heartUy co-operate -with her thriving chUdren across the Atlantic.
It may be possible that a few Canadians would prefer incorpora
tion -with the northern portion of the late United States ; but the
number of these is insignificant, and the disloyal faction would
at once be overwhelmed and swept away by the creation of the
new confederacy. We must not forget that, granted certain
changes in American politics, the enforcement of the Monroe doc
trine would be one of the first objects sought by our restless cousins :
aU the better wUl it be, by welding the British Pro-vinces into one
compact nationahty, to proclaim at once that we regard this
famous doctrine as an insolent threat, which we hold ourselves
prepared to resist by force of aims.
" Firmly belie-ving that the project wUl be immensely beneficial
to the colonies, we are con-vinced that it wiU be equally accept
able to the home government. As the matter already stands,
England is committed to the protection of every acre of her soU,
be it on the Indus, the Murray, the St. La-wrence, or the Thames.
Doubtless the responsibUity is great ; doubtless the work is ar
duous ; but the duty exists. The best way, indeed, to lighten it

132 CONFEDERATION.
is to call upon our colonies themselves to take measures for their
o-wn defence, assuring them that whenever the odds are too hea-rUy
against them, whenever the danger becomes serious, we pledge
the British Empire to thefr aid."
The London jVews of October 12th, 1864, remarked upon the
incei:)tion of a " Great British American Nation : "
" Monday last, the 10th of October, is likely to prove an im
portant date in the history of British North America. It was
the day which the Governor-General of Canada, acting under the
authority of the Imperial Government, had appointed for a formal
conference at Quebec, of the Governments of Canada, Nova Scotia,
New Bruns-wick, Ne-wfoundland and Prince Edward Island, for
the purpose of considering and agreeing upon a complete scheme
for embracing all those Provinces in a federal union.
a if- * * j^; jg proposed, then, to osganize th^ confederation
at first in three sections, of which Upper Canada will form one.
Lower Canada another, and Nova Scotia, New Bruns-wick, Prince
Edward Island and Ne-wfoundland united a tlurd. The reason
for separating the two Canadas -will occur to every one who has
foUowed the recent history of those Pro-vinces. The scheme of
confederation -wUl admit of the subsequent accession of the North
west Territory, British Columbia and Vancouver Island ; but the
work immediately in hand is the federal union of the Provinces
we have enumerated.
" HappUy the finances of the various .Pro-vinces offer no insur
mountable obstacle to the assumption of all their liabUities and
assets by the federal government, inasmuch as the debts and
annual burdens now borne by the people of the several Pro-vinces
are pretty nearly equal, and the revenue of each is somewhat in
excess of the expenditure. More difference of opinion exists as to
the constitution of the local or sectional legislative assembUes.
Some are for two chambers, while others prefer the simplicity of
one only ; some would make the local executive responsible to the
legislature ; others desire that the Lieutenant-Governor and other
chief officers may be directly elected by the people. As, however,

CONFEDERATION. 133
it is not absolutely necessary that the several sections, in order to
bear their part in the common system, should be organized alike
for local purposes, differences of opinion on these points will not
seriously obstruct the fonnatiou of the general union. The first
requisite in the constitution of the confederation is that the powers
of government be so distributed between tho federal and sectional
authorities, that each portion of the whole shall feel that its local
interests are safe in its o-wn power, whUe the strength of all may
be combined to promote the general prosperity.
" We see no reason to doubt that the delegates now assembled
at Quebec will succeed in their great work, and having done so,
they -wUl have constituted, in the words, thrice rejieated, of one
of the ministers of Canada, " a great British American nation,"
redeemed from provinciality, richly endowed and secure in the
present, and able to look onward -with confidence to the future."
The Peterhead Observer, of October 14th, 1864, said :
" The leading men of Canada are no tardy reformers. Instead
of spending years in aimless controversy, as would have been done
at home, tho Governor of Canada summoned the Colonial Gover
nors to a conference at Quebec on the 10th instant, for the
'purpose of arranging the confederation of the British Pro'vinces.'
Of course, only when met would the real difficulties be fully
realized, but then, too, would they be grappled with by earnest
and able men. It is a remarkable fact — indeed, altogether unpre
cedented — that in this country the most of our influential j oumals
have given the great scheme a prompt and hearty support ; whUe
generally throughout the country it has called forth deep and
genuine sympathy. We can as.sure our friends in Canada that
this movement is watched here -with profound interest, and that
the result of the conference at Quebec is waited for with an
anxiety only greater in degree among those whose social well-
being and national dignity 'wUl be directly and mightily affected.
Some narrow-minded and ungenerous souls have characterized the
proposal as one emanating from selfish and ambitious men. They
see in it, or say they see in it, the ' geirms' of an entire separation,

134 CONFEDERATION.
and the establishment of another and more dangerous enemy, in
the shape of a new United States. Their feeble utterances have
scarcely been heard, and have nowhere been heeded. If carried
out in the spirit which has hitherto distinguished those who have
.hitherto taken the initiative, and who must continue to take the
leading part, there can be no doubt that the parent country, as
well as the Provinces, 'will be directly and manifestly benefited.
The nature and objects of this proposed confederation of the
British Provinces have been more than once discussed in these
columns, and we can only say that the farther they are developed,
it becomes more apparent to us that they merit the active sym
pathy of all who have faith in national progress.
" The material aspect of this question is certainly rather im
pressive. Since these remarks were -written, we see it stated in a
southern cotemporary that the confederation would have a popu
lation httle short of four mUhons, -with half a million able-bodied
men available for the defence of the country, placing them before
thirty-seven out of forty-seven sovereign states. Upward of
45,000,000 acres are held by colonists, and of these 13,000,000
are under cultivation. The crops, according to the estimate of
the Hon. George Bro-wn, would value nearly 120,000,000 of
dollars. The exports of fish alone, we are further informed  and
this fact is peculiarly interesting to us — amounts to ten mUhons
of dollars, and those of timber to fifteen miUions. The total
annual exports are no less than 65,000,000 dollars, and the im
ports are of an equal amount. The confederation would have an
annual government revenue of thirteen mUlions of dollars. These
facts afford food for thought, and show what stuff there is out of
which to make a nation."
The London Star of October 10th, 1864, thus spoke :
" The important conferences which are being held in the colo
nies of British North America, and which are stUl far from
having terminated then- weighty labours, have under considera^
tion perhaps the most momentous question which can stir the

CONFEDERATION. 135
heart of a great community. They are endeavouring to weld
¦together those scattered populations which have heretofore only
been united in their aUegiance to the mother country, and to lay
the foundation of what -wUl one day be both a nation and an
empire. Up to the present moment those colonies have been
di-vided — divided not less by rival interests and unfriendly tariffs
than by geographical lines of demarcation. The time and energy
of their pubhc men have often been frittered away by petty con.
troversies, instead of being concentrated on objects worthy of the
high destiny which Hes (before the inhabitants of a country that
rivals the United States in the extent of its superficial area and
the magnificence of its resources. Now aU this bids fair to termi
nate. Adopting for their motto the principle that union is
strength, the best men of each Pro-vince and of aU parties have
combined together to establish a grand confederation of states,
which shall combine in its ample folds the maritime colonies of
Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Ne-wfoundland and Prince Edward
Island, the noble cities and the far-reaching settlements of the two
Canadas, and the vast colonizable regions of the Hudson's Bay
Company which stretch westward to the Rocky Mountains.
Truly the scheme is a grand one, and as wise and practical in its
objects as it is bold in conception. HappUy, too, there is no con
quest to be achieved, no blood to be shed, no native races to be
exterminated, no Cortes required to plant his cruel banner in the
halls of some western Montezuma. The new empire has long
been occupied by Anglo-Saxon communities, who have carried
-with them British enterprise and the laws and institutions of the
land from which they have sprung, and who now desire to buUd
up a nationality which shall prove a source of strength not only
to themselves but to the empire at large. As we have before had
occasion to remark, the object is one which must excite the deep
est sympathy of every Englishman who prizes the greatness of his
country and his race."
The London Times of October 15th, 1864, observed :
" The American press has for a long time given us the fuUest
information as to the -visions which float before the eyes of the

136 CONFEDERATION.
politicians of the North with reference to the conclusion of the
war. That event they regard, no doubt, -with the most anxious
desire for its accomplishment ; but their reasons for desiring it are
very peculiar, and well worthy our attention. They look forward
to the time when the North and South ha-ving been by some
magical process, of which we can as yet form no idea, welded once
more together into a single harmonious whole, can imite together
for the ijurpose of subjugating the colonies of Great Britain.
Even the South herself, as we are informed in recent letters, whUe
refusing to admit the probabUity of being subdued, consoles itself
for the possibUity of defeat by the agreeable reflection that she
could in that case, at any rate, join with the North in a crusade
against England, whom she seems to hate worse for not coming to
her assistance in a war which she. chose to enter into without con
sul tmg us, -than she does the North for ha-ving formed a benevo
lent project for her extermination. The situation of the colonies
is thus exceedingly critical ; they know not how soon, or on what
pretext, or what absence of pretext, the vast armies now engaged
in mutual destruction may unite together for the purpose of sub
jugating them. **-*-**
" A conference has been held, and as far as we understand, is
still sitting at Halifax. Nothing can be more in accordance with
the interests and the wishes of this country than that the North
American colonies should gather themselves up into a nation,
which should be, not Canadian, nor Nova Scotian, but British
Ajnerican. Conscious as we are of our inabUity to protect these
colonies by land in case of war, we must naturally rejoice at any
event which seems to place them in a position in which they
would be better able to protect themselves. There was a time, no
doubt, when the uniting of the colonies in a single state would
have been regarded by England -with considerable jealousy, as
forming a powerful dependency which it might be difficult for the
mother country to coerce in case of its desire for separation ; but
the difficulties exist no longer. We have freely, and I hope for
ever given up the idea of retaining our discontented colonies by
the sword. The power we desire to exercise is entirely a moral
one, and, strong or weak, the dependency that -wishes to quit us

CONFEDERATION. 137
has only solenmly to make up its mind to that effect. * * * We,
looking at our colonial empire from the central seat of authorrity,
are apt to consider it as an organized whole, because we have
clearly defined relations -with each part of it, fiji-getting that c^aoh
of those parts has no common relation with the other. It is time,
at least, in the presence of so powerful a military state as the
American Union has become, that some connection between the
foreign dominions of the tiueen should be established. In our
-view the closer the connection the better. Something, doubtless,
must be left to the local Assembly of each Provuice ; but we sin
cerely trust that the precedent followed wUl not be that of a num
ber of sovereign states delegating certain definite functions to a
central congress, but rather that of a full central authority, out of
the powers of which are excepted certain municipal functions.
We hope, in short, that everything which is not speeially assigned
to the local governments -wUl be central, rather than that every
thing not assigned to the central government -will be, as in the
United States, local."
Practical Scotland spoke her -views with equal plainness.
The Glasgow Mall, October 14, 1864, said :
" The project which contemplates the establishment of a federal
union between the six great provinces of British America, wears
a stately aspect. Its very magnitude gives it an imposing air,
and in itself proves an attraction. In an age of little men and of
peddling measures, it comes upon one -with a grateful surprise to
find a scheme of such breadth and scope put forward. Even as a
speculative idea it is sure to -win the favourable regard of every
political student, who has imagination and foresight enough to
keep him from confounding two things that are too often -viewed
as identical — ^the merely jialtry and the truly practical. And it is
no mere day-dream, the magnificent conception of some liafr-
brained thinker. It possesses solid recommendations; it opens
up a way out from pressing difficulties, and on to desirable attain
ments; and it has secured the warm approval, and the hearty
advocacy of experienced and sagacious men — men who are really
10

1 38 CONFEDERATION.
practical in the proper sense of that much-abused word. It now
seems that a Conference at Chai-lotteto-wn, attended not only by
representative men from the two Ciuiadas, but also by delegates
from Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Prince Edward Island,
have unanimously approved it. The close of the Conference was
signalised in true British fashion, by a pubhc dinner, held in
Halifax, on the 19th ultimo. Among the guests were Sfr R.
Macdonnell, the Lieutenant-Governor of Nova Scotia, and our
countryman, the g-allant Sir James Hope, the Admiral on the
station. Speeches were made by Messi-s. Cartier, Bro-svn, and
Macdonald, of Canada ; Tupper and Archibald, of Nova Scotia ;
Johnson and Gray, of New Bruns-wick ; D'Arcy McGee, the
quondam Young Irelander, who is now Canadian Minister of
Agriculture, and others — all in enthusiastic pi-aise and support
of the scheme. Particular mterest attaches to sundry pregnant
words let faU by the Lieutenant-Governor. It was in this -wise
that Sir Richard MacdonneU spoke : ' I have aheady aUuded
to the change which has come over the colonial administration
in late years — how very different it is from the days when we
lost one of the finest portions of the earth, the neio-hbourino-
States, through what would now be considered very great ionor-
ance of the fii-st principles of government, and very culpable
mismanagement. Any gentleman sei-viug her ^Majesty in the
capacity that I do, must feel very differently from -nhat one woiUd
in former days. He is not sent out to buUd up or maintain any
monopoly here for the benefit of parties in England. He has no
such mission now ; and I have no hesitation ui sayincr that her
Majesty's Government, though for obvious reasons unhkely to
initiate any scheme of union amongst you, yet looks -with an
affectionate and parental interest on the proceedings which you
have initiated. Though there may be a diflerence of opuiion as to
the measures which you are considering, her Majesty's Govern
ment, equally with yourselves, is desirous that you should agree
upon some unity of action, as to many matters in which you have
a community of mterest. Her Majesty's Government have not
forbidden me to say this much, and I believe it is its intention to
give the most favourable consideration to the result of the deliber-

CONFEDERATION. 139
ations of the gentlemen who are now around this board.' These
are frank and wise words, which we trust Mr. Cardwell, or who
ever comes after him at the Colonial Office, -will be called on to
redeem. They indicate the only course which a iiatriotic and
sensible Minister could think of pmsumg. Beyond taking care
that none of the minor colonies are coerced into the proposal, he
has no duty in relation to it. Their freewill he is bomid to
protect ; but there his function ends. Nobody can doubt that a
union freely formed, resulting in one system of laws, a single
Parhament, and a single Ministry, -with judicious provision for the
maintenance of local powers, would be a vast advantage to the
colonies themselves. As Uttle can it be questioned that the
change would be advantageous to the mother country. To cite but
a few instances of the benefits that must needs accrue : — It would
be attended with less cost, for the Federation, while presenting a
broader area for internal taxation, would be stimulated by a
proud desire to do without British help ; it would be attended
-with less trouble, for the whole brood of sectional jealousies would
at once be swept out of the ken of the Colonial Office, which
would stand face to face 'with a Government, strong in talent and
respectable m position — it being ine-vitable m such a case, that the
ablest men should come to the top ; m a word, it would set a
wholesome example of how to deal -with that vexing problem,
which lies ahead at no great distance in other cases as well as in
this, the problem of how to transmute a jealous dependency into a
cordial ally, which, though retaining mayhap the golden link of
the crown, should in all respects evince an unbought and unforced
loyalty, an aUegiance without constraint, co-operation -without
coercion, bonds -without bondage, the only fitting guerdon that
freemen should care to seek or be willing to yield !"
The Caledonian Mercury, October 12, 1864, said :
" The British North Ajnerican Confederation project continues
to make hopeful progress. The latest Canadian papers bring
intelligence of a Conference held at Charlotteto-wn, Prince Edward
Island, and attended by representatives of all our North American

1 40 CONFEDERATION.
colonies, the proceedings of which, so fea- as they had gone, must
be considered as highly favourable to the scheme. It is true that
the Conference has as yet given forth no official declaration of the
resiUts, at which it has arrived ; but its most prominent members,
at an important banquet given in their honour at Halifax, have
stated that the delegates were unanimously of opinion that it is
highly desirable that all the British colonies in North America,
should be united in one Confederation. This is so far good, and
we trust that the further labours of the Conference wiU be
equaUy snccessfiU. The most difficult part of the task, it is true,
stUl remains to be done, -when matters of detaU, interfering possi
bly -with local interests, -svill require to be adjusted ; but sectional
prejudices must be strong indeed if they render abortive a plan,
which is, beyond aU question, one of the grandest that has been
proposed for the adoption of any people -within this generation.
It may be worth while to look again at this scheme for a British
American Confederation. We, in the old country, cannot be
indifferent to the interests of our colonies. Their interest, in
effect, is our interest. Thefr prosperity benefits us, and their
adversity can seldom fail to re-act more or less injuriouslv upon us.
We thuik it will not be difficult to show that, whether we look
upon the proposal from a colonial or from an imperial point of
view, the proposal of a Confederation is deserving of the most
hearty support from aU concerned. Our North American colonies
are six in number — Upper Canada, Lower Canada, Nova Scotia,
New Brunswick, Newfoundland, and Prince Iklward Island-
Upper and Lower C;mada might as weU have been separate, for
any comfort that their union, on unequal terms, in 1840 has ever
done them. They are separate from the other parts of British
North America, which again, in their tum, are all separate fit)m
each other. They are separate in their government and svstems
of taxation. They fence themselves in from each other by the
barriers of high protective tariffs. WhUe they aU acknowledge
their common aUegiance to the Queen, they nevertheless ti-eat
each other pretty much as if they were dealing -with foreigners
and ahens, instead of fellow-subjects. The merchants of Halifax
where the delegates to the Conference were so hospitablv enter-

CONFEDERATION. 141
tained, cannot send their wares across the Bay of Fundy -without
ha-ving to pay customs duties at St. John. The Nova Scotians, in
their turn, do not fail to le^-y then maU on the merchandise of
New Brunswick, when it seeks entrance -within their ports. The
httle island of Prince Edward, again, as if anxious to be left
alone in its own sovereign dignity, le-vies a tax on all her sister
colonies, who venture to bring her commodities which she cannot
produce for herself ; and they naturally respond to such a policy
by subjecting her traders to a tax whenever they set foot -within
then- borders. There are similar terms of intercommunion
between Canada and the smaller colonies. Certainly this is by no
means a satisfactory state of mattei'S. If the old-world doctrines
of protection are absurd anywhere, it is assuredly when they
interpose baixiers in the way of the free intercourse of citizens of
the same kingdom. Free-trade may have its difficulties, as
between one nation and another ; but surely the most bigoted
Tory would never object to its being cairied out to the full -witluii
the bounds of his own country. It is not only, however, as
regards this matter of customs that the position of our North
American colonies is incongruous, and calls for a change such as
that proposed. WhUe they have so many common interests, they
have no conimon action. Some of the speakers at the banquet
put great stress upon the question of defence against a possible
attack by the United States. WhUe we beheve that any fear of
this kind is utterly chimerical, we are stiU of opinion that these
colonies ought to be in such a position that they would be able to
use the resources which they do possess, and which, under a
united government, woiUd be readUy forthcoming for then- com
mon defence against any enemy whatsoever." Instead of being
half a dozen inconsidei-able colonies, not one of which would have
any weight in the councils of the world, the people of British
America may, by means of this scheme of a Confederation,
become a great and powerful state. The separate governments,
under which these colonies Uve, have hitherto answered no pur
pose that might not have been better served under a common
government ; while, on the other hand, they have produced and
perpetuated causes of di-vision and mischief. Brought under a

142 CONFEDERATION.
common government, they would at once attain to the dignity of a
nation. With a population little short of four milhons, and with
half a mUlion able-bodied men, available for the defence of the
country, they would rank before thirty-seven out of the forty-
eight sovereign States of Europe. Then, what scope they have
alike for the increase of their population, and the extension of
their territory ! The Old World States have bounds which they
cannot pass, while the British American colonies, after they have
filled up their as yet thinly-peopled territories, will have stUl
before them an opening for their enterprise towards the north
west. The agriculture and commerce of the Confederation would
be as imposing as its population. * » *
" Statistics go to show that if our North American colonies
-vvoiUd heartUy adojit the scheme of a Confederation, they would
at once take up a prominent and important position on the map
of America and of the world. If there is anything to fegr
from the United States — that great bugbear of the governing
classes of this country, and of some Canadian politicians of the
official home type — ^they would be able to hold their o-vm against
any invasion. In the peaceful domains of commerce they would
be the best customers of the United States ; and both nations
would find the advantage of free intercourse and unrestricted
trade. The strength that is, under the present system, to a gi-eat
extent frittered away to little purpose, would by union accomplish
much for the common good. WhUe there would be no invasion
of the privileges of local self-government, the machinery of half a
dozen petty admmistrations would be advantageously replaced by
one common central Government for the whole Confederation.
There would probably be a saving in point of expense, as well as
a gain in point of efficiency. The advantages that would be
reaped from the free interchange of trade can hardly be exag
gerated. If free trade, indeed, were to be the only result of
union, the adoption of the Confederation scheme would be highly
desirable, even on this one account. Union and free trade among
these colonies imply each other. When they become one State,
their interests are recognised to be identical, and customs duties
between one part of the Confederation and another would be as

CONFEDERATION. 143
incongruous as between Lancashire and Yorkshire. Thus, by the
free interchange of their productions, the wealth of all parts
of the Confederation will be increased, and their gro-wing pros
perity will not faU to give an impetus to the trade of the mother
country. If any of our brethren in British America have the
idea that we on this side of the water look -with the slightest
jealousy on this scheme of Confederation, they labour under a
great mistake. The people of Britam will hail with much satis
faction the establishment of such a Confederation. It -wUl make
the American colonies stronger and more independent, and -will
prepare them for the day — we unite with them in -wishing that it
may be far distant — when they shall resolve to stand alone. We
suppose that the arrival of such day is ine-vitable, and it would be
weU for the colonists to be beginning to know their o-wn strength.
United in a great British American Confederation, -with — if they
please — a Prince of our Royal Family for their head, they would
at once take the position of a powerful nation. Instead of being
a source of -weakness to the parent country, as in times of trouble
our scattered colonies so often are, British America might prove
not only an outlet for the millions for whom we have not room
and work at home, and a profitable market for our commerce, but
might, be found, if need be, ready to fight side by side with us
against 'the three comers of the world in arms.' "
The London Economist of November 26th, 1864, which is an
able and influential exponent of public opinion, contained the fol
io-wing article upon the text of the Federal Constitution for the
British American colonies :
" The thirty-three delegates of the British American Colonies
have completed their work, and have published the basis of the
federal scheme which they intend to submit to the Imperial
Government. When re-vised and accepted by the cabinet, it will
be presented to Parliament, we imagine very much in the form of
a treaty, to be accepted or rejected era bloc, and will then finally be
referred to the colonial legislatures, for a votc^which must of course
be a simple yes or no. Six Provinces — Upper Canada, Lower
Canada, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Prince Edward Island,

144 CONFEDERATION.
and Ne-wfoundland — -wUl, it is beUeved, accept it, but provision is
made for the adhesion of all the North American Colonies from
Maine to the Pacific. The resolutions, which are fuU and very, well
considered, do not modify greatly the information already placed
before our readers ; but there is a great difference between deduc
tions from after-dinner speeches and draft bills, and we may per
form an acceptable service to our readers by describing from the
official record the machinery selected for the last new effort at the
manufacture of empires.
" The object of the American colonists, it is clear from every
clause of the resolutions, is to form a Nation and not a Union.
They have been obliged upon points to differ as to sectional
jealousies and fears ; but they have not given way in any dnec-
tion, save one, to the desfre of small communities for indepen
dence. From the very beghining each colony that accepts the
scheme avowedly surrenders its claim to independence, declares
itself by act of its local parliament a i^ro-vince — a 'part, that is, of
a much greater whole. It wUl lose its separate Governor respon
sible only to Great Britain, and receive one appointed by the
' Acadian ' mmistry ; while, though it retains its separate legisla
ture, the powers of that body wUl be reduced to very narrow
dimensions. It -will still be absolute in the domain of ci-vil law,
commercial legislation excepted ; it may still impose du-ect taxes,
and provide for all municipal works and events, but the right of
crimmal legislation, of fixmg custom duties, of levying general
taxes, of arrangmg great public works, of appointing judges, of
providing defences, of domg anything which can in any way be
considered of national importance, is suriendered. Moreover,
even witlim its limited sphere every act must be submitted to
the general government ; and even should the measure not be
disallowed, it only runs subject to the general principle that, m
the event of collision between a pro-vincial and a national law, the
courts are to act only upon the latter. The federation, it -will be
evident, is not one to be composed of sovereign states,
" All the powers thus surrendered, and all to which, saving the
Queen's prerogative, an independent nation can lay claim, are
transferred to a central authority, as unlike that existing at

CONFEDERATION. 145
Washington as it is weU possible to conceive. It -will consist, in
the first place, of a Viceroy appointed by the Cro-wn, -wielding all
the powers of the Cro-wn, protected like the Cro-wn from attack
or removal, and fettered Hke the Cro-wn by the necessity of
acting through ministers responsible to parliament. This parlia
ment is composed of an Upper House to be called the CouncU,
and composed of seventy-six members selected by the Cro-wn
for hfe, in proportion of twenty-four for Upper and twenty-
four for Lower Canada, ten for Nova Scotia, ten for New Bruns-
-wick, four for Prince Edward Island, and fom- for Ne-wfoundland,
the immense number given to Lower Canada in proportion to its
resources being a concession to the French element which in the
Lower House -wiU be overborne. In that House the basis is to be
population, arranged on the fixed idea that Lower Canada is to
have sixty-five members always. When, therefore a Province
amounts to double her numbers, it will have one hundred and
thirty members, the j)resent proportions being :
Upper Canada,  83
Lower Canada  65
Nova Scotia  '.  19
New Brunswick  15
Newfoundland  8
Prince Edward Island  .-  5
" The object -with which this number has been settled is appa
rent at a glance. The constitution has been arranged to meet
the susceptibUities of the Lower Province, and Upper Canada is
not mistress of the situation as against Lower Canada, unless she
can gain over more than one other entire colony. This Central
Government, thus constituted, will, acting through responsible
ministers, make all laws required for the ' welfare and good
government ' of the nation, all laws on criminal matters, com
merce, currency, banking, immigration, marriage and divorce, and
all subjects not specially named in the constitution. It will have
the entire control of taxation, internal and external, of the na
tional defences, local mihtia included, of the post, and of all inter-
pro-vincial means of communication, wUl appoint all judges (who
are to be irremoveable), exercise generally all except really local

146 CONFEDERATION.
patronage, and possess the right of annulling -within twelve
months any act of the Provincial CouncUs. These powers are
very extensive — may, indeed, be easily so interpreted as to meet
aU lUtely contmgencies ; but then nations are kUled by unhkely
contingencies ; and we would stiU advise the Canadians to submit
to the insertion by Mr. Cardwell of one more clause, enabling the
Viceroy and his muUstry, in time of rebellion or visible emergency,
to ' proclaim ' any district or pro-vince, and wliUe it remains pro
claimed, to exercise absolute authority therein. On some such
provision we trust Mr, Cardwell -will insist, and we think it is
the only one in which parliament should interfere. The principle
being granted, there is nothing in any of these detaUs which should
offend the mother country, and much to gratify her pride and
benefit her interest. The delegates affirm in their very preamble
that their first object is to perpetuate their connection -with the
mother country, they jealously reserve the prerogative throughout
their arrangements, they specify that the constitution requires the
assent of the Imperial Parhament, and they insert this invaluable
clause into their fundamental law : ' All engagements that may be
entered into with the Imperial Government for the defence of the
country shall be assumed by the Confederation.' That clause
gives us the right to call on the Canadians as alhes under contract
to perform their due share in the work of their o-wn defence, and
removes the anomaly under which we are bound to defend men
who may refuse to help us — who may shut out our trade, and
decline any assistance to our revenue. It is not, that we know
of, the duty of parliament to see that its colonial allies choose con
stitutions such as Englishmen approve ; but even if it were, the
ministry could not object to a scheme which, except in the essen
tial point of the absolute authority reposed in the central legislature,
is a counterpart of their own. They may recommend certain
modifications, such, for instance, as the msertion ui the act of the
pro-vincial constitutions, left by the delegates' resolutions to the
provinces themselves, but they are not bound to press any point
not of pressing imperial interest.
" There is, however, one for which no provision is made, and
for which a clause -will one day be urgently required. This is the

CONFEDERATION. 147
matter of boundaries. The Acadians expect to induce the people
of the Pacific colonies, and, perhaps, the settlers on the territory
now held by the Hudson's Bay Company, to enter into their
compact ; but they have made no provision for the settlement of
boundaries. Vancouver's Island, for example, might like to stay
out, whUe its mainland dependencies might like to go in, and who
is to settle that quarrel ? The vast expanse of the interior, too, is
entu-ely -without demarcations, and some appellate authority should
be pro-vided in case of serious dispute. That authority must, of
course, be the Queen in CouncU, and the new Act, which may be
interpreted a hundred years hence word by word by statesmen
who see imperial interests depending on its construction, should
contain some definite provision for the difficulty. Inter-co
lonial questions, too, such as have sprung up between New
South Wales and Victoria, should be generally reserved, so that
no ministry, strong in its new mUitia, its maritime power, and its
semi-independence, should be able to commence a legislative war
fare -with a colony outside its authority."
Upon the general features of the scheme the Liverpool Journal
has the foUo-wing :
" The exercise of the franchise in the union encourages the
behef that the federation of the British colonies in North America
would be foUowed by the best possible consequences. The Cana
dians themselves have arrived at that conclusion ; and it may be
regarded by her Majesty's ministers in this country as a proceed
ing absolutely required to enable our trans-atlantic colonies to put
themselves in a position to render it unnecessary that they should
desire or require any assistance from the mother country. The
new federation in Canada -will extend over territories — or may be
made to extend over territories — much larger than those of the
United States ; but it may be observed that the United States go
far to the South, and are not affected as Canada is, and ever -wUl
be, by a -winter of frost. The disadvanfage of a Canadian winter
will, however, in all probabUity be overcome by the federation of
the inland and maritime colonies.''

148 CONFEDERATION.
Equally cheering were the observations of the more enlightened
portions of the American Press — and prominent among all — ^must
stand forth the expressions of Mr. Seward, one of the greatest
statesmen of the Republic :
" Hitherto, in common -with most of my countrymen, as I sup
pose, I have thought Canada, or, to speak more accurately, British
America, a mere strip lying north of the United States, easUy
detachable from the parent state, but incapable of sustaining itself,
and therefore ultimately, nay, right soon, to be taken by the
Federal Union, -without materially changing or affecting its own
condition or development. I have dropped the opinion as a
national conceit. I see in British North America, stretching, as
it does, across the continent, from the shores of Labrador and
Ne-wfoundland to the Pacific, and occupying a considerable belt of
the temperate zone, traversed equally -with the United States by
the lakes, and enjoyuig the magnificent shores of the St. La-wrence,
with its thousands of islands m the river and gulf, a region grand
enough for the seat of a great empire — in its wheat fields in the
west, its broad ranges of the chase at the north, its inexhaustible
lumber lands — ^the most extensive now lemaining on the globe —
its invaluable fisheries, and its yet undisturbed mineral wealth.
I find its uihabitants vigorous, hardy, energetic, perfected by the
Protestant religion and British constitutional liberty. I find them
jealous of the United States and of Great Britain, as they ought to
be ; and, therefore, when I look at then' extent and resources, I
know that they can neither be conquered by the former nor
permanently held by the latter. They -will be independent, as
they are already self-mamtaining. Having happUy escaped the
curse of slavery, they wUl never submit themselves to the do
minion of slaveholders, which prevails in, and determines the
character of, the United States. They -will be ,i Russia to the
United States, which to them -wUl be France and England. But
they will be a Russia ci-vUized and Protestant, and that will be a
very different Russia from that which fills all Southern Europe
with terror, and by reason of that superiority, they will be the
more temble to the dwellers in the Southern latitudes.

CONFEDERATION. 149
"The policy of the United States is to propitiate and secure
the alliance of Canada whUe it is yet young and incurious of its
friture. But, on the other hand, the policy which the United
States actually pm-sues is the mfatuated one of rejecting and
spuming vigorous, perennial, and evqr-growing Canada, while
seeking to establish feeble States out of decaying Spanish pro-
viuees on the coast, and m the islands of the Gulf of Mexico. I
shall not live to see it, but the man is alread_v born who -wUl see
the United States mourn over this stupendous folly, which is only
preparing the way for ultimate danger and do-wnfall. All Southern
political stai-s must set, though many times they rise again -with
dimuiished splendour. But those which Uluminate the pole re
main forever shining, forever increasing in splendour."
The Boston Commercial Bulletin s&ex remarking on the friendly
feeling of Canada towards the United States, adds :
¦ But anj- one who undertakes to travel in this part of the
British Provinces ¦wiU soon become disabused of the erroneous
idea, if he has ever hai'boured it, that this amicable feeling and
desire for free commercial intercourse, on the part of the Canadian
population, has anything to do with politics or a spuit of annex
ation. PoHtically speaking, they are thoroughly loyal to their
home and local governments. They have no reason for discontent
on that score; they fuUy beheve themselves to be hi the enjoy
ment of the most liberal, free and paternal government upon the
face of the earth, and they can raise no objection to it which does
not apply with equal and even greater force in any new relation.
" The English portion of the people are proud of then nationality
and do not wish to change it ; wliUe the French population of
Lower Canada are stUl more attached to the tiailitions and
mstitutions of the Old World, and, if they changed at all, would
prefer to retui-n to the alhance of la belle France. To be sure,
there is a liberal sprinklmg of Americans from the Northern
States, who have emigrated across the border from purely busiaess
motives. But they are equally satisfied to let well enough alone ;
and though they do not mix or assimUate readUy with the

150 CONFEDERATION.
-extreme European element, they are by no means the most
ardent partisans of annexation.
" The only political scheme which excites much interest in that
quarter is the proposed Confederation, which, though at first
meeting -with strenuous opposition, especially from the Maritime
Pro-vinces, is now slowly but surely gaining ground, with a better
understanding of its financial bearings, and aided by the influence
of leading politicians and the home government. There can be
little doubt that this scheme, for a consoHdation of British
America upon a basis nearly akin to the American Union, (except
in the tenure and appointment of some of its chief officers,) -will
be successfully consummated. This -wiU put at rest the question
of annexation now being agitated with us to defeat a hberal com
mercial policy, and certain much needed measures of internal im
provement. Hence, combining all the elements of a great and
independent nationality, we must leai-n to look upon Canada as an
integral part of, that Northern empire which must hereafter form
one of the political divisions of this continent, and frame our foreign
policy -with a view to live in peace and amity -with the kindred
races which -will be gathered to its bosom."
Thus on every side the advantages of Confederation were seen.
It was opposed by some whose views were bounded by consider
ations of sectional mterest — by others again — who, it is feared,
permitted their allegiance to party, to over-ride their perceptions of
duty to the country — but the clear common sense of the mam
body of the people of the Provinces in turn rose superior to such
influences — and -with overwhelming strength iironounced in favor
of the movement.

[151]

CHAPTER VL
The Situation — Relative position of Great Britain and the B. N. American
Provinces as to the internal government of the latter — As to Trade Re
lations with Foreign Countries — Despatch to Lord Elgin, December,
1846 — Objection to policy by manufacturing interests in England and
Scotland — Reiteration of policy by the Imperial Government — Excep
tional and liberal conduct towards the Provinces in matters of Recipro
city with the United States — Position of Inter-Provincial Trade — Objec
tions to Confederation from different stand-points — Political aspect —
Misapprehension in England on the severance of Canada from Great
Britain — Observations in the Imperial Parliament — Mr. Roebuck — Mr.
Adderley — Sir Cornwall Lewis — Mr. D'Israeli — Lord Palmerston, and
Mr. Baring — The Times —Pamphlets — Irritative effect in Canada — -
Examination of the subject — Position 20 years hence — 'Views of the ' ' Com
mittee on Commerce" of the House of Representatives of the United
States — Free Trade Polic3r of Canada — Hincks — Imports — Exports —
Character of Comparison — Breadstuffs to England — Change in 17 years
— Export trade to the United States — Change — Effect on British producer
— Tea trade — Affected by Pacific Railway — Returns — Pumpelly on
Russian Asiatic Trans-continental Railway — Canada as a market — United
States diminution of shipping — Internal trade — Merger of Canada in the
United States — Loss of Asiatic trade to England — Action of United States
not to be tested by ordinary rules of reasoning- — Interest of Canada as
separate — Intercontinental carrying trade — Effect of separation upon Great
Britain in case of war — Canadian neutrality — Effect on Canada — Loss —
Loss greater to Great Britain — Mutual interest to continue the connection
— Blackwood — Letter of an American statesman.
Before proceeding to the consideration of the reception which
the proposition for Confederation met 'with in the different Pro
'vinces, it would be as well briefly to review the position of the
Pro-vinces in reference 'to Great Britain — a position, it is not
going too far to say — entirely anomalous, and -without parallel in
the history of any colonial dependencies. The mother country
had entirely abjured the right of interference in any matters of
local concern. Each Province regulated its own internal affairs
in accordance -with the -wishes of its o-wn inhabitants as expressed
through their o-wn representatives in their o-wn Legislatures. The
Crown had not the power of appointment of a single officer,
except the immediate representative of the Sovereign in the person
of the Governor General or the Lieutenant-Governors. From the
Constable to the Chief Justice, from the tide waiter to the Col-

152 CONFEDERATION.
lector, from the Curate to the Bishop, from the youngest clerk
in every department, to its chief, the people in their various
municipal, corporate, legislative or executive capacities had the
sole and absolute power of appointment. No shUling raised from
their taxation could be devoted without their consent to any pur
pose outside of their own Pro-vince, and no taxation for any
puipose could be imposed upon them by any authority except their
own. On the other hand for local or internal purposes Great Britain
was relieved of all expenses on their account — she was not caUed
upon to pay the salary or charges of a single joerson — employed
for their benefit. The salaries of the Governor-General and of
the several Lieutenant-Governors, and their respective secretaries,
fixed by the Imperial Government on a scale more commensurate
-with Imperial than Colonial ideas were borne entirely by the
Pro-vinces to which they were appointed. The patronage was in
the Crown, but the burden was the Colony's. The latter was
borne with readiness by a people who saw in the mimic fictions of
a Colonial Court, the only visible tie that stUl connected them
with the monarchy of England. This fact must be borne in mind
in regarding the colonial question thoughout its various phases,
that for no purpose of a purely local character was the British
Treasury charged one farthing. The expenses- incurred for the
maintenance of troops or the construction of fortifications in
British North America were for Imperial purposes and were
increased, curtailed or abandoned as the Imperial necessities in
the. opinion of the ad-visers of the Cro-wn in England i-equired,
-without regard to the wishes or representations of the authorities
%i the Provinces. When in 1862, war was impending between
Great Britain and the United States, it was for an insult to the
Imperial flag, on an Imperial ship, an insult which Great Britain
would have had to resent anywhere, whether she had a foot of
ground in British America or not, and the expense incurred m
sending troops to Canada, in 1862 was as much for the mainten
ance of her honour and her interests as sending them to the
Crimea in 1854. Thus it is essential that we permit no confusion
of ideas between the cause and the place of expenditure to the

CONFEDERATION. 153
first alone can the last be chai-geable, and in the consideration
hereafter of the events which took place in Canada in 1866 and
1870, this distinction becomes the more necessary.
But whUe, so far as relates to local affairs, this principle of iion-
uiterference was strictly adhered to, Great Britain retained the
control of such legislation as would affect foreign countries. Of
all questions of trade she particularly claimed the super-vision.
Having adopted the principles of free trade, she desfred that that
policy should pervade all parts of the Empire ; having made
treaties with foreign countries, and -with the United States, which
placed all on the same terms -with the most favoured nations, it
would have been inconsistent m the imposition of duties on foreign
commerce, by the Colonial Legislatures, to have permitted dis
criminating duties. But the Imperial Government went further,
and restrained the Local Legislatm'es not only from imposing
discriminating duties upon the products of foreign countries, but
even from differential duties in favour of her oym. Thus, what
ever might have been the inclination of the colonists, no dis
tinction was permitted m favour of an article manufactured m
Euffland or her colonies, over a similar article manufactured in
the United States, in Russia, or in any foreign country.
It has often been lu'ged by speakers in Birmingham, Sheffield,
Manchester, Glasgow, ivnd the other great manufacturing towns of
England and Scotland, that Canada imposed hea-vy duties on
British goods, and made no distinction in then- favour, as against
the goods of the United States, which had all the advantage of
vicinity of market, and cheapness of transport ; and, therefore,
that Canada was of no advantage to the Empire, while her
protection added to the burden of the English taxpayer. Without
admitting in any way the correctness of such a position, it is
sufficient to observe that it was, and is, the policy of England, and
not the policy of Canada of which they should complam. Canada
has incurred, and is daily incun'ing, large expenditures for opening
up and developing the vast extent of her territory. She must
raise a revenue — and in accordance -with the Imperial trade policy,
that revenue must bear alike upon the goods of England and of
foreign countries. When the manufacturers of England make
11

154 CONFEDERATION.
their own Government reverse then- policy, it -will be tune
enough to complain of Canada ; but in this respect, at any rate,
not untU then.
By a despatch, addressed to Lord Elgui on his assuming the
Government of Canada, this policy is clearly laid do-wn :
Downing Street, 31st December, 1846.
Mt Lord, — Your Lordship is about to assume the Government
of British North America at a time when a change of pohcy is
in progress, which is of no ordinai-y importance to the interests of
every part of the British Empire, and perhaps of none more than
of that large portion of the Queen's Dominions in which Her
Majesty has been pleased to select you as her Representative. I
need scarcely say that I refer to those commercial changes which,
in the last session, after long and anxious deliberation, received
the sanction of Parliament. By the Acts then passed, it has
been provided, that with respect to some of the chief articles of
national consumption, there should be a considerable immediate
reduction, and an eventual abolition of those duties upon imports
from foreign countries, which has hitherto been imposed, not for
the purpose of raising a revenue, but with the avowed object of
giving an advantage m the markets of this country, to the
domestic or colonial producer, over his foreign competitor.
It has been enacted that after a brief interval, the. Canadian in
common with the British farmer, and in common also -with the
sugar planters of the ^British Colonies, must encounter in the sale
of his produce m this country, the uiu-estricted competition of the
foreign grower. The same relief from the burden of differential
duties, which has thus been granted to the British consumer ; one
of the Statutes to which I have alluded (the 8tli and 9th Victoria
c. 94), has enabled their respective Legislatures to extend to the
British Colonies, by empowering them to repeal the differential
duties in favour of British produce, imposed in these Colonies by
former Imperial Acts.
This is not an occasion upon wiiich I could with propriety,
enter into any discussion of the grounds upon which this change
-of policy has been adopted ; but 'without doing so, I may express

confederation. 155
my firm conviction that, eventually, the welfare of the Colonies,
even more than that of the mother country, -will be promoted by
the abandonment of a system of artificial restrictions upon trade.
Looking to the great natural advantages possessed by the
British Colonies, and especially by the fine Provinces of North
America, I cannot doubt that, adopting a policy of which the
object is to render industry productive, by leavmg it to follow its
natural channels of employment, and by affordmg every possible
facUity to commerce, must lead to their rapid advancement in
wealth and prosperity. But with a view to this result, it is of
the utmost importance that the Provincial Legislatures should
strenuously co-operate with the Imperial Parliament. So far as
the repeal of the differential duties, hitherto imposed upon imports
into the Colonies from foreign countries, for the purpose of favour
ing the British producer, I can have no doubt that the Colonial
Legislatm'es -wUl gladly avaU themselves of the power conferred
upon them, by at once putting an end to 'these duties ; indeed, so
ob-vious does it appear, that this measure ought to be the con
sequence of repealing the differential duties -imposed in this
country, to favour the importation of Colonial produce, that
Parhament instead of merely enablmg the Colonial Legislatures
to abolish the duties alluded to, would probably have at once
proceeded to do so by its o-wn authority, had it not been for the
late period of the session, at which alone it was possible that the
subject should be considered, and the difficulty of determining
without more information than could at the time be procured, how
far the simple repeal of these duties, unaccompanied by any
precautions, might have affected the fuiances of ,some of the
Colonies. I assume, therefore, that these duties wUl be speedUy put an
end to. (Signed) GreY.
To the Right Hon. the Earl of Elgin.
This despatch was laid before the Canadian Parhament by Lord
Elgin, at then- first sitting after its receipt, in Jtme, 1847, and in

156 CONFEDERATION.
accordance with the poHcy therein recommended, an Act was
passed by the Canadian Parliament abolishing the then existing
differential duties in favom- of British produce. This Act was
transmitted to England and confirmed, as appears by a despatch
to the Governor-General from the Colonial Secretary, dated the
11th of May, notwithstanding that, as appears by documents
transmitted by the Colonial Secretary about the same time, the
character of the Act had been specially complained against to the
Imperial Government, by the merchants and manufacturers of
Glasgow by petition, setting forth — "That the said Colonial Act
proposes to place the mother country in a more unfavourable
position than the United States of America, in so far as it repeals
the differential duties hitherto maintained in favour of British
manufactures.'' The policy of the Imperial Government, thus pointedly declared
to the Governor-General of Canada, was reiterated in the strong
est manner in a series of despatches in 1848-49, 1855-56 & 59,
and to such an extent as to declare objectionable any arrangements
made or proposed to be made between the colonies themselves, by
which a preference or differential duty or aboHtion of duties, in
favour of the productions of one shoiUd be given over the produc
tions of another, or of any foreign country, in return for simUar
concessions extended by any such colony or country to Canada.
And in one of the despatches (15th July, 1856), in order to meet
the objection that the immediate effect of the Reciprocity Treaty
of 1854 -with the United States was to establish differential duties
on such of the enumerated articles as were before subject to duty,
it was declared that that treaty was " concluded under cfrcum-
stances of political exigency, with the immediate -view of termi
nating questions in dispute as to the rights of fishery," and that
to meet the objection m some measure, special pro-vision had been
made in colonial Acts, referring particularly to Acts in Ne-vrfbund-
land and Nova Scotia, and to the modification of the tariffs in the
North American Provinces generally, and pomting out to Canada
the desirfe of Her Majesty's Government that such legislation
should take place -with reference to the articles enumerated, as
would place all countries on the same footing.

CONFEDERATION. 157
It is unnecessary to make further observations on this point,
but it should be stated that in other respects, with reference to
some foreign countries, England gave great latitude to the British
North American colonies. Thus, in the Reciprocity Treaty referred
to, made by Lord Elgin -with the United States m 1854, for the
exchange of productions between the Provinces and the United
States, the adoption or rejection of that Treaty, so far as its appli
cation to each particular Province, was left to the legislature of
each Pro-vince to determine. Power was also given about the
same time by order in councU, to the Provinces, by proclamation
of their respective governments, to permit the vessels of foreign
countiies to pass from any one port in one Province to any one
port in another Pro-vince — a quasi coasting trade o-wing to the
configuration of the Provinces, though no such pri-vilege was
given in the United States to British or Provincial vessels to pass
from State to State. And as -will appear when the events of 1871
are under consideration, in a stUl more emphatic manner, in a
treaty made -with the United States principally for the settlement
of an Imperial dispute, in those parts which have any direct bear
ing on the interests of Canada, the adoption or rejection of such
parts is left exclusively to the action of her owti parliament. A
more liberal policy could hardly be pursued by any power to a
portion of its own empire.
The fact has already been referred to, that as between the Pro
vinces themselves, they regarded each other as foreign countries,
and that in matters of trade it made no difference as to the customs
dues whether goods came from Massachusetts or from Nova Scotia,
in Canada or New Bruns-wick they were taxed alike ; and the same
.in Nova Scotia as to goods from Massachusetts, Canada or New
Brunswick. The postal arrangements were distinct. The criminal laws were
different. Each Province borrowed, each Province buUt, each
Pro-vince taxed, to suit its o-wn interest, without the' slightest
reference to its neighbour, and the custom-house officer was as
important an indi-vidual on the di-viding lines between New Bruns-
-wick and Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick and Canada, as on the
lines between France and Belgium, or France and Spain ; yet

158 CONFEDERATION.
these Pro-vinces were aU under the same flag, and then- dividing
lines not more marked than between Middlesex and Surrey, or
Middlesex and Kent. Then- material interests always pointed to
an amalgamation ; local self-importance and local jealousies to
some extent aided in keeping them apart ; but the real difficiUty
was the necessity each Pro-vince felt to maintain its credit by pro
viding for the payment of its pubhc debt, and an unwUlingness to
part -with the control of its o-wn revenues and its own patronage.
When, therefore, in the articles of the Confederation pro-visions
for the assumption of the pubhc debt of each Province by the
General Government, and the concession of an equivalent pecu
niary grant for local purposes to each Province were made, -with
the power to each stUl to legislate and govern for itself in all
matters affecting ci^jl rights and property, the more substantial
objections to confederation were removed.
But it must not be disguised, that even at this early date there
were many who objected to the movement, as the primaiy step
ultimately leading to the separation of the Pro-vinces fi'om the
mother country, and then- final absorption into the United States.
Many of those who thought so were soHd, good men, — staid,
honest, loyal men — ^men who would sacrifice everything for British
connection, but who perhaps were not in the modem plu-ase, " men
of progress," and who would prefer mo-ving on in a well-kno-wn
beaten track, to speculating in an unknown fritm-e. There were
others again, who opposed the movement because they believed
that it would prevent annexation to the United States. They saw
that the contracted sphere in ¦ which each Pro-vince moved, the
utter want of markets for its manufactures, the striking contrast
between the freedom of trade in the separate States of the United
States, and the isolation caused by Provincial restriction must, in
the end, produce discontent and dissatisfaction — ^the larger mar
kets and tlie unrestricted intercourse that Confederation woiUd
give, they well foresaw would at least remove that groiuid of dis
satisfaction. Outside, however, of both of these parties, and -with the main
body of the people of aU the Provinces, there was another feeling,
— a feeling of uncertainty as to what then- future might be, and

CONFEDERATION. 159
that it was necessary to prepare for it. The material and com
mercial advantages of Confederation were apparent to all men of
enlightened views or enlarged intelligence. The spirited manu
facturer and enterprising merchant alike, welcomed a change
which would extend their field of operations ; but the statesmen
and public men, who were accustomed to look at the causes of
events and their consequences, could not fail to see that at this
time the public mind of England was unsettled, as to the value or
importance of the retention of the Colonies, and that unless the
latter, particularly those in British North America, placed them
selves m a position to speak on their own behalf -with the
language of strength, the best interests of the country — ^territorial
and otherwise — might be frittered away without a moment's con
sideration, and in pure ignorance of the value of the concession.
To such men the political aspect of the question had its impor
tance. Not less loyal in their devotion to the mother country,
and equaUy desirous to avoid a separation, they felt that to
prevent it, the surest way was to make British North America
prosperous and strong — to give her an infiuential voice in the
adjustment of all questions- that affected her interests, either
internally or externally, and whether in apparent conflict with
Imperial pohcy or not. As a part of the Empire she was
prepared to do her duty or share the loss ; but where the course to
be adopted was principaUy to affect herself, her consideration and
decision upon the point ought to be had. If the agitation of the
public mind in England, on this question, should culminate in a
determination to throw off the Colonies, by the Confederation
they would be the better prepared to meet the emergency. If it
oscUlated the other way, they would not be the worse for the
preparation. Thus in either case, in a pohtical view, the Con
federation was desirable.
To the Canadian it does not seem that this question of the
retention of the British North American Colonies, has ever been
clearly understood in England.
In pamphlets, in speeches, in debates in Parliament, in articles
in the press, the severance of Canada from England was shadowed
forth as essential to the preservation of the latter.

160 CONFEDERATION.
The unexpected development of the military power of the
United States during the ci-vil war, seemed almost to have created
a panic in the British Isles. Canada was declared to be indefen
sible, and for the first time in the history of the British soldier, it
was gravely contended, that on the landing of the first hostUe
American on Canadian soU, Her Majesty's troops should forth-with
retire within the walls of the citadel of Quebec, to save the honour
of the British arms ! ! !
In the debate which took place in the Imperial Parhament in
July, 1862, on the subject of the action of the Canadian Parlia
ment, -with reference to the maintenance of an effective mihtia,
much was said that tended to promote the feeling of uncertainty,
as to the future. Treating a mere party manoeuvre, which led to
the defeat of a ministiy in Canada, and the introduction of a
temporary measure for the sub.sidiary defence of the country, in
the absence of any immediate danger, with all the gravity of a
great crisis, member after member in the Imperial Parliament
spoke as if Canada was a burden to the Empire, and that the day
of her separation would be hailed -with acclamation by the people
of England. Mr. Roebuck, the member for Sheffield, spoke in
very strong terms, and, in smgular ignorance of the action of the
Imperial Government, denounced the Canadian Parliament for
taxing British manufactures. He said :
" The first thing we ha-\'e to consider is the feeling of the
people of Canada -\vith resjiect to England. My opinion is that
the people of Canada have been led to belie^-e that we consider
them of such wonderful importance that we shaU undertake any
expense to maintain doniinion over them. Wliat I want them
to understand, and what I want our Government to make them
imderstand, is that we do not care one farthing about the
adherence of Canada to England. We have never drawn from
our colonies anythmg like tribute. Other nations do at this
moment derive tribute from their colonies, but we have never
done so. The only chance of benefit we ever expected from our
colonies -was perfect freedom of trade. What has Canada done in
that matter 1 The Canadians have laid 20 per cent, upon the

CONFEDERATION. 161
introduction of all English manufactures mto their country,
thereby following the Imd example of their friends on the other
side of the St. Law^rence. I want them clearly to understand
that England has no benefit from her connection with them, and
that if we mamtain, not our dommion, but their independence, it
is for then advantage and not for ours. There is nobody m this
country who is m a |)osition to speak with more freedom than
myself -with respect to (.Ja,nada. Jlany years of my life were
speut in that country. I have intimate relations with it now, but
-though I do not love Canada less I love England more, and my
opinion is that if to-morrow -wo were to get rid of Canada Eng
land would not lose a single fiutlung of benefit. But the case of
Canada would be very chflerent. When the hon. and gallant
nu'inber for Westminster says that the United States cannot
overrun Canada I must say that I think he lias studied history
to A ery little purpose if that be liis real opmion. I quite agree
^vith the noble lord in another place who said that if the Federal
Government were victorious to-morrow they would turn round
upon England, and the first thing they would do would be to
pom- their armies over the St. Lawrence into Canada ; whUe if
they were to be defeated in then- struggle -with the South, out of
mere venge;uice they woiUd do the same thing. What would be
the consequence'? Canada, ceasing to be what she is now — a
powerful and mdepeudent people, governmg themselves, domg
exactly as they like with their own, would be under the dominion
of an oxerbeariug and overpowering democracy. She woiUd be
one among what were once 37 United States. Her people would
haA'e one or two votes in the American Senate ; whereas now they
govern themseh es, for England has given up domituon over them,
and all we do is to send our soldiers — those redcoats whom the
Mayor of ..Montreal talks about — to protect then independence.
I want the Canadians clciirly to understand that England wovUd
not be sorry to see her depart from us to-morrow. They do us no
good, or, at least, not more than New York ; they do not even
receive om manufactures, and they treat us like aliens. We have
been told that the House of Commons should not dictate to the
Parliament of Canada. Do we ever dictate now 1 I have stood

162 CONFEDERATION.
up in my place against the dictation of this House to the people
of Canada, but that system has been abandoned long ago. The
very veto of the Crown is entirely ignored, and that which we
ought to have done — viz., protect the manufacturing interests of
England — we have ceased to do. I say, therefore, we are now
bound to look after the interests of our constituents, and I shall
be the very last man to lay one farthing of expense upon the poor
people of Sheffield in order to maintain the independence of the
rich people of Canada."
Mr. Adderley spoke in terms no less disparaging, whUe Sir
George Cornwall Le-wis, whose estimable personal character, and
high official position as Secretary of State, lent great weight to
his observations, after pointing out that the cause of the antici
pated difficulty with the United States arose from an affront to
the British flag, which was a question of purely Imperial interest,
m which Canada was not directly concerned, said :
" If Canada had been invaded in a war arising from the United
States in consequence of that quarrel, the feelings of the Canadians
would naturally have been that they were involved in a quarrel in
which they had no direct concern, and that it was incumbent on
the Imperial Government, through connection with which they
were involved in hostihties, to give them effectual assistance."
He went on, among other things, to say : " Before I sit do-wn I
wiU make one allusion to the remarks of my honourable and learned
friend upon our future relations -with Canada. I for one can only
say that I look forward -without apprehension, and, I may add,
without regret, to the time when Canada might become an inde
pendent state ; but I think it behoves England not to cast Canada
loose or send her adrift before she has acquired sufficient strength
to assert her ovni independence. The feelings of the Canadian
people were undoubtedly those of attachment and loyalty to the
mother country. I do not beheve that the recent vote upon the
mUitia bUl was the result of any dehberate poHcy or deep seated
design. It was actually thrown out by the play of party politics,
and I cannot but -wish to impress upon the House, that any mea-

CONFEDERATION. 163
sure such as the right honourable gentleman recommends, of a
menace on the part of England, that under certain circumstances
if they do not take efficient steps for organizing a powerful mUitia
our troops would be -withdra-wn, would be unworthy of this country,
and would seem to be the result of hasty displeasure, rather than
of that dignified and prudent forbearance which has always been
the characteristic of the Imperial policy."
In most gratifying contrast to the obser\'atioiis of Mr. Roebuck
and Mr. Adderley, and the more philosophic contemplation by Sir
George Cornwall Le-wis of the severance, were the sentiments
expressed by Mr. T, Baring, Mr. D'Israeli, and Lord Palmerston.
Mr. T. Baring said :
"Being in constant communication -with Canada, he was informed
that a feeling had recently arisen in that Province, and was now
mcreasing, that there was a wish on tho part of a great i)ortion of
that House to force upon it a precipitate separation from the mother
country ; and he must say that if anything could strengthen that
feeling it would be the recurrence of speeches like that of the right
honourable member for Staffordshire and the honourable member
for Sheffield, telling the Canadian people that they had not the
least desire that they should adhere to theu- allegiance to the
Sovereign and then- attachment to this country ; that they wished
they would separate entirely from England, and that they would
see that separation not only -without regret, but -with satisfaction.
He would not enter mto questions of colonial policy. He believed
that colonies might be a soui-ce of wealth and power to the mother
country ; that the union between the two might be one of mutual
benefit ; that it might be maintamed -without an extravagant ex
penditure ; but to say that such a connexion was merely a question
of 'pounds, shUlings and pence,' was quite unworthy of us, when we
had to a certain extent to protect our fellow-countrymen, and had
at least to regard them as our fellow-subjects until they themselves
desired to separate from us. Certain speeches which had latterly
been delivered in another place, together -with the tone of the
public press, were calculated to make the Canadians believe that

164 CONFEDERATION. ¦
in this country there was no kindred feeling towards them — a
result which he thought was much to be deprecated. The measure
which had been referred to was defeated from a party manceu-vre,
without pledging the Province to any policy of hereafter refusing
to establish a sufficient mUitia, and -with the expression, at the
same time, on the part of those who opposed -it, that they were in
favor of a militia that should co-operate -with our troops in defence
of the common country. These persons, he believed, would at
this moment lise as one man in supjiort of their union with Eng
land ; and they had sho-wn that when questions uot merely of
colonial but of Imperial concern arose, and when they have suffered
all the injury of invasion, they did not shiink from expressing
manfully their hopes for the success of England and her colonies.
It was said, ' leave Canada entfrely to herself ; ' but as long as
they wished to remain British subjects, that was not language
which ought either in honour or duty to be held to the Canadian
people. He was con-vinced that Canada felt so much < the advan
tage of her connection with England, that, -without burdening our
resources, she would adhere to us from sentiments of loyal
allegiance." Mr. D'Israeli said :
" I cannot contemplate with the same feeling as the Secretary
of State, a separation taking place between this country and
Canada. I thuik that a great Empu-e, founded on sound princi
ples of freedom and equality, is as conducive to the spirit and
power of the community, and as valuable as commercial pros
perity or niilituiy force ; and, therefore, i should be very sorry
under the present circumstances, after all that has occurred, to
supjiose that the comiection between the mother country and this
unportant colony should end. The resources of Canada are great
and various. It has had the advantage of ha-ving been colonized,
during a number of centuries, by two of the most distinguished
nations of Europe. Canada is, m fact, a reflex of those two
powerful races, differing in then- manners and even in their
religious opmions; and has many of those diverse elements,
which tend to change a mere colonial into a national character.

CONFEDERATION. 165
I do not think that the importance of Canada can be over
stated ; but, unfortunately, we feel every day more and more that
the relations between the mother country and those colonies, in
which what we call self-government has been established, are not
altogether of a satisfactory nature. The Secretary of State con
templates the possibihty, — and more than the possibUity, for he
informs us that, under certain circumstancess, it would be matter
of congratulation — of the severance of the tie between the mother
country and Canada, and says that we ought to be very careful m
training the Canadians before the connection terminates, so that
they may be able to go by themselves, and not fall into the hands
of any -vigUant neighbour, watching for an opportunity of appro
priating and absorbing them. But what I think to be the fault
of the Government in this particular case is, that they have not
been thoughtful on this subject of training the Canadians. • On
the contrary, it appears to me that they have not trusted to the
resources and enei-gies of the Canadians, but have rather unneces
sarily anticipated duties which the Canadians were probably ready
to perform themselves."
Lord Palmerston said :
" I agree rath'er with the right honourable gentleman who has
just spoken, than with the right honourable gentleman the member
for North Staffordshire, in the view which he takes with respect
to the connection subsisting between the mother country and her
colonial dependencies. With the former, I quite concur in think
ing that we should look upon our colonies as part and parcel of
the British Empire. Our fellow-subjects when they remove from
this country, do not cease to be our fellow-subjects ; their spirit is
the same as ours ; their interests should be our interests ; we
should be each to one another a source of mutual honour and
mutual strength. I also quite concur with the right honourable
gentleman in -wishing that the day may be very far distant when,
from various causes, those great communities may deem it to be
their interest to separate from us, because I do not think such a
course would conduce to their benefit, whUe I feel assured it
would not tend to the advantage of the mother country. The

166 CONFEDERATION.
connection between us, however, as was justly stated by the right
honourable gentleman, can be maintained only by the adoption of a
policy, which -wiU leave the colonies free to regulate their o-wn
affairs, binding to the mother country by Hnks of mutual interest,
and allo-wing the exercise of perfect freedom in matters in which
the one or the other happens to be more particularly concerned."
The Times, which is regarded as representuig most correctly, the
existing public feeling of the day, in England, thus commented
upon the question, in its issue on the day the debate took place,
23rd July, 1862 :
" The conduct of the Canadian Ministiy, in refusing to provide
for the defence of the country the destinies of which are intrusted
to their charge, neither raises om- opinion of themselves or of the
community over which they preside. They were brought into
power by a vote refusing to create for the colony a mUitia con
sisting of 50,000 effective troops and 50,000 reserves. For this
plan they have substituted the foUo-wing : The Canadian mUitia
consists of two classes — A., numbering 5,000 men, who have
hitherto been drUled six days in the year, receiving in payment
one dollar for each day's drUl ; and B., which consists of 8,000
men, who have hitherto received no jjay at all. It is felt in
Canada that under existing circumstances a necessity has arisen
for doing something towards putting the country in a respectable
position of defence, and they have accordingly set about it in the
foUo-wing manner : They take 5,000 men out of class B. and add
them to class A., thus raishig class A. to 10,000 men, and these
10,000 men they propose to driU for 12 days in the year at half-a-
doUar a day, instead of six days at one dollar. They propose,
besides, to give some allowance in Heu of clothing. The 3,000
left in class B. wUl probably quit the service, as they are to
receive nothing, and we cannot think that the prospect of half-a-
doUar a day wUl be a very efficient stimulus to enrolment in class A.
" This is absolutely all that Canada is disposed to do at the
public expense for her protection. Whatever mUitary force she
requires beyond this must be made up of volunteers and tumultuary

CONFEDERATION. 167
levies called together at the very moment of danger. We know
by the experience of the American war, and partly by our own,
the value of mUitia, and we know also what importance to attach
to the ser-vices of pei-sons untrained to arms and acting together
for the first time. It is scarcely an exaggeration to say that such
an organization is worthless, and no exaggeration at aU to say
that it could not afford even the semblance of protection against
any one of the several great armies now contending in the United
States. Canada assures us of her loyalty, of her -wish to remam
a portion of the great British Empire, of the value she sets on
her free, and even democratic institutions, of her aversion to
American forms of thought and forms of Government. She
furnishes us here -with a fan" measure of her sincerity. We see
the exact value she really sets on the connection -with this country
by the efforts she is ready to make and the sacrifices she is ready
to incur in order to preserve them. She has incurred loans and
HabUities to the extent of some twelve mUlions sterling by
pledging the pubUc revenue for public works undertaken for the
benefit of municipahties having no claim on the central Govern
ment beyond the influence they may exert in returning members
of Parhament. She has created over the St. La-wrence a magni
ficent bridge which has cost two mUlions sterling, mostly suppHed
by this country, for which not one farthing of interest is now
received. She raises revenue by taxes on British commerce, she
aUows us the pri-vilege of repairing her fortifications, supplying
her -with artiUery, musketry, and ammunition, and of garrisoning
her fortresses -with 12,000 regular troops, and she estimates the
value of this connection at, perhaps, $120,000, or £25,000 a year.
She is never weary of boasting of her loyalty, but this is the
value she sets on British connection. We, on the other hand,
seem never weary of contributing to those expenses which every
other country in the world, except a British colony, is expected to
pay for itself, and, should war come, we are ready to spend
millions of treasure and risk thousands of valuable lives for
people who not only wUl not defend themselves, but -will not give
us any efficient assistance towards defending them. They have
money for many other things, some necessary, others unnecessary.

