3 9002 06551 5729 mt ChVtf. Bayid Wood abjd C^ed 137-/7 pd'. Pub. by UoknsorvSf- 'Pauls Quoxh Thr&Sug? iq.. j.8oil. THE NARRATIVE OF CAPTAIN DAVID WOODARD AND FOUR SEAMEN, WHO LOST THEIR SHIP WHILE IN A BOAT AT SEA, AND (SURRENDERED THEMSELVES UP TO THE MALAYS UI THE ISLAND OF CELEBES^ CONTATNI1W3 AN INTERESTING ACCOUNT Sf their Sufferings from Manger and various Hardships, and their Escape from the Malays, after a Captivity of Two- Years -and a Half- ¦ JtOiSO AS ACCOUNT OFTHE BANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE COUNTRY, And a Description of th«. Harbours ^nd Coasts, &c. TOGETHER WIT-H ^, an introduction;, And an APPENDIX, containing. Narratives af various Escapes from Shipwrecks, under great [Hardships , and Abstinence ; holding out -A VALUABLE SEAMAN's GUIDE, A\ And tie Importance of Union, CerifSknce, .and Perseverance, in ihe Midst of Distress. " There's a tweet little Cfeerub sits percKM up aloft, <<" To keep watch for ihe Life of Poor Jack." Dibdi;;. SECOND EDITION," frONDO!?: PRINTED FOR J. JOHNSON, 72, ST- PAUL'S CHURCH- YARp. 1805, Printed by J. Crowde», Warw.ick-ft]uare. CONTENTS. DEDICATION - - '- - *- - - is introduction - - - - xi PART THE FIRST, CHAPTER I. X)eparttirc in -an American Ship- from Batavia for Manilla — - Straits of Macassar — Scarcity of Pro\ isions — Woodard and five Sailors take the J3oat and go in ¦quest of a Supply- Refused by a Country Ship — Are separated from heir own Vessels-Discover an Island, and land on it— Are in danger of being ftarved — Come in view ofthe Celebes Shore — Fail in with two Malay Proas — -Treachery ofthe Malays — Land and procure Cocoa-nuts — Fatal Mishap — New Disappoint ments T ' " " 1 CHAPTER II. A Project focmed, and for a Time prevented — Interesting Occurrence '.,.-'- - - - H CHAPTER III. We reach Trabe Commandant— I am sent for by him — Result of our Inter view— Uncuila — Am permitted -to go io Tsavalla — Observe the Situation of Dungally — I am attacked by a weakening Disorder - - - - ' " - - -1 %7 CHAPTER VII. I attempt an Escape by Water — Am in imminent Danger, and forced to return, — Another Attempt by Land — I reach Dungafly, where I meet with Tuan Hadjee — The Chief of, Travalla sends after me— rl write to my Bien, whom I left at Parlow — They join mc at Dungally ' 31 CHAPTER VIII. Tuan Hadjee leaves me in Charge of his Family — Scarcity of Provisions — War between the Rajahs of Parlow and Dun gally — Tuan Hadjee returns— An Engagement — Another Scarcity— Tuan Hadjee purposes to' soil for*Sawyah— The Rajah refuses me Permission to.accpmpany him — Prepara tions for an Escape— Our Attempt frustrated. ' - 3j CHAPTER IX. "We ask leave to accompany Tuan Hadjee to Sawyah, but the Rajah refuses — Wc escape out of the Town, seize a Canoe, and put to Sea — An unfortunate. Mishap — I go with Tuan Hadjee to an Island in the Bay of Sawyah— He grants it to me, and calls it Steersman's Island — Return with the Priest —Go to Dumpalis . - - - 3<) CHAPTER X. Tuan Hadjee goes to Tomboo — 1 decline accompanying him - — We agree with the Captain of a Proa bound for Solo for eur Passage to that Place— Are taken by him to Tomlxml CONTENTS, -v and delivered to Tuan Hadjee, who is made acquainted with tour Duplicity "- - - - 4,2 CHAPTER XI. We arrive at a small Island, where we cannot procure any Water — Captured and taken to Pamboon, where we are stripped — Conductedto the House ofthe Rajah, who, after an Examination, wishes to detain us - 47, CHAPTER XII. Leave Pamboon, and arrive at Macassar - - 5£ CHAPTER XIII. Oui" Joy on arriving at Macassar, and bur friendly Reception greatly encreased by the humane and generous Conduct of the Governor and inhabi tantsmntil our Departure for Ba tavia — Our Arrival and Reception at tbat Place 56' CHAPTER XIVv My four Companions are engaged by the Captain of an Ane-' rican Ship — Captain Sands makes me his Chief-Mate — We set sail, and arrive at Calcutta — My History is circulated there^— I procure the Command of a Country-Ship, and su perintend the Repair of her — Unexpected Meeting with Captain Hubbard, who presses me to sail with him to the Mauritius — I accept this Offer, and we arrive there — An Instance of his honourable Conduct — At the Mauritius I succeed Captain Hubbard in the Command of the Ship 63 CHAPTER XV. Lsail to the Isk of Bourbon — Passage round the Cape of Good Hope — Heavy Gales of Wind — Receive much Damage — Tut into St. Helena for Repairs — Wait on Captain Ellison, who kindly assists us — We leave St. Helena, and direct our Course for the Island of Ascension — Leave it, and arrive at the Isle of Wight — I write to my Wife, and to my Owners, and set off for London— -I deliver my Letters to Mr. Vaughan, who questions me concerning my Voyage — His kind Treatment of me— He advises me to publish my Nar rative — Reflections — I write again to my Wife and to my Owners — Hear ofthe Death of Mr. Russell — I write Letters of Thanks to Captain Ellison, the Governor of Macassar, and Mynheer Alstromer - • -67 ft CO STENTS', PART THE SECOND, CHAPTER I. Description of the Island oi CeleLes, its Harbours, Rivers,. Towns, &c. — Guaranta-la — Priggia — Cape Dundo — Sawyah — Dumpalis — Tomboo-^-'Parlow — Dungally — -Travalla — Tannamare — Cosselaur — Pamboon — Macissar — Tremany and Maloyos Tribes - 7T CHAPTER IL Climate — Produce of the Island — and ModeofCultivation'89 CHAPTER HL Account of the Quadrupeds — Birds and Fishes - 94* CHAPTER IV. Description ofthe Persons, Dress, and Mode'of Living of the Inhabitants,, with other Particulars - 97 CHAPTER V.. Government — Wars — Swearing of Allegiance — Punishments- and Slavery ------- 103-' CHAPTER VL. , Religion* — Mode 6f Worship1 — Marriages and Burials 10F CHAPTER VIE MannBrs and Customs — Diversions, &c. &c. - llG Brief Vocabulary of the Malay Language - 12*- PART THE THIRD. Sliscrellaneous Paper* - - - -131* APPENDIX. Robert Scotney's Case - - - - 149 Sufferings of some Deserters - - - 153 Captain Inglcfield's Narrative - - 1.59 William- Boys's Narrativfcof the Luxembourgh Galley l(j> CONTENTS. vii Lieutenant Bligh 's Narrative - -, - ifSS John Deans's Narrative - - 175 Escape of Mr. Dominicus, and a Boy called Wild French 17 6" Escape of Messrs. Carter, Shaw, and Haskett - 178 Extracts from Kingston Newspapers - - - 187 Loss of the Lady Hobart Packet - <¦ - 1£)0 Loss of the Pandora Frigate - - 195 Captain Kennedy's Narrative - - - - 197 Loss of the Three Sisters (Nazby) - 201 Case of Four Men picked up at Sea on a Piece of a Wreck 202 CASES OF ABSTINENCE AND HARDSHIPS ON SHORE. J. Z. Holwell, Esq/s Account ofthe Black Hole at Cal cutta, in June 1756 - 203 Sir William Hamilton's Account ofthe Earthquake at Ca labria, in 1788 - . - - 204 ON THE EFFECTS OF FAMINE. Case of Thomas Travis — seven Days in a Pit - 205 Experiment of how long Fowls would live without Food, and how long on Water only - - - 20fJ Experiment of a Physician - - > - 207 Of Hunger, its Sensations, and Recovery - 207 Remarks and Advice - - - - 208 Abstinence and Escape of a Dog - - 209 ¦ of a Cat - - - 211 Remarkable Case of the Effects of Long Abstinence 212 DryLind's Advice to prevent the want of Provisions at Sea 215 PLAN OF A SOCIETY FOR PROMOTING THE MEANS OF PRESERVING SHIPS AND LIVES IN MOMENTS OF DANGER AND ACCIDENTS - - 217 Ljst of a number of Accidents, Shipwrecks, Escapes, &c. 221 ^ LIST OF PLATES. Captain Woodard's Profile. 1st. The Island of Celebes. 2d. The Sketch of the Western Part of the Island, visited by Captain D. Woodard. 3d. Engravings of the Proas, Canoes, and Implements of War, &c, of the Malays, DEDICATION. TO BENJAMIN HALLOWELL, Esq. CAPTAIN IN THE ROYAl NAVY.' MY DEAR HALLOWELL, AS seamen form the great union between the commerce and the navy of this country, and are liable from the nature of their pro fession to the same common accidents, I with pleasure dedicate the following Narra tive to one whose standing in the navy and whose services command respect, and who has ever proved himself the seaman's trua. friend. If this Httle collection should survive the day of its birth, I shall have great satisfac tion in acknowledging that I have derived j£ DJEtJICAflON. much knowledge and information from trie friendly intercourse that has subsisted be'- tween us for years ; and that, though re lated, we are more closely united by the stronger ties of friendship, and similarity of sentiments. That you may in public and in private be useful, happy, and prosperous, is the sincere wish of, Dear Sir, Your affectionate friend,* W. VAUGHAN- 'London, August 1, 1804. INTRODUCTION. Xn addition to the many voyages which have been brought before the public, perhaps the following relation of captain David Woodard will not be found unworthy of attention. It ap peared interesting to myself, and to those friends who urged the publication : Fhope it may prove equally so to the [public, and especially to those to whom, it is more peculiarly addressed. And if it should be the cause of saving the lives of any of my fellow creatures, or of producing other narratives equally interesting and authentie, the object will be anfwered. As truth is the best guide to knowledge, this narrative is presented in all its native simplicity. Of its merits, the public will form their own conclusions. As an editor, I shall content my self with stating the motives which induced this publication, and the manner by which I became acquainted with the narrative and its sufferer.' On captain Woodard's arrival off the Isle of Wight the 27th of July, 1796, in a ship called" the America, bound-from the Isle of France to Hamburgh, he came up to London, conforma bly to his orders, to the address of Messrs. Vaughan and Son, to receive the instructions that Ill " INTRODUCTION.' were waiting for him from his owners in America Accident led to a discovery that he had been a prisoner amongst the Malays in the island or Celebes between two and three years, undef great hardships and great trials. He related his adventures ; and having ever felt an interest in' voyages of discovery and their most remarkable occurrences, I solicited him, during the few days he was under' my roof, to allow. his narrative to be committed to paper, to which he readily consented. It was my next wish to obtain from hiifi some knowledge ofthe people, manners, customs, &c. &c, of the country in which he had been a captive. The second part of this narrative, and the three copper-plate drawings of the island and its har bours, &c, which accompany it, contain the re sult of a number of questions which I drew up in Writing for his consideration and reply. The ac count was then" shown to him, and corrected under his own direction, with permission to print the same at my own discretion. The third part contains some miscellaneous. information procured at different times; which, thpugh not immediately corrected, by himself, will be found accurate. The simplicity of his narrative, and the uni formity with which it was constantly related, were evident proofs of authenticity : but I have, I-NTRODUCTION. Klii from various channels, been fortunate enough to have captain Woodard's account corroborated by testimonials from respectable characters who knew him well in India, aftd who had the acr count subsequently confirmed to them by his em ployers, and by the seamen themselves who were the companions of his sufferings, so as to leave no doubt on the subject. An accident, as singular as it was