' YJkIL]E«¥JMHVIEI&SII W« Gift of j/ito. 'HuLC.- r±LMjuaJLo~vi, Royal. Nor did the Duke know that Cape Breton was an island, though its capital, Louisbourg, in his time, was the most renowned city in all French America. 14 his faith with his royal master — George HL — a little before his natural freedom day, and found an ally in Louis XVI. of France ; and the loss of the last named monarch's possessions in America, was the cause, above all others, that hastened his transformation from a British colonist into an American citizen. We do honor to an event, then, in which we have a personal interest. After the fall of Quebec and of the remaining posts, and while. the terms of peace were undetermined, there arose an excited discussion between some of the statesmen of England on the question of restoration.* The prevalent fear was that, if Canada should be retained, the colonies, no longer apprehen sive of the French, would increase so rapidly as soon to assert their freedom. To a pamphlet in support of this view, of the surrender, and of the acceptance of Guadaloupe as an equiva lent, written, as supposed, with the countenance of Burke, and by a kinsman, Franklin, replied in his ablest manner ; and, as believed, with effect upon the ministry. Pitt would have kept both, but the " sugar island " was restored. Discussions which opened the whole question of the colonial system of govern ment — of a system which was destitute of a single element of human brotherhood — followed instantly and generally ; and, " made many of us at the time," remarks John Adams, " regret that Canada had ever been conquered." f The first offence *So again at the close of the Revolution. Lord Brougham, in his historical sketches, relates that, " ' when Lord Shelburne's peace (1783) was signed, and before the terms were made public,he sent for the Earl St. Vincent, and, showing them, asked his opinion.' ' I like them very well,' said he, ' but their is a great omission.' ' In what V ' In leaving Canada as a British province.' ' How could we possibly give it up?' inquired Lord Shelbume. 'How can you hope to keep if!' replied the veteran warrior : ' with an English republic just established in the sight of Canada, and with a population of a handful of English settled among a body of hereditary Frenchmen, it is impossible ; and, rely on it, you only retain a running sore, the source of disquiet and expense.' ' Would the country bear it ? Have you forgotten Wolfe and Quebec V asked his lordship. 'No; it is because I remember both. I served with Wolfe at Quebec. Having lived so long, I have had full time for re flection on this matter ; and my clear opinion is, that if this fair occasion for giving up Canada is neglected, nothing but difficulty, in either keeping or resigning it, will ever after be known.' " tJohn Adams, in his preface to " Novanglus," thus relates a conversation with Jonathan Sewell, who, in the course of events, attached himself to the royal cause, and died in banishment : — "After the surrender of Montreal," says Mr. Adams, "rumors were everywhere spread that the English would now new-model the colonies, demolish the charters, and reduce all to royal governments. These rumors I had heard as often as he had . 15 was the establishment of a military government in that Province, which, with the alteration of its boundaries, forms one of the stirring array of grievances set out in the Declaration of Inde pendence. The French war had increased the public debt of England three hundred and fifty millions of dollars ; and the civil and military charge of America had risen in a few years from less than four hundred thousand dollars to nearly a mil lion and three quarters, annually ; and the reasoning'of English ministers was, that a part of the public burdens should be borne by the colonies, for whose benefit expenditures so large had been incurred, and were to be continued. Had the plan of the ministry been limited to pointing out this condition of things to the colonial assemblies, and to sugges tions of yearly, voluntary, contributions, the mother and her children might have lived in harmony another generation. But the course adopted was offensive in every way, and to the last degree. First, the consolidation of British America was projected ; the charters of Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut, were to be annulled ; and the Thirteen, under a common sys tem, with new boundaries to some of them, were all to be " royal governments," with a peerage. This offended the class called " the people," every where, for, at the North, the control of public affairs were to pass to the "old" — the genteel fami lies ; and in New York and at the South, to the great land holders. Second, a permanent revenue was to be derived from duties on imported merchandise. In Cromwell's time colonial commerce was free. The Stuarts, who followed him, attempted restraints without success ; and so generally, finally, were the laws of navigation and trade disobeyed, that nine-tenths of all the tea, wine, fruit, sugar, and molasses, consumed in America, One morning I met him accidentally on the floor of the old town-house, [Boston.]" " John," said he, "I want to speak to you." "He always called me John, I him Jonathan; and I often said to him I wish my name were David. He took me to a window seat, and said: "These Englishmen are going to play the d 1 with us. They will overturn everything. We must resist them, and that by force. I wish you would write in the newspapers, and urge a general attention to the militia, to their exercises and discipline, for we must resist in arms." I answered, " all this, I fear, is true : but why do you not write yourself, &c, &c. V Thus early, and before the close of the war, were apprehensions entertained of a complete change in the colonial system of government in America. 16 were smuggled. To put an end to this illicit traffic was the determined purpose. The commanders of the ships of war on the American station were commissioned as officers of the customs ; and, to quicken their zeal, they were to share in the proceeds of confiscations ; the courts to decide upon the lawful ness of seizures, were to be composed of a single judge without a jury, whose emoluments were to be derived from his own condemnations; the governors of colonies and the military officers, were to be rewarded for then activity by sharing, also, either in the property condemned, or in the penalties annexed to the interdicted trade. Boston was the great offender ; and soon twelve ships of war, mounting no less than two hundred and sixty guns, were assembled in the harbor, for revenue service on the Atlantic coast. The merchants of the seaports were roused to preserve their business, and when the contro versy came to blows, lawyers who had espoused their cause in the course of professional duty, simply, were among the most efficient advocates of liberty. One quarter part of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, were bred to trade, or to the command of ships, and more than one was branded with the epithet of " smuggler ; " * and it was fit that Hancock,! who, at the shedding of blood at Lexington, was respondent in the Admiralty court in suits of the crown to recover nearly half a million of dollars of penalties alleged to have been incurred for violations of the statute book ; — it was fit that he should be the first to affix his name to an instrument which, if made good, *In 1770, the newspaper press taunted Gov. Hutchinson himself with having been a notorious smuggler, when he was a Boston merchant. tin works of John Adams, vol. 2d, pg. 215. In 1768 : "Mr. Hancock was prosecuted upon a great number of libels, for pen alties upon acts of Parliament, amounting to ninety or an hundred thousand pounds sterling. He thought fit to engage me as his counsel and advocate, and a painful drudgery I had of his cause. There were few days through the whole winter when I was not summoned to attend the Court of Admiralty. It seemed as if the officers of the crown were determined. to examine the whole town as witnesses. * * * # # # # I vras thoroughly weary and disgusted with the court, the officers of the crown, the cause, and even with the tyrannical hell that dangled me out of my house every morning : and this odious cause was suspended at last only by the battle of Lexington, which put an end, forever, to all such prosecutions." The curious inquirer will find on the same page, one of the points of the defence of Mr. Adams, for his client. The ground taken, is, that Hancock never consented to, or voted for, the statute which imposed the penalties, and that, "he never voted for any man to make such a law for him," &c, &c. would save him from ruin, and give his countrymen free com merce with all the world. Third, the military pride of the colonies had been shocked during the war, quite as much as gentlemen who possessed any sense of self-respect could well bear. " The treatment of the provincial officers and soldiers by the British offi cers," says John Adams, " made the blood boil in my veins." Our time is too limited to allow more than a moment's atten tion to the question of rank. Two illustrations will serve our purpose. In Massachusetts, Winslow was a major-general, and in that capacity served the country in command of an army. He held, also, the commission of captain of British regulars, and was ranked by an officer of that grade whose appointment was a single day earlier than his own. In Virginia, Washing ton was a colonel, and chief of the forces of the colony. The claim of a captain to rank him was one of the principal causes of the capitulation at Fort Necessity ; the renewal of the pre tension, when Braddock came, drove him, disgusted, from the service ; and, again revived, occasioned his first visit to Boston. To add, now, that the colonies furnished nearly one thousand officers of all. grades, is to show that the wrong was generally felt and discussed. If, under particular circumstances, there were modifications of the rule, the principle of precedence to officers of the regular army was not changed. The Board of Trade had advised a permanent military force in America, for sixty years prior to hostilities ; and Lord Loudoun's commission created him a sort of dictator independent of, and superior to, the colonial governments ; and his successors exercised the same power down to the Revolution. Had the army been withdrawn at the time of the peace, or if garrisons on the frontiers, and in some of the ports on the coast, were necessary, had the colonial officers of merit been participants in the royal favor, the injuries of the past might have been forgotten. But it was a part of the system to maintain twenty battalions of regulars ; to divide the colonies into military districts, under the command of briga dier generals, and to place these departments entirely above the civil power.* The result was constant irritation, and the *Hence the charge in the manifesto of wrongs, July 4,1776:" He has kept among us in time of peace, standing armies, without the consent of our Legislatures." 