1 68 CONFEDERATION.
money for jobs of all kinds, money for the most questionable
public works, but money for honour, money for Hberty, money for
independence, for the pri-vileges of being governed by their o-wn
laws and kno-wing no master — for these merely secondary ad
vantages, as we suppose they consider them, the Canadian Parlia
ment and Ministry have nothing to spare. They are so taken up
in providing for superfluities that they have nothing to give for
what other countries account the very essentials of existence,
-without which, to a nation or man of spirit, life is hardly worth
possessing. They are rich for all other purposes ; but when asked
to do something towards their own defence, "their poverty, but
not their 'wiU," as we are told, consents to do nothing."
At a still later date, February 27th, 1868, the same paper in
speaking of the effect of a war -with the United States, says :
" We are quite aware that in the event of war we should not be
able to render effectual aid to our Canadian Dominion, and that
our feUow-subjects out there would either have to fight at a
terrible disadvantage, or mortify our pride by anticipating defeat
or yielding to terms. In a material jioint of -view that would be
no loss to this country."
Pamphleteers and philosophers did not leave the unfortunate
question alone. Among others, Mr. A. Allison — author of the
" PhUosophy and History of Ci-vUization," a work favourably
commented upon by the Observer and the Athenaeum — tissued a
pamphlet from 72 Sloane Street, London, AprU 19th, 1865, in
which Canada was to be disposed of in a very summary manner.
" I am of opinion," he says, " that England shoiUd not only not
interfere -with the CivU War now i-aging in America, but that she
should retu-e altogether from the North American Continent by
declaring Canada an independent State. So long as Canada
belongs to us we hold out a bait to the United States to go to war
-with us, -with a -view to its annexation. That. beino- so it is
manifestly the interest both of England and Canada to separate.
The press and om- leading statesmen are unanimous in expressing

CONFEDERATION. 169
their readiness to give up Canada, if the Canadians themselves are
¦wiUing to accept independence ; and if these liberal professions on
our part are sincere, there -will be no difficulty in effecting that
object. The great Trajan who restored the glories of Rome, con
tracted the limits of the Empire both in Europe and Asia, and
when we -withdraw our troops from Canada and declare her
independent, we shall strengthen the British Empire, for instead
of that vast country contributing to the strength of England, it is
a constant source of weakness. We have only to look at the map
to con-vince ourselves that it is essential to the stability of the
British Empire, that Canada should be given up. By gi-ving up
Canada we lose nothing — for our trade -wUl go on with her after
she is independent the same as now. So far from losing anything,
we shaU be great gainers by the change, for we shall save the
expense of maintaining an army and navy for her defence, which
would materially add to the taxation of England.
" If Canada should prefer dependence, that would be no reason
why we should not make her independent. We must look to our
o-wn interests as well as to the interests of others, and if it can be
sho-wn that it is the interest of all parties that Canada be inde
pendent, we ought not to hesitate in making her so, even although
she shoiUd object to it. Two great nations like England and the
United States, meet each other in every quarter of the globe, and
all the disputes which are ever occurring between them, must
eventually be settled on Canadian ground. But let Canada be an
independent State, and she will be a neutral power in the event of
a war breaking out. Let this view of the question be clearly
explained to the Canadians, in a despatch properly drawn up from
the Foreign Office, and the objections which they have hitherto
had to Independence wUl be removed.
" But would the Canadians be able to defend themselves and
remain independent if they were separate from England 1 This I
do not doubt, provided they adopted a form of Government calcu
lated to maintain peace and advance the interests of the nation.
Such a Government would at once be recognised by the European
powers, and to these powers Canada might appeal in the event of
any uncalled for attack on them by the United States. Let
12

1 70 CONFEDERATION.
Canada elect a Kuig and Parliament, and she wiU be acknow
ledged by all the powers of Europe, when she -will be in a much
safer position than she is at present, although she was studded all
over with camps and fortifications. If the Canadians should elect
one of our Princes for her King, the chances are they would
succeed in obtauiing the consent of England and the other powers
to that election. This would keep up a connection between
England and Canada, which would be beneficial to both parties —
whereas the present connection, as shown by the Canadians them
selves, is prejudicial to the interests of both countries. A
commercial treaty upon the principles of free trade could be made,
and, if necessary, a loan guaranteed by England and France, or
by England alone, might be arranged — as in the case of Belgium
and Greece, when they were made independent States.
" Now is the time for us to make up our minds to give up
Canada, for the step will not only save us a world of money for
the armaments which are now called for, but it -will prevent the
danger of war -with the United States. To postpone the con
sideration of this important question untU after we have spent
our money, or until we have drifted so far into war that it is
impossible to give up Canada, consistent -vsith honour, would be
the height of folly."
The remainder of this pamphlet is filled -with prognostications
of the future of the United States, as resulting from the ci-vil war
then raging, every one of which to this time has proved untrue.
More inconsequential reasoning, or more vague ideas, could hardly
have been put together by any man professing to deal with subjects
bearing upon the mterests of an empirej or the welfare of mUlions
of people. Other pamphlets and documents on the same subject,
some from noble peers, some from men whose names stood high on
questions connected -with jiolitical economy, emanated from the
English press. Men who -vn-ote of the institutions of republican
America almost -with idolatry, but who in later life learned, from
a personal knowledge of their working, to cast do-wn the image of
their early worship, did not hesitate, the former to admit the
tendency of the public mind in favour of separation, the latter to

CONFEDERATION. 171
denounce Canada as an incubus on the realm that ought to be cut
away. It may be doubted whether the oblivion into which such compo
sitions ultimately descend, is not the best criterion of their value ;
but it must not be forgotten that, at the time, they are taken as
indications of the public sentiment, and tend, in the irritation
they engender, to bring about consequences which no subsequent
sound reasoning can prevent. There can be no doubt that the
constant reiteration of such sentiments by English writers and
speakers did produce in Canada a strong feeling of uncertainty as
to its future connection -with England, and in silence laid the
foundations of a party which may hereafter have a marked in
fluence upon the future destinies of the country.
This question of the severance of Canada from Great Britain is
too important in its bearing upon the interests of both countries,
to be passed over -without remark. In the discussion, the narrative
of the past must cease, and a view be taken from the stand-point
of 1871, both as it wiH affect the future of Great Britain, and as
it wUl affect the present and future of Canada, in the light of
peace and trade, and in the light of war. The position and policy
of the United States must not be disregarded.
It is solely as to the future that the question need be considered
in relation to Great Britain. To her at present, the separation
could not be of much consequence. On the contrary, as relieving
her of an apparently assaUable point from the United States, by
many it would be thought desuable. But perhaps it is not tres
passing too far on the realm of prophecy to say, that twenty or
tlurty years hence, her retention of place as the first trading and
maritune power in the world may dejpend upon her comiection
with Canada.
A few words as to what Canada is. In Febmary, 1862, in the
House of Representatives, in the Congress of the United States,
pending the discussions relative to the expiry and the renewal of
the reciprocity treaty -with the United States, " the Committee on
Commerce, to whom was referred the concurrent resolutions of the
State of New York, in relation to the treaty between the United
States and Great Britain commonly kno-wn as the reciprocity
treaty, made their report." In that report, which certainly did

172 CONFEDERATION.
not receive its instigation from any Canadian source, and which
cannot be regarded as exceptionally friendly, it is thus said :
" The great and practical value of the British North American
Pro-vinces and possessions is seldom appreciated. Stretching from
the Atlantic to the Pacific ocean, they contain an area of at least
3,478,380 square mUes : more than is o-wned by the United States,
and not much less than the whole of Europe, -with its famUy of
nations. The ' Maritime Provinces,' on the Atlantic coast, include
New Bruns-wick, Nova Scotia, Prince Edward Island and New
foundland. Geographically, they may be regarded as a north
easterly prolongation of the New England system. Unitedly,
they include an area of at least 86,000 square miles, and are
capable of supporting a larger population than that at present
existing in the United States, or Great Britain. They are equal
in extent to the united territory of Holland, Greece, Belgium,
Portugal and Switzerland.
" Canada — rather a nation than a province, in any common
acceptation of the term — includes not less than 346,863 square
miles of territory, independently of its North- Western possessions,
not yet open for settlement. It is three times as large as Great
Britain and Ireland, and more than three times as large as Pmssia.
It intervenes between the great North-West and the Maritune
Provinces. "The habitable but undeveloped area of the British posses
sions, westerly, from Lake Superior and Hudson's Bay, comprises
sufficient territory to make twenty-five states equal in size to
lUmois. " The climate and soil of these Pro-vinces and possessions, seem
ingly less indulgent than those of the tropical regions, are precisely
those by which the skUl, energy and -\-irtues of the human race
are best developed.
" It is computed that Canada alone, if her past and present rate
of increase is continued, will have f-wenty mUlions of inhabitants
at the end of this present century — numerically exceeding the
population of Great Britain when the century began.'*
Since that report was made, this whole country, -with the excep
tion of Ne-wfoundland and Prince Edward Island, but embracing

CONFEDERATION. 173
in addition British Columbia and Vancouver Island, beyond the
Rocky Mountains, has been confederated mto one Dominion, is
governed by one central authority, has but one uniform commercial
policy, and, as " Canada," guides and rules those vast territories
from the Atlantic to the Pacific.
The policy of that "Canada" at present is in accord -with the
policy of England — Free Trade. Her tariff is imposed for revenue,
not for protection. That rule, since confederation, may have been
temporarily departed from on one occasion, to accomplish a parti
cular object, namely, the attainment of a free or more reciprocal
trade -with the United States.'* But in no instance has it been
departed from to encourage a mere local industry, at the cost of
the main body of the people.
The policy of the United States, on the contrary, has been and
is Protection. The trade returns show that for 1870, with a popula
tion nearly ten times as great as that of the Dominion, the imports
from Great Britain into the United States were but three times
as great as into the Dominion — in round numbers, £21,000,000
sterling to .-£7,000,000, or but lis. to 35s. sterhng per head.
Sir Francis Hincks, the Finance Minister of Canada, in his
sj^eech of the 10th March, 1871, on making his financial statement
to the Canadian Parhament for the financial year terminating 1st
June, 1870, referring to the same subject, said :
" I referred last year, to the very satisfactory position of
this country, as compared, -with that of other countries — our im
mediate neighbours to the south of us, and the mother country,^
both with regard to the rate of taxation and the amount of debt.
I wUl not trouble the House by going any further into that matter
now, but there is one point which I think is deserving of atten
tion, in reference to the position of the country, and that is that
Canada has in the last year, -with regard to its business transac
tions -with the mother country, risen from the rank of No. 1 1 in
the list to that of No. 8. The exports to Canada exceed those
to Russia, China, Brazil and Turkey, all countries having a
* Tlie imposition of duties on coal and flour 'by the tariff of 1870, under -what was then
termed the national policy, repealed by the tariff of 1871.

1 74 CONFEDERATION.
very large trade -with Great Britain. But there is a very impor
tant fact in connection -with this, which should not be lost sight
of, that there is no country which trades -with England that re
ceives from her so large a proportion of her goods as Canada in
jproportion to her population. I have ascertained from statistica
that the United States, -with forty mUlions of people, took during
the last nine months, the returns of which I have been able to get,
.£20,000,000 worth of goods, being at the rate of ten shillings per
head of the population. During the same period Canada, -with
four milHons of people, took £6,000,000 worth, being at the rate
of £1 10s. per head, or exactly three times as much for our popu
lation as the United States.
" Hon. Sir Geo. E. Cartier. — Each of us worth three Americans.
" Hon. Sir Francis Hincks. — When you look to other landa
which are put do-wn as being the great countries -with which there
is trade, to British India, for instance, which stands veiy high
after the United States, the difference is even greater. It must be
remembered that British India has a population of 155,000,000,
and, therefore, the exports to that country amount to about two
shillings per head. Russia receives one shilling and six pence per
head ; Germany, which also stands very high in the list, about
eight shillings per head ; so that we have the satisfaction of know
ing that this country is the one which in proportion to its popula
tion carries on the most commerce of any country in the world.
This is a very satisfectory statement of our relations -with the
mother country."
That portion of his budget speech of the pre-vious year (1st AprU,
1870,) to which Sir Francis Hincks referred, it may not be inap
propriate here to quote :
With regard to the means of the country — -with regard to its
abUity to discharge all its liabUities — and -with regard to its taxa
tion, I would desire to say a few words, and to institute a com
parison between its condition and the condition of other countries
-with which we are acquainted. I find, if we take Great Britain
that the debt of that country is about $135 per head of the

CONFEDERATION. 175
population. The debt of the United States is about $60 per
head. I may here observe tliat although the ratio of debt is lower
m the case of the United States than in that of Great Britain, it
would be unfair to estimate the burdens of the people according to
the same ratio, for it is pretty well known that the debt of Eng
land carries a very small rate of interest, while the debt of the
United States carries a large rate. Now, while the debt of
those countries is what I have stated, the debt of Canada is about
$22.50 per head of the population. Then, again, taxation in
Great Britain is at the rate of about $10 per head, and in the
United States about $9.25, while in Canada it is only about
$3.50. I do not think, bearing these figures in mind, that we
need be afraid of any slight increase of taxation which it may be
necessary to impose ujion the people in order that there shall not
be the least cause to apprehend deficits m the future. I find, too,
that if we take the customs revenue of the United States, it is
about $4.50 per head of the population, while the customs revenue
of Canada is about $2. I may be permitted to draw attention to
the remai-kable point, that although our customs contributions
appear to be large in proportion to those of the United States,
honourable gentlemen -wUl see just now, when I draw a compari
son between the internal revenue of the two countries, that the
revenue from customs approaches more nearly, though still very
far below that of the United States than the mternal revenue
does. And the reason of that is obvious. The United States
have such high protective duties upon everything imported, that
importations are much reduced, and the customs revenue per
head does not come up as in Canada, where on leading articles the
duties are much lower. The mternal revenue of the United
States is about $4 per head of the population, whereas in Canada
the excise revenue is only about sixty-seven cents per head."
In connection -with these remarks of Sir Francis Hincks, it is
not unimportant, in answer to those political economists, who
deem England would be better -without her colonies, to observe
that commercial returns shew that at the period above mentioned,
when as compared with the United States, Canada was taking of

176 CONFEDERATION.
British goods at the rate of 35s. per head to lis. New South
Wales, with a population of 450,000, was taking £3,000,000 stg.,
or, £6 13s. sterling per head, — ^New Zealand, with a population of
220,000, was taking £1,700,000 sterlmg, or, £7 14s stg., per head,
— South Australia, -with a population of 170,000, was taking
£1,200,900 sterling, or about £7 sterling per head, — and Victoria,
•with a population of 700,000, was taking £6,000,000 sterling, or
nearly at the rate of £8 5s sterling per head — thus she-wing that
at that time — Canada, Australia, and New Zealand alone, con
sumed more than six times as much of British Industry in
proportion to population, than did the United States, and -within
a Httle under £2,000,000 of the total amount, viz., £18,900,900
sterling to £21,000,000 sterling. The increase since that time
wUl more than make them equal.
The returns for the financial year terminating 1st June, 1870,
shew an increase in the Canadian importations from Great Britain
over the precedmg year, viz. : 1869, $35,764,470, or £7,348,863
sterlmg; 1870, $38,595,433, or £7,930,568 sterling; and those of
1871, a StiU larger increase, viz., $49,200,557, or £10,109,703
9s. lOd. sterling — an increase in two years of $13,436,087, or
£2,760,840 9s. lOd. sterlmg.
The foUo-wing extract from Patterson's statement, (Secretary to
the Board of Trade, Montreal,) for 1870, she-ws that the increase
in each year is general, and therefore likely to continue :
1868.
Cotton, piece goods,  yds. 39,944,669
Haberdashery, value,  £1311,129
"Woollen manufactures  yds. 2,163,317
Carpet and druggets  " 495,574
Worsted stuff  " 5,233,.')36
Apparel and slops, value  £1 28,805
The total Canadian trade, both imports and exports, in ten
years (from 1860 to 1870), excluding the Hudson's Bay and North-
West Territories, and British Columbia, but, during the last two
years, including Nova Scotia and New Bruns-wick, had more

1869.

1870.

29,233,463

42,848,973

670,471

852,277

1,901,641

2,791,127

468,652

666,565

5,354,039

8,266,907

157,470

203,635

CONFEDERATION.

177

than doubled itself, viz., from $68,000,000- to $148,387,829 ; f
and in the year terminating 30th June, 1871, has gone up to
$170,000,000,1 of which $95,857,408 have been imports; and of
those imports $49,200,557 came from Great Britain. J
The following is the official statement of the Commisioner of
Customs :
Comparative St..i.tement showing the total value of exports, the total
value of goods imported and entered for consumption, and the
amount of duties collected in the Dominion of Canada during the
fiscal years ending respectively on 30th June, 1870 and 1871.

Fiscal Yeaks.

Total Ex
ports.

Total Im
ports.

Entered for
Consump tion.

Duty.

Ending June 30, 1871 
Do. do. 1870....

74,143,09873,573,490

s
95,857,408 74,814,339

$
86,679,645
71,237,603

$
11,864,291 77
9,462,940 44

Increase 

569,608

21,043,069

16,442,042

2,401,351 33

R, S. M. BOUCHETTE,
Commissioner of Customs.
Customs Department, Ottawa, Oct. 18, 1871.
Moreover, it is to be observed that on the 28th day of AprU,
1871, the new tarifl" came mto force, which reduced the annual
taxation by a mUlion and a half, and would necessarUy have a
sensible bearing upon the quarter terminating the 1st June, 1871.
It may fairly be assumed therefore, that, during the next ten
years, the increase -wiU be the same, if not in a greater ratio.
Again, whUe the importation of bread stuSs into Great Britain
from the United States, during a period of seventeen years, from
1853 to 1870, increased but in the ratio of a httle over two to
one, viz., from 12,869,433 bushels to 28,122,480 in 1870, except
ing extraordinary fluctuations during that period, rising to

* Tear Book, 1871, page 41.
t Bouchette's official statement, Oct. 18, 1871.
i Deputy Mmister of Customs.

178 CONFEDERATION.
40,000,000 in 1862, and descenduig to under 2,000,000 in 1866;
the importations from Canada during the same period increased in
a ratio of nearly six; to one, viz., from 1,365,595 Ijiustels in 1853
to 6,422,936 m 1870, excluduig sunUar fluctuations, rismg to over
9,000,000 in 1862, and falling m 1866 to 111,255 ¦;'¦¦ thus shewmg
that whUe simUar causes jiroduced in both countries a corres
ponding increase or depression, yet the comparative uicrease was
in favour of Canada of four to one, and when it is remembered
that these exports were paid for by the imports of British manu
factures, the balance is found m favour of Canada, as a customer
to Great Biitain of four to one.
Again, the efiect of the Repeal of the Reciprocity Treaty -with
the United States in 1866, was to divert an immense volume of
Canadian trade from the United States to Great Britam, decreas
ing the exports to the United States, viz., S7,500,000 in the years
1866 and 1867, and mcreasing the exports to Great Britain from
13,000,000 in 1866 to 21,000,000 in 1868,t to be repaid again m
British manufactures, affording a significant intimation to the
British producer what would be the result of a connection of
Canada with the United States, based upon an unchangeable
political incorporation instead of a temporary treaty, maintained
or broken off" as the passions or interests of the dominant party
may dictate.
Again, the following table compiled from the " Ti-ade and Na-vi-
gation Returns,'' shows the total quantity of tea imported into the
Pro-vinces of Ontario and Quebec durmg the two fiscal years
1868-69 and 1869-70 : Fiscal year Fiscal year
1868-69. 1869-70.
Whence. lbs. lbs.
Great Britain  6,210,099 8,717,561
United States  1,639,121 2,674,900
China  625,625 2,373,043
Japan  95,113
Other Countries  2,024 406
Total  8,476,869 8,861,023
* Patterson 1870—14.
t Lowry's Pamphlet, page 10.

CONFEDERATION. 179
" It -will be seen from this comparative statement that there has
been a very remarkable decrease m importation of tea from Great
Britain. The imports hi bond from the United States sho-wing a
large increase, while tiiere was a great augmentation in the direct
trade with China."*
The returns of the importation of tea mto the same two
Pro-vinces — Ontario and Quebec — for the fiscal year 1870 and
1871, terminating 1st June, 1871, are as follows :
Great Britain  3,348,024 Ib.s.
United States  5,081,675 „
China  1,280,777 „
Japan  675,453 „
Other Countries  6,056 ,,
Total  10,386,985 lbs.
Sho-wing -with an increase of nearly two millions over the
preceding year — yet even less came from Great Britain than
during that year — and taking the whole importations of tea into
the Dominion for the latter year, which the Returns show to be
13,781,087 lbs.,t in which Great Britain had the direct communi
cation by sea -with the maritime Pro-vinces of Nova Scotia and
New Bruns-wick, the total importation from Great Britain into
the Dominion is less than it was two years ago — into the two
Pro-vinces of Quebec and Ontario alone — -viz., 6,009,684 as against
6,210,099. From these tables and facts, which show the revolution -that
one raUway has produced in the tea trade alone in two years, a
fair inference may be drawn as to what -will be the effect upon the
Eastern trade of Great Britain, when the various Ihies of raUways
throughout the United States and Canada to the Pacific are com
pleted, and the stUl more varied productions of the East — their
sUks, their spices, their rice, cottons, and sugars, as well as their
teas, seek the shorter and less expensive routes, sa-ving both time
« Patterson, 1870, p. 93.
t Deputy Minister of Customs.

180 CONFEDERATION.
and insurance ; and ha-ving a continent with its main Trunk Lines
of traffic, tapped by a thousand diverging streams, for distribution
as purchasers on the way.
In view of England's future, this question of the transcontinen
tal raUways is of very serious importance. Pumpelly in a late
work, " Across America and Asia ; Notes of a Five-years' Journey
round the World," speaking of the tea trade from China, mentions
the remarkable fact, that of two shipments of the same tea from
Hankaw, the one going by sailing vessel to England and St.
Petersburg, the other by the long land route, thi-ough China in
boats and vessels, through Tartary on camels, through Siberia on
sleighs, and through Russia by raUroads, that which took the long
land route cost nearly the same in St. Petersburg as that which
went by the sea. " This," he says, " may be o-wing in part to the
excess of duty at the Atlantic port of Russia over that on the
Siberian frontier, and partly perhaps to the fact that the tea
which takes the ocean route requires more manipulation before
shipment than the other. The tea trade alone between China and
Europe is very large, and seems, when taken in connection with
many other reasons, to warrant the behef that the near future
wUl see a raUroad along this important route." He points out
that there would not be any very serious obstacles in the way,
though the distance from Shanghai to Kazan, the eastern terminus
of the Russian raih-oad, is about 4,600 mUes, and the total distance
from Shanghai to St. Petersburg 5,600 mUes ; and observes :
"Aside from international difficulties, the construction of such a
road would, notwithstanding the greater length, seem to be a
simpler problem than that of the Union Pacific line, for the
European Asiatic road, besides connecting the two greatest mar
kets of the world, would be sure of an immediate and extensive
way traffic, because in the vast regions it would traverse, all the
elements necessary thereto already exist.''
It may be said that a work of this magnitude is so remote that
it has no practical bearmg on the discussion ; but it is not more
remote than was the construction of the American lines to the
Pacific fifteen years ago, or the construction of the Canadian line
ten years ago, and we are speaking of England's position twenty

CONFEDERATION. 181
years hence. The British statesman, therefore, who, by now
ignoring Canada, places the great lines of Eastern traffic under the
control of Russia on the one side, and the United States on the
other, is incuiring a grave responsibility, and may leave to his
countrymen the inheritance of diminished influence and power.
Thus Canada is becoming daUy a better market for British
industry than the United States, and -with its increasing popula
tion and rapidly extending area, must become still more so.
But it is said that the United States wUl change then policy,
and the above position would then be no longer tenable. On this
point several important facts have to be taken into consideration.
It is argued that the great diminution of American shipping, and
the loss of the carrying trade, -will awaken the Americans to the
unsoundness of their policy.
The Americans attribute this diminution and loss to the con
duct of the British Government during the civil war, and demand
a corresponding compensation ; but many of their ablest politicians
and statesmen contend that,, owing to the great extent and inter
nal resources of the United States, the loss or diminution of its
foreign trade is not of so much consequence as it would be to other
countries differently situated ; that the duties of excise alone had,
during the year 1869-70, paid off" $100,000,000 of the national
debt, and would, in a few years, -wipe it away altogether (assuming
that there was no increase from unexpected causes), and then that
the United States would be strong and prosperous as a nation,
even though she had not a merchant ship upon the seas, and no
foreign carrying trade whatever. They urge that as the United
States embrace within their territories both the temperate and
tropical regions, they have within themselves all those produc
tions which, with other countries not so situated, constitute objects
of exchange; and as they have coal and iron in abundance, a popula
tion equal to that of Great Britain, and the best cotton in the world,
they can, whenever other avocations do not pay them better, enter
into competition -with Great Britam in the manufacture of those
fabrics, of which she now claims jire-emmently to be the work
shop, and as her immense continent fills up with people she -will
have a market -without competition, and under her own exclusive

182 CONFEDERATION.
control, quite as large as aU Europe, or even India can aflbrd to
Great Britain. Further, that her -vicuiity to China, Japan, and_
the Eastern Archipelago, -with her present and contemplated raU
ways, must give her that market -with which Great Britain cannot
compete, except by means of transit through her country, or a
transit by the consent of other foreign nations, or by a long and
circuitous route round the Cape of Good Hope. That, taking all
these things into consideration, it is of no serious consequence
whether she trades -with Great Britam or not. That she can do
better without the fabrics of Great Britain, than Great Britain
can -without her market, and that it is better for the United
States, however theorists may draw other conclusions, to legislate
in such a way as to consolidate her domain, and make her people
have within themselves all the habits and pursuits that -will
render them perfectly independent of other nations.
Now, these arguments may be sound or unsound, but they are
a,cceptable to a large body of people who like to have their o-wn
way, and are willmg to pay for it. The same principles which
may suit a dense population crowded into a small space like the
British Islands, -with fixed habits and institutions, and great
extremes of wealth and poverty, do not necessarUy apply to a
population like that of the United States, -with a more generally
difiiised competence, and -with an milimited space for expansion.
Such a peojile with such a country may succeed even in spite of
wrong theories, and no sound conclusion for a change in its policy
can be based upon any inference that such a change, under such
circumstances, would have to take place in England.
In advocating, therefore, a separation upon auy expectation
that the United States -wUl prove as good customers in the future
as Canada wUl, is relying upon an uncertainty. As long as
Canada remains separate from the United States, she can regulate
her o-wn tariff with England ; and, it is reasonable to expect, that
m a few years the fact of her now owning immense tracts of
those great Prairie Lands, which have formed so attractive a
feature in dra-wing emigration to the United States, will have a
similar effect -with her, and a population increasing in the same
ratio, will afford to England the market which she is losing in the

CONFEDERATION. 183
United States^ But sever Canada from England, annex her to
the United States, and you will seal a whole continent against
British manufactures, or, at any rate, place it in the power of one
Government to do so — viz., the United States.
It is argued that the Eastern market wall answer the purpose of
England, even if she should be comparatively excluded from the
United States ; but the raUways across the American Continent
afford the shortest route to the East, and wUl divert the trade in
that dh-ection. If Canada were merged in the United States, the
latter would have the entire control of those routes. Canada is
now buUding, or proposing to build, a direct line from Halifasc to
Vancouver Island, and whUe she remains a British possession, that
route cannot be closed. It is said that the infiuence and the
interests of the proprietors of these great roads in the United
States -will be against closing them, and that the United States
Government must bow to such infiuence ; yet to accomplish a
national or a retaliatory purpose, the Federal Government would
not hesitate to stop the passage of British goods in transitu,
either from or to the East. The President of the United States
in his Message to Congress, December, 1870, when endeavouring,
as Canadians allege, most unjustly to force them into an abandon
ment of their Territorial Fishery rights, — rights as exclusively
their o-vm as the Fishery rights on the coasts of England, Scot
land, or Ireland are the rights of the people of those countries, —
did not hesitate to say, " Anticipating that an attempt may possi
bly be made by the Canadian authorities in the coming season, to
repeat their unneighbourly acts towards our fishermen, I recom
mend you to confer upon the Executive the power to suspend, by
proclamation, the operation of the laws authorizing the transit of
goods, wares, and merchandize m bond across the Territory of the
United States to Canada ; and, further, should such an extreme
measure become necessary, to suspend the operation of any Laws,
whereby the vessels of the Dominion of Canada are permitted to
enter the waters of the United States." How, then, can England
rely upon an infiuence which, in the time of emergency, would be
unavaUable, and which would be rendered even the more impotent
from the very effort to use. it m her favour, at a time of popular
excitement or national hostility.

184 CONFEDERATION.
Then laying aside the Suez Canal, the future utUity of which
seems stiU to be in the balance, and the capacity of which, as
suming that it was not controlled in any way by Foreign Powers,
would hardly be sufficient for the entire Eastern Trade of. Great
Britain ; the latter country -without Canada would in that respect
be entirely at the mercy of the United States.
The interest of Canada on the contrary, as separate from the
United States, is to make her country, both by the great natural
highway of the St. Lawrrence and by means of railways, the great
path of transport for the traffic of Western America, and of Asia
to Europe — by means of light duties and cheap fares, aided by the
more equal temperature of the climate to divert the cereals of
the Prairie States from the expensive routes to New York and
Pennsylvania, to Montreal and the other Canadian seaports, and
in return to supply those rapidly increasing interior States -with
the productions of Great Britain and Europe, by means of her
canals and superior natural communications.
As illustrative of how strongly this is the interest of Canada,
and how conclusively therefore it may be reHed on, as a pohcy
likely in the future to influence her statesmen, thereby keeping
her separate from the United States, and lea-ving her open to
make or continue her o-wn arrangements -with Great Britain, so as
to be mutually advantageous to both, it may be mentioned that
in 1864, during the discussion in the United States on the subject
of the renewal of the Reciprocity Treaty, in pointing out the
benefit that accrued to one country from ha-ving the transit trade
of another, and as a reason why the United States should continue
the Reciprocity Treaty -with Canada instead of putting an end to
it, Hunts Magazi'ne, one of the ablest and most authoritative
works in the United States, on the Commercial PoHcy of the day,
among other things stated, that the mere transit of 300,000 bushels
of Canadian white wheat alone, from Detroit to New York, left,
in '' droppings on the way" — in costs and charges on the road — to
the benefit of the people of the United States, (without paying
one farthing of the purchase money) — $111,676 — and gave the
items as follows :

CONFEDERATION. 185
For elevating and shipping  $6,000
Insurance against fire  1,125
Freight to Buffalo at 6 cents per bushel  18,000
Transfer  8,000
Canal freight  60,000
Measuring  3^000
Commission on value in Now York, at IJl 90 per bushel. . . . 14,250
Lake Insurance  2,191
For odd numbers  730
$108,296
During tho war, a war-tax on freight on the lakes was fur
ther imposed, which created an additional charge of. . . 8,380
A total benefit to the United States Government
and people for the transport of merely 300,000
bushels of Canadian grain  $111,676
Throwing off" the war tax aud reversing the position, gi^¦ing to
Canada the transit of goods from the Western States, instead of
to the United States the transit of goods from Canada, see what
an advantage it would be to Canada.
Thus in whatever light it may be viewed, in the interests of
peace and trade, the pohtical connection of C;mada with Great
Britain twenty yeai-s hence will be of great importance to the
latter. But it would be unstatesman-like to look at the question solely
in the light of peace. Tlie mere patronage that Canada aff'ords
the British Government in the nomination of one solitary Gover
nor-General for all British North America is not worth naming,
and' therefore we must look at the question in the light of war, 
not of war solely -with the United States, or as legards Canada,
(for if the latter were separated from England there would be no
cause of war between the United States ;ind themselves), but as
regards Great Britain m a war with any of the nations of Europe.
The enormous trade of England makes her the most -vulnerable
nation in the world. Her extensive colonial possessions counter
balance the d:uiger, and give her the means of gieatest efficiency
as a maritune power ; but imless she retains within her own em-
13

186 CONFEDERATION.
pire the compensating advantages derivable therefrom, in the pos
session of ports where her commerce may resort for shelter, and
her fleets may rendezvous and coal, which her antagonists do not
possess, she must suffer in a degree gi-eater than they, for it is
assumed that in any future war Great Britain without allies is not
likely to invade any of the territories of Europe, and the conflict
would be one of maritime warfare.
By the advancement of science, in the application of steam, the
adoption of u-onclads, and the invention of powerful guns of pre
cision at long distances, other nations have been brought more on
an equaHty with Great Britain. The dashing days of Nelson and
close quarters, of nautical skUl in gaining the weather guage and
boarding at the yard arm, have passed away forever. A Prussian
or a Frenchman may not be as good a saUor as an Englishman,
but he may be quite as good, if not better, as an artiUerist, and
future contests between ships -will be regulated as much by science
as by courage. England's commerce is spread over every sea.
Let us suppose that Canada is separated from her either by annex
ation to the United States, or by having become an independent
power. In such a case what self-producing coaling station -will
England have in America 1 What rendezvous for her fleets ] As
neutrals, if separated, the same law must be extended to herself
that is given to her foes — ^twenty-four hours in port and no muni
tions of war ; for it is vain to suppose if Canada be separated the
rich coal fields of Cape Breton or Nova Scotia, of British Colum
bia or Vancouver Island, m time of war would be at her command.
The noble harbour of Halifax, -with its splendid dockyards and
impregnable fortifications of Esquimault, with its wide and deep
bay, wUl no longer be under the British flag. There can be no
Gibralter in America, and when England withdi-aws from British
America, she hauls do-wn her flag from every rock and hUl.
Reference may be made to the last Russian war, and it may be
said that during that war British commerce needed no American
ports. Perhaps not. But a war with France and Russia com
bined, or Pi-ussia and any other European power possessing
Mediterranean as weU as Baltic ports, or ports on the EngHsh
Channel, and many of them, from which fleets and privateers
could issue, would make a great difference.

CONFEDERATION. 187
Thus in any future war — in such a case — England would lose
the immense advantages she has hitherto possessed. But if this
should be so, in case of a European war, how much more disas
trous would it be ui case of a war with the United States —
England without a place of shelter on the whole Nortli Atlantic
and Nortli Pacific coasts, and the United States -with a thousand
hai-bours on each, from which vessels could issue to prey upon
England's European commerce on the Atlantic, and her Eastern
commerce on the Pacific. The United States at the same time
possessing, in her o-«ti great interior continent, a field for internal
trade so vast, that the loss of her foreign commerce by the war
woiUd not be felt. It may be said, there are to be no more wars,
and all disputes between nations are henceforth to be settled by
arbitration. It would be well if it were to be so ; but it is
hardly worth whUe to cut one's muscles untU one is sure there will
be no more fighting. The history of the last twenty years does
not authorise any such conclusion, and the unceasing note of
preparation, which rings throughout England, shows that she does
not place much reliance on the doctrine that she preaches.
Thus, in the light both of peace and war, the retention of
Canada as a part of the Empire, may be of the very greatest con
sequence to England.
On the other hand, how would separation affect the present and
future of Canada ? It may be stated at once, that on the part of
the great — very great — majority of the people of Canada, there is
no desire for any change. Apart from all questions of material
advantage, the feeling -with them is one of sentiment. They
identify themselves with the glory and prestige of England ; they
inherit the feelings of attachment to the old soU, their fathers
brought with them to this country ; and they no more desire to
get rid of their allegiance than an honest son would of the attach
ment that binds him to'his father, even though that father may
have ceased to aff"ord him 2)ecuniaiy aid. The recurrence of a
second shock, like that created by the " Ashburton surrender,"
would, in the present day, arouse a veiy bad feeling ; but the
modem policy of England renders that improbable, and it may
safely be affirmed that the "status quo" is one which will not fee

188 CONFEDERATION.
disturbed for many years, except by England's own action. A
separation involves two distinct phases — one of annexation to the
United States, one of independence as a distinct sovereign power.
With reference to the fixst, it is difficult to see any advantage to
be gained by Canada, except the internal market of the United
States, whUe it would be accompanied -with their increased taxa
tion, and the entne loss of her o-wn autonomy, besides which,
whether beneficial or not, the people are against it. Co-existent,
however, with this latter feeling, it may not be inappropriate to
observe that the opinion is also prevalent throughout Canada,
that in all negotiations -with the United States, touching aff'ans
m which British America has been interested, the United States
have on every occasion got the advantage of England — that in eveiy
instance, on the question of boundary, she has been deceived— that
on the question of the Fishery rights she has been trifled -with ;
and though the question of the Alabama Claims is one so entnely
of an Imperial character, and the burden — if a pecuniary compensa
tion should be awarded — so purely a question of home policy
that Canada has notlung to do with it, yet, whether it be right or
wrong, the impression does exist, that English diplomatists are no
more fitted to compete -with American diplomatists in statecraft
on questions affectmg American interests, than a Londoner would
be with an Indian in woodcraft in an American forest.*
In order to imdei-stand the second, that of independence as
a sovereign power, the enquiry suggests itself, what are the
material advantages derived from being connected -with England 1
Let all dread of the United States, so far as Canada is con
cerned, be removed from the consideration of the question. As
between the two coimtries, in case of a separation, there is no
likelihood of any cause of disturbance. Apart from the Fenian
and rowdy element in the United States, a kindred sentiment
prevaUs between the two peoples, and their better class of citizens
are m favour of the more Conservative element stUl existino- in
the Canadian Institutions, though it has ceased in their o-wn. In
case of the continued connection with England and a war arising
* See Hmve's Comments on Imperial Policy.— Appendix B.

CONFEDERATION. 189
between that country and the United States, in which, perhaps,
the brunt of the land conflict might have to be home on their
soil, Canadians not only do not admit the position taken by the
Times and the other -writers and speakers referred to, as to the
defence of their country ; but on the contrary, they contend that
if England -will only do her duty, and stand by them -with a fan
proportion of military and naval aid, the country can be as well
defended now as in 1812. The St. Lawrence and the lakes, if
Great Britain promptly avaUed lierseK of her maritime superiority
and made good use of it, afford a frontier sufficiently defensive as
well as offensive to prevent any very great diead of an invasion
on the part of the two Provinces of Ontario and Quebec. With
reference to the Maritime Provinces, the sea is then- safeguard.
Apart, therefore, from such contingencies, what are the material
advantages 1 As a matter of jjounds, shUlings and pence, it has
been she-wn that Canada bears all her o-wn exjienses of every kind,
not only for internal self government and looah development, but
for those external aids in the maintenance of lights and marine
establishments along her coasts, which are as essential to British
and foreign commerce as to her own. By the entne withdrawal of
Her Majesty's troops, the burden of mUitary defence, in all cases
except of an Imperial contest, has been thro-wn upon the Dominion.
To this, there can possibly be no objection. The troops were sent
here for an Imperial purpose, when the Imperial advisers of the
Cro-wn thought for the jmrpose of concentration m England or
otherwise, they should be -withdrawn, they were -withdra-wn. They
had accomphshed the object for which they were sent, and Cana
dians were, and are indebted to them for that mUitary instruction
and bearing which has tended so materiaUy to instU into them the
principle of self-reliance, and when on duty, of mUitary subordina
tion. For revenue purposes, and a coast guard over the fisheries,
Canada has to bear the expense. In all her civU and military
departments the same, not a shilling from the English Exchequer
finds its way into Canada for a Canadian purpose. On the other.
hand, Canada derives a great pecuniary advantage, indeed an in
calculable advantage from the connection, in the benefit of protec
tion to her commerce by the British na-vy. Already the third

1 90 CONFEDERATION.
maritime country in the world, her ships under the British fla^
are spreading over every sea, and as British ships bear with them
wherever they go, that power, which, though unseen, like the
atmosphere, is felt eveiywhere. To this navy she contributes no
portion of the expense. Again, in the representation of her
interests at foreign courts, in the protection of her citizens abroad as
British subjects, she has the same benefit as the tax-payer of the
British Isles, who bears aU the burden of the Imperial expenses,
whUe she contributes none. An Englishman -with every privilege
— -without his burden — it is difficiUt to conceive, practicaUy a more
mdepeudent position. True it is, this Navy and Foreign Re
presentation would equally have to be kept up, if Canada were in
no way connected -with England, not a ship is added to her na-vy,
or a man to her army, on account of Canada, yet that in no
way derogates from the faot that Canada has the benefit, -without
the payment.
Revie-wing then the whole subject, and balancing the considera
tions on both sides, the conclusion must be that in the hour of
Great Britain's difficulty -with European nations, or with the
United States, the loss from the separation in the future would be
greater to England than to Canada. Canada, if separated and
independent, would have to assume a burden equal to aU her pre
sent expenditure for the maintenance of a navy and diplomatic
representation with foreign governments, to say nothing of the
humUiations to which a weak power may sometimes have to sub
mit when assorting with others whose means are unmeasurably
greater. But England, on the other hand, would lose, in the
event of Canadian independence, the most available means of pro
tecting her commerce in case of war ; and in the event of annexa
tion to the United States, would be for all time to come, in maf>-
ters of trade, both in the east and in the west, entirely at the mercy
of the United States, in peace as well as in war.
Thus it would seem to the interest of both parties to continue
the connection. Canadian pride might be flattered by Canada
being cla^ssed amid the great family of nations, but her pubhc
unproductive expenditures would be largely increased. British
prudence might deem that the empfre had got rid of an element of

CONFEDERATION. 191
trouble with one nation, but might find that the removal of that
element had left her powerless in her contests with six others, if
not all. Viewed m either light — m the cold aspect of material
calculation, or the warmer glow of a more generous patriotism, the
true friend of both countries would desire that no severance should
take place.
With the cementing of a friendly feeling with the United
States, and the joint rivalry of Great Britain and Canada and
themselves in works of jirogress and civUization, it might well be
anticipated that the humanities of life would be promoted, and
civil and religious liberty become more widely diff'used.
The importance of the connection of Cianada -with Great Britain,
in -view of the future position of the latter, ought not to be too
lightly estimated. In a late article in one of the leading periodi
cals of the day (Blackwood), " How is the country governed,"
it is said : " Tlie departments of state in which the people of Eng
land take, as is natui-al, the deej^est interest, are the Home Office,
the War Office, the Admiralty, the Treasuiy, and the Foreign
Office. The business, as well of the Colonial as of the Indian
Office, may be, and doubtless is, both weighty and important, but
it attracts, comparatively speaking, little notice out of Downing
Street, and beyond the doors of the Houses of Parliament, for
this sufficient and obvious reason, that whether UI or well con
ducted, it aff'ects the interests of the masses only in a secondary
degree." The truth of the above statement can hardly be ques
tioned, but the reason assigned may well be. The failure or inse
curity of the commerce of England would aff'ect the interests of
the masses more than the result of the question whether the
elections should be conducted by ballot or viva, vocS, and quite as
much as the settlement of the question whether Alsace or Lorraine
belonged to Germany or France.
The point to be looked at is, whether England, -with the whole
continent of North America sealed against her — in peace by an
antagonistic policy, and in war if with a European power by the
law of neutrals, should Canada be independent, and of necessity
if -with the United States, should Canada be merged in the latter —
can retain her commerce. In Canada the impression is she could

192 CONFEDERATION.
not. The following observations from a leading American states
man, and one of the most eminent staticians of the United States,
whose opinion is of marked weight in that countiy,* tend strongly
to confirm the views before expressed. He writes :
"The internal and coast-wise trade of our country greatly
exceeds our foieign trade, and consequently we feel the loss of
our tonnage in foi-eign trade much less than it would be felt by
other countries. That oui- jjrosperitj'- depended more upon our
internal resources and exchanges than it did upon the carrying
trade ; that our revenues from the excise on tobacco and liquors
would, this year, meet the interest on our whole debt, and suffice
to pay the principal before the close of the century; that by the aid
of our internal revenues we had last year paid $100,000,000 of our
debt. And that when English politicians assumed that our power
was crippled by the loss of a quarter of our tonnage, they fell
into a serious error — because they did not appieciate the magni
tude of oui- internal resources. England measures the resources
of nations by their exports and then imports and tonnage engaged
in foreign trade. We adopt a different standard. We have less
.ships, and less exports and imjjorts in foreign trade than England.
Our commerce is chiefly coastwise and contmental ; but whUe the
entries and clearances of .shipping in the British Isles are less
than 40,000,000 of tons annually, ours exceed 87,000,000 of tons.
Our inland movement by railways aud canals is still larger. The
inland traffic by i-ailway and canal of the single State of New
York, this year, exceeds 14,000,0(l(» of tons. By my estimate,
the agricultural productions of the United States annually
exceed .$3,600,000,000; their minerals and manufiictures -will
reach $2,800,000,000 ; their exports and imports wUl equal
$1,200,000,000; their growth in wealth ammally $1,500,000,000 ;
their annual growth in population 1,200,000. If our country has
lost shipping, it has buUt .56,000 miles of raUways — more raU
ways than all Europe has constructed. Last year our country
raised 4,200,000 bales of cotton; l,2U(t,UOO,000 bushels of com;
500,000,000 bushels of other breadstuff's ; 200,000,000 gaUons of
*Mr. Derby of Boston ; SejilmnUT 10th, 1871.

CONFEDERATION. 193
petroleum. It sustams, also, more than 100,000,000 of cattle,
sheep, and swine. As i-espects our commercial policy, our country
has suice the war repealed more thiui .-^^lOO, 000,000 taxes and
duties, without materially reducing its net revenue. It struck off
last year $24,000,000 of duties and $56,000,000 of taxes, and
can, I think, tliis -winter spai-e $80,000,000 more, and stUl reduce
its debt rapidly. Should we do so, the nation in eight years more
— should a crisis occur — would be able to raise, by taxes, duties,
and loans, twice tlie amount it did raise in 186.'i — in which year
we drew from our people hi taxes and duties $530,000,000, and
by home loans ^500,000,000 more. We are now increasing our
shipments to England more rapidly than ever before, and can
spare her manufactures more easUy than she can dispense with
the food and raw material we furnish."
However much, therefore, English political economists may
question the soundness of the trade theories of the United States,
it is plaui that untU her great continent becomes as densely
peopled as the British Isles, she need not trouble herself much
about the discussion. In the presence of such a power twenty
yeai-s hence, should England i"ashly throw away Canada, British
commerce may bow its head.

[194]

CHAPTER VII.
Debate in the Canadian Legislature on Confederation — The Governor-
General's Speech— Motion in the Legislative Council — Do. in the House
of Assembly— Character of the Debate— Division in the Council on the
main motion — Names — Do. in the House — Names — Synopsis of speeches
of men representing views of all parties — A. D. 1865.
When the Canadian Legislature met in February, 1865, it at
once entered warmly and boldly into the question of Confeder
ation. There was no faltering either on the part of the Govern
ment or the people. Strong in the con-viction of its advantages,
the Cabinet were a unit, the several ministers vieing -with each
other only in the generous rivalry who should be most earnest in
the work. The Governor-General brought the subject before the
House in his opening speech :
" I informed you that it was my intention, in conjunction with
my ministers, to prepare and submit to you a measure for the
solution of the constitutional problem, the discussion of which
has for some years agitated this pro-vince. A careful consideration
of the general position of British North America, induced the
con-viction that the circumstances of the time afforded the oppor
tunity not merely for the settlement of a question of pro-vincial
politics, but also for the simultaneous creation of a new nation
ahty. Preliminary negotiations were opened by me -with the
Lieut.-Govemors of the other pro-vinces of British North America,
and the result was that a meeting was held at Quebec, in October,
composed of delegates from these colonies, representing aU shades
of pohtical party in their several communities, nominated by the
Lieutenanf^Govei-nors of their respective Pro-vinces, who assembled
here, with the sanction of the Cro-wn and at my invitation, to
confer with the members of the Canadian ministry, on the possi
bUity of effecting a miion of all the provinces of British North
America. This Conference by lengthened deliberations arrived at
the conclusion, that a federal union of these Provinces was
feasible and desirable, and the result of their labour is a plan of

CONFEDERATION. 195
constitution for the proposed union, embodied in a series of
resolutions, which, with other papers relating to the subject, I
have directed to be laid before you. The general desire of a
union, and tlie particular plan by which it is proposed to carry
that intention mto eff"ect, have both received the cordial approba
tion of the Imperial Government. An Imperial Act of Parlia
ment wUl be necessary in order to give eflfect to the contemplated
union of the colonies ; and I have been officially informed by the
Secretary of State, that Her Majesty's ministers will be j^repared
to introduce a BUl for that purpose into the Imperial Parliament,
as soon as they shall have been notified that the proposal has
received the sanction of the Legislatures representing the several
pro-vinces affected by it. In commending to your attention this
subject, the importance of which to yourselves and to your
descendants it is impossible to exaggerate, I would claim for it
your calm, earnest, and impartial consideration. With the public
men of British North America it now rests to decide, whether
the vast tract of coimtry which they inhabit shall be consolidated
into a State, combinhig -within its area all the elements of national
greatness, pro-viding for the security of its component parts, and
contributing to the strength and stability of the empire ; or,
whether the several Pro-vinces of which it is constituted, shall
remain in their present fragmentary and isolated condition, com
paratively powerless for mutual aid, and incapable of undertakmg
their proper share of Imperial responsibility. In a discussion of
such moment, I fervently pray that your minds may be guided to
conclusions which shall redound to the honour of our Sovereign,
to the welfare of her subjects, and to your own reputation as
patriots and statesmen."
On the 3rd February, the report of the Convention, in the
shape of the resolutions already given, were brought up for
discussion in the Legislative Council, on the following motion by
Sn E. P. Tach6, viz. : " That an humble address be presented to
Her Majesty, praying that she may be graciously pleased to cause
a measure to be submitted to the Imperial Parliament, for the
purpose of uniting the Colonies of Canada, Nova Scotia, New

196 CONFEDERATION.
Brunswick, Ne-wfoundland and Prince Edward Island, in one
Government, with provisions based on the resolutions, which were
adopted at a Conference of delegates from the said Colonies, at
the city of Quebec, on the 10th October, 1864."
The resolutions are then set forth, and are the same as those
already given on page 66, except the 24th, which has the altera
tion before adverted to, and is as follows : " 24. The Local Legis
lature of each Province may from time to time alter the Electoral
Districts for the purpose of representation in such Local Legisla
tures, and distribute the representation to which the Province is
entitled in such Legislature in any manner such Legislature may
see fit."
A similar motion was made in the other House.
It may be said of the debate which foUowed in both Houses,
that it would have reflected credit on any assembly. Sustained
throughout, over a succession of many weeks, by courtesy and
forbearance in the speakers and members towards each other,
it was nevertheless characterized by a fearless and exhaustive
examination of the propositions. Overruling all, there breathed
throughout a lofty patriotism, and an abiding confidence in the
ftiture of Canada. It is impossible to give this debate in full — it
would be injustice to summarize it. The Legislature caused it to
be published in a distinct volume by itself, so that it is open to all
parties, without laboiu or difficulty of attainment.
The views of Messrs. Macdonald, Cartier and Brown on the
one side, and of Messrs. Sandfield Macdonald and Holtoii on the
other, as the leaders of their respective parties ; of Mr. Gait, from
his admittedly high fuiancial position and commercial knowledge ;
of Mr. Dorion, as the leader of the Rouge section of the liberal
party of Lower Canada ; of Mr. Joly, as an educated French
Protestant, and representative of the rural and landed interests ;
of Mr. Langevin as a French-Canadian, a member of the Cabinet,
and assumed to speak with the authority, and to a great degree
the sentiments, of the Roman Catholic clergy and party ; of Mr.
Rose, as an eminent barrister of Montreal, a banker, and politician
of much experience ; of Mr. Dunkin, as a critical la-wyer, analysing
the subject with microscopic power; and of Mr. Shanly, an inde-

CONFEDERARION. 197
pendent member of Parliament, touching upon a point uot referred
to by the other speakers, cannot fail to command attention. The
speeches of Messrs. Cartier and Bro-wn, on different occasions, hav6
already been given at great length. It is considered that the sub
stantial observations of the other members, now selected as repre
sentative men of different interests and classes, condensed as much
as possible and added to theirs, fairly represent and consolidate the
opinions of all parties at the time. The omission of the observa
tions of other speakers is simply to avoid unnecessary reiteration.
In the Legislative CouncU the discussion was equally able.
On a re-view of the whole debate, one is perceptibly struck with
the greater depth of -s-iew, the broader forecast, and more states-
man-lUte positions of the supporters of the measure, than of its
opponents. It would indeed have been a melancholy day for
Canada, if the sectional jealousies and purely local considerations
which were urged by the opposition, however disinterested may
have been the motives of. its leaders, had prevailed.
Laying aside the ministerial difficulties, and the antagonistic
attitude of the two di-visions of old Canada proper, which had
rendered constitutional government imjsossible, and made some
change essentially necessary, it is plain that the future interests of
British North America requued a broader development than could
have been afforded by any congeries of Pro-vinces, working in
indifferent if not hostUe relations towards each other.
To the Maritime Pro'vinces the change was as essential as to
Canada. It is true, the machinery of their local governments was
workmg smoothly, and no pressing internal difficulty necessitated
any departure from the existing system. But the horizon was
circumscribed, and very limited. No Province could speak -with
any weight of position. Trade was daily seeking further expan
sion ; but negotiations with half-a-dozen Provinces, each regulating
its o-wn tarifl", rendered complications with foreign countries and
the Imperial Government, through whom they had to speak, so
great, as to neutralise action. The British Government looked
upon the aff"airs of British North America and its six or seven
Governments, as an endless chain of trouble, perpetually revolving,
and always showing the same unending types.

198 CONFEDERATION.
One strong hand, one strong -wUl, presiding over and cementing
all, constitutionally speaking to the parent state through its
Parliament and ministers, would do more in one year to advance
the material progress of the whole country, and remove the
difficulties of deahiig -svith foreign states, so far as British North
America was concerned, than would a dozen years of negotiation
-with the separate Provinces. The greater homogeniety that woiUd
be engendered, the fusion of interests in the imdei-taking of great
works, the national character and national spirit that would be
created, woiUd all tend to strengthen those elements which He at
the foundation of a nation's greatness.
It is absurd to suppose, that British North America, -with its
half a continent of boundless domam can always hang a de-
pendancy upon England. Its people will and must develop their
material interests, and on the spot, they are better judges of how
that is to be done, than those who only think for them at a
distance. It requires no separation, no change of sovereignty,
but it requu-es a cessation of dependance — Canada must not en
tangle Great Britain in any way. The latter's position towards
all other countries ought to be such, as to leave her free, to act
for her o^vn Imperial interests, -without being constrained by
considerations for Canada, and the only way to accomplish that
end, is by Canada becoming united and strong.
Those who foresaw, and boldly shadowed forth this consumma
tion, who advocated not only the union of the Atlantic Pro-vinces,
but the admission of the North-West Teiiitories ;md of British
Columbia, -will hereafter i-ank among the class of statesmen, who,
rising above the influences of their time, or the jiressui'e of local
causes, grasp the future in then- hand, and mould the destinies of
empfre. But to the debate. Sir Etienne Tache, in the Legislative
CoimcU, in a fair and temperate speech, moved the resolution,
obseiwiiig :
" The reasons for its introduction were two-fold. They related.
first, to the intrinsic merits of the scheme itself, divested of all other
considerations, and next, to the settlement of the domestic difficul-

CONFEDERATION. 199
ties which for some yeai-s had distracted the country, and the means
we might and ought to employ to restore good feeling, harmony
and concord therein. He would first address himself to what he
considered the intrinsic merits of the scheme of Confederation, and
he would therefore say that if we were anxious to continue our
connection with the British Empire, and to preserve intact our
institutions, our laws, and even our remembrances of the past, we
must sustain the measure. If the opportunity which now presented
itself were allowed to pass by unimproved, we would be forced into
the American Union by violence, and if not by violence, would be
placed upon an inclined plane which would carry us there insensibly.
In either case the result would be the same. In our present condi
tion we would not long continue to exist as a British colony. The
people of the Northern States believed that Canadians sympathized
-with the South much more than they really did, and the consequences
of this misapprehension were : first, that we had been threatened
with the aboHtion of the transit system ; then the Reciprocity
Treaty was to be discontinued ; then a passport system was in
augurated, which was almost equivalent to a prohibition of mter-
course, and the only thing which really remained to be done was
to shut down the gate altogether and prevent passage through
their territory. Wbuld any one say that such a state of things
was one desirable for Canada to be placed in? WUl a great
people in embiyo, as he believed we were, coolly and tranquilly
cross their arms and wait for what might come nexf? For his
part he held that the ^ime had now arrived when we should
establish a union -with the great Gulf Provinces. He called them
great ad-visedly, ' for they had within themselves many of the
elements which went to constitute greatness, and of some of
which we were destitute. No one could deny that the Gulf Pro
vinces were of immense importance, if only in respect of their
fisheries. Then they were rich in minerals. Then coal alone was
an element of great wealth. It had been said that where coal was
found the country was of more value than gold. Look at Eng
land, and what was the chief source of her wealth if not coal '?
Deprived of coal, she would at once sink to the rank of a second
or third rate power. But Canada had no coal, and notwithstand-

200 CONFEDERATION.
ing all her other elements of greatness, she i-oqufred that mineral
in order to give her completeness. What she had not, the Lower
Provinces had ; and what they had not, Canada had. Then as to
ship-buildhig, it was an industiy pi-osecuted with great ^¦igou^ and
success iu those pro-vinces, especially in New Brunswick, and some
of the finest vessels saUmg under the Britisli flag had been biiUt
in the port of St. John, which annuaUy launched a considerable
number of the largest class. They were not beggai-s, nor did they
wish to come into the luuou as such ; but as mdepeudent Provinces,
able to keep up their credit, and provide for theii- o-wn wants.
They would brmg mto the common stock a fafr share of revenue.
of property, and of e^ery kind of industry. As to Canada itself
from the 21st iMay, 1862, to the end of June, 1864, thei-e had
been no less than five different Governments in charge of the
business of the countiy. Much had been said on the war of
races, but that w;u- was extinguished on the day the British
Government granted Canada Responsible Government, by which
all its inhabitants, without distinction of lace or creed, were
placed on a footing of equality. The war of i-aces found its grave
in the resolutions of the 3rd September, 1841. and he hoped ue-\ er
to hear of it agaui."
The attack was led by Mr. Currie, ably supported by jMr.
Letellier de St. Just and Mr. Sanbom. They pointed in succes
sive columns of statistics to the inequalities of tlie burdens, as they
alleged, to, be borne by Canada, and to .the constitutional objec
tions put forward on behalf of the French Canadians ; but as
their arguments were substantially the same as tliose urged by the
opponents of the measiu-e in tlie Lower House, they wUl be found
in the speeches hereuiafter quoted from.
The result in both Houses was the same : the motion was sus
tained by large majorities ; ui the Lower House, on a division, by
ninety-one membei-s to tlurty- three, only five membei-s being
ateent out of a house of one hundi-ed and twenty-nuie, namely :
Yeas. — Messieui-s AUeyn, ArchsihijDault, AWt, Beaulueu, Bell,
Belle^ose, Blai^liet, Bo^vl^an, Boyii, BroWau, Bro-wn, Burwell,

CONFEDERATION. 201
Cameimn (Peel), Carling, Attorney-General Carfcier, Cartwr^ght,
CauVbou, Chambers, Chapais, Cockbiirii, Cornellier, Cowan, Cu^-'
rier, De BouchervUle, Denis, De Ni-v^^ille, Dickson, Dufr«Mie
(Montcalm), Dunsford, Evanturel, Ferguson (Frontenac), Fe?Wf-
son (South Simcoe), Gm, Gau<mer, Gaiidet, Gibbs, Harwood,
Haultain, Higginson, HowMnd, HiJ^, Ir?»Kne, Jackson, Jones,
(N. Leeds and Grenville), Jongs (South Leeds), Knight, Lange
vin, Le BoutUlier, Attorney-General Macdonald, MacFarlaue,
Mackenzie (Lambton), Mackenzie (North Oxford), Magill, McCon-
key, McDougall, McGee, McGiverm, Mclntyre, McKeUar, Morris,
Morrison, Parker, Pope, Poulin, Poupore, Powell, Rankin, Ray
mond, RcmUlard, RobitaUle, Rose, Ross, (Champlain), Ross
(Dundas), Ross (Prince Edward), Scoble, Shanly, Smith (East
Durham), Smith (Toronto East), Somerville, Stirton, Street,
Sylvain, Thompson, Walsh, Webb, WeUs, White, Willson, Wood,
Wright (Ottawa County), and Wright (East York)— 91.
Nays. — Messieurs Biggar, Bourassa, Cameron (North Ontario),
Caron, Coupal, Dorion (Drummond and Arthabaska), Dorion
(Hochelaga), Duckett, Dufresne (Iberville), Fortier, Gagnon,
Geoffrion, Holton, Houde, Huntington, Joly, Labreche- Vigor,
Laframboise, Lajoie, Macdonald (Cornwall), Macdonald (Glen
garry), Macdonald (Toronto West), O'Halloran, Paquet, Perrault,
Pmsonneault, Pouliot, Rymal, Scatcherd, Tascliereau, Thibaudeau,
Tremblay and Wallhridge (North Hastings) — 33.
And in the Upper House by an equally commanding division,
namely :
dontenta. — Honourable Messieurs Alexander, Allan, Armand,
Sir N. F. Belleau, Bennett, Fergusson Blair, Blake, Boulton,
Boss^, Bull, Burnham, Campbell, Christie Cra-wford, De Beaujeu,
Dickson, A. J. Ducliesnay, E. W. J. Duchesnay, Dumouchel,
Ferrier, Foster, Gingras, Guevremont, Hamilton (Inkerman),
Hamilton (Kingston), Lacoste, Leonard, L-^slie, McCrea, McDonald,
McMaster, Macpherson, Matheson, Mills, Panet, Price, Read,
Renaud, Ross, Ryan, Shaw, Skead, Sir E. P. Tachd, Vidal and
Wilson. — 45.
Non-cmitents. — Honourable Messieurs Aikins, Archambault,
Armstrong, Bureau, Chaffers, CJurrie, Flint, Letellier de St. Just,
14

202 CONFEDERATION.
Malhiot, Moore, Oli-sier, Proulx, Reesor, Seymour and Simp
son. — 15.
In the Lower House, the campaign was opened on the 6th
February, 1865, by the Attorney-General West, Jolm A. Mac.
donald introducing the resolutions, and making a motion simUar
to the one moved by Su- E. P. Tache in the Upper House. He
remarked substantially as follows :
" That in fulfilment of the promise made by the Government to
Parliament at its last session, he had to submit a scheme for the
Confederation of all the British North American Provinces — one
which, as propounded through the press, had received almost no
opposition. This subject was not a new one. The attention of
the Legislature was first formaUy caUed to it by the Minister of
Finance, Mr. Gait, some yeai-s ago ; but it was not taken up by
any party as a branch of their poHcy, untU the formation of the
Cartier-JMacdonald Administration in 1858. A despatch was
addressed by three members of that Administration to the
Colonial Office. The subject, however, though looked upon -with
favour by the country, did not begin to assume its present propor
tions untU the then last session. Then the leading statesmen on
both sides came to the common conclusion^ that some step must be
taken to relieve the country from the dead-lock aud impending
anarchy that hung over it. With that -view, a committee was
ptruck, composed of gentlemen of both sides of the House, of aU
shades of political opmion, -without any reference to whether they
were supporters of the Administration of the day or belonged to
the Opposition, for the purpose of taking into deliberation the
e-^-ils which tlu-catened the future of Canada. The committee, bv
a wise provision, agreed that the discussion should be freely
entered upon without reference to the political antecedents of any
of its members, and that they should sit -with closed doors, so as
to be able to approach the subject frankly and ui a spirit of com
promise. The committee mcluded most of the leading members
of the House. The report of that committee -was laid before the
House, and then came the political action of the leading men of
the two parties m the House, which ended in the formation of the

CONFEDERATION. 203
then Government. The principle upon which that Government
was formed, was for the purpose of carrying out the object which
received, to a certain degree, its completion by the resolutions.
All agreed as to the expediency of effecting a union between all
the Provmces, imd the superiority of such a design, over the
smaller scheme of having a Federal Union between Upper and
Lower Canada alone. By a fortunate coincidence the desire for
union existed in the Lower Provinces, and a feelmg of the neces
sity of strengthening themselves by collecting together the scat
tered colonies on the sea-board, had mduced them to form a
convention of their o-wn, for the purpose of eff"ecting a union of
the Maritime Pro-vinces of Nova Scotia, New Bruns-wick, and
Prince Edward Island, the Legislatures of those colonies having
formaUy authorized theu- respective Governments to send a dele
gation to Prince Edward Island, for the purpose of attempting to
form a union of some kind. The Canadian Government appeared
before that Convention, and submitted the scheme of the larger
union. On its acceptance, though unofficial, they returned to
Quebec ; and then the Government of Canada invited the several
Governments of the sister colonies, to send a deputation from each
of them for the purpose of considering the question, with some
thing like authority from their respective Governments. The
result was, that on the 10th October they met at Quebec, and the
fh-st resolution before the House was passed unanimously. The
resolution is, ¦ ' That the best interests, and present and future
prosperity of British North America, will be promoted by a
Federal Union under the Cro-wn of Great Britain, provided such
union can be eff'ected on principles just to the several Pro'vinces.'
It seemed to all the statesmen assembled, that the best interests,
and present and future prosperity of British North America
would be promoted by a Federal Union under the Cro-wn of Great
Britain. If we -wish to form a great nationality, commanding the
respect of the world, able to hold our own against all opponents,
and to defend those institutions we prize ; if we -wish to have one
system of government, and to establish a commercial union, -with
unrestricted free trade, between the people of the five provinces,
belonging, as they do, to the same nation, obeying the same

204 CONFEDERATION.
Sovereign, o-wning the same aUegiance, and being, for the most
part, of the same blood and lineage ; if we wish to be able to
afford to each other the means of mutual defence and support
against aggression and attack — ^this can only be obtained by a
union of some kind between the scattered and weak boundaries
composing the British North American Provinces. He said there
were only three modes that were at aU suggested, by which the
dead-lock in aff"airs, the anarchy which was dreaded, and the evUs
which retarded the prosperity of the country, could be met or
averted. One was the dissolution of the union between Upper
and Lower Canada, lea-ving them as they were before the union of
1841. That proposition by itself had no supporters. The next
mode suggested, was the granting of representation by popu
lation. That of itself was not desirable, because it would
have left serious grounds of discontent in Lower Canada.
The third and only means of solution was the junction of the
pro-vinces either in a federal or a legislative union. As regards
the comparative advantages of a legislative and a federal union,
if practicable, he thought a legislative union would be preferable.
But on looking at the subject in the Conference, it was found that
such a system was impracticable. In the first place it would not
meet the assent of the people of Lower Canada. There was also
as great a disinclination on the part of the various Maritime Pro-
-vinces to lose then uidi-viduahty, as separate pohtical organiza^
tions, as was observed in the case of Lower Canada herself There
fore, those who were in favour of a legislative union were obhged
to modify their views and accept the project of a federal union as
the only scheme practicable, even for the Maritime Provinces.
Because, although the law of those pro-vinces is founded on the
common law of England, yet every one of them has a large
amount of law of its o-wn — colonial law framed by itself, and
aff"ecting every relation of life, such as the laws of property, muni
cipal and assessment laws ; laws relating to the liberty of the
subject, and to all the great interests contemplated in legislation ;
in short, the statutory law of the different pro-vinces was so varied
and diversified that it was almost impossible to weld them into a
legislative union at once. The Lower Provinces evinced a great

CONFEDERATION. 205
desire for the final assimUation of the laws. One of the resolu
tions pro-vides that an attempt shaU be made to assimUate the la-ws
of the Maritime Provinces and those of Upper Canada, for the
purpose of eventuaUy establishing one body of statutory law,
founded on the common law of England. One great objection
made to a feder-al union was the expense of an iAcreased number of
legisla1n.ires ; but it would be shown that the expenses under a
federal union would not be gi-eater than those under the existing
system of separate governments and legislatures. The admixture
of subjects of a general with those of a private ohai-acter in legis
lation mufniaUy interfere -with each other ; whereas, if the atten
tion of the legislature was confined to measures of one kind or the
other alone, the session of parliament would not be so protracted,
and therefore not so expensive. Nominally there was a legislative
union in Canada, yet, as a matter of fact, since the union in 1841
it was a federal union ; in matters affecting Upper Canada solely,
members from that section exercised the right of exclusive legisla
tion, whUe members from Lower Canada legislated in matters
afi"ecting their own section. The whole scheme of Confederation,
as propounded by the Conference, as agreed to and sanctioned by
the Canadian Government, bears upon its face the marks of com
promise. It must be considered in the light of a treaty. Just
so surely as this scheme is defeated, -wiU be revived the original
proposition for a union of the Maritime Pro-vinces, irrespective of
Canada. We know that the United State's at this moment are
engaged in a war of enormous dimensions ; that the occasion of a
war with Great Britain has again and again arisen, and may at
any time in the future again arise. We cannot foresee what may
be the result ; we cannot say but that the two nations may drift
into a war as other nations have done before. It would then be
too late when wai- had commenced to think of measures for
strengthening ourselves, or to begin negotiations for a union -with
the sister provinces. At this moment, in consequence of the Ul-
feehng which has arisen bef;ween England and the United States,
the Reciprocity Treaty, it seems probable, is about to be brought
to an end ; our trade is hampered by the passport system, and at
any moment we may be deprived of permission to carry our goods

206 CONFEDERATION.
through United States channels ; the bonded goods system may be
done away -with, and the winter trade 'with the United States put
an end to. If we do not, wliUe one avenue is threatened to be
closed, open another by taking advantage of the present arrange
ment, and the desire of the Lower Provinces to draw closer the
alliance between us, we may suffer commercial and political dis
advantages it may take long for us to overcome. In adopting a
federal union ^ve hiwl the advantage of the experience of the United
States. It is the fashion now to enlarge on the defects of the
constitution of the United States, but I am not one of those who
look upon it as a faUure. I think and believe that it is one of the
most skUful works which human intelUgence ever created ; is one
of the most perfect organizations that ever governed a free people.
To say that it has some defects, is but to say that it is not the work
of Omniscience, but of human intellect. By a resolution it is pro
vided, so far as we can legislate for the future, that the head of
the executive power shall be the Sovereign of Great Britain. By
adhering to the monarchical principle, we avoid one defect inhe
rent in the constitution of the United States. By the election
of the President by a majority and for a short jieriod, he never
is the sovereign and chief of the nation ; he is never looked up
to by the whole people as the head and front of the nation ; he is
at best but the successful leader of a party. This defect is aU the
greater on account of the piactice of re-election. During his first
term of office, he is employed in taking steps to secure his o-wn
re-election, aud for his party a continuance of power. We avoid
this by adhering to the monarchical principle. In the coustitution
it is proposed to continue the system of Responsible Government,
which has existed in the province since 1841, and which has long
obtauied in the mother country. This a\-oids one of the great
defects in the constitution of the United States. There the Pre
sident, during his term of office, is in a great measure a despot,
a one-man power, with the command of the naval and mUitary
forces — -with an immense amount of patronage as head of the
Executive, and with the veto power as a branch of the legislature
perfectly uncontrolled by responsible advisei-s, his cabinet being
departmental officers merely, whom he is not obliged by the con-