unexpected, gave me also, through my friend Mr. Laird, of the royal navy, an opportunity of having the account still further corroborated bv the testimony of one of Capt. Woodard's own companions. This narrative was drawn up under many dis advantages ; which were increased by the short ness of captain Woodard's residence in England, He came to London on the 29th of July, and a few days after returned to Cowes to bring his ship round to the river Thames, where she was discharged; and he sailed for America on the :27th of August, 1796, The, causes which delayed its publication we're ¦want of leisure, from various avocations of a pub lic and a private nature for the last ten years ; and rrom the wish to have made it subservient to a plan I had suggested in the year I791y for the formation of a Society under professional and public spirited men, for collecting information from -the mostremarkable shipwrecks and accidents that f)avepccurred at fea, with the schemes and inven- XIV INTRODUCTION. tions that have been had recourse to for the pre servation of lives and property ; in order that they might serve, when properly selected and cir culated, as an interesting, Seaman's Guide under all his distresses: and to teach him, that, in the midst of the greatest distresses, he should never either despair or despond. Being now more at liberty, I have again resumed this nar rative ; and with it, a wish to revive the Plan for sthe establishment of such a Society, if it should jneet with proper encouragement ; conceiving it Would he, peculiarly serviceable to the interests of navigation, and useful to a set of men that have ever given .energetic strength to the industry, powers, and resources of this country*. It being my wish to render this narrative prac: tically useful as well as interesting, I have stated in the Appendix some original cases of ' peculiar hardships and successful perseverance, that are Well authenticated. And 1 have also selected from the accounts of voyages and shipwrecks in rny possession, a few short abstracts of some of the most remarkable cases that are applica- ' ble to the powers of a^stine-nce and the EFFORTS OF PERSEVERANCE, SO as to enCOU- jage good conduct from the example of others'; * The outline of a Plan of a Society to promote these ob jects, will be found at the end of this Appendix, page 2lf. U. ;an.d contains knowledge, entertainment, and science, drawn from experience .and practical observations. Hutchinson is one &ji the ipany proofs of men rising in this country, by their industry, talents, and integrity, to situations of respectability and responsibility. From the most hutfible state in life, he arrived to be the harbour-master of the docks at Liverpool, and was much respected. The seaman who makes himself master of thesjs (two books, cannot fail of rising in his profession,. -The Conclusion to be drawn from this narrative and collection, and from all voyages connected with this subject, are interesting and inportant tp society, and form, as it were, a a new -SRA in. introduction. xvii "navigation, in cases of dangers and disasters. No history can be .more-interesting and instructing to man, than that of man, and the events that befall him. A .creature of every passion, and of every clime, the events of his 'life produce the st*ongest contrasts of light and shads, which are for ever varying, and for ever new. Prosperity and adversity, hope arid 'despair, often form the -great leading features of his life; and nothing but perseverance and a well-grounded trust in Provi dence, can preserve him through all his difficul ties and dangers. In no situation have tbe shades, or the hopes, enterprises, and the objects of lifea been more variegated or chequered than in voy ages of discovery, colonisation, and commerce ; and the histories of those men who have escaped shipwrecks and terdshipshave ever been read with tiie greatest compassion and the most lively inte rest, from the dangers that have been encounter ed, and the perseverance, forbearance, and sub stitutes, which have been dictated by necessity. The school of adversity has often called forth all the powers and faculties of the mind and body ©f man through fatigue and hunger, and all the storms and shipwrecks that await him : and he at last survives them, and reaches his native shore, to relate thofe adventures that prove the wisest lessons and consolations to his own mindr and the strongest examples for conduct toothers. Misfortunes, if rightly applied, may prove use ful sources of knowledge. Books containing the b , xvm INTRODUCTION. histories of accidents and shipwrecks have now become numerous; and are so dispersed, as to want some of their most prominent points drawn more to a kind of focus, that may serve for ex amples to direct the conduct of men who have neither leisure to read, nor purse to procure them. At present they may be compared to large massy stones hewn in a quarry, perfect and compact in all their parts and objects, as to kind, form, and dimensions ; but wanting the hand ofthe skil ful architect to place them in their proper stations, in the erection of a great bridge thrown over an immense precipice, where travellers may pass over in safety and feciirity : — with the pleasing reflection, that the accidents and misfortunes of ' others, ferve them as the surest guide through life ; and that they are not losing their lives in surmounting the rugged and slippery rocks be neath them, which prove fatal to those who are encountering below all the difficulties and obsta cles they occasion. The respective narratives of captains Inglefield, Bligh, and' Wilson, cannot be read without emotion and instruction, because they relate to events that reach men's homes and bosoms ; and in proportion as commerce expands upon an ex tensive scale, and forms one of the greateft links to civilisation, and has a tendency to increase the union of nation to nation, accidents and escapes- are worth recording, from the knowledge they convey, and the examples they produce. INTRODUCTION. XIX They plainly show, that hope, perseverance, and subordination, should form the seaman's great creed and duty ; as they tend to banish des pair, encourage confidence, and secure preser* vation. The examples in this collection of the conduct of men sustaining hunger, thirst, and fatigue, for a length of time almost without food, beyond its taste, or on the division of a biscuit and a glafs of water, or of spirits, have frequently, un der given circumstances produced miraculous es capes; whereas despondency, insobriety, and insubordination— qualities that canker hope and induce vexation — have often proved the seeds or secret springs of mutiny and disaster ; and occa sioned the loss of lives and of ships, under cir cumstances the most calamitous and the most afflicting. As the; great fact of the powers of absti nence for a length of time, both at sea and on shore, is so fully established in the annexed docu ments, the next consideration is to endeavour to regulate a little the conduct of men in fuch try ing situations. In moments of difficulty and danger, where the remedies at command are few, patience and per severance are neceffary ; and, under them, "men of vigorous minds frequently overcome the great est obsta&les. It is not always possible to pre scribe rules of conduct in cases that must, in ge neral, form their- own rules; but a great deal b2 v X* JNTROBUCTIO'N. may be done by management and good conduct*. to alleviate sufferings and distresses. As there is a strong affinity between the pow ers ofthe mind and body to fupport each other un der great conflicts, officers and men should so temper obedience and command, as to create eoftfidenqe and union in each other for felf-pre- servation. In these moments, when the impres sions of religious feelings are always the strongest, their sensations should be encouraged, from the tranquillity of mind and consolations they pn> duce,. the hopes fhey encourage, and the exertions they create. Another object is the great importance of temperance, qf union and fubordination, and the keeping together without separation. The want of these has frequently been as fatal and destructive in its confequence, as the want of food hfe If. The conduct as the crew of the Pandora after their shipwreck, on their returning home with some of the mutineers of the Bounty sloop, on board of- four- boats, until their arrival at the islands of Timor ; and the narratives of captains Ingle- field, Bligh, Wilson, and others, are strong ex emplifications of the good effects of union and perseverance ; and form fine contrasts with , the fate of the crew of ihe Wager, captain Cheap, one of commodore Anson's fleet, lost in. the South seas in the year 1740*, as. collected from the four different- accounts of the feyeral, routs * Vide Appendix, p. 190. INTRODUCTION. *XXI •which her men. took, anad the Jew that ever ¦reached England; aad affofdiiag a mielancbolry proof of the effects of that itaehrie-fcy, insubordina tion, and spirit ©f mutiny, which prevailed atnoagst theaa, and which -occasioned most of she disaster ai&d hardships they eacouatered ¦*. I hays' heard captata Witeo-a retate, that when his ship was wrecked off the* Pelew Islands,, he greatly owed his preservation*, the factoy of building hisi vessel, atad- the gjeod undeirs*liand>ing jthat existed with the natives, to; the staving of his spirits, to ihe good order an-d discipline of his men, and to their residence ora an iskmll hy thecnsekes ¦withoiat much interc©i!»*se wkb the ^aitives of Pelew, unless by occasional direct visits between captain Wikon and officers and the chiefs of these "islands. Advantages might be derived from a proper at tention to the management of clothing, and the keepiag the body as much as. circumstances will permit ia an equal state of warra-ttb, so as to suf- fef as little, as possible from the transition's or fluc tuations of wet* cold, and air. It has heen foarid ^haf warmth of clothing has frequently bad a happy tenideiiKcy to lessen tbe sensations of hun ger,, and to pntevent colds and disorders incident ? It \yas in consequence of the misconduct of the crew of $iis ship, and the conception that on the loss of a ship in the navy all povyer .and corrfroirl on siren- occasions ceased, a bill passed through parliament to nut officers and men in the navy under the mutiny act. XX11 INTRODUCTION. to checked perspiration. Where there has been a scantiness of clothing, warmth has been often -produced by keeping clothes" tight round the body ; and alfo by tying a handkerchief, or linen, round 'it, after the Indian fashion. Men, by rubbing themselves and each other when wet, cold, or benumbed, have often produced warmth and an increased circulation, when the bpdy has been re duced to a languid state. "Captain Kennedy's narrative of himfelf and his crew*, and of his subsequent distresses in an open boat for -fourteen days, is peculiarly interesting, and written by a man of great intelligence anti observation. He expressly- states, that he and his men derived great advantage from soaking their clothes twice a-day in salt water, putting them on without wringing them ; and that he imputed the preservation of his own Jife^ and the lives of six others who survived their hard ships of hunger, thirst, and cold, to this precau tion ; and that he took the hint from a treatise of Dr. Lind'sf, which, he says, should be read