3 18 opening of old wounds ; the constant recollection of former personal insults, and of disability as colonists to gratify martial ambition. In the zeal of our writers to show that " taxation without representation " caused the rupture, I have sometimes thought that far too little attention has been paid to this element of dis affection. The age was decidedly military ; office in the militia was even a qualification for civil employments. The number of colonels, majors, and captains that appear as members of the colonial assemblies, and, subsequently, of provincial congresses, startles one. The quarrels about rank in the Congress of the Continent, disgusts one. Later still, John Adams offended the men who had borne arms, by entertaining the " indirect " over ture from France, and thus added an element of opposition to himself, that helped to prematurely ruin his party. And what of the newspaper essays and letters of Samuel Adams, and of others ? the eloquent appeals in Fanueil Hall, and in the House of Burgesses of Virginia ? What of the rev olutionary movement everywhere, but for the military skill and experience acquired in the seven years war with France ? The colonies furnished quite twenty-eight thousand troops in more than one of the campaigns ; and every year to the extent of their ability. The burthen fell principally on the middle colo nies, and on New England. At one period of the contest, one-fifth of the able-bodied men of Massachusetts were in the service ; and of these no less than twenty-five hundred served in garrison at Louisbourg, and in Nova Scotia, in place of regulars taken thence by Wolfe, to complete his force for the investment of Quebec. In fine, it is literally true, that for years together, more men in proportion, were raised for the field, in America, than in England ; while on the ocean, full twelve thousand seamen were enlisted in the royal navy and in the colonial privateers. Without the aid of the survivors of these, resistance, or the thought of it, would have been downright madness. And the unanimity and alac rity with which those who had fought at Ticonderoga, Crown Point, Louisbourg, du Quesne, Niagara and Quebec, espoused the popular caurte at first, and rallied under the popular banner 19 in the last resort, was one of the most hopeful incidents of the revolutionary era. And now, who devised, advised, and promoted, the measures which gave so deep, so universal offense to the colonies ? With out a doubt, the principal officers of the British army, who served in America during the French war, were among the most efficient instruments of alienation and strife. I propose to speak of the course pursued by all the commanders-in-chief, as well as that of some of inferior grade, not only because the topic is pertinent, but because it is worth our while, occasionally to descend to details, and to deal with individuals. Of Shirley, Governor of Massachusetts, who succeeded Brad- dock in the command of the army, we will pause only to say, that he was one of the earliest to suggest to the Lords of Trade the plan of a revenue ; but that, divested finally of place and power, he died poor and in retirement at Roxbury, on the eve of the Revolution. The Earl of Loudoun, who followed, was, probably, the most incompetent general officer sent here. Inci dents which show his character abound in the works of Frank lin, in our books of history, and elsewhere. His conduct caused general aversion. But, supposed to be versed in ques tions which related to the colonies, his influence on the side of the crown, was of moment. Abercrombie, his successor, was a man of very questionable courage ; but, returned to England, and in Parliament, he was among the bravest of the voters for revenue, and for subjugation by force. The fourth and last military chief was Amherst. By a severe pen he is called " log of wood." Be this as it may, his personal exertions to secure the conquest of Canada, were moderate at the most. By the plan of the campaign of 1759, as already remarked, he was to assist in the reduction of Quebec ; but Wolfe was left to struggle alone with his embar rassments. That Amherst profited at home, by the successes of his generals is certain. He was even anxious for reward, and suggested an American Peerage, of which he was to be the first, and to take precedence of all others, with the grant of Canadian coal mines, supposed, in the ignorance of the day, to be worth several thousand pounds sterling annually. Though 20 he failed in this, he was created a British baron subsequently, and a field marshal. George Townshend, the second brigadier under Wolfe, was, however, far more potent than either of the preceding officers of higher rank. In the previous war he had served with credit on the continent of Europe ; but on complaint of hard usage from his superiors, had resigned.* In Parliament, he was the author of the famous " militia act," which caused great distur bance in England, and indeed, open rebellion in parts of it. In 1758, we find that he wrote to Pitt, asking to be appointed a colonel of the line, and to be employed on the coast of France. We hear of him next on the 9th of the following February, when, relates Walpole, " The expedition called to Quebec de parts on Tuesday next, under Wolfe and George Townshend, who has thrust himself again into the service, and as far as wrong-headedness will go, very proper for a hero." That he stipulated to return at the close of the campaign, appears from Smollett, who writes more favorably of him than any one else. The general quality of courage may be accorded to him with distinct emphasis, and so we may allow that he was a man of ability, though we shall find that both were disputed ; but he is to be execrated as a soldier, and as a peer. The last remark introduces a question that, possibly, may excite surprise. It is the common and the just sentiment of the world, that the victory of the Thirteenth of September was won by Wolfe, and that as a direct consequence, French Amer ica passed to the British crown. The brigadiers on that day were three : Monckton, Townshend, and Murray ; all young, all members of noble families. The first was disabled on the field. Townshend took command as the next in rank, called in the parties that were in pursuit of the flying French, and restored his disordered lines. This, after the fall of the Chief, was all that was done ; all, in truth, that remained to be done ; but yet, George Townshend, five days afterwards, received the capitula tion of Quebec, as the real conqueror. His official despatch # One writer has it : " In the last war, Col. Townshend, being ordered by the Duke to his regiment in Minorca, he was detained by some family affairs for u. month, and broke on that account." 21 occupies five quarto pages. It is seldom that the eye meets a more heartless paper. Wolfe is mentioned but once by name, and simply in connexion with forming the line of battle ; while, instead of a tribute to his memory, there is a cold, bare annun ciation, in just fifteen words, that he fell at the head of the grenadiers. So, again, in an order of the day to the troops, he spoke of " the person who lately commanded them ;" and in another, of the " late General ;" and he neglected or refused to request the officers to pay the usual mourning honors to a departed Chief. The author of the touching ode, the " Burial of Sir John Moore," was of Wolfe's lineage ; and did he think of the con duct of his kinsman's second brigadier, as he wrote : " Lightly they'll talk of the spirit that's gone, And o'er his cold ashes upbraid him." From one of Townshend's own letters, we ascertain that he departed Quebec on the 18th of October. The correspondence of several persons of the time, contains evidence that after his arrival in England he took to himself the principal honor of the reduction of that city ; and that Lady Townshend, " the con queror's mother, covered herself with more laurel leaves than were heaped on the children in the wood." I propose to notice at some length an elaborate review of his course, as found in a " Letter,"* which was addressed to him self by a person who, whether in the army or in civil life, was well skilled in military affairs. In this production he is dis tinctly accused of having appropriated the great achievement of the war to himself, in a peculiar manner ; of having been pressed into the expedition without his knowledge, and of hav- * " Letter to an Honorable Brigadier General, Commander-in-chief of his Majesty's forces in Canada :" London, 1760. Charles Lee, who was then an officer in the British army, was supposed to be the author: republished in 1841, and then ascribed to Junius, by the editor, N. W. Simons, of the British Museum. This letter excited consider able notice when it first appeared, and led to a hostile meeting between Townshend and the Earl of Albermarle, who, it was thought, countenanced the publication. The parties were, however, arrested on the ground, before a, duel was fought. A " Refutation" was published soon after the "Letter." The text contains the more material parts of both, as relates immediately to General Wolfe. For the use of these important pages, I am indebted to my friend, Hon. Thomas Aspinwall. 22 ing objected to the manner of attacking Quebec ; and yet, of endeavoring to filch the laurels of others, and to enjoy " alone the honors of its being taken." The principal specific charges, and the substance of the answers to them, follow : " You signed," avers the writer of the " Letter," " you signed the articles of capitulation without " Monckton's " knowledge, and anxious for the preservation of your conquest, you appointed the staff of the garrison without even asking his consent." * * * * " He might have ordered you into arrest for such an outrage to his authority. He was not insensible of the indignity ; but you asked his pardon, and, languishing under his wounds, he accepted your submission." The material point of the reply of Townshend, (or of the author of the " Refutation,") is, that : " General Monckton was so dangerously wounded as not to be able to act ; that, moreover, the time was too precious, and the exigence of affairs too urging to admit of any delay." But this defense will not avail, for in Townshend's orders to the army, the very day after the battle, he says he " has the sat isfaction to acquaint the troops that General Monckton's wound is not dangerous ;" and this was true, for on the 23d of Sep tember, he was able to assume command. His first order was issued on that day, and began with a request which his officious inferior had neglected : " General Monckton desires that all the officers of the army will please to wear mourning for General Wolfe, their late Commander-in-chief, such as is usual in the field." Again, in stinging sarcasm, the " Letter " accuses : " And so, the better part of valor is discretion, according to Falstaff's wisdom, you discreetly left your regiment, whose paltry emoluments you had dearly purchased by your one campaign, and prudently quitted a scene where danger would probably be too busy." * * * * " Your understanding was not to be dazzled by Mr. Wolfe's foolish passion for glory. He had precipitately ventured beyond all possibility of retreat ing ; he had no other choice but that of death or victory, especially after you had solemnly entered your protest against his plan for attack ing the enemy." * * * " But they must have known very little of the expedition to Quebec, who expected that you would bear testimony to the conduct of a General whose plan of operations you had the honor, 23 both in public and private, to oppose, and against whose last desperate attempt you protested in form." The points of the answer in the " Refutation," are : " That General Townshend did protest against an attack planned by General Wolfe, is not denied ; but what was the object thereof, and where was it to be made ? Why, not immediately against Quebec, but to attack the French in their entrenchments. However gallant such a design, and however gloriously Wolfe's martial spirit was displayed by the proposal, yet it appeared to General Townshend and other officers, who had never flinched in the hour of duty, so fraught with ruin, and so big with dangerous consequences, as rather to be declined than carried into execution. The dissenters on that occasion, were those who proposed attacking Quebec in the unexpected and surprising man ner by which it was taken, and which will be admired to latest posterity. General Wolfe, who had been a little piqued at his scheme being dis sented from, came in at last to that proposed." * * * " General Townshend did not protest against the scheme that reduced Quebec, but quite the reverse." To this. I rejoin that three plans to force Montcalm in his works were objected to by the brigadiers, instead of one, as here indi cated ; and that, so far from Wolfe's denying any obligations to these officers, he expressly stated, in his dispatch of September 2d, that the general proposal of acting above the town was made by them, and that he had " acquiesced " in their sugges tion ; but it does not thence follow that, in arranging the details of their proposition, or in the execution of the scheme itself, after it was matured, he, the Chief, and responsible for everything, should yield to his inferiors, in the point of merit. That Wolfe is really entitled to the praise which Townshend would