CONFEDERATION. 207
stitution to consult with, unless he chooses to do so. With us the
Sovereign, or in this country the representative of the Sovereign,
can act only on the advice of his ministers, those mmisters being
responsible to the people through Parliament. Ever since the
union of the United States was formed the difficulty of what is
called " State rights'' had existed, and this had much to do in
bringing on the present unhappy war in the United States. We
have adopted a different system. We have strengthened the
General Government, have given the General Legislature all the
great subjects of legislation and expressly declared that all subjects
of general interest not distinctly and exclusively conferred upon
the Local Governments and Local Legislatures, shall be conferred
upon the General Government and Legislature. The desire,"
said the honourable gentleman, " to remain connected with Great
Britain and to retain our allegiance to Her Majesty was unani
mous. Not a single suggestion was made, that it could, by any
possibUity, be for the interest of the colonies, or of any section or
portion of them, that there should be a severance of our connec
tion. Although we knew it to be pos.sible that Canada, from her
position, might be exposed to all the horrors of war, by reason of
causes of hostUity arising between Great Britain and the United
States — causes over which -we had no control, and which we had
no hand in bringing about — yet there was a unanimous feeling of
wiUmgness to run aU the hazards of war, if war must come,
rather than lose the comiection between the mother country and
these colonies. The Executive authority must be administered
by Her Majesty's Representative. No restriction is placed on
Her Majesty's prerogative in the selection of her representative _
The Legislature of British North America will be composed of
King, Lords and Commons. The Legislative Council wUl stand
in the same relation to the Lower House, as the House of Lords
to the House of Commons in England, ha-ving the same power of
initiating all matters of legislation, except the granting of money.
The Lower House -will represent the Commons of Canada, in the
same way that the English House of Commons represents the
Commons of England, with the same privUeges, the sahie parlia
mentary usage, and the same parliamentary authority. In settling

208 CONFEDERATION.
the constitution of the Lower House, it was agreed that the
principle of representation based on population should be adopted,
and the mode of applying that principle is fully developed in the
resolutions. By representation by population, universal suffi-age
is not in any way sanctioned. The three great divisions into
which British North America is separated, would be represented
in the Upper House on the principle of equaHty. Each of the
three great sections would be represented equaUy by twenty-four
members. The only exception to that condition of equaHty is in
the case of Ne-wfoimdland, which has an interest of its o-wn,
lying, as it does, at the mouth of the great river St. La-wrence,
and more connected, perhaps, with Canada than with the Lower
Pro-vinces. There was not a dissenting voice in the Conference
against the adoption of the nominative principle for the Legis
lative CouncU except from Prince Edward Island. The pro-vision
in the constitution, that the Legislative CouncU shall consist of a
limited number of members — that each of the great sections shall
appoint twenty-four members and no more, wUl prevent the Upper
House from being swamped from time to time by the ministry of
the day, for the purpose of carrying out their o-wn schemes or
pleasing their partisans. 'The fact of the government being pre
vented from exceeding a limited number will preserve the inde
pendence of the Upper House, and make it, in reality, a separate
and distinct chamber, having a legitimate and controlling influence
in the legislation of the countiy. The objection that has been taken,
that iu consequence of the Cro-wn being deprived of the right of
unlimited appointment, there is a chance of a dead-lock arising
between the two branches of the legislature — a chance that the
Upper House being altogether independent of the Sovereign, of
the Lower House, and of the ad-visers of the Cro-wn, may act so
independently as to produce a dead-lock, is not sound. It -wUl
never set itself in opposition against the dehberate and understood
wishes of the people. The members of the Upper House -will be
like those of the Lower, men of the people, and from the people.
The man/ put mto the Upper House is as much a man of the
people the day after, as the day before his elevation. Springing
from the people, and one of them, he takes his seat in the CouncU

CONFEDERATION. 209
-with all the sympathies and feelmgs of a man of the people, and
when he returns home, at the end of the session, he mingles -with
them ou equal terms, and is influenced by the same feelings and
associations, and events, as those which affect the mass around
him. Referring to the constant changes which took place m the
Legislative CouncU he called attention to the following facts : At
the call of the House hi February, 1856, forty-two life members
responded; two years afterwards, in 1858, only thirty-five answered
to then names ; in 1862 there were only twenty-five life members
left, and in 1864, but twenty-one. So it is quite clear that, should
there be on any question a differencfe of opinion between the
Upper and Lower Houses, the government of the day being
obliged to have the confidence of the majority in the pojiular
branch — would, for the purpose of bringing the former into accord
and sympathy -with the latter, fUl up any vacancies that might
occur, -with men of the same political feelmgs and sympathies
-with the government, and consequently -with those of the majority
in the popular branch ; and all the appointments of the Admhiis
tration would be made -with the object of maintaining the sympathy
and harmony between the two houses. To the Upper House is to
be confided the protection of sectional interests ; therefore is it
that the three great di-visions are there equally represented, for
the purpose of defending such interests against the combinations
of majorities in the Assembly. It is provided that the selection
shall be made from those gentlemen who are now members of the
upper branch of the Legislature in each of the..colonies, for seats
in the Legislative Council of the General Legislature. In the
formation of the House of Commons, the system of representation
by population has been introduced -without the danger of an in
convenient increase m the number of representatives on the re
currence of each decennial period. The whole thing is worked by
a simple rule of three. For mstance, we have in Upper Canada
1,400,000 of a population; in Lower Canada, 1,100,000. Now,
the proposition is simply this — if Lower Canada, -with its popula
tion of 1,100,000, has a right to sixty-five members, how many
members should Upper Canada have, -with its larger population of
1,400,000 1 The same mle applies to the other provinces — the

210 CONFEDERATION.
proportion is always observed and the principle of representation
by population carried out, while, at the same time, there -wUl not
be decennially an inconvenient increase in the numbers of the Lower
House. At the same time, there is a constitutional pro-vision that
hereafter, if deemed ad-visable, the total number of representatives
may be increased from 194, the number fixed in the first instance.
In that case, if an increase is made. Lower Canada is still to re
main the pivot on which the whole calculation wUl tum. If Lower
Canada, mstead of 65, shall have 70 members, then the calculation
will be, if Lower Canada has 70 members, -with such a population,
how many shall Upper Canada have -with a larger population 1
The existmg laws relative to elections in the separate provinces,
were to obtain in the first election to the Confederate Parliament,
so that every man who has now a vote in his o-wn pro-vince should
continue to have a vote in choosing a representative to the first
Federal Parhament. And it was left to the Parliament of the
Confederation, as one of their first duties, to consider and to settle
by an act of then own the qualification for the elective franchise,
which would apply to the whole Confederation. The duration of
Parliament wUl be a period of five years. A good deal of mis
apprehension he said had arisen from the accidental omission of
some words from the 24th resolution. It was thought that by it
the Local Legislatures were to have the power of arranging here
after, and from time to time of reradjusting the different con
stituencies, and settling the size and boundaries of the various
electoral districts. The meaning of the resolution is simjsly this,
that for tho first General Parliament, the arrangement of con
stituencies shall be made by the existing Local Legislatures ; that
in Canada, for mstance, the present Canadian Parliament shall
arrange what are to be the constituencies of Upper Canada, and to
make such changes as may be necessary in arranging for the
seventeen additional members given to it by the constitution ; and
that it may also, if it sees fit, alter the boundaries of the existing
constituencies of Lower Canada. In short, this Parliament shall
settle what shall be the diff"erent constituencies electing members
to the first Federal Parliament. And so the other provinces, the
Legislatures of which wUl fix the limits of their several constitu-

CONFEDERATION. 211
encies in the session, in which they adopt the new constitution.
Afterwards the Local Legislatures may alter their own electoral
limits as they please, for their own local elections. But it would
evidently be unproper to leave to the Local Legislature the power
to alter the constitueucies, sending members to the General Legis
lature after the General Legislature shall have been called into
existence. Were this the case, a member of the General Legisla^
ture might, at any time, find himself ousted from his seat by an
alteration of his constituency, by the Local Legislature in his
section. After the General Parhament meets, in order that it
may have full control of its o-wn legislation, and be assured of its
position, it must have the full power of arranging and re-arranging
the electoral limits of its constituencies as it pleases, such being
one of the powers essentially necessary to such a Legislature. As
a matter of course, the General Parhament must have the power
of dealing with the public debt and property of the Confedera
tion. Of course, too, it must have the regnlation of trade and
commerce, of customs and excise. The Federal Parhament must
have the sovereign power of raismg money from such sources and
by such means as the representatives of the people -will allow. It
is pro-vided that all ' lines of steam or other ships, raUways,
canals, and other works, connecting any two or more of the
pro-vinces together, or extending beyond the limits of any prov
ince,' shall belong to the General Government, and be under the
control of the General Legislature. In like manner ' lines of
steamships between the Federated Provinces and other countries,
telegraph communication and the incorporation of telegraph com
panies, and all such works as shall, although lying within any
provmce, be specially declared by the Acts authorizing them, to
be for the general advantage,' shall belong to the General Govern
ment. For instance, the Welland Canal, though lying wholly
-within one section, and the St. La-wrence Canals in two only, may
be properly considered national works, and for the general benefit
of the whole Federation. Again, the census, the ascertaining of
our numbers and the extent of our resources, must, as a matter
of general interest, belong to the General Government. So
also -with the defences of the country. One of the great

212 CONFEDERATION.
advantages of Confederation is, that we shall have a united,
a concerted, and unifoi-m system of defence. The crimmal
law too — the determination of what is a crime and what is not,
and how crime shall be punished — is left to the General Govern
ment. This is a matter almost of necessity. It is one of the de
fects in the United States system, that each separate state has or
may have a criminal code of its own ; that what may be a capital
offence in one state may be a venial offence, punishable slightly,
in another. But under our constitution we shall have one body
of criminal law, based on the criminal law of England, and ojier-
ating equally throughout British America, so that a British
American, belonging to what provmce he may, or going to any
other part of the Confederation, knows what his rights are in that
respect, and what his punishment will be if an offender against
the criminal laws of the land. This is one of the most marked
instances in which advantage is taken of the experience derived
from the observations of the defects in the constitution of the
neighbouring Republic. The 3 3rd provision is of very great im
portance to the future well-being of these colonies. It commits
to the General Parliament the " rendering uniform all or any of
the laws relative to property and civU rights in Upper Canada,
Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Nevirfoundland and Prince Edward
Island, and rendering uniform the proceduie of all or any of the
courts in these provinces.' The great principles which govern
the laws of all the pi-ovmces, -with the single exception of Lower
Canada, are the same, although thei-e may be a divergence in de
tails ; on the part of the Lower Pro-vinces a general desire exists
to join together with Upper Canada in this matter, and to pro
cure, as soon as possible, au assimilation of the statutory laws and
the procedure m the courts, of all these provinces. At present
there is a good deal of diversity. It was understood that the first
act of the Confederate Government should be to procure an assi
mUation of the statutory law of all those pro-vinces, which has, as
its root and foundation, the common law of England. But to
prevent local interests from being ovcv-ridden, the same section
makes provision that, while power is given to the General Legis
lature to deal -with this subject, no change in this respect should

CONFEDERATION. 213
have the force and authority of law ui any province mitU sanc
tioned by the legislature of that pi-ovmce. The General Legisla
ture is to have power to (wtabli.sh a general Court of Appeal of
tlie Federated Pi-ovinces. Besides all the powers that are speci
ficaUy given, tlie Constitution confers on the General Legislatui-e
the geneiiU mass of sovereign legislation, the power to legislate on
' all matters of a general character, not specially and exclusively
reserved for the local governments and legislatures.' This is pre
cisely the provision which is Avautuig in the constitution of the
United States. It is in itself a wise and necessary provision. It
strengthens the central Parliament, and makes the Confederation
one people and one governmeut, instead of five peoples and five
governments, with merely a point of authority coimectmg them to
a limited and msufficient extent. With respect to the local govern
ments, it is provided that each shall be governed by a chief exe
cutive officer, who shall be uonimated by the General Government.
The Greneral Government assumes towards the local govermnents
precisely the same position as the Imperial Government holds with
respect to each of the colonies now ; so that as the Lieut. -Governor
of each of the different Provmces is now appointed dfrectly by the
Queen, and is directly responsible and reports directly to her, so
wiU the executives of the local governments hereafter be subordi
nate to the representative of the Queen, and be responsible and
report to hun. Objection has been taken that there is an infringe
ment of the Royal jirerogative in giving the pardoning power to
the local Governoi-s, who ai-e uot appointed directly by the Crown,
but only uichrectly by the chief executive of the Confederation,
who is appointed by the Crown. This pro^-ision was inserted iu
the constitution on account of the practical difficulty which must
lu-ise if the power is confined to the Governor-General. It is ii
subject, however of Imperial interest, and if the Imperial Govern
ment and the Imperial Parhament are not convinced by the argu
ments we wUl be able to press upon them for the contmuation of
that clause, theu, of course, as the over-rulmg power, they may set
it aside. There tu-e numerous subjects which belong, of right,
both to the local and the general Parliaments. In all these cases
it is provided, in order to prevent a conflict of authority, that

214 CONFEDERATION.
where there is concurrent jurisdiction in the General and Local
Parliaments, the same rule should apply as now applies m cases
where there is concurrent jurisdiction in the Imperial and in the
Pro-vmcial Parliaments, and that when the legislation of the one is
adverse to or contradictory of the legislation of the other, in all
such cases the action of the General Parliament must overrule, ex
necessitate the action of the Local Legislature. We have intro
duced also all those provisions which are necessary m order to the
full workinar out of the British constitution in these Provinces.
Let me again,' said the honourable gentleman, as he closed his
clear and powerful speech, ' before I sit do-wn, impress upon this
House the necessity of meeting this question in a spirit of compro
mise, with a disposition to judge the matter as a whole, to consider
whether really it is for the benefit and advantage of the country
to form a Confederation of all the provinces ; and if honourable
gentlemen, whatever may have been their preconceived ideas as to
the merits of the detaUs of this measure, whatever may still be
their opinions as to these detaUs, if they reaUy believe the scheme
is one by which the prosperity of the country -will be increased,
and its future progress secured, I ask them to yield then o-wn
views, and to deal -with the scheme according to its merits as one
great whole. One argument, but not a strong one, has been used
against this Confederation, that it is an advance towards indepen
dence. Some are apprehensive that the very fiict of our formmg
this union will hasten the time when we shall be severed from the
mother country. ¦ I have no apprehension of that kind. I believe
it -wUl have the contrary effect. I believe that as we grow
stronger, that, as it is felt m England we have become a jieople,
able from our union, our strength, our population, and the deve
lopment of our resources, to take our position among the nations
of the world, she -will be less wUliiig to part -with us than she
would be now, when we are broken up into a number of insignifi
cant colonies, subject to attack piecemeal without any concerted
action or common organization of defence. I am strongly of
opinion that year by year, as we grow in population and strength,
England will more see the advantage of maintaining the
alliance between British North America and herself Instead

CONFEDERATION. 215
of looking upon us as a merely dependent colony, England
-wUl have in us a friendly nation, a subordmate but stUl a power
ful people, to stand by her in North America m peace or m war.
We all feel the advantages we derive from om- connection -with
England. So long as that alliance is mamtained, we enjoy, under
her protection, the pri-vileges of constitutional liberty accordmg to
the British system. We wUl enjoy here that which is the great
test of constitutional fi-eedom — we will have the rights of the
minority respected. In all countries the rights of the majority
take care of themselves, but it is only in countries Hke England,
enjoying constitutional liberty, and safe from the tyranny of a
single despot or of an unbridled democracy, that the rights of
minorities are regarded. So long, too, as we form a portion of the
British Empu-e, we shall have the example of her free institutions,
of the high standard of the character of her statesmen and public
men, of the purity of her legislation, and the upright admmistra-
tion of her laws. In this younger country, one great advantage
of our connection -with Great Britain -wiU be, that, under her
auspices, mspu-ed by her example, a portion of her empire, our
public men wUl be actuated by prmciples similar to those which
actuate the statesmen at home. These, although not material,
jihysical benefits, of which you cuii make an arithmetical calcula
tion, are of overwhelmmg advantage to our future mterests and
standing as a nation. In conclusion, I would agam implore the
House nOt to sufi'er this opportunity to pass ; it is one that may
never recur."
He was ably sustauied by the Attorney-General Cartier on the
folio-wing day, and by Mr. Gait, who dealt mainly -with the com
mercial and financial mterests mvolved : he said —
" The subjects on which he proposed to address the House were
those connected -with the trade, resources and fuiancial condition
of the several Proraices of British North America. He should
divide his remarks into five distinct heads : 1st. Do the commer
cial and material interests of the several Provinces pouit to theu-
union as an advantageous measure 1 2nd. Is then financial con
dition such as to permit of this union being carried into practical

216 CONFEDERATION.
effect at this moment, -with justice to them alii 3i-d. Are the
measures proposed in the resolutions before the House fair to each
and to all ? 4th. Is there a reasonable prospect that the machinery
through which these interests are proposed to be governed, wUl
work smoothly and harmoniously ? 5th. Does the proposed system
for the government of the united Provinces appear likely to prove
so expensive as to render it impossible for the people of Canada to
consent to it ? In dealing -with the first question, it was well to
offer to the House some few remarks as to the resources of British
North America. Possessing as we do, in the far-western part of
Canada, perhaps the most fertUe wheat-gro-wing tracts on this con
tinent ; in central and eastern Canada facUities for manufacturing
such as cannot anywhere be surpassed ; and in the eastern or Mari
time Provinces an abundance of that most useful of all minerals,
coal, as well as the most magnificent and valuable fisheries in the
world ; extending as this countiy does for two thousand mUes,
traversed by the finest navigable river in the world, we might well
look forward to our future ^\-ith hopeful anticipation of seeing the
realization, not merely of what we have hitherto thought would be
the commerce of Canada, great as that might become, but to the
possession of Atlantic ports, which we should help to build to a
position equal to that of the chief cities of the American Union.
But it is not so much by the extent of a coiuitry that its power
and real greatness are to be estimated, as by its containing -within
itself the elements of different interests ; for it is in the diversitv
of employment that security is found against those sad reverses to
which every country depending mamly on one branch of industry
must always be liable. The resources of these colonies, and the
extent to which the uidustry and intelligence of their inhabitants
have developed them, are most significantly sho-wn in the trade
and navigation tables, which are in the possession of the public.
The returns of the trade of Canada m 1863, taking exports and
imports conjointly, show an aggregate of $87,795,000. Taking
the census of 1861, this trade represents !j>35 per head of the popu
lation. The value of the import and export trade of New Bmns-
-wick for the same year reaches $16,729,680, amoimting to $66 per
head of its population. The aggregate trade of Nova Scotia for

? CONFEDERATION. 217
the same period amounted to $18,622,359, or $56 per head of its
people. In the case of Prince Edward Island, the import and
export trade amounted to $3,055,568, representing $37 per head
of the population of that colony. The value of the total trade of
Newfoundland was $11,245,032, or $86 per head. The whole of
these figures represent an aggregate trade of all the Provinces
amounting to $137,447,567. Notwithstanding the large popula
tion, and the very large amount represented by the trade of
Canada, when it is divided per head it falls considerably short of
the trade of New Bruns-wick and Nova Scotia, being a Httle more
than half per head of the former, and not more than two-thirds
of that of Nova Scotia. Passing from trade to the ship builduig
and tonnage of those colonies. The returns of 1863 show, in
that year, the number of ships buUt in all those colonies to be no
less than 645, with a tonnage amounting to 219,763 tons. This
statement of the enormous amount of tonnage buUt m one year,
is as good evidence as can be off"ered of the facUities we possess
for becoming an important maritime power. The industry repre
sented by those figures shows an export value of nearly nine
miUion dollars ! The lake-tonnage of Canada amounted to
6,907,000 tons. The sea-going tonnage of Canada amounted to
2,133,000 tons; of New Brunswick, 1,386,000; of Nova Scotia,
1,432,000 tons. Consequently the amount of sea-going tonnage,
subject only to a smaU deduction, was actually about 5,000,000
tons, of which about 2,133,000 was that of vessels trading
between the St. Lawrence and foreign ports.* In making this
statement it is due to the House, that it should be made aware
that some portion of this trade -wUl not be represented after the
contemplated union has taken place. At present, the internal
commerce between these colonies appears in the returns of each
as imports and exports, but I should be glad if I were able to
make on this account a large deduction from the figures I have
given. It is matter for regret on the part of all of us that the
trade between these colonies — subject all to the same Sovereign,
connected -with the same empire — ^has been so small. Inter
colonial trade has been, indeed, of the most insignificant character ;
* The above figures are intended to indicate tlie annual total of tlie daily ingoing and
outgoing tonnage engaged in the sea and lake trade.
15

218 CONFEDERATION.
we have looked far more to our commercial relations with the
neighbouring, though a foreign, country, than to the interchange
of our own products, which would have retained the benefits of
our trade within ourselves ; hostile tariffs liave interfered -with
the free interchange of the products of the labour of all the
colonies, and one of the greatest and most immediate benefits to
be derived from their union, will spring from the breaking do-wn
of these baniei'S, and the opening up of the maikets of all the
provinces to the different industries of each. If we require to
find an example of the benefits of free commercial intercourse, we
need not look beyond the effects that have followed from the
working of the Reciprocity Treaty with the United States. In
one short year from the time when that treaty came into
operation, our trade in the natural productions of the two
countries swelled from less than 1^2,000,000 to upwards of
$20,000,000 per annum, and when we are threatened -with an
interruption of that trade, it is the duty of the House to provide,
if possible, other outlets for our productions; to seek by free
trade -with our o-wn fellow-colonists for a continued and uninter
rupted commerce, which wUl not be liable to be disturbed at the
capricious -will of any foreign country. In considering the second
and, perhaps, the third division — whether the material condition
of these Provinces is such as to make the union practicable; and
whether the detaUs of the measures proposed are equitable to
each and to all, it is necessary first to re-view the HabUities of each
province, the reasons why they were incurred, the objects which
have been sought. The public debt of Canada, New Bruns-wick,
and Nova Scotia has, with some slight exceptions, been incurred
for public improvements, intended to develope the resources of the
country. The public improvements of (Janada, her great canals
intended to bring the trade of the vast countries bordering on the
lakes down to the Gulf of St. La-vvrence ; the railway system
forced upon us in our competition with American channels of
trade, stretching from the extreme west to the extreme east of the
Province ; and the public works that have been undertaken in
Nova Scotia and New Brunswick practically form parts of one
great whole. Taking the present engagements of the several

CONFEDERATION. 219
Provincl^s, beginning with Canada, I liud that our whole debt,
exclusive of the Common School Fund, which does not form a
portion of our ongagements relatively to the Lower Provinces,
amounts to $67,263,1)95. The debt of No\-ii Scotia is $4,858,547,
and that of New Brunswick $5,702,991 ; Newfoundland has only
incurred liabilities to the extent of $940,000, bearing interest at
five per cent., whUe Pruice Edward Island owes $240,673. Tho
total liabilities of those Provinces ai-e, therefore, $11,748,211,
against tlie interest on which may be placed the net revenues of
the railways which are the property of those Provinces, and which
produced last year a net amount of about $100,000. In addition
to the existing liabUities of No^a Scotia and New Brunswick,
thel-e are certain further engagciuents they ha-^-e mcuri-ed for the
extension of their railway system requiring future pro\'isioii to
the extent, in the case of Nova Scotia, of $3,000,000, and in that
of New Brunswick of $1,300,000. Taking all the engagements,
present and future, of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, it was
found that, relatively to their populations, they amounted to about
$25 per head, and this amount, as applied to Canada, would
entitle us to enter the union with a debt of $02,500,000. Some
difficulty might have occurred in reducuig the Canadian debt to
this amount had it not been apparent, on (ixammation, that a con-
sidei-able portion of it was connected with local advances, such as
the Municipal Loan Fund, which does uot properly belong to the
same category as debt conti-iiettHl in connection with the system of
public iniiirovements, the management of which is intended to be
confided to the (General Government, but rather partakes of a
local character, and should more properly be left in the hands of
the Local Legislitm-es. It -will, therefore, be found provided in
the resolutions, that in assuming for itself, apart from the Genei'al
Government, the surplus of debt of about $5,000,000, the
Provmce of (Canada became entitled to withdraw from the general
assets all those items which were of a local cliai-acter, and for
which a portion of its debt had been uicnrnHl. It was wise, then,
to confine the HabUities of the General Go^•erllment simply to
those debts which had been incurred for purposes of general
uuproveinent, and to provide locally, in this country, for the

220 CONFEDERATION.
assumption of the surplus, together -with the assets which had
been created by it."
Hon. Mr. Dorion—" Do the $67,263,995, stated as the debt of
Canada, include the original seigniorial indemnity given to Upper
and Lower Canada, under the Act of 1854 1 "
Hon. Mr. Gait — " Yes ; that amount does include the indemnity,
and among the arrangements contemplated by the Government,
assuming that Confederation does take place, they wUl submit for
the consideration of this House, a project for the assumption by
Lower Canada of the seigniorial indemnity pro-vided by the Act
of 1859, whereby it -wUl be rendered unnecessary to give an
equivalent indemnity to Upper Canada, thus saving upwards of
three mUlions of dollars. It now becomes my duty to submit to
the House, a statement of the resources which the several prov
inces propose to bring into the common stock, for -which purpose
the financial returns of 1863 have been taken as the standard.
From these returns, it would appear that the income and expen
diture of the several provinces stood in that year as follows :
Nova Scotia, -with a population of 338,857, had an income of
$1,185,629, her outlay bemg $1,072,274; New Brunswick, with
a population of 252,047, had an income of $894,836, and an,
outlay of $884,613 ; Newfoundland, -with a population of 130,000,
had an income of $480,000, the outlay bemg $479,420 ; Prmce
Edward Island, with a population of 80,000, had an income of
$197,384, the outlay being $171,718. The total revenue of aU
these colonies amounted to $2,763,004, and the total expenditure
to $2,608,025 — the united surplus over expenditure for 1863
being $154,979. It -will be observed that as regards these Pro
vinces their uicome and expenditure are such that they -will enter
the Confederation with a financial position in no respect mferior
to that of Canada. If an objection were made -with respect to
any Province in regard to its financial position, it would be against
Canada. The Lower Provinces have been and are now in a
position to meet, from their taxation, all theu- expenses, and can
not be regarded as bringing any burthen to the people of Canada.
It is not necessary to say anything in reference to the financial
position of Canada in 1863, but it is gratifying to know that the

CONFEDERATION. 221
deficiency which unfortunately existed during that year was re
moved in 1864, and that, therefore, we are not obliged now to
enter the Confederation in an inferior position, in this respect, to
that of the sister colonies. The revenues of each of these Pro-
-vinces are collected under different systems of taxation, suited to
the local industry and the wants of then- several populations. It
is, therefore, one of the first duties of the General Legislature to
consider the modes by which the burden of taxation can be most
easUy borne by the industry of the whole country, and to as
similate the several sources of revenue which are now in existence
m such manner as -will least interfere with the profitable exercise
of the industry of the people. One thing must be evident that
where the taxation is about equal per head, the adjustment of it
cannot be attended with any injustice to the people of any of the
several provinces. Apart from the advantages from the free trade
which -will hereafter exist between us, the credit of each and all
the Pro-vinces wiU be greatly advanced by a union of their re-
soiuces. A larger fund -wUl be available as security to the public
creditor, larger industries will be subjected to the action of the
Legislature for the maintenance of jmblic credit, and some of those
apprehensions which have latterly affected the public credit of this
countiy -will be removed. It is proved by the fluctuating quota
tions of the securities of these Provuices in London that the
^apprehension of war -with the United States — which has aff"ected
the prices of Canadian bonds — has not to the same extent affected
those of New Bruns-wick and Nova Scotia, which are less exposed
to hostile attack ; and the union, while it aff'ords greater resources,
-wiU, at the same time, carry with it a greater sense of security.
I now propose, to refer to the means which wUl be at the disposal
of the several Local Governments to enable them to administer
the various matters of public poHcy which it is proposed to entrust
to them. In the case of Canada the sum of nearly five millions
of the public debt has to be borne by Upper and Lower Canada.
It -wUl hereafter be for the House to decide how this sum shall be
apportioned, but the probabUity is that the Government will re
commend that it shall be di-vided on the basis of population.
Canada -will have at its disposal a large amount of the local assets,

JiTl CONFEDERATION.
mcluding especially the sums due to the Municipal Loan Fund,
which wUl produce an income for the support of their local ui-
stitutions. As a matter of account between Upper and Lower
Canada and the General Government, they -will be charged with
the interest on their respective proportions of the five mUlions
against the subsidy which it is proposed shall be given to them,
while they themselves wUl collect from the municipalities and
other local sources all the revenue and amounts which now enter
into the general revenue of the Province of Canada."
Hon. Mr. Dorion — " WUl Lower Canada be charged -with the
municipal loan fund, the seigniorial indemnity, and the educational
indemnity 1 "
Hon. Mr. Gait — "As regards the original seigniorial indemnity
and the municipal loan, they are both included in the sixty-seven
millions already stated as the liabUities of Canada, and cannot,
therefore, form any additional charge against Lower Canada. In
deed, as regards the Municipal Loan Fund, instead of being stated
as a liability, it appears that the sums due under it are to be
regarded in the light of assets, because we are considering the
sums received as assets by Lower Canada. The Municipal Loan
Fund being one of them, the sums due to it under the existing
provincial arrangements will become payable as an asset to that
section of the Province. It will be observed that in the plan
proposed there are certain sources of local revenue reserved to the
Local Governments, arising from territorial domain, lands, mines,
&c., sources of revenue far beyond the requirements of the public
service. If the local revenues become inadequate, it wUl be
necessary for the Local Governments to have resort to direct
taxation; and one of the wisest provisions in the proposed con
stitution is to be found in the fact that those who are called ujion
to administer public affairs will feel, when they resort to direct
taxation, that a solemn responsibUity rests upon them, and that that
responsibility wiU be exacted by the people in the most peremp
tory manner. I do not hesitate to say, that if the public men of
these Provmces were sufficiently educated to understand their own
mterests in the true light of the principles of political economy, it
would be better now to substitute du-ect taxation for some of the in-

C0NFEDERATI0.N\ 223
direct modes by which taxation has been imposed upon the industry
of the people, I do not, however, believe that at this moment it
is possible, nor do I think the people of this country would support
any government in adopting this measure unless it were forced upon
them by the pressure of an overwhelming necessity. The local
revenue of Upi);'r Canada during the last four years has averaged
the sum of $739,000, and that of Lower Canada $557,239. Together
they amount to nearly $1,300,000, independent of the 80o. per head
which it is proposed to aUow the local governments out of the
general exchequer, for the purpose of meeting their local expendi
tures. These local expenditures include such items as the adminis
tration of justice, the support of education, grants to literary and
scientific societies, hospitals and charities, and such other matters
as cannot be regarded as devolving upon the general government.
The whole charge, exclusive of the expenses of local government
and legislation, on an average of the last four years, has in Lower
Canada amounted to .15997,000, and in Upper Canada to $1,024,622
per annum. To these sums will have now to be added such
amounts as may be required to meet the cost of the civil govern
ment of the country and of legislation for local purposes. In the
case of Nova Scotia, the estimate of outlay in 1864, for objects of
a local character, required an expenditure of no less than $667,000.
Some portion of this expenditure was for services that did not
require again to be performed ; but they have undertaken to
perform the whole service in future for $371,000. .In the case of
New Bruns-wick, in 1864 the estimated expenditure was $404,000,
which they have undertaken to reduce to $353,000; and at the
same time they have further undertaken within ten years to make
an additional reduction of $63,000, thus reducing the whole
expenditure in the future to $290,000. Prince Edward Island,
-with an expenditure of $124,000, proposes to perform the same
local duties that formerly required $170,000; and in Newfoundland
an outlay of $479,000 has been simUarly reduced to $350,000.
The House must now consider the means whereby these local
expenditures have to be met. I have already explained that in
the case of Canada, and also in that of the Lower Provinces,
certain sources of revenue are set aside as being of a purely local

224 CONFEDERATION.
character, and avaUable to meet the local expenditure ; but I have
been obliged, in my explanations with regard to Canada, to advert
to the fact that it is contemplated to give a subsidy of 80c. per
head to each of the Provinces. In transferring to the General
Government all the large sources of revenue, and in placing in
their hand — --with a single exception, that of direct taxation — all
the means whereby the industry of the people may be made to
contribute to the wants of the state, it must be evident to every
one that some portion of the resources thus placed at the disposal
of the General Government must in some form or other be avaU
able to supply the hiatus that would otherwise take place between
the sburces of local revenue and the demands of local expenditure.
The members of the Conference considered this question -with the
most earnest desire to reduce to the lowest possible limits the sum
that was thus requued, and I think that the figures I have already
given to the House aff"ord the best possible evidence that no dis
position existed, at any rate on the part of our friends from the
Lower Provuices, to take from the public exchequer one shilling
more than the necessities of their respective communities absolutely
demanded. In the case of Canada, perhaps it wUl be said that a
smaller sum would have met our immediate wants, but it was felt
that it would be impossible to justify any distinction being dra-wn
between subjects of the same country. A subsidy of 80c. per
head was provided, based ujion the population according to the
census of 1861. The agreement does not contemplate any future
extension of this amount. It is hoped that being in itself fixed
and permanent ui its character, the Local Governments will see
the necessity of exercising a rigid and proper control over the
expenditure of their several Pro-vinces. The last question neces
sary to be decided on the present occasion is, whether under the
proposed Confederation such additional expenses -will be incurred
as to render it undesu-able. On the one hand we shall be free
from the empty parade of small courts entailed by our present
system on each of these Provinces, keepmg up a pretence of regal
show when the reality is wanting ; we shall have the legislation
of the General Government restricted to those great questions
which may ]U'opei-ly occupy the attention of the first men in the

CONFEDERATION. 225
country; we shall not have our time frittered away in considering
the merits of petty local bUls, and therefore we may reasonably
hope that the expenses of the General Legislature will be con.
siderably less than even those of the Legislature of Canada at the
present moment, — while, on the other hand, the Local Legislatures
having to deal rather with municipal than great general questions,
-vriU be able to dispose of them in a manner more satisfactory to
the people, and at infinitely less expense than now. I believe,
therefore', the simple cost of the Government of the country will
not he in reahty any greater under the new than under the old
system ; but there are other items of expenditure for great pubHc
objects, the absence of which from the estimates of any country
is an indication rather of weakness and of dependence than a
subject that ought to form a source of satisfaction. If such items
are not now found in the public expenditure, either of Canada or
the Lower Provmces, it is the best proof that could be given that
our position is one of inferiority, and that we do not possess either
the power or the means to undertake such works as make such
items necessary. First I -will instance the great question of defence,
the absence of items of expenditure for which can only be an indica
tion that we are lacking in one of the chief elements of national
greatness, that we do not properly value the institutions under
which we live, and that we are not -willing to make the sacrifices
that every free people must make if they are desirous of preserv
ing them. The same argument applies to public works, in con
nection with which it might be said that great advantage would
arise from large expenditure ; but with limited resources and an
undeveloped territory it might be impossible for any small country
to undertake the necessary outlay. Many works of this kind
are not directly productive of revenue, although indirectly of the
utmost advantage, and if the resources of a country generally
cannot be applied to that outlay, the absence of such expenditure
ought to be a subject of regret in the community, and not of re
joicing. Let us endeavour by this measure to aff"ord a better
opening than we now possess for the industry and intelligence of
the people. Let us seek by this scheme to give them higher and
worthier objects of ambition. Let us not reject the scheme with

220 CONFEDERATION.
the bright prospect it offers of a nobler future for our youth, and
grander objects for the emulation of our public men. Let us not
refuse it on small questions of detail, but judge it on its general
merits. Let us not lose sight of the great advantages which
union offers because there may be some small ihatters which, as
individuals, we may not like. Let the House frankly look at it
as a great measure brought down for the purpose of relieving the
country from distress and depression, and give it that consideration
which is due, not to the arguments of the Government, feeble as
' they may be in view of the great interests mvolved, but to the
fact that the country desires and cries for, at the hands of the
House, some measure whereby its intern-al prospei'ity, peace and
happmess may be developed and maintamed."
Hon. Mr. Holton led the attack on behalf of the opposition.
He did not answer the arguments of the supporters of the mea
sure, but denouncing their incompetency and inconsistency, -with
caustic sarcasm declared that he was not afraid that theu- speeches
should go to the country unanswered. Compared with others,
his speech is extremely short. Being the first m opposition, and
strikingly characteristic of a prominent member of Parhament,
and a leading opponent of confederation, it is given in full. Per
haps also hereafter it may be referred to as a se.xthing leview by
a cotemporary liberal, of the style and efficiency of the leading
politicians of the day, his Conservative opponents. He said ;
" We on this side had some doubts lest the Opposition might
be placed at a disadvantage, by allowing the speeches of the Go
vernment to go to the country without any comment on them.
But if the five speeches to which we have now listened contain
all that can bs said in favour of this- scheme, we have no fear of
letting them go unanswered. I listened to the speech of the
Attorney-General West with great disappointment. The cause of
that disappointment was simple enough. The honourable gentle
man was, in that speech, giving the lie to twenty years of his
political life". He was offering to the cause he is now advocating
one speech against his continuous voics and vote for twenty years.
He was struggling, all through that speech, against the conscious-

CONFEDERATION. 227
ness of the falseness of his political position, and what every one
conceived would be the brightest effort of his life was the feeblest
address he ever delivered on any important question during the
twenty years he had sat ui this House. The Attorney-General
West was followed by the Attorney-General East. I know not
how to characterize the sjieech of that hon. gentleman, further than
to say that it was quite characteristic. It was perfectly character
istic. I doubt whether auy attorney-general who ever existed, since
attorneys-general were first invented, besides that hon. gentleman,
could have delivered, on an occasion like this, tlie speech which
he delivered. It may be said of that hon. gentleman, as the poet
said of a very different style of man — one who was not an hon.
gentleman in the sense in which we are now speaking — ' None but
himself can be his parallel.' No attorney-general, I repeat, since
attorneys-general were fu-st invented, could have delivered a speech
at all like that pronounced by the Attorney-General East, in open-
mg his side of the great question now submitted to the consider
ation of Parliament. Then foUowed the singularly able speech of
my honourable friend, the Finance Minister, which was delivered
-with all that ease and grace that mark all his efforts in this House,
and with that fluency of diction which we all admire, and which
I am always ready to acknowledge. But I think it will also be
admitted by that honourable gentleman's own friends, that his
speech was chiefly remarkable for an adroit avoidance of the very
topics on which he was expected, . or might have been expected, to
address the House, and for a very adroit assumption of those
very things which he might have been expected to prove. Such,
at least, was the impression which that speech made upon my
mind. Then came the speech, the herculean effort of my honour
able friend, the Piesident of the Council. That speech was a dis
appointing speech. I did expect, from the conspicuous part which
that honourable gentleman has so long played in the politics of the
country, from the leading part he has had in all the proceedings
which have conducted to the project now before the House, that
we should have had from him, at all events, some vindication of
the steps which he has seen fit to take — some -vindication of the
principles of the proposed union, so contrary to all those princi-

228 CONFEDERATION.
pies which he has hitherto advocated. I say, we did expect that
we would have had something of that kind from that honourable
gentleman. But, instead of that, his whole speech was mainly an
apology for his abandonment of all those objects for which he has
contended through his political life, sa-ving only the shadow of
representation by population, to attain which shadow he seems to
have sacrificed all the material objects, all the real objects, for the
attainment of which the agitation for that change has proceeded
on his part. Then we have had, to-night, the speech of my
honourable friend, the Minister of Agriculture, a speech which I
admit was one of very great interest as a historical essay — one
which will read very nicely in those reports which we a,re to get
in a few days — one which does very great credit to his literary
research and literary taste ; but one which, I do venture to say,
had very little practical bearing on the question that is now before
us. Well, I repeat, I am not afraid that these speeches should
go to the country unanswered. The country wUl see that these
honourable gentlemen have utterly faUed to establish a cause for
revolution. They are proposing revolution, and it was incumbent
upon them to establish a necessity for revolution. All revolu
tions are unjustifiable, except on the ground of necessity. These
honourable gentlemen were, therefore, bound to establish this neces
sity. The country wUl see, too, that they have failed to explain,
to -vindicate and to justify the disregard of parHamentary law and
of parliamentary usage by which they are attempting to extort
from this House an assent, not merely to the principle of union —
which would be perfectly proper — but to aU the clumsy contriv
ances adopted by that self-constituted junta which sat in Quebec a
few weeks since, for giving effect to that union, and to all those
huxtering arrangements by which the representatives of the Lower
Provinces were induced to give in their adhesion, and, so far as
they could, the adhesion of their pro-vinces to this scheme. I say,
they quite failed to explain this and to vindicate it. The country
too wiU see that these honourable gentlemen have carefully re
frained from entering into any explanation of the concomitants of
this scheme — of the proposed constitutions of the local govern
ments, for instance, which are, at least, as important as the con-

CONFEDERATION. 229
stitution of the Federal Government. It is quite manifest that a
union, even if generally desirable, might become undesirable from
the bad, or inconvenient, or expensive arrangements incident to
the adoption of that union. And that really explains the posi
tion of many honourable gentlemen in this House, who like
myself, are not opposed to the Federal principle, but who find
themselves obliged to go counter apparently to theu- own convic_
tions, because they cannot accept a union clogged with such condi
tions as this union is. Then it might have been' expected that
some further, some more distmct information might have been
given than has been given, on the all-important question of edu
cation, in respect of which we have been given to understand
that some final and permanent system wUl be enacted by this.
legislature, in view of the proposed federation of the Pro-vinces.^
We might also have expected that some information would have
been vouchsafed to us in respect to the Intercolonial Railway,
which we are in fact voting for, -without having gone into commit
tee of the whole. Without having in point of fact any informa
tion -with regard to it whatever, we are voting the cost of that
road, so far as this legislature can do so — a road which wUl cer
tainly cost us $20,000,000, and, for aught we know, may cost us
$40,000,000. I do think we should have had some information
-with respect to that road from these honourable gentlemen, in
order that the whole case might have gone to the country. And
then, -with respect to the defences of the country, what sort of
utterances have we had on that subject 1 We were told by the
President of the Council that the subject was engaging the atten
tion of the Imperial Government, and he vindicated union,
because defence can be better given by united than by separate
colonies. And what have we been told to-night by the Minister
of Agriculture 1 That despatches are received by every second
mail from England, telling us that we are entering on a new era
with reference to the question of defence. What does all this
mean ? It means that, in connection with this union, we are to
have entaUed upon us untold expenditures for the defence of the
country. Ought they not to place this information, these des
patches, before the House and the country, before any final and

230 C0NFEDER.\TION.
irrevocable action is taken with regard to the scheme 'I These are
a few, and but a few of the leading topics which constitute the
contents of this scheme of Federation, in respect to which we had
a right to expect the fullest possible information, but ui respect to
which honourable gentlemen have either maintained a studied
reserve, or have spoken, like the Delphic oracles, in language
which defies uiterpretation. I say, then, let these speeches go to
the country; and if the country, by perusing them, is not awak
ened to the dangers which threaten it from the adoption of this
crude, immature, ill-considered scheme of honourable gentlemen,
a scheme which threatens to plunge the country into measureless
debt, into difficulties and confusions utterly unknown to the pre
sent constitutional system, imperfect as that system confessedly
is — if the country is not awakened to a sense of its danger by the
perusal of these speeches, I do not say I -wUl despair of my coun
try, for I will never despau- of my country, but I anticipate for
my country a period of calamities, a period of tribulation, such as
it has never heretofore known."
On the 1 6th February, Hon. Mr. Dorion followed m support of
Mr. Holton, and in resuming the adjourned debate, after remark
ing that he had heard no sufficient reasons assiffued for changins;
the views he had before entertained on the subjects of the Elec
tive Council . and Intercolonial RaUway, and the question of
union, when first proposed l>y Mr. Gait in 1858, proceeded
to observe that the present scheme was submitted on two gromids,
first, the necessity for meeting the constitutional difficulties which
have arisen between Upper and Lower Canada, owing to the
gro-wing demands on the part of Upper Canada for representation
by population; and, secondly, the necessity for providing more
efficient means for the defence of the country than now exist.
The first time representation by population was mooted in this
House, on behalf of Upper Canada, was, I believe, m the session
of 1852, when the Conservative party took it up, and the Hon.
Sir Allan Macnab moved resolutions in favour of the principle.
We then found the Conservatives arrayed in support of this con
stitutional change. It had been' mooted before on behalf of

CONFEDERATION. I'ol
Lower Canada, but the Upper Canadians had all opposed it. I
think two votes were taken hi 1852, and on one of these occa
sions the Hon. Attorney-General West (Hon. J. A. Macdonald)
voted for it; it came up incidentally. In 18-''i4, the Macnab-
Morin coalition took placid, and we heard no more of represen
tation by population from that quarter — that is, as mooted by the
Conservative party, who from that moment uniformly opposed it
on every occasion. It was, however, taken up by the present
Hon. President of the CouncU (Hon. Mr. Bro-wn), and he caused
such an agitation in its behalf as almost threatened a revolution.
I never hesitated to say that something ought to be done to meet
the just claims of Upper Canada, and that representation based
on population was, in the abstract, a just and correct principle. I
held, at the same time, there were reasons why Lower Canada
could not grant it. In 1856, when Parliament was sitting in
Toronto, I suggested that one means of getting over the difficulty
would be to substitute for the present legislative union a con
federation of the two Canadas, by means of which all local
questions could be consigned to the deliberations of local legis
latures, -with a central government ha-ving control of commercial
and other questions of common or general interest. The first
time the matter was put to a practical test was in 1858. On the
resignation of the Macdonald-Cartier administration, the Bro-wn-
Dorion government was formed, and one of the agreements madg
between its members was that the constitutional question should
be taken up and settled, either by a confederation of the two
Pro-vinces, or by representation according to population, with such
checks and guarantees as would secure the religious faith, the
laws, the language, and the pecuHar institutions of each section
of the country from encroachments on the part of the other. I
still hold to the same views, the same opinions. I still think that
a federal union of Canada might hereaftei extend so as to
embrace other territories either west or east ; that such a system
is well adapted to admit of territorial expansion without any
disturbance of the federal economy, but I cannot understand how
this can be regarded as any indication that I have ever been iu
favour of confederation with the other British Provinces. On

232 CONFEDERATION.
the contrary, whenever the question came up, I set my face
against it. Such a confederation could only bring trouble and
embarrassment; there was no social, no commercial connec
tion between the Provinces proposed to be united— nothing to
justify their union at the present juncture. Of course I do not
say that I shall be opposed to their confederation for all time to
come. Population may extend over the wUderness that now Hes
between the maritime Provinces and ourselves, and commercial
intercourse may increase sufficiently to render confederation
desirable. The confederation I advocated was a real confeder
ation, giving the largest powers to the local governments, and
merely a delegated authority to the general government ; in that
respect differing in toto from the one now proposed, which gives
all the powers to the central government, and reserves for the
local governments the smallest possible amount of freedom of
action. There was, then, another cause for this Confederation
scheme, of which representation by population was made the pre
text. It is not so well known, but far more powerful. In the
year 1861, Mr. Watkin was sent from En^and by the Grand
Trunk RaUway Company. He came with the distinct view of
making a large claim on the country for aid, but in the then
temper of the people, he soon found that he could not expect to
obtain that. He then started for the Lower Provinces, and came
back after inducing people there to resuscitate the question of the
Intercolonial Railway. ¦ Parties were readUy found to advocate it,
if Canada would only pay the piper. A meeting of delegates
took place, resolutions were adopted, and an application was made
to the Imperial Government for a large contribution to its cost,
in the shape of an indemnity for carrying the troops over the
road. Mr. Watkin and Hon. Mr. Vankoughnet, who was then a
member of the Government, went to England about this scheme,
but the Imperial authorities were unwUling to grant the requu-ed
assistance, and rejected their propositions. Mr. Watkin, although
baffled in his expectations, did not give up his project. He
returned again to Canada, and induced the Hon. J. S. Macdonald
and other honourable members of his Cabinet to enter into his
views. As to the advantages of the Intercolonial Railway, my

CONFEDERATION. 233
honourable friend had no suspicion whatsoever of the motives
which animated these Grand Trunk officials, and that their object
was to have another haul at the public purse for the Grand Trunk,
— but this was the origin of the revival of the scheme for
constructing the Intercolonial RaUway. At a meeting of dele
gates of the several Provinces, which took place in September,
1862, a new scheme for building the Intercolonial was adopted,
by which Canada was to pay five-twelfths and the Lower Pro
vinces seven-twelfths. So unpopular was this arrangement that
when its terms were made known, if a vote of the people had
been taken upon it, not ten out of every hundred, from Sandwich
to Gasp6, would have declared in its favour, although Canada was
only to pay five-twelfths of its cost. This project havmg faUed,
some other scheme had to be concocted for bruiging aid and rehef
to the unfortunate Grand Trunk, — and the Confederation of all
the British North American Pro-vinces naturally suggested itself
to the Grand Trunk officials, as the surest means of bringing with
it the construction of the Intercolonial RaUway. Such was the
origin of this Confederation scheme. The Grand Trunk people
are at the bottom of it. I repeat that representation by popula
tion had very Httle to do with bringing about this measure.
Again, is the scheme presented to us the same one that was
promised to us by the Administration when it was formed?
There were two propositions. The first was that the Govorn
ment would pledge themselves to seek a Confederation of the
British American Pro-vinces, and if they failed in that to federate
the two Canadas, and this was rejected ; the second, which was
accepted by the President of the Council, pledged the Govern
ment to bring in a measure for the Confederation of the two
Canadas, -with pro-vision for the admission of the other Provinces
when they thought proper to enter."
Hon. Attorney-General Macdonald — " When they were ready."
Hon. Attorney-General Cartier — "Everything is accomplished."
Hon. Mr. Dorion — "But, I may be asked, granting that the
scheme brought do-wn is not the scheme promised to us, what dif
ference can our bringing in the Provinces at pnce make ? This
I wUl explain. When they went into the conference, hon. gentle-
16

234 CONFEDERATION.
men opposite submitted to have the votes taken by Pro-vinces.
Well, they have now brought us in, as was natural under the
circumstances, the most conservative measure ever laid before a
Parliament. When the Government went into that conference
they were bound by the majority, especially since they voted by
Provinces, and the 1,400;000 of Upper Canada with the 1,100,000
of Lower Canada^— together 2,500,000 people — were over-ridden
by 900,000 people of the Maritime Pro-vinces. Were we not
expressly told that it was the Lower Provinces who would not
hear of our having an elective Legislative ¦ CouncU 1 If, instead
of going into conference -with the people of the Lower Provinces,
our Government had done what they pledged themselves to do,
that is, to prepare a constitution themselves, they would never
have dared to bring in such a proposition, as this which is now
imposed upon us by the Lower Colonies — to have a Legislative
Council, -with a fixed number of members, nominated by four
Tory Governments. Taking the average time each councUlor -will
be in the Council to be fifteen to twenty years, it -wUl take a
century before its complexion can be changed. The new House
for the Confederation is to be a perfectly independent body — ^these
gentlemen are to be named for life — and there is to be no power
to increase their number. How long -will the system work with
out producing a collision between the two branches of the Legis
lature 1 I venture to prophesy that before a very short time has
elapsed a dead lock may arise, and such an excitement be created
as has never yet been seen in this country. Now, if this consti
tution had been framed by. the members of our Govei-nment, we
could change some of its provisions ; but it is in the nature of a
compact, a treaty, and camiot be changed. The composition of
the Legislative Council becomes of more importance when we
consider that the governors of the Local Legislatures are to be
appointed by the General Government, as well as the Legislative
CouncU ; their ajipointment is to be for five years, and they are
not to be removed -without cause. I wUl venture upon another
prediction, and say we shall find there -will be no such thing as
responsible government attached to the Local Legislatures.''
Mr. Dunkin — "There cannot be.''

CONFEDERATION. 235
Hon. Mr. Dorion — " There -will be two, tlu-ee, or four minis
ters chosen by the Lieutenant-Governors, who -will conduct the
administration of the country, as was formerly done in the times
of Sir Francis Bond Head, Su- Jolm Colborn, or Su- James Craig.
You will have governments, the chief executives of which -will be
appointed and hold office at the wUl of the Governor. Is this
House ' going to vote a constitution -with the Upper House as
proposed, -without knowing what sort of Local Legislatures we
are to have to govern us ? The whole scheme is absurd from
beginning to end. The instincts of honourable gentlemen
opposite, whether you take the Hon. Attorney-General East or
the Hon. Alrtiorney-General West, lead them to this — they think
the hands of the Crown should be strengthened, and the influence
of the people, if possible, diminished — and this constitution is a
specimen of their handiwork, -with a Governor-General appointed
by the Cro-wn; -with local Governors also appointed by the
Grown; -with Legislative Councils, in the General Legislature
and in aH the Provinces, nominated by the Cro-wn; we shaU
have the most UHberal constitution ever heard of in any coun
try, where constitutional government prevaUs. The Speaker of
the Legislative CouncU is also to be appointed by the Cro-wn
this is another step backwards, and a little piece of patronage for
the Government. Another point : — It is said that this Confeder
ation is necessary for the purpose of pro-viding a better mode of
defence for this country. You add to the frontier four or five
hundred more mUes than you now have, and an extent of country
immeasurably greater in proportion than the additional population
you have gained ; and if there is an advantage at all for the defence
of the country, it -wUl be on the part of the Lower Provinces, and
not for us. As Canada is to contribute to the expenditure to
the extent of ten-twelfths of the whole, the other Pro-vinces paying
only two-twelfths, it follows that Canada -will pay ten-twelfths
also of the cost of defence, which, to defend the largely extended
country we -wiU have to defend, -wUl be much larger than if we
remained alone. Why, take the Hue dividing New Brunswick
from Maine, and you find it separates on the one side 250,000,
thinly scattered over a vast territory, from 750,000 on the other,

236 CONFEDERATION.
compact and powerful. These 250,000, Canada witl have to
defend, and it -wUl have to pledge its resources for the purpose of
pro-viding means of defence along that extended line. And, if
rumour be true, the Intercolonial RaUway, this so-called great
defensive work, is not to pass along Major Robinson's line. The
statement has been made — I have seen it in newspapers usuaUy
well informed — ^that a new route has been found that -will satisfy
everybody or nobody at all ; and, whUe I am on this point, I
must say that it is most singular that we are called upon to vote
these resolutions, and to pledge ourselves to pay ten-twelfths of
the cost of that raUway, -without knowing whether there -will be
ten mUes or one hundred mUes of it in Lower Canada, or whethei
it wUl cost $10,000,000 or $20,000,000."
Hon. Mr. Holton—" It wUl be nearer $40,000,000."
Hon. Mr. Dorion — " It is foUy to suppose that this Inter
colonial RaUway -will in the least degree be conducive to the
defence of the country. We have expended a large sum of
money — and none voted it more cordially and heartUy than
myself — for the purpose of opening a mUitary highway from
Gasp6 to Rimouski ; and that road, in case of hostiHties -with our
neighbours, would be found of far greater ser-vice for the
transport of troops, cannon, and aU kinds of munitions of war,
than any raUway foUo-wing the same or a more southern route
possibly can be. That road cannot be efi"ectuaUy destroyed ; but
a raUway lying in some places not more than fifteen or twenty
mUes from the frontier, wUl be of no use whatever, because of
the readiness -with which it may be attacked and seized. The
battles of Canada cannot be fought on the frontier, but on the
high seas and at the great cities on the Atlantic coast ; and it wUl
be nothing but folly for us to cripple om-selves by spending fifteen
or twenty mUlions a year to raise an army of 50,000 men for the
purpose of resisting an invasion of the country. Now, when I
look into the provisions of this scheme, I find another most
objectionable one. It is that which gives the General Govern
ment control over all the acts of the Local Legislatures. What
difficulties may not arise under this system 1 Now, kno-wing that
the General Government wUl be party in its character, may it not

CONFEDERATION. 237
for party purposes reject laws passed by the Local Legislatures,
and demanded by a majority of the people of that locality. This
jiower conferred upon the General Government, has been com
pared to the veto power that exists in England in respect to our
legislation ; but we know that the statesmen of England are not
actuated by the local feehngs and prejudices, and do not partake
of the local jealousies that prevaU in the colonies. It is quite
possible for a majority in a Local Government to be opposed to
the General Government ; and in such a case the minority would
caU upon the General Government to disallow the laws enacted
by the majority 1 The men who shaU compose the General
Government will be dependent for their support upon their
pohtical friends in the Local Legislatures, and it may so happen
that, in order to secure this support, or in order to serve their
o-wn purposes or that of theu- supporters, they -will veto laws
which the majority of a Local Legislature find necessary and
good. What -wUl be the result of such a state of things but bitter
ness of feeling, strong pohtical acrimony and dangerous agitation?
Then, among the powers granted to local legislatures, we find the
power to pass by-laws imposing direct taxation. That is the first
power they have, and I have no doubt that, before many months
have passed after they are constituted, they -will find it necessary
to resort to it. But, in addition to this, I find that New Bruns-
-wick and Nova Scotia, which, no doubt, are the favoured chUdren
of the Confederation, have powers not granted to the other pro-
-vinces. New Brunswick, the resolution declares, shall have the
power to impose an export duty on timber, logs, masts, spars,
deals and sawn lumber, and Nova Scotia on coal and other mine
rals, for local purposes ; so that whUe our timber and minerals
exported from Upper and Lower Canada will be taxed by the
General Government for general purposes, the timber and mine
rals of New Bruns-wick and Nova Scotia will be exempt, the
revenue derived from them going to the benefit of the local gov
ernments, to be expended on local objects. Now, among the
other powers granted to the General Government is its control
over agriculture and immigration, as well as the fisheries. What
will be the operation of this provision? The local legislature

238 CONFEDERATION.
wUl pass a law which wUl then go to the General Government ;
the latter -wUl put its veto upon it, and if that does not answer,
it will pass a law contrary to it, and you have at once a conflict.
I shall now pass to the consideration of a portion of the financial
scheme. I shall certainly not attempt to follow the Hon. Finance
Minister in what I admit was the able statement, or rather able
manipulation of figures, he made the other day. When that
honourable gentleman was able to prove to the satisfaction of the
Barings, the Glyns, and the leading merchants of England, that
the investment they would make in the Grand Trunk RaUway
would yield them at least eleven per cent., it is not astonishing
that he was able to show to this House that the finances of the
Confederation will be in a most flourishing condition, and that we
shall have a surplus every year of at least a milHon dollars. I
have a million more than I want, he exclaims, and I -will reduce
the duties to fifteen per cent. But the honoiu-able gentleman for
gets that he has the Intercolonial Railway to pro-vide for, as weU
as that mUitary and naval defensive force which we are going to
raise. He forgets all this, but the promise is there ; aad just as
he held out to the expected shareholders of the Grand Trunk Rail
way the eleven per cent, di-vidends upon their investments, he now
tells the people of these several colonies that the customs duties -will
be reduced to fifteen per cent. The first thing that the Confede
ration -will have to pro-vide for is the Intercolonial RaUway, which
wUl certainly cost twenty mUlions of dollars, the interest upon
which, at five per cent., wiU amount to one mUlion of dollars
annually. Then to Newfoundland we are bound to pay $150,000
a year, for all time to come, to purchase the mineral lands of that
colony ; while, as regards the other provinces, all the public lands
are given up to the local governments. But this is not all, for,
in order to manage these ' valuable lands ' in Newfoundland, we
shall have to estabHsh a Crown Lands department under the Gene
ral Government. Now, supposing the increased extent of terri
tory to be defended under the Confederation, augments the mihtia
expenditure to the extent of a million a year. Then add the
interest of the sum required to buUd the Intercolonial RaUway,
five per cent, on $20,000,000, and we have an annual payment of

CONFEDERATION. 239
$1,000,000 more, which is increased by $150,000, the indemnity
paid to Ne-wfoundland for its valuable mineral lands. Then we
have to pay the local governments, at the rate of eighty cents per
head, $3,056,849, The interest on the debt of Nova Scotia,
$8,000,000, win amount to $400,000 ; on that of New Brunswick,
$7,000,000, to $350,000 ; that of Newfoundland, $3,250,000, to
$162,000 ; and on the debt of Prince Edward Island, $2,021,425,
to $101,071. Adding aU these sums together, we find that
the amuial expenditure, in addition be it remembered to the bur
dens which we now bear, -wUl be $6,237,920, representuig a capi
tal of $124,758,400. The share of Canada in this annual
expenditure -wUl be $1.89 per head, amounting to the sum of
$4,725,000. This is altogether irrespective of the debt of .$62,
500,000 -with which Canada enters the union. The whole expen
diture of the pro-vince, exclusive of interest on public debt, cost of
legislation, militia, subsidy to ocean steamers, and collection of
revenue, which wiU have to be paid even -with Confederation,
if it takes place, does not amount to more than $2,500,000,
or one dollar per head of the whole population. Then sup
posing that Upper Canada pays two-thirds of that sum, or
.$1,666,666, and Lower Canada one-third, Upper Canada would
only pay $266,666 more than her share according to population.
And it is to get rid of this expenditure of a coupl? of hundred
thousand dollars that the Upper Canadian members of the Govern
ment propose that their section of the country should pay an addi
tional yearly expenditure of $3,181,000, yielding no return what
soever, and to saddle on Lower Canada an additional expenditure
of from $1,500,000 to $2,000,000 a-year, the amount depending
on the proportion which they respectively contribute to the revenue
of the country. And this was only the immediate and necessary
expenditure that would faU upon the people of Canada at the very
outset. There was not a single sixpence in this estimate for any
improvement to be made in the eastern or western portion of the
Confederacy. Respecting the defences of the country, he should
have said, at an earlier stage of his remarks, that this scheme pro
poses a union not only -with Nova Scotia, New Bruns-wick, Prince
Edward Island and Newfoundland, but also -with British Columbia

240 CONFEDERATION.
and Vancouver's Island. I must confess, Mr. Speaker," said the
honourable member, " that it looks like a burlesque to speak, as a
means of defence, of a scheme of confederation to unite the whole
country extending from Ne-wfoundland to Vancouver's Island,
thousands of miles intervening -without any communication, except
through the United States or around Cape Horn."
Hon. Attorney-General Cartier — " There is an interoceanic rail
way to be built."
Hon. Mr. Dorion — "Yes, I suppose that is another necessity of
confederation to which we may soon look forward : some western
extension of this Grand Trunk scheme, for the benefit of Messrs.
Watkin & Co., of the new Hudson's Bay Company. So far as
Lower Canada was concerned, he need hardly stop to point out the
objections to the scheme. It was evident from what had transpired,
that it was intended eventuaUy to form a legislative union of aU
the Provinces. The local governments, in addition to the general
government, -wUl be found so burdensome, that a majority of the
people -will appeal to the Imperial Government for the formation
of a legislative union. I may weU ask,'' said he, " if there is any
member from Lower Canada, of French extraction, who is ready
to vote for a legislative union? This confederation is the first
necessary step towards it. The British Government is ready to
grant a federal union at once ; and when that is accomplished, the
French element -wiU be completely overwhelmed by the majority of
British representatives. Perhaps the people of Upper Canada
think a legislative union a most desirable thing. He could tell
those gentlemen that the people of Lower Canada are attached to
their institutions in a manner that defies any attempt to change
them in that way. They -wUl not change theu- religious institu
tions, their laws or theu- language for any consideration whatever.
A mUHon of inhabitants may seem a small aff"air to the mind of a
philosopher who sits do-wn to write out a constitution. He may
think it would be better that there should be one religion, one
language and one system of laws, and he goes to work to frame
institutions that wiU bring all to that desirable state ; but the
history of every country goes to show that not even by the power
of the sword can such changes be accomplished. If a legislative

CONFEDERATION. 241
union of the British American Pro-vinces be attempted, there wUl
be such an agitation in this portion of the Province as was never
-witnessed before : you -will see the whole people of Lower Canada
clinging together to resist, by aU legal and constitutional means,
such an attempt at -wresting from them those institutions that they
now enjoy. I think that the whole scheme, apart' from the con
struction of the raUway, is worse than the railway scheme itself,
and ought to be stUl more strongly opposed. It is a mere re-vival
of a scheme that has been rejected by the people on every occasion
on which it has been presented to them during the past-seven years.
In 1841, nearly twenty-five years ago, Lower Canada entered into
the union of the Pro-vinces with a debt of .£133,000. Since the
union, $12,000,000 have been expended for pubhc works in Lower
Canada, -with perhaps another million for other small works ; in
all $13,000,000. Twelve or thu-teen miUions of doUars' worth of
pubhc works is all we are able to show for an increase of our debt
from £133,000 at the time of the union, to $27,500,000, which, on
going out of the union to enter into the confederation, is the
Lower Canada proportion of the $62,500,000 of public debt we
are bringing into it. I do not take into consideration the Municipal
Loan Fund indebtedness, nor the Seignorial Tenure redemption,
because if we have received any benefit from the Outlay, we are
going to be charged for those items separately, over and above our
share in the $62,500,000. From the explanations given the other
day by the honourable Finance Minister, I infer that by putting
the Seignorial Tenure to the charge of Lower Canada, and by
Upper* Canada abandoning its indemnity for the Seignorial Tenure
expenditure, there is no necessity for taking those items into
account as part of the liabUity of Canada in the Confederation ;
that the charge for the redemption of the Seignorial Tenure, the
township indemnity junder the Seignorial Act of 1859, the interest
on that indemnity, the liabihty of the Province to the Superior
Education Fund, and the loss on the Lower Canada Municipal Loan
Fund, amounting in all to about $4,500,000, -wUl have to be paid
by Lower Canada alone. Upper Canada came into the union with
a debt of £1,300,000. Immediately after the union, £1,500,000
sterling was borrowed for public works, most of which amount was

242 CONFEDERATION.
expended in Upper Canada ; and yet Upper Canada goes out of
the union by simply abandoning its claim for indemnity under the
Seignorial Tenure Act, having nothing to assume but its Mmiicipal
Loan Fund and its share in the Federal debt ; while Lower Canada,
on the contrary, goes out -with a load of $4,500,000 of local debt,
besides the $27,500,000 which falls to its share to be paid through
the General Government. I submit that no such project ought to
be voted by the House, before we have the fuUest information
necessary to enable us to come to right conclusions. We ought,
besides, to have a clear statement of what are the liabUities speci
ally assigned to Upper and Lower Canada. It is well that Upper
Canada should know if she has to pay the indebtedness of Port
Hope, Cobourg, Brock-vUle, Niagara, and other municipalities, which
have borrowed from the Municipal Loan Fimd, and what these
HabUities are ; and it is important for Lower Canada to be told
what are the amounts they will be required to ta.x themselves for.
And we ought to obtain soriie kind of information upon the subject
of the Intercolonial Railway — what is the proposed cost, and what
route is to be followed ; and before these facts are before the House,
we ought not to take it upon ourselves to legislate on the subject.
Still further, the people pf the country do not understand the
scheme. There is a provision that the nomination of the judges
of the superior courts shall be vested in the General Government,
but it would seem that the constitution of the courts is to be left
to the local governments; and I put the question — what does this
mean ? Do you mean that the local governments are to establish
as many courts as they please, declare of how many judges they
shall be composed, and that the General Government -will have to
pay for them ? Is a local government to say, here is a court with
three judges ; we want five, and those five must be appointed, and
paid by the General Government? He could well understand
what was meant by the regulation of the law of divorce ; but what
was meant by the regulation of the marriage question? Is the
General Government to be at Hberty to set aside all that we have
been ui the habit of doing in Lower Canada in this respect ? It is
said that the division of the debt is a fair one. We have siven,
say the Government, $25 of debt to each inhabitant. There is

CONFEDERATION. 243
another aspect in which this question of debt is to be considered.
To equalize it, the Conference have increased it on the basis of the
population of the several Provinces. This is fair enough at present,
supposing that each Province contribute the same proportion to
the general revenue, and would continue to be so if their popula
tion progressed in the same ratio of increase ; but, from the natural
advantages of Upper and Lower Canada, and theu- greater area of
arable lands, there is no doubt they -vriU mcrease in population and
wealth in a much greater ratio than the' Lower Pro-vinces ; and in
ten years hence, this proportion, which this day appears a fair one,
-will have much increased for Upper and Lower Canada, while it
will have diminished for the Lower Pro-vinces." He maintained
that we ought not to pass this measure now, but leave it to another
year, in order to ascertain in the meantime what the views and
sentiments of the people actually were.
On the 20tli, INIr. Joly, sustaining Messrs. Holton and Dorion,
expressed his want of confidence in all confederations, denouncing
them for their instabUity and tendency to mtestine wars and com
motions. He referred to the confederacies of Greece and Italy,
citing Lords Brougham and Macaulay, and illustrated by refer
ence to the South American confederacies the correctness of his
position, particularly objecting to the weakness of the central
power, which he declared to be not the fruit but the root of the
system; that the central power now -wielded by England over
us was free from the weakness mcident to the federal system, and
we felt only its benefits ; that there was nothing exceptional
in Lower Canada to alter the rule ; that in Lord Durham's time,
as described by himself, there was an antagonism between its two
races, French and English ; that the union had removed it, and
they worked in harmony ; but place them in their former position,
and the old sentiment would revive again. He referred to a reso
lution then before the House, suggesting that for the proposed
confederation Canada should be divided into three civU divisions,
Western, Central and Eastern, as Ulustrative of his position ;
that at the mere idea of a legislature in whieh the French ele
ment is to be in a majority in Lower Canada, the passions

244 CONFEDERATION.
described by Lord Durham are e-vinced. "I do not believe," said
he, "that the French Canadians wUl abuse the power of theii-
majority in Lower Canada, by striving to oppress the English
Canadians ; but there are too many points on which they dis
agree to allow of their Hving long ui peace together, in spite of
their sincere wish to do so, under the system of local government
which is proposed to us. The honourable Prime Minister said in
the CouncU : ' I believe the French Canadians -will do aU in then-
power to render justice to their fellow-subjects of English origin ;
and it should not be forgotten that, if the former are in a majority
in Lower Canada, the English wUl be in a majority in the General
Government, and that no act of real injustice can take place -with
out its being reversed by the Federal Parliament.' But who is to
decide whether any act of the French Canadians is reaUy an act
of injustice ? The Federal Parliament in which the EngHsh ele
ment -will be all-powerful ! In political matters, a disinterested
opinion is but seldom come to ; the sympathies of the majority in
the Federal Parhament -wUl be against us. I see in this the pros
pect of a position which may prove to be a most dangerous one
for us ; if the strife should commence, no one can tell when it
-will end. Confederation, by changing the state of things which
established harmony between the English and French races in.
Lower Canada, will destroy that harmony, and the consequences
may be only too easily foreseen. In Upper Canada there is much
more homogeniety, and, by consequence, the danger of intestine
trouble there is much less great. True it is that the enormous
power of the Orangemen, and the law respecting separate schools,
may give rise to difficulties, but I fear more for the relations of
Upper Canada with the other pro-vinces, and especially the Atlan
tic Provinces. Upper Canada objects, in general terms, to the
construction of the Intercolonial Railway. Its wish is to see the
resources of the future Confederation applied to opening up the
immense territory of the North-West, and to the enlargement of
its canals. The Atlantic Provmces desire the Intercolonial RaU
way ; but they hold in dread the expenditure which would be en
tailed by the openiag up of the North-West territory and the
enlargement of the canals. Upper Canada already fears lest the

CONFEDERATION. 245
Atlantic Pro-vinces should unite -with Lower Canada against her ;
the French Canadians fear for their nationality, threatened by the
English majority from the other pro^^nces, and yet Confederation
only exists as a scheme. But when the different pro-vinces shall
meet in the Federal Parliament as on a field of battle, when they
have there contracted the habit of contending with each other to
cause their own interests, so various and so incompatible with
each other, to prevaU, and when, from repetition of this undying
strife, jealousy and ine-vitable hatred shaU have resulted, our sen
timents towards the other pro-vinces will no longer be the same ;
and should any great danger, in which our safety would depend
upon our united condition, arise, it would then perhaps be found
that our Federal union had been the signal for our disunion. In
such a position the greatest danger would result from the neigh
bourhood of the United States, a nation which for a long time has
looked on our Pro-vinces with a covetous eye. They will follow
up our political struggles closely, -will encourage the discon
tented, and -win soon find an opportunity for interfering in
our internal affairs, being called in by the weaker party.
History is full of similar occurrences. The Government,
kno-wing well how much the people fear direct taxes, tell
them that Confederation involves them in no such risk. What
new method are they going to invent then for raising money ?
It is perfectly clear that confederation -will largely increase
our expendifnire. And, in face of this increased expenditure,
our chief source of revenue is to be considerably diminished.
I refer to the import customs duties. We are told that Lower
Canada -will have a revenue of nearly a mUlion and a half to
meet her local expenditure ; -with what shall we meet our propor
tion of the Federal expenditure, which wUl be far larger ? But I
shaU now deal with the advantages which we are told must
certainly result from confederation. They may be di-vided into
three classes — pohtical, mUitary, and commercial. The honour
able Minister of Finance, faithful to the doctrine that the greatness
of a State is proportioned to the greatness of its debt, announces
to us that our credit wUl be considerably increased, and that we
shall be enabled to borrow much more extensively than we have

246 CONFEDERATION.
hitherto done, a prospect at which he seems greatly to rejoice.
This facility of borrowing is not always an unmixed good ; but it
must be remembered that our credit will depend entirely on the
success of our Confederation. If it should not succeed, if any
serious difficulty should arise within it — ^a thing which is possible
— public opinion will be more prompt to take alarm, in that our
Federal form of govemnient does not aff"ord strong guarantees for
the maintenance of order and peace, and our credit wUl soon be
worth less than the credit of a single Province is worth to-day.
Let us be content -with our lot ; few nations have a better one.
The territorial formation of the future Federation -wUl also be an
insurmountable obstacle to the estabHshment of a strong govern
ment ; it amounts to a deformity. We do not need Confederation
to give us that unity which is indispensable in all mUitary oper
ations — unity of headship. A commander-in-chief -wiU direct the
defence of all our Provinces; he wiU forward troops, and, if he
can, vessels of war, to the points most seriously threatened, and
-will assist each Pro-vince to defend the post which Providence has
already assigned to each in our long line of battle. Moreover, in
the event of war -with the United States, if we were to trust to
numbers we should be sadly disappointed. What we need above
all is enthusiasm ; our citizen soldiers must be con-vinced that
they are riskuig their Hves for something worth while ; that they
al-e happier ui being under the flag of England than they could
be under that of the United States, and that they must lose by
an exchange. In the present position of the United States it is
not difficult to make them understand that ; the taxes alone -with
which the Americans are now crushed do-wn, and of which the
vast volume is growing from day to day, suffice to shew, at a first
glance, how far our position is superior to theirs in a material pomt
of view. But if, m order to meet the extravagant expenture the
Confederation must bring -with it, the people find themselves taxed
beyond their resources, the case. -wUl be different. Deprive the
French-Canadians of their nationality, and you deprive them of the
enthusiasm which would have doubled then- strength. I concur
-with the Government ui their desire to form more intimate
commercial relations between the different Pro-vinces ; but it is as

CONFEDERATION. 247
well to form a jiroper appreciation of those advantages, and see
whether we cannot seciu-e them -without Confederation. The
Gulf Provinces possess timber, coal, and fisheries ; our own two
great articles of export are timber and wheat. With regard to
timber, the Gulf Provinces have no more need of ours than we of
theirs. As to coal we import from England what we need for our
present wants, in ballast, on board the numerous ships which
come here fo£ our timber, and we thus get it cheaper than we
could import it from the Gulf Provinces. When this supply
becomes insufficient to meet our gro-wing wants, it will be neces
sary to look somewhere for a supply of coal. If the Lower Pro
vinces can fui-nish it to us at cheaper rates than we can get it in
the United States, we shall buy it from them. Upper Canada
-wUl probably get its coal from the Pennsylvania mines, which are
in direct communication -with Lake Erie, on the north shore of
which the richest and most thickly settled portion of Upper
Canada is situated. As regards fisheries, Canada has a stock of
fish in its waters sufficient not only to supply all its o-wn require
ments, but to enable it to export largely from Gasp€ to Europe.
Now as to wheat. The Honourable President of the Council
told us that in a single year the Atlantic Provinces paid
$4,440,000 to the United States for flour, and that a portion of
that flour came from Upper Canada ; and the honourable gentle
man asks why should not we ourselves sell our flour to the Lower
Pro-vinces ? For the simple reason that, instead of having to pay
$4,447,000 to the United States, they would have to pay us
$5,000,000, and they would, therefore, refuse to buy from us.
There is no such thing as sentiment in matters of business ; men
buy in the cheapest market. The Gulf Pro-vinces -will buy their
flour from the United States so long as they can obtain it at a
lower price there than in Canada ; and the fact that they do
obtain it cheaper from the United States is clearly demonstrated
by their buying from the Americans and not from us. But a
single glance at the map -will account for the diS'erence in price.
I do not believe that the Intercolonial Railway can be advantage
ously employed for the transport of flour from Rivi&e du Loup
to HaHfax. He contended that they could secure every one of
•V.