by all sea-faring men. He also remarks, that four out of the six, who drank large quantities of salt water,' grew delirious, and died; but that those who avoided it^ had no such symptoms. Captain Bligh and others have also practised, and strongly recommended, the same system of wringing their clothes out when wet , with rain* * Vide Appendix, case XII. | Vide Appendix, case No. XXJ, INTRODUCTION. XX1U and dipping them in salt water; and state that they felt a benefit and change more like that of dry clothes, from its producing a refreshing Warmth, than could, have been imagined. Men, particularly when in boats, are often exposed to be wet. through from waves and the spray of the sea ; but this inconvenience, when compared with greater evils or misfortunes, may hot be without its consolations or advantages, as it is observed that men suffer less when seated in salt water, than when more elevated, and ex posed to rain, and to chilling winds. ' A blanket or a bit of a sail at their backs, the same over their knees, will often give great shelter to men, from cold, or the draughts of ,wind, when wet through. If seamen on boat duty, and on night excur sions, or on escaping from shipwrecks, were .to wear flannel next to their skin, or were to put on double clothing, or two or three shirts, they would find a benefit and great warmth : and in case of separation from ships or in shipwrecks, still grea ter advantages might be derived from this mea sure in moments of necessity, from their increas ing their comforts, and furnishing the means, perhaps of making sails in moments of distress*;. The baling of water out of boats will also tend to give employment to mind and body, as well as warmth from exercise. Relief may be found * Vide page 136 of the Narrative, for captain Woodard's precautions about boats when quitting ships. XXIV INTRODUCTION. from chewing or smoaking tobacco, both .as to warmth, and as a substitute to lessen the sensa tions of hunger. Stamen being, so habituated to this article, it would be found peculiarly advan tageous were it to form a part of their little stock on these occasions. It has been generally observed that the cold from fresh water is more difficult to be supported than from salt, water ; aad doctor Currie, a phy sician of considerable practice at Liverpool, in a work on the application of warm and cold water as a remedy in fevers, confirms this leading facf^ He speaks, also, of a remarkahle case of the shipwreck of an American vessel, near Liverpool, onthe 13th of December 1790, where two of the crew, out of fourteen, died from the external and alternate exposure of air and water, both salt and fresh ; that others who were more plunged in the sea survived", one excepted, who died, at a later period, of despondency. The one who suffered the least was a black, who was covered to the shoulders in the^ea. The temperature of the sea was 85 , and that of the air still lower; and attended during part of the time with sleet,. snoW, and a piercing wind, which might haye affected the men more than salt water. The stay On the wreck was twenty-three hours. The two who died first were delirious ; none were drowsy ; but all were thirsty and hungry. .Mr. Amyat the mate, who related the story, had his hands and feet swelled and benumbed: -but he was not INTRODUCTION. XXV senseless ; his mouth was parched, and he felt a tightness at the pit of his stomach, and dis? "tressing. cramps on his side and hips. The con clusion drawn by doctor Currie * was, that pure water, on the surface of the body, was diore hurtful than that of sea water. This induced h'ua» to make some experiments- on the effects of im mersion in fresh and salt water, of an equal tern-- perature, on the animal heat, pr on the capaci ties of bodies to preserve the same degree of heat under different circumstances. He has also found that bathing, or throwing salt watefr over the body at sea ; and salt water, or fresh water saturated with salt, on fhore ; have frequent ly in many fevers reduced their virulence, whea theyhave not yielded to medicine. I believe, in the case of the Apollo frigate, lost off the coast, of Portugal on the 2d of April 180t, this fact was unfortunately confirmed, on a more extensive scale than in the preceding instance ofthe ship at Liverpool; it being found that numbers perished who were exposed to the alternate effects of rain and ah : and that many survived who were covered or more immersed in salt water. Being no medical main, and not wishing; to fc Doctor Carrie's valuable book on fevers first appeared ia 179S. It has- been jtast. reprinted in two volumes, with? racy considerable additions, and is well worthy the aittenitkua of medical and of nautieal men ; proving the great benefits that iave been derived, in many Countries, by the experiment that have been made on this subject. XXVI . INTRODUCTION. get out of my own depth, I content myself with hoping that some professional and nautical per sons will take up the subject, so as to render it practically useful. Sleep should be encouraged,', as one of the greatest restoratives of nature, and from its being essentially necessary fbr the daily preservation of health and fpirits. Nothing exhausts the human frame fo much as the want of it ; particularly when worn down with fatigue, hunger, and distress. Intenseness of thought, and great agitation of mihd, produce restlessness, watchfulness, and "despondency ; and, if too much indulged, or of too long continuance, are followed by fevers and deliriums that end frequently with the most fatal consequences. 'Nothing can be more destructive to life or to perseverance, than permitting the depression of the mind or' spirits. Captain Fellowes, ih his interesting riarratiye of the loss of the Lady Hobart packet, states na turally * the effects of despondency and delirium in the.case of a poor French Captain, who, in the height ofhis disorder threw himself overboard, and 'instantly went to the bottom; — that the boat's company were deeply, affected by a circumstance that was sufficient to render their jrritable state more painful ; — that he himself was seized with such melancholy, as to lose all recollection ofhis. situation for many hours-; — that it was accompa-* * Vide, ease X. .Appendix,. .';> INTRODUCTION. XXVU iiied with violent shiverings, which returned at intervals ; and With a refusal of all sustenance, that made his state very alarming. Towards night he enjoyed, for the first time during six days, three or four hours' sound sleep ; and, perspiration coming on, he awoke as from a dream, free from delirium, though alive to the horrors of their situation. Sleeping, however, in the sun, or being exposed to nightly dews, should be avoided as much as circumstances wiU permit. It should also be remarked, that a change of Cli mate or of seasons render this recommendation advisable under given restrictions, as doctor So- lander and others have cautioned seamen against sleep, when exposed to extremely cold situations; as, under those cases, it generally ends with sleeping to rise no more, It should be remarked that seamen, with all their fluctuations of life, have more blessings, provisions, and consolations, to support them through all their troubles, than many other classes of men. Their element, though boisterous, is of ten a tranquil one ; and if they can but weather their Cape of Good Hope, they launch their little bark into tranquil seas and new climates, with new hopes and new successes; and, if ever ship wrecked, ' the examples and good conduct of ethers hold out the strongest incitements to per severance, which might be strengthened by the consolation arid comparison -that their situations §re frequently hot worse, nor even so bad, as ¦JpCVHl INTRODUCTION their neighbours. The greatest struggle of man is often with himself ; but, when roused to con duct by the examples and exertions of others, he then fee]§ what be can do, and what he can do without. That though he is in many respects- tbe least defended and protected as to body, and the most dePendent of all creatures, yet he is found Jiving und'er every climate ; — that he can better sustain hunger, thirst, and fatigue — the changes of climate— heat and cold— and bend . himself more to the transitions of life, a-nd its vf ants and distresses — than most animals, The effects of hunger and thivst are greatly overcome, when the apprehensions about them are banished : and we find that captains Inglefield, Bligh, and Woodard, always discouraged desr pondency ; and by giving, other pursuits lo the human mind, men were frequently diverted from, gloomy objects ; and when thus roused, they have often been strong enough to surmount the great est difficulties-. We often see men with courage braving danger in battles and enterprises', and risking life to save a life or a wreck ; but when self-wrecked, until roused, they are often apt to shrink into despondency, from the want of labour and self-exertion. It frequently happens-, that, after the firft panic and exertions in cases of shipwrecks are over, there is then but little expenditure of strength; that smooth sailing saves labour ; and from the want of great bodily exertioasj, the calls for siib- Introduction. xxix' sistence considerably lessen j By habit, the body may also be brought to do with less and less sleep; and the same also maybe found of food, both as to tpianhtm and quality ; and in this little collection, and in numberless voyages there are the strongest proofs of how small a quantity of either will sus tain the lamp of life for a long period. Thirst appears to be of a more distressing nature than hunger ; but various instances are produced to show bow much it has, and maybe allayed, only by the preservation of moisture in. the mouth, •¦when there has been no other means of satisfying the pressing calls of nature ; as a tea-fpoonful of water, wine, or fpirits, in the cases of an Ingle- field, Bligh, and others — or even drops of pers- -piration from the humanbody, as in the case of Mr. Holwell while in the Black Hole of Calcutta. — have for a length of time -satisfied those calls; so as to secure the preservation of life. The moistening of the mouth alone, or the rinsing of it with any liquid, or even with salt water with out swallowing any of it, have in. many cases been found to produce the most salutary effects ; and it may have fallen frequently within the ob servation of manv men, when exhausted or heat- ed in very warm weather to have complained greatly of thirst, but who have not been able to .quench it by great draughts of liquid. The .sensations of it have continued until the body it self has been restored to its natural tone, or until moisture lias been produced in the mouth to .al lay it. XXX INTRODUCTION. Innumerable instances- might be produced of shipwrecks and accidents that confirm these facts ; and also cases of ships being lost, or locked up in ice in the North Seas and Hudson rsy Bay, :where men of different nations have been hutted1 for months under ground*, to guard against the inclemency of frost and snow, who have survived every hardship from want of food, fuel, and water; and also where men and animals have been buried in snow f, or fallen into pits, mines* caverns, and other places \, whp have been mi raculously preserved for a length of time without sustenance, 'or, if any, on the slightest pittance possible, and that frequently