appropriate to himself and the other " dissenters," is a conclusion which rests on ample evidence. The testimony of Knox is alone sufficient for our purpose. He disposes of Townshend's pretensions in these emphatic terms : " The French army, under the Marquis de Montcalm, being amused by Mr. Wolfe, and lulled into a state of security, were, by the sole discerning judgment of that eminent young General, allured from their strong entrenched camp, and defeated." And what credit is due to this statement ? Knox was the chronicler of four 24 campaigns in the French war ; his record is received as author ity by writers of history; he was personally present at the reduction of Quebec ; was acquainted with the incidents of the seige, and saw and published every military order that was issued there ; and he wrote the passage just cited, a year after Wolfe's fall, when he could but have known of the wicked attempts to rob that officer of his glory. Or, if ignorant of those attempts, in 1760, or, if the account he then gave was inaccurate in any particular, he had nine years for correction and revision, since the publication of his book was delayed until 1769, when he certainly did know every circumstance that had occurred in Parliament, in military circles, and elsewhere, and must have read the " Letter " and the " Refutation," time and again. Evidence to the same point is, however, abundant. The Gentleman's Magazine says, " singly and alone in opinion, Wolfe formed the plan," o * Next to valour, the best qualities in a military man, are vigilance and caution. ° ° ° ° "> » And a soldier who is found with plunder in his tent, or returning to the army wth plunder of any kind, not taken by order, shall be sent directly to the Provost in irons, in order to be tried for his life. June 30, 1759. The King of Great Britain wages no war with the industrious peasant, the sacred orders of religion, or the defenceless women and children ; to these, in their distressful circumstances, his royal clemency offers protection. The people may remain unmolested on their lands, inhabit their houses, and enjoy their religion in security ; for these inestimable blessings, I expect the Canadians will take no part in the great contest between the two crowns. July 5. The object of the campaign is to complete the conquest of Canada, and to finish the war in America. The army under the Com mander-in-chief will enter the colony on the side of Montreal, while the fleet and army here attack the Governor- General and his forces. e o o o o e « The General means to carry the business through, with as little loss as possible, and with the highest regard to the preservation of the troops ; to that end, he expects, that the men work cheerfully, and with out the least unsoldierlike manner or complaint ; and that these few, but necessary orders, be strictly obeyed. The General proposes to fortify his camp in such a manner, as to put it out of the power of the enemy to attempt anything by surprise, and that the troops may rest in security after their fatigues. ° * s * ° The light infantry of the army are to have their bayonets, as the want of ammunition may sometimes be supplied with that weapon, and, because no man should leave his post, under pretense that all his cart ridges are fired ; in most attacks by night, it must be remembered, that bayonets are preferable to fire. ° * No churches, houses, or buildings of any kind, are to burned or des- 68 troyed without orders ; the persons that remain in their habitations, their women and children, are to be treated with humanity ; if any violence is offered to a woman, the offender shall be punished with death. When the soldiers are fatigued with work, or wet upon duty, the General will order such refreshment as he knows will be of service to them, but is determined to allow no drunkenness, nor licentiousness, in the army. If any sutler has the presumption to bring rum on shore, in contempt of the General's regulations, such sutler shall be sent to the Provost's in irons, and his goods confiscated. July 6. No women are to be allowed to suttle in camp without proper authority, on pain of being struck off the provision roll ; all orders relating to the women are to be read to them by the sergeants of their respective companies, that they may not plead ignorance. July 8. As the ships that were to cover the landing cannot fall down to their proper stations this day, the troops are not to embark, but are to hold themselves in readiness. July 19. Soldiers are not to be permitted to swim in the heat of the day, but only in the mornings and evenings. Sept. 2. The tents of all the corps are to be struck this evening when dark, and carried down at eight o'clock to the boats on the beach, under Anstruther's regiment ; there will be a boat assigned to each corps to carry them off; these boats must be unloaded at Point Levi, before high water, that they may return with the ebb. A proper officer will attend. Sept. 2. The troops are to march to-morrow morning, and embark for Point Levi ; the signal for their moving will be the burning of a barn before brigadier Townshend's house ; those detachment's which occupy houses, are, when they evacuate them, to leave a small party, who are to set them on fire, and then join the main body. AFTER ORDERS IN THE EVENING. Sept. 2. Bragg's regiment to march first, and will be directed by brigadier Townshend ; Lascelles' next ; then Anstruther's ; and lastly, Otway's. These regiments are to take the road behind Anstruther's camp ; the two howitzers are to be carried down by Lascelles' ; Col. Howe's light infantry will form the rear guard of the whole, according to the particular instructions given herein. When the troops are drawn 69 up on the beach, they are to leave an interval between Anstruther's and Lascelles' for the light infantry. SECOND AFTER ORDERS. Sept. 2. The regiments are to repair to their alarm-posts this night at twelve o'clock ; they are to conceal themselves entirely after day light, so as to try to induce the enemy to attack them ; they will -observe this direction to the very moment in which the signal will be made. As Otway's regiment have the large redoubt, and the grenadiers' redoubt in their alarm posts, they are to send a piquet to the former, and the grena diers to the latter, immediately after dark. Lascelles' regiment is to send as soon as it is dark, a subaltern and twenty men to take the lower bat tery. This officer is to conceal his people after day-light, and to join his regiment when he perceives they are on the march to the beach ; no fires to be made by the men in their alarm-posts. Sept. 4. The light infantry, twenty-eighth, thirty-fifth, forty-seventh, fifty-eight, and the grenadiers of Louisbourg, with those of Monckton's regiment, are to march to-morrow at two in the afternoon ; they are to receive their orders from brigadier Murray ; the parts of these corps which are to remain, are to encamp on the ground now occupied by the Louisbourg grenadiers. The whole are to be drawn up two deep, the Louisbourg grenadiers on the right, Bragg's on the left, and so on by the seniority to the center ; the brigadier proposes marching from the center ; Colonel Howe's own division of light infantry will form the van-guard, and cover the head of the column ; that of major Dalling the rear-guard. Two files will be detached from each platoon in order to cover their own flanks ; when the woods are out of musket-shot, they are to keep near to the battalion ; when they are within musket shot, they are to march within the skirts of the woods. Sept. 7. When the coast has been examined, and the best landing- place pitched upon, the troops will be ordered to disembark, perhaps this night's tide. The five following battallions are to hold themselves in readiness to go into the flat-bottomed boats, fifty in each boat, besides officers, viz : Amherst's, Otway's, Kennedy's, Anstruther's, and Colonel Murray's corps of grenadiers. Sept. 8. Seeing that the weather sets in bad, a signal will be made at one o'clock to lie fast, in case it does not clear up. Sept. 9. As the weather is so bad that no military operations can take place, and as the men are so excessively crowded in the transports, 70 and in the men of war, so as to endanger their health, it is ordered that the under-mentioned troops be landed at the mill upon the south shore, and that they may be cantoned in the village and church of St. Nicho las, in readiness to embark at the first signal. The signal to march and embark by day, will be two guns fired fast, and two slow, from the Suth erland ; the signal by night, will be three lights at the main-top-gallant mast-head of the same ship, and two guns. From the Squirrel, Louisbourg Grenadiers, officers in proportion, 200 From the Adventure transport, Otway's, 250 From the George transport, Anstruther's, 200 From ditto, Highlanders, 100 From the Ann and Elizabeth, Bragg's, 160 From ditto, Highlanders, 100 From the Sutherland, American Grenadiers, 50 From the Leostaff, Amherst's, 200 From the Ward, Lascelles', 160 From ditto, highlanders, 100 1520 Brigadier Monckton takes command of this corps, and Brigadier Murray for this duty ; the men to carry their blankets and kettles, with two days' provisions ; they are to leave their baggage on board their ships. The troops afloat report to report to Brigadier Townshend. Sept. 11. The troops on shore, except the light infantry and Amer icans, are to be upon the beach to-morrow morning, at five o'clock, in readiness to embark ; the light infantry and Americans will reimbark at, or about eight o'clock ; the detachment of artillery to be put on board the armed sloop this day. The army to hold themselves in read iness to land and attack the enemy. As the Loestaff and Squirrel frigates are ordered to follow the flat-bottomed boats, the troops belong ing to those ships are to remain in them and the boats intended for these corps are to take in the others. ORDER OF TROOPS IN THE LINE OF BOATS. Number of boats 8. 1st. Light Infantry leads. 6. 2d. Bragg's Regiment. 4. 3d. Kennedy's Regiment. 5. 4th. Lascelles' ditto. 6. 5th. Anstruther's ditto. 1. 6th. Detachment of Highlanders and American Grenadiers. 71 The troops must go into the boats about nine, to-morrow night, or when it is pretty near high water ; but the naval officers, commanding the different divisions of boats, will apprize them of the fittest time ; and as there will be a necessity for remaining some part of the night in the boats, the officers will provide accordingly ; and the soldiers will have a jill of rum extraordinary to mix with their water ; arms and ammunition, two days' provisions, with rum and water, are all that the soldiers are to take into their boats ; their ships, with their blankets, tents, &c, will soon be brought up. SIGNALS. First. For the flat-bottomed boats, with the troops on board, to ren dezvous abreast of the Sutherland, between her and the south shore, keeping near her ; one light in the Sutherland's main-top shrouds. Secondly. When they are to drop away from the Sutherland, she will show two lights in the main-top mast shrouds, one over the other. The men to be quite silent, and when they are about to land, must not, upon any account, fire out of the boats ; the officers of the navy are not to be interrupted in their part of the duty ; they will receive their orders from the officer appointed to superintend the whole, to whom they are answerable. Officers of artillery and detachments of grena diers are put on board the armed sloops to regulate their fire, that, in the hurry, our troops may not be hurt by our own artillery. Captain York and the officers, will be particularly careful to distinguish the enemy, and to point their fire against them ; the frigates are not to fire until broad day-light, so no mistake can be made ; the officers command ing floating batteries, will receive particular orders from the General. The troops to be supplied to-morrow with provisions to the 14th. The troops ordered for the first embarkation to be under arms at the head quarters to-morrow morning at four o'clock. ON BOARD THE SUTHERLAND. Sept. 12. The enemy's force is now divided, great scarcity of pro visions now in their camp, and universal discontent among the Canadi ans ; the