248 CONFEDERATION.
these commercial advantages -without the Confederation. What
hindered them from having free trade -with the Gulf Provinces ?
To sum up all in a few words," said he, "all the advantages are
negative, that is to say, Confederation wUl do no harm to our
interests, mUitary or commercial, but neither do they require it.
As to the inconveniences of which it may be productive, I leave
them to the judgment of the House, who wUl decide whether they
are positive. I am asked : ' If you will have nothing to do -with
Confederation, what wUl you have ?' I answer — we would remain
as we are. That, I am told, is impos.sible, in our present position
with respect to U^jper Canada. But are we really bordering on
ci-vU strife 1 Of course it is representation based on population
which is the exciting cause. Do the people of Upper Canada
demand representation based on population as a condition sine
qua non of the continuation of our peaceful relations with
them ? Has this desire to obtain representation based on popu
lation taken such deep root in the bosom of Upper Canada,
that it is ready to plunge us and itself into the horrors of
civil war in order to achieve it? Or, is not representation by
population rather one of those political clap-traps which ambitious
men, who can catch them no other way, set to catch the heedless
multitude 1 I look upon this threat of civU war as resembling a
farce. These two reasons advanced by ministers are merely
intended as a veil to conceal the true motive for this complete
revolution in our constitution ; that true motive is simply a desire
on their parts to remain in power. He then turned to the
detaUs of the scheme, and objected to the provisions respecting
the representation, also to the declaration made by the leader
of the Government that the Government would accept no
amendment, but that the resolutions must be adopted in the
shape brought do-wn. He then addressed himself especially to
the French Canadian members, and asked them if proper steps
were taken to protect the interests of Lower Canada, and sought
to arouse their sectional fears by pomting out that the English of
Lower Canada might join with the English of Upper Canada,
and by means of their majority in the Federal Parliament im
pose upon them measures objectionable to their interests as French

CONFEDERATION. 249
Canadians. He objected to the proposed military system, and
asked : — "why should we vest in the Federal Government the right
of giving instruction in the mUitary art, and of arming the other
pro-vinces at the expense of Lower Canada ? Why, while there
is yet time, should we neglect to take those salutary precautions
on which our existence as French-Canadians depend ? Our Local
Government ought to have the same active part in the organiza
tion, instruction and equipment of our militia which belongs to all
local governments which form part of other confederacies. They
offer to protect the French-Canadians ; but when, under the pre
sent constitution, they can protect themselves, why should they
abdicate the right of so doing? The French-Canadians, at the
present day, are in a better position than they were at the time of
the union. They are at the same time both judges and suitors.
They are asked to adopt a new form of government ; it is not im
posed upon them ; and, to induce them to do so, the Hon. Minis
ter of Agriculture tells them that this new form of government
was recommended successively by Chief Justice Sewell, Judge
Robinson and Lord Durham. The names of these three men
Ought to suffice to open our eyes ; their avowed object always was
to obliterate French-Canadian nationality, to blend the races into
one only, and that the EngHsh ; and to attain that end they
rec6mmended the system of government now submitted for our
approval." The honourable gentleman concluded liis address in a
powerful ajDpeal to his fellow French-Canadians to preserve their
nationality by resisting confederation.
Mr. Joly was immediately followed by the Solicitor-General
East, Mr. Langevin, himself a French-Canadian, born and edu
cated in Lower Canada, and identified with its people, its inte
rests, and its prejudices. He observed :
"This question of confederation is bound up with the common
interests of empu-es and the general policy of nations, for it is no
unimportant matter for the great nations who bear sway amono-
mankind to know into what hands the Provinces of British North
America may fall. On the present occasion the thousand voices
of the press proclaim the interest which the question of con-
17

250 CONFEDERATION.
federation excites both in America and in Europe itself, and how
closely the governments observe our proceedings ; and this interest
which they feel and proclaim is legitimate and natural, for the
measure is destined to make us rank among the nations of the
earth. It has been charged that the plan of a confederation was
adopted and moved by the present administration, for the mere
purpose of stifling the cry of 'representation by population.' Is
it not most important that we should stop that cry for representa
tion based on population, in our present condition. Representation
by population would have left us Lower Canadians in an inferior
position relatively to that of Upper Canada — would have conferred
on the latter the pri-vUege of legislating for us, not only in general
but in local matters. But the object of the confederation is not
merely to do away -^th existing difficulties. It has become a
necessity, because we have become sufficiently great ; because we
have become strong, rich and powerful enough ; because our pro
ducts are numerous enough, and considerable enough ; because our
population has become large enough to allow of our aspiring to
another position, and of our seeking to obtain an outlet through
some seaport for our products. At the present day we stand m a'
position of vassalage to the Uiuted States : -with respect to the
exportation of our products to Europe, we are at their mercy.
The plan of confederation of the two Canadas would only have
settled one difficulty, and would have allowed others of the greatest
importance to arise ; and among others, that respecting our com
munication with the seaboard. That plan, for instance, would not
have allowecl us to construct the Intercolonial Railway ; for it is
almost impossible that so great an enterprise should succeed unless
it is in the hands of a great central power, and if it is necessary
to consult five or six governments before commencing it. But the
question of the confederation of the two Canadas is not the only
one which is presented as a means of escaping from our difficulties.
Some propose that we should remain in the position in which we
now are ; others -wish for annexation to the United States ; some
would, perhaps, be in favour of. complete independence ; others
would favour a confederation of the two Canadas ; and, lastly, the
confederation of all the British Nortli American Provinces is pro-

CONFEDERATION. 251
posed. Well, let us cursorily examine these various propositions.
It may be that there are some members who are desirous that we
should remain as we are. The honourable members for Hochelaga
and Liottbini&-e (Messrs. Dorion and Joly) consider our position
an excellent one, and so, in their speeches, they have told us.
They consider that we are extremely prosperous, <and that we have
nothing to -wish for. For my part, I consider that in our present
position we are under a gi-eat disadvantage : it is, that if we remain
isolated and alone, we cannot communicate -with the metropolis,
except through the United States ; if we remam alone, we can
aspire to no position, we can give rein to no ambition as a people.
Again, we have at the present time as many systems of judicature
as we have Provinces ; -with confederation, on the contrary, this
defect -will be removed, and there will be but two systems — one for
Lower Canada, because our laws _ are diff"erent from those of the
other Pro-vinces, because we are a separate people, and because we
do not choose to have the laws of the other populations, and the
other for the remainder of the Confederation. All the other Pro-
-vinces having the same laws, or their system of law being derived
from one and the same source, may have one and the same system
of judicature ; and, in fact, a resolution of the Conference allows
them to resolve that they -wUl have one code and one judicial sys
tem ; but an exception is made in favour of Lower Canada and
our laws. There are also as many different tariffs as there are
different Provinces — as many commercial and customs regulations
as Provinces. Currency and the interest of money are also regu
lated by different systems in the several Provinces. But, -with
confederation, all these matters would be placed under the control
of one central legislature ; the currency would become uniform
throughout, and capital might be everywhere invested without
obstacle. So also it will be -with respect to the rights of authors,
patents for mechanical inventions, <fec. When speaking of the
Intercolonial RaUway, I made no mention of the Pacific RaUway,
because I consider that we ought to devote our attention to accom
plishing the works of which we at present stand in need. At a
later period, when our resources and our population shall have
sufficiently increased, we may direct our attention to the Pacific

252 CONFEDERATION.
Railway. And should it become necessary, we can, -with confede-
' ration, hope to build it in less than ten years ; whereas, by remaining
by ourselves as we are, we could not hope to have it for perhaps one
hundred years. I think that I have now held up in a salient point
of view the disadvantages of the statues quo. The necessary conse
quence of what I have just demonstrated is, that we cannot remain
in the position in which we now are, whether we wiU or not. The
question of representation based on population must be met ; that
question must be settled. To say that we -wiU grant it, is to wish
to place us in a position of inferiority ; and I, for my part, wUl
never consent to place my section of the Province in that position-
Then there is another alternative that is jii-oposed — annexation to
the United States. I do not beheve there is a single member in
the House or out of the House who would consent to the annexa
tion of Canada to the United States. I now come to the other
alternative proposed — that of independence. Men may be found,
both in the House and out of it, who would be disposed to say
that we had better have independence than confederation. For
my pari, I beheve that the independence of the British North
American Provinces would be the greatest misfortune which could
happen to them ; it would be to leave us at the mercy of our neigh
bours, and to throw us into theu- arms. Lastly, we have the fourth
alternative — ^the confederation of the two Canadas, proposed by the
honourable member for Hochelaga. The position in which con
federation -will place us is very different from that which we should
have occupied under the system proposed by the honourable mem
ber, inasmuch as the seventeen members which Upper Canada -wUl
have more than Lower Canada -will have nothing to do ^vith our.
local aff"airs, our religious questions or particular institutions ; and
the honourable member for Hochelaga, by his scheme, would have
entrusted all that to the good-wUl of the Upper Canadian majority;
but for my part, I would rather entrust the management of these
matters to my o-wn people than to them. As regards the seven
teen additional members which Upper Canada wUl have in the
Federal Parliament, I am not alarmed at their presence, any more
than at that of the members from the Lower Pro-vinces because
in Parhament there wUl be no questions of race, nationality.

CONFEDERATION. 253
religion or locality, as this legislature -wiH only be charged -with
the settlement of the great general questions which -will interest
alike the whole Confederacy, and not one locality only. But,
supposing that an unjust measure was passed in the House of
Commons of the Federal Legislature, it would be stopped in the
Legislative CouncU ; for there we shall be represented equally with
the other sections, and that is a guarantee that our interests -wUl
be amply protected. In the Legislative Council we shall have
twenty-four members, like Upper Canada and the Lower Provinces.
I repeat that the confederation of all the Provinces of British
Nortli America is our only remedy. The Confederation would
have the effect of giving us more strength than we now possess ;
we should form but one nation, one country, for all general mat
ters affecting our interests as a people. Having confederation,
the Central Government -wUl be in a position to have its orders
carried out over its whole territory ; and when the question of
defence comes up, it -will not be obliged to consult four or five
different legislatures, but it will be able to organize our defences
immediately and without obstruction. Besides, we shall have
acquired a standmg which we have not hitherto attamed in our
relations with other countries with which we have dealings. It is
of no small importance for the inliabitants of a country to have a
standing in foreim countries, and not to be treated as men of
inferior position. Wlien Canadians go to London or elsewhere
out of their o-wn country, they have no recognized position, be
cause we are only a simple colony. But under the Confederation
we shall be protected by England, and besides we shall have a
position in foreign lands, the position which every man enjoys who
belongs to a great nation. Under confederation Enu'land will
consult us in all matters which affect our interests, and we shall
be able to make ourselves effectually heard in London. But we
are told : ' You wish to form a new nationality.' What we
desire and wish is to defend the general mterests of a great
country and of a powerful nation, by means of a central power.
On the other hand, we do not wish to do away with our diff'erent
customs, maimers and laws ; on tho contrary, those are pre
cisely what we are desirous of protecting in the most complete

254 CONFEDERATION.
manner by means of confederation. Under confederation, all
questions relating to the colonization of our wild lands, and fhe
disposition and sale of those same lands, our civil laws and all
measures of a local nature — in fact everything which concems
and affects those interests which are most dear to us as a people,
will be reserved for the action of our local legislature ; all our
charitable and other mstitutions will be protected by the same
authority. There is also the question of education. That question
has been left to out- Local Legislature, so that the Federal Legisla^
ture shall not be able to interfere with it. It has been said that
with regard to agriculture, the powers of legislation would be exer
cised concurrently by the Federal Legislature and the local Legis
latures. Certain general interests may arise, respecting which the
intervention of the central Legislature may be necessary ; but all
interests relating to local agriculture, everything connected 'with
our land will be left under the control of our Lower Canadian Legis
lature." After answering the objections that had been taken to
the constitution of the Legislative Council, he pointed out that,
m the appointment of the Lieutenant-Governors by the Federal
Government, we secured a privUege which we had not before pos
sessed ; that under the existing system, the Lieutenant-Governors
sent from England were responsible neither to the people nor the
House but to the English Government alone y whereas, under the
proposed arrangement, the Federal Government that appointed was
responsible both to our own people and Parliament. He repudi
ated the imputation thrown upon the delegates, that they would
betray and deliver up their several Pro-vinces for an appointment,
even of a Lieutenant-Governor or a Chief .lustice. In answer to
the position taken by Mr. Dorion on the defence question, that
our best plan was to remain quiet, and to give no pretext to our
neighbours for making war upon us, he well observed, that whUe
our wish was to live with them in peace and quietness, yet the
most certain way to avoid an attack and subjugation by our
neighbours, to have our independence and our pri-vileges respected,
was to show them that we were prepared to defend them at any
cost. He clearly explained the power of disallowance in the
Federal Government of bills passed by the Local Legislature, and

CONFEDERATION. 255
shewed that neither uijustice nor inconvenience could ensue. He
entered mto the question of Finance, and shewed that under the
arrangement, Lower Canada would have a clear revenue of nearly
$1,500,000 for local purposes, a revenue sufficient to meet all its
expenses ; that the mterest on the portion of the public debt to
be assigned to Lower Canada would be above $90,000, and that
the total yearly expenditure would reach $1,237,000, leaving a
surplus revenue of $209,000. Referring to the statement made
by Mr. Dorion, that the share of the surplus debt beyond the
$62,500,000 which would be apportioned to Lower Canada would
be $4,500,000, he stated that it would not be so ; that Lower
Canada would only have its just share of the $5,000,000 to be
divided. Mr. Dorion remmded him that he had forgotten the
explanation of the Minister of Finance, who stated that the debt
incurred for the redemption of the Seigniorial Tenure, which
amounted to $3,000,000, was not included in the general debt.
Mr. L;ingevin then observed, that the Minister of Finance stated
the whole debt, in his speech at Sherbrooke, at $67,263,994. The
amount of the debt is $75,578,000 ; but it is necessary to deduct
the Sulking Fund and cash in bank, $7,132,068, reducing it to
$68,445,953. The Minister of Finance also deducted the Common
School Fund, which amounts to $1,181,958, and he arrived at the
result I have just given, that is to say, that the real debt of Canada
is $67,263,994. He then defended the financial arrangements
with the other Provinces, and passed to the consideration of the
future admission of the North-West Territory and British Columbia,
quoting from Professor Hind as to the character and facilities of the
coimtry. In answer to the endeavours by Messrs. Dorion and
Joly to instU mistrust into the nunds of the French-Canadian and
CathoHc population of Lower Canada, he read extracts from letters
from the Roman Catholic Archbishop of Halifax, and the Roman
Catholic Bishop of Newfoundland, strongly in favour of confedera
tion, and not seeing in it any danger for theu- flocks ; and referred
to the fact that Mr. Joly, himself a Protestant, represented a
Roman Catholic constituency, as did also several other Protestant
members in the House — abundant proof, as he aUeged, of the liber-
aHty of his fellow-coiuiti-ymen. Again, referring to the statements

256 CONFEDERATION.
made by Mr. Dorion of the debt with which Lower Canada entered
the union in 1841, and that with which she would leave it on
confederation, he described in strong terms the position at the two
periods. He said that that gentleman conceived he had produced
" an argument that would be irresistible by asserting that the
distribution of the debt was unfair and burdensome to Lower
Canada. To give a greater force to this argument, he stated that
Lower Canada entered into the union -with a debt of $400,000,
and that she would leave it with a burden of $30,000,000, after
havuig only expended in the interval the sum of $12,000,000 for
public works within her limits. This argument is most specious.
Supposing that our debt was $400,000, and that to-day it is
$30,000,000, the honourable member must, at all events, admit
that the circumstances also have very much changed. At the
time of the union our population was only 630,000, and to-day it
is 1,250,000. The honourable member, too, must not forget that
at the time of the union our territory only produced 21,000,000
bushels of grain, whUst to-day it produces more than 50,000,000
bushels. At the time of the union we had only 1,298 schools,
and to-day we have 3,600. At the time of the union these
schools were attended only by 39,000 chUdren, whilst to-day they
are attended by more than 200,000. At the union the expor-
tations from the ports of Quebec and Montreal amounted to
$9,000,000; to-day they exceed $18,000,000. At the union the
number of vessels buUt annually in our ship-yards was 48 oijly ;
now we have 88, and the tonnage is quadrupled. At the time of
the union our importations amounted to $10,000,000, and to-day
they reach $45,000,000. At the time of the union our expor-
tations and importations amounted to $16,000,000; to-day they
reach the enormous sum of $87,000,000. And it is with such
figures as these before us, that we are to be told that we are leav
ing the union with a debt of $30,000,000 ! At the time of the
union, the revenue arising from the tax on bank notes, which
affords a fair indication of the extent of business done, amounted
to $2,200; to-day it amounts to $15,800. At the time of the
union, the number of merchantmen arri-ving in Quebec every
year was 1,000 ; now it is 1,660, and the number of vessels

CONFEDERATION. 257
arri-ving at all the ports in Lower Canada is 2,463. At the time
of the union, the tonnage of these vessels was 295,000 tons ; and
now in the port of Quebec it is 807,000 tons, and for the whole
of Lower Canada 1,041,000 tons. At the time of the union,
25,000 saUors arrived here annually ; now we have 35,000. In
1839 the revenue of Lower Canada was $588,000 ; when we enter
the Confederacy, although ¦ we are not called upon to pay any
of the expenditure for general purposes, our revenue -will be
$1,446,000, that is to say that we shall have, under the confeder
ation, a revenue three times as large as what it was at the time of
the union ; and instead of having, as we then had, an excess of
expenditure amounting to about $80,000, the total expenditure of
Lower Canada, under the confederation, -will be about $1,200,000,
lea-ving a surplus of more than $200,000 ! If then our debt has
increased, we have made most rapid progress, and we have
received the full value for our money. Nor must it be forgotten
that at the time of the union of Upper and Lower Canada, the
country had not a single railway, and now it is traversed from
end to end by one of the finest raUways on this continent ; and
ere long, let us hope in the interest of our commerce and our
safety, that this iron band -will connect the extreme west -with the
Atlantic ocean. We entered the union when the Welland Canal
had hardly been begun ; we leave it -with one of the most magni
ficent canal systems the world has ever seen. And then the
telegraph lines. We leave the union -with a debt greater than
that -with -which we entered it, but we leave it -with a most perfect
system of lighthouses, wharves, piers, slides, in fact -with a large
number of other public works, which have mainly contributed to
the settlement and the prosperity of the country, and which have
more than doubled its resources since the union. The Grand
Trunk RaUway alone, for the $16,000,000 which it has cost us,
has contributed to increase the value of our lands by millions and
millions of dollars, by enhancing the value of our agricultural
productions, which are by its means brought -with greater ease to
the different markets, and has, moreover, entailed an expenditure
in our midst of more than $70,000,000 for its construction alone.
If we entered the union with a debt of $400,000, and if to-day

258 CONFEDERATION.
we leave it with a debt of $30,000,000, we can, at aU events,
show what we have done with the money, by the immense extent
of territory, then uncleared, which is now covered with abundant
crops, and which have served to keep in the country, not indeed
all the children of our farmers, but at least a very great number
of them, who but for these improvements would have emigrated
en masse to the neighbom-ing country." He then defended the
pro-visions of the proposed constitution, relative to the judiciary
and the administration of justice, and pointed out that the ci-vil
rights of Lower Canada were preserved. Referring to the power
given to the Federal Government in matters touching marriage
and divorce, and stating that as Roman Catholics they acknow
ledged no power of divorce, he claimed credit to the delegates
from Lower Canada for the course they pursued. After mature
consideration he resolved to leave it, the question of divorce, to
the central Legislature, thinking thereby to increase the difficiU-
ties of a procedure which is at present so easy. He found this
power existing in the constitutions of the diff'erent Pro-vinces, and
not being able to get rid of it, he -wished to banish it as far from
us as possible. He then, after referring to the argument of Mr.
Joly, as to the weakness inherent in confederations, turned to the
subject of the increase of representation from the increase of
population, and observed that the resolutions do not prevent
Lower Canada from having more than sixty-five representatives,
if its population should increase faster than that of the other
Pro-vinces. The French translation of these resolutions is errone
ous, for it says that " for the purpose of determining the number
of representatives from each Pro-vince at the end of every
decennial census. Lower Canada shall never have either more or
less than sixty-five representatives," whereas the English version
of the resolutions, which is the official version, says, " Lower
Canada shall always be assigned sixty-five members." This does
not mean that Lower Canada can never have more than sixty-five
members, but that it cannot have less than sixty-five members.
He then concluded his able speech with a well-merited defence of
the Attorney-General for Lower Canada, the Hon. Geo. E. Cartier.
He referred to the numerous public measures he had introduced,

CONFEDERATION. 259
and to the esteem and gratitude in which he was held by his
countrymen in Lower Canada. " In the midst of a terrible
crisis," he said, " his country confided to him all its interests, all
its rights, all its institutions, its nationality, its religion, in a
word everything it held most dear. The Hon. Attorney-General
received the whole trust uito his safe and faithful keeping, and
when called upon to render an account, he exhibited all those
interests, rights and institutions, our nationality and religion,
in fact everything that the people held dear, and restored them
guaranteed, protected, and surrounded by every safeguard m the
confederation of the British North American Provinces.''
On the 22nd Feliruary Mr. Rose resumed the adjourned debate
in support of the motion. He presumed
" There were few who, in the abstract, would not favour the
idea of a union between a number of small states adjoining each
other, rather than that they should remain isolated under separate
governments. To the idea of union m the abstract between states
so circumstanced, no one would be opposed. But the principle
ground of the opposition to the present scheme is this, that the
mere abstract principle of union does not apply with full force to
the five colonies that are parties to this scheme. It is feared by
many that it is the first step towards independence ; that it may
probably result in not only severing our connection with the
mother country, but in forcing us to a union with the neighbour
ing rejiublic. The change -will be of that character, that, instead
of loosening, or weakening, or diminishing the connection -with
the motlier country, it will tend to put it on a footing which -will
make it stronger and more enduring. It cannot be denied that
there is a state of public feeling growuig up in England just now,
not confined, as it was a few years ago, to a class of extreme theo
rists, that the connection which subsists between the colonies —
Canada especially — and the mother country, is a source of expense
and danger. There is another consideration which makes this
subject stand out more prominently before the people of England
at the present time than otherwise it would do, and that is the
state of its relations with the republic adjoining us, and the enor-

260 CONFEDERATION.
mous military power which the United States have shewn, within
the last two or three years, that they possess. It is this which
has forced public opinion so strongly in England to a considera
tion of the actual relations between this coimtry and the mother
country, and it is this state of facts with which we must deal
now. It is our duty to see whether we cannot find in the union
of these colonies security to ourselves and a source of strength to
the empire at large. We find in our position towards the United
States, and in the great preponderating power they possess, a
guarantee that we need not apprehend that there -wUl be anything
like practical independence of England asserted by the colonies of
North America ; because, from the very necessities of our posi
tion, we shall always have to look up to her for protection and aid.
I put aside, for the moment, the instinct of attachment to the
mother country, and I put the case on this ground alone, that the
necessity of self-preservation wUl for centuries — for generations at
all events — prevent the possibUity of these colonies asserting their
independence of England, unless it were, indeed, to become a por
tion of the republic which adjoins us, and to which, I think, it is
neither the interest nor the inclination of any member of this
House to become united. Whatever fate may be in store for us,
that is a destiny to which no one looks with favour. The genius
and instincts of our people are monarchical and conservative —
theirs levellmg and democratic. I beheve that the attachment
to England will be increased tenfold by this jiroposed union. We
wiU have a sentiment of nationality among ourselves ; and I con
sider it to be one of the first duties of a statesman to inculcate
that national feeling that gives the jieople a strong interest in their
country's welfare. With a stable government and a strong cen
tral power controlling an immense territory, we shall ba able to
enter upon a well considered, well devised and attractive system
of immigration. In this contmuous recruiting of our population
I see one of the great elements we -wUl have to look to for
the perpetuation of the attachment of this country to the Cro-wn.
But, it may be said, that from the necessity of our position there
is danger that we shall feel our material and commercial interests
so strongly bound up with the United States, and feel so reliant

CONFEDERATION. 261
in our o-wn strength as a great country, that we will eventually
form a closer aUiance with that repubhc than any of us desire,
and that the formation of the present union is the first step
towards annexation. I do not think our interests would lead us
in that direction. At the present time we are almost entu-ely
dependent upon the United States commercially. We are depen
dent upon them for an outlet to the ocean dui-ing the winter
months. If they choose to suspend the bonding system, or by a
system of consular certificates make it practically useless ; if they
abolish the reciprocity treaty, and carry the passport system to a
greater degree of stringency, we should feel our dependence upon
that country, even in a greater and much more practical way than
we do at the present time. And perhaps it is worth our whUe to
consider, whether this may not be the real motive which dictates
the policy they are now pui-suing ! But give us this Intercolonial
RaUway, affording us communication -with Halifax and St. John
at aU seasons of the year, and we shaU be independent of the
United States commerciaUy as we now are politically. We may
not find this route to the ocean more economical, especially in the
winter season, than to go through the United States, but if we
have a route of our own to which we may resort, in case of neces
sity, our neighbours -wiU find it to their interest to give us the use
of their channels of communication at a cheaper rate. I see that
if we do not unite and form one central Government, giving it
the power to direct aU the physical energies of this countiy in
whatever direction may be necessary, that we are liable to be
overrun by the United States. And this I conceive to be one of
the very strongest arguments in favour of the confederation of the
Provinces, that it enables us to prepare appropriate defences along
the whole frontier of our country. I believe that the formation of a
Government having the power to du-ect the whole strength of five
colonies would greatly add to our security. I do not believe that, if
we reverted back to our original condition, the Imperial Govern
ment -would be as much disposed to aid us in the construction of the
works necessary for our defence, as if they found that in the
presence of a common danger we were united together to repel
the common enemy. I say the Imperial Government would not,

262 CONFEDERATION.
in such a case, be actuated simply by a regard to the expense of
constructing these works, in which I understand the Lower Pro-
-vinces will have to bear a share, but she would be deterred from
so doing by the further consideration that when buUt, these works
would be less Hkely to serve the purpose they were designed to
accomplish. What we have to guard against is this : a sudden
conquest or surprise, for which we might be unprepared. I
believe myself that, if works can be constructed, by means of
which we can effectually defend the country against sudden
attack, no one -wUl grudge the expense. We know that in modern
warfare, if you can erect certain works which wUl compel an
enemy to sit do-wn before them, so as to prevent him from making
progress into the country, you may by such means defend it for
many months. By the construction of certain works at various
points, the manning of which is quite -within the compass of our
power, we can arrest the progress of an uivader for many months,
we can compel him to expend and exhaust Ids strength before
these works, and we could throw embarrassments in his way such
as would take an invading force many months to overcome. It is
impossible to have more than a six months' campaign in this
country. An aggressive warfare m this country is one thing, and
a defensive warfare another, and a very different. Our country is
weU adapted for defensive purposes, and it is next to impossible
to subdue us. The badness of our roads, the difficulties presented
by our -winters, our deep, broad, and unfordable rivei-s, and the
means we could estabHsh for keeping an enemy in check at
certain points for the necessary time, would enable us to resist
the United States with all theu- power and resources. Do
we not know that ui the event supposed we should find the
Atlantic coast swarming with English vessels carrying moveable
columns of troops, menacing and landmg at every point. The
navy of England, the arsenals of England, the purse of England,
and all the appliances and requu-ements of war would be brouo-ht
to bear upon and be avaUable to us in such a struggle. We
should not suffer from the lack of the material of war, which is
perhaps the very thing of all other things the most essential.
Neutrality has been spoken of But how could neutrality be

CONFEDERATION. 263
possible in a struggle between England and the United States ?
The country which cannot put forth an eflfori to defend itself occu
pies a despicable position, and forfeits on the score of weakness
even the -wretched privilege of being neutral. If we show that
we are in earnest on this question of defence, England wUl be
encouraged to come to our assistance in time of danger, knowing
that she can look to us not only to contribute towards the con
struction of works, but effectually to defend them when constructed.
If we show England that she can depend on a population of four
mUHons, with a strength wielded from a common centre, she will
be encouraged to aid us -with both men and material of war, and
-wiH lend us the assistance necessary to protect oiHrselves both now
and in time to come. I -will now say a few words in reference to
the objections which have been urged against the character of this
scheme, viz., because it embraces those elements of disruption
which are to be found in every federal union. That is the objec
tion of many who, while they would be willing to go for a purely
legislative union, object to one of a federal character. That is at
present utterly impracticable. It is remarkable that a proposition
ha-ving so few of the objections of a federal system, should have
been assented to by the representatives of five distinct colonies,
which had heretofore been alien, practically independent, not only
of each other, but almost of England, and almost hostile to each
other. As to the charge of inconsistency against honourable
members on this question, I have only to say that a man who
does not change his opinions is a very unsafe man indeed to guide
the aflfairs of a nation. Such a man is like an old sign-post on a
road that is no longer used for travel. The sign-post is consistent
enough, it remains where it had been placed ; but though a type
of consistency, it is an emblem of error. There are two main
features which to my judgment commend themselves to the atten
tion of every one who has any doubts as to the stability of the
system, and which give us a sufficient guarantee, that guarantee
which federal unions have heretofore wanted, namely, that it
establishes a central authority which it -will not be -within the
power of any of the Local Governments to interfere with or rise
up against. It appears to me that they have avoided the errors

264 CONFEDERATION.
into which the framers of the American constitution not unnatu
rally fell. The great advantage which I see in the scheme is this,
that the ];)owers granted to the Local Governments are strictly
defined and circumscribed, and that the residuum of power lies in
the central Government. You have, in addition to that, the local
governors named by the central authority, an admirable provision
which establishes the connection of authority between the central
power and the different localities ; you have vested in it also the
great questions of the customs, the currency, banking, trade, and
navigation, commerce, the appointment of the judges, and the
administration of the laws, and all those great and large questions
which interest the entire community, and with -which the General
Government ought to be entrusted. There can, therefore, be no
difficulty under the scheme between the various sections, no clash
ing of authority between the local and central Governments m
this case, as there has been in the case of the Americans. The
powers of the Local Governments are distinctly and strictly
defined, and you can have no assertion of sovereignty on the part
of the Local Governments, as in the United States, and of powers
inconsistent with the rights and security of the whole community.
Then, the other point which commends itself so strongly to my
mmd is this, that there is a veto power on the part of the General
Government over all the legislation of the local Parhament. That
was a fundamental element, which the wisest statesmen engaged
in the framing of the American constitution saw, that if it was
not engrafted in it, must necessarUy lead to the destruction of the
constitution. These men engaged in the framing of that coiisti-
tution at Philadelphia saw clearly, that unless the power of veto
over the acts of the state Legislatures was given to the central
Government, sooner or later a clashing of authority between the
central authority and the various states must take place. What
said Mr. Madison in reference to this point 1 I quote from The
Secret Debates upon the federal constitution, which took place in
1787, and during which this important question was considered.
On the motion of Mr. Pinkney, ' that the National Legislature
shall have the power of negati-ving all laws to be passed by the
state legislature, which they may judge improper,' he stated that

CONFEDERARION. 265
he considered ' this as the corner stone of tho system, and hence
the necessity of retrenching the state authorities in order to pre
serve the good government of the National Council.' And Mr.
Madison said, ' the power of negativing is absolutely necessary ;
this is the only attractive ])rinciple which will retain its centrifu
gal force, and without this the planets will fly from their orbits. '
I believe this power of negative, this power of veto, this con
trolling power on the part of the Central Government is the
best protection and safeguard of the system; and if it had not
been provided, I would have felt it very difficult to reconcile it to
my sense of duty to vote for the resolutions. But this power
having been given to the Central Government, it is to my mind,
in conjunction with th(^ power of naming the local governors, the
appointment and payment of the judiciary, one of the best features
of the scheme, -without which it would certainly have been open
to very serious objection. I will not now criticize any other of
the leading features of the resolutions as they touch the funda
mental conditions aud principles of the union. There has been
throughout a most wise and statesman-like distribution of powers,
and at the same time those things have been carefully guarded
which the minorities in the various sections required for their
protection, and the regulation of which each province was not
unnaturally desirous of retainuig for itself. But there is another
objection made to it, that is with reference to the manner in which
the rights of the various minorities iu the provinces have been pro
tected. I believe that the rights of both minorities— the French
minority in the General Legislature and the English speaking
minority in the Local Legislature of Lower Canada — are properly
guarded. This is an era in the history of both raceS: — ^the ear
nest plighting of each other's faith as they embrace this scheme.
It is remarkable that })oth should place such entire confidence in
one another ; and in future ages our posterity on both sides will
be able to point with pride to the period when the two races had
such reliance the one on the other, as that each was willing to
trust its safety and interest to the honour of the other. But
although this feeling of mutual confidence may be strong enough
at this time, the Attorney-General East, as representing the
18

266 CONFEDERATION.
French majority in Lower Canada, and the Minister of Finance,
as representing the English speaking minority, have each carefully
and piiidently endeavoured to place as fundamental conditions
in this basis of union such safeguards and protection as the
two races may respectively rely upon. Looking at the scheme,
then, fi-om the stand-point of an English Protestant in Lower
Canada, let me see whether the interests of those of my o-wn
race and religion in that section ai-e safely and properly guarded.
There are certain points upon which they feel the greatest in
terest, and -with regard to which it is but proper that they
should be assured that there are sufficient safeguards provided
for their preservation. Upon these points I desire to put some
questions to the Government. The first of these points is, as
to whether such pro-vision has been made and -svUl be carried
out that they -wUl not sufi"er at any future time from a system of
exclusion from the federal or local legislatures, but that they -will
have a fair share in the representation in both ; and the second is,
whether such safeguards -will be provided for the educational system
of the minority in Lower Canada as wUl be satisfactory to them.
Upon these points some apprehensions appear to exist in the minds
of the English minority in Lower Canada ; and although I am free
to confess that I have not shared ui any feai- of injustice at the
hands of the majority, as I consider that the action of the past
forms a good guarantee for the futm-e, yet I desu-e, for the full
assurance of that minority, to put some questions to my honorable
friends in the Government. I wish to know what share of repre
sentation the EngHsh-speaking population of Lower Canada wUl
have in the Federal Legislature, and whether it wUl be in the
same proportion as their representation ui tliis Parliament ? This
is one point in which I think the English inhabitants of Lower
Canada are strongly interested. Another is -with regard to their
representation in the Local Legislature of Lower Canada : whether
the same proportion will be given to them as is now given to them
in this House, that is to say, about one-fourth of the Lower
Canadian representation, which is the proportion of the English-
speaking to the French-speaking population of Lower Canada, the
numbers being 260,000 and 1,100,000 respectively. Now, the

CONFEDERATION. 267
spirit of the resolutions, as I understand them — and I -will thank
my honourable friend the Attorney-General to correct me if I am
in error in regard to them — provides that the electoral districts in
Lower Canada for representatives in the fu-st Federal Legislature
shall remain intact as they now are ; and, although the resolution
is somewhat ambiguously expressed, I take that to be its spirit."
Hon. Mr. Holton — " Have the kindness to read it, and see."
Hon. Mr. Rose — " The 23rd resolution reads : ' The Legislature
of each Province shall di-vide such Province into the proper number
of constituencies, and define the boundaries of each of them.'
Then the 24th resolution pro-vides that ' the Local Legislature
may from time to time alter the electoral districts for the purpose
of representation in such Local Legislature and distribute the
representativs to which the Pro-vince is entitled in such • Local
Legislature, in any manner such Legislature may see fit.' In
these resolutions I presume that power is given to the Legis
lature of each Province to di-vide the Province into the proper
number of constituencies for representation in the Federal
Parliament, and to alter the electoral districts for representation
in the Local Legislature. Now, to speak quite plauUy, the
apprehension — ^which, I desire to say again, I do not personally
share in, but which has been expressed to me by gentlemen in
my own constituency — is this, that with respect to the Local
Legislature, it will be competent for the French majority in
Lower Canada to blot out the English-speaking muiority from any
share in the representation, and so to apportion the electoral
districts that no English-speaking member can be returned to the
Legislature. That is an apprehension upon which I would be very
glad to have an expression of opinion by my honourable friend the
Attorney-General East. As I read the resolutions, if the Local
Legislature exercised its powers in any such unjust manner, it
would be competent fOr the General Government to veto its action,
and thus prevent the intention of the Local Legislature being
carried into eff"ect, even although the power be one which is
declared to be absolutely vested in the Local Government, and
delegated to it as one of the articles of its constitution."

268 CONFEDERATION.
Hon. Attorney- General Cartier — "There is not the least doubt
that if the Local Legislature of Lower Canada should apportion
the electoral districts in such a way as to do injustice to the
English-speakmg population, the General Government -wUl have
the right to veto any law it might pass to this eff'ect, and set it at
nought." Hon. Mr. Holton — " Would you ad-vise it ? "
Hon. Attorney-General Cartier — " Yes, I would recommend it
myself in case of injustice.''
Hon. Mr. Rose — " I think that under this scheme the French
minority in the General Legislature and the English minority in
Lower Canada will both be amply and satisfactorily protected.
Now, in reference to the education measure which the Government
has promised to bring down to the House, I believe this is the first
time almost in the history of the country that there has been any
serious apprehension aroused amongst the English Protestant
population of Lower Canada regarding the elementary education
of theu- children. I am not aware that there has ever been any
attempt in Lower Canada to deprive the minority of their just
rights in respect to the education of their youth. We cannot
forget that in no way was there any attempt to prevent us educat
ing our chUdren in the manner we saw fit and deemed best ; and
the distribution of state funds for educational purposes was made
in such a way as to cause no complaint on the part of the minority,
I believe we have always had our fair share of the public gi-ants.
m so far as the French element could control them, and not only
the liberty, but every facility for the estabHshment of separate
dissentient schools wherever they were deemed desirable. A single
person has the right, under the law, of establishing a dissentient
school, and obtaining a fair share of the educational grant, if he
can gather together fifteen chUdren who desire instruction in it.
Now, we cannot forget that in the past this liberality has been
shown to us, and that whatever we desired of the French majority
in respect to education, they were, if it was at all reasonable,
wilHng to concede. I would ask iny honourable friend, the
Attorney-General East, whether the system of education which is
in force in Lower Canada at the time of the proclamation is to

CONFEDERATION. 269
remain and be the system of education for all time to come, and
that whatever rights are given to either of the religious sections
shall continue to be guaranteed to them ? After affirmative
answers by Attorney-General Caa-tier to the questions on several
points put by Mr. Rose, the latter observed : The manner and
spu-it in which the Government have given explanations on the
subject, ought to be satisfactory to the people of Lower Canada of
the Protestant rehgion. So far as the three questions to which
I have made allusion are concerned, the apprehensions of being
shut out from the General Government — ^beuig handed over to the
French in the Local Parhament of Lower Canada, and our educa
tional rights being interfered -with, I feel every assurance that the
spu'it of the answers just given -will be carried out.
After referring in terms of approbation to the debates in the
House of Lords on that portion of Her Majesty's speech which
referred to the proposed confederation, to the financial position of
Lower Canada at the time of entering the union of 1841, and the
then present day, in language corroborative of the statements
of Mr. Langevm, and stating that of the $62,000,000 which is
regarded as Canada's proportion of the joint debt, $49,000,000
had been actually expended on and was represented by public
works of that value, he turned to the question of the Intercolo
nial RaUway, and answering the objection that it was one of
doubtful advantage, if not of positive uselessness, asked : " Can
we safely continue in our present position of commercial depend
ence on the United States? ShaU we be denied access to the
seaboard for a bale of goods or a bag of letters ? Ai-e we to be for
aU time to come dependent on the fiscal legislation of the United
States? Is it to come to this, that in the -winter season the
Upper Canada farmer shaU have no means whereby he can send a
barrel of flour, or the Lower Canada merchant a bale of goods, to
the seaboard, -without the leave of the United States ? Are we to
be left in this condition of commercial dependency for ever?
Under what conditions shall the expense of constructmg the
Intercolonial RaUway be incurred? I beheve that that work
is a great and grave undertaking, and one that wUl involve a
serious charge on the wealth of the country. But then it is

270 CONFEDERATION.
one which we cannot avoid — ^it is a necessity. We must have
it. It is called for by mUitai-y reasons and commercial necessity,
and the date of its constmction cannot safely be postponed.
WTiy, what have we not seen within a very recent period?
Restrictions have been put on goods sent thi-ough the United
States, by the establishment of consular certificates, to such an
extent that you coiUd not send a bale of goods through the States
-without accompanjdng it -with one of these certificates, the cost of
which I am told was nearly two doUars — ^perhaps more than the
worth of the package, or more than the cost of the freight. StUl
fui-ther, the Senate of the United States had also before them a
motion to consider under what regulations foreign merchandise is
aUowed to. pass in bond through the neighbouring country : and
this was evidently done -with an intention of abolishing the sys
tem under which goods were permitted to pass in bond fix)m
England through the United States. I do not hesitate to say that
if the bonding system were done away with, half the merchants
in Canada would be seriously embarrassed if not mined for the
time. In the -winter season you could not send a barrel of flour
to England — you could not receive a single package of goods
therefrom. The merchants would have to lay in a twelve months'
stock of goods, and the farmer would be dependent on the condi
tion of the market in spring, and would be compelled to force the
sale of his produce at that moment, whether there wiis a profitable
market for it then or not, instead of ha-ving as now a mai-ket at
aU seasons, as weU ui England as the United States. So that
whatever sacrifices attach to the construction of the Intercolonial
Railway, we must have it, seemg that it is impossible for us to
remain in our present position of isolation and suspense. It is
one of the unfortunate uicidents of oiu- position which we cannot
get rid of No one can foresee what the futm-e of the neighbour
ing States will be — -whether they wUl be constructed as one union,
or split up uito two or more confederacies. If we are alive to the
natui-al advantages of our position, unless we delibei-ately throw
them away, we can, whatever that future may be, seciu-e a profit
able mtercourse with them. Unless tlie St. La^vl-ence and Ottawa
cease to flow, and the lakes dry up, those i-oads to the ocean are

CONFEDERATION. 271
the natural outlets for the west, and we can tum them to good
account. We know something of the great productiveness of the
Western States. There is, in fact, no limit to that productive
ness, and the necessity of their ha-ving another outlet to the sea,
-without being altogether dependent on New York and Boston, is
to my mmd very plain. This necessity of the powerful western
interests must have a controlling influence on the commercial
poHcy of the United States ; and if we can direct the trade of the
Western States down the St. Lawrence by giving them additional
faculties, it cannot be doubted that we shall flnd therein a great
element of security for the future peace of the two countries.
Then, give us the Intercolonial RaUway, give us the command of
the St. Lawrence, give us a government by which we can direct
our national policy, give us the control of the fisheries, and we
¦wiU be able to secure such reciprocal trade with the United States
for Upper Canada as it requires. But if we are disunited — if the
Lower Provinces retain the control of the fisheries, and Canada
has nothing to give in exchange for the concession she seeks from
the United States in the way of commercial intercourse, m bi-ead-
stuff"s and otherwise — I say that in such a case as this we are very
much hampered indeed." Turning to the suggestion that there
ought to be a dissolution and an appeal to the people, he contended
that such a course would be so anomalous and absurd as not to
commend itself to the common sense of the country ; that the
elections would not be limited to the consideration or merits of the
scheme itself, but be governed by individual predilections and
local questions ; that the measure was already stamped with the
approval of the people, because their reason and judgment con-
'vinced them not only that it was desirable, but a necessity of their
condition. Mr. Dunkin, in replying to Mr. Rose, addressed the House for
two days and two nights. His speech was certainly the most
elaborate and the most exhaustive of all the speeches either for or
against the proposition. Every conceivable and almost incon
ceivable objection was taken and worked out to its extremest
limit. All that a well-read public man, all that a strong party
politician, all that an ingenious la-wyer, all that a thorough sophist,

272 CONFEDERATION.
a dexterous logician, a timid patriot, or a prophet of e-vU could
array against the scheme was brought up and pressed with im-
flagging energy. Though worthy of attentive perusal, its extreme
length forbids its transmission entire to these pages, and from its
one himdred and twenty columns of the official reports, we must
endeavour to extract substantially its salient points. Throughout
this long speech it must be observed, no improper motive is attri
buted by Mr. Dunkin to the promoters of the measure. The
question is fairly argued upon its merits ; too minutely perhaps,
bnt with perfect candour. Amid the asperity of party, such an
example cannot be too highly commended.
He feared there was a foregone conclusion in the House against
the views he was about to express, and declaring that, abstractedly
speaking, he was a unionist in the largest sense, he proceeded to
detail his objections to the scheme proposed. He beHeved it was
a measm-e of disunion instead of union ; that it would certainly
lead to the severance of Upper and Lower Canada, and would
tend to an early separation of the Provinces from the British
Empire ; that the proposition of a federal union, or any union of
the British North American Provinces, had not been discussed
until very lately ; that in 1858 the proposition could not even
obtain a hearing in the House, and all parties were utterly indif
ferent to it ; that study strengthened him in his con-victions
against the scheme every day ; that in the very announcement of
it the Canadian Government stated it was their own difficulties
which made them desire to bring it about ; that do-wn to 1862 the
public mind was not occupied -with it, and in 1864 it was a mere
matter of accident resulting from a vote of the House advei-se to
the administration, foUo-wing on the same day on which a report
from a committee suggesting confederation was brought in, which
report itself was a mere accident, was received by the House -with
more than cool indifference, and was followed by a succession of
accidents more extraordinary than the state of things to which
those accidents led ; that he himself voted for the committee and
sat on it, on the express ground he believed it would do no harm,
and that the Attorney-General for Upper Canada, the leader of
the House, was on that committee, and voted against the report,

CONFEDERATION. 273
SO that what had since happened was unexpected even by the
actors in the occurrences ; that the scheme was got up in haste,
yet it was brought down as a treaty, and the House was told that
its details were not to be criticised ; that it was got up with great
ingenuity to catch everybody — legislative councillors, Lieutenant-
Govei-nors, uniformity of the laws for all but Lower Canada —
promised everything to e\-orybody, but when it was examined it
was found to be ambiguous, unsubstantial and unreal ; that it
displayed a great deal of that clc\-ci-uess which might be character
istic of an astute politician, but was far from the wisdom of a
statesman ; that the representation of tho House of Commons
was based on a set of special shifting districts, which from a
British point of view was unsound ; that the mode of readjust
ment of the decennial census was a bad innovation on our usages,
and destructive of con\'enience and stability ; that the Legislative
Council, as proposed, would operate as no federal check, was based
on no public opinion, could not last, and was a near approach to
the worst system which could be devised in legislation ; that the
difficulties in the formation of the cabmet would be insurmount
able ; that it could not be formed on any other principle than that
of a representation of the several Provuices in the cabmet ; that
such a formation was inconsistent with British practice and prin
ciple ; that the British cabinet was no cabinet of sections ; that if
in Canada they had not been able to work satisfactorily with a
cabinet of two sections, how were they gouig to do so with this
scheme ? " It starts,'' he said, to use his own words, " -with a
principle, as to the election of the House of Commons, which must
involve the arraying on the floor of that House, not of ii set of
members of Parliament coming there to judge and to act each for
the whole of- British Nortli America, but of acertam fixed number
of Upper Canadians, a certain fixed number of Lower Canadians,
a certain fixed number of Nova Scotians, of Now Brunswickers,
of Prince Edward Islanders, of Newfoundlanders, of R;-d River
men, of men from Vancouver's Island, of British Columbia meu,
of Saskatchewan men — each to act there for his own Province.
If we ever got all these territories laid out into provuices, we are
to have just so many sections, numerically most unequal, upon

274 CONFEDERATION.
the floor of this House, and the only abiding distinctions between
members wUl be those represented by the territorial lines between
their provinces. The Legislative CouncU, we have seen, will not
be the check which these sections wUl require. The Executive
CouncU has got to be that check, and in the Executive CouncU
these sections -will have to reproduce themselves. Apart from the
provinces or vast territory to the west of us, we shaU thus have
over six such sections on the floor of the Commons House, -with
their six corresponding sections in the Executive CouncU, and six
parHamentary majorities to be worked together, if possible, whUe
hitherto we have found our two sections and two majorities one
too many. Our constitutional difficulties, I repeat, are referable
to that very practice, and so it is proposed that we should try a
system three times — and more than three times — more complex
stUl. That cleverest of politicians who, for two or three years
running, under such a system, shaU have managed to carry on his
cabinet, leaduig six or more sections in our Commons House, six
or more sections in the Legislative Council, and, forsooth, six or
more local parliaments and lieutenant-governors, and aU the rest
of it besides — that gifted man who shall have done this for two or
three years running, had better be sent home to teach Lords Pal
merston and Derby their ]iolitical alphabet. The task will be
infinitely moi-ej difficult than the task these English statesmen
find it none too easy to imdertake.''
Hon. Attorney-General Cartier^" There ^vill be no difficulty."
Mr. Dimkin — " The honourable gentleman never sees a diffi
culty in anythmg he is going to do." Then he contended that,
even assuming the cabmet was brought down to the number it
would be possible to allow, say eleven, twelve or thirteen, it would
be difficult to satisfy not only the sectional demands for places in
it, but the national sub-divisions of the sections, for instance, in
Quebec the French, Irish and British ; tliat the mode of appoint
ment and tenure of office of the Lieutenant-Governors was objec
tionable ; that the federal system itself was simply inconsistent
-with the first principles that must pi-evaU in a properly organized
British responsible central government ; that the Federal and
Local Governments must come mto colHsion on many subjects —

CONFEDERATION. 275
by way of Ulustration, fisheries, agriculture, immigration, marriage
and divorce. He objected to the looseness of the wording of the
resolutions ; to there bemg no provision for a separate district for
the federal capital ; to the provisions respecting the judiciary ; to
the confusion as to the criminal law, and described in graphic
language the painful position of a judge under the proposed system.,
" We are not quite sure," he said, " whether we are going to have
any distinctively federal judiciary or not. There is a power given
to have one — ^there may be one ; but we are expressly told that
perhaps there -will not be. But what are we told on the other
hand ? Oh, there is no doubt whatever, according to the resolu
tions laid before us — no doubt whatever — that whether we have
a federal judiciary or not, the provincial judiciaries are to be a
sort of joint institutions. And a very curious kind of co-partner
ship the Federal Government and the Provmcial Governments —
the Federal Legislature and the provincial legislatures — are thus
to have in the judicial institutions of the country generally. All
the courts, judges, and other judicial officers of the pro-vinces are
to be, for aU manner of federal purposes, servants of the Federal
Government. There is an old saying, ' No man can serve two
masters.' But aU these unfortunate courts, and all their officers,
and specially all their judges, must serve two masters, whether
they can or not. All the Superior Court judges — and, in Upper
Canada, the judges of the County Courts — are to be named and
paid by the Federal authority, and are only to be removable by
the Federal authority, on a joint address of the two Houses of the
Federal Parliament. But, on the other hand, the provinces are
to constitute the courts, are to say what their functions shall be,
what the number of the judges, how they are to perform their
function, are to give them more work or less, to make then work
pleasant or disagreeable, high work or dirty work, as they like.
In this way they can -wrong a judge just as much as they please ;
the only check on them being the power of the Federal Govern
ment to disaUow their legislation. The Federal Government,
forsooth, names the judges, and pays them, and alone can remove
them. Does that take away the power from the local parliaments
and governments, the power to change the constitution of the

276 CONFEDERATION.
court, to change it in the way most distasteful to those judges, to
legislate away the court altogether, to legislate do-wn its functions
in such a manner as may drive the judge to resign ? And we are
told there will be no clashing ! I have no doubt the honourable
Attorney-General Bast thinks he could manage courts on this
system ; could have one authority constituting the courts, and
another naming and removing the judges, and have the system
work harmoniously. He may think so. I do not. I am satisfied
if ever the scheme is tried, it -will be found that it wUl not work.
Human nature is human nature ; and h^re is a first-rate lot of
matters to quarrel over, and to quaiTel over seriously. Why,
there is even a special refinement of confusion as to criminal
matters. Criminal procedure is to be Federal ; civil procedure,
Provincial ; criminal legislation proper, is to be Federal ; but with
a most uncertain quantity of what one may call legislation about
penalties. Provincial ; civil rights, in the main, Provincial ; but no
one can tell how much of Federal interference and overruling, and
all with courts Provuicial in constitution, but whose judges hold
by Federal tenure and under Federal pay. I pity the poor man
who is at once a criminal judge and a civil judge. Between the
clashing of his masters and the clashing of his book authorities, he
had better mind what he is about, with the painful doubt rising
at every tum whether Pro-vincial legislation may not be over
ridden by Federal legislation. His Province may well have legis
lated on what it holds a local matter, whUe the Federal Parliament
may have legislated on it, thinking it a Federal matter. Anywhere
there may well be some bit of Federal legislation contradicting
something in a local statute. And do our resolutions say that
the federal statute shall always override the local statute ? No,
only in cases where there is concurrent jurisdiction. And yet
our judge, who is to decide these nice questions, is paid by one
power and removable by that power, and may have his functions
taken away and be persecuted to the death by the other.
He will have a bad time of it."
He objected that the disinctions and differences between Upper
and Lower Canada would be kept up, instead of being obli
terated, and were prophetic of disaster. He exhausted the

CONFEDERATION. 277
comparison between the constitution of the United States and
the one proposed for the Confederation, to the disadvantage of
the latter, and denounced the financial jiart of the plan from
beginning to end. " The system proposed for adoption," said he,
" is not one of entire and simple separation of tlie Federal from
the Provincial treasuries, but a system of the most entire and
complex confusion between them. One has to thmk a good deal
upon the subject, and to study it pretty closely, to see precisely
how the confusion is going to operate ; but there it is, unmistaka
bly, at every tum. I do not mean to say that under all the
circumstances of the case, something of this sort was not unavoid
able. Of course, in the mere view of makmg the scheme palatable,
it was clever to make the Federal treasury pay for Provincial
expenditure ; but the system that had need be established should
bear testimony, not to cleverness, but to wisdom. Is the system
proposed for our acceptance as good, then, as statesmen ought to
and would have made it ? I thinlv not ; and the extraordinary
thing is, that it is brought out with a flourish of trumpets, on the
gi-ound that in some undescribable way it is to work most econo
mically ! Well, to test it, I -will take it up in three points of -view :
first, as to assets ; next, as to debts and liabilities ; and, lastly, as
to revenues. As to the asset part of the question, the tale is soon
tK^ild. The assets of these Provinces, speaking generally, are of very
little commercial value. They are much like the assets of an
insolvent ti-ader, with lots of bad debts upon his books ; it is of
small consequence to whom or how they are assigned. The
genei-al principle upon -which the scheme proceeds, is to give the
Fedei-al Government the bulk of these assets. The only excep
tions of any consequence — I am not going into the details of the
scheme, but still I must present to tlie House so much of detail as
to sliow that I am making no i-ash statement, not borne out by
facts — the only impoi-tant exceptions, I say, to this rule are those
I am about to notice. Certain properties, such as penitentiaries,
prisons, lunatic asylums, and otiier public charitable uistitutions,
aud othi?r buildings and properties of the kind, which, together
vt-itli those I ha\e just mentioned, may be characterized as excep
tional properties, are to be assigned by the General to the Pro-vin-

278 CONFEDERATION.
cial Govemments. Also, -with the exception of Newfoundland,
the several Provinces are to take the public lands, mines, minerals
and royalties in each, and all assets connected -with them — in com
mon parlance, their territorial revenues. The General Govern
ment is, however, to have the mines, minerals and public lands of
Newfoundland, paying for them of course. Then, Upper and
Lower Canada are severally to have those assets which are con
nected with the debts resei-ved for payment by them respectively;
but these -will not be worth much, and I shall not take the trouble
of saying much about them. It is enough to know that the
proportion of the debts to be assumed by the two has not yet, for
some reason, been stated, and that the assets connected -with them
amount to very little." The debts are disposed of in an equally
unsatisfactory way, but ui the length of discussion the revenues
ultimately escaped further attention. He proceeded to point out
that the jji-oposed financial system would, if adopted, lead to
further demands upon the Federal treasury from each of the
Provinces, and that in such demands they would mutually support
each other, observing : — " With our Upper and Lower Canada
have had pretty good proof of this. We know that whenever we
anythmg has had to be done for one section of this Pro-vince, it
has constantly been found necessary to do something of the same
or of some other kind for the other. If either needed anything
very badly, then the ingenuity of the Minister of Finance had to
be exercised to discover isomething else of like value to give the
other. In one word, unless I am more mistaken than I think I
can be, these local governments -will be pretty good daughters of
the horse-leech, and their cry -will be found to be pretty often and
pretty successfully, ' Give, give, give ! ' He expressed his dread
of the expenses connected -with the defences, the Intercolonial
RaUway, the communications with the North-West, the enlarge
ment of the canals, the purchase of the Hudson's Bay Territory,
the acquisition of Vancouver's Island, and the making " a grand
road all across the continent, which Great Britain shrinks from
contemplating herself;'' and asked, " Well, with this certain pros
pect before us of a gigantic outlay, what is the prospect for a
gigantic income?" He contemplated the decrease of the revienue.