more from- a little moisture than from food [(. Seamen have also great encouragement, given to them from other considerations : — when they see that others, by having braved the greatest hardships and severities, frequently find a strength added to those claims which merit, bravery, and Other services, have entitled them to from their country ; and that many have lived to enjoy pro motions and situations in life honourable and res- pectable, which they never would have enjoyed had they abandoned thetnselves to despondency and despair. In private life we have seen a Woodardfor- * Vide Appendix, p. 230. f Vide Appendix, p. 231. % Vide cases XVI. and XVII. 11 The same may be said of light.' Whe.n-men fall into pits and caverns, tlieir eyes, as well as their habits, soon adapt themfelves to the greatest changes ajid powers., of contraction, and to their situations. INTRODUCTION. XXXi tunate enough to command the very ship in which he had been a mate before his misfortunes; — a Wilson, after the loss ofhis ship, and friendly reception at the Pelew Islands, returning home and commanding the Warley, one of the largest class of ships in the IndiaCotnpany's service ;— and a Fellowes meriting every attention from the Post-masters-general : — while in the navy an In- glefield is a living testimony ofhis own miraculous efcape, and enjoying the reward of .gallantand meritorious services in tne appointment of a com missioner in the navy, at Gibraltar, during the last war, and now filling the same honourable situation as commissioner at "Halifax ; — a Riou lived to command the Amazon ;off Copenhagen, where he lost bis life ; and his country is now raising a pub lic monument to his memory ; — and a Boys, from a midshipman, lived to be elevated to the situation of lieutenant-governor of Greenwich Hospital. , British Seamen have much to boast of beyond the seamen of '.other countries, by the various commercial and naval institutions and establish ments, public and private, that give them support, or increase their comforts in their declining years. A Greenwich Hospital, a Merchants' Seaman's Office, and a Marine Society, are seldom to he found in other countries ; and there cannot be a stronger proof of the feeling of the public, than the liberality of its purse, on great occasions, for thejelief of the famili(|s of those who were killed or, wounded in the several actions ofthe last war. Having been appointed upon most of the com- xxxii i^TftobucTiON; inhtees for, -the management and distribution of subscriptions raised for "the navy, at Lloyd's coffee-- fe^wse, in the last war, has given me an opportu nity of seeing much of the character of British seamen, and of gaining great informat'km, which I now find peculiarly serviceable, and applicable to the purpose of this little collection. In closing these observations, I beg to remark* that they have been submitted rather ass general hints or outlines to be improved upon, than pre sented as a system of conduct applicable to all situations, climates, and seasons. A change of circumstances will occasion g-reat varieties and exertions which the powers and resources of the- moment must diptate. My object has been tr> encourage hope, confidence, and perseverance in trying situations, from the examples and conduct of others, as some of the best means of self -pre servation. Having yielded to the solicitations of friends in presenting this narrative and collection, I now conMB>it my little bark to the kindness of public opinion, hoping that the object and intention of it may prove its protection ; and trusting, that if ever I sheuld have the misfortune to be ship wrecked, I shall find a friendly shore. WILLIAM VAUGHAN. London, July VSQ4. N. B. The papers which form this little selec tion having been procured at different times, and when some of them had been printed off, they are. not classed ia the order in which they should stand. 1 THE NARRATIVE OF CAPT. DAVID WOODARD, . 8c. 8c. PART THE FIRST. CHAP. „ I. Departure in an American Ship from Batavia for Manilla — Straits of Macassar — Scarcity qf Provision^ — Woodard and Jive Sailors lake the Boat and go in quest of a Supply — Refused by a Coimtry Ship,— Are separated from their ozon Vessel — Discover an Island, and land on it-r-^Are in danger of being starved — Come in viezv of the .Celebes Shore — -Fall in zaith tw& Malay Proas — Treachery of the Malays — Land and procure Cocoa-nuts-*— Fatal Mishap — New Disappointments. _£N the year 1791, I sailed for the East Indisf from Bostoq in America, in The Robert Morris, captain Hay, a ship belonging to Thomas Rusr .sei, esq. of Boston,, and on my arrival in India was employed in making many country voyages in country-ships, until the 20th of January 1793, when I sailed as chief-mate in the American ship Enterprise, captain Hubbard, from Batavia,. bound to Manilla. In passing through the straits of Macassar, we found the wind northerly, the current to the south; and both of them being against us, we were obliged to beat up those straits six weeks, during which time we fell short of pro visions. Seeing a 'vessel at the distance of about four leagues, captain Hubbard directed me to take the boat, and go on board her to purchase some; I accordingly set off the first day ot March, at half-past twelve o'clock P. M. being then in about nine minutes S. latitude. In the boat, besides myself, there were five sailors, two of whom were Americans, two Englishmen, and one Scotchman : their names were, William Gideon, John Cole a lad, -Archibald Millar, Ro bert Gilbert, and George Williams. We were without water, provisions, , or compass — having on hoard the boat only an axe, a boat-hook, two pocket-knives, ~an useless gun, and forty dollars in cash. We reached this ship at near sun-set, at which t time we had a ftrong squall from the land, at tended with heavy rains, which prevented our seeing our own vessel. I immediately applied to the captain of the ship (which we found to be. s a country-ship), for provisions; when he in* formed me that he had none, or at least only enough to last him for one month^-and that h% himself was bound to China. It being, how ever, quite dark, he told me that I had better stay on board of his ship until the morning j which I readily confented to, thinking it a great chance if, in the dark, I found my own. It rained all night, and blew a fresh breeze from the southward. In the morning we were in the same place, the land bearing the fame as in the preceding evening, with a strong -current to the southward: and our ship (the Enterprise) was then out of sight even from the mast-head, and with a fair wind for her to go through the straits of Macassar. As the ship that I was then on board of was bound to China, and was., making the best of her way thither, I thought it not prudent to stay any longer. Being treated very coolly, I called the sailors, and asked them if they were willing to leave this ship in search of our own; which they all with one voice willingly "assented to. I accordingly hauled up our boat, which was then aftern; and the chief officer of, the ship told me, it was a very great chance if I should find my own vessel again. Having got all my things into the boat, I asked the captain for twelve musket-cartridges,- which he gave me ; and, calling his boy, he ordered me a round bottle of brandy, but neither water nqr provisions of any sort. B2 / ' At about twelve P. M. on the 2d day of March 1793, we left this country-ship, in lati tude nine minutes south of the line, and con tinued our course to the south, in hopes of eomiqg in sight of our own vessel again. We rowed and sailed all day, till twelve o'clock at night; and then drawing near to an island, I thought it prudent tQ go there to get fresh water. We immediately landed,, and made a very large fire, in hopes that our ship might see it. In the morning we went' to the highest part of the island, but could see nothing of her. Hav ing found no Water or provisions, we set off again in the boat, and continued our course in the middle of the straits for six days longer, without going on shore, or tasting either food or drink beyond our bottle of brandy. A heavy squaty from the Si. W. and which nearly foundered our boat, forced us to keep before the wind ; and when the squall abated we had the Celebes shore clearly in sight. We all agreed to gq# on. shore in search of provisions, and then to pro ceed for Macassar, which at this time we conr ceived was somewhere about three degrees to the southward. We rowed all the remaining part of that day towards the shore, and nearly all night : when we came pretty near the shore, we thought it not prudent to land at night, and there-. fore waited until day-light. In the morning we saw two .proas close under the land, when we directed our course tdwards them with great joy; but as we drew near them, we found the people on board were putting themselves into a state of defence, lashing both their proas toge ther, and getting up large bundles of bamboo spears. Although overcome with hunger and fatigue, we were hoi; discouraged, and soon came along side of them, when I told them I wanted to buy some provisions. Though I could. not speak the language, I made them under stand me by signs. They immediately said tHey would let me have some, and asked where my ship was*? I told them that she Was at a little di stance at sea. The Malays, or natives, perceiving that we had no arms in our boat, began to put on their cresses, which are steel daggers with short handles about two feet Jong, and a little Waved towards the point. We still continued to solicit them for provi- siaj|6, .either Indian corn or cocoa-nuts ; which they utterly refused. Three of my; lads jumped on board the first proa, to beg some Indian corn, ahd g6t three or four small ears. At the same time I offered the chief a dollar for two cocoa- nuts, which he told me he would let me have : after having- received the dollar, however, he would, not give them, bat came With another man directly into, our b'Oat, and immediately pulled up my shirt to feel for money, at the same tirrie drawing his cress or dagger. Finding my self in so much danger, I took up a small axe I had with me to defend myself: he immediately asked me for it, which I refused. I then ordered the - man in the bow of our boat to cast her off instantly. The two Malays, thus seeing us about to cast off, made towards their own proa, and, before she was clear of us, fhe captain or chief at the same time reached a piftol from the stern of his own proa toshoot at us. ' The boat being then just in the act of casting off, he, with his man, was obliged to jump into his own proa, when he took up a musket and presented it at me; but fortunately it missed fire. As every moment now increased our distance, we got some way off before he could fire at us — which he did without execution. Soon after the proas parted. We- then directed our course towards the other proa, in hopes of some relief; but those on board immediately cried out to us not to come to them. We now left both the prcas, jynd soon afterwards directed Our course towards the shore for. provisions and water, which we stood in the utmost need of, as our situation was be come truly desperate. I landed with one man, leaving the other four men in the boat, with orders to let nothing come along-side. We soon after perceived both the proas come to an anchor, and that