second officer in command is gone to Montreal or St. Johns, which gives reason to think that General Amherst is advancing into the colony ; a vigorous blow struck by the army at this juncture may deter mine the fate of Canada. Our troops below are in readiness to join us, all the light artillery and tools are embarked at the Point of Levi, and the troops will land where the French seem least to expect it. The 72 first body that gets on shore, is to march directly to the enemy, and drive them from any little post they may occupy ; the officers must be careful that the succeeding bodies do not, by any mistake, fire upon those who go on before them. The battalions must form on the upper ground, with expedition, and be ready to charge whatever presents it self. When the artillery and troops are landed, a corps will be left to secure the landing-place, while the rest march on, and endeavor to bring the French and Canadians to a battle. The officers and men will remember what their country expects from them, and what a de termined body of soldiers, inured to war, is capable of doing, against five weak French battalions, mingled with a disorderly peasantry. The soldiers must be attentive, and obedient to their officers, and resolute in the execution of their duty." EXTRACTS FROM KNOX'S JOURNAL OF THE SIEGE OF QUEBEC. As stated in the Address, Knox was an officer under the com mand of Wolfe, and a chronicler of several of the campaigns of the French war. His Journal, in two volumes Quarto, was pub lished in London, in 1769, and is cited by our most careful writers. The passages here quoted will give the reader some idea of the course of affairs from the landing of the army, until the arrange ments were completed for the final and brilliant exploit, on the memorable thirteenth of September. June 27, 1759. General Wolfe took an escort of light troops, accompanied by Major M'Keller, our chief Engineer, to the west end of Orleans, in order to reconnoitre the situation of the enemy, the garrison, the bason, and the circumjacent country ; he dis covered the French army encamped on the north side of the river, their right extending close to Quebec, and their left, towards the cataract of Montmorency ; the ground which the French General has made choice of is high and strong by nature, with the village of Beauport in the centre of their camp, and that of the Charle- bourg in the rear of their right : to this post they are all employ ed in adding every kind of work that art can invent, to render it impenetrable. *********** In the afternoon we had a dreadful storm of wind and rain, 73 which lasted for some hours ; the troops were very fortunate in finding great quantities of wheaten and pease straw that had been lately threshed, with some excellent hay to lie upon. * * * * Great damage has been sustained in the fleet this after noon by the storm ; it fell mostly on the boats and small crafts ; some transports were driven on shore, and others ran foul of each other : many of the flat-bottomed boats suffered much by this hurricane, and several of them are rendered unfit for further ser vice ; the weather is now more moderate towards night. June 30. After the skirmish was over this morning be tween our light troops and the enemy, the former, in the pursuit, apprehending that the peasants and colony troops might possibly return with a reinforcement, possessed themselves of a large farm house, where they found a quantity of provisions and movables, with a fire in the kitchen chimney : from hence they intend to waylay the enemy, in case they should return ; but hearing the voices of people talking, they searched the house, without how ever making any discovery ; whereupon they resolved to set fire to it, and return to the church. After the flames began to spread with rapidity, they were alarmed with bitter shrieks and cries of women and children, who had foolishly concealed themselves among some lumber in a cellar. Our people very humanely exert ed themselves for the relief of these miserable wretches, but their best endeavors were ineffectual ; the house was burnt to the ground, and these unhappy people perished in the flames. Such alas I are the direful effects of war. July 1. At three o'clock this afternoon we were alarmed by smart firing of musketry in the woods, and the troops stood to their arms ; this was occasioned by a party of Indians coming down to annoy our camp, for whom Captain Goreham and his rangers laid in ambush, and scalped nine of them. Two twenty- four pounders and two twelves are mounted on our barbet battery. Major Scott, with a large corps of rangers, have arrived this even ing from Orleans, by whom we learn that thirty of the enemy have been killed and taken on that island, and that two grenadiers of the Louisbourg division were found scalped on the skirts of the woods. It is expected the enemy will attempt to surprise us this night ; nevertheless we are landing heavy artillery and stores with great diligence. July 2. The 48th Regiment, with the grenadiers and light 10 74 troops of this brigade, under the command of Colonel Burton marched up the country, as an escort to General Wolfe, who went to reconnoitre the town from the heights to the southward of it ; the light infantry, who preceded their march were fired upon by some straggling peasants, at a distance. The General made choice of a piece of ground, about one mile and a half from our camp, whereon to erect batteries against Quebec. ********** Some ships have arrived from Boston with large boats and pro visions for the army. I can perceive in (he enemy's camp at least five colored coats for one French uniform, whence, it is manifest, their army consists chiefly of the militia of the country and other peasants. We have now got three redoubts in our encampment ; the brigadier's tent is in the centre of the largest, where there are four brass six pounders mounted. Our camp forms an half moon round the point, and has now assumed a respectable appearance ; we are ordered to entrench the eastern flank of it, which is in the rear of the 43d regiment. ****** The officers were all served this day with fresh provisions for the first time. The weather is gloomy and cold, and inclined to rain. July 3. Working parties went out this morning to make fascines ; they were obliged to quit about eight o'clock by a vio lent storm of rain which continued without intermission until night. July 4. At noon we had a dreadful thunder storm, succeeded by violent rain and hail, which lasted near six hours ; the light ning exceeded anything I ever saw. * * * * The enemy appear to be indefatiguable at their entrenchments, particularly at the left of their camp, above the Point de Hest ,* whence I conjecture that part to be the most accessible, and am confirmed in this opinion by an observation, viz., when the tide is about half ebb there are banks and shoals that run out at a great length into the bason along the front of their camp, from the center upwards, which are then visible ; but there do not appear any obstructions immediately off the Point. July 5. The forty eighth regiment, and all the grenadiers, rangers, and light infantry, with working parties from the other corps, marched up to the place where our battel ies are to be *Boats usually took in ballast from thence, therefore called Point de Hest. 75 erected, and broke ground ; the forty-eighth are intrenching them selves on a convenient spot, at half the distance, in order to pre serve the communication between our camp and the batteries. The rangers took post on all the adjoining hills, which commanded the road to the batteries, and the circumjacent country, for a great extent, dividing themselves into small parties with breast-works about them of stone, timber, &c, the workmen and grenadiers re turned to camp in the evening. July 6. The forth-eighth regiment have secured themselves at their new post, within an excellent redoubt ; and working parties are diligently employed in erecting batteries against the town ; the eminence, made choice of for this purpose, projects into the river, from sixteen to eighteen hundred yards distance, which, with Cape Diamond, form the straits* of Quebec. Mortars, guns, shells, shot, aud all manner of artillery stores, are landing at every tide. ° ° ° ° "•* '¦> A brisk cannonading, at six o'clock this evening between our frigates and the enemy's floating batteries ; this continued for an hour and a-half, but no damage was done on either side. July 7. We have now got a park of artillery and stores ad joining to our camp, and the detachments of that corps are all en camped here ; the heaviest guns on shore are thirty-two pounders, and the largest mortars are thirteen inches. July 8. At twelve o'clock, a smart cannonading between our frigates and the enemy's floating batteries, under the left of their encampment ; our bomb-ketches fired several shells, at the same time, into our camp, some of which, by bursting in the air over their heads, threw them into confusion, and make them run different ways for shelter. ° ° ° ° ° At two o'clock, the garrison (as if by way of reprisal) vigorously bombarded Burton's Redoubt, and connonaded our workmen at the batteries very briskly, but without any success ; General Wolfe was there at the same time, and showed great at tention to the preservation of the men, by ordering them to lie down, or get under cover, as soon as a flash was first perceived* ; the enemy c >ntinued their fire until late in the evening. * We are informed by French writers, that in the old Indian or Algonquin language Kebeis or Quebeis implies a strait, whence the capital derives its name. * It is easy to distinguish between the flash of a mortar, and that of n gun ; ibe former being much larger than the other: on occasion of either, the usual signals are shell or shot, and are generally given by the engineer on that service, or by a sentinel appointed to watch the enemy's batteries. 76 The works are now completed on the west of Orleans ; store houses are erected, and hospitals for the use of the fleet and army ; that post is rendered very defensible. Two thirteen-inch mortars and some cannons were drawn up this day to Burton's Redoubt ; it blew fresh towards night, with a dropping rain ; the marines have hitherto lain on board their ships ; the first detachment of their corps landed this evening on Point Levi. July 9. In order to facilitate the landing of the forces, under General Wolfe on the north side of the river, to the east ward of the water-fall, our brigade struck their camp between one and two o'clock this morning, with the greatest quietness, march ed a little way up the country, and concealed ourselves in the woods ; a few detachments only remained in the houses and re doubts, and the working-parties being out of view of the enemy, were not called in. Between six and seven of our frigates and bomb- ketches began to play upon the enemy's camp, which obliged them to strike their tents, and retire more to the rear ; that ground is not only out of reach of our ship's guns, but, by its elevated situation, bids defiance to any annoyance from the river. Captain Starks, of the rangers, sent his Lieutenant, and twenty men, on a scout to the southward, yesterday ; they returned to day, and brought in two prisoners ; one of them was a lad of fifteen years of age, the other a man of forty, who was very sullen, and would not answer any questions ; this officer also took two male children, and as he and his party were returning, they saw themselves closely pursued by a much superior body, some of whom were Indians ; he wished to be freed from the children, as, by their innocent cries and screeches, they directed the pur suers where to follow. The Lieutenant made many signs to them to go away and leave him, but they, not understanding him, still redoubled their lamentations ; and finding himself hard pressed, he gave orders that the infants should be taken aside and killed ; which was done, though the officer declared to me that it was with the greatest reluctance that can be conceived. ¦'• a a o o o o o About one o'clock in the afternoon, the troops under General 77 Wolfe landed on the north side of the river to the eastward of the cataract, and encamped without opposition.'