CONFEDERATION. 279
from the necessity of meeting the -wishes of the people of the
Lower Pro-vinces, whose tariffs were less ; and if so, dreaded the
taxation that was to meet the deficiency. "We are marching, said
he, fast and steadily towards free trade. We must meet the views
of the people of the Lower Pro-vinces, who are hostile to high
tariffs, and the demand of the Imperial authorities that we should
not tax their manufactures so heavily as, m their phrase, almost to
deprive them of our market. And if, -with this state of thuigs
before us, to oblige the Imperial authorities and the Lower Pro-
-vinces, under pressure of an inevitable state necessity, we are to
reduce our customs rates, or any number of them, below what I
may call their figure of largest productiveness, then surely it is
little to say that we cannot look forward to an increase in the
revenue, or even to a continuance of our present income ; and it is
rather strange that we should be called upon withal, at the same
time, so to change our whole system as to involve ourselves in the
enormous extravagances here contenqilated. No taxing scheme
can ever meet the case. Nothing can be looked to but a device
of borro-wing -without limit — the incurring of an amount of debt
that, in interest and sinking fund, must prove to be simply unen
durable hereafter. But, in fact, we cannot even borrow to any
large amount, unless under false pretences. We cannot borrow
without telling tales of our condition, resources and expectations,
that in the end -wiU be found out to be lies. We must awaken
hopes in the minds of money-lenders abroad, that cannot but prove
delusive — the memory of which must work us hereafter an aggra
vation of punishment that we shall then scarcely need. And when
that time of reckoning shall have come, then, staggering under the
load, -without credit at home or abroad, the country -will have to
choose whether it -will have heavy direct taxation — ^for heavy taxa^
tion there must be — or have recourse to more or less of repudiation,
or even run some risk of both. If ever that time shall come, the
pubHc men of that day, and the people on wHom the burthen will
then press, wUl not bless the memory of those who held out the
false hopes and inducements under which it is now sought to decoy
us into -wUd expenditure and cmshing debt." He objected to a
federation of the Pro-vinces, but wanted a federation of the Empire,

280 CONFEDERATION.
and suggested a Colonial CouncU — somethmg, perhaps, after the
manner of the Council for the East Indies. He asserted that the
tendency of the present proposition was rather to separation than
to a closer connection with the Empire, and that it must inevita
bly lead to the former. He declared that a legislative union -with
the United Kingdom was utterly impossible, and that if the ques
tion should arise, whether we are so to be merged in the United
Kingdom, or are to separate entirely from it, the answer could
only be. At whatever cost, we separate. And it was because he
believed that the present scheme would lead to separation, even if
it bid fair to answer ever so well in the other respects — ^because he
was an EngHshman, and held to the connection with England, he
would oppose it. He beHeved that a commercial union with the
Lower Provinces could take place, and he anticipated that the
United States would be jealous, and possibly aggressive, if the
scheme was carried out. After stating that he had gone through
the leading points of his argument so far, he observed : If I am
not entirely -wrong, the only way in which this proposed machinery
can be got to work at all, will be by an aggregation, so to speak, in
the first Federal cabinet, of the leading men of the different
existing Provincial administrations. The attempt must be made
to combine the six majorities, so as to carry on an administration
in harmony with the understood wishes of the six several Pro
vinces, irrespective of every consideration of principle, or of sound,
far-seeing policy. I do not see how, although this thing may be
done at starting, it can be carried on — I was going to say, for any
length of time — I might say, for any time, long or short, unless
by a system of the most enormous jobbery and corruption.''
He objected to the haste -with which the measure was pressed,
and combatted the grounds on which it was pressed — considera
tions connected with the United States, with Great Britain, the
Lower Provinces, and with our own domestic affairs. He discussed
all these points at great length. With reference to the United
States, our attitude would be one of semi-defiance, for which there
was no reason. With reference to Great Britain, he referred in
strong language to the latent feeHng which was showing itself there
against the Colonies ; quoted largely from the Edinburgh Review ;

CONFEDERATION. 281
denounced the Goldwin Smith school ; read extracts from the Times
and the Edinburgh Review to show that the measure was haUed
as a step towards independence ; and declared that he regarded the
cutting the tie as a certain result of this measure; and "of that
again, I hold, said he, the ine-vitable result to be our early absorp
tion into the Republic south of us, the United States, or the
Northern States, be which it may." After several further observa
tions, he concluded as follows : "I feel that I have taken up a great
deal of the time of the House, and that I have presented but
imperfectly the views I am anxious to impress upon it as to this
great question. But for sheer want of strength, I might have felt
it necessary, at whatever risk of wearying the House, to go into
some matters more thoroughly, and more especially into that
branch of the subject which relates to what I may call the alter
native poHcy I myself prefer to this measure, and would wish to
see adopted and carried out. As it is, I have but to say, in con
clusion, whUe warmly thanking the House for the attention and
patience -with which it has for so many hours listened to me, that
I have said nothing but what I firmly believe, and felt myself
bound to say ; and that I trust the sober good sense of the people
of these Pro-vinces, after full reflection and discussion, -will decide
rightly upon this the largest question by far that has ever been
before them for decision."
The House listened to this long and able speech with much
attention, it only being occasionally interrupted by observations of
incredulity from the Hon. Attorney-General Cartier, and playful
expressions of confidence in his o-wn abUity to meet the dreaded
emergencies wherever they arose. The conclusion, as Mr. Dunkin
himself said, was foregone against his views.
Mr. Shanly, -with clear practical common sense, put the issue of
Confederation or Annexation before the House in a remarkably
lucid manner. After observing that the opponents of the project
while giving it a sweeping condemnation, off"er nothing, suggest
nothing to replace that which they so summarily reject, and after
stating his objections to the Federal system and his preference for
a Legislative Union, and finding fault with some of the detaUs,
19

282 CONFEDERATION.
referring to the public opinion in England and the United States
with reference to Canada, and the events then pending in the
latter country, he observed :
" It appears to me there are just three states of political
existence possible for us here when we emerge from the chrysalis
form in which we have hitherto existed. First, there is the
attempt to stand alone as a separate nationality on this conthient
— that is one alternative. Secondly, there is the prospect held
out to us in these resolutions, namely, a union of all the British
North American Colonies under the flag of England, becoming
more and more every year a homogenous British people, and
buUding up a consolidated British Power on this continent. The
last and inevitable alternative if we reject the other two is exactly
that stated by the honourable member for South Lanark (Mr.
Morris) — absorption into the United States. It is in vain to shut
our eyes to that fact, or that the time is at hand when we -wiU
have to make our selection. The latter alternative, he was
satisfied, would be most distasteful to the great mass of the
people of this country. * * -* » ^j^^ jj^ making the
choice which I know, said he, the people of this country -wUl
make — as between annexation to the United States and connection
-with Great Britain — as between republicanism and monarchy — as
between Canada our country, or Canada our state — I believe they
will be chosing that which wUl best advance the material pro
spects, and best ensure the future happiness and greatness of the
country. If we were to be absorbed mto the republic, and
become a state of the union, that would in no way relieve us of
the great undertakings that are before us for the improvement
and development of our resources. We would stUl have a large
debt on our hands, of which, unaided, we would have to bear the
burden ; our canals and other public works would be treated, not
as national, but as state enterprises, and the expense of enlarging
or extending them would have to be charged upon a diminished
revenue, for nearly the whole of the revenue we now raise from
customs and excise would go, not to the improvement of this state
of Canada, but would be poured into the coffers of the General

CONFEDERATION. 283
Government at Washington. I cannot understand how any
patriotic Canadian, even of those who regard political matters
from a material point of view only, can advocate annexation to
the United States. I believe there are many persons in Canada
who, though entertaining feelings of true loyalty to the Crown of
England, imagine that in some way or other — they cannot exactly
tell how — annexation would bring about an extraordinary and
sudden state of prosperity. I diff"er entirely, even in the material
and practical points of view, from the theorists and visionaries
who entertain so false a con-viction. How, I would ask, is this
country, with diminished means at its command, to be enabled to
carry out those great works through which alone it could hope to
become great, but the ways and means for constructing or im
proving which stUl puzzle our financiers ? I have always been of
opinion, since I first came to ponder carefully the future of
Canada, that that future does not depend so much upon our lands
as upon our waters. The land — the terra firma — of Canada is
not inviting to those who have tilled the soU of Great Britain or
explored the vast fertile plains to the west of Lake Michigan.
Our country is just on a par with the northern part of the State
of New York, and with the States of Vermont and New Hamp
shire in respect of climatic conditions and conditions of soil.
But we possess one immense advantage over those countries, an
advantage which gives us a distinctive position on this continent
— the possession of the noble river which flows at our feet. It is
through that river and our great chain of inland waters that the
destiny of this country is to be worked out. But we cannot
fulfil our destiny — or the destiny of this country rather — by
standing idle in the market place ; by, as one honourable member
has suggested, doing nothing to improve our natural highways or
create artificial ones, trusting to fortune or to Providence for the
development of our resources. I believe that we have a high and
honourable destiny before us, but that it has to be worked out by
hard toil and large expenditure ; and we certainly would not be
in a better condition to work it out were we to be united to a
country that would at once absorb four-fifths of the revenue on
which we now depend for our very existence. The improvement

284 CONFEDERATION.
of our internal navigation is the first great undertaking we should
consider, whether for commercial purposes or for purposes of
defence. And as regards the promoting of our commercial interest
in the improvement of our navigation, what advantage, I would
ask, could we expect to gain by becoming a state of the American
union ? There is not one of the seaboard states but would be in
every way interested in diverting the western trade from our into
their own channels, and in endeavouring to obstruct the improve
ments calculated to attract that trade to the St. La-wrence. The
Western States, doubtless, would have interests in common -with
us, but they are not in a position to render us material aid for the
construction of our works, being themselves borrowers for the
means of carrying out their o-wn internal improvements. I
believe, then, that even from a material point of view, every un
prejudiced thinker must admit that our future prosperity and
importance lie in preserving our indi-viduality, and in making the
most of our heritage for our own special advancement. I feel
quite certain that nine-tenths of the people of Canada would ,not
be deterred from taking their chance as a nation through the fear
that they may some day have to strike a blow in defence of then-
country, and of all else, whether of reality or of sentiment, that
should be dear to a brave and loyal people. We stand here the
envied possessors of, take it all in all, the greatest river in the
world ; the keepers of one of the gi-eat portals to the Atlantic :
and I trust that Canadians wUl never be found to yield possession
of their heritage tUl wrested from them by force ! And that
must be a force, they may rest assured, not merely sufficient to
over-match the people of these Pro-vinces, but all the power of the
Empire besides.

[285]

CHAPTER VIII.
Death of Sir E. P. Tachfi — Character — Recoustraction of the Government —
Ministerial negotiations — Action of the Government after reconstruc
tion — Confederate Council on Trade — Resolutions — Deputation to Wash
ington — Negotiations at ¦Washington for renewal of the Reciprocity
Treaty — Failure — Report to the British Minister at 'Washington — Terms
proposed by Canada — Counter terms by the United States — Public
satisfaction at the rejection of the latter — Effect on Confederation —
A. D. 1865 & 1866.  ,
Before the close of the session the result of the elections in
New Bruns-wick, and the consequent temporary defeat of Confe
deration in that Province, was known. The Government there
upon at once closed the business of the session, took a vote of
credit, including $1,000,000 (one mUlion), for defence, and deter
mined to send a deputation to England to confer -with the Imperial
Government. In the month of AprU the Attorney-Generals
West and East, Macdonald and Cartier, and Messrs. Brown and
Gait, set out for that puipose, receiving on theu- way, as the
steamer stopped at HaHfax, a perfect ovation, indicative, as was
supposed at that time, of the feeling in favour of Confederation in
the important Province of Nova Scotia.
About this time the assassination of President Luicoln at
Washington created a profound sensation throughout the whole of
British North America. PubHc demonstrations of respect were
she-wn, and resolutions of sympathy and condolence passed by
every legislature then sitting, and by almost every municipality
throughout the Provinces. Some little anxiety was entertained
at the time as to the course his successor, Mr. Johnson, might
pursue towards Canada, urged on as he was by that portion of the
press in the United States well known for its hostility to England.
It however passed away in a very short time.
Not long after the prorogation of the Legislature, in the month
of July, the President of the CouncU, Sir Etienne P. Tach^ died
at the ripe age of seventy-one. A Canadian by birth and affec-

286 CONFEDERATION.
tion, he had long filled a distinguished position in the country.
Of undoubted loyalty to the Cro-wn of England, his practical mind
was not led astray by the theories of the French Revolution, or
the meretricious glare of the Empire. The rapid advance of the
United States, in trying contrast to the slower progress of his
own Province, caused no de-viation in his devotion to the Bri
tish cause. In 1812 he gallantly threw himself into the ranks of
those who were sti-uggluig, and successfully straggled, to preserve
Canada to England. In later years, on the establishment of the
principles which gave to Canada the unconditional control of her
o-wn local affairs, he entered pohtical Hfe, and became a warm
supporter of those measures of progress which tended so rapidly
to develop her resources and promote her interests. With the
correctness of instinct, he saw that the preservation of the pecu
liar institutions and privUeges of Lower Canada, guaranteed by
the treaties of Paris of 1763, and of VersaUles of 1783,* could
only be maintained by the continued connection -with England,
and his is the well-kno-wn saying, " that the last shot that would
be fired on the American continent in the defence of the British
fiag, would be by a French-Canadian." He had from the first
been a warm advocate of Confederation, and the closing act of his
pubHc life was in its support in the legislature. He passed away
full of honours and of years, and the future historian of Canada
will refer to him as one who left to his countrymen of French
descent a name -vrithout reproach ; to his countrymen of English
descent the noble example of a man rising above the prejudices of
race, and devoting himself to the advancement of all -without dis
tinction. A good man and a true patriot, his memory -will long
be revered by the statesmen over whom he presided, and by the
people whom he loved.
His death caused an important vacancy in the cabinet, and
developed in a strong light the hollow nature of the alliance be
tween Messrs. Bro-wn and Macdonald, and the latent causes which
in a few months later led to the resignation of the former, and his
subsequent bitter hostility.
* The stipulations of the Treaties of Paris and Versailles are given in Appendix.

CONFEDERATION. 287
The facts cannot be better set forth than in the official narrative
of the Ministerial negotiations which took place for the recon
struction of the Government, and which was laid before Parliar
ment in the session of 1865, namely :
No. 1. — MemoranduTn made J^th August, 1865, of conversation,,
held on the preceding day between Messrs. Macdonald and
Brown.
Mr. Macdonald, yesterday, sought an interview with Mr. Brown
and informed him that His Excellency the Governor-General had
sent for him, that morning, and had stated his desire that the
Administration, as it was formed in 1864, should continue in
office, -with as few changes as possible, m order to carry out the
poHcy announced by the Government on its formation — that,
¦with that view His Excellency had expressed the opuiion that
the most obvious mode of supplying the place, vacated by the
death of Sir Etienne Tach^, would be for Mr. Macdonald to
assume the position of first minister — as being the senior member
of the Ministry — and that Mr. Cartier would, on the same
principle, become the leader of the Lower Canadian section of the
Government — and that, for the purpose of carrying those views
into eff'ect, he had commissioned Mr. Macdonald to take the post
of first minister — at the same time requesting all the other
ministers to retain their offices. Mr. Macdonald further informed
Mr. Brown that he had assented to this proposition of His
Excellency, and had seen Mr. Cartier, who, at once, agreed to it.
He then invited Mr. Brown to accede to the proposal of His
Excellency. Mr. Bro-wn replied that he was quite prepared to enter into
arrangements for the continuance of the Government in the same
position it occupied previous to the death of Sir Etienne Tach^ ;
but that the proposal now made, involved a grave departure from
that position. The Government, heretofore, had been a coalition
of three political parties, each represented by an active party
leader, but aU acting under one chief — who had ceased to be
actuated by strong party feelings or personal ambitions, and who
was well fitted to give confidence to all the three sections of the

288 CONFEDERATION.
coalition that the conditions which united them would be carried
out in good faith to the very letter. Mr. Macdonald, Mr. Cartier,
and himself (Mr. Brown) were, on the contrary, regarded as party
leaders, with party feelings and aspirations ; and to place any one
of them in an attitude of superiority over the others, -with the
vast advantage of the Premiership, would, in the public mind,
lessen the security for good faith, and seriously endanger the
existence of the Coalition. It would be an entire change of the
situation. Whichever of the three was so preferred, the act
would amount to an abandonment of the ^^coalition basis and a re
construction of the Government on ordinary party principles,
under a party, leader unacceptable to a large portion of those on
whose support the existence of the Ministry depended. Mr.
Bro-wn reminded Mr. Macdonald that when the coalition was
formed, the Liberal party in opposition, constituted a majority of
the House of Assembly : that, solely for the accomplishment of a
great measure of reform essential to the peace and progress of the
country, they had laid aside, for the time, party considerations,
and consented to form a coalition -with their opponents, on con
ditions which nothing but the strongest sense of public duty could
have induced them to accept. He reminded Mr. Macdonald of the
disadvantageous and embarrassing position he (Mr. Bro-wn) and
his colleagues, Mr. McDougall and Mr. Howland, had occupied
during the past year, — united as they were -with nine political
opponents, who held all the important departments of state ; —
and he asked him to reflect in what light the liberal party must
regard this new proposition to abandon theu- distinctive position,
and place one of their chief opponents in the premiership, though
his conservative supporters in Parliament were much inferior,
numerically, to the Reform supporters of the coalition. Mr.
Brown stated his conviction that the right mode of settling the
question, would be to invite some gentleman, of good position in
the Legislative Council, under whom all the three great parties
to the coalition could act with confidence, to become the successor
of Colonel Tache. In no other way, he thought, could the
position, heretofore existing, be continued. Mr. Brown concluded
by saying that the proposal of ISlr. Macdonald was, palpably, one

CONFEDERATION. 289
for the construction of a new Government, and that if the aid of
the Reform party of Upper Canada in the Assembly were desired
in its formation, a distinct statement of the policy of the new
Government must be made, and a definite proposition submitted.
Speaking, however, for himself alone, he (Mr. Brown) occupied
now precisely the ground that he had held in the negotiations of
1864; he stood prepared to give an outside but frank and earnest
support to any administration that might be formed, pledged like
the Coalition Government, to carry through Parliament, in the
spring session of next year, either a measure for the final com
pletion of the Confederation scheme of the Quebec Conference,
or one for removing existing difficulties in Canada, by the intro
duction of the Federal prmciple into the system of Government
coupled with such provisions as -will permit the Maritune Pro
vinces and the North-West Territory to be incorporated into the
system. Mr. Macdonald stated in answer that at the time the Coalition
was effected in 1864, Sir Etienne Tache held the position of '
Premier -with him (Mr. Macdonald,) as leader of the Lower House,
and of the Upper Canadian section of the Government. That on
reference to the memorandum containing the basis of Coalition, it
-will be seen that Mr. Bro-wn at first preferred to support the
Government in its policy as then settled -without entering the
Government, but that it was afterwards agreed in deference to
the -wishes of his supporters and at the pressing instance of Mr.
Macdonald that he and two of his political friends should enter
the Government. These terms were acceded to, the offices that
happened to be then vacant placed at Mr. Bro-wn's disposal, and
the Coalition was completed. Mr. Macdonald further stated that
Sir Etienne Tach6 was not selected at the time of the Coalition or
as a part of the agreement for the Coalition, as first minister, but
he had been pre-viously and was then the head of the Conservative
Government, and was accepted with all his Lower Canadian
colleagues -without change. That on the lamented decease of Sir
Etienne, His Excellency had, without any previous communica
tion of his opinion to him or (as he understood) to any one else,
come to the conclusion that the best mode of carrying on the

290 CONFEDERATION.
Government was (as already stated) for Mr. Macdonald to take
one step upward; that Mr. Cartier, as next in seniority should
do so also, and that the other arrangements should remain
as before. That he (Mr. Macdonald) thought -with His Excel
lency that this was the best solution of the matter, and
could not but accede to it; that, however, he had no personal
feeling in the matter, and that if he had, he thought it his
duty to set aside such feeling for the sake of carrying out the
great scheme so happUy commenced to a successful issue. He
therefore would readily stand aside and waive his pretensions,
so that some other party than himself might be appointed to
the Premiership ; that he thought Mr. Cartier should be that
party ; that after the death of Colonel Tach6 Mr. Cartier, beyond
a doubt, was the most influential man in his section of the coun
try, and would be selected by the Lower Canadian supporters of
the Government as their leader ; that neither Mr. Bro-wn nor Mr.
Macdonald could dictate to Lower Canada as to their selection of
leader ; that the Premier must be, according to usage, the leader
or senior member either from Upper or Lower Canada ; and that
as he (Mr. Macdonald) had, in consequence of the position taken
by Mr. Brown, waived his own pretensions, it followed that Mr.
Cartier should be appointed as Prime Minister. Mr. Macdonald
stated in conclusion that although he had no reason to suppose
that His Excellency would object to the selection of Mr. Cartier,
yet he must of course submit the proposition to him, and obtain
His Excellency's assent to it.
Mr. Brown replied that in some of the views suggested by Mr.
Macdonald, there was a difference between this proposition and
the original one ; but stUl that this, Hke the other, woiUd be a
proposal for the construction of a new Government, m a manner
seriously affecting the security held by the Liberal party. Before
saying anything upon such a proposition, however, were it formaUy
made, he would desire to consult his friends, Mr. McDougall and
Mr. Howland.
The interview then terminated, and the following correspond
ence took place :

CONFEDERATION. 291
No. 2. — Hon. John A. Macdonald to Hon. George Brown :
Quebec, August 4, 1865.
My dear Sir, — Immediately after our conversation, the heads
of which we have reduced to -writing, I obtained His Excellency's
permission to propose to you that Mr. Cartier, as being the leader
of the ministerial majority of Lower Canada in Parliament, should
assume the position of Prime Minister, vacated by the death of
Sir Etienne Tach^, the other members of the administration con
tinuing to hold theu- position and offices as before. All the Lower
Canadian members of the CouncU assent to this proposition ; so
do Mr. Campbell and myself ; and I am sure I can also speak for
Mr. Solicitor-General Cockburn, who is now absent. May I
request the favour of an early reply ?
Beheve me, my dear Sir, yours faithfully,
John A. Macdonald.
Hon. Geo. Bro-wn, (fee. &c. &c.

No. 3. — Hon. George Brown to Hon. John A. Macdonald :
Quebec, August J/., 1865.
My dear Sir, — I have received your letter of this afternoon,
in-viting me to retain my present position m a Government to be
formed under the Premiership of Mr. Cartier. In reply I have
now to state, after consultation 'with Messrs. Howland and
McDougall, that we can only regard this proposition as one for
the constmction of a new Government, in a manner seriously
affecting the security heretofore held by the Liberal party. Anxi
ously desirous as we are, however, that nothing should occur at
this moment to jeopardise the plans of the Coalition Government
on the constitutional question, we cannot assume the responsibUity
of either accepting or rejecting it, -without consultation 'with our
political friends. This I am prepared to do -without any delay, and
to that end it will be necessary that I have clearly stated in writing
the basis on which Mr. Cartier projioses to construct the new
Government. I am, my dear Sir, yours truly,
Geo. Brown.
Hon. John A. Macdonald, &c. &c. &c.

292 confederation.
No. Jf — Hon. John A. Macdonald to Hon. George Brown :
Quebec, Saturday, 6th August, 1866.
My dear Sir, — I regret to learn from your note of yesterday,
that you cannot assume the responsibUity, -without first consulting
your political friends, of either accepting or rejectmg the proposi
tion that Mr. Cartier should be placed at the head of the Govern
ment, in the stead of the late Sir Etienne Tache, -with the under
standing that the rest of the CouncU should retain their present
offices and positions under him. I have conferred with Mr. Cartier
on the subject, and we agree that, at this late hour, it would be
highly inexpedient to wait for the result of this consultation.
Parliament is to assemble on Tuesday next ; and in our opinion,
it would greatly prejudice the position of the Government, as well
as the future prospects of the great scheme in which we are all
engaged, if we met Parliament -with the administration in • an
incomplete state, and therefore with no fixed policy.
I have His Excellency's permission to state his concurrence m
this view, and his opinion that the public mterests require the
immediate reconstruction of the Ministry.
Under these circumstances, and to prevent the possibUity of the
scheme for the confederation of British North America receiving
any injury from the appearance of disunion among those who
coalesced for the purpose of carrying it into effect, Mr. Cartier and
I, without admitting that there are any sufficient grounds for
setting either of us aside, have agreed to propose that Sir Narcisse
Belleau shall assume the position of First Minister and Receiver-
General, vice Sir Etienne Tach(5 ; that the position and offices of
the other members of the Executive CouncU shall remain as
before, and that the policy of the Government shall be the same
as was laid before Parliament in July, 1864, as the basis of the
Coalition which was then formed. His Excellency authorizes me
to make this proposition, and expresses his desire for an early
answer. Believe me, my dear Su-, yours faithfuUy,
John A. Macdonald.
Hon. George Brown, &c. cSic. &c.

confederation. 293
No. 5. — Hmi. George Broion to Hon. John A. Macdonald :
Quebec, 6th August, 1865.
Saturday, 5 p.m.
My dear Sir, — Your note of this afternoon was handed to me
by Colonel Bernard ; and ha'ving communicated its contents to my
colleagues, I now beg to state the conclusions at which we have
arrived. Without intending the slightest discourtesy to Sir Narcisse
Belleau, we deem it right to remind you that we would not have
selected that gentleman as successor to Sir Etienne TachS ; but as
he is the selection of Mr. Cartier and yourself, and as we are
equaUy -with you desirous of preventing the scheme for the con
federation of British America receiving injury from the ajspearance
of disunion among us, we shall off"er no obj ection to his appointment.
I think, however, that it wUl be necessary that Sir Narcisse
BeUeau shall have stated to him, and shall accept, in more distinct
terms than you have indicated, the policy on which our Coalition
now rests. It is quite right that the basis of June, 1864, should
be stated as the basis stUl ; but he should also clearly understand
the modification of that agreement, rendered necessary by succeed
ing events, and which was ratified by Sir Etienne Tach6 in March,
1865. The agreement of June, 1864, was as follows :
" The Government are prepared to pledge themselves to bring
in a measure next session, for the purpose of removing existing
difficulties by introducing the Federal principle into Canada, cou
pled with such pro-visions as wUl permit the Maritime Provinces
and the North-West Territory to be incorporated into the same
system of government. And the Government will seek, by send
ing representatives to the Lower Provinces and to England, to
secure the assent of those interests which are beyond the control
of our own legislation to such a measure as may enable all British
North America to be united under a general legislature, based
upon the federal principle."
Sir Narcisse Belleau should understand that occurrences in the
Maritime Pro-vinces unfortunately prevented this agreement from
being carried out, so far as regards time ; that it became necessary

294 confederation.
to consider what course ought to be pursued in consequence of
these occurrences; and that we came to an agreement that we
should earnestly strive for the adoption of the scheme of the
Quebec Conference ; but should we be unable to remove the objec
tions of the Maritime Provuices in time to present a measure at
the opening of the session of 1866, for the completion of the Con
federation scheme, we would then present to Parliament, and press
with all the influence of Government, a measure for the reform of
the constitutional system of Canada, as set forth in the above
agreement of June, 1864.
I remain, my dear Su-, yom'S truly, Geo. Bro-wn.
Hon. John A. Macdonald.

No. 6. — Hon. John A. Macdonald to Hon. George Brovon :
Quebec, August 7, 1866.
My dear Sir, — Sir Narcisse Belleau returned from the country
yesterday, and I am happy to inform you that he has, though -with
great reluctance, acceded to the request of Mr. Cartier and myself,
and accepted the position of First Minister, -with the office of
Receiver-General. He accepts the policy of the late Government, as stated in your
note of Saturday to me, and adopts it as that which -wUl govern
his administration.
This policy will of course be announced in both Houses of Par
liament, as soon as possible.Believe me, faithfully yours,
John A. Macdonald.
Hon. George Brown, &c. (fee. &c.
The Government thus re-formed proceeded -with apparent ear
nestness in the work they had undertaken. The progress of events
in New Brunswick was becoming more favourable to the confede
rate cause, and its ultimate triumph was loudly proclaimed by its
friends. But there was a disturbing element in our relations -with
the Uiuted States which boded no good. Most unjustly, an inten-

CONFEDERATION. 295
sity of bad feeling towards Canada had been fostered in that
country by designing men — a class who for selfish purposes en
deavoured to promote a conflict with Great Britain, and to encour
age a pretended desire for revenge for alleged injustice to Ireland.
The matter of the St. Albans raid, throughout which Canada had
acted in the most honourable manner towards the United States —
had not only repaid the loss sustained, with the inflicting of which
she had nothing to do, but had actually legislated, almost in con
travention of the sacred right of asylum, to prevent such occur
rences for the future — ^was grossly misrepresented. An invidious
passport system was established between the two countries by
the United States ; notice for the abolition of the Reciprocity
Treaty, and the convention respecting the armaments on the lakes,
served upon Great Britain ; and every means adopted to prevent
their renewal and the re-establishment of friendly intercourse.
Insulting preparations were openly made, in direct defiance of the
United States laws, by Fenians, for the purpose of . invading
Canada ; the public arsenals pillaged of their arms in the very
presence of the authorities ; wordy proclamations issued, • and
bombastic drUlings carried on, avowedly to seize a portion of an
empire -with which the United States were at peace, and to inflict
injuries on a community which had done them no wrong.
In the presence of such circumstances the Canadian Govern
ment acted with moderation and discretion. They permitted no of
fensive demonstrations to be made, quietly prepared to meet any
emergency, and relying upon the loyalty of their countrymen, and
the good sense of the main body of the American people, endea
voured to open negotiations for the renewal or temporary continu
ance of the treaty. The farming interests of Upper Canada had
become accustomed to the markets of the United States for the
surplus productions of their growing country. An immense
trade had spmng up across the lines ; not only were friendly rela
tions promoted, but business connections had been made, the
disraption of which would lead to serious complications. To those
so deeply interested no equivalent trade at the moment suggested
itself. There were others, however, who were of a different opi
nion, who did not regard the treaty as of such vital importance,

296 CONFEDERATION.
though they did not hesitate to approve of its renewal, and desire
that all reasonable means should be taken to bring it about.
They thought the country would not be injured by being thro-wn
upon its own resources, by being compelled to ascertain what
other avenues of trade could be opened up. South America, the
West Indies, and the Mediterranean markets wanted their fish
and lumber. By Canada these countries and markets had been
almost ignored, and Canadian goods filtered through the United
States supplied but to a limited degree the demand under a foreign
name and foreign character. The internal markets of their own
Provinces were open to them. The Maritime Pro-vinces wanted
the flour and cereals, the homespuns and tweeds of Canada, and,
in return, the coal and fish and manufactures of those Provinces
were wanted in Canada. Why not seize these markets and throw
down the internal barriers ?
In the conflict of opuiion the Government adopted the -wise
course of prepai-ing for both emergencies. On the 15th of July a
minute of CouncU was adopted to send two members of the cabi
net to Washington to confer with Sir F. Bi-uce. This decision,
however, subsequent events rendered unimportant. Arising out
of an application made by Nova Scotia, the British Government,
by a despatch dated the 22nd of July, 1865, suggested to the Go
vernor-General the formation of a Confederate Council, chosen by
the different Provinces, and presided over by himself, for the pur
pose of expressing an opinion to Her Majesty's Government on the
negotiation of commercial treaties, and instructed him to commu-
nibate with the several Lieut-Governors accordingly. On 14th
of August the Governor- General did so, and in the early part of
September the Council was foi-med at Quebec, and was called the
" Confederate CouncU on Commercial Ti-eaties." Under the sug
gestion of this Council a commission was organized late in the au
tumn, and sent to the West Indies and South America, and
negotiations with the United States in due time opened.
With the latter it is our duty first to deal :
Of the CouncU on Commercial Treaties Messrs. Brown and
Gait were membei-s for Canada, Ritchie for Nova Scotia, WUmot
for New Bmnswick, Pope for Prince Edward Island, and Shea

CONFEDERATION. 297
for Ne'wfoundland, being members of their respective Executive
Councils. Messrs. Macdonald and Cartier were by courtesy fur
ther admitted on behalf of Canada to be present at the Council
and take part in the discussion. Under the notice from the
United States the treaty was to expire on the 17th of March, 1866.
On the 18th of September, 1865, this CouncU reduced their
views to resolutions, in which they declared the colonies satisfied
with the treaty ; but that if a new one was entered into, that the
coasting trade and registration of vessels ought to be included ;
and -that if terms could not be agreed upon with the United
States before the 17th March, it would be desirable that the Im
perial Government should endeavour to obtain a prolongation of
the treaty to such a period as would enable the negotiations to be
brought to a successful issue ; and that in the event of negotia
tions some of the members of the Council should attend at Wash
ington to confer with the British Minister, and afford information
in respect to the interests of the British North American Provinces.
They also recommended that steps be taken to enable the Provinces
to open communication 'with the West Indies, Spain and South
America for the purposes of trade.
The text of the resolutions was as follows :
Monday, 18th Sept., 1866.
The Council met.
Present : His Excellency the Governor-General, the Honourable
Messieurs Cartier, Brown, Shea, Pope, Ritchie and Wilmot.
The minutes of the last meeting were read and approved.
The report from the committee appointed on the last day of
meeting was read, and, in conformity with its purport, the follow
ing resolutions were unanimously adopted by the Council.
1st. That the existing treaty of trade with the United States
is acceptable, and that its renewal, as it now stands, would be
assented to by the respective Provinces.
2nd. That in the opinion of the Council, any reasonable pro
posals for the modification or extension of the treaty that may be
suggested by the United States Government, ought to be enter
tained by the Pro'vinces.
20

298 CONFEDERATION.
3rd. That in the event of a new Reciprocity Treaty being
negotiated, it would be highly desirable that the coasting trade,
and the registration of vessels, should be included in its pro
visions. 4th. That in the event of the abolition of the treaty by the
United States Government, it is the opinion of this CouncU that
all the British North American Provinces should combine cordially
together in all commercial matters and adopt such a common com
mercial policy as will best advance the interest of the whole.
5th. That in the opinion of this Council it would be highly
desirable that application be made to Her Majesty's Imperial
Government, requesting that steps be taken to enable the British
North American Provinces to open communications with the
West India Islands, with Spain and her colonies, and with Brazil
and Mexico, for the purpose of ascertaining in what manner the
traffic of the Pro-vinces with these countries could be extended,
and placed on a more advantageous footing.
6th. That in the event of negotiations for a new treaty of
Reciprocity with the United States, being opened by Her
Majesty's Government, but not concluded before the 17th March
next, application be made to Her Majesty's Government suggest
ing that an arrangement be entered into 'with the United States
Government for such a continuation of the existing treaty, as
may aff"ord time for concluding the pending negotiations.
7th. That Her Majesty's Government be requested to authorize
the members of this Council, or a committee to be appointed from
amongst them, to proceed to Washington, in the event of negotia
tions being opened for the renewal of the Reciprocity Treaty, in
order to confer with the British Minister there, and afford him
information with respect to the interests of the British North
American Provinces.
The Council then adjourned. (Signed) W. A. Himsworth, Secretary.
On the 1st January, 1866, Messrs. Gait and Howland of Canada,
Smith of New Brunswick, and Henry of Nova Scotia, delegates

CONFEDERATION. 299
from their respective Governments, of which they were members,
went to Washington. Negotiations, with the concurrence of the
British Minister, were opened with the United States, and conti
nued until the month of Febmary, 'without any successful result.
The demands of the United States were totally inadmissible ; and
on the 6th February, the Delegates delivei-ed the following memo
randum (marked A) in reply to the Committee of Ways and
Means (Congress being then sitting), to which Committee, under
the action of the American Government, they had been referred :
(A.)
Washington, February 6, 1866.
In reference to the memorandum, received from the Committee
of Ways and Means, the Provincial Delegates regret to be obliged
to state, that the proposals therein contained, in regard to the
commercial relations between the two countries, are not such as
they can recommend for the adoption of their respective Legisla
tures. The imposts which it is proposed to lay upon the produc
tions of the British Provinces, on their entry into the markets of
the United States, are such as, in their opinion, -will be in some
cases prohibitory, and -will cei-tainly seriously interfere with the
natural course of trade. These imposts are so much beyond what
the Delegates conceive to be an equivalent for the internal taxa
tion of the United States, that they are reluctantly brought to the
conclusion that the Committee no longer desire the trade between
the two countries to be earned on upon the principles of recipro
city. With the concun-ence of the British Minister at Washington,
they are therefore obliged respectfully to decline to enter into the
engagement suggested in the memorandum ; but the present -views
of the United States may soon be so modified as to permit of the
interchange of the productions of the two countries upon a more
liberal basis.
On the foUo-wing day they made their report to Su- Frederick
Bruce, Her Majesty's Minister at Washington, and returned to
their several Govemments ; Mr. Henry, the Attomey-General of
Nova Scotia, having taken the place of Dr. Tupper, and Mr.

300 CONFEDERATION.
Howland, Postmaster-General of Canada, the place of Mr. Bro-wn.
The Report was as follows :
Washington, February 7th, 1866.
Sir, — We have the honour to inform your Excellency that our
negotiations for the renewal of reciprocal trade with the United
States have terminated unsuccessfully. You have been informed,
from time to time, of our proceedings, but we propose briefly to
recapitulate them.
On our arrival here, after consultation -with your ExceUency, we
addressed ourselves, -with your sanction, to the Secretaiy of the
Treasury, and we were by him put in communication with the
Committee of Ways and Means of the House of Representatives.
After repeated interviews with them, and on ascertaining that
no renewal or extension of the existing treaty would be made by
the American authorities, but that whatever was done must be
done by legislation, we submitted, as the basis upon. which we
desired ai-rangements, the enclosed papei* (marked B).
In reply we received the memorandum from the Committee, of
which a copy is enclosed (C) ; and flnding, after discussion, that
no important modifications in their -views could be obtained, and
that we were required to consider their proposition as a whole, we
felt ourselves under the necessity of declining it, which was done
by the memorandum, also enclosed (A).
It is proper to explain the grounds of our final action.
It will be observed that the most important provisions of the
expiring treaty, relating to the free interchange of the products of
the two coimtries, were entirely set aside, and that the duties
proposed to be levied were almost prohibitory in their character.
The principal object of our entering into negotiations was, there
fore, unattainable, and we had only to consider whether the minor
points were such as to make it desu-able for us to enter into specific
arrangements. These pouits are three in number.
With regard to the first — ^the proposed- mutual use of the waters
of Lake Michigan and the St. Lawi-ence — we considered that the
present arrangements were sufficient, and that the common interests

confederation. 301
of both countries would prevent their disturbance. We are not
prepared to yield the right of interference in the imposition of tolls
upon our canals. We believe, moreover, that the pri-vilege allowed
the United States, of navigating the waters of the St. Lawrence,
was very much more than an equivalent for our use of Lake
Michigan. Upon the second point — providing for the free transit of goods
under bond between the two countries — we believe that in this
respect, as in the former case, the interests of both countries would
secure the maintenance of existing regulations. Connected with
this point was the demand made for the abolition of the free ports
existing in Canada, which we were not disposed to concede, espe-
ciaUy in view of the extremely unsatisfactory position in which it
was proposed to place the trade between the two countries.
On both the above points, we do not desu-e to be understood as
stating that the existing arrangements should not be extended and
placed on a more permanent basis, but only that, taken apart from
the more important interests involved, it did not appear to us at
this time necessary to deal -with them exceptionally.
With reference to the third and last point — ^the concession of
the right of fishing in the Pro-vincial waters — we considered the
equivalent proposed for so very valuable a right to be utterly
inadequate. The admission of a few unimportant articles free,
with the establishment of a scale of high duties as proposed, would
not, in our opinion, have justified us in yielding this point.
While we regret this unfavourable termination of the negotia
tions, we are not -without hope that, at no distant day, they may
be resumed, with a better prospect of a satisfactory result.
We have the honour to be.
Your ExceUency's most obedient servants,
A. T. Galt, Minister of Finance, Canada.
W. P. Howland, PosPmaster-General, Camada.
W. A. Henry, Attomey-General, Nova Scotia.
A. J. Smith, Attorney-General, New Brunswick.
His ExceUency Sir F. Brace, K.C.B., &c.

302 confederation. (B.)
1st. Free trade in the natural productions of the United States
and the Provinces ; subject, on both sides, to the internal revenue
duties. 2nd. That the present arrangement with regard to the fisheries
shall continue.
3rd. The free navigation of the internal waters of the continent,
coupled with an effort to improve Canadian water communications.
4th. That Canada would adjust her excise duties upon spirits
beer and tobacco, in accordance -with a. revenue standard to be
mutually adopted.
5th. A continuance of the present bonded system through both,
countries. (C.)
1st. That they should decline to admit free any article whatever
from Canada, with the exception of burr mUlstones, rags, fire
wood, grindstones, plaster and gypsum.
2nd. That they ask a right to fish as at present. They would
abolish the present fish bounties, but impose an import duty more
than an equivalent to these bounties.
3rd. That the na-vigation arrangement would continue, pro
viding that no discrimination as to tolls should be made between
United States and British craft.
4th. That the present bonding system should continue.
5th. That the foUo-wing should be the duties levied on other
articles proposed to be included in this treaty :
Animals, living, of all sorts, 20 per cent, (ad valorem.)
Apples, and garden fruit and vegetables, 10 per cent, (ad val.)
Barley, 15 cents per bushel.
Beans, except vanilla and castor oU, 30 cents per bushel.
Beef, 1 cent per pound.
Buckwheat, 10 cents per bushel.
Butter, 4 cents per pound.
Cheese, 4 cents per pound.
Corn, Indian and oats, 10 cents per b'ushel.
Cornmeal, Indian and oatmeal, 15 cents per bushel.

confederation. 303
Coal, bituminous, 50 cents per ton.
Coal, all other kinds, 25 cents per ton.
Flour, 25 cents (ad valorem.)
Hams, 2 cents per pound.
Hay, $1 per ton.
Hides, 10 per cent (ad valorem.)
Lard, 3 cents per pound.
Lumber, pine, round or log, $1 50 per 1,000 feet.
Pine, sawed or he-svn, $2 50 per 1,000 feet ; planed, tongued and
grooved, or finished, 25 per cent, (ad valorem.)
Spruce and hemlock, sawed or he-wn, $1 per 1,000 feet.
Spruce, planed, finished, or partly finished 25 per cent, (ad
valorem.) Shingle bolts, 10 per cent, (ad valorem.)
Shingles, 20 per cent, (ad valorem.)
All other lumber of black walnut, chestnut, bass, whitewood,
ash. oak — round he-wn or sawed, — 20 per cent, ad valorem.)
If planed, tongued and grooved, or finished, 25 per cent, (ad
valorem.) Ores, 10 per cent, (ad valorem.)
Peas, 25 cents per bushel.
Pork, 1 cent per pound.
Potatoes, 10 cents per bushel.
Seed, timothy and clover, 20 per cent, (ad valorem.)
Trees, plants and shrubs, ornamental and fruit, 15 per cent.
(ad valorem.)
TaUow, 2 cents per pound.
Wheat, 20 cents per bushel.
Thus ended the efforts to renew a treaty which had covered a
reciprocal trade of sixty-eight mUlions per annum, and which had
been looked upon by its promoters iu 1854 as tending to cement
perpetual amity -with the United States. The action of the dele
gates at Washington met with the universal approval of the people
of the Provinces. The propositions of the Government of the
United States, as conveyed through the Committee of Ways and
Means, it was considered would simply have made the British

304 confederation.
Pro'vinces insignificant, outlying portions of their territory, con
trolled by their laws, without having any voice in their legislation,
dependent for their trade and commerce upon the fluctuating
'views of the preponderating party for the time being in the
United States ; governed one day by the restrictive policy of
Pennsylvania coal o-wners, and the next by the necessities of gold
speculators in New York ; unable to enter the British or any
foreign market, but with the badge of American vassalage ; and
having to look in their own legislation and their o-wn parhaments,
not to the interests of their own country, but to the directions
they might receive from their commercial masters at Washington.
It was well for the governments of the day that their delegates
returned -without having given even a qualified assent. The Pro
vinces were thrown together, and confederation was secured.
To this action of the American Government on the question of
reciprocity, and to the Trent affair, the rapid achievement of
Canadian union may be mainly attributed. It would have come
in time, but the latter acting upon the British Government, and
the former upon the British Pro-vinces, brought it about at once ;
and if hereafter a great northern nation should spring from the
confederation, rivalling the United States in power, in constitu
tional freedom, in commercial enterprise, and in the development
of all those elements of strength which indicate a progressive and
contented people, rivals in all the pursuits of peace, and equals in
the emergencies of war, the United States -will have to look back
to their own action in 1862 and 1865 as one of the main con
ducing causes.

[305]

CHAPTER IX.
Resignation of Mr. Brown — Parliamentary explanations — Reasons assigned —
Examination of minutes of Council and Mr Gait's memorandum —
Reasons existing — Subsequent conduct — A. D. 1865 & 1856.
But the events narrated in the previous chapter did not take
place -without producing m the Canadian Cabinet a change of
singular significance. In the month of December Mr. Brown,
owing, as it was said, to a diff"erence with his colleagues as to the
mode in which the negotiations -with the United States should be
conducted, resigned his seat as President of the Council, and left
the cabinet. Mr. McDougall was at that time absent with the
West India Trade Commission, and the leader of the Government
tendered to Mr. Howland, the remaining member of the Reform
party in the cabinet, the position held by Mr. Brown, with the
assurance that the conditions on which the Coalition Government
had been formed were stUl to continue. Mr. Howland, after
consulting his friends, accepted the position. Mr. Fergusson Blair,
another Reformer, and avowed supporter of confederation, was
offered and accepted the situation of President of the CouncU,
with the full consent and approbation of his party, went back for
re-election, and was triumphantly returned.
Though it was well understood throughout the country that it
was on the question of the negotiations for the renewal of the
Reciprocity Treaty with the United States that Mr. Brown's
resignation had taken jslace, and, so far as the facts were supposed
to be, his -views in that respect approved of ; yet no specific
statement of the difference between himself and his late colleagues
had been made either on behalf of the Government or himself,
official prudence requiring that pending the negotiations reticence
should be observed. The meeting of Parliament was therefore
looked forward to with interest when it was kno-wn the ne cessary
m nisterial explanations must be given. In the meantime the
sfeat of government had been removed to Ottawa. The public

306 CONFEDERATION.
attention was occupied with the Fenian mvasion in the spring of
1866. The treaty had been disposed of, and no anxiety was felt
on that account. The new elections in New Brunswick had
terminated in favour of the confederate party ; the Nova Scotian
legislature had passed resolutions authorising their government to
act in that direction ; and thus when the Parliament assembled at ,
Ottawa on the 8th of June, 1866, and for the first time held its
sittings " in the magnificent buUdings erected in the city chosen
by Her Majesty as the seat of government," the assembled repre
sentatives were prepared to consider dispassionately the reasons
which had induced an influential member of the cabinet, and the
leader of the liberal section, to abandon his post at the moment
when the great object for which he had joined it, and for which he
had entered into a coalition contrary to the avowed policy of his
])olitical life, was jjassing through its darkest hour.
Immediately upon the opening of the House, the Attorney-
General West, the Hon. John A. Macdonald, introduced in lieu
of the ordinary formal bUl to assert the privUeges of the House,
before going into consideration of the speech from the throne, a
bUl for the suspension of the Habeas Corpus, and the Attorney-
General East, Hon. Geo. E. Cartier, a bill for extending to Lower
Canada, the Act then in force in Upper Canada for the trial of
hostile marauders. These two measures were jDassed without
opposition, were sent up to the CouncU, passed there and received
the Governor-General's assent the same day.
On the re-assembling of the House in the folio-wing week, and
so soon as the ordinary business had been disposed of, the question
of Mr Brown's resignation came up. The mere fact of a particular
individual joining or leaving a Government would not as a general
rule demand an exhaustive narrative [of the causes which led to
it ; but Mr. Brown's position was peculiar — the history of Con
federation would not be complete without his name. His per
sistent assertion of a policy had brought about the dead-lock,
which had rendered Constitutional Government almost a mockery
in Canada. In 1864 his entering the Government of ihe dav,
which he had always persistently opposed and denounced, to bring
about a great constitutional change, had met with the approbation

CONFEDERATION. 307
of both friends and foes, and had extorted from his opponents,
the admission, that for a good purpose, he was strong enough to
treat with mdiff"erence, the charges of inconsistency and change
which might have deterred a weaker man — that like Peel he could
boldly throw himself upon the nation's judgment, and rise above
the trammels of party. When, therefore, he left the ship, just
as she was going into action, every one looked for a good reason
for it.
The fairest way is to give the explanations as they were made
in Parliament by the parties themselves.
In the Legislative Council, the Hon. Sir. N. F. Belleau on
rising to give the Ministerial explanations touching the resigna
tion of the late President of the Council in the autumn previous,
observed :
" It was generally kno-wn all over the country that Mr. Brown
resigned upon a question reg3,rding the renewal of the Reciprocity
Treaty -with the United States. The best way to make kno-wn to
the House the policy of the Government on the subject at the
time, was to read the minute m Council on which that gentleman
had resigned. It was as follows :
Copy of a Report of a Committee of the Executive Council, ap
proved by His Excellency the Administrator of the Govem-
•ment, on the 2'2nd December, 1865.
The committee have had under consideration the memorandum
dated 18th December, 1865, from the honourable the Minister of
Finance, submitting for the consideration of your Excellency in
Council, that it appears from the report to Congress, of the
Secretary of the Treasury of the United States, as well as from
the information obtained by him, the Minister of Finance, in
recent conversations had at Washington with the Secretary of
State and the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States, that
the American Government are not disposed to submit to Congress
any proposal for the renewal of the Reciprocity Treaty, but con
sider that the commercial relations between the United States
and the British North American Provinces should form the sub-
j ect of concerted legislation.

308 CONFEDERATION.
That under these circumstances he submits that inasmuch as
the treaty will expire on the 17th of March next, there is no
reasonable probability that the Congress of the United States -wiU,
before that date, decide in any -way upon their policy in this
respect, while it is manifest that no corresponding legislation could
possibly take place in each of the British Provinces ; that it is
therefore evident that unless some understanding be arrived at
with the American Government, for a temporary continuance of
existing arrangements, the trade between the two countries must
be subject to serious disturbance, by the expiry of the treaty on
the 17th March.
That the proposal of the Secretary of the Treasury to substitute
legislation in Heu of the treaty, can only apply to those portions
of the treaty which refer to commercial subjects. That the
national rights involved in the engagements relative to the
fisheries, and to the na-vigation of the great lakes, and the St.
La-wrence, cannot, he believed, be dealt -with otherwise than by
treaty or convention between Great Britain and the United States.
That the subjects embraced in the Reciprocity Treaty are two
fold. That those relating to trade and commerce can, if it be so
determined, be reserved for the action of the respective Legis
latures, each country pursuing the policy that is most in accord
ance with its o-wn interests, whUe those relating to International
engagements must either be continued by treaty or each nation
wUl revert to its position prior to the execution of the Reciprocity
Treaty. That as the latter class of subjects has not been referred to by
the Secretary of the Treasury, it is possible it has not received
fuU attention in the decision that would appear to have been
arrived at for the abrogation of the treaty, as it can scarcely be
supposed that the United States desire to reproduce that state of
things which was happUy put an end to by the execution of the
treaty. That the concessions which were considered to be made by
'Great Britain ui relation to the fisheries question were, however
so intimately blended -with the commercial advantages alleged to
have been gi-anted by the United States, that it does not, at this

CONFEDERATION. 309
moment, appear possible to consent to the concessions by Great
Britain being continued and made permanent m favour of the
United States by a new treaty, while the latter country de
termines to retain -within its own control, all the subjects by
which equivalents were considered to have been given to the
British Provinces.
That if the objections by the United States to a renewal of the
commercial treaty rest upon its being an unconstitutional act on
their part, it no longer becomes a subject of discussion, and some
other course must be devised for the division of the subject, deal
ing with national rights by treaty, and -with commercial relations
by legislation. And he off"er3 as his opinion that no insuperable
difficulty need be apprehended in this course, if the subject be
approached in a spirit of mutual desire to perfect and to perpetuate
the friendly intercourse and trade between the two countries ; but
that it is manifestly impracticable, within the time limited for the
termination of the treaty, to give the requu-ed consideration to the
subject, and to settle all the various details connected -with it ; and
that it is therefore very much to be apprehended that the whole
engagements of the treaty -will end on the 17th March, unless the
Government of the United States acquiesce in their temporary
continuance -with a view to negotiations. But in case it should be
ultimately found necessary to deal with the question of trade by
legislation, it must be apparent to the United States Government
that extreme difficulty must be experienced in bringing into har
mony the -views of so many different legislatures, and much time
will be required for the purpose. That in -view, therefore, of the
proposed confederation of the British North American Pro-vinces
probably taking place at an early day, it would appear more desir
able to defer, if possible, any legislative arrangements -with the
United States to the Legislature of the Confederated Provinces,
especially as the earliest duty of that body will be to re-vise and
assimilate the existing separate systems of finance and trade now
existing in each ; thus a^ording the most favourable opportunity
for the consideration of any proposals of the American Govern
ment relating to trade and revenue.

310 CONFEDERATION.
He, the Minister of Finance, therefore recommends that com
munication be had with Her Majesty's representative at Wash
ington, for the purpose of submitting to the Government of the
United States a proposal for the continuance of the existing
treaty for such period as may be agreed upon, for the purpose of
negotiation, and that two members of the Council be instructed
to put themselves in communication with His Excellency and
(subject to his concurrence), with the authorities at Washington
on the subject.
The Minister of Finance further recommends that the action
proposed to be taken for the purpose of obtaining- delay in the
abrogation of the treaty be communicated by your Excellency to
the Lieutenant-Govei-nors of the Maritime Provinces, and that
they be requested to inform their respective governments that it
is not the intention of the Canadian Government to depart from
the course proposed by the Confederate Council on Commercial
Treaties, or act in any manner separately or distinctly from the
other Provinces, in the ultimate discussion and decision of the
various questions involved ; but solely in view of the vast interests
in Canada affected by the possible termination of the treaty, to
use every exertion, m the meantime, to obtain delay, with the
intention hereafter of considering, in connection \vith the sister
Provinces, any suggestions that may be made on the part of the
United States, in relation to the future commercial intercourse
between the two countries, and that the Maritime Provinces be
invited to send representatives to Washington for the same pur
pose, and be informed that it is proposed to hold a meeting of the
Confederate CouncU on Commercial Treaties at Ottawa, as soon as
the position of that question would warrant it, founded upon the
information to be received from Washington as to the probable
extension or final abrogation of the Reciprocity Treaty.
(Certified.) W. H. Lee, C. E. C.
At this stage Mr. Brown, after a long and earnest discussion,
said he could not concur in the policy indicated, and if the Council
adopted it he would be obliged to take other steps. The question,
however, was put and unanimously carried, the Provincial Secre
taiy alone being absent. Upon the declaration that it was passed

CONFEDERATION . 311
Mr. Brown rose and said he would not sign it, and would resign.
Before givmg his resignation that honourable' gentleman had
stated, however, that he would support the policy of confederation,
and, as far as possible, the general measures of the Government.
These were the sensible facts, and it was now for the country to
judge them.
On Friday, June the 15th, 1866, in the House of Assembly,
the Speaker took the chair at the usual hour.
After the ordinary routuie business had been disposed of, on the
order of the day being called, the Hon. John A. Macdonald rose
and said :
" In accordance -with the promise made yesterday, he would give
explanations regarding the changes which had been made in the
Administration since last session. The explanations, so far as the
Government are concerned, would be short, simple, and occupy the
attention of the House but a very brief period. It was known
the honourable member for South Oxford had retired from the
position of President of the Council, and had been succeeded by the
Hon. Fergusson Blair. It was also kno-wn, from public rumoui',
which in this case, contrary to general rule, was correct, that the
member for South Oxford had retired from the Government in
consequence of a difference of opinion with the majority of the
Executive Council on the subject of the best mode of continuing
negotiations for the renewal of the Reciprocity Treaty with the
United States. The majority of the Council, after long and
serious discussion, and full consideration of the whole question,
came to a certain conclusion as to the best policy to pursue under
the cu-cumstances, and the honourable gentleman who had resigned
would not assume the responsibility of adopting that policy. The
subject in question had occupied the attention of the whole country
for a considerable time — indeed ever since the honourable gentle
man entered the Coalition Cabinet it engaged continually the
attention of the Government. In December last the members of
the Government (who were all here except the Provuicial Secre
tary, then absent on a commercial mission) came to a conclusion
upon the best mode of conducting negotiations with the United

312 CONFEDERATION.
States for the renewal of the old Treaty, or for secui-ing by some
other arrangement the advantages which flowed to the Provuice
and to the United States from the Ti-eaty of 1854. The Govern
ment exceedingly regretted that he could not conscientiously assent
to that policy, as in accordance with his view of what was right,
and, yielding his opinion to that of the rest of his colleagues,
remain in the CouncU. However, he, like every political man,
was the only judge of what was the proper course to pursue ; and,
while he was subjected to a degree of pressure by his colleagues
to withdraw his resignation and yield his opinion, he could not
bring himself conscientiously to do so, and said that the only
thing that remained was for the Administrator of the Govern
ment to accept his resignation, and for the vacant place to be
filled up by another. The House knew the honourable member
for South Oxford did not hold an ordinary position in the Govern
ment as Minister of the Crown. He was not only a Minister
holding office like the rest of his colleagues, but he was the repre
sentative of a great party, and the leader of the three gentlemen
who, at the time of the coalition, went into the Government for
the purpose of effecting the great object which now, he was happy
to say, was so nearly accomplished; and it was an additional
source of regret that the honourable gentleman was not now in
the Government, as a minister of the Crown, to witness the success
of that project, for which he had sacrificed so much, and worked
so earnestly and patriotically. He had, however, pursued the only
course that was open to him as a statesman — to resign when he
found he could not honestly and conscientiously approve of the
course which the Government had made up its mind to follow.
Having done so, he (Hon. John A. Macdonald), on behalf of his
colleagues, and with the approbation of His Excellency the Admin
istrator of the Government, invited the Postmaster-General, then
the head of the Liberal section of the Government, from Upper
Canada, to assume the task of filling up the vacancy, and that
gentleman replied that he could not gi^'e an answer 'without an
opportunity of considering the matter and consulting his friends.
He (Mr. Macdonald) could not do better than read to the House a
report made by that hon. gentleman on the subject, as follows : —

CONFEDERATION. 313
' Mr. Howland reported to the CouncU, that by the resignation
of Mr. Brown, he was placed in a position in which he felt that
great responsibUity rested upon him ; and that before commg to a
decision as to whether he should continue in the Government,
he felt it to be his duty to consult and obtain the advice of those
members of both branches of the Legislature who belonged to the
Reform party. Pending this, he would decline to take any part
in the proceedings of the Council. He therefore asked the consent
of the CouncU to the step he proposed.'
This consent was accorded, and a letter was at the same time
placed in Mr. Howland's hands, which read as follows :
Executive Council Office,
Ottawa, Dec. 20th, 1866.
My DEAR Howland, — I have only time, before you leave, to say
to you that the policy of the Coalition Government will in no
respect be changed by the resignation of G. Bro-wn ; that all the
conditions entered into at the time of the formation of the Coali
tion Government will be fiUly can-ied out ; that I ask you to take
Mr. Bro-wn's position in the Government, and that you have carte
blanche in the choice of a gentleman of your party to fill the vacant
seat in the CoimcU. In haste, yours sincerely,
Jno. a. Macdonald.
To Hon. W. P. Howland.
P.S. — When I speak of the conditions on which the Coalition
Government was formed, I of course refer to original arrangements
under Su- E. P. Tache, and to continuations of them when Sir
N. F. BeUeau became Premier. J. A. M.
Mr. Howland, continued Mr. Macdonald, after seeing his friends,
consented to remain in the Government, and, as he had said before,
the Hon. Mr. Bhiir had accepted the office of President of the
CouncU, -with the consent and approbation of his party. These,
so far as Government was concerned, were all the explanations
they had to offer. The papers on the subject would be submitted
to the House.'' 21

314 confederation.
Hon. George Brown — " Before proceeding to enter into explana
tions on the subject of his retirement from the Government,
desired it to be distinctly understood that his resignation was
entirely on account of the course which had been pursued on the
question of the renewal of the Reciprocity Treaty. He was
bound to admit that no slight cause would justify him in leaving
the Government before the great question of Confederation, for
the carrying of which he had taken office, had not been finally
disposed of. At the same time, he thought that Confederation
had even then reached that point where no danger of its faUure,
iiee^ have been apprehended. He had entered the Government
-with very great reluctance and would h^ve preferred, as he had
stated at the time, to have remained on his o-wn side of the
House and sustained the gentlemen opposite in maturing the
great question and carrying it to a successful issue. He thought
still that it would have been the proper course for himself and
his friends to have sustained the Government from their o-wn side
of the House, than to have joined in the Government, and he
was still prepared to give the Government his hearty and cordial
support ui carrying out that measure. With regard to the
occasion of his leaving the Government, the policy on the
Reciprocity question the matter in connection -with it which led
to his resignation, was the negotiations of Canada -with the United
States. It was in the course pursued by the Hon. Finance
Minister, that he had found his reasons for the course he had
taken. He was glad, however, that the policy on which he had
'resigned had not been carried out, and thought his resignation
had done some good in preventing that policy from bearing fruit.
The honourable gentleman opposite kno-wing he (Mr. B.) was
present, had not thought fit to give his view of the case, and he
begged to state before entering upon it, that he had left the
Government in perfect friendship and without any difference or
disagreement upon any other question than that of Reciprocity.
As the Attorney-General had stated that question was before the
Cabinet from the time of the formation of the Coalition Govern
ment, and on the 15th July, 1865, feeling it necessary that the
Government should know what were the views of the United

CONFEDERATION. 315
States Government tliat ministers might come down and meet
the House with a statement of policy, it was proposed to send a
deputation to Washington. A long discussion took place upon
this point. The CouncU did not agree upon it, but on applying
for the document it could not be found. A deputation was sent
to Washington to ascertaui the views of the American Govern
ment. We were satisfied -with the treaty ; they were not, there
fore they should make a proposition to us and not us to them
as a basis for renewal of negotiations. The result of that mission
was that the American Government desired some arrangement
-with regard to cei-tam articles in which a great deal of smuggling
was carried on from this country to the United States, and he was
perfectly satisfied to enter into an arrangement of this kind from
first to last. During the last session of Parliament on discussion
on the enlargement of the canals, the honourable Minister of
Finance had made some remarks which he supposed members
would recoUect, and which he did not hesitate to say conveyed an
idea of the policy of the Government. (Mr. B. then read from
Mr. Gait's speech sho-wing that enlargement of canals would only
be -wise policy for Canada as an inducement to Americans to renew
the treaty, &c.) The Ministry last year had suggested to the
Imperial Government the propriety of consulting the British
American Colonies in any negotiations that might .take place for
a renewal of the treaty. The British Government had agreed,
and appointed the Inter-Colonial Council of Trade. The Canadian
Ministers who were members of that CouncU were the Hon.
Attorney-Generals East and West, Hon. A. T. Gait and himself
(Mr. B.) He held in his hand the resolutions which had been
agreed- upon at that CouncU, after a full discussion, which it was
proper he should read. Mr. Brown read resolutions to the effect
that the Colonies were satisfied with the present treaty, but -willing
to enter upon a new one upon any reasonable basis ; that in any
new treaty the coasting trade should be included ; and in case of
the failure to negotiate before the 17th March, then the Imperial
Government should be appealed to, to get a renewal of the then
existing treaty for a brief period, to enable negotiations to be
carried to a successful issue. These resolutions were agreed to on

316 CONFEDERATION.
the 17th September last. Shortly after that time the departments
were removed to Ottawa, the cabinet meetings were held in Mon
treal, SO that, properly speaking, the Government had no abiding
place. On the 17th November he had gone to the Lower Pro
vinces on a mission connected -with our trade relations, and shortly
after his return to Toronto he had been surprised to see in the
American papers a statement that Messrs. Gait and Howland,
who had been sent on a mission to New York to confer with the
Internal Revenue Commissioners, were negotiating -with the Com
mittee of Ways and Means in Washington. He thought there
surely must have been some mistake, as no authority had been
given our delegation to make any propositions, and he feared that
this step would have a most dangerous eflTect on the Lower Pro
vinces, and even be detrimental to the prospects of confederation,
as indicating that Canada desired to act -without consulting the
other governments equally concerned. It was desirable to know
exactly what had taken place, and though he had no doubt his
honourable friend had acted in the best of faith, stiU- from the
course pursued, had it not been for the great question of confede
ration, he (Mr. B.) would not have stayed in the Govei-nment
one hour. Mr. B. then read the folio-wing memorandum :
" When the CouncU met at Ottawa on the 13th December Mr.
Gait gave a full narrative of his proceedings in the United States,
but did not submit it to writing. I asked him to do so, but he
thought it unnecessary, which I think is to be regretted. He
stated that he met the Commissioners at New York, and arranged
-with them that they should report to their Government in favour
of a renewal of the Reciprocity Treaty, and of a year's extension
of the existmg treaty, to enable a new one to be arranged 'by the
Commissioners. He also stated that he had agreed -with them for
the assimilation of duties during the year, so as to prevent, or at
least render unprofitable, smuggling on the border. Mr. Gait
then went on to say that after seeing the Commissioners at New
York, he proceeded to Washington, where he saw Mr. Seward
and Mr. McCuUoch, He said both were very friendly, and depre
cated any interruption to our commerce ; but that Mr. Seward
declared no new treaty could be made, and that only reciprocal

CONFEDERATION. 317
legislation could be assented to. Mr. Gait said he combatted
this proposal, and shewed the difficulty of getting all the Pro
vinces to consent to reciprocal legislation, to which Mr. Seward
replied that he did not care about the Lower Provinces, it was an
arrangement -with Canada he wanted. Mr. Gait said he urged
that the fishery question could not be arranged except by treaty,
to which Mr. Seward replied that he did not care about the
fisheries, and also that that could be separately arranged. The
resiUt was that Mr. Gait proceeded to discuss -with Mr. Seward
and Mr. McCuHoch (separately, I understood) the arrangements
possible under reciprocal legislation. He suggested to them that
such manufactures of the two countries, as the United States
might designate, might be admitted free, provided the same
articles from England were admitted into Canada free. He
suggested that all the natural products of the two countries
should be admitted free, -with this exception, that when the
Americans impose an excise duty on articles made or gro-wn in
their countiy, they might impose an equal customs duty on the
same articles coming in from Canada. He suggested that our
inland waters and canals might be made a highway, common to
both countries, and maintained at the joint expense of both. ¦ He
suggested that the customs duties on foreign merchandise of the
two countries should be assimilated as far as possible, and when
the rate of duty was the same in both countries, such articles
shoiUd pass free from country to country, and a settlement be
made between the govemments at the end of each year, on a
balance of accounts from the customs entries on the lines. Other
.suggestions were made by Mr. Gait equally important, and all
likely to cause much agitation in the Provinces. Mr. Gait
followed up his narrative by proposing that a muiute of council
be adopted, endorsing what he had done, and authorisuig him to
proceed to Washington and continue his negotiations. A discus
sion of several days foUowed. I contended that Mr. Gait had no
authority for going on to Washington, and had acted most
indiscreetly in making such suggestions, even on his o-wn personal
responsibihty. That what he had done was in direct opposition
to the deliberate decision of the Government and Confederate

318 CONFEDERATION.
Council, and calculated to be most seriously injurious to us in the
coming negotiations, I contended that even had Mr. Gait full
authority for going to Washington, and had the councU not
previously determined the line of discussion to be then adopted,
the action taken was worse than folly. Mr. Gait had flung at the
heads of the Americans every concession that we had in our
power to make, and some that we certainly could not make, so
that our case was foreclosed before the commission was opened.
Every suggestion he had made would be regarded as a boon
we were seeking, and our eagerness in making them would
con-vince the Americans more than ever that we were, and
that we thought ourselves, at their mercy. But I went on
to contend that the worst part of the matter was that all
these sacrifices were to be made to secure " Reciprocal
Legislation," that is, an Act of Congress and an Act of
the Canadian Legislature which either might repeal at any
moment. I pointed out the astuteness of these suggestions on
the part of the United States Government — ^that it simply meant
an arrangement by which the Americans could get over tlieu-
present difficulties and have our aid in coUecting theu- revenues —
the one sole thing they were then bent on, and after that hold
our people dangling from year to year on the Ijegislation of the
American Congress, looking to Washington instead of Ottawa as
the controller of their commerce and prosperity, — knowing, as I
well did, the determination of the leading Uiuted States public
men to absorb the Pro-vinces into the Union, I pointed out how
admirably this scheme -was designed to attain their end, and what
a position we would be in, with the pubHc mind excited before
each meeting of Congress by articles in the United States press,
threatening ruin to our trade — and resolutions proposed in Congress
by protectionist members. I also pointed out the eff'ect all this
would have on the Lower Pro-vinces. Here had Mr. Gait been
settling the basis of a new treaty -without one word of communi
cation with the sister colonies, nay, in direct opposition to what
they had determined was the best course to pursue. I told my
colleagues what had been done by the Confederate CouncU, that
I was bound in honour to stand by the course taken by, and the

CONFEDERATION. 319
promises made to, the members of the Confederate CouncU. I
expressed my fear that great offence would be taken if Mr. Gait's
proposal was persisted in, and that result might be the loss of
Confederation as weU as Reciprocity. I stated that I could not
be responsible for Mr. Gait's proposed order in CouncU, and for
his continuing the negotiations alone, and if it were insisted on I
must leave the Government. I was asked to state what course
I suggested. I said — ^treat Mr. Gait's proceedings at Washington
as imofficial, call the Confederate Council together and at once by
telegraph, and commence anew. Make a dead set to have this
reciprocal legislation idea upset before proceeding -with the dis
cussion, and if you faU after every exertion has been made to
i-estore the proposal for a treaty, then, before breaking off all
negotiations, ascertaui the conditions proposed, for the purpose of
seeing whether all the present advantages of our position should
be sacrificed for a boon dependent from day to day on American
whim. I endeavoured earnestly to impress my colleagues with
the dangerous nature of this reciprocal legislation. I pointed out
that, untU Mr. Gait met Mr. Seward, such an idea had never
been broached by any one. I pointed out also that, apart from
its pohtical eff"ect, no extension of the scope of the treaty would
be worth much that was capable of repeal at any moment. Wlio
would put his money in any enterprise that might be knocked on
the head at a month's notice. I also reminded them that even in
the United States those friendly to Reciprocity, and who were striv
ing for its renewal, would be equally dissatisfied -with us at such an
unreHable arrangement. At last Mr. Gait, after consulting -with
others, made a suggestion for a compromise. He consented that
his proceedings at Washington .should be treated as unofficial, that
no order in Council be passed on the subject, and that he and
Mr. Howland, be sent down to Washington to secure a treaty if
they coiUd, but, if not, to find the best terms that could be got,
and report to the Government -without delay, for their approval.
I repHed that I quite understood this as intended to strike my
name from the Confederate Council of trade, and place Mr.
Howland's in lieu of it, that I would not on that account object
to the proposal, but accept the compromise. I supposed the matter

320 CONFEDERATION.
settled, but Mr. Gait then proposed that a second draft minute he
had placed before the CouncU should be adopted. I said I
thought no minute whatever was to be passed, and on his reading
what he jiroposed now to be adopted, it appeared that the
document referred to Mr. Gait's mission to Washington, endorsed
his policy, and, instead of calling the Confederate CouncU to
gether, ordered that ^n intimation of what had been done, and
what was proposed to be done, should be sent to the Governments
of the Lower Provinces, so that they might if they chose send
representatives to Washington. On pointing out these objections
a clause was added intimating that a meeting of the Confederate
Council would be held when Messrs. Gait and Howland re
turned from Washington. He (Mr. B.) had not been able
' to read the first memorandum, though he had applied for
it, but could not get it, that was the reason why the ex
planations had not been given yesterday, and not as stated
in one of the papers, that he required time to refresh his
memory. Had both minutes been withdrawn he would have
been satisfied, but as only one was withdra-wn and the other
being substantially the same, he could not consent to undertake
the responsibUity involved in agreeing to substitute reciprocal
legislation for the provisions of a treaty. The Secretary of the
Treasury had more than a week to prepare his report, after his
conference with our Finance Minister, and even in that report the
objection of the treaty bemg unconstitutional, was not so
decidedly put as in Mr. Gait's report. The Secretary only said
there were grave doubts whether such treaties were not uncon
stitutional, as infringing the rights of Congress to legislate on all
matters of commerce, and he (Mr. B.)*was surprised that his
honourable friend should have fallen m with such an abstu'd
proposition. It was a mere delusion to suppose that there could
have been any constitutional objection to the treaty, because the
United States had made twenty treaties of a similar import since
the one of 1854. Having fully considered this matter, and
having viewed it in the light of an improper concession to the
United States, being of opmion that the Mmister of Finance was
not authorised to proceed to Washuigton, and offer terms on

CONFEDERATION. 321
behalf of Canada, and belie-ving that reciprocal legislation would'
be no rightful substitute for the treaty, he had come to the
conclusion that it was his duty to resign his position in the
Government. Ha-ving decided upon this step, he then considered
how he sliould carry it out. There were two ways', one to place
his resignation at once in the hands of the leader of the Govern
ment, the other to wait upon the administrator of the Govern
ment. He, considering the peculiar cvrcumstamces under which
he had entered the Government, considered it his duty to adopt
the latter course, and lest there should have been any appearance
of discourtesy to his friend at the head of the Government, he at
once sent his resignation to the Premier. His Excellency the
administrator had received him -with great kindness, indeed he
would never forget the consideration extended him on that
occasion. After explaming the whole matter, the administrator
said, ' Then, Mr. Brown, 1 am called upon to decide between your
poHcy and that of the other members of the Government.' He
(Mr. B.) repHed, ' Yes, sir, and if 1 am allowed to give advice in
the matter, I should say that the Government ought to be sus
tained, though the decision is agamst myself. I consider the
great question of confederation as of far greater consequence to
this country than reciprocity negotiations. My resignation may
aid in preventing their policy on the reciprocity question from
being carried out, or at least call forth a full expression of public
opinion on the subject, and the Government should be sustained
if -wrong in this for the sake of confederation.' Mr. Bro-wn
continued that he was as much ui favour of a renewal of the
reciprocity treaty as any other member of the House, but he
wanted a fair treaty ; and they should not overlook the fact,
whUe admitting its benefits, that the treaty was attended -with
some disadvantages to us. He contended that we should not
have gone to Washington as suitors for any terms they were
pleased to give us. We were satisfied with the treaty, and the
American Govemnient should have come to us with a proposition
since they, not we, desired a change. There was something in
buUding up a great country besides mere commercial advantages,
and he did not desire that by a system of reciprocal legislation
Canada should be bound to saU in the wake of Washington.