they sent on shore the canoes which they had with them with six hands, armed and fit for battle. I immediately ran to our boat, and shoved her off. The Malays cried out, and told me that they had Indian corn for me ; but perceiving their intentions were to detain us on shore, and then to take possession of the boat, and massacre our crew, I stood off, and went about four miles to the northward, round a point of land, and landed out of sight of the proas, where there was a great plenty of cocoa-nut trees. I left two hands in the boat, and w'ent with the other three up to the cocoa-nut trees ; but not being able to climb them, and particu larly in our weak state, I was obliged to cut them down with my axe, which now proved a valuable friend to me. It had saved my life in the boat, and now gave us the first means to support that life. After cutting down three trees for our sea-stock,' and growing quite tired, Archibald Millar told me, as neither of the lads that were with me were able to use the axe, that he would go to the boat, and let ohe pf the two men left in it, who could handle the axe, come to my assistance. Both of them left- it, ,, and joined- me, while Millar staid in the boat. • . ,{. By this time I had nearly cut down the fourth tree; and, as it was falling, I heard Millar, who was taking care of- our boat, scream out in a most bitter manner. I immediately answered him, and ran to his assistance. On my arrival on the beach, I saw our boat off at some di- stance, full of Malays: but Seeing nothing of Millar, I ran to the water's edge j and, sup posing him in the boat, called to him. As I could get no answer, however, I conceived that they had carried him off, with all our little stores in our "boat, which was the only means of our escape. On turning about, I perceived the poor fellow just at my feet, lying on his back, at the edge of the water, with his throat cut, and two tuis oij his body ; One on his right side between the ribs, and the other on his right leg, with his left hand on his breast, and his right by his side. I was greatly shocked at this event ; and did not know how soon it might be our fate to be served in the same manner, as we were discovered, in an un known country, and had a every thing to fear from these savage Malays. The very men who had taken our boat were the same" who had landed from the canoes out of the pVoas ; and, coming across the neck of land, had waited there till they could rind their Opportunity of carrying it off. I now hastened to our four men, and fled with them into the mountains, after having lost our boat, money, and most of our clothes. We then Concealed ourselves . in the mountains, amongst the dry leaves, the remaining part of the day, having no great opinion of our lives or" safety, ahd having to encounter with man, beast, and hunger. About the middle ofthe afternoon we heard a noise in the same direction that we had come ; and, supposing it to be some of the Ma lays in Search of lis, we, covered ourselves with leaves and bushes in such a manner as not to be seen. We were happy at last to find that it was only occasioned by two large wild fowls, Which flew away as soon as they saw us. We lay very quiet the remainder of this day, Concluding, that the only means now left for bur escape would be to get to Macassar, if pos sible,' by land. Difficulties and dangers sur rounded us. We found it not safe to walk about in the day-time, - as we heard people on all sides of us. Night was the best and only time to travel, to prevent discovery ; but we were then in danger of beafts> of losing our way, and destitute of the means of fur nishing ourselves with sustenance. We, how ever, agreed to travel by night, and accordingly set out about eight o'clock, taking a star for our guide, bearing south. But the woods were so thick with high trees, and bushes underneath, that we soon lost sight of the star, and kept on the side of the mountain, supposing we were go ing in Ihe right course. "We went through many brambles, and places very 'thick with underwood, which tore our clothes ; and, at day-light, when We imagined we had Walked about fifteen miles', we found ourselves, to our great disappointment and surprise, within a few rods of the place io - whence we had set out the preceding night,: — owing to our having gone round the mountain instead of passing straight over it. We resided in this place all the day, during which we heard people on all sides of us : but whether they were in search of us or not we could not tell. The night following we set out again for Macassar ; but not trusting to a star again, w*e then kept by the sea-side, and so con tinued for six nights successively, returning into the woods in the day for rest and security ; during which time we fell in with" many wild beasts. None of them, however, hurt us, as by throwing stones at them, and making a, noise, we frightened them away whenever they came towards us; fbr we were without arms, and had only a boat-hook, which I made use of myself, an axe, two pocket-knives, and four clubs which we had cut in the woods. On the sixth day from the loss of our boat, and the thirteenth from the loss of our ship, my people were become very faint, hungry, and weary, having had no provisions since we left the ship, and only now and then a little water from the hollows of trees, and a few berries when we could get them. Our feet were also very sore, as we were without shoes,' and our bodies were much torn by briers and brambles. As for my self, being stout in person, and much used to exercise and fatigue, I did not feel so much ex- 11 hausted, as I kept up my spirits, and had m/ mind constantly engaged. On the morning of the thirteenth day we came to a mountain by the side of a deep bay, where we remained all day. At a little distance, about noon, we perceived many of the Malay in habitants fishing in the bay. At mid-day I took a walk alone along the banks, where I soon found a berry, about the bigness of a currant, of a yellowish- colour, hanging in little bunches. After having tasted them, and finding them very palatable, I carried my hat full of them to my unfortunate companions, who didjiot like them ; but fbr my part, I relished their taste so well that I ate very heartily. Three of my compani ons fell to eating the leaves of bushes. CHAP. II. A Project formed, and for a Time prevented — In teresting Occurrence. J.N the course of this day, after some consulta tion, we determined to pick up a canoe, or else to construct a cattamaran (which is made in India of two or three large- logs lashed together with rattans, so as to form a floating raft "capa ble of bearing great burdejis) and then proceed to the small island that we had landed upon the 12 first night after leaving the ship, and there to wait in hope of being picked up by some vessel which might pass that way. Bat in the everiing an unfortunate circumstance took place, which greatly alarmed us ; for the three men who had eaten of the leaves of the bushes (I suppose from their poisonous effects) were, attacked with vio lent vomitings and pains in their bowels, and were crying out all the night through the torture they suffered, , This prevented our proceeding on our expedi tion. In the morning I beheld the poor fellows^ with an eye of pity, for they looked more like three corpses than living men. I did not, how ever, dare to appear to pity them, for fear of casting down their spirits, but spoke roughly to them, and told them they would be better, and would be able to move on the next night. I then went in search, of water for them, as they all complained of great thirst, and soon found some in the hollow of a tree — I suppose about a pint. I went back and brought them all to it; and let ;ach of them suck the water through a ree-d, giving each three moutbfuls until it was all consumed. As soon as they had drank it, they lay down with tlieir spirits quite overcome. I .now began to be convinced that they were unable to proceed to the island, as we had in tended, and then asked them if they were willing to surrender themselves to the natives.' They all 1? with one voice consented, except John Cole, an American lad, who said he would rather die jn the woods than be massacred by the natives j and at the same time, catching me by the foqt and kissing it, earnestly begged of me to stay in the woods,. Iu order to preserve authority and create confidence, I was still obliged to speak very roughly to him ; calling him a fool, and div reeling him to follow me; which he djd reluc tantly, and behind at some distance. We now thought it most prudent to hide our weapons in the ground ; yi$. our boat-hook, the axe, the two popk;et-knives, and a dollar. These we hid by the side of a ' large tree, as a mark- We then proceeded to the bay, where we had seen the Malays in the morning, in order to meet our fate, or to find friends. When we came to the beach, however, we did not see any one ; "* for, as the tide was up, the natives were all gone away. I immediately walked on until I came to the path ; and then ascending, a few steps on the banks, I perceived three girls fishing in a brook. As soon as they saw us they ran away up the path. We followed them for some dis-' tance, and then sat down on a large trunk of a tree, and waited the event of their departure. In about a quarter of an hour I perceived three men coming towards us by the same path in which the girls had gone, and immediately rose to meet them, desiring bur men to sit still. £ 14 proceeded towards them alone, until I had come within a short distance of them ; when they stopped and drew out their cresses or knives. Without hesitation, I still advanced till within two yards of them, and then, falling on my knees, I begged for mercy. They all looked steadfaftly on nfe, with their knives drawn, for the space of ten minutes ; when one of them, putting up his cress, came towards me, and knelt, in the same manner that I had done to him. He then offered me both his hands, after their manner of shaking hands; I immediately did the same with him. By this time about twenty more of the natives, with one of their chiefs, ar rived at the spot where we were. They stripped me, took off my hat and handkerchief, and cut the buttons off my jacket, thinking them to be money. By this time my four companions came up ; whom they treated in the same manner. 