* They had six brass six-pounders with them and some howitzers. The rangers were soon after detached into the woods to cover some fascine-makers, and being fired upon by a body of Indians, a smart skirmish en sued ; but the rangers were reinforced by the piquets and two field pieces, which raked the rascals, and drove them back to their own camp ;— there were many killed and wounded on both sides, which fell mostly on Captain Danks and his company of rangers. July 10. Our batteries are in great forwardness ; the two first are to mount six guns and five mortars, and will, in a few days, be in readiness to open. Before we reached our camp, we had a violent thunder-storm attended with hail and rain, which laid our incampment under water : — the hail stones were uncommonly large. July 11. The enemy, apprehending that we would en deavor to make up last night in work, what we were prevented doing yesterday by the storm, expended a great quantity of shot and shells at our batteries, but with no better success than in the morning. * * o a o •¦-, o Our carpenters are employed here in making several floating stages, in order, as it is pretended, to ferry over this brigade to attack the enemy at Beauport, whilst General Wolfe, with the other two brigades, are to cross the river of Montmorency, and fall upon the rear ; in this case it is added, that the marines are to defend our redoubts and batteries here, and detachments will remain in the north camp, to maintain that post. Such schemes and reports, however, seem only calculated to amuse the enemy, and confirm him in a belief, that nothing will be attempted this campaign by our army, except in that quarter ; M. Montcalm has a distinct view of these stages from his camp, and the uses they are said to be intended for, may possibly be conveyed to him by prisoners or deserters. Our works in this camp are almost com- * When the enemy saw our army thus subdivide I and occupying three distinct camps, the chief gentlemen of the country made application to Monsieur Vau- dreuil, to detach a strong body of Canadians, under experienced officers, over trie river, and rout our troops from Point Levi ; but the Governor-General, from the contemptible opinion he had of their prowess, refused, telling them it was his and their duty to act on the defensive. Monsieur Montcalm (say the officers of the regulars) was strongly prepossessed with the same sentiments of his Canadian forces. 78 pleted, our redoubts are very strong, having a ditch, with a stout picket-work in the centre, and an Abbatis de Bois all round them. On the inside of the church, or General Hospital, is also an ex cellent palisade-work, with loop-holes for musketry ; and the west end of it is covered by a half-moon, where an officer's guard mounts every day. July 12. Two pieces of cannon, with ammunition of all kinds, and a quantity of shells were sent up to the batteries. General Wolfe has put his camp in an excellent posture of de fence ; some batteries are erected against the enemy's left flank, and others are marked out, being proposed to be thrown up, if occasion should require ; boats are constantly employed in carry ing artillery, ammunition, and provisions to that side. At nine o'clock this night a rocket was thrown up as a signal for our batteries and bomb-ketches to play upon the town ; our first and second shells fell rather short, which afforded great sport to the enemy, who put forth many triumphant shouts on the oc casion ; however, we immediately got to the proper distance and changed their mirth. A fierce bombardment and cannonading was continued the whole night on both sides, of which, I had a full view from the Rock-guard, where I was upon duty. At midnight came on a heavy rain, that lasted until it was clear day-light. July 13. Our batteries and the town are still warmly engaged ; our bomb-ships ceased firing late in the night, but renewed it this morning, and performed exceedingly well. At eleven o'clock, all was quiet on both sides. Between twelve and one there was a smart cannonading from the left of General Wolfe's camp, across the fall at a battery the enemy were erecting to enfilada their ground. ° ° * ° ° ° ° July 13. The summers in this country are very hot, and subject to violent rains ; we have had a great fall this day. July 14. General Wolfe has been these two nights past at our batteries, with the grenadiers, light infantry of this brigade, and some companies of marines, being in expectation of a visit from the enemy, who by accounts brought by deserters have crossed the river for that purpose, with near two thousand men, and were this day seen to return ; the General was greatly disappointed at 79 their not putting their menaces in execution, being well prepared to receive them. o o a o A fleet of transports are arrived from New York and Boston with stores and provisions of all kinds ; three hundred provincials are also arrived to recruit the ranging companies and corps of artificers. ° *> ° *> o At ten o'clock this morning there was a brisk cannonading be tween a small battery, on the side of the hill in the north camp and the enemy's floats, in which some of our ships bore a-part. Some detachments of marines were landed to-day, as were like wise our ship mortars ; these are to be employed at a new battery we are now erecting, on the right of the others. Our artillery are well served, and with seeming success, the lower town being al ready considerably damaged; the enemy are wasting their ammunition to little purpose. July 15. We are throwing up a traverse on the upper road be hind the great water-mill, whence there is a parapet work extend ed on the top of the rocky hill commanding the Point, as far as the Parsonage-house to the south-west of the church ; the face of this hill is also cleared of all trees and under-wood ; so that the defences of our camp are new almost completed. There was a warm cannonading late last night across the fall, which was brisk ly renewed this morning on both sides. July 16. Ninety-six shells and seven carcasses have been thrown into the town the last twenty-four hours. The bearer of tlie last flag of truce from the enemy told General Wolfe : — " We do not doubt but you will demolish the town ; but we are deter mined ycur army shall never get footing within its walls!" to which, the General replied : — "I will be master of Quebec, if I stay here until the latter end of November next." At eleven o'clock a fire broke out in a large building* in the upper town, and burned with great fury, by tha wind's blowing fresh at north west ; the enemy seemed thereby much incensed, and cannonaded our batteries very vigorously for the space of two hours ; our batteries on the north camp played briskly into the enemy's camp at the same time, without any return. * The great Cathredal Church of Quebec, with all its paintings, images, and ornaments, were entirely destroyed by this conflagration, occasioned by our shells, &c. 80 July IT. The savages are very troublesome in the neighbor hood of the north camp, which obliges the troops to be very alert. The General frequently sends out large detachments to scour the environs of his camp, and to endeavor to draw part of the French army out of their trenches, by often countermarching in the skirts of the woods in their view, as if intending to cross the river of Montmorency and attack them. Two of their floating stages were sent over to-day to Orleans for trial ; they will each contain near three hundred men, and are supported on the water by a parcel of iron-bound pipes, or casks, fastened together with small cables ; they are exactly square, with a hand-rail to three faces, and the fourth face is covered by a kind of mantlet, or wooden fence, musket-proof, which, upon the floats being towed towards the shore, lets down, and forms a stage for the troops to disembark on. ° ° ° Slack firing between the town and our batteries to-day ; another mortar and some cannon were brought up there this afternoon, Weather showery though warm. July 18. Many new projects are talked of; but, I believe, from no other motive than to amuse the enemy, in order that false intelli gence may be circulated throughout (heir camps should any of our soldiers desert, a practice common in all armies. The garrison has not fired at our batteries since three o'clock in the afternoon, yesterday ; they began this day at noon, and continued cannonading and bombarding incessantly until sun-set, without any loss or accident whatever. General Wolfe was there for some time ; no man can display greater activity than he does between the different camps of his army. Between ten and eleven o'clock this night, sailed with a fair wind, and with tide of flood, the Sutherland, Captain Rouse, with the squirrel, three cats, and two trading sloops with provisions, and passed the town ; the Diana frigate was to have accompanied them, but she ran aground under the Little Rock-Guard, and stuck so fast that she could not be got off. The enemy did not fire above twenty-eight guns all last night, which makes us conjecture that the sailing of thess ships into the upper river was a great surprise to them. General Wolfe, who was then at our batteries, 81 gave the town a most incessant fire while this small fleet were passing. July 19th. The enemy erected a gibbet on the grand battery above the lower town, and hanged two sentinels, we suppose for not being more alert on their posts, and neglecting to apprise them of the first appearance of our ships advancing to pass the garrison into the upper river. ° ° * » There was a smart cannonading this afternoon, between a bat tery on the side of the hill in the north camp, the battery on the Point of Orleans, and some of the enemy's floats. Our new batteries are in great forwardness and will soon be ready to open. The command at Orleans have been reinforced by some of the provincials, who lately arrived from New England. July 20th. Orders are given out to the troops on this side to be ready to march this evening. The conjectures on this head are various ; some are of opinion, we have intended to storm the town to-night ; others, that we are intending to cut off the corps of seventeen hundred men, which the enemy are said to have detached to our side of the river ; while others look upon these sudden orders and reports as the effects of policy. * ° ° ° ° ° Slack firing at our batteries to-day, the enemy silent. July 21. Our batteries played briskly on the town last night. This morning the General engaged the enemy very warmly for some hours, with his cannon and howitzers across the fall. The weather exceedingly wet and uncomfortable. General Wolfe was at our batteries to-day, and while he con tinued there the town fired nearly fifty shot, (after being long quiet) with their usual ill success. The General took an escort from thence to Gorham's Post, where he had a barge to attend him, and proceeded immediately into the upper river to recon noitre, after which he went on board the Sutherland. ottooaooo The enemy having erected a battery at Sillery, opposite to the river Ethemin, where they have mounted a mortar and two pieces of cannon, the squadron under Captain Rouse has been thereby 11 82 obliged to move higher up in the river. The mast of the General's barg-e was carried away by a shot from that battery while his Ex cellency was abreast of it. July 22. Our batteries eastward of the fall, kept a warm fire last night for several hours, on the enemy's camp. O O o o » o « e The weather cleared up this evening after a very rainy forenoon' At nightfall, our new batteries were opened against the town, which produced a furious cannonading on both sides, with some shells and carcasses from us. July 23. Between ten and eleven o'clock last night, part of the lower town took fire and burnt with great rapidity until nine this morning. July 24. We have maintained an almost incessant fire of shot and shell against the town these last fourteen hours, which set part of it in flames. ° ° ° . a " Our weather is extremely wet and uncomfortable. July 25. We played so warmly on the town last night that a fire broke out in two different parts of it at eleven o'clock, which burnt with great rapidity until near three this morning ; the enemy remained perfectly quiet during that time, and still continue so. We are erecting a new six-gun battery to the right of the others, to keep the lower town in ruin, which appears to be almost de stroyed. '"' o o o o o This day two hundred marines were detached to the north camp to do duty with the troops there. July 26. We threw one hundred and fifty shells and carcasses into the town these last eighteen hours, besides discharging a great number of shot. ° ° ** ° ° The enemy are erecting some Works on the left of their camp ; but our batteries eastward of the fall played so briskly on them to-day, that they were obliged to desist. General Wolfe was at the same time reconnoitering to the northward of his camp, and his escort was attacked, whereupon a smart skirmish ensued, in which we had about fifty killed and wounded, and, by the numbers of the enemy carried off, (who were mostly Indians,) it is conjec tured their loss may be almost doubled. 