322 CONFEDERATION.
Hon. Mr. Gait, after complimenting Mr. Brown on the temper
of his explanations, said that he, too, would endeavour to refrain
from the use of any word which could provoke acrimoiuous discus
sion. He wo.uld have been glad if there had been no necessity for
him to add a single word to the explanations of Mr. Macdonald,
but Mr. Brown had represented him (Mr. Gait) as acting -without
authority in his first -visit to Washington. The fact was that Mr.
Bro-wn had left, after somte preliminary discussion, for the Lower
Pro-vinces ; and on subsequent days, in coimcil, he had received
the sanction of all his colleagues to the course adopted, and had
been authorized, at the same time, to proceed to Washuigton to
lay papers respecting the threatened Fenian invasion before Su-
F. Bruce. In his interviews there with the Secretaries of State
and Treasury he had not presumed to speak as authorized by the
Canadian Government to propose any definite line of poHcy. He
had only endeavoured to ascertain what was the practicable method
of obtaining the advantages of conthiued commercial intercourse.
He would not follow the honourable member in the discussion of
of the policy actually adopted and pursued by the Government ;
that would probably be brought up by itself apart from mere per
sonal issue ; but for himself he would only say that in the course
taken he and his colleagues had sincerely at heart a desire to secure
for the people of Canada the benefits derivable from unfettered
commercial intercourse -with the United States. In respect of the
proposal to proceed by legislation, mutually agreed upon, instead
of by treaty, there was a good deal to be said ui its favour. A
treaty must have been negotiated for a term of years ; and to
settle the basis of a treaty now in 1866, -with the burthens of a
recent war pressing on the United States government, and pre
venting them from acting with liberality, and agi-eeing that it
should continue in force until 1876, would be a most disadvan
tageous mamier of proceeding. Legislation on the subject would
be as much under our control as under that of the Congress of the
United States. We could change ours at any time as well as
they, adapting on both sides year by year to changuig circum
stances, till the United States agam found themselves in a position
to grant as liberal terms as m 1854. In regard, therefore, to this

CONFEDERATION. 323
basis they had not sacrUiced or offered to sacrifice any of the in
terests or independence of Canada ; and as for looking to Wash
ington, or subjecting the country to Washington influences, if his
colleagues or himself could have been weak or base enough to
entertain any such designs as hinted at, the country had in the
last few weeks sho-wn unmistakably what their -will was m this
i-egard. The people had spoken in a maimer no Mmistry could
misimderstand or venture to disregard. One more matter of a
pei-sonal nature : the honourable gentleman had complained that
he had not been furnished with the memorandum submitted by
him. Now, that had been rejected at the instance of the honour
able member himself. He (Mr. Gait) -withdrew it, and it ceased
to be a public document. It did not belong to the Executive
Council, but to him (Mr. Gait). Yet, lest it might be thought
there was anything in it which he had an interest to conceal from
the CouncU, he would himself read it to the House :
' The Minister of Finance has the honour to submit for the con
sideration of his colleagues in the Government, that the approach
of the period when, under the notice given, the Reciprocity Treaty
'will expire, renders it necessary to consider the steps necessary to
be taken to procure such an extension of the notice from the
Government of the United States, as -will afford time for fully
considering and an-anging the best mode for establishmg perma
nent regulations for the trade, na-vigation and intercourse between
the United States and Canada, under the circumstances, and -with
the view of defining the general limits of the discussion of the
question of reciprocity -with the American authorities. It appears
necessary to decide upon the principles by which the Canadian
Government would be guided, in case it should become necessary
to proceed by concerted legislation. The Minister of Finance,
therefore, respectfully recommends that the following points be
now settled as expressing the views of the Administration in
regard to the commercial relations of Canada -with the United
States ; and in the event of the Government of the United States
declining to make a treaty of commerce with Great Britain as
regards Canada and the other British North American Pro-vinces,

324 CONFEDERATION.
the Canadian Government are willing to endeavour to effect such
arrangements by concerted legislation as -will establish such regu
lations as it may agree upon to adopt.
1st. Canada would be -willing to agree to the reciprocal inter
change of the natural productions, shipping and manufactures of
both countries, pro-vided she were not required, in any case, to
impose differential duties in favour of the United States.
2nd. Canada would be -willing to place the na-vigation of the
great lakes and the St. La-wrence on a footing of perfect equality,
and hereafter to consider the best mode of perfecting the canals,
so as to afford the greatest possible facUities to the trade of the
west. If practicable, the coasting trade of the two countries
should be made reciprocal, and the regulations for the transit
trade made permanent and satisfactory.
3rd. With the view of preventing illicit trade, Canada would
be wilHng to agree upon the assimUation of the excise duties upon
spirits, beer and tobacco, and of the customs duties upon the same
and cognate articles. She would also wiUingly consider any sug
gestion, by the United States, for the extension of such assi
mUation to other articles, pro-vided the settlement of the whole
commercial relations between the two countries be made upon the
principle of perfect reciprocity, and the greater freedom aff"orded
to the citizens of both countries to purchase and seU in the mar
kets they may prefer.
4th. Canada may state that the Maritime Provinces are prepared
to unite -with her in the discussion of all the subjects arising out
of the abrogation of the Reciprocity Treaty, and she therefore
desu-es that the negotiations .should be carried on with Commis
sioners appointed to represent the several Provinces. But as such
negotiations could not possibly be completed hefore the 17th March
Canada suggests that the notice for the abrogation of the Treaty
be -withdrawn, pending negotiations, reserving, however, to both
countries the right of imposing customs duties upon any or all of
the articles enumerated in the 4th section of the treaty, pro
vided the same do not exceed the duties now levied by the Internal
Revenue Act of the United States ; or, if necessary, Canada would
accept a declaration from the United States, that they -will not

CONFEDERATION. 325
act upon the notice given for the abrogation of the treaty, further
than to impose such duties as aforesaid upon the productions of
British North America, and wUl not consider such duties as incon
sistent -with the reciprocity pl-ovided by the treaty, which shall in
aU other respects be held to be "in force.
5th. If no other course can be taken for obtaining an extension
of the treaty, the Canadian Government are prejjared to recom
mend, at the next session of Parliament, the enactment of such
measures as may, meantime, be agreed upon -with the American
Government, provided the legislation of both countries be made
concurrent and reciprocal.
(Signed) A. T. Galt, Minister of Finance.'
" Hon. Mr. Howland said, on Mr. Bro-wn's resignation, he felt
placed in a position of peculiar difficulty. Had he consulted his
o-wn feelings he woidd have followed the leader of his party out
of Government. But he was convuiced that he (Mr. Bro-wn) was
wrong and his coUeagues right in the course taken. Under these
circumstances, seeing that coalition had been formed to effect a
certain great object, and that great object might be endangered if
coaHtion were altogether dissolved, he had to call his political
friends together at Guelph, and afterwards at his o-wn house in
Toronto, and they decided he ought to remain in. In the first
instance, he was authorised to offer a seat in the Cabinet to Mr.
McKenzie, who, after consultation -with Mr. Brown, declined.
This place was then offered to Mr. Ferguson Blair, who accepted.
This was all he had to say, for he felt it inexpedient to discuss
apropos of these personal explanations — the policy of the Govern
ment respecting reciprocity."
No further explanations were made, nor was any action after
wards taken upon the subject.
On an examination of Mr. Brown's speech, we flnd the reason
assigned for his resignation was the policy suggested by- Mr. Galt,
-with reference to the negotiations, and the adoption of that policy
by the Government. That policy, according to Mr. Brown's
statement, was embraced in two draft minutes by Mr. Galt, one

326 CONFEDERATION.
of them, he says, he could not get. It was, however, subsequent
ly in the debate produced by Mr. Galt, and for the sake of
elucidation may here be called No. 1. The other was produced
by Sir N. F. Belleau, in the Legislative CouncU, and for the same
reason may here be called No. 2. •
No. 1 was abandoned by consent and withdrawn. No. 2, Mr.
Galt afterwards proposed, should be adopted, and on an objection
made by Mr. Brown, a clause suggested by him was added.
Mr. Brown then says : " Had both minutes been withdrawn
he would have been satisfled, but as only one was -withdra-wn and
the other being substantially the same, he could not consent to
take the responsibility involved in agreeing to substitute recipro
cal legislation for the provisions of a treaty."
First, then — Were the two substantially the same ?
Secondly — Was any proposition to substitute legislation for
treaty adopted by the Government ?
In No. 1, Mr. Galt suggested for the consideration of his
colleagues certain points as guides in case a treaty could not be
obtained, and concerted legislation became necessary.
1st. A reciprocal interchange of the natural productions, ship
ping and manufactures of both countries, pro-vided Canada was in
no case required to impose differentia] duties in favour of the
United States.
2nd. To place the navigation of the great lakes and the St.
Lawrence on a footing of perfect equality and afterwards "to
consider the best mode of jierfeoting the canals. The coasting
trade to be made reciprocal, and the negotiations for the transit
trade permanent and satisfactory.
3rd. An assimilation of Excise duty on certain named articles,
and a readiness to consider the extension of such assimUation to
other articles pro-vided it was on a reciprocal footing.
4th. That Commissioners from the other Provinces should be
included in the negotiations and that the notice for the termina
tion of the treaty be withdrawn, pending negotiations reser-ving
the right to each country of imposing duties on the articles in the
free list, &c.

CONFEDERATION. 327
In minute No. 2, after pomting out that certain rights must be
the subject of treaty, and others may be the subject of concerted
legislation and that if the United States Government adhered to
then- position, -viz. : " that such a treaty on their part was con
stitutional," there was not time to consider the question before the
17th March, and that in view of the proposed Confederation of the
_ Pro-vinces, it would be better to defer any legislation, assuming it
was necessary. He recommended
1st. A proposal for the continuance of the existing treaty for
an agreed period for the purpose of negotiation and that two
members of CouncU be sent to Washington therefor.
2nd. That the proposed steps be communicated to the Govern
ments of the Maritime Provinces ; and that they be informed that
it was not the intention of the Canadian Government to depart
from the course proposed by the Confederate Council on Commer
cial Treaties, but, solely in view of the vast interests in Canada
that would be affcjCted by the treaty, to obtain delay, -with the
intention of consi4ering with the sister Provmces any suggestions
made by the United States ; and that the Maritime Provinces be
requested to send representatives to Washington ; and that a
meeting of the Confederate CouncU on Commercial Treaties should
be held at Ottawa as soon as circumstances would warrant, founded
upon the information to be received from Washington as to the
probable extension or final abrogation of the treaty.
Throughout No. 1, the adoption of concerted legislation was
only a dernier resort, and in no case does Mr. Galt propose to
substitute it in place of a treaty, if a treaty could be obtained ;
but if no treaty could be obtained, then he names certain points to
be considered. But that minute was never adopted by the Govern
ment, and was, by consent of Mr. Brown and Mr. Galt, withdra-wn.
In No. 2, whUe the possibUity of ha-ving ultimately to deal with
the question by concerted legislation is referred to, the substantive,
proposition is to obtain an extension of time for the purpose of
considering with the sister Pro-vinces any suggestion made by the
United States ; and the reiteration is clearly, made, of the deter
mination of the Canadian Government " not to depart from
the course proposed by the Confederate Council on Commercial

328 CONFEDERATION.
Treaties;'' which course, Mr. Bro-wn states, had been agreed upon
by the CouncU when he was a membei-, and to which he was a
party, and which, it must be remembered, contemplated nothing
but a treaty. Thus the two minutes are not substantially the
same. In Su- F. N. Belleau's explanation, in the Legislative CouncU,
he states, " A discussion took place on this minute (No. 2), and it
was the contemplated adoption of this minute, to which Mr. Bro-wn
objected, and announced his determination of resigning, and on its
adoption did resign."
While, therefore, Mr. Bro-wn was right in his abstract proposi
tion, that legislation for such a purpose was not as good as a
treaty, he was -wrong it is considered in its application at that time,
because it was not proposed. The minute of CouncU which was
proposed to be adopted, and which would be the guide to the
instructions the Government would give the delegates, would not
authorize them to agree to legislation. They were to obtain a
renewal, or an extension of time. If they ctJUld not, and legis
lation only was offered, it would be very proper to see on what
terms it was proposed to base such legislation — proper, both in the
interests of a renewal of friendly intercourse, and of eventuating
if possible in some arrangement that could be adopted, or in ascer
taining the terms which might form the basis of a treaty, if one
could ultimately be obtained, and to report the same accordingly.
Indeed Mr. Bro-wn himself said, — " If you faU, after every exertion
has been made to restore the proposal for a Treaty, then before
breaking off all negotiations, ascertain the conditions proposed, for
the purpose of seeing whether all the present advantages of our
position should be sacrificed for a boon dependent from day to day
on American whim." And that was exactly the plan the nego
tiations assumed at Washington. When the delegates found the
authorities would not hear of a treaty, they submitted a basis for
the desired arrangements. In reply, the committee of ways and
means submitted theirs. On both sides both propositions were
rejected, and the delegates reported accordingly. Had they ven
tured to transcend their instructions, Mr. Bro-wn's position in the
Cabinet would have been more uifluential to prevent the -wi-ong

CONFEDERATION. 329
the Country would have sustained, than leaving it at the time he
did. Throughout the whole official correspondence, or the public
records, nothmg can be found to justify the assertion that legis
lation in lieu of a treaty was to be accepted. The time for sub
mitting that proposition had not come, and never did come.
No other explanations on the subject were made in Parliament,
and the conclusion is irresistible, that the reason assigned for the
resignation was. not the reason which existed. Mr. Brown's
resignation at such a time, when confederation was about to be
put upon its trial, and when the great measure in which he had
taken so prominent a part, required the aid of all the talents and
patriotism and, if necessary, self-abnegation of the leading men in
the country, cannot, it is conceived, be justified. He himself had
said, "that the appearance of disunion in the Government would
be injurious to the cause of confederation." Either he ought not
to have joined the Government, or he ought not to have left it at
that time. The people sustained him in the first, they condemned
him in the latter. The reason he gave no one accepted as the
real reason, and his opponents did not hesitate to say that he left
the Government because he was not permitted to be its master,
and that jealousy of its other leading men was the true cause.
Whether it was so or not, unfortunately — because it is a mis
fortune, when a pohtical man of high standing aff"ords even
plausible grounds for the pubHc to attribute his conduct, in the
discharge of pubhc duties, to other than pubhc considerations,
stUl more so when that conduct precludes even his friends from
justifying the position he has taken — Mr. Brown's subsequent
conduct gave too much reason for the charge. His endeavour
from that time to re-vive the old internecuie quarrels, that had
existed previous to the coalition ; to renew the charges of corrup
tion against his old opponents, which, if true, he at any rate had
condoned, by going into the Government with them ; his attacks
upon his own coUeagues of the Reform party, who had joined
hun in the eff"ort for concUiation, because they would not follow
him in his flight ; his unceasing attempts to blacken the personal
character of the men, who but just previously had been his col
leagues, and joint sworn ad-visers of the Crown ; his eff"orts to sow
22

330 CONFEDERATION.
disunion among the friends of confederation, and di-vide its sup
porters into old party lines at the very moment it needed the
greatest consideration, and the most united action ; his jeopar
dising a great national question, in which not only the interests
of Canada but of all British America were involved, to gratify
personal or political animosity brought, as they usually do, then-
own punishment. In one year the work of his suicide was
accomplished. At the elections for the Dominion Parliament in
1867 throughout the vast Province of Ontario, in which he had
been wont to be a moving power, no constituency returned him,
though a candidate, to that first Parliament of the confederation,
in which it had been expected he would play so conspicuous a
part. The people pronounced him to be an impracticable man,
who allowed his temper to over-ride his judgment. A powerful
debater, an experienced politician, of indomitable energy, in
many respects, but for one weakness, great, he passed away from
the sphere of a statesman, and destroyed a power which, wielded
-with moderation, might have been of incalculable service to his
country. A more painful episode never occurred in political life.
Requiescat in pace.

[331]

CHAPTER X.
Deputation to England — Defence — Imperial policy on Confederation after
defeat in New Brunswick — The 'West Indian and Brazilian Commis
sion — Instructions — Report — Imperial Despatches — Relaxation of the
rule with reference to the Inter-Provincial Trade a^ to British North
America — Constitutional question — Galt — Macdougall — Difficulty of
dealing with the West Indies — Galt on Colonial Taxation — Action of
the Imperial Government — Negotiations in 1862 with France — Remon
strance — Removal of Baron Boilleau — Importance of Trade question —
Necessity of concession to Canada by the Imperial Government to
make exceptional reciprocal arrangements with South America, and
with all the British Colonies wherever situate — Changed position of
Canada — Increased responsibilities necessitate increased powers —
A.D. 1S65.
In order that the narrative might be unbroken on subjects of
importance, it has been necessary occasionally to omit reference
to concurrent circumstances that were equally bearing on Con
federation. It has been already mentioned that at the close of
the session in 186."i a deputation of the C;madian Ministers had
been sent to England to confer -with the Imperial Government on
the questions then agitating the country. The position was at this
time critical. The American ci-vU war had -virtuaUy closed ; but
the irritation engendered towards Canada and Great Britain
during its progress continued. The American Government stUl
enforced the Passport system, and had given notice to the British
Government both for the termination of the Reciprocity Treaty,
and of the Convention resti-icting the naval armament on the
lakes. The proposal for Confederation, which it was urged would
tend to consolidate and strengthen the Provinces for the purposes
of defence had been rejected in New Bruns-wick on an appeal to
the people, in the spring of 1865, and its advocates signally
defeated. The -whole line of fi-ontier from Windsor in Upper
Canada to St. Andrew's, in New Brimswick, was threatened
-with invasion by lawless Fenian marauders. The rapid disband-
ment of the American army was casting loose a body of reckless
adventurers whose desire was plunder, and whose consequent

332 CONFEDERATION.
object was to embroU the two countries. Even the well regulated
classes of the American citizens were callous or indiff"erent. The
abnormal excitement resulting from their long war had not yet
subsided, and though they could not exactly approve of the act,
they did not regret to see the Canadians or the British Govern
ment worried at the prospect of mvasion or International trouble.
It was to them a species of inexpensive revenge. AU this tended
to create a sense of insecurity. The uncertainty was almost
worse than the actual conflict would be.
When, therefore, this deputation went to England, the question
what share the latter was going to take in defending the country
was a serious one. Three important points were to be discussed.
First. The proposed Confederation, and by what means it coidd
most speedUy be effected.
Secondly. The arrangements necessary for the defence of Canada
in the event of war -with the United States, and the extent to
which the same should be shared between Great Britain and
Canada. Thirdly. The steps to be taken -with reference to the Reciprocity
Treaty, and the rights conferred by it upon the United States.
The Deputation did their duty well. The third point has
already been disposed of Sir Frederick Bruce, Her Majesty's
Minister at Washington, was instructeii to negotiate for a renewal
of the treaty, and act in concert -with the Government of Canada.
What took place has been stated.
On the second point, we learn from the report made by the
¦Deputation to the Governor-General, on their return, in July,
1865, that after much discussion -with the Imperial Government
the result arrived at was, "that if the people of Canada under
took the works of defence at and west of Montreal, and aoreed to
expend, in training their militia, untU the miion of all the Pi-o-
-vinces was determined, a sum not less than is now expended
annually for that service. Her Majesty's Government would com
plete the fortifications at Quebec, pro-vide the whole armament
for all the works, guarantee a loan for the works undertaken by
Canada, and, in the event of war, undertake the defence of every
portion of Canada -with all the resources of the Empire.''

CONFEDERATION. 333
The annual expenditure on the mUitia had been that year raised
from $300,000 to $1,000,000 ; and a report on the whole subject
of the defence of Canada, -with plans and estimates by the highest
mUitary and naval authorities, had been asked for, and confiden
tially commimicated to the Canadian Ministers, which was calcu
lated to remove all doubt as to the capabUity of defending Canada,
so long as the people remained attached to the British flag, and the
power of England was -wielded in their defence.
Thus satisfactorily was this matter arranged ; but the necessary
legislation of the Imperial and Provincial Parliaments, and the
further consideration of the defensive works, was postponed for
the action of the Government and Legislature of the proposed
Confederation ; the Imperial Government stating, however, at the
same time, that they should prosecute with despatch the works for
the improvement of the fortifications at Quebec, for which they
had obtained a grant, and which had already been commenced.
On the third point. Her Majesty's Government gave the assur
ance, that it would urge every legitimate means for securing the
early assent of the Maritime Provinces to the union, and also
renewed the promise of the Imperial guarantee for the construction
of the Intercolonial road. It is unnecessary to observe that the
idea of coercion towards the Maritime Provinces was not for a
moment entertained by any party. The Secretary of State enclosed
to the Governor-General a copy of the follo'wing despatch, which
he had already transmitted to the Lieutenant-Governor of New
Brunswick, as indicative of the policy and -wishes of Her Majesty's
Government : — Downing Street, 2Ji.th June, 1865.
Sir, — I have the honour to transmit to you the copy of a
correspondence between Viscount Monck and myself, on the affairs
of British North America, which have lately formed the subject
of conferences between Her Majesty's Government and a Deputa
tion from the Canadian Government.
This correspondence ha-ving been presented to both Houses of
the Imperial Parliament by command of Her Majesty, I have to
direct you to communicate it also to the Legislature of New
Bruns-wick, at its next meeting.

334 confederation.
You -will at the same time express the strong and dehberate
opinion of Her Majesty's Government, that it is an object much
to be desired, that all the British North American Colonies should
agree to unite in one Government. In the territorial extent of
Canada, and in the maritime and commercial enterprise of the
Lower Provinces, Her Majesty's Government see the elements of
power, which only require to be combined in order to secure for
the Province which shall possess them all, a place amongst the
most considerable communities of the world. In the spirit of
loyalty to the British Cro-wn, of attachment to British connection,
and of love for British institutions, by which all the Provinces are
animated alike, Her Majesty's Government recognize the bond by
which all may be combined under one Government. Such an
union seems to Her Majesty's Government to recommend itself to
the Provinces on many grounds of moral and material advantage,
as giving a well-founded prospect of improved administration and
increased prosperity. But there is one consideration which Her
Majesty's Government feel it more especially their duty to press
upon the Legislature of New Brunswick. Looking to the deter
mination which this country has ever exhibited, to regard the
defence of the Colonies as a matter of Imperial concern, the Colo
nies must recognize a right and even acknowledge an obligation
incumbent on the home Government to urge -with earnestness and
just authority the measures which they consider to be most expe
dient on the part of the Colonies -with a view to their own defence.
Nor can it be doubful that the Provinces of British North America
are incapable, when separated and divided from each other, of
making those just and sufficient preparations for national defence,
which would be easily undertaken by a Province unituig in itself
all the population and all the resources of the whole.
I am aware that this project, so novel as well as so important,
has not been at once accepted in New Brunswick -with that cordi-
aHty which has marked its acceptance by the Legislature of Canada;
but Her Majesty's Government tmst that after a full and careful
examination of the subject in all its bearings, the Maritime Pro-
-vinces -will perceive the great advantages which, in the opinion of

confederation. 336
Her Majesty's Govermnent, the proposed union is calculated to
confer upon them all. I have, i&c,
(Signed) Edward Cardwell.
To His Excellency the Lieut. Governor of New Brunswick.
Plaui and simple as this dispatch was, fail- and creditable as it
.seemed to tlie British Government, the enemies of confederation
denounced it in the strongest terms. In every Ime they saw a
covert meaning. It was ;m instruction tliat the saleable were to
be bought, the obsti-uctive to be removed ; that the British
trovernment wiuited confederation for the purpose of getting rid
of the Provinces, and whatever the means that might be neces
sary they must be adopted. Roman traditions were uivoked,
— -Tarquin and tlie poppies revived, — and the dispatch itself sar
castically translated : —
" Hoc Ithacns velit et magno mercenter Atreidoe."
Durmg the summer the Lieutenant-Governor of New Bruns
wick went to England an anti-confederate. Like good Madeu-a,
mellowed by the voyage, ui the autumn he returned a ripened
confederate. Dissensions broke out in his councU, — new trade
revelations were discovered, — a modern Ulysses whispered behind
the throne, — and it was gravely said that the back stairs days of
George the Thii-d had come again, though responsible Govern
ment had been conceded to the Pro-vince.
From Nova Scotia Sir Richai-d Graces Macdonnell, an anti-
confederate, was promoted to Hong Kong, and Sir Fen\vick
WUliams of Kai-s, a gaUant soldier, who could hold a fortress, or
CiU-ry a ProAince, was sent out to his native land to tell his
t»imtrymen that coufedei-ation was for then- good, — anil he did it.
The British Government in expressing its ^vishes in favour of
confederation, and in instructing the Lieuteiiant-Governois, theu-
own Imperial officei-s, to aid the movement, imd afford the people
of the comitry every opportunity of constitutionally expressing
their ^vishes and opinions on the point, acted legitimately, as the
confederates contended, and. should not m any way be held
i-esponsible for the means adopted by local politicians to attain

336 CONFEDERATION.
the same end. The anti-confederates on the contrary contended,
that such influences, however legitimate, were not fairly used,
that the self interested motives of local parties tainted the whole
measure, and stamped it as one for personal aggrandisement, and
not for the general good. Grave as these charges were the
consideration of them must for the present be postponed.
The commission appointed at the suggestion of the Confederate
Council on Commercial Treaties, mentioned in the preceding
chapter, "to proceed to the British West Indies and to the
Foreign West India Islands, BrazU and Mexico, for the purpose
of enquiry as to the trade of those coulitries, and of ascertain
ing how far it might be practicable to extend the commerce then
existing between them and British North America," was composed
of the Hon. WUliam Macdougall, a member of the Canadian
Government, (Chairman), Messrs. Ryan, Delisle, and Dunscomb
on behalf of Canada ; of Messrs. Macdonald and Le-visconte on
behalf of Nova Scotia ; of Mr. WiUiam Smith, Comptroller of
Customs at the Port of Saint John, on behalf of New Bruns-
-wick ; and of Mr. WUliam H. Pope, a member of the Govem-
ment, on behalf of Prince Edward Island.
Having obtained the sanction of the British Government, and
the necessary authorisations from the Foreign and Colonial
Secretaries of State in England, to the Foreign and Colonial
Govemments, and aftei- due consultation in December, 1865,
with the authorities in London, as to the general nature of the
poHcy to be pursued, these gentlemen proceeded on their mission
in the month of January, 1866.
The instructions under which they were to act were contained
in the following letters : —
Finance Department,
Ottawa, 17th November, 1865.
Gentlemen, — By command of His ExceUency the Administra
tor of the Government, I have the honour to inform you that His
ExceUency has been pleased to appoint you Commissioners to
proceed to the British West Indies and to the foreign West India
Islands, Brazil and Mexico, for the purpose of enquiring into the
trade of these countries, and of ascertaining how far it may be

CONFEDERATION. 337
practicable to extend the commerce now existmg between them
and British North America.
The countries referred to all produce articles which enter very
largely into the consumption of the people of Canada and the
Maritime Provinces, while at the same time they consume the
staples of production here to an immense amount. Naturally,
therefore, trade should exist, and be carried on between them
under the most favourable conditions. Practically, however, it is
found that the commerce is very restricted in amount and of slow
development. The causes for this state of things may be found partly, no
doubt, in the difficulty which always attends the openuig of new
markets and the diversion of trade ; but principally in the fiscal
laws which both on our part and on theu-s interfere with the free
interchange of our respective commodities. The rapid extension
of the productive power of Canada in lumber, cereals and fish,
and the early prospect that the great resources of the Maritime
Provinces -will, equally be brought under an uniform commercial
policy for all British North America, render it in the opinion of
the Government most important than an enquiry should be made
into the circumstances and conditions of our trade with the West
Indies and South America, and into the best mode by which it
can be developed.
The subject becomes of the utmost importance at a time when
our important trade with the Uiuted States is threatened with
interruption, and -will certainly hereafter be continued under
different conditions from those which have hitherto existed.
KJnowing then that the countries to which you are about to
proceed off'er a market for aU the surplus products of British
North America, and that they can afford us in exchange all the
productions of the tropics, it is most desirable that an eff"ort should
be made to remove the artificial obstructions which exist to free
commercial intercourse.
The Government have decided to confide this important duty
to you, in which it is probable you -will be aided by one or more
representatives from the Maritime Provinces. It is confidently
beHeved that the -views of these gentlemen -will coincide with your

338 CONFEDERATION.
O-wn on all points, but if unfortunately material divergence of
opuiion should be found to exist, it wUl then be your duty to act
under the authority now given you, on behalf of Canada alone,
reporting the circumstances to His Excellency to enable him to
communicate with the Governments of the Sister Pro-vinces for
the purpose of re-establishing joint and united action.
The instmctions under which you wUl act must necessarily be
of a very general character, and their application must be left in
a great measure to your own discretion, in which the utmost
reliance is placed.
You wUl in all cases report the nature and extent of the pro
ductions of the respective countries you -visit, their trade, tariff's
and all other burdens imposed upon commerce, the ordinary prices
current, &c. It will also be desirable to note the several customs
of trade among merchants, and other points valuable for the
information of our commercial community.
It -will then become your duty to consider whether you can
offer any suggestions for remo-ving what may appear to you to be
obstructions to direct trade -with British North America.
It would be improper for the Government to anticipate the
action of the Legislature in reference to taxation ; but it is
necessary that you should be informed that this Government
would be prepared to recommend to Parliament the reduction or
even the abolition of any customs duties now le-vied on the pro
ductions of these countries, if corresponding favour were shown
to the staples of British North America in their markets.
Your first attention wUl probably be directed to the British
West Indies, and subsequently to the Spanish, French and other
foreign islands, ultimately visiting Demerara and BrazU. If time
wUl permit you wUl visit Mexico, but in the disturbed state of
that Empire it is not desired that you should much delay your
return for this purpose. It is hoped that your labours -will be
completed by 1st AprU next.
You wUl proceed to England as soon as possible, reporting
yourselves to the Secretary of State for the colonies, to whom His
ExceUency -will fumish you with letters, and you wUl, I am sure
receive from him such introduction to the British authorities in

CONFEDERATION. 339
the places you intend to visit as -will secure every facUity for your
enquiries. You -wUl be pleased to report to me, for the information of His
Excellency the Administrator of the Government, from time to
time, the progress you make, with advice as to the points at which
you may be addressed. I have the honour to be, Gentlemen,
Your obedient humble servant,
A. T. Galt,
Minister of Finance of Canada.
The instructions to the Commissioner from New Bruns-wick
were communicated to him by the Governor of that colony, and
were as foUows : Fredericton, N.B., December 15th, 1866.
Sir, — -Her Majesty ha-ving been pleased to authorize the appoint
ment of Commissioners charged -with a mission of enquiry into
the most avaUable means of extending the commerce of the British
North American Provinces, I have nominated you as Commissioner
for the Pro-vince of New Brunswick on that behalf, having the
ftiUest reliance on the ability and zeal -with which you will discharge
the duties entrusted to you.
I have now to instruct you to proceed to the West Indies, there
to join and co-operate with the Commissioners appointed on behalf
of the other British North American Provinces.
You will, in conjunction 'with them, endeavour to ascertain how
far it may be possible to effect an-angements with any of the British
Colonies or foreign possessions in the West Indies, or with the
Empires of Mexico or Brazil, by which the trade between these
countries and the British North American Colonies would be
frirther developed and extended. You are not authorized to make
any engagement or give any pledge on behalf of the Government
of New Brans'wick, but you are at liberty to make any suggestions
which may appear to you to be suitable, and you will discuss the
subject of your mission -with those appointed to confer with you
in the fullest and frankest manner. It wiU be your duty, ui these
conferences, to obtain all possible information as to the mutual

340 CONFEDERATION.
commercial concessions and corresponding changes in the respective
tariff's of the several colonies and countries referred to, which may
seem calculated to facUitate the attainment of the object desired.
You -will further generally collect such information at the
diff"erent places visited as may, in your opinion, be of utUity to
the commercial community of New Brunswick, or which may tend
to open up new markets for the productions of the Pro-vince, and
new fields for the employment of its industry.
You wUl from time to time report your proceedings to the Hon.
the Provincial Secretary, and on your return to the Province, wUl
make a general report of the information you have obtained.
I have, &c.,
(Signed) Arthur H. Gordon.
W. Smith, Esq., Comptroller of Customs, <fec.
The 10th paragraph of the Canadian Instructions should be
noted. How far it was in contravention of the Imperial poHcy
as to discrimuiating duties remains to be seen.
In the month of May, 1866, the Commissioners returned, and
in due time made their reports to their respective Governments.
After the usual acknowledgments of the attention and hospi
talities with which they were received, the Commissioners make
" suggestions " by themselves briefly stated as follows : —
" 1st. To establish promptly a line of steamers suitable for the
carriage of maUs, passengers and freight, between Halifax, Nova
Scotia, and St. Thomas, in the West Indies, touching (mitU the
completion of the Intercolonial Railway) at Portland, in the United
States, so as to ensure regular semi-monthly communication
between the ports mentioned.
2nd. To make a convention or agreement with the Postal
authorities of the United States for the prompt transmission of
letters, &c., from Canada and the Maritime Provinces, by every
United States mail which leaves the ports of Boston or New York
for the West Indies, BrazU, Mexico, (fee, and also for the trans
mission through United States mails of correspondence originating
in those countries.

CONFEDERATION. 341
3rd. To establish a weekly line of steamers between Montreal
and Halifax, and to complete as soon as possible the Intercolonial
Railway. 4th. To procure, by reciprocal treaties or other-wise, a reduction
of the duties now le-vied on flour, fish, lumber, pork, butter, and
other staple productions of British North America, in the West
Indies, and especially with Brazil and the Colonies of Spain.
5th. To obtain, if possible, from the Spanish and Brazilian autho
rities a remission of the hea-vy dues now chargeable on the trans
fer of vessels from the British to the Spanish and Brazilian flags.
6th. To procure, by negotiation with the proper authorities, an
assimUation of the Tariffs of the British West India Colonies
in respect to flour, lumber, fish, and other staples of British North
America, a measure which would greatly facUitate commercial
operations, and may well be urged in view of the assimUation
about to be made in the tariff"s of Canada and the Maritime
Provinces. 7th and lastly. To promote, by prudent legislation and a sound
fiscal policy, the rapid development of the great natural resources
of the British North American Pro-vinces, and to preserve, as far
as lies in their power, the advantage which they now possess, of
being able to produce at a cheaper cost than any other country
most of the great staples which the inhabitants of the tropics
must procure from northern ports.''
The report then proceeds to give very valuable statistical infor
mation of the trade and productions of the various West India
Islands, of British Guiana, and of BrazU, -with evidence of the
desire of the authorities in those coimtries to enter into the con
sideration of any propositions tending to promote the object for
which the Commission was sent out.
From the return of the Commission to the present time no
action has been taken upon this report. For the first two years
immediately foUo-wing it may be said that the moulding of the
constitution under the new Confederation, which had come into
being on the 1st of July, 1867, commanded the undivided atten
tion of the Government. But with reference to all that part of

342 CONFEDERATION.
the report and " suggestions " which related to the establishment
of trade by means of " Reciprocal Treaties or otherwise,'' it may
be questioned whether its contravention of the Imperial policy as
to discriminating duties was not of itself a sufficient objection.
The 10th paragraph says : "It would be improper for the
Government to anticipate the action of the Legislature in refer
ence to taxation ; but it is necessary that you should be informed
that this Government would be prepared to recommend to Par
liament the reduction, or even the abolition, of any customs duties
now levied on the productions of those countries, if corresponding
favovir were sho-wn to the staples of British North America in
their markets."
Among the enclosures transmitted by the Colonial Secretary to
the Governor-General, on the 14th of February, 1851, and on
record in the Canadian Journals, was the foUo-wing, which had
been previously sent as an instruction to the Lieutenant-Governor
of New Bruns-wick : —
No. 220. Downing Street, 1st Nov., 1850.
Sir, — It is -with much regret that I have learnt from your dis
patch. No. 59 of the 7th ultimo, that dissatisfaction has been
occasioned among the inhabitants of New Brunswick, by the
instructions given you to withhold yom- assent from any Acts
which may be passed by the Provincial Legislature, in contraven
tion of the system of commercial policy, which the Imperial
Parliament and Her Majesty's Government have judged it advis
able to adopt, with a view to the interests of the empu-e at large.
2. WhUe it is the desire of Her Majesty's Government to
advise the Crown to use its authority in such a maimer, as to
interfere as little as possible with the management of theu- own
aff"airs, by the Legislatures of the several colonies, there are
subjects on which measures cannot be adopted by. an individual
colony, without affecting the interests of others, and perhaps of
the whole empu-e.
3. Measures for the regulation of trade are of this description,
and from the very foundation of our colonial empire the Imperial
Parliament and Government have always claimed, and exercised,

CONFEDERATION. 343
the right of deciding on the commercial policy, which should be
adopted by all British colonies.
4. UntU a recent period, this authority was used for the
maintenance of restrictions upon trade, in many cases very
onerous both to the mother country and the colony. These have
now, for the most part, been abolished, and Her Majesty's Gov
ernment are not prepared to consent, that they should be partially
re-imposed on particular colonies, without considering the effect
of such re-imposition upon that general system of poHcy, which
has been adopted in their place.
5. As you have pointed out, bounties might be given in
particular colonies, in such a manner as might be very injurious
to others ; and the imposition of differential duties on foreign
produce by a particular colony, on the grounds stated in the
memorandum of the Executive CouncU, would be stiU more
objectionable, as they might probably clash with the engagements
of this countiy under treaties.
6. It is true that there are stUl diff"erential duties le-vied in the
Australian colonies, but these are the remains of a former system,
which has not yet been entirely changed. They were imposed by
authority of Parliament, and Parliament has now empowered the
Local Legislatures to abolish them ; at the same time prohibiting
those Legislatures from imposing any differential duties in future.
7. These are the general considerations on which Her Majesty's
Government have acted -with reference to this subject, and being
satisfied that a steady adherence to that system of commercial
policy which has been sanctioned by Parliament, is the course
best calculated to promote the general welfare of the British
empire as a whole, and the interests of New Bruns-wick as an
important part of that empire, it is out of my power to -withdi-aw
or modify the instmctions I have already transmitted to you.
I have, ifec,
(Signed) Grey.
In 1855 Mr. HamUton Merritt, a distinguished member of the
Canadian Parliament, had as " chau-man of a Committee of the
Legislative Assembly of Canada, appointed to inquire into the

344 CONFEDERATION.
commercial intercourse between Canada and Great Britain, the
British North American Colonies, the West India possessions, the
United States, and other Foreign Countries," himself opened com
munication with the Government of Barbadoes on the subject
matter embraced in the report made by the Committee to the
House, though the report had not been adopted, or any action
taken thereupon either by the House or the Canadian Government.
The CouncU and Assembly of Barbadoes acquiesced in the propo
sitions put forward by Mr. Merritt, and passed the foUowing
resolutions : — House of Assembly, 17th April, 1855.
Whereas a message has been sent to this House by His Excel
lency the Governor, under' date the 20th March, 1855, enclosing
copy of correspondence relative to a proposed free interchange
between this Island and Canada of the native products of the two
countries, and recommending the same to the favourable considei^
ation of this House.
And whereas this House has given the subject, as set forth in
the said message and enclosure, most careful consideration, and
has come to the conclusion that the pioposed interchange of com
modities, the native products respectively of this Island and of
Canada free of duty, would be ultimately beneficial to both coun
tries, and be attended -with peculiar advantages to the people of
this Island in particular, and that it is to the interests of the
people of this Island tp accede to the same ; therefore,
I. Resolved, that this House pledge itself to pass an act for
admitting articles being the native productions of Canada into
this Island free of duty, so soon as mformation shall have duly
reached this House that a simUar act has been passed by the Legis
lature of Canada, for admitting into that country, duty free, articles
bemg the native productions of this Island.
II. Resolved, that it be made a special provision of such acts
respectively, that the free commercial intercourse thus entered
upon between the two countries may be terminated at any time
by either comitry, on giving one whole year's notice of such
intended termination, to the other country, through their respective

CONFEDERATION. 345
executives, moved thereunto by a resolution of the Legislature of
the country giving such notice. (Signed) John Mayers,
Clerk of the General Assembly.
These resolutions with the addresses founded thereon, were in
due course transmitted by Sir Wm. Colebrooke, the Governor of
Barbadoes, to the Governor-General of Canada, and also to the
Colonial Secretary in London. The Governor-General of Canada
in his despatch of 20th July, 1855, to the Secretary, Lord John
RusseU, explained Mr. Merritt's position, and stated he had not
been aware of the steps taken by Mr. Merritt until he had re
ceived the communication from Barbadoes. In reply he received
the foUo-wing circular, which, he was informed, was transmitted
for his information and guidance, and which had already been
addressed to the Governors of the several West Indian Colonies
on this subject : (Circular.)
Downing Street, 11th August, 1855.
Sir, — I have to acquaint you that the attention of Her
Majesty's Government has been called to a proposal which has
been made for the mutual abolition of custom duties upon the
productions of Canada and of the West India Colonies.
In a recent despatch from the Governor-General of Canada,
dated the 20th ultimo, I am informed that the communication in
which that arrangement was proposed for consideration, emanated
from the chairman of a committee of the Legislative Assembly of
Canada. It appears, however, that neither the suggestion itself
nor the Report of the Comtnittee, which was subsequently pre
sented to the Legislative Assembly, has been discussed by the
Legislature of Canada, and that it would be premature to suppose
that the Executive Government or the Legislature of Canada are
committed to the adoption of the policy therein indicated.
I transmit to you for your information a copy of a letter from
the Lords of the Committee of Privy CouncU for Trade, to whom
a despatch from the Governor of British Guiana, respecting this
proposition, was referired for consideration.
23

346 CONFEDERATION.
Her Majesty's Government would regard the proposed arrange
ment as very objectionable ; on the groimds. First, that it would
separate commerciaUy so far as such an arrangement is concerned,
the colonies who entered into it from the rest of the Empire ;
Secondly, that it would be injurious not only to the interests of
consumers in the colonies, who were a party to the arrangement,
but to the interests of producers in every other part of the
Empire ; and. Thirdly, that it would be inconsistent -with the
Imperial pohcy of free trade.
It is the earnest desire of Her Majesty's Government to main
tain and extend a course of poHcy which shaU closely unite to
gether by ties of mutual interest the whole of Her Majesty's
Colonial Empire -with the mother comitry. To such a policy any
measures tending to form the colonies into separate groups -with
peculiar and exceptional commercial relations, would be opposed,
and Her Majesty's Government, therefore, trust that they -will not
be asked to submit for Her Majesty's approbation, acts or ordin
ances, giving eff"ect to measures of that character.
I have the honour to be,
Sir, yours, &c., &c.,
(Signed) Wm. Molesworth.
In a despatch of the 12th July, 1855, the Imperial policy had
-with equal precision been declared to embrace the intercourse
between colony and colony. It says : —
" But this policy of freedom for the producer and the trader, as
weU as the consumer, would be seriously aff"ected, if colonial legis
latures were to establish differential duties in favour of then- own
natural productions or manufactures, whether against the British
or the foreign producer. And a simUar violation of the principles
of free trade would result, if favour were sho-wn in the legislation
of a colony, to one colony over another, by the reduction or total
abolition of duties in favour of particular colonies."
In a still later despatch, of the 15th July, 1856, already cited
m a previous part of this work, Mr. Labouchere, in referring to
the treaty then lately made with the United States, and suggesting

CONFEDERATION. 347
certain modifications in the Canadian tariff as desirable in conse
quence thereof, observes : —
" It must be admitted that so long as any articles are admitted
duty free from the United States, which are subject to duty when
the produce of the United Kingdom, the British colonies or other
foreign countries, this treaty clashes -with the provisions of several
existing treaties -with other comitries, whUe at the same time it
presents an exception to the whole course of recent legislation ;
a state of things which certainly tends to encourage other proposi
tions equally at variance with economical principles — such, for
instance, as that which has been put forward for the mutual aboli
tion of duties between the West Indies and the North American
Pro-vinces." By a correspondence on the subject of a renewal of the Reci
procity Treaty -with the United States, laid before the Canadian
Parhament in May, 1869, after confederation, it -will be seen from
the report of Mr. Rose, then Minister of Finance, that with
reference to the trade between the North American Pro-vinces
themselves, a departure from this principle had been acquiesced in
for several years, and in 1861 was distinctly recognized by Her
Majesty's Government. In 1868, by a despatch, dated 24th July,
to the Governor-General, it is declared that no objection is made
" to the power taken to admit the produce of any of the neigh
bouring North American Provinces duty free ;'' and a bill, passed
by the Legislature of Prince Edward Island, to admit Canadian
flour into that Island duty free, which had passed through the
United States, whUst flour the growth of tlje United States was
liable to duty, was, after discussion assented to ; but no extension
of the modification is made to the British West Indies or other
colonies. In the despatch and enclosures from the Secretary of State for
the Colonies, approving of the minute of the Confederate CouncU
on Trade, and transmitting Her Majesty's approbation of the
proposal to send out the commissioners to the West Indies and
South America, the Imperial Government, in the most delicate
but at the same time in the most distinct manner, calls " attention

348 CONFEDERATION.
to the difficulties which may arise with respect to foreign countries
having reciprocity treaties -with this country, if any colony or
colonies should make arrangements for giving to one foreign
country advantages which are not given to others," and gently
reminding the Canadian Government " that this point had been
so much discussed on the occasion of negociating the treaty between
the United States and British North America, that it is not neces
sary now to do more than express a hope that it may be found
possible to avoid similar difficulties in the present case."
From these despatches, it is difficult to see how the mission,
under its instruptions, could prove otherwise than abortive.
Judging from the report made by the Commissioners, it must
be presumed, they took the same -view — -wisely avoided the diffi
culties, and contented themselves, on their return, with stating
that they had had a pleasant voyage, and recommending steam
communication between Halifax and St. Thomas, -with other simi
lar conveniences for passengers and letters, " and the completion
of the Intercolonial RaUway as soon as possible."
But this matter is too important to be thus Hghtly passed over.
The names of two prominent Canadian statesmen are involved.
Mr. Galt had been for years the Finance Minister of Canada — ^the
unflinching advocate of the right of Canada to regulate her o-wn
taxation, without interference on the part of tha Imperial Govern
ment ; of all men in Canada, perhaps, the most famUiar -with the
Imperial despatches on this subject; the minister who, on the
mere suggestion thro-wn out by the Duke of Newcastle, in 1859,
of the bare possibUity that Her Majesty might have bee.n ad-vised
to disallow the Canadian Tariff BUl of that session, indignantly
repHed, "that Her Majesty cannot be ad-vised to disaUow such
acts, unless her ad-visers are prepared to assume the adnunistration
of the affairs of the Colony, irrespective of the views of its inhabi
tants ;'' an avowed advocate of free trade, and most earnestly desi
rous of opening the West Indian and South American markets to
the productions of Canada. Mr. Macdougall was equally kno-wn
as a bold and advanced Liberal, a Free-trader, and one not likely to
succumb in anything affecting Canadian interests to Imperial dicta
tion. Both were then members of the Government ; both were

CONFEDERATION. 34&
earnest advocates of confederation ; Mr. Galt, from the flrst its
early friend, ha-ving, as far back as 1858, made it his declared
policy when he joined the Government of that day. Yet this 10th
paragraph in the instructions was prepared by them, and acted
upon by them in apparent opposition to the Imperial pohcy, so far
as -the public can judge from the published official journals and
documents. As a constitutional question, in the present more demonstrative
position of Canada, it becomes one of great importance. As
appHed to the mere question of this past West India commission
it is of none. In the future, it is plain the question of the West
Indian and South American trade cannot much longer be delayed,
other important questions springing immediately out of confeder
ation may have deferred its consideration for a time, but whatever
Government may be in power action must be taken upon it soon.
As a matter of fact, though the British Government did not by
any despatch assent to the instructions given by Mr. Galt, yet
those instructions were made the subject of earnest discussion
-with Her Majesty's Government, by Mr. Macdougall and his
co-commissioners when in London, and as asserted by Mr. Mac
dougall, assented to by the Government, as far as the proposition
concerned the British West India Islands. No official record
however, or report of the circumstances can be found in Canada,
among the papers laid before Parliament.
The instructions it is said were prepared by Mr. Galt, in full
assertion of the right of Canada to make such reciprocal arrange
ments -with other countries, or -with colonies ha-ving responsible
govemments. And it is to be observed, that the language used
does not necessarUy imply that it was the intention to introduce a
system of differential duties, if the negotiations succeeded; on
the contrary, the object could be accomplished by rendering duty
free simUar articles from all countries. Then what was the
use of the commission ? It would look like deception towards
the country to which Canada sent the deputation, and proposed,
in consideration of reciprocity, to extend certain pri-vUeges, at the
same time to pass an act, giving the same pri-vUeges to other
countries which refused reciprocity in return. Such a change, if

350 CONFEDERATION.
general, would be a mere matter of internal legislation as to the
tariff", requiring no negotiations abroad. Either the instructions
were hampered by the despatches or they were nugatory, as they
could not be carried out in the direction indicated.
The difficulty of making trade arrangements -with the West
India Islands is increased, both by their number as separate
govemments, and by the fact that they do not possess responsible
government. More in the Hght of Cro-wn colonies their legislation
is immediately under Imperial control, but these obstacles after all
are only partial, the main difficulty lies in the restriction imposed
by the Imperial Government against differential duties. An
enlightened eff"ort on the part of Great Britain to make, in matters
of trade, all the nations of the earth one famUy ; but an eff"ort in
which most of those nations steadUy refuse to join. To the latter
BrazU off"ers a striking exception ; but she could not enter into
such arrangements with Canada as those contemplated by the
10th paragraph, however -wUling, if remonstrated -with by Her
Majesty's Government, as being contrary to the commercial policy
of the empire.
The constitutional question as to the right of taxation, to any
extent, not infringing the above rule, is considered as definitely
settled. It is succinctly and well laid down by Mr. Galt, as
Finance Mmister, in a report made by him to the Government on
the 25th of October, 1859, on the occasion above referred to :
" Respect to the Imperial Government must always dictate the
desire to satisfy them, that the policy of this coimtry is neither
hastily or un-wisely formed, and that due regai-d is had to the
interests of the mother country as well as of the Province. But
the Government of Canada acting for its Legislature and people,
cannot, through these feelings of deference which they owe to the
Imperial authorities, in any manner waive or diminish the right
of the people of Canada to decide for themselves both as to the
mode and extent to which taxation shall be imposed. The Pro
vincial Ministry are at all times ready to aff"ord explanations in
regard to the Acts of the Legislature to which they are a party ;
but subject to their duty and allegiance to Her Majesty, their re-

CONFEDERATION. 351
sponsibUity in aU general questions of policy must be to the
Pro-vincial Parliament by whose confidence they administer the
affairs of the country. And in the imposition of taxation it is so
plainly necessary that the administration and the people should be
in accord, that the former cannot admit responsibUity or require
approval, beyond that of the Local Government. Self-Govem-
ment would be utterly annihUated if the -views of the Imperial
Government were to be preferred to those of the people of Canada.
It is therefore the duty of the present Government distinctly to
affirm the right of the Canadian Legislature to adjust the taxation
of the people in the way thpy deem best, even if it should un
fortunately happen to meet the disapproval of the Imperial
Ministiy. Her Majesty cannot be ad-vised to disallow such acts,
unless her advisers are prepared to assume the administration of
the affairs of the colony irrespective of the views of its uihabitants.
The Imperial Government are not responsible for the debts and
engagements of Canada, they do not maintain its Judicial, Educa
tional or Ci-vil Service, they contribute nothing to the internal
Grovemment of the country and the Provincial Legislature acting
through a Ministry directly responsible to it, has to make pro
vision for all these wants. They must necessarUy claim and
exercise the widest latitude as to the nature and extent of the
burdens to be placed upon the industry of the people. The Pro-
'vincial Government beHeves that His Grace must share their own
convictions on this important subject, but as serious e-vil would
have resulted had His Grace taken a different course it is wiser to
prevent future complication by distinctly stating the position that
must be maintained by every Canadian Administration. These
remarks are offered on the general principle of Colonial Taxation."
This report then further proceeds at great length to discuss the
detaUs of the Canadian tariff of that year, and to defend the
course pursued. It was transmitted to the Duke of Newcastle,
and formed the subject of a long examination by the statistical
department of the Board of Trade, under the direction of the
Committee of the Privy Council for Trade. The report of the
examination was sent to the Canadian Government in a despatch

352 CONFEDERATION.
dated the 31st January, 1860, as the reply of the Lords of the
Committee of the Privy CouncU for Trade. WhUe it adheres in
a modified degree to the objections to some of the detaUs pre-
-viously expressed, it nowhere questions the broad principles as
serted by Mr. Galt. This point, therefore, may be considered as
disposed of.
But in no way — -with the exception of the British North
American Pro-vinces before mentioned— has any concession been
made of the right of Canada to enter into reciprocal arrange
ments with particular countries or colonies, for the admission of
the products of each other, on terms different from those which
are extended by Canada to other countries and colonies making
no such arrangement. On the contrary, -with reference to foreign
countries, this right is expressly denied, and -with reference to
our o-wn sister colonies, the despatches heretofore quoted, and the
principles there laid do-wn, have never been -withdra-wn.
In 1862 negotiations, to a certain degree successful, were opened
by the Canadian Government directly -with France, through the
instrumentaHty of the Baron BoUleau, then French Consul at
Quebec, for the admission of Canadian produce and the registra
tion of Canadian shipping in France, on very advantageous terms,
and a corresponding reduction of duties on French -wines and
other French products was made in the Canadian tariff. The
attention of the merchants in New Bruns-wick was caUed to simi
lar propositions in a communication addressed by the Baron
BoiUeau to his Vice-Consul at the port of St. John, under date of
December 30th, 1862, and there can be Httle doubt that under
the enlightened trade policy of the Emperor Napoleon, at that
time a large trade would have sprung up between France and the
French West India Islands on the one hand, and Canada and the
other British North American Pro-vinces on the other ; but the
British Government, on learning of this unofficial mode of making
treaties by one of her colonies -with foreign countries, except
through herself, at once remonstrated with France, and the Baron
BoUleau was removed from Canada.
From that time up to the West India Commission no effort in
this direction had been made. It is impossible the question can

CONFEDERATION. 353
slumber much longer. No matter 'of more importance looms up
before the Canadian statesman than this question of the foreign
trade of the country, particularly so far as it affects the Maritime
Pro-vinces. Compared to it, the fact whether the administration
of the public affairs of the country is in the hands of one party or
the other is utterly insignificant.
In Canadian Parhaments where there are no churches to be
dis-estabHshed, no vexed tenants' rights to be legislated upon, no
abuses dating from the time of Elizabeth to be removed, no poor
laws to worry, and no great public social reforms to be inaugu
rated, the " outs " -wUl always accuse the " ins '' of corruption, the
" ins " -wUl always accuse the " outs '' of obstruction, but the
material progress of Canada wUl go on whatever party may rule,
whether a liberal conservative or a radical grit may hold the reins
of power. The mercantUe man only plays -with poHtics as a pas
time ; commercial enterprise is utterly indifferent as to who may
open the gate, pro-vided it is opened. What the country wants is
an outlet for its labour, not solely for its wheat and flour, but for
its lumber, its ships, its other manufactures. What cottons are
to Manchester, and cutlery to Sheffield and Birmingham, ships
and lumber are to Canada. England -will have markets for her
cottons and cutlery — Canada ought to have for her ships and
lumber. From the report of the West India Commission it
appears that but very Httle exertion is necessary on behalf of
Canada to obtain from the Braziha^ Empire reciprocal advan
tages of the very greatest value, not only the interchange of
manufactures and natural productions, which are mutually essen
tial to each other, but the coasting trade and the registration
of vessels. To the Maritime Pro-vinces alone, the last two
concessions would be inestimable. There is no coimtry in the
world where smaU coasting vessels of two or three hundred
tons, can be buUt so cheaply as in New Bruns-wick and Nova
Scotia. BrazU embraces the most extensive sea coast, and com
mands the largest rivers. It produces ui abundance everything
that Canada does not produce, but what Canada wants ; yet no
arrangements can be made -with BrazU for interchanges, conducing
to our mutual benefit, unless in our coimtry the same privUeges

354 CONFEDERATION.
are given to Spain and other nations, who -wiU make no concession
in return ; thus not only lessening the advantage which operates
as the inducement to the country -willing to make the concession,
but depri-ving Canada of the opportunity of raising a revenue
except by direct taxation, or the abandonment of duties even for
purposes of revenue on the main articles of trade in favour of
nations, which tax her products of exchange to the highest
extent, and -with whom Canada would be -willing to enter into the
same reciprocal arrangements if they would. The rule, of which
this is an Ulustration, extends to all foreign counties, and appHes
also to our intercolonial trade. It cripples the expansion of
Canada, and becomes a matter for most serious consideration.
'When it is desirable to avoid difficulties with the United States,
which may involve Imperial responsibUities or affect Imperial
interests, exceptional treaties and exceptional legislation are easUy
made, and the celebrated " most favoured nation '' clause is treated
with indifference.
It is difficult to see why the British Colonies, as members of
the same family cannot have the most perfect freedom of trade
with each other -without necessarUy admitting foreign nations to
the enjoyment of the same rights. The intercourse between
AustraHa and Canada and Jamaica and Canada ought to be as
free as between Ireland and England. The dra-wing them to
gether by the bonds of trade and a mutuaHty of interest -wiU do
more to cement the British races throughout the world and
constitute them as rallying reserves for the British Empire in case
of contest -with foreign nations than any other course that could
be adopted.
Under the present system Canada has no more material interest
in AustraHa, or Australia in Canada, than each may have in
Spain, and Jamaica so far as any benefit to be derived from her
sister colonies, might as well belong to Russia. The suggestion of
an Imperial Confederation and representation in the British
Parliament however desirable it might be some years hence, when
Canada and AustraHa shall have assumed an importance in
population and wealth corresponding to the extent of their
territories, and would bring to the CouncUs of the Empfre au

CONFEDERATION. 355
influence commensurate -with the substantial aid they could afford
in case of an Imperial conflict with other nations (for -without
such substantial aid, pecuniary as well as otherwise, they could
hardly expect to have any weight in a question involving peace
or war) is at present, in Canada at least, deemed inopportune-
Few apparently regard it with favour. Groups of Colonies or
Pro-vinces in contiguous positions may be judiciously confede
rated, so as to give strength and uniformity ; but as far as public
opinion has yet expressed itself, Canadians, simply as Cana
dians, do not desire any place in the Imperial Parliament or
any participation in the Home Rule of the British Islands.
Their first duty, it is beHeved, is to consolidate and connect
their own country, to bend all their energies to the development
of Canadian prosperity, to work in thorough harmony as far as
possible -ftdth the Imperial policy in all questions of trade and
foreign connections, but not in any way to mix themselves up
in matters of internal Imperial policy. The conflict in England
between those who are seeking to change her old institutions
and those who desire to preserve the ancient landmarks, wUl be
keen enough without the intervention of colonists who do not
contribute to her taxation and who do not permit any interference
with their o-wn. The views of a Dominion like Canada or
AustraHa so far as affects their own interest can be far more
impressively brought to bear on the Imperial Government by the
distinct action of their o-wn Government and Parliament than by
any mere personal influence of a few members in a large assembly,
who from their representative character might have power to
bind, but whose power to oppose would be almost futile.
No more boundary lines -will be agreed upon -without consultmg
the Colony affected, and where the Colonies have responsible
govemments, there is nothing else in which the Imperial Parlia
ment can .affect them except their trade. One rule for those
under the British flag, and one rale for those under any other, is
an intelligible proposition. One rale, one tariff — the same on the
same article from any part of the British Empfre ; one rule, one
tariff, (but not necessarUy identical with the former), the same on
the same article from any foreign country — except in cases where

356 CONFEDERATION.
under the right to be conceded by the Imperial Government of
entering into free or reciprocal trade -with any foreign nation, on
terms not discriminating against the goods or manufactures of
Great Britain, a free or- reciprocal arrangement may have been
made — is a simple chart to steer by.
Uniformity of tariff for purposes of revenue suitable to its
necessities might thus be secured in each colony or group of colo
nies, and would exist everywhere, varying only in degree as
each colony might want to raise more or less revenue. Each
would know that -with reference to the Empire the same rule per
vaded every part, — with reference to foreign nations the same ;
only that those of the latter who chose to deal Hberally could do
so — ^those who did not. could not complain as the option was their
o'wn. Thus the " most favoured nation " clause would be com
plied -with.*
Under such a system a great Canadian trade might be brought
about -with South America. The preparation for it could be a*
once inaugurated by Canada without any intervention on the part
of the Imperial Government, by the at once subsidising by the
Dominion Government of a line or lines of steamers to the West
Indies and South America, as suggested by the Commissioners in
theu report. Inefficiently as this would supply the great want,
stUl it would be a commencement ; mutual wants would be
discovered, mutual sources of supply woiUd at once suggest
* Since the aliove was in press information has reached us from Australia that move
ments in a similar direction, though not to the same extent, t)eing merely inter -provincial,
8-re in progress there. A conference of delegates from New South Wales, Queensland,
South Australia, Tasmania, and Victoria recently met at Melbourne, when after much dis
cussion ou the important questions of Intercolonial Policy, the follo-vring points were
unanimously agreed upon : as a reply to a dispatch then recently received ftom Lord
Eimtoerly, the Colonial Minister, namely, —
Ist. That the Australian Colonies claim to enter into arrangements with each other
through their respective legislatures, so as to provide for the reciprocal admission of their
respective products and manufactures, either duty free or ou such terms as may lie
mutually agreed upon.
2nd. That no treaty entered into by the Imperial Government with any foreign power
should in auy way limit or impede tlie exercise of such right.
3rd. That Imperial interference with intercolonial fiscal legislation should finally and
absolutely cease.
4th. That so much of any act or acts of the Imperial Parliament as may be considered
to prohibit the full exercise of such right should be repealed.

CONFEDERATION. 357
themselves, and the larger and bolder conception would not
then be long in forcing itself upon the country. The propo
sition which has been sometimes mooted of a Zolverein 'with
the United States is simply a commercial amalgamation 'with
that country to the exclusion of all others, except on such terms
as her policy might dictate. It would not only render impossible
our present connection with England ; but it may be seriously
doubted, whether even if it could be obtained consistently -with
that connection it is desfrable. It would be impolitic in Canada,
under any cfrcumstances, even if separated from England, to tie
her hands to one country, however good the market that country
may offer. The more varied the channels of trade, the more
diverse the nations -with which she may have to deal, the more
varied -will be the development of her own powers, and the greater
the stimulus to bring into existence latent, but unused sources of
wealth. Some nations want, what others do not want, and the
effort to supply the varied demand tells upon the productive enter
prise of the countiy. Desfrable, therefore, as may be the market
of the United States, the price paid for obtaining it by such
means would be too high. The British and Colonial markets,
including the East India possessions, embracing a population of
nearly 200,000,000 ; BrazU with a coast line of 3000 mUes, and a
population over 10,000,000, wiUing to trade -vrith us, to say
nothing of other foreign nations who may hereafter be willing to
do so on Hberal reciprocal arrangements, would all be thus
rendered subsidiary to the attainment of trade 'with the 38 or
40,000,000 of the United States, — a trade less varied from simi
larity of production, bringing into competition rather than ex
change the articles of the two countries, and from geographical
position entfrely neutralising one of the great elements of advan
tage — ^her marine — ^which Canada now possesses. [See Appendix.^
Not only would such a Zolverein render impossible all inde
pendent action abroad. Not only would it make Canadian pro
gress dependent entfrely upon the fluctuations of business or
politics in the United States ; but it would in a very short time
merge Canada into the United States politically as well as
commercially

358 CONFEDERATION.
The Zolverein of the German States terminated in thefr pohtical
absorption into Prussia, and history under similar cfrcumstances
on the American continent would but repeat itself. Canada -with
her unbounded, but yet undeveloped resources with her com
paratively light taxation, -vdth her freedom from the necessity
of maintaining burdensome and expensive armaments or diplo
matic relations, has a magnificent future before her, if folio-wing
the example of the parent state, she -will look to the whole world
as her customers and not restrict herself by an injudicious alliance
to any one country.'*
The question requires the consideration of the ablest mercantUe
mmds. It is in the dfrection of free trade, it is not seeking to
protect any one interest at the expense of another, or to make a
distinction in favour of particular nations. If the United States
¦will not give her coasting trade or exchange ships, but BrazU -will,
why should not Canada be at liberty to do so -with BrazU ? If
Brazil -will take Canadian lumber and fish at duties so low as to
create a great trade, in consideration of Canada taking back
Brazillian coffee, sugars, and tobacco on the same terms as might,
under the provision before referred to, be appHed to Jamaica
coffee, sugar, and tobacco, or the coffee, sugar, and tobacco of any
British Colony, why should such an arrangement not be made
with BrazU, simply because the United States refused to make a
simUar one ? At present all must come in alike, and no induce-
* At the meeting of the National Board of Trade which took place .at St. Louis, in the
United States, in the early part of December 1871, the following resolutions were submitted
as the terms on whieh such a Zolverein should be established, and which, singular to say,
received the approval of one prominent Canadian then present ;
1. The introduction of aU the manufactures, products of the United States, into the
Dominion of Canada, free of import duty and the like concession by the United States to
the manufactures and products of the Dominion.
2. Uniform laws to be passed by both countries for internal taxation, the. sums collected
from these sources to be placed in a common treasury and to be divided between the two
Governments by a per capita, or some other equally fair ratio.
3. The admission of Dominion built ships and vessels to American registry, enrolment
and license, and to all privileges of the coasting and foreign trade.
4. The Dominion to enlarge its canals and improve the navigation of the St. Lawrence
and to aid in the building of any great lines of international railroad and to place the
citizens of the United States in the same position as to the use of such works as enjoyed
by the citizens of the Dominion, the United States and the several states giving the
citizens of the Dominion the same rights and privileges over works of the same character
in the United States.