15 CHAP. III. We reach Travalla, and excite .. the greatest Ad miration in the Natives— Proceedings at the Court-house — Arrival of Tuan Hadjee— He negociat.es ivith the Chief for our Release, but unsuccessfully. W E were now completely in the power and at the mercy of the natives. I told them by signs, as well as I could, that I was very hun gry, on which they immediately supplied us with five green cocoa-nuts ; and then, taking us to a town called Travalla, carried us to the court house or the judgement-hall. We were pjaced near the judgement-seat, accompanied by a great concourse of people, including women and chil dren, who made a circle at some distance from us. They had never before seen a white man in that place. We here waited for the chief, or rajah of the place, who in about half an hour made his appearance. He was tall, straight, well made, and about six feet high. On his entrance he looked as wild as a madman, and carried in his hand a large drawn cress or knife, the blade of which was two feet and a half long, and very bright. He was al- ^ most naked, except that he wore a small pair of short breeches,' a girdle round his waist, and a red handkerchief on his head. He came within the circle of the women and children, and then made a stop. I immediately rose, and went to meet Wm. He fixed, his eyes steadfastly upon me, looking wildly. I immediately begged for my life ; but he neither spoke a word, nor altered his position. I then approached so near to him as to take his foot and put it on my head, as a token that I was completely under his power and direction. He then went to his judgement- seat, and, assembling his chiefs around himj they discoursed, together ; but what was the sub ject of their consultation I could not compre hend. The, chief now rose from his seat to go to his own house, which was at no great dis tance, and soon returned with five pieces of betel-nut, which the natives chew instead Of to bacco. He gave me a piece of it, and the same to my people, as a token of friendship, and this I afterwards learned is with them a constant in dication of peace. He then ordered some cocoa- nuts. _^ By this time the day was nearly spent, and my mind was a little more at ease, after the dangers and alarms we had gone through. We retired to rest ; and, seeing my companions asleep, I also lay down. Here I rested quietly till, I imagine, about eight o'clock ; at which time being 17 awakened, we were conveyed to a room in th* rajah's house, where we had a supper of sago*- bread and peas provided fot us ; but the portion was so small that one man could have eaten it. We shared it amongft us, and again lay down to sleep. In the course of two hours I was awakened fey a number of strange Malays, who, having been out ofthe town, had not seen us before. They showed great curiosity, and felt all parts of my body, being surprised at my colour and size-— for I was in height about six feet and an inch, stout in proportion, and the largeft-boned person they had ever beheld. After being thHs examined I went to fleep, and in the morning was again awakened: at day light by a great concourse of women and chil dren, who filled the house until near twelve o'clock. All this day we had no victuals. I therefore asked the chief for some cocoa-cuts and ears of Indian corn, which in the course of half an hour were brought. Our allowance for ea«h man was a cocoa-nut and an ear of Indian corn at noon, and the sarr.e at night for supper. We lived in this manner fo about twenty days, but were not allowed to go out of the house, but to the water to bathe. One day two old men arrived, who made me understand that they wanted to know of what fiounrry we were. I informed them that we were. IB English. They then left me, and, in the course of two days one of them returned, bringing with him a Mohammedan priest, whose name was Tuan Hadgee. He could speak a few, words of English, some Portuguese, and. some words of the Moorish language. He had been at Bengal and Bombay, on his way to Mecca. He had a certificate from Henry br John Herbert, the go vernor pf Balambangari of the island of Borneo (dated in 1771), to pertify that he was a trusty good man, and was empowered by the governor to assist all distressed Englishmen, and convey them to an English port. I cannot describe my first feelings at the sight of this man ; for I was in hopes that the know- ladge of our situation would soon find irs way to some European settlement in this part of the world,, and that, sooner or later, we should also reach it. Tuan Hadjee asked whence I came. I told him, from Bengal, and last from Batavia. He immediately asked the rajah what he should give for me and my people. The rajah replied, that he would not part with us. Tuan Hadjee then offered , him one hundred dollars in gold- dust, but he again refused to let us go. Our good friend the priest left us 'that evening* and told me that he would go to the head rajah about us. We saw no- more of him, and neither knew nor could learn .which way he went,, or to what 19 place he belonged : nor had T inquired, as I ex pected to have seen him again in the mornino-. We were now kept close prisoners, and con stantly guarded by two persons. In this situation they detained us for about a month ; when, pro visions growing very scarce, they took two of us at a time into the woods to make- sago-bread ; where, after working all day in making the sago, without any thing to eat, the Malays would scarcely give us enough for. our supper. CHAP. IV.. Our Captors relax in their Vigilance oter us— Laughable Occurrence. AFTER two months our captors kept no guard over us, but permitted us to walk about the town, or wherever we chose': they kept, however, a good watch during the night. At this period two of our men were seized with a fever-and- ague ; and a third, who was well, having been sent into the woods to make sago, I was left at home with the two invalids and the other man. Returning one day from a walk which I had taken towards the sea, which was about half a mile from Travalla, I heard a noise in the woods c 2 20 "* • at a shout distance from the town. On arriving at the house where the sick men were, I was in formed that George Williams, the man who was well,, and whom I had left at home, had, with a parcel of logs, killed a hog — an animal to which the natives have an utter aversion. I immedi ately ran to the place whence the noise proceed ed ; where I, sure enough,, found Williams with his dead hog (which he had killed with a speat made of bamboo), and surrounded by a number of women and children,, who were hooting and' laughing at his tugging the hog home through* the bushes. Williams was grown so weary that he could not stand* and the natives would, give hira no assistance. v I immediately went to him and laid hold of the hog to Garry it into the woods, ia ordei* to dress it; when all the women, and children hooted and laughed at me, and in derision called me " Satan" or " Sytan," which signifies « Devil' in their language. I then took fhe hog on my shoulders, with an intent to get clear of the mob ; but they still ran after me> and made such a noise that they raised the whole town, who followed behind us at some little dir stance. I then dispatched George Williams for an old' knife which had been given me tp cut wood with,. and, as he was returning with it, they made several attempts to snatch it from him: but I caught it out of his hand and rubbed it in the SI itog's bloodj to prevent their taking hold of it 5 •for (as 1 observed before) they hold this animal in the greatest detestation. Still followed by the crowd of people, I now proceeded with the hog towards the sea-shore, for they would not suffer it to be dressed in or near the town. When wecame -to a convenient place, aba little distance from the sea, we made a stand,* and be gan to dress our animah but the knife would not cut, and we were obliged to procure some bamboos, and dissect it with knives made out of them. We also kindled a fire, and smoked the •Meat, which was the only mode We had of pre serving it. Just as the sun went down, John Cole, the man who had gone to make sago-bread, return ed", bringing, with him sago for our suppers; and this, with the pork, afforded us all a hearty meal, it being the firft flesh meat we had eaten for near three months. The simplicity of the natives created us no small merriment. The meat, which we had cured by smoking, we wrapped up in large leaves of a plant very abundant in that country, and hid it ia the Woods, as the natives would not suffer it to come into the house. It served us for eight or ten days; during which time, as the children passed, they pointed to the house, and cried" Satan muccon babi ;" which signifies "Devils eat hogs." After this continued feast, ¦2-2 we lived, as before, very poorly ; sometimes we could get sago-bread, , sometimes cocoa-nuts, sometimes none. CHAP. V. We discover our Boat, but soon lose Sight of her again — Are ordered up into the Town — On in quiring after the old Priest we learn that he lived in Dungdlly — Afore accurate Information respecting him— Head Rajah qf Parlow se?ids for us — We are conveyed to that Place — Diffi culties encountered on the Journey — We arrive, and are conducted to the Rajah — Are badly lodged— A Fever-and-Ague — Visit and Relief by a- Woman^-The head Rajah provides for us another Residence — The old Woman arrives with Boughs of a Tree to perform my Cure— I am ordered to bathe, escorted bv a, Female— > Her Disappointment at my Refusal. x\FTER having remained: at .Travalla about four months, as we were one^day on the sea shore, we discovered our pwn boat; but she was without sails, and full of Malays, who came on shore. I asked them where they*; were going. They told me, " to. the king,- or head rajah." 23 They were very cautious not to allow us* to ap-' pfoach the boat, and ordered us up into the town. In the course of that evening the boat had disappeared, and we saw nothing more of her. People flocked from all quarters of the island under the head rajah's dominions to view us. Most of them had never beheld a white man there before. Finding that it was now their in tent to keep lis, unless they should receive a large sum for our ransom, I most earnestly inquired where the old priest was to be found who had visited us on our first arrival. After many, que stions on my part, put with the utmost caution, that they might not suspect our designs, I was told that he lived in the town of Dungalla, about eight miles distant. We lived in our present situation about eight months, during which time there came a proa from Dungally to Travalla to purchase cocoa- nuts. I now made it my business to inquire of the captain of it concerning the old man ; how far it was to the place of his residence, and which was the route I must take to arrive there. He gave me all the information in his power. At this time the head rajah of Parlow sent for us. He lived at Parlow, at the- bottom of a bay . of that name. We were accordingly conveyed thither: .The two sick men were carried round in a proa,, while myself and the other two men tra- 24 veiled oyer by land, artended by the rajah or chief of Travalla, and guarded by five other men on horseback, and one on foot. They were all armed with spears, and cresses or war knives, according to the fashion of the country i We set off in the morning, and paffed through several villages, but the day being long and very hot, and the path rough, my feet became so sore be fore I got to my journey's end that I could scarcely stand. I had no shoes, and the stones were very . sharp; and the Malay who was on foot with us was tired to such a degree, that one of our guard was obliged to dismount and allow him to ride. If we chanced to lag a little behind, we were or dered forward _by the chief; and when they saw me limp, or hurt my feet by the sharp stones, they enjoyed themselves by laughing at it. About ten o'clock that night we arrived at our journey's end at Parlow, where they gave us a warm supper of a little rice, and greens ga thered from some sort of herbs. Here we were detained two days without being shown or seen by any body ; and on the third day we were con ducted to the head rajah of the tribe. There were nearly two thousand people assembled to behold us. We were naked and pitiful objects to view. After looking at us for some tirnei they brought each of us a musket, and asked if we understood the use of