83 Our batteries have fired almost incessantly this day on the town, which the enemy briskly returned for some hours. O 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 July 2*1. Colonel Fraser's detachment returned this morning, and presented us with more scenes of distress, and the dismal consequences of war, by a great number of wretched families, whom they brought in prisoners, with some of their effects, and near three hundred black cattle, sheep, hogs, and horses. We have bombarded the town very briskly these last twenty-four hours. July 28. We opened a new six-gun battery last night, which, with the others to the left of it, kept a most tremendous fire on the town, and is still continued. July 29. Our batteries fire almost incessantly on the town both day and night ; the wind is still favorable for ships to pass into the upper river, though little of it. An expedition of great consequence is talked of, for which the chosen detachments from the several regiments are said to be reserved. July 30. Very hot work at our batteries to day, and at about two o'clock, the enemy gave them a round from every gun they could bring to bear upon them, after being silent for a long time before ; we bombarded the town last night from sunset until sunrise this morning. July 31. Our batteries on the eminence to the eastward brisk ly enfiladed the enemy's works at the left extremely of their camp, and also their detached battery and redoubt on the beach below. ° * ° ° ° ° ° A heavy connonading from every quarter. 0 0O0 0 0 0 0 The General, seeing the situation of affairs, night drawing on a-pace and the ammunition of the army damaged with the dread- fulest thunder storm and fall of rain that can be conceived, sent to stop Brigadier Townshend. The enemy did not attempt to pursue ; their ammunition must undoubtedly have shared the same fate with our own, for the violence of the storm exceeded any dis- cription I can attempt to give of it. O00O00 » » The storm of uncommon heavy rain, that not only damaged our 84 powder, but rendered the precipices to the enemy's work so slippery, as to become impossible for men to ascend them. Aug. 2. We bombarded the town with great spirit last night. Aug. 3. Part of the town was in flames early this morning, but was soon extinguished ; we continue to bombard and cannon ade it vigorously, though we have seldom any return from the enemy. Aug. 4. Our fire against the town has been very heavy these last twenty-four hours. ° ° ° At night General Wolfe amused the enemy by making a feint to cross the ford by the fall, whereupon they beat to arms, and lined their entrenchments ; which as soon as he perceived, he gave them a formidable fire from all his cannon and howitzers on the hill. Aug. 6. Smart firing on the town this night, which is faintly returned. Aug. 7. At times butcher's meat is scarce, but that is supplied by young horse-flesh ; a loin of a colt eats well roasted, and there are many other parts of the carcase, which if disguised in the same manner that one meets with other victuals at table, may deceive the nicest palate. -Aug. 8. Two of our twenty-four pounders are disabled at the batteries, whence we still maintain a brisk fire against the town, which appears to be in a most ruinous condition. In the even ing, Mr. Wolfe cannonaded and bombarded the left of the enemy's camp for above an hour. Aug. 9. About one o'clock this morning, a fire broke out in the lower town, and, by the winds freshening, the flames spread with great rapidity, and continued burning until ten, by which the greater part of that quarter was destroyed ; it communicated to one of their batteries, blew up a small magazine or powder- chest, burned their platforms and carriages, and discharged some of their guns. Another fire was perceived to burst forth in the upper town, which was extinguished in less than an hour. Our artillery officers observe that they can now reach the north suburbs, where the Intendant's superb palace is situated ; and this quarter they hope they shall soon put on the same romantic foot ing with the rest. 85 Aug. 9. When the lower town was in flames early this morning, Mr. Wolfe ordered the piquets and grenadiers to march down to the beach, and make a feint to cross the ford leading to the Point de Left ; which the enemy perceiving, beat instantly to arms and lined their works ; whereupon the General gave them a spirited discharge from all his cannon and howitzers and did great execution among them. Aug. 10. General Wolfe, with Colonel Carleton, &c, are gone a few miles down the river, escorted by two companies of grenadiers, on a reconnoitering party. A brisk discharging of small arms was heard to-day, for near two hours, above the town, which resembled platoon firing. Smart cannonading and bom barding between the town and our batteries. Aug. 11. Our batteries fire briskly on the town to-day without any return. 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 This night at nine o'clock the Leostaff, Hunter, and some trans ports worked upwards and attempted to pass the town, but the tide of flood being almost at the height, and the wind failing them, they were obliged to put back ; while they were within reach the enemy bombarded and cannonaded them vigorously, which was most spiritedly returned by our batteries. 12. This morning, at day break, our weather changed to un common heavy rain, which continued several hours without inter mission. 13th. The General bombarded the enemy's camp warmly this morning, by which one of their houses took fire, and while they were endeavoring to extinguish it, he gave them a vigorous dis charge from all his artillery, and maintained it above an hour. 0 0 0 0*0 O 0 O Upwards of a thousand cannon shot, and twenty thirteen inch shells, which came from the enemy at different times, have been collected in the precincts of our batteries and were sent on board an ordnance ship to be transmitted, as it is said, to Louisbourg ; the soldiers are allowed two pence for a shot, two shillings and six pence for a ten inch, and five shillings for thirteen inch shells o o o o By the deluge of rain we have had of late, the air is rendered cool, and our camp uncomfortable. 14. A strong fortress to contain a garrison of three thousand 86 men this winter, on the island of Coudre, is again reported to be determined upon, and the plan to be very soon put in execution. General Wolfe attacked some of the enemy's floating batteries that were edging down to the Point de Left, and obliged them to retire precipitately. 15. General Wolfe engaged one of the floats this afternoon, and she soon after blew up. The town is warmly bombarded this evening. 16. A fire broke out in the town last night, and the flames spread with great rapidity ; the enemy then, as in such cases, fired vigorously on our batteries, though without execution. 0 0 0 0 0 * * * The waters were so much out, occasioned by the late heavy rains, that the rivulet was not passable. The weather changed this evening, which brought the wind about, but it did not continue long fair. Our new batteries are in great forwardness. 17. Part of the town took fire again last night, but there being no wind and a heavy rain, it was soon got under. The town and our batteries were silent all last night and to-day, until two o'clock in the afternoon, when they broke out and a smart cannonading and bombardment ensued on both sides. The new batteries we are erecting are to mount nineteen twenty-four pounders. A storm is strongly talked of, in which the Admiral, it is said, will assist with a few ships and some thousands of seamen. 18. We have supported a brisk fire upon the town all last night and to-day. * * * * * * The Chief Engineer disapproves of storming Quebec, as an en terprise extremely dangerous and without any prospects of suc ceeding, particularly as the fleet cannot assist us, their guns not having sufficient elevation to effect the upper town. 19th. A heavy storm of rain in the evening with great thunder aud lightning. 21. We fire a little on the town to-day without any return. The weather is so extremely wet and disagreeeble that very little advantage can now be reaped any where. At noon General Wolfe 87 discharged some howitzers into the enemy's camp. The project of erecting a fortress on the island of Coudre, for a garrison of three thousand men, is laid aside for want of proper materials, and the season being too far advanced for such an undertaking. The enterprise of storming Quebec is also given up, as too desperate to hope for success. * * ° * * It is with the greatest concern to the whole army that we are now informed of our amiable General's being very ill of a slow fever ; the soldiers lament him exceedingly, and seemed appre hensive of this event before we were ascertained of it, by his not visiting this camp for several days past. 3j» 5]C «"€ *fZ 7P vp 2f£ t& Our batteries are now limited to twenty-five rounds in twenty- four hours per gun, and the mortars to forty-five. 24. I crossed the river this morning to wait on the General, and receive his orders for this brigade ; this is the first and only opportunity I had of being in that camp, where no pains have been spared to render it impregnable ; a tolerable house stood con venient here for Mr. Wolfe's quarters, but he was so ill above stairs as not to be able to come to dinner. * * * * #>* * * The town threw five shells at our batteries to-day, but there was no mischief done. We continue to keep the place in ruin. 25. His Excellency, General Wolfe, is on the recovery, to the inconceivable joy of the whole army. 26. Our batteries and the town exchanged many shot and shells to-day. 29. Our troops eastward of Montmorency are preparing to evacuate that ground ; the enemy's batteries westward of the cataract cannonaded the boats that were passing to General Wolfe's camp, in order to bring off the sick, women, and heavy baggage ; but his Excellency, by a superior fire from all his cannon and howitzers, soon silenced them. 31. General Wolfe appeared in his camp to-day for the first time since his late illness. * * * * We are drawing off our cannon from General Wolfe's camp. Sept. 1. The Seahorse frigate, two cats, and two sloops, passed into the upper river last night between eleven and twelve o'clock, which occasioned a furious firing between the town and our batteries. ****** 88 Several pieces of brass cannon, twelves and twenty-four pound ers, were drawn up to our batteries, and we are throwing up . another redoubt there. It is privately rumored with some confidence, that the main body of the army is shortly to be conveyed above the town, to endeavor to force a landing on the north side of the river, between Cape Rouge and Cape Diamond. 2. General Wolfe is preparing to withdraw his troops from the ground eastward of the cataract ; for this purpose he has sent over all his artillery, stores, baggage, tent, &c. o o o 0 o o o o General Wolfe is endeavoring to draw the flower of the French army from their strong entrenched camp, to an engagement on his own ground before he abandons it. 4. An expedition is on foot to the upper river, in which the greatest part of the army, with our three Brigadiers, are to assist ; the General will command in person, if his health will permit. The grenadiers of Louisbourg are under orders to join us this eve, from Orleans. The boats are to pass the town this night, with the light baggage of the troops, fine weather and wind favorable- 5. General Wolfe was much indisposed last night, he is better to-day ; but the army are, nevertheless, very apprehensive lest his ill state of health should not permit him to command this grand enterprise in person. 