CONFEDERATION. 359
ment can, therefore, be held out to Brazil to give Canada her
markets ; — but if Canada could make a distinctionin favour of the
British Colonies, and of such nations as would be liberal -with
her, an immediate expansion of the trade of the country would
follow. By a proper representation to the Imperial Government it is
thought a change in the present policy could be brought about in
that direction.
So far as Canada is concerned justice demands it. Thro-wn now
entfrely upon her o-wn resources for the defence against aggression
from abroad, and the maintenance of order within her long line
of frontier of many thousand mUes, -with every soldier of Her
Majesty's regular forces -withdra-wn, -with hea-vily increased ex
penses incidental to the government of extensive and, in some
degree, as yet unproductive territories, and to the construction of
immense pubhc works, rendered necessary by her geographical
position, and the assumption of duties hitherto borne by the
Imperial Government, her powers must rise to her responsi-
bihties, her means of raising a revenue adequate to her necessi
ties must be imquestioned. No rightly-minded Canadian would
desfre to place his country in antagonism to the commercial policy
of the empfre ; but if the internal policy of the Imperial Govern
ment throws upon Canada certain duties, then (however opposed
to a particular sub-di-vision of the general poHcy of the empfre
which general policy involves the good government of the whole)
it must be regarded as a part of that general policy, that Canada
shoiUd carry out the duty so assigned in a way least burdensome
to her o-wn people. The rales of good government admit of no
other construction.
The responsibihties thus thro-wn upon Canada she accepts.
SimUar responsibUities educated the old thirteen colonies to
become a nation. Thefr citizens became soldiers, their soldiers
statesmen. What made Pepperall and Franklin, Washington
and Adams, Hamilton and Marshall the men they were ? Long
before the Revolution they were dealing with questions beyond
the sphere of local politics. Those young Provinces trained thefr
Home Guards to meet the Indian PhiHp, and sent thefr regiments

360 CONFEDERATION.
to 'wrest Louisburg from France ; but the trader of Boston could
not buy a knife from France, or a yard of cloth from Germany.
Thefr commerce had but one groove.
The history of Caspar Hauzer shews that the mind untrained,
however naturally strong, remains in a state of imbecUity, though
the physical frame may attain its fafr proiiortions. The Canadian
statesman has now to consider other matters than those of mere
intemal regulation. He has to look abroad to the development
of foreign trade, to his position -with foreign countries. " Far as
the breezes bear, the ocean rolls," his commerce is free. He must
see to its sustenance, to its extension. He -wishes to act in fuU
accord -with the mother country ; whatever policy she deems best
for herself, as a general rule, is best for Canada ; what strengthens
her strengthens peace ; but to aU rules there must be some ex
ception, and the South American and Intercolonial trade with
Canada comes -within the exception.
After all, the West India Commission may do the country
some service.

[361]

CHAPTER XI.
The Fenian Invasion of i866 — Lower Canada Education Bill— Action of the
Government— Gait's resignation— Subsequent conduct— Constitution of
the Local Governments and Legislatures for Upper and Lower Canada-
Resolutions and amendments — Parliamentary action of prominent Upper
Canadian Politicians on Representation by Population— Address to the
Queen— Announcement of Deputation— Expiry of the Parliament of Old
Canada— A. D. 1866.
The Fenian Raid which took place in the summer of this year
(1866), — one of the most wanton and outrageous violations of
international law that has occurred since modern civUization began,
— though not one of the causes which led to Confederation, was
yet one of those incidents which essentially proved the necessity
of that mUitary organization which, it was alleged, would spring
from Confederation, and which was one of the fust measures car
ried after Confederation was adopted.
It exemplified in a strong degree the alacrity with which the
young men of the country were ready to spring to arms at the call
of duty, and intensified the devotion of her people to Canada ; but
it proved the defect which exists in most Volunteer organizations,
that of too great an anxiety to rush into combat, too great an idea
of individuality, instead of waiting to carry out the combinations
which an experienced and prudent commander may determine on.
MUitary subordination is as essential to the successful conduct
ing of a campaign as personal courage. If the accounts of the
Invasion can be relied on, the latter was conspicuous — the former
may be improved. Apart from the opinion prevalent in Canada,
of mismanagement and inattention in the highest mUitary autho
rity at that time in Upper Canada, there was also singular want
of proper information, and ignorance of the topography of the
country. In an enemy's country, apparently, the routes could
not have been more thoroughly unknown — on this point aU seemed
confusion. Yet the whole affair took place in a small angle of the
oldest settled part of Canada, had been anticipated in that quarter
24

362 CONFEDERATION.
for weeks before, and looked for by those in charge of the military
defence of the country.
For the want of proper topographical information it seems diffi
cult to find an excuse. It is as essential to the defence of a frontier
as ammunition is to the discharge of a firearm ; and the attain
ment of it faUs as much -within a legitimate mUitary expenditure
as the preliminary drilling of a body of men. In many parts of
old Canada, and throughout the Maritime Pro-vinces, whole coun
ties are mapped out at private expense -with perfect accuracy —
with every road and hUl, orchard and stream, house, forest and
lake — so that in such delineated districts an authority in com
mand, however remote, may -with certainty dfrect the movement
of troops, so as to concentrate any requfred number on any given
point. In Prince Edward Island, a stranger may land at one
end, traverse the whole in any dfrection, and find any place he
desires to reach, -without instructions from any indi-vidual, if he
has sufficient intelligence to examine ^ map. The ordnance sur
veys of England and Ireland are not more correct as to surface
details or distances.
Col. Peacock's plan, it is now generally admitted, was judicious ;
and had his orders been carried out, the Fenians must have been
placed between two converging forces and utterly annihUated.
As it was, whUe the honor of the conflict feU entfrely to the local
troops, the loss was such, it was considered, as ought not to have
been incurred, and the equivocal character of the triumph might
have been avoided. Both would have been avoided by a couple
of hours' delay, and Her Majesty's Regulars would have been at
hand to sustain the gaUant rashness of young men who requfred
to be checked more than be encouraged. But more than all, such
punishment would probably have been inflicted upon the marauders
as would have prevented the subsequent attempts, four years after,
to repeat jthe outrage.
Again, if these same accounts can be relied on, there was an
entfre absence of those preHminary preparations which are essen
tial to any success in war.
Two -writers have given thefr narratives — Major Denison, of
the Governor-General's Body Guard, and Mr. Alexander Somer-

CONFEDERATION. 363-
-vUle, weU known in Canada as the " 'Whistler at the Plough."
Both are apparently -written with fairness, after a thorough exam
ination of the locality, and the attainment of the most reliable
information. The former is a well known cavalry officer in
Canada, the author of several able works on the utility of that
branch- of the service, was with the advancing force, and came
upon the field at Ridgway, on the staff, shortly after the engage
ment. If thefr statements are correct — and there does not appear
to have been any official or authoritative contradiction of them —
the Yoltuiteers were hurried to the front -vrithout sufficient ammu
nition or proper suppHes of food — -without the necessary equip
ments for a march — with a divided command, and -without any
previous co-operation — -with deficient transport arrangements, un
certainty of dfrection, and no sufficient medical preparation.
The orders of Col. Peacock, of Her Majesty's 16th Regiment,
commanding in the field, were heedlessly departed from, -without
any immediate necessity or proper justification, and a well arranged
plan disconcerted by two officers of standing — one of them an
officer of Her Majesty's Regular Army. The Volunteers were
unnecessarily carried into action at Ridgway unsupported, when,
by their orders, they should have been at an intermediate station,
and waited for the junction of Col. Peacock's di-vision. From not
ha-ving obtained any pre-vious information as to the nature of the
enemy's force, a serious misapprehension arose which threw them
into confusion, and led to great loss of life.
It is painful to read of boys slaughtered by such mismanage^
ment, and worse to be told that, young and inexperienced as they
were, they saw the error, but in obedience to the bugle call, twice
repeated, retfred and closed in, only to certain death.
This invasion, however, proved two things conclusively. Ffrst,
That we had depended too long for the defence of the country
upon Her Majesty's Regular troops, and that, in order to prevent
disaster for the future, it was necessary that the entire military
organization of the country should be put upon a better footing.
Secondly, That if in the future the Government did its duty, and
prepared in time, the personal courage and patriotism of the people
would be sufficient for thefr own defence.

364 CONFEDERATION.
Lessons of this character, however painful at the time, are
generally beneficial in thefr results ; and, in consequence, we can
at this day (in 1871) point to a system sound in theory and
prompt in action — a system which, tried on three occasions within
eighteen months, has thrown into the field -with wonderful rapidity
a body of well drilled, able men — able in number, discipline and
spirit to meet the emergencies which demanded thefr services.
In the spring of 1870, when the second Fenian invasion was
made, and terminated in the disgraceful rout of the marauders at
Bccles' Hill, on the Eastern To-wnships frontier, 13,000 men well
equipped, well drUled, ready for active service, -with all arms,
ammunition and appointments complete were, in forty-eight hours,
assembled from the Ottawa and Central district alone, and trans
ferred to one of the expected points of attack on the line of the
St. La-wrence canals. Equally sufficient numbers were, -with
equal promptitude, brought together in the western section, where
an frruption was expected, and the Eastern To-wnships had thefr
quota without calling for aid from any other point, though General
Lindsay, m command at Montreal, forthwith sent Mer Majesty's
69th regiment to the frontier — on which occasion His Royal
Highness Prince Arthur saw his ffrst active ser-vice in the field.
Very shortly after, the Canadian soldiers shared the fatigues of
that long two months' march -vdth Her Majesty's 60th Rifles,
through six hundred mUes of wUderness, to Manitoba, and at a
stUl later day, in the autumn of 1871, when the ice was forming
on the lakes, and the storms of winter commencing, at a week's
notice two hundred men, fully armed and equipped, were sent off
on the same journey, and accomplished it -with success in less than
three weeks. The Canadian Army may not have the port or bear
ing on parade of Her Majesty's regular forces; but in the field the
men though rough are ready — good shots, good axemen, muscular,
capable of fatigue, when well commanded subordinate, and ready
at all times to fight for the protection of thefr country and flag.
This result has, since Confederation, been attained by the gradual
introduction of an efficient and judicious system, worked up under
many disadvantages and against great prejudices, a system which
has received the approbation of Her Majesty's Government, and

CONFEDERATION. 365
of the highest military authorities in England, and has at the
same time earned for itself the respect of our neighbours in the
United States.*
It does not come -within the province of this work, to enter into
the detaUs of the invasion of 1866, or to refer to it in other than
general terms. A grateful country marked its appreciation of the
services of its soldiers. Compensation and pensions were granted
by Parliament to the wounded survivors, and to the widows and
orphans of those who fell. The University of Toronto erected a
monument in honor of its young students, who, leaving the quiet
studies of its halls, had commenced and closed their lives on the
field of battle in defence of the liberties of thefr country, and the
press throughout British America commemorated, in becoming
language, events which it is well should not be forgotten.
The losses sustained by this and subsequent simUar invasions,
have been made the subject of remonstrance with the Imperial
Government, and with the trials and punishment of the prisoners
which followed, the conduct of the Government and people of the
United States, of the representative of Her Majesty's Government
at Washington, and of the Imperial authorities in England, to
gether -with the question of international duties as between Eng
land and the United States, and between both and Canada on this
subject, -wiH have to be considered when we come to the parlia
mentary and other proceedings which followed the consummation
of Confederation in 1867.
In August, 1866, Mr. Galt resigned his position as Finance
Minister, and retfred from the Cabinet on the determination of
the Government not to proceed with the Lower Canada Education
BiU. This BiU was wisely abandoned by the Government, owing
to the determination expressed by thefr Lower Canada supporters,
not to permit this Bill to pass unless a simUar BUl with reference
to the Roman Catholic minorities in Upper Canada was carried

* The system was originated in Old Canada, by Major-General P. L. Macdougall, ably
assisted by Colonel Dyde, of Montreal, and the volunteer oflcers, both in Upper and Lower
Canada; adopted in New Brunswick and Nova Scotia by the Lieutenaut Governors of
those Provinces, assisted with equal ability by their officers ; and after Confederation im
proved, extended throughout .the whole Dominion by Act of Parliament, and effectively
worked out by Sir George E. Cartier, the Minister of MiUtia, with the Adjutant-General
Colonel Robertson Ross.

366 CONFEDERATION.
pam, passu. This thefr Upper Canada supporters would not assent
to, aUeging that thefr existing law, but lately passed, worked weU
and fafrly, gi'ving no dissatisfaction, and requiring no amendment.
In announcing the determination of the Government, the Hon.
John A. Macdonald, after pointing out that if the BiU before the
House was pressed, there would be the unfortunate spectacle of
the majority in Lower Canada in a conflict 'with the majority in
Upper Canada, just as they were on the eve of separation, ob
served that "The pro'visions of this BiU formed part of the guar
antees provided by Confederation, and any laws on this subject
in force when Confederation is consummated, could not afterwards
be altered, and each section would have felt itself suffering under
grievances, which there was no constitutional method of escaping
from. Canada, therefore, instead of starting on a new race of
Confederation in peace and harmony, would present to the Lower
Pro-vinces an unfortunate spectacle of two houses di-vided against
themselves. Instead of a double majority, we should have had
a double minority."
Mr. Galt, who was regarded as the exponent of the feelings and
-wishes of the Protestant minority in Lower Canada, had identified
himself with this bUl, and pledged himself to its support. WhUst
therefore, he admitted that the course pursued by the Government
was, under the cfrcumstances, the most judicious, he felt it was
one he could not personally support. " It was not," he said,
"that he thought the Protestants of Lower Canada would be
dealt -with unfafrly by the CathoHc majority, but it was because
he had, in his place in the House and in the Government, taken a
certain ground on this question, which rendered it impossible for
him to be responsible for the policy of the Government on this
measure." Mr. Gait's conduct on this occasion commanded the respect of
all parties. His secession from the Government at the moment
was much regretted, as one of the ablest and most earnest sup
porters of the great measure of confederation, then about to pass
through its trying ordeal, the final arrangement and adjustment
of its component parts ; but the con-viction was general that he
would not be less its friend, because no longer a member of the

CONFEDERATION. 367
Government, and that it would stUl receive his powerful co-opera
tion, a con-viction which subsequent events amply justified.
About a month after the opening of the session of 1866, the
honourable the Attomey-General John A. Macdonald introduced
certain resolutions to provide for the Local Governments and
Legislatures of Lower and Upper Canada respectively, when tha
union should be effected. For the Maritime Provinces no such
pro-visions were requisite. Thefr constitutions would remain in
operation as before confederation, restricted only by such limita"
tions as would be introduced by the Imperial Act effecting the
union ; but -with reference to the two Canadas they were again to
be reconstructed into different Provinces, and separately clothed
-with the legislative powers necessary for the management of their
local affafrs.
Little pubhc excitement or discussion was aroused on the
subject, but the teachings of history seemed as it were to be
reversed — Lower Canada -with its French element preferred to
foUow Conservative England and retain two chambers, whUe
Upper Canada -with its English element preferred to follow in the
wake of Repubhcan France, and have only one chamber, " one and
indivisible." The French were more English than the English ;
the English were more French than the French.
Pro-vision was first made for the proper mauitenance in each of
responsible Government. Two chambers were then provided for
Lower Canada, to be caUed " The Legislative CouncU," and " The
Legislative Assembly." One chamber only for Upper Canada to
be called " The Legislative Assembly."
The Legislative CouncU of Lower Canada was to be composed
of twenty-four members, appointed by the Cro-wn for life, British
subjects by birth or naturalization, thirty years of age, -with a
continuous real property qualification in Lower Canada of $4000,
over all incumbrances, debts, and HabUities, the CouncU itself
being the sole tribunal for the adjudication of any question as to
the qualification of its members ; the Speaker to be appointed by
the Cro-wn, holding office during pleasure, and voting only when
there was a tie, each councUlor representing one of the twenty-
four electoral divisions, into which Lower Canada was then

368 CONFEDERATION.
di'vided, for the purpose of representation in the Legislative
CouncU of United Canada of that day, and residing or possessing
his qualification in the division which he represented. Thus it
wUl be perceived that the constitution of this branch of the Legis
lature of Lower Canada was to be eminently Conservative,
possessing both a territorial, personal, and pecuniary character.
For the Lower House or Legislative Assembly, the existing
sixty-five Electoral Divisions into which Lower Canada was then
divided for representation in the House of Assembly of United
Canada were retained, and a distinct pro-vision was inserted, that
such number should not be altered, unless both the second and
third readuigs of any bUl to effect such alteration should be passed
with the concurrence of three-fourths of the members of the said
Legislative Assembly.
The lone Assembly of Upper Canada was to be composed of
eighty-two members representing Constituencies then designated
and declared.
Provision was also made, that the existing laws regulating
elections then in force in United Canada, and applicable to either
Upper or Lower Canada, should continue in force until altered or
amended by the Legislatures newly to be constituted, only that
the term of each House should continue for four years, unless
sooner dissolved by the Lieutenant-Governor of the Province to
which it belonged, and that a longer period than twelve months
should not intervene between any two sessions of the Legislature.
Thus, as contrasted -with Lower Canada, it -wiU be seen that the
constitution of the Local Legislature of Upper Canada was singu
larly democratic ; and in reality the only similarity which existed
between the two, in the preHminary formation, namely, the pro
perty qualification of candidates or members, was abolished by the
Legislature of Upper Canada, among its first acts after coming
into power under Confederation.
The 38th and 41st paragraph of the Quebec Resolutions were
re-resolved, that the Lieutenant-Govei-nors of the several Provinces
of the Confederation, when formed, should be appointed by the
Governor-General under the great seal of Canada, to hold office
for five years, unless removed for cause ; such cause to be imme-

CONFEDERATION. 369
diately communicated in -writing to the Lieutenant-Governor on
the exercise of the power of removal, and to both Houses of the
Confederated Parliament within the first week of the first session
afterwards ; and that the Local Government and Legislature of
each Province should be constructed in such manner as the exist
ing Legislature of each Provuice should provide.
During the debate which followed the moving of these resolu
tions, an additional provision, that the appointment of the first
Lieutenant-Governors should be pro-visional only, and strictly
during pleasure, was carried without a division ; the necessity for
such a provision being so apparent as to require no discussion,
inasmuch as their appointment on the day of the inauguration of
the Confederation would have to emanate from the Governor-
General, on the ad-vice of a Pi-i-vy CouncU which would not at the
time have itself received the sanction of the people.
An amendment, moved by Mr. Galt, seconded by the Attomey-
General West, (the introducer of the resolutions) doing away -with
the proposed restrictions as to the alteration of the number of the
representatives in the Legislative Assembly of Lower Canada ;
and the limits of the Electoral Districts, — confining the latter to
certain specified districts only, and permitting the alteration on
being assented to by a majority of the members representing the
said specified districts, — was also carried on a division, the matter
being apparently one springing from local causes only, and intended
to provide that certain constituencies — those inhabited by people
of British origin — should not be altered as to thefr limits, except
-with the concurrence of the majority of thefr own representation.
An additional resolution was also passed, pro-viding for the
adjustment of the debts, credits and liabilities, properties and assets
of Upper and Lower Canada by arbitration, which was subse
quently embodied in the British North America Act of 1867, but
for which no provision had been made in the Quebec Resolutions.
A motion made by Mr. M. C. Cameron, and seconded by Mr.
Mackenzie, limiting the Executive CouncU of the Local Gtovern-
ments to five members, was negatived.
When the question of concurrence in the resolutions came up,
Mr. Dorion endeavoured to assimUate the proposed constitution of

370 CONFEDERATION.
the Local Legislature of Lower Canada to that proposed for Upper
Canada, but his motion was negatived on a di-vision of 69 to 31,
apparently a party vote.
An effort in a sunUar dfrection on behalf of Upper Canada was
made by Mr. Cameron of Peel, seconded by Mr. Morris, to obtain
two Chambers for Upper Canada ; but the division showed only
13 in favour of the motion, and 86 against it.
Mr. Dorion then endeavoured to have the Legislative CouncU
for Lower Canada made elective, but faUed, the division being
very much as on his former motion, 31 to 63.
He then proposed a very important amendment, " that no mem
ber of the Legislative CouncU should hold any office of emolument
under either the General or Local Government ; nor receive, either
dfrectly or indfrectly, any salary, remuneration or indemnity what
soever for such office, or for his services as such member of the
Legislative CouncU, while he shaU have a seat in the CouncU ;"
this pro-vision not to apply to Executive CouncUlors and the sala
ries attached to the respective departments or offices they shall
fill ;" but this amendment was also lost on a division of 26 to 67.
An effort to have the Speaker of the Legislative CouncU chosen
by its members, made by Mr. Dorion, equally faUed by a vote of
24 to 63.
A simUar fate befell a motion made by Mr. Cauchon, seconded
by Mr. Dorion, to strike out the pro-vision relative to the altera
tion of the Hmits of particular Electoral Districts, except with
the concurrence of the majority of the members representing the
said Districts, — ^the vote being 24 to 68 ; and the formation of the
Local Legislatures of the two new Pro-vinces to be re-formed out
of old Canada, so far as indicated by the then existing Legislature
of old Canada at its last session, may be said to have finally closed.
During the debates which took place on these several resolutions
and amendments, nothing of particular interest occurred, save,
perhaps, the -views of one or two members on the subject of repre
sentation by population — views which it may be important to
reproduce, as e-videncing the construction put upon the term in
Upper Canada by some of its leading public men, pending the
discussion on the detaUs of Confederation, and as bearing upon
the terms on which other Pro-vinces might afterwards be admitted.

CONFEDERATION. 371
On the motion made by the Attomey-General John A. Mac
donald, for concurrence in the schedule distributing the new seats
in Upper Canada, he explained that as vUlage municipalities were
constantly springmg up in Upper Canada, they would of course
be included in the constituency, within the limits of which they
were situated. The Hon. George Brown thereupon declared that
the plan before the House did not carry out the principle of
representation by population. " On looking at the schedule," he
said, " he found one constituency, Niagara, with only 4,470 of a
population, and another, Essex, -with no less than 25,211. In
adding up the population of the ten smaller constituencies he found
they contained a population of 82,258, while the ten largest con
stituencies contained over 231,000. By adding the population of
the twenty smallest constituencies together, it appeared that they
contained only 214,000. Thus we had 214,000 people having
twice as many members as 231,000. Then taking the represen
tation east of Kingston, he found seventeen members whose
constituencies had an average population of 14,000, while the
seventeen western constituencies contained an average population
of 18,000. He thought a better plan would have been to have
given a second member to the largest constituencies, than to have
made new ones.''
Mr. Mackenzie said, "That three principles should have been
regarded in distributing the representation, namely, population,
area, and probable value of the land." On these three heads he
proceeded to show that gross injustice had been done to Lambton,
and moved an amendment that another member be given to that
county. Mr. Rankin called the attention of Mr. Brown to the fact, that
one of his principal justifications for having gone into the coalition
was, that he had obtained representation by population for Upper
Canada, and now he had done his best to prove that it had not
been gained.
Mr. Jones, of North Leeds, was extremely glad that the
principle had not been carried out in the distribution of new
seats, but that the prospective development of the country had
also been considered.

372 CONFEDERATION.
Mr. Mc Kellar supported Mr. Mackenzie's amendment.
It was lost on a di-vision, names and numbers not taken.'*
An address was then voted to Her Majesty the Queen, praying
that a measure might be submitted to the Imperial Parliament to
pro-vide for the Local Government and Legislatures of Upper and
Lower Canada, wh'en the union of British North America was
effected, on the basis of the resolutions passed by the House, and
(after unavailing efforts made by Mr. Dorion, to secure an appeal
to the people of Canada before the final adoption of the new
constitution,) was engrossed, and an address passed to the Gover
nor-General, to transmit the same to the Secretary of State for
the Colonies, to be laid at the foot of the Throne.
The Hon.' Attomey-General Macdonald announced, a day or
two after, in reply to an enquiry from Mr. Holton, that it had
been decided to send a deputation to England, headed by the
Governor-General, to arrange with the Imperial authorities the
necessary steps for Confederation ; and on the following day — the
15th of August, 1866 — -the last Parliament of old Canada closed
its last sitting.
Thus passed away in calm a Constitution which, born in strife
and turmoil, sprung from mal-administration and rebellion — forced
upon a reluctant Province (the oldest and, at the time, most im
portant section of the Union), without consulting its people, and
against the wishes of the majority of its inhabitants — had never
theless, during twenty-five years of unexampled prosperity and
material progress, laid the foundation deep and strong of true
Constitutional liberty — had removed the asperities of Race, and
taught the united descendants of France and England that the
true source of their future greatness and power on this continent
would lie in a mutual regard for each other's rights, a mutual for
bearance for each Other's prejudices, and a generous, strong, con
joint effort towards consolidating their extensive territories, and
developing thefr vast resources, under one Government and one
flag. « Journals, 1S66, S6I. Debates, 1866, 87.

[373]

CHAPTER XIL
'Vancouver Island — Canadian Pacific Railway — Thunder Bay Mining Region —
Departure of Deputation for England — Legislative action of Nova Scotia
and New Brunswick — Future consideration of details of contest in those
Provinces — Political Acrobats — I )eparture of Deputations from New
Brunswick and Nova Scotia — Remonstrance on non-arrival of Canadian
Deputation — Reply — Proposition relative to Prince Edward Island —
Formation of London Conference — Resolutions — Differences from Quebec
Resolutions — Discussions and Bills framed^ Additional Clauses in Act as
ultimately passed — Propositions on Intercolonial Railway — Guarantee —
Imperial Legislation — Return of Deputation — Legislation in New Bruns-
¦wiclc and Nova Scotia on Dual Representation — Resignations of Members
— Imperial Honours — Royul Proclamation — Charge of corruption against
Canadian statesmen — First of July, 1867 — A.D. 1866 and 1867.
The preliminary labours in the Pro-vinces were now closed.
The question was about to be transferred to England. Let us
pause and look at its magnitude. Up to this time we have been
dealing only -with old and settled Provinces, where men had been for
years trained in public life, where commerce had its well established
channels, and where, resting on the Atlantic, the people were in
daUy intercourse with England, with the United States, and the
other weU advanced nations of the world. We must now turn to
regions more favoured by nature, but less utilised by man. Away
over in the far- west, opposite the coast of China, nestling as it
were under the "wUd and lofty but gold-bearing precipices of the
Rocky Mountains, which threw thefr long shadows across the
Httle strait that di'vided it from the continent, in the bight of the
warm Gulf Stream from the Pacific, lay a little Island, not unlike
England in size and climate. It had no past, beyond the mere
imchanging roll of its seasons. A hundred years ago, 'Vancouver
had landed on its shores, and left it the heritage of his nanle,
nothing more. Its situation was singularly adapted for commerce,
but commerce had not sought it. Between it and the civUized
world was an unbroken -wildemess. The trapper had scaled the
Rocky Mountains, and for many years the pioneers of the Hudson
Bay and North-West Territories had roamed over trackless prai-

374 CONFEDERATION.
ries of grea-t beauty ; but for all purposes of utUity, in the -wide
sense which may be given to that term in the present day, the
intervening country was practically unknown. Some years before,
in 1846, by the Oregon Treaty, large portions of this valuable
country had been given away by the British Government, in utter
ignorance of its value, to demands made, in the plainest violation
of the well understood rules regulating international territorial
boundaries, cutting off the access of the products of well watered"
regions to the sea, sacrificing the national character of great tracts
for a mere temporary convenience, and producing no lasting accord
with the country to which the concession was made. But still
immense territories were left — territories immense in extent, and
still more measureless in thefr productive powers. These terri
tories and that Island it was proposed to bring 'within the Con
federation. But when ? Not the boldest of the delegates dared
to suppose it would be accomplished while his years still left him
the energy of action. Two thousand miles, almost -without a road,
and with but few human habitations, where no laws guarded life
or property, and no traffic supplied food, lay between the western
most part of Canada and this Island. Mountains which were
deemed inaccessible ; lakes and rivers, the depth and strength of
current of which were unkno-wn, were between; but stUl the
original plan of confederation embraced them.
In the present day, reality is faster than romance. Five years
had not passed, from the day the delegates were sent to England,
before the end was accomplished ; and from Halifax on the Atlantic
to Vancouver on the Pacific, the intervening lands recognized the
rule of the Dominion. But the result of good government is yet
to be seen ; and the first amid the undertakings which the Domi
nion, after its complete mcorporation, assumed to bring about,
was a thorough union between its eastern and western shores by
the construction of a raUway between the two oceans and across
the continent.
As the consummation of this work is essential to the well-being
of Confederation, and as without it the original plan of union
would be comparatively abortive, it may not be out of place to
consider it for a few moments.

CONFEDERATION. 375
The great grain-producing coimtries of Europe, watered by the
Danube and its tributaries, Hungary, Transylvania, Molda-via and
WaUachia, centering thefr trade at Odessa on the Black Sea, and
constituting the great European grain mai-ket for the British Isles
and the Western kmgdoms, France, Spain, Portugal, Norway
Sweden, Denmark and the Germanic Confederation, afford but a
faint development of the producing powers of the North-West
Territories. Odessa itself has no outlet but through the Bosphorus, com
manded by foreign forts and foreign fleets. Vancouver Island is
open to the Pacific, and whUe EngHshmen and the descendants of
Englishmen possess it, no power -will stop them on the sea.
Through lands moi'e rich than Europe's grain fields, to a port
more open than Odessa, the Canadian Pacific Railway is to pass.
Its distance, its probable cost, its facUities for construction are
worth knowing.
Exclusive of bays, inlets, and the estuary of the St. La-wrence,
the Canadian coast line on the Atlantic, south of latitude 60°, is
3,750 mUes ; on the Pacific, 1,250 mUes ; and 1,800 on the great
lakes.* From several accessible ports on the Atlantic coast line,
besides the large harbour of Halifax, and the commercial city of
Saint John ; from the cities, towns and -villages all along the
lakes Ontario and Erie, and from the St. La-wrence at Ri-vi6re du
Loup, through Montreal, raUways already constructed, or in the
course of construction, converge on, and connect -with Ottawa, the
capital of the Dominion. A new road, direct from Quebec to
Ottawa, on the northern and eastern side of the St. La-wrence and
Grand River has been explored, and offers for its construction are
under consideration. Therefore, starting from Ottawa, both as a
political and commercial centre, as on the dfrect line to the
Pacific, as most convenient from the maritime pro-vinces, and in
immediate communication with the sea-ports of Quebec and
Montreal, the distance may be taken. At present the most
correct estimates, allowing for sinuosities and necessary deflections,
are — * Bussell.

376 CONFEDERATION. M1LE8.
1st. From the City of Ottawa to Fort Garry  1100
2nd. From Fort Garry to Le tete Jaune, or the Leather Pass 1000
Srd. Thence to Bute Inlet, — or'Westminster, at the mouth of
the Fraser River  600
2700
Present distance by rail from Ottawa to Montreal, intersecting
Grand Trunk  180
2880
This last distance from Ottawa to Montreal -wUl, within three
years, be shortened forty mUes, by two roads explored and
reported on; for the buUding of which companies have been
incorporated, and the preliminary steps taken. Therefore, for
practical calculations, as regards the Pacific line, the total dis
tance between seaport and seaport may be estimated at 2,840
mUes.* For the first 600 mUes above Ottawa no very serious
difficulty occurs, thence by or round Lake Nepigon more obstruc
tions are met with, but nothing that modern skUl cannot over
come ; thence on to Fort Garry no impediments of consequence.
Of this portion of the line, from Ottawa to Fort Garry, though
not in an agricultural point of view as attractive as the prafrie
lands beyond, the greater part, nevertheless, possesses fafr average
gro-wmg qualities, -with abundance' of wood and water, and the
conveniences for settlement ; but its main value is in its immense
mineral deposits, extending in a north-westerly dfrection over one
hundred miles in the vicinity of Thunder Bay, in the SUurian and
Huronian rocks which lie between the northerly coast of Lake
Superior and the Laurentian range, and so far as at present
kno-wn, embracmg the richest sUver deposits in the world, yield
ing in some cases, for instance at SUver Islet, from $15,000 to
$18,000 to the ton of rock, and on an average from $1,000 to
$2,000 at the same placet Gold and tin are also found in the
• Russell makes the distance 2,846.
I These statements are made upon the best authority, that of Mr. Dawson, C.E., the
engineer appointed by the Dominion Government in charge of that district, and the well-
known constructor of the Dawson route from Thunder Bay to Fort Gan-y — a man of
undoubted competence and veracity— and arc further confirmed by the reports both of the
present and former managers of the mine. The Montreal Mining Company's Report of

CONFEDERATION. 377
same district, and the geological formations indicate that these
minerals abound in great quantities throughput an area of many
hundred square miles in the same region.
In that portion through the prafrie lands from Fort Garry to
the Rocky Mountains, estimated by Mr. Russell before the late
explorations at 1,300 mUes, no engineering difficulty of any
character can be found. The fertiHty and beauty of these lands
have been so often described by men well known, and of such
undoubted authority, that thefr names are sufficient to render com
ment unnecessary. Sfr George Simpson, Professor Hind, Mr.
Da-wson, C.E., Colonel Synge and Captain Palliser; of the Royal
Engineers, Lord MUton and Cheadle, Captain Pope and Lieutenant
Saxon, of the American army, all agree upon the point of its rare
productiveness.December T, 1868, says : — The following table gives the results foimd by the several assay.
Ists, the ton being taken at 2,240 lbs., and the value of silver at $1.24 per ounce troy. This
value is based upon the price then quoted in England for bar silver, namely, 5%d. sterling
per ounce. PERCENTAGES. No. 1. No. 2. No. 3. No. 4. Aver.
Prof.Chapman  1496 7.88 6.27 1.71 6.023
Dr.Hayes  4117 11.26 6.82 118 8 471
Mr. Macfarlane  13.14 7.03 4.94 1.82 6.168
OUNCES PER TON.
Ne. 1. No. 2. No, 3. No. 4. Aver.
Prof.Chapman  4,886 2,574 1,721 658 1,804
Dr.Hayes  16,064 3,678 1,901 385 2,767
Mr. Macferlane  4,292 2,384 1,613 694 1,690
SIL-VER, VALUE PER TON.
No. 1. No. 2. No. 3. No. 4. Aver.
Prof. Chapman  $5,058 $3,191 ?2,134 $691 $?,2S6
Dr.Hayes  $18,679 4,660 2,367 477 3,431
Mr. Macfarlane  6,332 2,956 2,000 736 2,095
If the average of the results of the three assayists, as given above, is taken, it amounts
to 6.387 per cent. = 2.087, or $2,687 88 per ton.
Both Dr. Hayes and Professor Chapman are of opinion, that, no matter how intimately
the particles of the powdered ore may be mixed together, it is not possible, in the case of
such nch ores, to get two assay portions of estactly similar composition. -With regard to
No. 1 sample, which consisted of hand specimens not ground or powdered down, it was
hardly anticipated that the various assays of this number would, correspond very closely,
and thus the richer product obtained by Dr. Hayes in accounted for. The value of the
silver contained in 1,336 lbs. of ore, the product of one blast of some surface pieces taken
from under water, then in the Company's possession, at this rate amounted to $1,543 48.
25

378 CONFEDERATION.
The climate, notwithstanding its high northern latitude — owing
to the curvature of the isothermal line — is not more severe than
in central Canada.
In the passes through the Rocky Mountains the Canadian
Pacific commands a route 3,240 feet lower than any of the passes
on the American side of the boundary line — which is approached
at so gradual an elevation, that the traveller is not aware that he
has reached the summit until he sees the flow of the descending
waters on the other side.
Of the remaining distance through British Columbia to the
sea, though difficulties do exist from the mountainous character
of the country in some parts, yet they are not such as the ordinary
engineering skill of the present day cannot easUy overcome.
"Thus," says Mr. Russell, in 1868, in a most able pamphlet on
the Red River country and Hudson Bay and North West Terri
tories, "we possess a route to the Pacific through our central
prafrie country and British Columbia that, beside traversing the
Rocky Mountains far more favourably at half the elevation of the
lines through the United States, is as remarkable for passing
through a great extent of well watered fertUe country, as they are
for the general aridity and remarkable barrenness of a great part
of the countiy they traverse." "We command," says he, "both
for the purposes of defence or commerce, the best and shortest
raUway route to the interior and the Pacific."
The total distance, as given by the same authority, from the
Pacific to Montreal — the head of sea na-vigation on the St. Law
rence — is 2846 miles; whereas the distance from San Francisco to
New York is 3,284. And the distance from China or Japan to
Bute Inlet, or the mouth of the Fraser River, in British Columbia,
by any route being 550 miles shorter than to San Francisco, a
cargo shipped at either China or Japan for Liverpool, would have
the advantage of 988 mUes less distance to be shipped in a sea
going steamer on the Atlantic, by the Canadian Pacific, than by
any American Pacific route. But if the distance be taken from
China or Japan to Liverpool itself, the discrimination in favor of
the former is stUl more striking. For instance : —

CONFEDERATION. 379

MILES. MILES.

From San Francisco to New York  3,284
" New York to Liverpool  3,073
 6,357
From Bute Inlet, or the mouth of the Fraser Hiver to
Montreal  2,846
" Montreal to Liverpool  2,800
 6,646 711
Difference from China or Japan  550
Total difference in favour of the Canadian Pacific, from China
or Japan to Liverpool  1,261
In the session of 1871, the Canadian Parliament made an ap
propriation for an exploratory survey of the route, and nearly
half a milHon of doUars has been expended during the past year
in its accomplishment. Arrangements were also made with British
Columbia, on her coming into the Union, that Government aid
should be afforded to the construction of the road, both by money
subsidies and land grants, and that it should be proceeded with
and completed -within ten years.
There is nothing to indicate that its cost of construction -will
exceed the average cost of construction in America, namely,
$30,000 or $35,000 per mile, fully equipped— the extra difficul
ties of the Rocky Mountains and British Columbia being more
than countervailed by the greater facUities in the prafrie lands.
These detaUs have been fuUy given, because as the construction
of the Intercolonial Road, from Halifax to Quebec, was made one
of the conditions on which the Atlantic Provinces came into the
Union, so the construction of the Pacific was made one of the con
ditions on which British Columbia came in.
The Canadian looks upon this road as the back-bone of Con
federation. It is not a question of politics or party. It rises
above personal considerations. It is a question of the existence
or dissolution of the Union — and cost what it may, whether much
or Httle, it must be built.
We must now proceed -with the narrative of what occurred in
England.

380 CONFEDERATION.
In the month of November, the Canadian deputation, Messrs.
Macdonald, Cartier, Galt, Howland, MacdougaU, and Lange-vin,
set out on their mission. They were to meet the representatives
of the other Pro-vinces in London, and finally settle the terms on
which the Confederation was to be carried out. The contracting
parties were reduced in number, Newfoundland and Prince
Edward Island had both -withdra-wn from the contemplated
arrangements ; the latter, by the absolute repudiation of its
Government ; the former, by the inabUity of its Government to
obtain the assent of its people.
In New Bruns-wick and Nova Scotia long and arduous contests
had been carried on. In the former, the people had been twice
appealed to. On the first occasion they had rejected the proposi-
'tion by overwhelming majorities at the poUs. On the second, a
year afterwards, they had reversed thefr previous decision by
equally overwhelming majorities, and had accepted it. In Nova
Scotia, there had been no appeal to the people. The Government,
supported by the leaders of the opposition who had been the
delegates to Quebec, firm in its adhesion to the agreement entered
into at the convention, had, after the first defeat in New Bruns
wick, bided its time, untU the prospect of the coming change in
that pro-vince justified unity of action.
Throughout the whole of the Pro-vinces, with the exception of
Prince Edward Island, the delegates to the conference, " fideles
inter perfdos." — had stood faithfully to the arrangements entered
into at Quebec, and in some instances sacrificed power and place
rather than depart from the obHgations assumed -with thefr fellow
representatives, after mature deliberation, in the adoption of a
great scheme to further the interests of British America. Suc
ceeding years have proved how right they were, and Prince
Edward Island hereafter, when she -wUl have become one of the
brightest ornaments of the Dominion, -wiU look back with pain
upon the vacant places her recreant representatives have left on
the roll of men who were instrumental in evolving a great and
strong nation out of the weakness of disjointed colonies.
The Legislatures, both of Nova Scotia and New Bnms-wick, had,
in the sessions of 1866, authorized their respective Govemments

CONFEDERATION. 381
to send deputations to London ; and in the summer those deputa
tions had proceeded on thefr mission, and were then awaiting the
arrival of the Canadian deputation.
The detaUs of the contests both in New Brunswick and Nova
Scotia must form the subject of distinct chapters. At the
present moment, jierhaps, those details are of little importance to
the main question. It is better that at the close of this volume
we should see the structure complete : in what respect it difiered
from the original design, and in what degree the alterations
tended to the public good. As preliminary to the more complete
understanding of the parliamentary discussions after confedera
tion, of those measures introduced by ministers which were
necessary to the inauguration of the constitutional govornment,
and formation of the new Dominion, the history of those details
may not be uninteresting, or 'without the benefit which experience
teaches may be derived from the lessons of the past. Divide et
Impera was the weU-kno'wn maxim of MachiavelH, and the people
are sometimes led by devious ways to what is for thefr good. In
times of great change, even though the revolution be peaceful,
political acrobats flourish best, and the reward of personal ambition
is more frequently found by opposition, in the ffrst instance, to
good measures, than by supporting them.
The deputations from the maritime provinces in the month of
July, 1866, as already mentioned, in accordance -with the authority
from thefr respective Legislatures, and as was assumed at the time
with the full understanding that the Canadian deputation would
about the same period do the same, proceeded to London. Up to
the 12th of September the latter had not arrived. On that day,
Messrs. Tupper and TUley, on behalf of themselves and then-
colleagues, addressed the foUo-wing remonstrance to the Secretary
of State for the Colonies, on the subject of the delay caused by
thefr non-arrival : Alexandra Hotel, 12th September, 1866.
My Lord, — As delegates from the Pro-vinces of Nova Scotia and
New Brunswick, appointed to confer with delegates from Canada
and with Her Majesty's Government, upon the question of a Con-

382 CONFEDERATION.
federation of the British North American Pro-vinces, we are natur
ally anxious to terminate the suspense in which we have been left
since our arrival here, relative to the time when we may hope to
accomplish the object of our mission.
Believing, as we do, that the abrogation of the Reciprocity
Treaty and the Fenian invasion of Canada were largely owing to
the failure of the Provinces we represent to agree promptly to
form an united government, as proposed by the Quebec Conference
in 1864, and approved by the Imperial Government, and that the
adoption of Confederation would be the best means of securing the
renewal of the treaty, and discouraging Fenian designs upon
British America, the Governments of Nova Scotia and New Bruns-
-wick have been most anxious that no time should be lost in accom
plishing the Union of the Provinces.
With that view, Messrs. Tupper and Archibald visited Ottawa
on the 29 th of June last, and after conferring -with His Excel
lency the Governor General and the Canadian Government, it was
mutually agreed that delegates from the two Lower Pro-vinces
should proceed to England by the steamer lea-ving Halifax on the
19th July, and that delegates from Canada should follow by the
steamer lea-ving Quebec on the 21st of July.
Subsequently, Lord Monck intimated by telegraph that the
change of Government in England would render it necessary to
hear from England before the departure of the delegates. The
delegates from Nova Scotia and New Bruns-wick, after the arrival
of the latter at Halifax, jointly communicated to the Canadian
Government thefr -views as to the necessity for immediate action,
and thefr intention to leave on the 19th of July, as arranged at
Ottawa; and it was only on the eve of thefr departure that they
received a telegram from the Hon. J. A. Macdonald, saying that
Lord Monck declined to go to England of to send a delegation
untU authorized by the new Secretary of State. At the interview
-with which we were honoured by your Lordship, on our arrival in
London on the 30th of July, we understood your Lordship to say
that you would send a message by the Atlantic cable to the Gover
nor-General, asking if the Canadian delegates had left, and if not,
requesting that they would come without delay. Your Lordship

CONFEDERATION. 383
subsequently did us the honor to mform us that a despatch had
been sent on the 11th of August, requesting the Governor-General
to arrange for the Canadian delegates to proceed to England as
soon as possible, and expressing the hope that in any case they
would not be later than the latter part of September.
Although we have since our arrival been favoured -with frequent
opportunities of discussing the question of Confederation with
your Lordship and other members of Her Majesty's Government,
we have, up to the present time, received no information as to the
period when we may expect the delegates from Canada. We feel
it, therefore, due to the Pro-vinces we represent, that we should
respectfuUy sohcit your Lordship to ascertain, and communicate to
us, how soon we may expect the delegates from Canada to arrive
here, in order that we may govern ourselves accordingly.
We have, &c.,
(Signed) Charles Tupper.
S. L. Tilley.
To the Right Hon. the Earl of Carnarvon,
Secretary of State for the Colonies.
On the 1 7th September they received the foUo-wing reply from
the Under-Secretary of State :
Gentlemen, — With reference to my letter of the 12th instant,
I am dfrected by the Earl of Carnarvon to acquaint you that his
Lordship has received a telegram from Lord Monck, to the effect
that in the present state of Fenian affafrs, the principal members
of the Ministry, who must be delegates, could not leave the Pro_
-vinoe,and probably not before the closing of na-vigation.
Lord Carnarvon regrets the occurrence of these unforeseen
delays, which must entaU so much inconvenience upon you and
your colleagues, both in your public and private capacity ; and he
is most anxious to help you, as far as in his power, to meet the
difficulties of the present tum of affairs. It will probably be your
-wish to deliberate amongst yourselves as to your joint course of
action ; ha-ving done which, his Lordship wUl be happy to confer
-with you, and to give you his best co-operation.
(Signed) T. Frederick Elliot.
The Hon. C. Tupper.
The Hon. S. L. Tilley.

384 confederation. -
During the intervening period, the Nova Scotia and New Bruns-
-wick deputations proceeded to discuss the action of Prince Edward
Island, which it was then well understood rejected all consideration
of the terms proposed at the Quebec Conference, and on the 24th
September submitted to Lord Carnarvon the foUo-wing proposition,
with a request that he would transmit the same to the Governor-
General and the Lieutenant-Governor of the Island :
"The Delegates from Nova Scotia and New Brans-wick, after
much consultation and mature deHberation, having decided to ask
further pecuniary advantages for the Provinces they represented,
arrived at the conclusion that, if successful, simUar advantages
might be extended to Prince Edward Island, and, therefore, a fur
ther effort should be made to induce Prince Edward Island to enter
the Confederation, agreed to the foUo-wing proposition :
At a meeting of the delegates from Nova Scotia and New Bruns
wick, held at the Alexandra Hotel, London, on the 22nd day of
September, 1866, all being present except the Honourable Mr.
Wilmot, it was unanimously resolved, that inasmuch as the co
operation of Prmce Edward Island, though not indispensable to
an Union of the other North American Provinces, is on many
accounts very desirable; and as the settlement of the Land Ques
tion, which has so long and so injuriously agitated that colony,
would be attended with great beneflt, and at the same time place
the Local Government of the Island, by the possession of the Pro
prietory Lands, more, on a footing -with the other Provinces, which
have Crown Lands and minerals as a source of local revenue;
therefore Rescved, That in case the Legislature of the Island should
authorize the appointment of delegates to act in conjunction with
those from the other Provmces, in arranging a plan of co-operation
prior to the meeting of the Imperial Parliament, the delegates
from Nova Scotia and New Brunswick are hereby pledged to sup
port the policy of providmg such an amount as may be necessary
for the purchase of the proprietory rights, but not to exceed
$800,000. (Signed,) Charles Tupper,
S. L. Tilley.

CONFEDERATION. 385
The Canadian deputation which had left for England on the 7th
of November had now arrived, and the conference of the three
Pro-vinces was duly organized at the Westminster Palace Hotel,
on the 4th of December. The Hon. John A. Macdonald in the
chafr. It sat continuously from that day to the 24th, when certain
resolutions were formally agreed upon, and transmitted to the
Secretary of State for the Colonies.
These resolutions were substantially a reiteration of those agreed
upon at the Quebec Conference, with the following differences :
1. The entfre omission of "the Representative of the Sover
eign " in the fifth resolution, relative to the command of the naval
and mUitary forces of the Dominion, it being the intention that
they, though a local force, should be dfrectly under the command of
the Sovereign, as the head of the empfre. This was different from
the old constitution of the Pro-vinces, under which the Governor-
General and the Lieutenant-Governors claimed, as representatives
of the Queen, to exercise, and did exercise mUitary command over
the local forces -within thefr respective Governments.
2. In the sixth resolution, constituting the Legislature, the
term " Sovereign " was inserted as a distinct and co-ordinate branch
of the Legislature, a pro-viso which under the constitution was
necessarUy understood, but the declaration of which was no doubt
accidentally omitted in the Quebec resolution.
3. The eighth resolution was altered by giving to Nova Scotia
and New Bruns-wick twelve members in the Senate instead of ten,
and making provision for the reduction to ten when Prince
Edward Island came into confederation.
' 4. In the twelfth, by making the necessary qualifications of a
senator, to embrace both a continuous property possession and
continuous residence in the Province for which he was appointed,
except in case of an official residence at the capital.
5. The 23rd and 24th resolutions, as to the provisions for
altering the electoral districts, were entfrely omitted, it being con
sidered that all necessary powers in that dfrection were sufficiently
embraced in the general terms, giving jurisdiction to the General
Parhament and Local Legislatures.

386 CONFEDERATION.
6. The establishment of " penitentiaries " as an incident of the
criminal code, was -withdrawn from the Local and given to the
General Government. And the powers of legislating upon the
" Sea Coast and Inland Fisheries " which, under the Quebec
resolutions, had been made concurrent, was limited exclusively to
the General Parliament, while the power of legislating upon the
"solemnization of marriage" was included in the property and
ci-vU rights assigned to the Local Government, whereas before it
had not been.
7. To the provision in the 29th section, appropriating to the
General Government the power of legislating for the uniformity
of the laws, relative to property and civil rights, was added a
clause that the power of altering, repealing, or amending laws so
legislated upon " should thereafter remain with the General
Government only."
8. The pardoning power, which under the 44th Quebec resolution
was given to the Lieutenant-Governors, was restricted to cases not
" capital" — and the provisions of the 43rd, respecting education,
affecting the rights and pri'vUeges of the Protestant or CathoHc
minorities in the two Canadas were extended to the minorities in
any province ha'ving rights or pri'vUeges by laws as to denomina/-
tional Schools at the time when the union went into operation.
And an additional provision was made that " in any province
where a system of separate or dissentient schools by law obtains,
or where the Local Legislature may hereafter adopt a system of se
parate or dissentient schools, an appeal shaU be to the Governor-
General in Council of the General Government from the acts and
decisions of the local authorities, which may affect the rights or
pri-vileges of the Protestant or Catholic minority in the matter of
education, and the General Parliament shall have power in the last
resort to legislate on the subject."
9. An increased subsidy, in addition to the 80 cents per head, of
$80,000, $70,000, $60,000 and $50,000 was made severally to
Upper Canada, Lower Canada, Nova Scotia and Ne-w Brunswick,
and the capitation subsidy of 80 cents in both New Brunswick
and Nova Scotia extended untU the population reached 400,000.

CONFEDERATION. 387
10. A distmct provision for an Imperial guarantee of £3,000,000
sterling for the Intercolonial RaUway closed the substantial dis
tinctions between the resolutions agreed upon at Quebec and
those submitted to the Imperial Government at London.
Upon these resolutions so .submitted, certain bills were prepared
by the conference in conjunction with the legal officers of Her
Majesty's Government, and at a number of interviews commenc
ing on the 24th of January, and continuing for several days after-
wai-ds, thefr detaUs were again discussed, amended and added to,
untU at last a draft bUl was finally agreed upon, which subse
quently became the British North America Act of 1867. This
BUl so agreed upon was submitted to the Iniperial Parliament by
Her Majesty's Ministers — carried — ^finally enacted on the 29th of
March, 1867, and on the proclamation made in accordance with
the pro-visions thereof, became on the "Ist July, 1867, the Constitu
tion of Canada.
Apart from those formal detaUs of the bill, which were essential
¦to its proper construction, it is only necessary to observe — ^Ffrstly,
that power was given — ^not provided for in the resolutions — to
increase the numbers of the Senate and House of Commons under
certain cfrcumstances, but -with express limitations; whUe secondly,
no power of pardon was conceded to the lieutenant-Govemors ;
and thfrdly, the power of legislating upon the subject matter
of laws of the several provinces, relating to property and civil
rights, which had once been legislated upon by the General Parlia
ment, was simply made "unrestricted," instead of exclusive, in the
General Parhament.
But it was necessary that there should be further Imperial
legislation. The provisions respectuig the Intercolonial RaUway,
though no part of the constitution, were parts of the agreement
upon which the constitution was based, and -without which it
would not have been acceded to. As the construction of this
work formed, both during the preliminary contests and after
confederation, the subject of constant and earnest discussion and
of much political conflict, and at one time was made the subject
of a gross charge of breach of faith against the Canadian Govem-

388 CONFEDERATION.
ment and Parliament, it is as weU to examine the negotiations
that took place respecting it at the time the Imperial Act was
passed, giving the Imperial guarantee.
On the 29th of January the chafrman submitted to Lord
Carnarvon, the Secretary of State for the Colonies, the foUo-wing
memorandum :
In December, 1862, the delegates from the several pro-vinces
proposed to Her Majesty's Government that the Imperial guarantee
should be given on the foUo-wing conditions, -viz.: —
1. That the loan shaU be for £3,000,000 sterhng.
2. That the liabihties of each colony shall be apportioned as
foUows :— £1,250,000 for Canada; £875,000 for New Brunswick;
£875,000 for Nova Scotia.
3. The debentures shall bear interest at the rate of Si per cent.
4. The interest shall be paid half-yearly in London, on the first
of May and on the fijst of November.
5. That the sum borrowed shaU be re-paid in four instalments:
£250,000 m ten years; £500,000 m twenty years; £1,000,000
in thfrty years; £1,250,000 in forty years.
6. The net profits of the road shall be applied towards the
extinction of the debt.
7. That the loan shall be the first charge on the revenue of each
colony after the existing debts and charges.
8. That the Imperial Government shall have the right to select
one of the engineers to be appointed to make the surveys for the
location of the road.
9. That the selection'of the line shaU rest -with the Imperial
Government. 10. That if it is concluded that the work is to be constructed
and managed by a Joint Commission, it shall be constituted in
the foUo-wing proportions : — Canada shall appoint two of the Com
missioners; New Bruns-wick and Nova Scotia each one. These
four shall name a fifth before entering upon the discharge of thefr
duties. 11. That such portions of the railways now owned by the Gov
emments of New Bruns-wick and Nova Scotia, which may be re-

CONFEDERATION. 389
qufred to form part of the Intercolonial road, -will be worked under
the above Commission.
12. That aU net gains or loss resulting from the working and
keeping in repafr of any portion of the roads constracted by
Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, and to be used as a part of the
Intercolonial road, shall be received and borne by these Provinces
respectively, and the surplus, if any, after the payment of interest,
shall go in abatement of interest of the whole line between Halifax
and Riviere du Loup.
13. That the rates shall be uniform over each respective portion
of the road.
14. That the Cro'wn lands requfred for the railway or stations
shaU be provided by each Province.
The following counter proposition was made on the part of Her
Majesty's Government :
1. That bUls shall be immediately submitted to the Legislatures
of Canada, Nova Scotia and New Bruns-wick, authorizing the res
pective Governments to borrow £3,000,000, under the guarantee-
of the British Government, in the following proportions : Five.
twelfths, Canada ; three and one half twelfths. Nova Scotia ; three
and one half twelfths. New Bruns-wick.
2. But no such loan to be contracted on behalf of any one
Colony, until corresponding powers have been given to the Govern
ments of the other two Colonies concerned, nor unless the Imperial
Government shaU guarantee payment of interest on such loan untU
repaid. 3. The money to be applied to the completion of the railway
connecting Halifax with Quebec, on a line to be approved by the
Imperial Government.
4. The interest to be a first charge on the Consolidated Revenue
Funds of the different Provinces after the Ci-vil List, and the
interest of existing debts ; and as regards Canada, after the rest of
the six charges enumerated m the 5 & 6 Vic. cap. 118, and 3 & 4
Vic. cap. 35 (Act of Union).
The debentures to be ui series as foUows, viz. :

390 CONFEDERATION.
£250,000 to be payable ten years after contracting loan ;
£500,000 " twenty years "
£1,000,000 " thirty years "
£1,250,000 " forty years
In the event of these debentures, or any of them, not being re
deemed by the colonies at the period when they fall due, the
amount unpaid shall become a charge upon their respective reve
nues, next after the loan, untU paid. The principal to be repaid
as follows :
1. Decade, say 1863 to 1872 inclusive, £250,000 in redemption
of the first series at or before the close of the first decade from the
contracting of the loan.
2. Decade, say 1873 to 1882 inclusive, a sinking fund of
£40,000^to be remitted annually, being an amount adequate, if
invested at 5 per cent, compound interest to pro-vide £500,000 at
the end of the decade ; the sum to be remitted annually to be in
vested in the names of trustees, in colonial securities of any of the
three provinces prior to or forming part of the loan now to be
raised, or in such other colonial securities as Her Majesty's gov
ernment shaU dfrect, and the then colonial governments approve.
3. Decade, say 1883 to 1892 inclusive, a sinking fund of
£80,000 to be remitted annuaUy, being an amount adequate, if in
vested at 5 per cent compound interest, to pro-vide £1,000,000 at
the end of the decade. The amount when remitted to be invested
as in the case of the sinking fund for the proceeding decade.
4. Decade, say 1893 to 1902, inclusive, a sinking fund of
X100,000 to be remitted annually, being an amount adequate, if
invested at 5 per cent compound interest, to provide £1,250,000,
being the balance of the loan at the end of the decade. This
amount, when remitted to be invested as in the preceding decade.
5. Should the sinking fund of any decade produce a surplus, it
will go to the credit of the next decade, and in the last decade the
sinking fund -will be remitted or reduced accordingly.
It is of course understood that the asaent of the Treasury to
these arrangements presupposes adequate proof of the sufficiency
of the colonial revenues to meet the charges intended to be
imposed upon them.

CONFEDERATION. 391
6. The construction of the railway to be conducted by five
commissioners; two to be appointed by Canada, one by Nova
Scotia, and one by New Brunswick. These four to choose the
remaining commissioner.
7. The preliminary surveys to be effected at the expense of the
colonies, by three engineers or other officers nominated ; two by
commissioners and one by the Home Govermnent.
8. Fitting provision to be made for the carriage of troops, &c.
9. Parliament not to be asked for this guarantee untU the line
and surveys shall have been submitted to and approved of by Her
Majesty's Government, and until it shall have been shown, to the
satisfaction of Her Majesty's Government, that the line can be
constructed -without further application for an Imperial guarantee.
This proposal was accepted by Nova Scotia and New Brunswick,
but objected to by Canada.
By the despatch of Mr. Cardwell, dated 17th June, 1864, the
engagement of Her Majesty's Government to grant the guarantee
was renewed ; but consideration of the tei-ms was postponed for
future arrangement.
In consequence of the proposed confederation of the provinces,
many of the clauses in both these propositions appear to be no
longer requfred, and it is submitted that the terms of the Canada
Guarantee Act of 1842, should be in the main foUowed. The
delegates therefore propose to Her Majesty's Government
1. That a loan of £3,000,000 sterling, to be negotiated with a
guarantee of the Imperial Parliament, the proceeds to be applied
to the construction of the Intercolonial RaUway.
2. The rate of interest to be 4 per cent., payable half-yearly
and both principal and mterest to form the first charge upon the
revenue of the Confederation, after existing debts and charges.
3. A sinkino- fund at the rate of 1 per cent, per annum
to be pro-vided by the Confederation, to be invested in the
securities of the Confederation existing prior to the guaranteed
loan, or in such other securities as may be suggested by the
Confederation, and approved by Her Majesty's Govemment.

392 CONFEDERATION.
The trustees of the sinking funds to consist of one officer to be
appointed by the Imperial Govemment, and another by the
Government of the Confederation. (Signed) John A. Macdonald, Chai/rman.
London, 29th, January, 1867.
On the 12th February, a deputation of the Conference, consist
ing of Messrs. Galt, Howland, Tupper and Tilley, waited, by in-vi
tation, upon the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and explained fully
the object of having the guarantee of the Imperial Government
placed upon the footing contained in the above memorandum.
This interview was satisfactory, and left no doubt that the gua
rantee was not only secured, but that there would be no difficulty
in arranging the details connected there-with. The deputation on
that occasion left a memorandum -with the Chancellor of the
Exchequer, respecting the financial position and trade of British
North America, (vide Appendix.)
After protracted negotiations, and much discussion of the statis
tical information supplied to Her Majesty's Govemment, the latter
agreed to ask Parliament for a guarantee of £3,000,000 sterling.
Great difficulty arose -with reference to the investment of the
Sinking Fund, and the legislation requfred by Canada previous to
the attaching of the guarantee. The Treasury Department insisted
that Canada should provide, by a special law for raising the neces
sary revenue, to defray the interest on the loan before any gua
rantee should be made; and that the Sinking Fund shoiUd be in
vested in British funds. After a series of interviews they werO
induced to abandon thefr first condition, as to proof of the revenue
required to meet the loan, and also to agree to the proposal of the
delegates that the Sinking Fund should be invested in colonial
and other securities, at the option of Canada.*
Finally, the draft of a BUl was agreed upon, which was intro
duced and carried by the Ministers in the Imperial Parliament,
under the title of "An Act for authorizing a guarantee of interest
on a loan tp be raised by Canada towards the construction of a
* New Brunswiek Journals, 1867, 404.

confederation. 393
railway connecting Quebec and Halifax," (12th April, 1867); and
became the law under which the funds for the construction of the
work were found.
After the close of the negotiations in England, the deputations
returned to thefr different Provinces. In Nova Scotia and New
Bruns-wick, where the existing Legislatures were stiU in full force
and in session, resolutions were almost immediately introduced,
and bUls founded upon them passed into law, preventing dual
representation, or the same individual being at the same time a
member of the Local Legislature and of the Dominion Parlia
ment. The extreme jealousy of the over-ruling power of the
Federal Govemment, the desfre to preserve unfettered the action
of the Local Legislatures, and the independent maintenance of
¦thefr rights, and the rights of thefr Pro-vinces, -with the avoidance
of a di-vided responsibUity, were the mducements to this legis
lation. The Pro-vinces of Upper and Lower Canada ha-ving at
that time no separate Legislatures, no action could be taken by
those Pro-vinces in that dfrection, and the then Legislature of
those two Provinces under the old union, did not deem it proper
to express any opinion on the point. After confederation the sub
ject was one of repeated discussion in the Dominion Parliament,
but on all occasions it was held to be a matter of local regulation,
to be governed by the decision of the Local Legislatures them
selves. In re-vie-wing the debates on this subject in the confederate
Parhament, in the subsequent volume of this work, the policy of
its adoption or rejection -wUl have to be more fully entered into.
At present it is sufficient to say that during the first three or four
years after confederation, the leading members of the Local Legis
latures of both Upper and Lower Canada, then become Ontario
and Quebec, and the members of thefr Local Govemments held
seats in the Dominion Parliament, and as a general rule supported
the administration of the day. In New Brimswick, on the pro
clamation of the union, the members of the Local Govemment,
the Speaker of the House, and such other members as intended to
be candidates for the Dominion Parhament, forthwith resigned
thefr seats in the Local Legislature, and were retumed by thefr
26

394 confederation.
several constituencies to the Federal Legislature. In Nova Scotia
they did the same, but at that time the anti-confederate hostUity
to the movement had become a passion. The leader of the
Government, Dr. Tupper, alone sur-vived the wreck of his party,
and with the member for Guysboro', Mr. Stewart Campbell, repre
sented in the Dominion Parhament, the confederate element from
that Pro-vince.
Before leaving England, Her Majesty had been pleased to confer
the honour of a K.C.B. on the chairman, and C.B. on several
members of the Conference. On the 22nd day of May, 1867, a
royal proclamation was issued at Windsor Castle, declaring that,
on the 1st July, 1867, the Imperial Act should come in force, and
that on and after that day the Provinces of Canada, Nova Scotia
and New Brunswick should form and be one Dominion, under the
name of Canada, and designating the members of the old Legisla
tive Councils of the several Provinces who were to constitute the
Senate. A cabinet was in the meantime formed, under the Pre
miership of Sfr John A. Macdonald, composed alike of Conserva
tives and Liberals, to be announced with the inauguration of the
Dominion ; and the people of the several Provinces quietly awaited
the day when the constitutions under which they had prospered
would pass awayj and a new era be opened to British North
America. An able writer, in a work just published,*' in his revelations of
the dark side of our acquisition of India, observes, — " Events of
historical importance are of two kinds, the silent and tha noisy i •
and all things considered, the sUent are of much more consequence
than those whose taking place' clamors for observation. In
Bengal a great event, or coming into Hght of a new fact on the
scroll of human destiny noiselessly revealed itself." In Canada,
on the bright side of history, may we not say, a great event on
the scroll of human destiny was noiselessly revealing itself. No
blood was shed, no rupture made, no Clive or Warren Hastings
robbed in the name of justice, or deceived and betrayed in the
name of humanity ; no Sheridan or Burke can hereafter arise to
* Torrons' Empire in Asia. 1872.

CONFEDERATION. 395.
make thefr names immortal by the impeachment of its actors.
Yet a change was taking place, not less significant in its bearing
upon the interests of that empfre from which the conquerors of
India and the colonists of Canada came. A change by which a
country far exceeding India in extent, -with its hardy northern
races, while forming, for the future, a great and powerful nation,
was yet to remain an integral portion of that empire of its own
free -wiU ; -with no -wrongs like the dusky sons of India to avenge,
no treachery to repay -with treachery, no blood-stained annals
of mutiny and crime to darken its future years. Truly the
sUent events of history, all things considered, are of the most
importance. ~^
Much has been said and -written about the corruption of
Canadian statesmen. If the charge be intended for any thing
beyond a mere vague assertion, or to have any personal applica
tion, it is utterly untrue. For five and twenty years, it cannot
be said of any one public man, who has been a member of a
government in any one of the pro-vinces, that he has made use of
his position to advance his own pecuniary interests; nor, -with the
exception of one or two, has even political malice ventured to
make the charge. There is not one perhaps, who, had he devoted
the same attention and the same energy exclusively to his private
affau-s that he has given to the public, would not have been in
far more independent cfrcumstances. It is notorious that the
salaries of ministers, judges, and other pubhc officials ih Canada
are based upon the cfrcumstances of the country many years
since, and are, at the present day, on a scale totally inadequate to
the increased expenses of living. Bank presidents, railway
managers and others, whose remimeration is based upon abUity to dis
charge thefr duties, receive treble and quadruple the amount the best
paid pubhc man in Canada can hope to obtain, though the ser-vices
are not more onerous, or the responsibUities so great. Among
that most valued class of public servants who constitute the
permanent staff of the departments, where knowledge and
experience are invaluable to preserve regularity and uniformity,
the ablest and the best frequently leave the public service, to find
in other employments more adequate compensation; and the
benefit of long training and tried integrity is thus lost.

396 CONFEDERATION.
It is true the remedy is in the hands of the Canadian Parlia
ment; but in Canada, as well as in England, the public service
sometimes suffers from an injudicious economy in the public
expenditure, and the proposition fpr any change in an improved
dfrection is at once met by reference to the salaries in the United
States and republican simpHcity, ignoring the fact that in that
country small salaries are supplemented by inordinate fees, and
sometimes — sometimes too often — by the grossest corruption. That
the value of a coUectorship of customs in New York — a govem
ment and not a municipal appointment — is estimated at $100,000
per annum, whUe the prime minister of Canada receives as a salary
$5,000, and the highest chief justice in the Dominion but $5,500,
a little over a £1,000 sterlmg, and no fees.
No public official in Canada can, if he is " blessed -with Solo-
man's quiver full of them," possibly bring up, educate and plant
his famUy on an official salary, and it therefore redounds to thefr
credit that, Canadian statesmen can chaUenge the charge of cor
ruption and defy the proof. They are not open even to the im.
putation of the Spartan quality conveyed in La Bruyere's subtle
sarcasm, " L'honnete horn me est 'celue qui ne vole pas sur les
grands' chemins et qui ne tue personne."*
If the application is intended in thefr pohtical capacity, then
Canadian statesmen may safely refer to the practice of their coun
trymen in England, and to the conduct of the Imperial cabinet
and statesmen. The exercise of patronage in the appointment to
office of the supporters of Government, where integrity and
capacity to discharge the duties of the office exist, is simply the
history of English parliamentary government, and is perfectly
legitimate. If the charge be intended only in that general sense,
which it is impossible to reduce to anything definite either indi-vi-
dually or collectively, though it might be treated -with indifference,
¦ and reference be made to the days of Walpole and Pelham, and
even of the later Pitt, not forgetting Lord Panmure's celebrated
Crimean telegram, "Take care of Dowb" — and Canadian states
men might in this respect court comparison -with any Government
*"Honestman, (undetected) pilfer, steal or prig, but don't rob on the public highway,
or commit murder."