them, for we could now speak a little of the language of the country.; 25 Not knowing their intention, I answered in the affirmative ; but this afteuwaiids proved • greatly to our hurt. For the, first four or five days of our staiy, we were accompanied by a great number of people r they, however,, soon -decreased ;, and in about eight or nine days we began to be more at bur ease. For a few days they, supplied us plentifully with rice. They placed us in a large house* open on all; sides* whieh was very warm in the day, and/ equally cold at night, owing to the fogs from the low lands, and from the town of Parlow being, situated ia a very low spot, surrounded by fields of rice, which were frequently over flowed: with fresh, water, by means j>f little ca nals. Here 1 caught a violent cold ; and soon after a fever-and^ague came on ; disorders which prevailed much at this place. They ftill kept me in this cold house, where I was without clothes: Onthe fourth or fifth day after my falling sick, there came a, woman to see me, who, after look? ing at me for some time whithout speaking, went to the bazar or market, which was at but a small distance, and bought some tobacco and some bananas,, which she presented to me, giving me at the same time a double-key, or piece of money of about two-pence halfpenny value. She kindly, questioned me if I had no more clothes than those which, she saw me wear : I told her, " No," , 26 She then asked if I would have some tea : I an- f swered," Most willingly." The good woman then took George Williams with her to her house, and gave him tea, and a pot to boil it in : she also sent me rice, and a wrapper, which is their coun try dress; a pillow also, and two mats ; desiring him at the same time to call again the next morning, and he should have more rice. This be accordingly did, and she proved a very good friend to us while we staid at Parlow. This lady was of royal blood, and had married a Malay merchant. Indeed I experienced here, and in . general, more kindness and compassion from the women than from the men. In the course of a few days,' the head rajah, Tommy Ganjoo, provided 'a house for me and my companions, and We were conducted to it. Not being able to walk, I was carried, and ac companied by a great concourse of young fe males, who immediately on ray arrival kindled a fire, and began to boil rice. My fever- still con tinued very severe for about three days after my arrival at this house. On the morning of the fourth day, an old womart appeared with a hand ful of boughs bf a peculiar tree, announcing that she was come to cure me, and that directly. In the course of a few minutes, I perceived 'four or five more accompanying her,-^-according to the custom of that description of people in cur- ing'the sick here. They' spent the day in* brush ing me with the boughs of the tree which they -•'. 27 had brought in the morning, and used, some in cantations which I put little confidence in. They came again at twelve o'clock mid day, and returned in the evening, going over the same ce remony as in the morning ; and on leaving me, about ten o'clock in the evening, they ordered a girl to-go with me in the morning to bathe in the river, which was at some distance. Not being willing to accompany' the girl, I took with me two of our people as so n as day-light appeared, bathed, and then returned. Soon after, the girl came to wait upon me to the water.- She did not seem to be well pleased at my having gone before she came. CHAP. VI. My Fever abates — The Rajah sends to Priggia — * Arrival of the Commanda'nt — / am sent for by hint' — Result of our Interview— -Uncuita — Am . permitted to go to Trav'dlla — Observe the Situ- ¦ ation . of Dungally — / am attacked by a weak- ?. ening Disorder, Wt this juncture 'the fever abated, but from what cause I cannot say. I now, however, soon began to recover; and in a few days the head rajah sent to a'Dutch port called Priggia, which 28 is at the head of an extensive deep bay at the east-or opposite side of the island, and which is under the care of a commandant. It was ahoat seventy miles distant, or about three days' journey. In a few days the corni*iaindan.t ar med at Parlow, and sent for me. I found him to be a Frenchman, who had been thirty years iri the Dutch service. He asked me to go to Priggia, where he resided, which I iiafimediately refused, it being an inland town, and I was ap- preheiasiv* they would force me into the Dutch service- He asked to what place I intended to go. I said, to Batavia or Macassar, and from thence to Bengal. He insisted on my going with him, but I made many objections, and at laft peremptorily refused ; for my views were to get to Macassar, and from thence to Batavia. He did not offer a penny, assistance, or clothes,^ for me, or my people, but appeared quite af fronted. Nothing more any way remarkable occurred during our stay of eight months at Parlow, which is a fine town; containing perhaps five hundred houses at the head of a bay, into which a consi derable river, which runs to a greatextent through the country, discharges itself. It is situated in latitude 1° 30' south, or nearly P. It is the ca pital of a fine country called Uncuila, and abounds with great plenty of cattle, horses, sheep, and goats. Round and near the town 29 are rice-fields, which are occasionally overflowed with water from the river, by means of canals. The country abounds with plantains, bananas, sweet potatoes, jack-apples, which they eat Hke cabbage, and chillies or small bird pepper, which grow wild, and which the natives make much use of. The inhabitants smoke opium, which they purchase ofthe Dutch. Finding that it was not their intention to send us away, I had some inclination to return to Travalla, intending to try to make our escape from thence to Dungally, where our good friend the priest, Tuan Hadjee, resided. I accordingly went to the head rajah, and asked his permission to go to Travalla (a proa then lying here hound for that place), telling him I wished to go near the salt water for a few days to bathe. He called the captain of the proa, and enjoined him to be care ful that I did not get a sight of Dungally on ouf way to Travalla, but to pass it in the night ; for they had had intelligence that the priest had been* in quiring for us at the latter place. Having ob tained leave to return, I set off in the proa* leaving our men behind me, and without con sulting with them on the subject, judging that I could, when alone,, best devise measures for oiut future escape. It fortunately happened, as we passed Dun gally in the middle ofthe night,.rhat we were be calmed. "We had been out two days : the M^ 30 lays got out their oars, and made me assist in row ing ; but the current being against us, we did not. double the promontory of Dungally before day-* light. This was to me a most fortunate circum stance ; for through it I got a full sight of the town, and carefully observed the situation of it. . In the course of the day following, we arrived at. our destined port of -Travalla, where the people . did not seem pleased to receive me, as it was then a very scarce time for provisions. They fed me chief ly with green potnpions, which soon reduced me to such a relaxed state, that I began to be appre-, hensive for my life. My ideas were j however^ . bent upon running away to Dungally, but I was so weakened by my disorder that I could scarcely walk. I now determined to try some other method : I went to a village at a small distance, begged some Indian corn, and then proceeded to the place where we had secreted our boat-hook, axe, and knives,. and brought away iny dollar, concealing it as cau tiously as I could. When I reached home I put it under my pillow, which I knew the inhabitants never would touch. Having now some Indian corn, and every day begging a few ears more, I laid them also under my pillow. I then took one of the Malays who had been my best friend, to the spot where the boat-hook, axe, and knives were buried, and gave them to him. He very richly thanked me, and asked me where the money 31 was. I told him that I bad none ; but not being willing, however, to believe me, he scratched all round the place from whence the tools had been taken, but ineffectually, and then returned to town. This jaunt almost overcairte me. The day fol lowing I took a hearty draught of salt water, which operated most powerfully. Then changing my diet, and living upon the Indian corn which I had pro cured before, my relaxed state amended. As my strength increased, I renewed my intention of making a speedy escape to Dungally. CHAP. VII. / attempt an Escape by Water — Am in imminent Danger, and forced to return — Another At tempt by Land — / reach Dungally, where I meet with Tuan Hadgee — The Chief of Tra valla sends after me — /- write to my Men? whom I left at Parlow— -They join me at Dun gally. CONSTANTLY .employed ' with the idea of escaping, I had provided myself with a bamboo spear ; and although I was guarded by three men and two women, who;riept in the house with me, I rose* secretly about twelve o'clock one night, 32 and listening to hear if all were quiet, and find ing my guards asleep, took my spear and descend ed from the house, directing my course towards the sea-shore, where I purposed to steal a canoe and make for Dungally by water. On arriving at the beach I found a canoe, which I immedi ately launched, and set off. After reaching about a quarter a mile from the shore, the canoe be came so leaky as to be nearly half filled with water. Somewhat alarmed (for I could not swim), and finding it impossible to reach to any distance in her, Irowed back ; and just as I made the shore, the canoe filled and sUnk, when the depth of water was upwards of five feet. I landed, after, this narrow and providential escape, and seeing a man upon the shore whom I supposed to be in quest of me, with my spear in my hand I advanced towards him, resolved not to be taken by one man ; but as I drew near to him, he ran Into the woods. I-conjectured that he was a fisherman. T immediately returned to the town, •where I found that all was quiet, and that I had not been missed. Being acquainted with the path, I now direct ed my course for Dungally by land. I passed through woods and over mountains unmolested, except by a few buffaloes, which were sometimes troublesome -? but I drove them off with Stones. I afterwards traversed many thickets, and in my course had to pass by two villages ; but these, for 33 fear of being stopped, I passed by on the right hand. Just as the day dawned, I heard the cocks crow in Dungally. I directed my way towards the town, which I soon perceived, and that it was surrounded by a wooden fence. I shaped my course towards the middle of the town, and, not seeing any person stirring, seated myself on a log of wood . In the space of half an hour I heard a noise in the house next to me, which was the longar, or public building, and saw a man come out, who proved to be a servant of the old priest, whom I was in search of. The man immedi ately turned and ran back, crying, " Puta Satan, puta Satan !" which signifies " a white devil is sitting there." But one ofthe men who had seen me at Travalla came running out, and taking me by the hand, called me " steersman;" as much as to say " mate," in English. I was then con ducted directly to my good friend Tuan Hadjee^1 whom I had been so long ' anxiously looking