6. We had an uncommon storm of rain last night ; to-day showery weather and wind variable. We fired warmly on the town these last eighteen hours, without a single gun or shell in return. ******* The General joined the army and upper fleet this night. 7. Fine warm weather: Admiral Holmes' squadron weighed early this morning ; at six o'clock we doubled the mouth of the Chaudiere, which is near a half a mile over ; and at eight we came to an anchor off Cape Rouge. * * * * This afternoon at two o'clock the Seahorse, Leostaff, and two oating batteries that were lately taken, were ordered to edge into the cove and attack the enemy's armed floats, at the same time the troops put into their boats and rowed up and down, as if intending to land at different places, to amuse the enemy ; the Brigadiers, no doubt, knew this was intended only as a finesse, 89 but the corps thought they were, in reality, going ashore, and such was their zeal, that they were much disappointed, when, after parading some time in this manner, they were ordered back to their ships ; this seems calculated to fix the attention of the enemy on that particular part, while a descent is meditated elsewhere, perhaps lower down. 8. Wet weather, wind up the river : this morning, at day-break, a transport cat, two sloops, and a schooner, passed the town with provisions, &c, and were followed soon after by two other small vessels, they were all warmly cannonaded in their passage, and sustained some damage. Orders are issued out this evening for the troops to land, and make a diversion to-morrow morning at day light. 9. The extreme wetness of the weather prevented the oper ations intended for this morning. 10. General Wolfe sent for an officer and thirty men of the forty-third regiment, to escort him on a reconnoitre, with Brigadier Townshend, the chief Engineer, Colonel Carleton, &c. For this purpose six of our grenadiers coats were also sent by his Excel lency's orders. 11. Great preparations are making throughout the fleet and army to surprise the enemy and compel them to decide the fate of Quebec by a battle ; all the long boats below the town are to be filled with seamen, marines, and such detachments as can be spared from Points Levi and Orleans, in order to make a feint off Beau- port and the Point de Left, and endeavor to engross the attention of the Suire de Montcalm, while the army are to force a descent on this side of the town. KNOX'S ACCOUNT OP THE BATTLE OP THURSDAY, THE THIRTEENTH OP SEPTEMBER, 1759. "j [He landed with the first division under the personal com mand of Wolfe, and remarks, that " in the boat where he was, one man was killed, one seaman, with four soldiers were slight ly, and two mortally wounded ;" this from the fire of the " chain of centries" which Montcalm had posted along the summit of the heights.] 12 90 " Before day break this morning, we made a descent upon the north shore, about half a quarter of a mile to the eastward of Sillery, and the light troops were fortunately, by the rapidity of the'current, carried lower down, between us and Cape Diamond ; we had in this debarkation thirty flat bottomed boats, containing about sixteen hundred men. This was a great surprise on the enemy, who, from the natural strength of the place, did not suspect, and consequently were not prepared against so bold an attempt. The chain of sentries which they had posted along the summit of the heights galled us a little, and picked off several men and some officers, before our light infantry got up to dis lodge them. This grand enterprise was conducted and executed with great good order and discretion ; as fast as we landed the boats put off for reinforcements, and the troops formed with much regularity. The General, with Brigadiers Monckton and Murray, were ashore with the first division. We lost no time here, but clambered up one of the steepest precipices that can be conceived, being almost perpendicular and of an incredible height. As soon as we gained the summit all was quiet, and not a shot was heard, owing to the excellent conduct of the light infantry under Colonel Howe ; it was by this time clear day-light. Here we formed again, the river of the south country in our rear, our right ex tending to the town, our left to Sillery, and halted a few minutes. The General then detached the light troops to our left, to route the enemy from their battery, and to disable their guns, except they could be rendered serviceable to the party who were to re main there ; and this service was soon performed. We then faced to the right, and marched towards the town by files, till we came to the plains of Abraham, an even piece of ground which Mr. Wolfe had made choice of, while we stood forming upon the hill. Weather showery. About six o'clock, the enemy first made their appearance upon the heights, between us and the town, whereupon we halted and wheeled to the right, thereby forming the line of battle. The first disposition then was : "Grenadiers of Louisbourg on the right, and the forty-seventh regiment on the left, twenty-eighth on the right, third on the left ; part of the light infantry took posts in the houses at Sillery, and the remain der occupied a chain of houses which were opportunely situated for that purpose; and covered our left flank, inclining towards our rear ; the General then advanced some platoons from the Grena- 91 diers and twenty-eighth regiment below the height on our right, to annoy the enemy, and prevent their getting round the declivity between us and the main river, which they had attempted. By this time the fifteenth and thirty-fifth regiments joined us, who formed a second line, and were soon after followed by the forty- eighth and fifty-eighth, two battalions of the sixty-eighth and seventy-eighth regiments, (Highlanders,) by which a new dispo sition was made of the whole ; viz., " first line, thirty-fifth to the right, in a circular form on the slope of the hill, fifty-eighth left, Grenadiers right, seventy-eighth left, twenty-eighth right, forty- seventh left, forty-third in the center," General Wolfe, Briga diers Monckton and Murray, to our front line ; and the second was composed of the fifteenth, and two battalions of the sixtieth regiment under Brigadier Townshend, with a reserve of the forty- eighth regiment, under Colonel Burton, drawn up in four grand divisions with large intervals. The enemy had now likewise formed the line of battle, and got some cannon to play on us, with round and canister shot ; but what galled us most was a body of Indians and other marksmen they had concealed in the corn opposite to the front of our right wing, and a coppice that stood opposite to our center, inclining towards our left ; but Colonel Hale, by Brigadier Monckton's orders, advanced some platoons, alternately, from the forty-seventh regiment, which, after a few rounds, obliged these sculkers to retire : we were now ordered to lie down and remained some time in this position. About eight o'clock we had two pieces of short brass six-pound ers playing on the enemy, which threw them into some confusion, and obliged them to alter their disposition, and Montcalm formed them into three large columns ; about nine, the two armies moved a little nearer each other. The light cavalry made a faint attempt upon cur parties at the battery of Sillery, but were soon beat off, and Monsieur de Bougainville, with his troops from Cape Rouge, came down to attack the flank of our second line, hoping to penetrate there ; but by a masterly disposition of Brigadier Townshend, they were forced to desist, and the third battalion of Royal Americans was then detached to the first ground we had formed on after we gained the heights, to preserve the communi cation with the beach and our boats. About ten o'clock, the enemy began to advance briskly in three columns, with loud shouts and recovered arms, two of them in- 92 dining to the left of our army, and the third towards our right, firing obliquely at the two extremities of our line, from the distance of one hundred and thirty, until they came within forty yards ; which our troops withstood with the greatest intrepidity and firmness, still reserving their fire, and paying the strictest obedience to their officers; this uncommon, steadiness, together with the havoc which the grape-shot from our field-pieces made among them, threw them into some disorder, and was most critically maintained by a well-timed, regular, and heavy dis charge of our small arms, such as they could no longer oppose ; * hereupon they gave way and fled with precipitation, so that, by the time the cloud of smoke was vanished, our men were again loaded, and, profiting by the advantage we had over them, pur sued them almost to the gates of the town, and the bridge over the little river, redoubling our fire with great eagerness, making many officers and men prisoners. The weather cleared up, with a comfortably warm sun-shine ; the Highlanders chased them vigorously towards Charles's river, and the fifty-eighth to the suburb, close to John's gate, until they were checked by the can non from the two hulks, at the same time a gun, which the town had brought to bear upon us with grape-shot, galled the progress of the regiments to the right, who were likewise pursuing with equal ardor, while Colonel Hunt Walsh, by a very judicious movement, wheeled the battalions of Bragg and Kennedy to the left, and flanked the coppice where a body of the enemy made a stand, as if willing to renew the action, but a few platoons from these corps completed our victory. Then it was that Brigadier Townshend came up, called off the pursuers, ordered the whole line to dress, and recove • their former ground. Our joy at this success is inexpressibly damped by the loss we sustained of one of the greatest heroes which this or any other age can boast of. General James Wolfe, who received his mortal wound, as he was exerting himself at the head of the grenadiers of Louisbourg ; and Brigadier Monckton was unfortunately * When General Wolfe " formed the line of battle, he ordered the regiments to load with an additional ball. The 43d and 47th regiments, in the centre, being little affected by the oblique fire of the enemy, gave them, with great calmness, as remarkable a clise and heavy discharge, as I ever saw performed at a private field of exercise, insomuch that better troops than we encountered could not possibly withstand it; and, indeed, well might the French officers say, that they never opposed such a shock as they received from the centre of our line, for that they believed every ball took place, and such regularity and discipline they had not experienced before." 93 wounded upon the left of the forty-third, and right of the forty- seventh regiment, at much the same time ; whereby the command devolved on Brigadier Townshend, who, with Brigadier Murray, went to the head of every regiment, and returned thanks for their extraordinary good behavior, congratulating the officers on our success. o o o o O 0 0 o The officers, who are prisoners, say, that Quebec will surrender in a few days ; some deserters who came out to us in the evening, agree in that opinion, and inform us, that the Sieur de Montcalm is dying, in great agony, of a wound he received to-day in their retreat. Thus has our late renowned Commander, by his superior eminence in the art of war, and a most judicious coup d'etat, made a conquest of this fertile, healthy, and hitherto formidable country, with a handful of troops only, in spite of political schemes and most vigorous efforts of the famous Montcalm, and many other officers of rank and experience, at the head of an army considerably more numerous. My peu is too feeble to draw the character of this British Achilles ; but the same may, with justice, be said of him as was said of Henry IV. of France. He was .possessed of courage, humanity, clemency, generosity, affability, and politeness. And though the former of these happy ingredients, how essential soever it may be in the composition of a soldier, is not alone sufficient to distinguish an expert officer ; yet I may, with strict truth, ad vance, that Major General James Wolfe, by his great talents, and martial disposition, which he discovered early in life, was greatly superior to his experience in generalship, and was by no means inferior to a Frederic, a Henry, or a Ferdinand." LIST OF THE SHIPS OF WAR SENT TO THE ST. LAW RENCE, IN 1759, TO ASSIST WOLFE IN THE REDUCTION OF QUEBEC: In addition, the store-ships, victuallers, traders, and trans ports, were, probably, one hundred and fifty or two hundred : Knox speaks of these kinds of vessels as forming " an immense fleet." 