CONFEDERATION. 397
that now exists, or has existed in England during the last half-
century — it is simply necessary to deny the charge in the strongest
terms. Canadian statesmen do not pretend to be Purists. They
are principally practical men, who have worked their way to posi
tion by the advocacy of progressive measures and the exercise of
sound common sense. Very few of them can claim the benefit of
hereditary distinction, and most of them are indebted to thefr
personal quahties alone for any influence they command. They are
very much like their English prototypes ; and the press in Canada
would expose corruption, individually or collectively, if it really
existed, quite as readUy as the press in England. Such charges,
when made in Canada, in the general terms in which they are
made, are, it is generally considered, used as election cries, and
mostly come from parties who have been members of the same
Govemment, and, ha-ving separated, like quarrelling members of
¦the same famUy, abuse each other with intensest hatred. It is to
be regretted that such a practice should ever have obtained. But
it does more harm to Canada abroad than at home. Such charges,
when made by English -writers, may in almost every instance be
traced -to some disappointed applicant for place. Too many strangers
come out to Canada, thinking thefr appointment to office would
be conferring a great boon upon the country, and are vexed at the
want of appreciation evinced by its inhabitants. They forget that
they must work on the soU before they can reap its fruits.
On the 1st July, 1867, Lord Monck issued a proclamation
announcing his appointment as Governor-General of the Dominion,
and Canadians assumed the control of territories vast in thefr
extent and resources, which, under wise legislation and honest
industry, -will, -with God's blessmg, advance in prosperity and
influence, and add to the welfare and happiness of the human race.

APPEIsTDIX.

{GTiap. 2, page 79.)
STATEMENTS
Explanatory of the Financial Position of Canada, and a comparison thereof
with the position of the other British North American Colonies in 1864.
(Issued by the Department of the Minister of Finance, Canada in 1865.)
Statement respecting the Funded Debt of Canada, and the Sinking Funds
held for its redemption.

Funded Debt.

Sinking Funds
held for
its redemption.

Net Funded
Debt.

1861.
1862.1863. 1864.

$65,626,478 67,567,40865,238,64961,824,367

.?7,453,458 7,620,434
4.883,177 1.536,792

$58,173,020 59,946,974
60,355,47260,287,575

These figures are from the "Statements of Affairs of the Province," being
Table I., in the Public Accounts of each year, signed by Wm. Dickinson, Esq.,
Deputy Inspector General.

Statement respecting Imports into Canada, and Duty paid thereon, in each
year since 1861.

Imports.

Duty.

Per Centage of
Duty on
Total Imports.

1861 ,
1862 ,
I8631864 .

$43,054,836 48,600,63345,964,493 52,498,066

$4,768,193 4,652,749 5-169,173
6,637,503

II. I
9.6
II. 2
12.6

The figures relating to the Imports and Duty for 1861, 1862 and 1863 are
from the Trade and Navigation Returns, prepared each year under the super
intendence of R. S. M. Bouchette, Esq., Commissioner of Customs and Excise.
Those for 1864 are from MSS. tables.

APPENDIX.

399

Statement respecting the Population of Canada at the periods undermen
tioned.

Population by the Census of January, 1852.
Upper Canada. Lower Canada. Total.
952.004  890,261  1.842,265
Population by the Census of January, 1861.
Upper Canada. Lower Canada. Total.
1,396,091  1,111,566  2,507,657
Population, assuming the same rate of increase, in January op
each succeeding Year.
Upper Canada. Lower Canada. Total.
1862  1,456,800  1,139,400  2,596,200
1863  1,520,100  1,167,800  2,687,900
1864  1,586,130  1,196,949  2,783,079
1865  1,655,100  1,226,800  2,881,900
The figures for 1852 and i86i are from the Official Reports of the Census.

Calculation as to the Duty paid /^rr head of the population of Canada, dur
ing the last four years ; also as to the Debt, Ordinary Revenue* and
Ordinary Expenditure /^r head.

Tear.

Duty
per head.

Debt
per head.

Revenue
per head.

Expenditure per head.

18611862
1863
1864,

$1 83
1 73
I 85
2 30

$22 31
22 30
21 69
20 92

I3 35
3 10
3 48
3 79

$427 4 03
3 75
3 52

* For the amount of Revenue and Expenditure see pages 402-3-4-5.

400 APPENDIX.
CONDENSED BALANCE SHEET OF THE PROVINCE OF
CANADA, ON DECEJWBER 31ST, 1864.
Dk.
Funded Debt— Direct  $60,950,101 13
Do. Indirect  874,266 64

Indebtedness to Ti-ust Funds : —
School Funds  1,966,813 87
Indian Funds  1,614,519 00
Miscellaneous Funds .... 569,650 59

$61,824,367 77

4, "50,983 46

Miscellaneous Accounts  735,239 '4
Bank Accounts  3,350,507 26
Liabilities in connection with the Seigniorial Tenure  4,118,202 62
Consolidated Fund  2,043,761 40

$76,223,061 65
Note. — To arrive at the $67,500,000 at which Canada is to enter the Confederation, see
the Calculation on page 405. Cr.
Sinking-Funds  $1,536,792 IS
Pro'vincial Works, viz. : —
*(«) St. Lawrence Canals  $7,406,269 86
{6) Welland Canal  7,309,849 16
{c) Chambly Canal and River Richelieu
Improvements  433,807 83
(d) Burlington Bay Canal  308,328 32
{e) Lake St. Peter Improvements  1,098,225 08
(/) Ottawa Works  1, 148,690 16
Improvement of the Trent  558,506 20
(g) Harbours and Light Houses  2,549,617 42
Roads and Bridges  1,726,695 34
Government Buildings at Ottawa .. 1,812,508 71
(/;) Lqans to Incorporated Companies . . 142,154 52
Miscellaneous Works and Buildings 1,860,862 13

26,355,524 73
Due by Building and Harbour Funds (i)  874,266 64
Railway Debenture, Accounts : —
(_;) Grand Trunk Railway, including
Subsidiary Lines  15,312,894 17
{i) Great Western Railway  2,810,500 00
(/) Northern Railway  2,311,666 67

20,435,060 84
Railway Interest and Special Accounts  9,642,025 15
Municipal Loan Fund Accounts («)  12,890,837 95
Miscellaneous Accounts  1,064,439 01
Due by Trust Funds  779,439 84
Consolidated Fund Investment Account  689,635 69
Bank of Upper Canada, Special Account  1,250,000 OI
Bank Accounts, including Crown Lands ($60,036 64)  7o5,o39 64

76,223,061 65
* For Notes see succeeding page.

APPENDIX. 401
(a) The St. Lawrence and Welland Canals — together 54 miles long, with 54 locks and a
lockage of 535 feet— enable vessels to pass from the Upper Lakes to the Ocean.
The St. Lawrence Canal locks, 24 in number, besides guard-locks, are 9 feet deep
45 broad and 200 long, and can pass vessels 186 feet long, 44% broad and 9 deep.
(b) The Welland Canal locks, are 10 feet deep, 26% broad and 150 long, and can pass
vessels 142 feet long, 26 broad and xo deep.
(c) The Chambly Canal enables vessels to pass from the St. Lawrence into Lake Cham
plain. It has 9 locks (besides the St. Ours), 7 feet deep, 24 broad and 122 long.
{d) The Burlington Bay Canal, or Cut, opens up Burlington Bay to the trade of Lake
Ontario. (e) The Improvements St. Peter Lake will soon enable sea-going vessels to go up to
Montreal, drawing 20 feet of water. They have been effected by dredging.
(/) The " Ottawa Works" are Timber Slides and Dams, enabling the Lumber of the
Ottawa Country to be floated down to tide-water without injury from falls or rapids.
{g) The Light Houses and Harbours include those on the Lakes as well as on the sal^
water. (h) Thepvincipal loan was to the Desjardin's Canal Company. This Canal connects the
town of Dundas with Burlington Bay.
(i) $481,426 67 of this is due by Montreal Harbour.
(y) The Grand Trunk R. R. Co. now controls 1,377 miles of railway, in addition to the
54 miles of the Ottawa and Prescott Railway, which it works for the Ottawa and Prescott
Rail\vay Company.
(k) The Great Western Railway and its branches are 345 miles in length.
(/) The Northern Railway is 94 miles long.
(«) The advances made to the various Municipalities under the Municipal Loan Fund
Account, secured the construction of various important works, such as the Ottawa and Pres
cott Railway ; the'Brockville and Ottawa Railway, 81 miles ; the London and Port Stanley
Railway, 24 miles. Also Water Works and other valuable local improvements.

COMPARATIVE STATEMENT OF THE ENTIRE PAYMENTS AND REVENUES OF THE PROVINCE OF CANADA, 1861, 1862,
1863 AND 1864, DISTINGUISHING ORDINARY FROM EXTRAORDINARY PAYMENTS AND REVENUES.

O

PAYMENTS.

I. Interest on Public Debt, charges of Management, &c 
2. Redemption of Public Debt 
3. Civil Govemment, including Pensions 
4. Administration of Justice, including Prison Inspection, &c 
5. Legislation  ,  , . , . .
6. Education, Grants to Literary Societies and Geological Survey 
7. Hospitals and Charities 
8. Militia and Enrolled Force  ". 
9. Agricultural Societies, Grants to 
lo. Public Works and Buildings, Rents and Repairs, Roads and Bridges, Steam and Coast Service.
Ti. Redemption of Seigniorial Rights 
12. Advances and Payments to Subsidiary Lines 
13. Municipalities Fund  ^ 
14. Indian Fund and Indian Annuities 
15. Minor Payments 
16. Collection of Revenue 
Redemption of Public Debt (to be deducted) 
Expenditure 
From this may also be deducted the following exceptional expenditure :—
Cost of the Ottawa Buildings  , 
Subsidiary Lines 
Extraordinary Advances  , 
Reception of H. R. H. the Prince of Wales 
Leaving as the Total Expenditure, less exceptional items , , «, ,  , 

1861.

$
3,962,5882,738.872 47i»79S849,329
463,125545.009272,042 84,688
102,620
1,799,966 224,133751,669445.314 135,146
389,075
1,507,463

14,742,834 2,738,872

12,003,962

655,149 340,000
364,945 63,225

1,423,319

10,480,643

1862.

$
4,021,2x9 279,831529,093851.479
432,048567,770 307,687 98.44s
108,349
1,389,144 379,849304.052313.385 139.439
249.354
1.424.779

11.395.923 279,831

11,116,092

17.739
83,590
199,012

297.341

1863.

3.995. 2S7
4.i66,37S 470,988878,338
627,378 566,380
250,942481,116 105,696
1,247,668 222,608 89,519
142.33417S.760
260,090
1.228,733

14,909,182 4.166,375

10,742,807

248,348

296,348

10,446,459

1864.

$
4.126,3173.957.740 473.198840,516379,959
492,392 299,331
317,061 110,019
1,393,107 199.699 12,290
104,119168,420
262,621
1,408,093

14,544,882 3,957,740

10,587,142

458.077

458.077

10,129,065

RECEIPTS.

13-
14.15-16.17-18.19.20. 21.

Customs  , 
Excise 
Post Office and Ocean Postage 
Public Works and Provincial Steamers.
Territorial .

Interests on Investments, Premium and Discount  , 
Minor Revenues of the Consolidated Fund, 
Miscellaneous Receipts on open Accounts 
Debentures and Stock 
Sales of PubUc Works and Buildings 
Municipal Loan Fund 
Investment ex Consolidated Canadian Loan 
Ocean Steam Company  „ 
Bank of Upper Canada — Special Account 
Grand Trunk R.R. Advance and Postal Subsidy Account 
Miscellaneous Guaranteed and Advance Accounts 
Municipalities Fund 
Education, and School Funds  ^  ,, ,.
Indian Fund 
Minor Trust Funds 
Received onjTrust from Provident Savings Bank, Bursar of University, and Quebec Bishopric

Receipts from Sales of Debentures and Stock (to be deducted) 
Revenue 
From this may also be deducted the following exceptional Receipts : —
Grand Trunk Railway Advance Accounts 
Ocean Steam Company Advance Account 
Investment ex Consolidated Canadian Loan 
Received oh Trust, He. (item 21) 
Bank of Upper Canada Special Account 

Leaving as the total Revenue, less exceptional items.

1861. $
4,774.562 344,665
457,726355,198678,923 508,236131,983268,473
2,756,306 7,697
279,388867,749 189,620

1,000
116,483
325,025 i6t,455256,629 28,942
145.521

12,655,581 2,756,306

9,899,275

1,000
189,620867,749145,521

1,203,890

8,695,385

1862.

4,652,183 500,313
408,717A2i,4j6i 629,886
398,119 90,238
252,098
2,220,760 1,362
130,074 60,000 1,225

230,806201,938 240,229 165,790 24,005

10,629,204 2,220,760

8,408,444

1,225
60,000

61,225

1863. $
5,171,080 829,802
438.864 575,823
682,796520,524 71,410
287,014
4,622,192 3.228
354.755 21,368

39.966
145,260171,448 172,081
223,410 51,487

14,382,508 4,622,192

9.760.316

39,96621.368

61.334

8,347,219 9,698,982 10,935,300

1864. $
6,664,326 860,914664,946
429,910584,846
319.487 165,410
320,620
4,354,582 15-646
174,850

236,667

165,016164,606189,918176,698 38,107

15,526,549 4, 354*582

11,171,967

236,667

236,667

This Statement is taken from the Table prefixed to the Public Accounts of i86i, 1862, 1863 by John Langton, Esq., Auditor. The figures for 1864, are from a Return laid before ^
Parliament. ^

404

APPENDIX.

Statement relating to the Area, Acres surveyeel, and Acres disposed of, in the
five Eastern Colonies of British North America, i86j.

Province.

Area in
Square Miles.

Acres
Surveyed to
Dec. 31, 1863.

Acres disposed of
by Sale or Grant
to Dec. 31, 1863.

Newfoundland 

40,200 18,660
27,105 2,100
331,280

* 1 00, 000

Nova Scotia 

*5, 748, 893
7,551,909
*I, 365,400
39,331,791

New Bmnswick 

7,850,000

Prince Edward Island 

49,084,587

Total 
419.345
54,097.993
_ The figures marked with an asterisk (*) are not taken from official sources, but are
believed to be approximately correct. ,
There would thus remam 214,282,817 acres in the hands of the Crown.
Population and its Rate of Increase.
Province.
4
-1
1 .
¦si
Rate of annual increase sinceprevious Census — percent.
Estimated popula tion,
Jan., 1864.assuming [the same rateof
increase.
Ncvirfoundland* 
124,288
330,857
252,047 80,857
2,507,657
1857i86i186118611861
1.501.82
2.602.07 3-48
137,000
349,300
272,780 85,992
2,783,079
New Brunswick 
Prince Edward Island 
Canada 
Total 
3,295,706
3,628,151
* Including the Labrador Shore.
_ The population is calculated to the end of 1863, (or beginning of 1S64,) in order to
arrive at a correct estimate of the Debt, Revenue, &c., of the several Provinces per head,
for which see next page. •
Revenue, Expenditure, Debt, Imports, Duty and Exports in 1863.
Revenue, 1863.
Expendi
ture, 1863.
FundedDebt, 1863,
lessSink ingFundheld for
its redemp tion.
Imports, 1863.
Exports,
Total
Value.
Total
Duty.
1863.
Newfoundland 
$480,000
1,185,629 899.991 197,384
9,760,316
$479,420
1,072,274 884,613 171,718
10,742,807
$946,000
4,858,547 5,702,991 240,573
60,355,472
$5,242,724 10,201,391 7,764,824 1,428,028
45,964.493
$483,640 861,989
•767,354 145,372
5,169,173
$6,002,212 8,420,9688,964,784 1,627,540
41,831,532
New Brunswick 
Prince Edward Island
Canada 
Total, 1863 
12,523,320
13,350,832
72,103,583
70,601,460
7.427.528
66,847,036
Canada, 1864 
10,918,337
10,587,142
60,287,57s
52,498,066 ¦ 6,637,503
38,665,446
* There is also a duty on Exports (Lumber) of $68,634.
appendix.

405

Calculations as to the Revenue, Expenditure, Debt, Imports, ets., per head of
the Population in each Province.

Province.

0 :«
lis
FL4 CF<

S 0 J
ft^S 0

r4

(UTS Q,
0|°

t; 0 rt
111

fill

Exports per head of
the population.

Newfoundland .
Nova Scotia . . .
New Brunswick
Pr. Edward Isl.
Canada 

3.41
18.72 1 0.06
40.95 8.40

$C.
3 50
3 39
3 29
2 29
3 51

$ c.
3 49
3 10
3 24
2 00
386

$ c.
6 90
13 91
20 91
2 79
21 69

$ c.
382729 20
28 46
17 61
16 51

$ c.
3 53
2 46
2 81
I 69
I 8s

$ c.
43 81
24 II
32 86
18 93
15 03

Average. . .

8.32

3 45

3 68

19 83

19 18

2 04

18 42

Canada, 1864. .

8.69

3-79

3.67

20.93

18.23

2.30

13.42

The following calculation shows how the debt at which Canada is to enter
the Confederation was arrived at. The figures are somewhat different from
those on the balance sheet on page 400, chiefly because ajlarge amount of debt
has been paid off by the Sinking Funds, and frora changes incident to the
transactions of the year 1864.
The Auditor's Statement of the Liabilities of Canada, in 1863.
Debenture Debt, direct and indirect  $65,238,649 21
Miscellaneous liabilities  ?..... 64,426 14
Common School Fund  i, 181,958 85
Indian Fund  I,577,!502 46
Banking Accounts  3,396,982 81
Seigniorial Tenure :
Capital to Seigniors  12,899,711 09
Chargeable on Municipalities' Fund . . 196,719 66
On account of Jesuits' Estates  140,271 87
Indemnity to the Townships  891,500 00
 4,118,202 62
75,578,022 og
Less — Sinking Funds  $4,883, 177 11
Cash and Bank Accounts  2,248,891 87
Common School Fund  1,181,958 85
 8,314,027 83
Leaving as Net LiabiUties  $67,263,994 26

406 APPENDIX.
Coasting Trade. — {Chap. 6, page 157.)
As the question of the Coasting Trade is of much importance to
Canada, both at present and still more so in view of future con
tingencies — and her policy on this subject differs from that of the
Imperial Government — it is as well to refer to the Imperial and
Canadian Acts, by which it was and is regulated, namely :
The Customs Consolidation Act, ('Impeb.ial,^ 16 & 17 Vic,
Cap. 107, A.D., 1853.
Sec. 163. — No goods or passengers shall be carried from one
part of any British possession in Asia, Africa, or America, to an
other part of the same possession, except in British ships.
Sec. 328. — If the Legislature or proper legislative authority of
any of the British possessions abroad shall present an address to
Her Majesty, praying Her Majesty to authorize or permit the
conveyance of goods or passengers from one part of such possession
to another part thereof, in other than British .ships; or if the
Legislatures of any two or more possessions, which, for the pur
poses of this Act, Her Majesty in Council shall declare to be
neighbouring possessions^ shall present addresses or a joint address
to Her Majesty, praying Her Majesty to place the trade between
them on the footing of a coasting trade, or of otherwise regulating
the same, so far as relates to the vessels in which it is to be car
ried on, it shall thereupon be lawful for Her Majesty, by Order
in Council, so to authorize the conveyance of such goods or pas
sengers, or so to regulate the trade between such neighbouring
possessions, as the case may be, on such terms and under such
conditions as to Her Majesty may seem good.
By the Merchants' Shipping Colonial Act, 1869, (Imperial
Act,) Sec. 328, of 16 and 17 Vic, Cap. 107, just quoted, was at
once repealed.
Sec. 163 was declared to be repealed after two years, unless in
the British possessions some local Act or ordinance was in the
meantime passed, retaining its provisions.
Canada, by the same Act it was declared, was to be deemed to
be one British possession, thus_^ doing away with any inference

APPENDIX. 407
'that the pre-existing rights of the separate Provinces, to legislate
or act in this matter, still continued.
Canada, not concurring in the views of the British Government
and Parliament, that the coasting trade should be thrown open to
the United States or other foreign nations — which would not
reciprocate to the same degree — immediately passed an Act (Chap.
14, 1870, Canadian Statutes, Coasting Trade,) preserving the pro
visions of Sec. 163, of Cap. 107, 16 and 47 Vic. (A.D. 1853), so
far as applicable to Canada; under which Act "no foreign vessels
will be allowed to carry goods or passengers between any parts or
places in the Dominion, unless allowed to do so by order of the
Governor in Council, who has power under the Act to open the
coasting trade to the shipping of any foreign country in which
British ships and vessels are admitted to the coasting trade of
such country." — (Vide Marine and Fisheries' Report, 1871, 62.)

Lowry's Pamphlet, p. 10. — {Page 178, Chap. 6.)
The Official Returns show the real decrease in 1866 and 1867
to have been over $9,000,000, but of the increase in 1868
.82,000,000 must be credited to the Provinces of New Brunswick
and Nova Scotia, which had come into confederation on the 1st of
July, 1867. Tereitoeial Fishery Rights. — [Page 183, Chap. 6.)
The value of these fishery rights may be best estimated by
reference to the very able report of the Minister of Marine and
Fisheries, the Hon. Peter Mitchell, for the year 1870, laid before
Parliament in the session of 1871. He says, speaking of the fish
caught by British and American fishermen, " The aggregate value
of the fish products of the Provincial fisheries is nearly $17,000,000,
and is susceptible of being increased to a very much greater value."
"The estimated annual catch of the American fishermen, chiefly
within the three mile limits, is valued at about $8,000,000,''
employing a capital of $9,000,000. The actual value for exports.
tion in th°e confederated Provinces alone, exclusive of any caught
by foreigners, is over $7,000,000. The increase in Nova Scotia,

408 appendix.
in the case of mackerel, is very marked, having gone up, as
appears by the returns for 1871, from 85,264 barrels in 1870 to
142,898 barrels in 1871. If to the $7,000,000 for exportation
$1,000,000 be added.for home consumption, the annual value is
upwards of $8,000,000. The system adopted during the last three
years, both as to the regulation of the sea coast and inshore, as
well as the inland fisheries, has materially increased their produc
tiveness, and is improving the position of our fishermen. Mr.
Mitchell says (page 70), " There is a general concurrence of opin
ion that the active exclusion of foreign fishermen from the waters
of Canada, has enabled Canadian fishermen to pursue their calling
to much greater advantage than formerly."
With reference to the constant negotiations with the United
States in regard to these fisheries, it may be observed, there is
no compensation, pecuniary or commercial — except the most unre
stricted access to the markets of the United States, on equal terms
with their own fisherman, without bounties or discriminating
duties of any kind in favor of the latter — that can in any way be
equivfilent to the concession of the joint enjoyment of the fisheries
in Canadian waters. It would be a mockery, by treaty or other
wise, to say that their markets will be thrown open, if the com
petitors with Canadian fishermen in those markets are to receive
exceptional advantages, which neutralize the privileges of access
thereto. If on one side privileges are given, on the other the ex
clusive territorial right equalizes the position; but if the joint use
is added to the former, the advantage is all on one side. It is
true, no one can prevent the United States Congress from legis
lating, by bounties or otherwise, as they please; but it is equally
true the Canadian territorial fishing rights cannot be taken away
without the consent of the Canadian Parliament. It may be ques
tioned whether, in view of Canada's future position as a maritime
nation, any equivalent can be ofiered for the concession of the joint
use of the in-shore fisheries.
The exclusive right of Canada to these fisheries is so undoubted
under the law of nations, that even the proposition in the late
Treaty of Washington (1871), to pay a pecuniary sum for the dif
ference in value that might be proved to exist between the rela-

appendix. 409
tive value of the right of fishing in American waters and of fish
ing in Canadian waters, though serving as an admission, was not
requisite in any way to strengthen the right.
The legal authorities on this question have been most admirably
collated in a small pamphlet, by Mr. W. F. Whitcher, the Com
missioner of Fisheries of the Marine and Fishery Department.

Howe's Comments on the Imperial Policy — {Page 188, Chap. 6.)
So prevalent is this idea of the United States getting the better
of England in negotiations, that even Ministers of the Crown are
not always reticent. Since the foregoing was in press, the Hon.
Joseph Howe, the Secretary of State for the Provinces, delivered
an address in Ottawa, from which the following extract is taken.
"The Cabinet, it is said, not concurring in these views, had it sup
pressed immediately; but the enterprise of the Globe newspaper
disinterred it, before the sod had hardened, and it was published
broadcast." Coming from a Cabinet minister, it will doubtless be
quoted as of weight; but it is submitted that on two points at
least, it does not in any sense represent the true feelings of Cana
dians. The latter have not that abject dread of the United States
which would be engendered by such reasoning; nor have they that
distrust of the British Govemment which would be implied from
the alleged facts as stated. The withdrawal of the troops was a
mere matter of intemal Imperial policy, which has done Canada
good instead of harm. If Great Britain retains the expensive
charge of the fortifications at Halifax, nothing more in peace ought
to be expected. The British Govemment have given the assu
rance to Canada, that if the latter would do her duty towards
maintaining an efficient militia, the former, "in the event of war,
would undertake the defence of every portion of Canada with all
the resources of the empire." And there lies at the bottom of the
EngHsh character a principle which, with all its forbearance, will
never let a portion of the empire be severed from it in dishonour:
27

410 appendix.
(Special Telegraph to the Globe.)
Ottawa, February 29, 1872.
The following is an extract from the lecture delivered by Hon.
Joseph Howe, on Tuesday night, before the Young Men's Chris
tian Association. It is the part which has been taken exception
to in the Cabinet, and which has led to the suppression of the
entire speech by the press. It may be relied on as accurate :
" He (Mr. Howe) had said that to meet the requirements of this
position they must endeavour to grasp the whole Dominion ; and
he would add, that in no country he had ever heard or read of, in
ancient or modern times, was the strain on the mental and bodily
powers of the whole population greater than it was in this Do
minion. We could not afibrd to have a laggard, an idler, or a
coward; there were not four millions of us all told, and we had
undertakto to govern half a continent, with forty millions of
ambitious and agressive people on the other side of a frontier three
thousand miles long. If each British American could multiply
himself five-fold we should not have more than half the brain
power and physical force necessary to keep our rivals in check,
and to make our position secure. To enable them correctly to
estimate their true position, it would only be necessary to enquire
into the reasons why France, with a warlike population of thirty
millions, studded with fortresses, and with its capital elaborately
protected by engineering skUl, was, during the last summer, over
run, beaten down, and stripped of hundreds of millions of pounds'
by the victorious Prussians. What was the explanation of the
extraordinary military phenomena which had startled the world in
18711 Why, simply that the Prussians contrived to have one man
and a-half, and sometimes two, to one, on nearly every battle-field
where they met their enemies. Whether they were better pre
pared, whether their combinations were more scientific, or their
strategy was more perfect, may be a matter of controversy; but
as far as he had been enabled to study the aspects of the war, the
French were overpowered because they were outnumbered. In
any contest with our neighbours, assuming that we were united
to a man, if the enemy knew his business we must expect to have

APPENDIX. 41 1
ten men to one against us, — ten needle-guns, or Sniders, or En-
fields, whatever the weapon might be, — so that they would per^
ceive that they must face at least five or sis times the odds by
which the French were overpowered. But that was not the worst
of it. Ten children were born on the other side of the line for
one that was bom on this, and however we might change the pro
portions by increased energy, five emigrants went to the United
States for every one that came to Canada, so that at the end of
«very decade, the disproportions would be multiplied to our disad
vantage. We might overlook these inequalities, and live in a
fool's paradise of imaginary security; but if we were wise we
would face our dangers, and prepare for them with a clear appre-
•ciation of their magnitude. But it might be said, Were we not a
part of the great Empire upon which the sun never sets, which con
tains three hundred millions of people, whose wealth defied esti
mate, whose army was perfect in discipline, and whose great navy
•dominated the sea? What had we to fear when such an Empire
protected us? This was our ancient faith and proud boast. Under
every trial, in the full belief that they were British subjects, that
the allegiance which they had to the Crown of England entitled
them to protection, our forefathers helped to conquer and organize
these provinces. But of late new doctrines had been propounded
in the mother country. The disorganization of the Empire had
been openly promulgated in leading organs; our brethren within
the narrow seas had been counselled to adopt a narrow policy ; to
call home their legions, and leave the Provinces without sympathy
or protection; and under the influences of panic and imaginary
Battles of Dorking, troops were to be massed in the British Islands
and their shores were to be surrounded by iron-clads. One Cabi
net Minister told them that British America could not be depended
upon; another that he hoped the whole continent would peace
fully repose and prosper under republican institutions; and the
third, on the eve of negotiations that were to involve our dearest
interests, stripped Canada of every soldier, gathered up every old
sentry-box and gun-cairiage that he could find, and shipped them
off to England. He did not desire to anticipate the full discus
sion which Parliament would give to England's recent diplomatic

412 APPENDIX.
efibrts to buy her own peace at the sacrifice of our interests, or to
that comedy of errors into which she had blundered. But he
might say that the time was rapidly approacliing when Canadians
and Englishmen must have a clear understanding as to the obliga-
g5i.tions of the future. If Imperial policy is to cover the whole
ground upon the faith of which our forefathers settled and im
proved, let this be understood. We will know then what to do.
But if shadows, clouds and darkness were to rest upon the future;
if thirty millions of Britons were to hoard their rascal counters
within two small islands, gather round them the troops and war
ships of the Empire, and leave four millions of Britons to face
forty millions, and to defend a frontier of 3,000 miles, then let us
know what they are at, and our future policy would be governed
by that knowledge. No cabinet had yet dared to shape this
thought and give it utterance. Leading newspapers had told us
that our presence within the Empire was a source of danger, and
the time for separation was approaching, if it had not already
arrived. Noble Lords and Commoners had sneeringly told us we
might go when we were inclined. As yet, neither the Crown,
Parliament, nor people of England had dehberately averred this
policy of dismemberment, although the tendency of English
thought and legislation daily deepened the conviction that the
drift was all that way. His young friends must wait for further
development; not without anxiety for the future, but with a firm
reliance on the goodness of Providence and our own ability to so
shape the policy of our country as to protect it by our wit, should
Englishmen, unmindful of the past, repudiate their national
obligations."

Chap. 8, page 286. — From Chalmers' Collection of Treaties, vol. 1,
A.D. 1655 to 1787. (Edition of 1790.)
Treaties of Paris and Versailles, 1763 and 1783.
The definitive treaty of peace and friendship between His
Britannic Majesty, the most Christian King, and the King of
Spain; concluded at Paris the 10th day of February, 1763. To
which the King of Portugal acceded on the same day.

appendix. 413
In the name of the most holy and undivided Trinity, Father,
Son, and Holy Ghost. So be it.
Be it known to aU those to whom it shall or may in any
manner belong.
It has pleased the Most High to diflfiise the spirit of union and
concord among the Princes, whose divisions had spread the
troubles in the four parts of the world, and to inspire them with
the inclination to cause the comforts of peace to succeed the mis
fortunes of a long and bloody war, which having arisen between
England and France, during the reign of the most serene and
most potent Piiuce George the Second, by the grace of God,
King of Great Biitain, of glorious memory, continued under the
reign of the most serene and most potent Priuce George the
Third, his successor, and, in its progress, communicated itself to
Spain and Portugal ; consequently the most serene and most
potent Prince George the Third, by the grace of God King of
Great Britain, France, and Ireland, Duke of Brunswick and
Lurenburg, arch-treasurer and elector of the holy Roman Empire,
the most serene and most potent Prince, Lewis the Fifteenth, by
the grace of God, most Christian King, and the most serene and
most potent Prince Charles the Third, by the grace of God, King
of Spain and of the Indies, after having laid the foundations of
peace in the preliminaries, signed at Fontainbleau the 3rd of
November last ; and the most serene and most potent Prince Don
Joseph the First, by the grace of God, King of Portugal and of
the Algarves, after having acceded thereto, determined to com
plete without delay this great and important work. For this
purpose the high contracting parties have named and appointed
their respective ambassadors extraordinary and ministers pleni
potentiary, &c., who after having duly communicated their full
powers in due form, &c., agreed upon articles the tenor of which
is as follows :
1. There shall be a Christian, universal, and perpetual peace, as
weU by sea as by land, and a sincere and constant friendship shall
be re-established between their Britannic, most Christian, Catholic
and most faithful Majesties, and between their heirs and succes
sors, kiugdoms, dominions, provinces, countries, subjects, and

414 appendix.
vassals, of what quality and condition soever they be, without
exception of places or persons ; so that the high contracting
parties shall give the greatest attention to maintain between them
selves and their said dominions and subjects, this reciprocal
friendship and correspondence, without permitting on either side
any kind of hostilities by sea or by land, to be committed from
henceforth, for any cause or under any pretence whatsoever, and
everything shall be carefully avoided which might hereafter preju
dice the union happily re-established, applying themselves on the
contrary on every occasion to procure for each other whatever
may contribute to their mutual glory, interests, and advantages,
without giving any assistance or protection, directly or indirectly,
to those who would cause any piejudice to either of the high con
tracting parties : there shall be a general oWivion of everything
that may have been done or committed before, or since, the com
mencement of the war which is just ended.
4. His most Christian Majesty renounces all pretensions which
he has heretofore formed, or might form, to Nova Scotia or
Acadia, in all its parts, and guarantees the whole of it, and with
all its dependencies, to the King of Great Britain : moreover, his
most Christian Majesty cedes and guarantees to his said Britannic
Majesty, in full right, Canada, with all its dependencies, as weU.
as the Island of Cape Breton, and all the other islands and coasts
in the Gulf and River Saint Lawrence, and, in general, every
thing that depends on the said countries, lands, islands, and coasts,
with the sovereignty, property, possession, and all rights acquired
by treaty or otherwise, which the most Christian King and the
Crown of France have had till now over the said countries,
islands, lands, places, coasts, and their inhabitants, so that the
most Christian King cedes and makes over the whole to the said
King and to the Crown of Great Britain, and that in the most
ample manner and form, without restriction, and without any
liberty to depart from the said cession and guarantee, itnder any
pretence, or to disturb Great Britain in the possessions above-
mentioned. His Britannic Majesty, on his side, agrees to grant
the liberty of the Catholic religion to the inhabitants of Canada :
he will consequently give the most precise and most effectual

APPENDIX. 415
orders, that his new Roman Catholic subjects may profess the
worship of their religion, according to the rite^ of the Romish
Church, as far as the laws of Great Britain permit. His Britannic
Majesty further agrees, that the French inhabitants, or others
who had been subjects of the most Christian King in Canada,
may retire, with all safety and freedom, wherever they shall think
proper, and may sell their estates, provided it be to subjects of his
Britannic Majesty, and bring away their efiects, as well as their
persons, without being restrained in their emigration, under any
pretence whatsoever, except that of debts, or of criminal prosecu
tions : the term limited for this emigration shall be fixed to the
space of eighteen months, to be computed from the day of the
exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty.
5. The subjects of France shall have the liberty of fishing and
drying, on a part of the coasts of the Island of Newfoundland,
such as it is specified in the 13th article of the Treaty of Utrecht ;
which article is renewed and confirmed by the present treaty
(except what relates to the Island of Cape Breton, as well as to
the other islands and coasts in the mouth and in the Gulf of the
St. Lawrence) : and His Britannic Majesty consents to leave to
the subjects of the Most Christian King the liberty of fishing in
the Gulf of St. Lawrence, on condition that the subjects of France
do not exercise the said fishery but at the distance of three leagues
from all the coasts belonging to Great Britain, as well those of the
continent as those of the islands situated in the said Gulf of St.
Lawrence. And as to what relates to the fishery on the coasts of
the Island of Cape Breton out of the said Gulf, the subjects of
the Most Christian King shall not be permitted to exercise the
said fishery but at the distance of fifteen leagues from the coasts
of the Island of Cape Breton ; aild the fishery on the coast of
Nova Scotia or Acadia, and every where else out of the said Gulf,
shall remain on the footing of former treaties.
6. The Kiag of Great Britain cedes the Islands of St. Pierre
and Miquelon, in full right to His Most Christian Majesty, to
serve as a shelter to the French fishermen; and his said Most
Christian Majesty engages not to fortify the said islands, and to
erect no buildiags upon them, but merely for the convenience of

416 APPENDIX.
the fishery ; and to keep upon them a guard of fifty men only for
the police.
7. In order to re-establish peace on solid and durable founda
tions, and to remove forever all subjects of dispute with regard to
the limits of the British and French territories on the Continent
of America, it is agreed that for the future the confines between
the dominions of His Britannic Majesty and those of His Most
Christian Majesty in that part of the world, shall be fixed irrevo
cably by a line drawn along the middle of the River Mississippi
from its source to the Iberville, and from thence by a line drawn
across this river and the lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain, to the
sea ; and for this purpose the Most Christian King cedes in full
right and guarantees to His Britannic Majesty the river and port
of Mobile, and everything which he possesses or ought to possess
on the left side of the river Mississippi, except the town of New
Orleans and the island in which it is situated, which shall remain
to France ; provided that the navigation of the river Mississippi
shall be equally free, as well to the subjects of Great Britain as to
those of France, in its whole length and breadth, from its source
to the sea, and expressly that part which is between the said Island
of New Orleans and the right bank of that river, as well as in the
passage both in and out of its mouth. It is further stipulated
that the vessels belonging to the subjects of either nation shall not
be stopped, visited, or subjected to the payment of any duty what
ever. The stipulations inserted in the 4th article in favour of the
inhabitants of Canada, shall also take place with regard to the
inhabitants of the countries ceded by this article.

Treaty of Versailles, 1783.
4. His Majesty the King of Great Britain is maintained in his
right to the Island of Newfoundland, and to the adjacent islands,
as the whole were assured to him by the thirteenth article of the
treaty of Utrecht, excepting the islands of St. Pierre and
Miquelon, which are ceded in full right by the present treaty to
His Most Christian Majesty.

APPENDIX. 417
5. His Majesty the most Christian King, in order to prevent
the quarrels which have hitherto arisen between the two nations
of England and France, consents to renounce the right of fishing,
which belongs to him in virtue of the aforesaid article of the
treaty of Utrecht, from Cape Bonavista to Cape St. John situated
on the eastern coast of Newfoundland, in fifty degrees north lati
tude ; and His Majesty the King of Great Britain consents on his
part, that the fishery assigned to the subjects of His Most Christian
Majesty, beginning at the said Cape St. John, passing to the
north, and descending by the western coast of the island of New
foundland, shall extend to the place called Cape Raye, situated in
forty seven degrees fifty minutes latitude. The French fishermen
shall enjoy the fishery which is assigned to them by the present
article, as they had the right to enjoy that which was assigned to
them by the treaty of Utrecht.
6. With regard to the fishery in the Gulf of Saint Lawrence,
the French shall continue to exercise it conformably to the fifth
article of the treaty of Paris.

Declaration.
The King having entirely agreed with His Most Christian
Majesty upon the articles of the definitive treaty, will seek every
means which shall not only insure the execution thereof, with his
accustomed good faith and punctuality, but will besides give, on
his part, all possible efficacy to the principles which shall prevent
even the least foundation of dispute for the future.
To this end, and in order that the fishermen of the two nations
may not give cause for daily quarrels. His Britannic Majesty wUl
take the most positive measui-es for preventing his subjects from
intermpting in any manner, by their competition, the fishery of
the French during the temporary exercise of it, which is granted
to them upon the coasts of the island of Newfoundland ; and he
wUl, for this piu-pose, cause tho fixed settlements, which shall be
formed there, to be removed. His Britannic Majesty wUl give
orders that the French fishermen be not incommoded, in cutting
the wood necessary for the repair of theii- scafiblds, huts, and
fishing vessels.

418 APPENDIX.
The thirteenth article of the treaty of Utrecht, and the method
of carrying on the fishery, which has at all times been acknow
ledged, shall be the plan upon which the fishery shall be carried
on there, and it shall not be deviated from by either party ; the
French fishermen building only their scafiblds, confining them
selves to the repair of their fishing vessels, and not wintering
there ; the subjects of His Britannic Majesty, on their part, not
molesting in any manner the French fishermen during their fish
ing, nor injuring their scafiblds during their absence.
The King of Great Britain, in ceding the islands of St. Pierre
and Miquelon to France, regards them as ceded for the purpose of
serving as a real shelter to the French fishermen, and in full con
fidence that these possessions wUl not become an object of jealousy
between the two nations ; and that the fishery between the said
island and that of Newfoundland, shall be limited to the middle
of the channel.

Counter- Declaration.
The principles which have guided the King in the whole course
of the negotiations which preceded the re-establishment of peace,
must have convinced the King of Great Britain that His Majesty
has had no other design than to render it solid and lasting, by
preventing as much as possible, in the four quarters of the world,
every subject of discussion and quarrel. The King of Great
Britain undoubtedly places too much confidence in the upright
ness of His Majesty's intentions, not to rely upon his constant
attention to prevent the islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon from
becoming an object of jealousy between the two nations.
As to the fishery on the coast of Newfoundland, which has been
the object of the new arrangements settled by the two sovereigns
upon this matter, it is sufficiently ascertained by the- fifth article
of the treaty of peace, signed this day, and by the declaration like
wise delivered to-day, by His Britannic Majesty's Ambassador
Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary; and His Majesty declares
that he is fully satisfied on this head.

APPENDIX. 419'
In regard to the fishery between the island of Newfoundland
and those of St. Pierre and Miquelon, it is not to be carried on,
by either party, but to the middle of the channel; and His Majesty
wUl give the most positive orders that the French fishermen shall
not go beyond the line. His Majesty is firmly persuaded that
the King of Great Britain will give like orders to the English
fishermen. The other articles and stipulations of these treaties have no
bearing upon Canada.
The 14th Geo. III., cap. 83, A.D. 1774— "An Act to make
more effectual provision for the government of Quebec" — guaran
tees to the Canadians the exercise of the Roman Catholic Reli
gion, subject to the royal supremacy.
Sec. 5. — And for the more perfect security and ease of the
minds of the inhabitants of the said Province, it is hereby de
clared. That His Majesty's subjects, professing the religion of the
Church of Rome, of and in the said Province of Quebec, may
have, hold, and enjoy the free exercises of the religion of the
Church of Rome, subject to the King's supremacy, declared and
established by an Act, made in the first year of the reign of Queen
Elizabeth, over aU the dominions and countries which then did,
or thereafter should, belong to the Imperial crown of this realm;
and that the clergy of the said Church may hold, receive, and
enjoy their accustomed dues and rights, with respect to such per
sons only as shall profess the same religion.

kETURN (in answer to an Address from the House of Commons) of Vessels owned and Registered in the Dominion of Canada on the ^
1st July, 1867. — (Chap. 10, Pagej357.) o

DESCRIPTION OF VESSEL.

Steamers, Paddle
Do. ' Screw .
Ships 
Barques 
Brigs 
Brigantines 
Schooners 
Sloops 
Barges 
Scows 
Bateaux 
Wood boats 
Not rigged 
Total . . .
Ontario 
Quebec 
New Brunswick..
Nova Scotia 
Total....

Total, 'j

No.

114164397"7
537
3,471 61
348 65
I7gZ2I 77

5,822

481
1,428 826
3.087

5.82=

Tons.

27,108 18,658
168,6:177.044 27,56297,337
igi,o8o 3,686
35.258 5.94P
8,689 7,1938,176

77S.343

66,959
155,690200,777
352,917

776.343

OCCUPATION.

Sea Going. River or Lake. Trading.

No.

99
164
377 117
520
2.774 4

304S88
3.081

3.974

Tons.

2.6137,615
168,612 170,910 27,562
92,625
134.191 54

604,182

125
63,012
188,399
352.646

604,182

No.

212 los

17
697 57
34S 65
129121 77

480
1,124 238 6

1848

Tons.

24.495 11,043

6,134

4.712
56,889 3.632
35.258 5,9408,689
7.1938.176

172,161

66,834
92,678 12,378 271

172,161

No.

221114164397 117
537
1.713 59
348 65
129121 77

4,062

480
1.386 717
1,479

4,062

Tons.

27,10818,658
168,612
177,044 27.56297.337
136,235 3.632
35.258 5,940
8,689 7.1938,176

721,444

66,937
153.959198,132
302,416

721,444

Fishing.

No.

1.758

1,760

42
109
1,608

1,760

Tons.

54,845 54

54,899

1,731
2,645
50,501

54,899

Value.

$
2,539.070 1,188,6604.964.474
5,491.970 789.352
2,926,651
4,899,783 65.760
397.472 68,36086,89071.93092,690

23.583.062

2,787,8004.633.9455.904.505
10,256,812

23.583.062

.a p.
ss3 «

2,535 1,294
3.SSSS.039 1,071
4.225
16.365 226
1,555 267
426 360317

37.235

3,1928.5486,207
19,288

37.23s

Shipping owned and registered at the Ports of Amherst, in the Province of Quebec, and Guysborough and Pugwash, in the Province of Nova Scotia,
not included in the above, no returns having been received. Total Tonnage owned in the Dominion on 1st July, 1867—5,822 vessels, 776,343 tons.
Customs Department, Ottawa, 28th April, 1868. - R. S. M. BOUCHETTE, Commissioner of Customs.

APPENDIX. 421
As TO THE Country West of Fort Garry — (Chap. 12, page 377).
Sir George Simpson speaks in glowing terms of this portion of
the Saskatchewan Valley. He says : " The rankness of the
vegetation savoured rather of the torrid zone, with its perennial
spring, than of the northern wUds — brushing the luxuriant grass
with our knees ; and the hard ground of the surface was beauti
fully diversified with a variety of flowers, such as the rose,
hyacinth and tiger lUy.''
Lieutenant Saxon depicts the scenery of these fertile valleys as
magnificent, and the banks of the rivers on either side luxuriant
beyond description. He says : " Vast forests cover the hill-tops
and till the valleys ; the climate is mUd, and cattle keep fat in
winter as well as in the summer on its nutritious grasses."
In a work called " Eighty Years' Progress in British North
America," edited by Hind, Keefer, Hodgins, Robb, Perley and
Murray, is the following description of the Fertile Belt, a part of
the praiiie plateau of Rupert's Land :
" The FertUe Belt of the North-West consists of the richest
arable soil, partly in the form of open prairie, partly covered with
groves of aspen. It stretches from the Lake of the Woods to the
foot of the Rocky Mountains, about eight hundred mUes, and
averages from eighty to one hundred mUes in breadth. The North
Saskatchewan fiows through this fertile belt in a valley varying
from one-fourth of a mile to one mile in breadth, and excavated
to the depth of two or three hundred feet below the level of the
plains or prairie through which it fiows, untU it reaches the low
country some mUes east of Fort La Come. The area of this
remarkable strip of rich soil and pasturage is about 40,000,000
acres. It was formerly a wooded country, but by successive fires
it has been partially cleared of its forest growth, but abounds with
the most luxuriant herbage, and generally possesses a deep, rich
soU of vegetable mould. The winter of this region is not more
severe than that of Lower Canada. The snow is never very deep,
and in the wUdest tracts the natural pasturage is so abundant that
horses and cattle may be left to obtain their own food during the
greater part of the winter. This perennial supply of food for cattle
might have been predicted from the fact that the North Saskat-

422 APPENDIX.
chewan, west of Carlton, supports vast herds of buffalo during the
winter season ; and formerly the whole of the Fertile Belt used to
be the favourite winter quarters of countless herds, who fattened
on the rich abundance of the natural grasses — scraping the snow
away with their feet, and never faUiag to obtain abundance of
well preserved hay beneath. The whole of the FertUe Belt is
well fitted for settlement and agricultural colonization."

As TO Land and Route from Lake Superior to Fort Garry.
1. Mr. Ryerson says: "Along the banks of Rainy Lake are
large quantities of as rich land as can be found in America."
2. As to the Lake of the Woods and Rainy River — " Sir
Geo. Simpson describes this country as a gentle slope of green
sward, finely wooded."
Again — Around this lake "the shores are low, with grassy
intervals far inland."
3. Where the Winnipeg River, running from the Lake of
the Woods, joins the Winnipeg Lake, at Fort Maurepas — Mr.
Ryerson says : " Tliis district is very rich — spring wheat being
grown here to perfection."
4. Of the land lying between Fort Garry on the Red River
and the Lake of the Woods — Capt. Pope says : " The Red River
valley is an unbroken level of rich prairie, intersected by well
timbered tributaries. Elm, oak, maple, ash, &c., aboimd. From
richness of soil, uniform surface, and water, it is among the finest
wheat countries in the world. All the cereals and vegetables
grow in abundance. Chmate salubrious."
" The soU," says Sir Geo. Simpson, speaking of the same place,
" is a black mould, producing extraordiaary crops ; the wheat
being plump and heavy ; it returns forty bushels to the acre."
See Dawson, from pages 1 to 29.

Captain Palliser's Observations.
The basin of the Winnipeg is 920 miles long by 380 wide, and
contains about 360,000 square miles — about as large as Canada.

APPENDIX. 423
Of this the FertUe Belt, consisting of the richest arable soil,
stretches from the Lake of the Woods to the foot of the Rocky
Mountains — 800 mUes, by 80 to 100 in width.
The area of rich soU and pasturage is 40,000,000 acres; weather
not more severe than Canada (Lower) ; and pasture so abundant
that horses and cattle may be left to themselves during the greater
part of the winter.
There is a large portion of this Fertile Belt entirely distinct
from Rupert's Land. The valleys of the Assiniboine and Sas
katchewan contain 65,000 square miles of cultivable land, of
which 27,000 or 17,000,000 acres are at once avaUable for the
agriculturist.

(Chap. 12, page 392.)
MEMORANDUM RESPECTING THE FINANCIAL POSITION OF
BRITISH N(JRTH AMERICA, REVENUE AND EXPENDI
TURE, FOR THE LAST FINANCIAL YEAR, i866.
REVENUE.
Canada  $12,432,748
Nova Scotia  1,665,071
New Brunswick  1,212,021
$15,309,840'
EXPENDITURE.
Canada  $11,711,320
Nova Scotia (about)  1,600,000
New Brunswick  1,080,047
 14,391,367
Surplus  1918,473
N.B. — MII.ITIA EXPENDITURE, — LAST YEAR.
Canada  $1,638,868
Nova Scotia  156,460
New Brunswick  152, 148
 1,947.476
PUBLIC DEBT OF CANADA WILL BE —
Ontario and Quebec  $62,500,000
Nova Scotia  8,000,000
New Brunswick  7,000,000
 77,500,000

424 APPENDIX.
CHARGES ON PUBLIC DEBT, — LAST YEAR.
Canada  $3,692,412
Nova Scotia  297,580
New Bnuiswick  349,283
 4,339,27s
After Union, will be about  l4,35o,ooo
TRADE AND SHIPPING. — IMPORTS. Total From Great Britain.
Canada  $48,610,477 $28,984,599
Nova Scotia  14,381,662 6,315,988
New Brunswick  7,086,595 2,284,449

$70,078,734 $37,585,036
EXPORTS.
Canada  $53,930,789 $12,766,668
Nova Scotia  8,830,693 764,472
New Brunswick  5,534,726 2,594,651

$68,296,208 $16,125,791
Exclusive of Coin and Bullion.
TONNAGE, — ENTRIES INWARDS. Tons.^
Canada  938,946
Nova Scotia  929,929
New Brunswick  807, 161

2,676,036
OUTWARDS. Tons.
Canada...'  1,113,386
Nova Scotia  772,017
New Brunswick  754,876
 2,640,279

Tons  5.316,31s
SHIPPING OWNED IN Tons.
Canada  230,429
Nova Scotia  403,409
New Brunswick  309,695

Tons  943,533

II^DEX.

Action of Imperial Government on Uuion undecided, 15 — Decided, 16 — On
Confederation, 127 — On Colonial Taxation, 351-2 — On British and
Foreign Trade, 153, 342, 352 — On Intercolonial Trade, 345-6-7 — On
British American I nterprovincial Trade, 347 — On the West India Trade,
344, et seq — On the Intercolonial Railway, 13, 14 — Final guarantee on
cost of Construction, 392 — On the Boundaries with the United States,
13, 188 — Effect of action as to future veneration of name, 129.
Action of Canadian Govemment on Re-construction in 1865, 295 — Do. on
Confederation on opening Parliament, 194 — Do. on Education Bill, 367.
Acrobats, Political, 381.
Additional Clauses in British North American Act, 1867, 387.
Admission of North West Territories and British Columbia, 60, 67.
Adjustment of Financial arrangements, 62.
Adderly's Speech, 162.
Allison's Pamphlet, 168. '
Alabama Claims, 188.
American Citizens in Ottawa, 107.
American Zolverein, 357.
Annexation, 188, 357.
Appeal, Court of, 64, 72.
Apportionment of Powers, 62.
Arbitration between Ontario and Quebec, Provision for, 369 — Dorion's refer
ence to, 241 — Langevin's do., 265 — Gait's do., 219, 220-1-2 — Dunkin's
do., 278.
Archibald, 15, 29, 50, 90.
Army, Canadian, 364.
Arthur, H. R. H. Prince, 364.
Ashburton Treaty, 13, 187.
Asiatic Trade, 182, et seq.
Assent of Imperial Govemment, 127.
Baldwin, 1 1.
Banquet at Quebec, 82; do. at Montreal, 90; do. at Ottawa, iio; do. at
Toronto, 114.
Baring's Speech, 163.
Belleau, Sir N. F., 293.
Blackwood, 191.
Boilleau, Baron, 352.
Boston Commercial Bulletin, 149.
Bouchette's Statement, 177.
Breadstuffs, 177.
28

426 INDEX.
British Colonies, Reciprocal arrangements with, 355.
British Columbia, 60 — Admission of, 67, 198.
British Navy and Foreign Representation, 189, 190.
British Prudence, 190.
Brazil, 353-7-8.
Brown, Hon. Geo. — Joins Govemment (1864) 20-29 — Speech at Halifax, 33
— Council nominative, 60 — Speech at Toronto, 118 — Negotiations for
Reconstruction of Cabinet on death of Sir E. P. Tachd, 287 — Resig
nation, 305 — Parliamentary explanations, and Speech on do., 313 —
Reasons examined, 325 — Subsequent conduct, 329 — Painfiil termination,
330 — Speech on Representation by Population, in debate on Local Con
stitutions, 371.
Campbell, Hon. Alexander, 30, 50.
Campbell, Stewart, 394.
Canadian Dead Lock, 20.
" Pride, 190,
Canada, Lower — Electoral Divisions of, 58.
Canada not dependent, 198.
Capital of Dominion, 105.
Cartier, Hon. George E., l6, 19, 26, 30 — Speech at Haliiax, 43 ; at St. John,
46 ; at Montreal, 99 — Langevin's tribute to, 258 — Action on Militia, 365.
Carter (Newfoundland), 50 — Speech, 117.
Chandler, E. B., 29, 50, 53.
Charlottetown Convention, 29.
Chapais, 50-
Civil Law — Lower Canada, 63.
Climate of North-Western Territories, see Appendix.
Clive, 394.
Closed doors at Convention, Prince Edward Island, 30 ; at Quebec, 53.
Coasting Trade, 157 — In case of Treaty with the United States, 298 — Ditto
with Brazil, 353 — British and Canadian legislation on Do., see Appendix.
Colonial Imperial Policy, 9.
" Secretary — Despatch, dated 1864, 127.
" Taxation — Galt on, 350.
Coles (Prince Edward Island), 30, 51 — Speech, 112.
Cockburn, 50.
Committee on Commerce — United States Congress, 172.
Commission to West Indies and Brazil, 336.
Commons, Representation in, 58, 59, 60— By the Quebec Resolutions, 68 —
By the London Conference, 387— By the British North American Act, 1867.
Confederation, Imperial, 354.
Confederate Council on Commercial Treaties, 296.
Confederation— Objections to, by different parties, 158.
Concurrent Progress, 1 1.
Concession to Canada of increased powers, 359.
Contrast of source of power with the United States, 55, 56.

INDEX. 427
Constitution of Local Governments of Upper and Lower Canada, 367-8.
Crisis, Financial, 62.
Crown Lands, 62.
Corruption of Canadian Statesmen, 395.
Currie, 200.
Custom of Ancient Germans, 81.
Danubian Grain-growing Principalities, 375.
Dead Lock, 20.
Death of Sir E. P. Tach6, 285.
Debate in the old Canadian Parliament on Confederation in 1865, 198 — Cha
racter of, 196-7-8 — Divisions on, 201-2.
Defence, 188, 332.
Denison, Major, 362.
Delegates, Conduct of, after return to Provinces, 380.
Delegation at Charlottetown, 29.
" at Quebec, 50.
Deputation to Washington, 298.
" to England on Defence — Report, 332.
" to London on Confederation, 380-5.
Derby's Letter, 192.
Despatch to Lord Elgin, 154.
Despatches, Imperial, on Trade, 154-6, 342-5.
" " on Confederation, 127, 333.
Dickey, 29, 50.
Differences of Quebec and London Resolutions, 00.
Differences of ultimate Bill, 387.
D'Israeli, Speech of, 164.
Direct Taxation, 61.
Diplomatists, English and American, i88.
Doors closed at Conferences, 30, 63.
Dorion's Speech, 196-229 — Motions and Divisions in debate on Local Consti-
' tutions of Ontario and Quebec, 269-70.
Droppings by the way, 184-5.
Dual Representation, 393.
Dunkin's Speech, 271— His description of a judge, 275-6.
Dundas, Lieutenant-Governor, Prince Edward Island, 31.
Durham, Lord, 12.
Dyde, Colonel, 365.
Eastern Trade, 182-7.
Eccles Hill, 364.
Education of the public mind, 80, 89.
" Bill, Lower Canada, 365-6.
Effect on Imperial Policy of Trent affair, 16, 304.
" of Separation on Great Britain, 181-90.
" " on Canada, 187-90,

428 INDEX.
Electoral Divisions of Lower Canada, 58.
Elgin, Lord, 105, 155.
Empire in Asia, Torrens, 394.
England, Sentiment in, on Confederation, 130-37— Vulnerability in war, on
account of Commerce counteracted by possession of Colonies, 185-6-7.
Englishmen, Character of, 81.
Esquimault, 186.
Exception in favour of Prince Edward Island, 64.
Exports, Canadian, 176-8.
Export Duty in New Bmnswick, 65.
Expiry of old Canadian Parliament, 372.
Federal Union, 55.
Fenian Invasion (1866), 361-5.
Financial Statement, A.D. 1864 — ^f« Appendix, 398.
" " " 1866 " 423.
First of July, 1867. ,
Fisher, (New Brunswick), 49, 115.
Fisheries, 71, 183 — Value of, see Appendix.
Formation of London Conference, 385.
Forsyth, James Bell, 85.
Foreign Countries, Reciprocal arrangements with, 355.
" Trade, 353.
Free Trade, 173.
Frontier disputes, 13.
Future consideration of New Bmnswick and Nova Scotia contests, 335.
Galt, Policy (1858), 15; at Charlottetown, 31; at St. John, 47 — Financial
Statement for 1864, see Appendix — At Ottawa, 113; at Quebec, 85; at
Montreal, 102 — Speech in Debate in Parliament of Old Canada, 215 —
Explanations and Memorandum on Brovni's resignation, 321 — Instmctions
on West Indies Commission, 336; on Colonial Taxation, 348, 350; on
Education Bill, 372 — Resignation and subsequent conduct, 365-6.
Gatineau Hills, 106.
Germans, Ancient custom of, 81.
Glasgow manufacturers. Remonstrance of, 156.
Governor-General's Speech, 194.
Gordon, Lieutenant-Governor, New Bmnswick, 32.
Grain growing countries of Europe, 375.
Grant's, Message of President, 183.
Gray, (Prince Edward Island) 16, 29, 56, 92.
Gray, (St. John) 29, 46, 50, 92.
Great Britain not called upon for local or internal expenses, 152, 189.
Halifax, Banquet at, 32 — Fortifications of, 186 (Appendix, 409) — Ovation to
Canadian Deputation, 285.
Haviland, (Prince Edward Island) 49, 51, 99.
Hastings, Warren, 394.
Haycock and Jones, 104.

INDEX. 429
Head, Sir Edmund, 105.
Henry, (Nova Scotia) 29, 50, no.
Hincks, 14, 173-4-5.
Holton, 196, 226.
Howe, II, 12, 14, 15 (Appendix, 409).
Howland — Washington Negociations, 298 ; on Brown's resignation, 325.
Honours, Imperial, 394.
Hope, Admiral Sir James, 32, 33.
Hunt's Magazine, 184.
Imperial Policy on Union undecided, 15, 16.
" Decided, 16, 17.
" Confederation, 354
" Despatches on Intercolonial Trade, 154-6, 342-5 ; — on Confederation,
127, 333-
Imports, 174-6-7-8-9.
Independence, 188.
Intercolonial Railway, 13, 14, 15, 78.
" Trade, 346.
" Free Intercourse, 354.
Interprovincial Trade, 347.
Intercontinental Carrying Trade, 184.
Increased Responsibilities of Canada, 359.
Irritative Effect of English Writers, Pamphlets and Speeches on Separation, 171..
Joly, 196, 242.
Johnston (New Bmnswick), 29, 50, 112.
Jones (North Leeds), 371.
Jones and Haycock, 104,
Judiciary, 63.
Judge, Dunkins' description of a, 275-6.
Kingston, 105.
La Bruyere's sarcasm, 396.
Lands, Crown, to Provinces, 82.
Langevin, 30, 50, 106 ; — Speech, 248.
Laval University, 86—7-8.
Lewis, Sir Cornwall, 162.
Letellier de St. Just, 200.
Legislative Council and Assembly, L.C., 367.
" Assembly, U.C, 367.
Lieutenant-Govemors, Primary Appointment, 368-9.
Lincoln, President, Assassination of, 285.
Lindsay, Major-General, 364.
Local Constitutions of U. and L. Canada, now Ontario and Quebec, 367.
Londoner and Indian, 188.
Loss on Separation, 190.
Lowrey's Pamphlet, 178.

430 INDEX.
Lumber Establishments at Ottawa, 107.
Lyell, Sir Charles, io5.
Macdonald, Hon. John A., 20, 30, 43, 5o. 55 -Speech in debate, 202 —
Negotiations with Brown on the death of Sir E. P. Tach6, 287-Explana-
nations on Brown's resignation, 306-311 ; on Local Constitutions of Onta-
rio and Quebec, 367 ; at London Conference, 385— Imperial honour, 394.
Macdonald, Sandfield, 18.
Macdonald (Prince Edward Island), 30, 51.
Macdonnell, Sir Graves, 32, 90.
Macdougall, William, 28-30, 348.
Macdougall, Major-General P. L., 365.
Mackenzie— Limitation of Local Executive Council, 369— On Representation
by Population, 371.
Maritime Provinces, Union of, 17, 29.
Ministerial Explanations in 1864, 20— Do. on Sir N. F. Belleau joining the
Govemment, 293.
Ministerial Deputation to Charlottetown, 30.
Mitchell, 50.
Mining Region, 376-7.
Mines and Minerals, 62, 76.
McCully (Nova Scotia) 29, 50, 114.
McGee, D'Arcy, loi.
McKellar, 372.
Mowatt, 28, 50.
Morris, 20.
Montreal, 89.
Newfoundland, Crown Lands in, 64.
Newspapers. — London Daily Telegraph, 130 — London News, 132 — London
Star, 134- London Times, 135, 166-7-8 — London Economist, 143 —
Peterhead Observer, 133— Glasgow Mail, 137 ; Caledonian Mercury, 139
— Liverpool Journal, 147 — Boston Commercial Bulletin, 149.
North-West Territories — Productiveness of climate, character and extent, see
Appendix.
North-West Territories, Communications with, 78.
Ontario, Public sentiment in, 103-4.
Ottawa — Banquet, 104-110 — As Capital, 105 — Federal District, no — Legis
lation for Washington, 109.
Odessa, 375.
Pacific Railway, 375-6-7..
Palmer (Prince Edward Island), 39, 51 — Speech, 117.
Palmerston, Lord, Speech, 165.
Panmure, Lord, Telegram, 396.
Patterson's statements, 176-8-9.
Papineau, 11.
Peacock, Colonel, i6th Regiment, 362-3.

INDEX. 431
Pop6 (Prince Edward Island), 51, 124.
Pope (Canada), 20.I
Political storm in New Bmnswick and Nova Scotia, on return of Delegates,
124-5.
Press, Conduct of, 80, 81.
Prince Edward Island Convention, 29 — Renewed proposition to, from
London, 384.
Provinces, Voting by, 54-5.
Pumpelly, 180.
Public men. Accountability of, for public statements, 89.
Quebec, 51.
Quebec Conference, 49 — Remarks on time, place and circumstance, 51-2 —
On men composing Conference, 52-3.
Rankin, 371.
Resignation of Mr. Brown, 305.
Representation by Population, 57-8-9-60, 371-2.
Resolutions, Quebec, 66.
Return of Delegates to New Bmnswick and Nova- Scotia, 124.
Reciprocity — Fanning interests of Upper Canada under, 295.
Registration of Ships in Brazil, 353.
Representation in Imperial Parliament, 354.
Representatives — House of, United States Congress Report as to Canada, 172.
Ritchie, 296.
Roebuck — Speech, 160.
Rose, 196, 259.
Robertson Ross, Colonel, 365.
Russian Interoceanic Railway from China, 180.
Sanbom, 200.
Severance of Canada from Great Britain, 171 to I91.
Seward, 148.
Senate, Primary selection of, 64 — Increase of, 387.
Shanly's Speech, 196, 281.
Shipping (Appendix), 420.
Shipping, American loss of, attributed to, r8l.
Scotland, Sentiment in, 137-8-9, 140-1-2-3.
Shea (Newfoundland), 50, 96, 296.
Smith, A. I., 298, 301.
Smith, William, 336, 340.
Separation, 17 1-9 1.
Sixtieth Rifles, 364,
Sixty-ninth Regiment, 364.
Somerville, Alexander, 362.
South America, Subsidising steamers to, 356.
Statesmen, American, views of British Trade, 181, 192.
States' Rights, 57.

432 INDEX.
Steves, W. H., 29, 50.
Suez Canal, 184.
Tachfi, Sir E. P., 14, 50, 53, 195-8, 285-6.
Taxation per head. Great Britain, Canada, and United States, 1 74-5.
Tariff uniformity, 356.
Tea Trade, 178-9.
Tilley, 29, 49, 50, 62, 84.
Times, The, 135, 166-7-8.
Thunder Bay Mining Region, 376.
" Topography, 362.
Torren's Empire in Asia, 394.
Toll Gates, No, in the Maritime Provinces, 61.
Toronto, 104, 114.
Trade, 353-5 — Suggestions for Intercolonial and Foreign, 356 — Do. of Canada,
Australia, and New Zealand, as comparative customers of Great Britain
with the United States, 176.
Transitu, Goods in, 183.
Transport of Western Traffic through Canada, Interest in, 184.
Treaty of Washington, Negotiations for Renewal of, 298-9, 300-1.
Treaties of Paris and Versailles, see Appendix.
Trent Affair, 16, 303
Tupper, 29, 32, 50, 62, 88.
Upper Canada College, 114.
" " University, 114.
" " " ' Memorial to Students of 365.
Uniformity of Laws, 63, 71 — Hon. John A. Macdonald on, 212.
Tariff, 356.
United States, Dread of, 188.
Value of Colonies to Great Britain, as consumers, compared with the United
States, 175-8— As Rendezvous for Fleets and Commerce in case of
War, 186.
Vancouver Island.
Washington City, 109 — Treaty, 299.
War, Light of, 185-6-7-8-9.
Warren Hastings, 394.
West India Commission Report, 340.
" Indies, Subsidizing Steamers to, 356.
Whistler at the Plough, 363.
Williams, Sir Fenwick, 89.
Wilmot, L. A., ri
" Duncan, 296.
Wilson, John, 13.
Young, Hon. John,' 14.
Zolverein with the United States, 357.

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