94 Ships' Names. Guns Commanders. Neptune,Princes Amelia, Dublin, Royal William, Vanguard, Terrible, Captain, Shrewsbury, Devonshire,Bedford, Alcide,Somerset, Prince Frederic, Pembroke, Medway, Prince of Orange, Northumberland,Oxford,Stirling Castle,' Centurion, Trident,Sutherland, Frigates, Diana, " Leostoffe, " Richmond, Frigates, Trent, " Echo, Sloops, Seahorse, " Eurus, " Nightingale, " Hind, " Squirrel, " Scarborough, " Lizard, " Scorpion, « Zephir, " Hunter, " Porcupine, „„ Admiral Saunders, Commander- in-chief, Captain Hartwell. 80 Admiral Durell. 74 Admiral Holmes. 84 Captain Piggot. 74 " Swanton. 74 " Collins. 70 " Amherst. 74 " Palliser. 74 " Gordon. 68 " Fowkes. 64 " Douglas. 68 " Hughes. 64 " Booth. 60 " Wheelock. 60 " Proby. 60 " Wallace. 64 " Lord Colville. 64 " Spry. 64 " Everett. 60 " Mantle. 54 " Legge. 50 " Rouse. 36 " Schomberg. 28 " Deane. 32 " Handkersou. 28 " Lindsay. 24 " Le Forey. 20 « Smith. 22 " Elphinstone, 20 « Campbell. 20 " Bond. 20 " Hamilton. 20 " Scott. 28 " Doak. 14 " Cleland. 12 " Greenwood. 10 " Adams. 14 " Jarvis. Ships' Names. Sloops, Baltimore, " Cormorant, " Pelican, " Race-horse, " Bonetta, " Vesuvius, Strombolo, " Rodney Cutter, 95 Guns. 10 Commanders, Captain Carpenter. " M " Montford. " Rickards. Chads. Smith.Douglas. The Bonetta and Rodney, as also the Charming Molly, Europa, Lawrence, Peggy and Sarah, Good Intent, and Prosperity, transport cutters, were appointed sounding vessels. STATE OF THE BRITISH ARMY IN THE ST. LAWRENCE. Officers present : Hank and File, SfC, September, 1759. COMMISSIONED. <£ CC a ;o s Total of all o U O Regiments. co O 5 '£ TO"c 5til c oso 3 ag Ranks, inclu ding General Officers, &c. .o o -. n a p -1 " ;-< C3 iz; U *A & O 'i-i W !< o1 CO * co M M 15th. Amherst's. 1 0 1 4 15 5 0 0 1 0 21 6 352 406 28th. Bragg's. 1 0 1 5 9 8 0 0 1 0 23 11 362 421 35th. Ot way's. 0 1 1 5 11 8 1 1 1 0 23 11 456 519 43d. Kennedy's. 0 0 1 6 6 4 1 1 0 0 17 11 280 327 47th. Lascelles's. 0 1 0 5 8 8 0 0 0 0 31 2 305 360 48th. Webb's. 0 1 0 4 16 7 1 0 1 1 33 14 605 683 58th. Anstruther's. 0 1 1 4 7 6 0 0 0 0 20 0 296 335 60th } ( Monckton's. j Lawrence's. 1 0 0 2 6 6 0 0 0 0 26 15 266 322 0 1 0 4 11 8 0 0 0 0 28 14 474 540 78th. -Eraser's. o; o 0 7 12 7 1 IJ 0 0 28 14 603 662 22d! ) Louisbourg ) j 40th > 45th ) Companies > of Gren'diers ) 0 1 0 2 8 0 1 0 0 0 9 4 216 241 Total, 3 6 5 48 109 67 5 2 4 1 259 102 4215 4816 One Major-General, three Brigadier-Generals, one Quarter-Master General, one Aid Quarter-Master General, one Adjutant-General, four Majors of Brigade, two Aids-de-Camp. 96 STATE OF THE FRENCH ARMY, SEPT., 1859 : i eight column. CENTRE COLUMN. LEFT COLUMN. Troupe's de Colonie, 550 Regiment de la Sarre, 550 Reg. de Languedoc, 550 Des Milices, and one Six Pounder, 400 2000 Regiment de Barne, 360 Regiment de Guienne, 360 Des Milices, 1200 1920 Royale RoufiUon, 650 La Colonie, 650 Des Milices, 2300 3600 A List of the British, Killed, Wounded, and Missing, on the 13th of September: Killed, Wounded,Missing, 61 598 5 664 All ranks, killed, wounded, and missing, six hundred and sixty-four. ANECDOTES OF WOLFE. While at Louisbourg, and on the 25th of May, 1759, Wolfe reviewed the Grenadier Companies of the garrison there : " Some commanding officers of corps, who expected to be also re viewed in their turn, told the General, by way of apology, that, by their regiments having been long cantoned, they had it not in their power to learn or practise this new exercise : to which he answered — " Poh ! poh! New exercise — new fiddlestick: if they are otherwise well disci plined, and will fight, that's all I shad require of them!" On the passage from Louisbourg to Quebec, says Knox, under date of June 19th : " At seven o'clock P. M., the Richmond Frigate passed us, on board of which was General Wolfe, who politely saluted us, hoping we were all well on board." 97 With Wolfe, and killed, at Quebec, was a young Fairfax, (of the noble family in Virginia, and the friends of Wasl ington in early life,) who, of much promise, had been educated in Eng land. It is related, says Sparks, that Wolfe saw him as the army landed, seated near the bank of the river, and, that touching him on the shoulder, he said : " Young man, when we come to action, remember your name .'" From Knox, July 16th : " The bearer of the last flag of truce from the enemy, told General Wolfe : ' We do not doubt but you will demolish the town, but we are determined your army shall never get footing within our walls.' To which the General replied: ' I will be master of Quebec, if I stay here until the latter end of November next !' " The point of the last anecdote will readily occur to those who have read such parts of the foregoing Address, as relate to the real or supposed danger to the fleet, in remaining in the St. Lawrence as late as the beginning of a Canadian winter. The two which follow, are also from Knox : it will be seen that both immediately preceded the fall of the young Chief. Sept. 10. General Wolfe, being informed of the indisposition of two officers on board a ship, of the 43d Regiment, expressed the great est tenderness and good nature towards them, and desired they would not continue on board, to endanger their constitutions ; for that he would lend them his barge with pleasure, to conduct them to Graham's post, whence they should have an escort to Point Levi camp. The gentle men politely declined the offer, assuring the General that no considera tion could induce them to leave the army, until they should see the event of this expedition." Sept. 11. " The officer of our regiment, who commanded the escort yesterday, on the reconnoitering party, being asked, in the General's hearing, after the health of one of the gentlemen who was reported to be ill, replied : ' he was in a very low, indifferent state ;' which the other lamented, saying, ' he has but a puny, delicate constitution.' This struck his Excellency, it being his own case, who interrupted: 'Don't tell me of constitution ; that officer has good spirits, and good spirits will carry a man through everything !' ' All these exhibit the character of Wolfe in a manner to com- 98 mand our respect. But Lord Mahon tells a story, on the au thority of Lord Temple, which shows that, once certainly in his life, he behaved like a fool. It is as follows : After his appointment, and on the day preceding his embarkation for America, Pitt, desirous of giving his last verbal instructions, invited him to dinner, Lord Temple being the only other guest. As the eve ning advanced, Wolfe — heated, perhaps, by his own aspiring thoughts, and the unwonted society of statesmen, broke forth into a strain of gasconade and bravado. He drew his sword — he wrapped the table with it — he flourished it round the room — he talked of the mighty things which that sword was to achieve. The two ministers sat aghast at an exhibition so unusual from any man of real sense and real spirit. And when at last Wolfe had taken his leave, and his carriage was heard to roll from the door, Pitt seemed for the moment shaken in the high opinion which his deliberate judgment had formed of Wolfe : he lifted up his eyes and arms, and exclaimed to Lord Temple, "Good God! that I should have entrusted the fate of the country and of the administration to such hands !" Common soldiers and seamen are almost unerring in their estimate of their Chiefs ; and their by-names are significant of character. The " Little Corporal"—" Old Net."— the " Iron Duke" — "Old Hickory" — and " Rough-and- Ready ," are suffi cient illustrations for our purpose. The appellation bestowed upon Wolfe was: "The Officer's Friend; the Soldier's Father." FUNERAL HONORS: FAMILY TOMB AT GREENWICH, &c. " On Sunday, November 17th, 1759, at seven o'clock in the morning, his Majesty's ship, Royal William, (in which his corpse was brought from Quebec to Portsmouth,) fired two signal guns for the removal of his remains. At eight o'clock, the body was lowered out of the ship into a twelve-oared barge, towed by two other twelve-oared barges, and attended by twelve others, to the bottom of the point, in a train of 99 gloomy, silent pomp, suitable to the melancholly occasion. Minute-guns were fired from the ships at Spithead, from the time of the body leaving the ship to its being landed at Portsmouth, which was one hour. The regiment of invalids was ordered under arms before eight, and being joined by a company of the train at Portsmouth, marched from the pa rade there, to the bottom of the point, to receive the remains. At nine, the body was landed, and put into a hearse, attended by a mourning coach, (both sent from London,) and proceeded through the garrison. The colors on the fort were struck half flag-staff; the bells were muf fled, and rung in solemn concert with the march ; minute-guns were fired on the platform, from the entrance of the corpse to the close of the procession ; the company of the train led the van, with their arms reversed ; the corpse followed : and the invalid regiment followed the hearse, their arms reversed. They conducted the body to the land- port gates, where the train opened to the right and left, and the hearse proceeded through them on the way to London. Although there were many thousands of people assembled on this occasion, not the least dis turbance happened : nothing was to be heard but murmuring, broken accents, in praise of the dead hero. On the 20th, at night, his remains were deposited in the burial place belonging to his family at Greenwich." ¦ — Russell's England. " His mother, by this time the sole surviving member of the family, claimed the melancholy satisfaction of committing his remains to the dust, and they were laid beside those of his father, in a vault in the par ish church of Greenwich." — Gleig, in the Cabinet Oyclopozdia. The following article was cut from a newspaper in Canada, by a member of the New England Historic-Genealogical Society : — " Wolfe's Tomb. — The following interesting item we have been permitted to extract from a private letter, received at Montreal, by the last English mail : Geeenwich, August, 1859. ' An order in Council, from the Queen, has been issued, calling upon the Churchwardens to cause the whole of the vaults under our Parish Church to be filled with earth and charcoal, and all the entrances to be bricked up, never more to be opened. Among the said vaults is that of General Wolfe, the Conqueror of Quebec : on opening the vault, was found a Quebec Mercury of the 21st November, 1839, deposited there by Mr. Hawkins, of Quebec, together with his card, and a wreath of 100 laurel, on the 23rd May, 1841. The Churchwardens have lent me the paper to copy a Prospectus it contains, and among the subscribers are four persons of the name of Macdonald, — namely: A. Macdonald, Three Rivers ; Angus Macdonald, Cornwall, U. C. ; W. Macdonald, Gaspe ; and Town-Major Macdonald, Montreal. T£, when you are writing to Mr. Lloyd, you would like to mention the above circumstance regarding the gallant Wolfe, perhaps he may know Mr. Hawkins, and would feel a satisfaction in informing him of the fact of his Mercury, Card, and Wreath, being found on the coffin as he left them, after a lapse of eighteen years. They are now in the custody of the Churchwardens, one of whom, Mr. T. Huntley, has promised me that they shall still be preserved as interesting relics of the departed hero. With the exception of the upper fold of the Mercury, the paper and type is as perfect as when placed on the coffin by Mr. Hawkins.' " ' ¦¦¦:'¦¦¦¦, ¦ :'¦ : '.¦¦¦¦ ¦ ¦¦ : . :' . ' : ¦¦. . ¦¦: ¦¦.¦¦¦. , '••' .. . ¦.¦, '. ¦¦¦>¦¦ .¦ ;-.¦.¦ ¦ '¦'¦. ¦¦:. . :¦¦'