for. The priest turned out of his bed, and his wife also, who was a young girl, apparently not above sixteen ( years of age. I was greatly rejoiced at meeting with him, and my hopes were now again revived for the freedom of myself and my unfor tunate companions. Tuan Hadjee asked me if I was hungry — I answered in the affirmative ; when he ordered me some rice and some fish. I judged 34 the distance I had travelled this night to be about nine miles. Having but few clothes, and even those full of lice (a vermin with which the natives "were much troubled), I gave the old priest the dol lar which I had brought with me; and he,. putting two more to it; bought me some linen for a shirt, jacket, and a pair of trousers', all ofwhich I made for myself; and these were the best clothes I got there. In the course of three days, the chief of Tra valla, learning that I had gone to Dungally, sent after me ; but the old priest and the rajah of Dun gally, refused to let me go : neither was I willing to return.The priest and the rajah now informed me that, in the course of three months they would convey me to Batavia or Macassar, and also desired me at the same time to send for the four men I had left at Parlow, when. I had set out for Travalla in the proa. I immediately requested from the old man asjipof pappr, which he fortunately had.in his chest : he also gave me a pen made of bamboo, with this I "wrote a letter to my men, and sent it off by the captain of a proa bound thither, with orders ta give it to them secretly. This commission he ef fectually executed ; and in about four or five days, to ©Ur extreme joy, all the men arrived at Dun^ gaily. My men had made their escape from Parlosw at the time of a feast, early in fhe evening; ;and 4 35 as they had' the whole night before them to travel hi, they arrived the next day about twelve o'clock at Dungally, which they considered to be about twelve miles' distance. They were received with great rejoicings by ihe natives, who immediately brought us plenty of victuals. And this fortunate circumstance revived our own" hopes of reaching some1 European settlement, after many narrow escapes and difficulties. CHAP VIII. Tuan Hadjee leaves me in Charge of his Family — Scarcity of Provisions — War between the Rajahs of Parlow and Dungdlly—^Tuan Had jee returns — An Engagement— Another Scar city— Tuan Hadjee purposes tosailforSawya/i — the Rajah refuses me Permission lo accom pany him— Preparations for an Escape — Our Attempt frustrated. X UAN HADJEE now informed me that he should set off in about two months, but that he' must first make a short voyage for provisions, to procure which he must sail in a few days. He left me in his house, with his wife and two ser vants. The four sailors he left in the longar, or house of public business, to be supplied with food by the rajah; d2 36 After the old priest was gone, provisions became- scarce, which reduced us to great distress, and. we suffered exceedingly. In the space of about a month, the provisions were almost exhausted, and we were conveyed up the country, there to be supplied by some ofthe same tribe, who regularly went from the village into the country at a certain season of the year to cultivate rice and Indian corn. We staid here for the space of two months, dur ing which time the rajah of Parlow made war on the rajah of Dungally, because he would not de liver us up. On this account we were immedi ately. called into the town of Dungally, together with all the inhabitants : and as the crops ripened, they were gathered and conveyed into the town. At this moment Tuan Hadjee returned home, and the rajah insisted upon my taking a gun and fighting for him. As the war was engaged in on our account, I readily complied with his request. He gave me a musket, and stationed me in a small tower, or watch-house, upon the fence of the town, where there was a large swivel gun; which I was to use in case bf an attack. An engagement one day took place between the two tribes ; there were about two hundred men on each side. The people from Parlow killed eight ofthe men of Dungally, and wound ed a number of others. They immediately cut off the heads of those who were killed. The men 37 6f Parlow then retreated to their own town, with their dead "and wounded. Their loss was report ed to be considerable. This was the only battle which took place while I was amongst them. About this time provisions began again to grow short, and Tuan Hadjee, at whose house I had. remained before, was bound to another port, called Sawyah, about three degrees north of Dun gally, and two degrees north of the line., I asked his permission to go with him. He said he had no objection, provided the rajah were willing. I then applied to the rajah, who refused me, saying that I must stay there and keep guard. I returned to our watch-house, mustered all our people, -and, taking all our guns, and every thing that I had received from the rajah, carried them to his house, and told him that I would stand guard no longer, for that we wanted to go to Macassar. He immediately replied that I should not. I then laid down the guns and left the house, and went to the longar, and thence to my house to beg something to eat, for we were become masters in the art of begging, and could n'oW speak the language . perfectly well. I also' visited the gardens which Were in the neighbour hood, begging from them some green plantains ahd pompions, which they at first gave me, but soon stopped. Being determined not to live any longer in this, manner, and finding no other means of 38 escaping, I came to the resolution of stealing a, canoe. On declaring my intention to my men, they all agreed to it. We immediately went to work in the woods at some little distance frorr**. the town, to make paddles, at the same time begging Indian corn, in order to lay in a stock of provifions to carry with us: but we collected very little. In the course of two days we were ready, and settled amongst ourselves to go off in the night, a canoe lying conveniently on the beach, which was at a small distance from the town. We departed from Dungally with an intent to go to Macassar, which was about four degrees to,, the southward. We left the town about ten o'clock in the evening, got the canoe into the, water, and our provisions lay upon the beach at a little distance. I took up the sail to carry it into the canoe, not dreaming that any person was near, when I was immediately, surrounded by about twenty men armed with spears. They took us prisoners, and carried us before the ra jah, who ordered me to account for our conduct. I told him that I was attempting to make my escape, for that -he gave me nothing to eat, and that I. should quit the place the first opportunity that offered. Nothing of consequence resulted. Knowing the language and people, we were now*. become fearless of danger. 39 CHAP. IX. fVe ask Leave to dccompany Tuan Hadjee to Sawyah, but the Rajah tefuses — We escape out of the Town, seize a Canoe, and put to Sea— Au unfortunate Mishap— I go with Tuan Had jee to an Island bi the Bay of Sazvyah. — He1 grants it to me, and calls it Steersman's Island f— Return with the Priesl^-Go lo Dumpdlis^ J\. FEW days after this, Tuan Hadjee the pried being now ready for Sawyah, I thought this my only chance for escaping, and asked him if he would consent to our sailing with him. He told me that he would : but the rajah still refused; It very fortunately happened, however, when the old man was ready to depart, that he left the town about twelve o'clock at night. Thinking this too favourable an opportunity to be neglect ed, I followed close after him, intending to seize a large canoe that lay on the beach, whjch had fortunately crfme in that night. We followed our old priest" to the gate ofthe toWn, Without telling '' 3him of our intentions. The man who kept the gate asked me whither I was bound ? I told him that we vyere accompanying the old priest to Sawyah to, make sago. He was satisfied, and did 40 not dispute our word, Tuan Hadjee having at that instant passed. After we had got through i the gate it was immediately shut. By the time we reached the beach, he was just gone on board the proa. Seeing a large canoe at hand, and having our paddles (which we had provided three days before for the other canoe), lying in the wood, we thought this a convenient opportunity to escape,- ahd immediately launched this canoe, with an intention of going to Macas sar instead of Sawyah ; though we were bound out to sea for some little distance the same course as our old friend. We put to sea ; but day-light coming on obliged us to make the opposite shore, to pre vent being discovered. Here we kindled a fire. At this tirne the wind being a-head of the old man, we discovered his proa making for the land near where we were : he, however, passed us just before night. We set off again at sun-set, and had reached about half a mile from the shore, when we resolv ed to put up a sail made of a mat which we had procured; but one of our people stepping on the edge ofthe canoe to hoist up the mast for our sail, overset it with the keel upwards, and we all fell into the water. We climbed up on the bottom of the canoe, which was now uppermost, and began to think of what was best to be done.. We re- , solved to turn her back again, and bale her out 1 41 with our hands,, and then set off for the^shore, to the place we had juft left. We saved our pad dles and a knife, but lost all our provisions. We at length landed, and re-kindled our old fire that we had left, in order to dry and warm us. This being thoroughly effected, we set off again, and rowed or paddled allnight, In the morning we discovered a proa close to us, which immediately took possession of us. I informed the Malays, that we were bound with the old man to Sawyah. They took us at our word, and Carried us to him instead of to Dungally ; which was a lucky escape to us for -that time. I told Tuan Hadjee that our. intent was not to run away, but to follow him. I signified to him that we were very hungry. He immediately' ordered us some rice, and took possession of our canoe, which he sent back to Dungally the first oppor tunity. We continued with the old priest a con siderable time at Sawyah. Whilst residing at Sawyah, I went one day with him to an island in the bay of Sawyah, -; which he granted to me, and in compliment called it Steersmari's Island, the appellationhy- which he distinguished me. He ordered me to take pos session of it in full form ; which I did, and, ac cording to his instructions, in token of posses sion, kindled a fire on the island, and piled up a heap of stohes. I also set up a .large stick, and cut my name upon it, with the day of the ' 42 month, and the date of the year. I found no Inhabitants, on it, but plenty of fowls, "birds, and wild hogs ; mangoes, limes, and lemons in abundance. After thus taking formal possession of my so litary government, I returned to the main with my good friend the priest, and we soon after went to Dumpalis. The priest gave us liberty to make sago equally with his own people. We made a considerable quantity, and were allowed either to eat it or to dispose of it as we thought proper. Some we bartered for fish, ^sorne for cocoa-nuts. We then left the place, and pro ceeded to Dumpalis, a little to the southward of Sawyah ? CHAP. X. Tuan Hadjee goes to Tomboo — / decline accom panying Mm?— We agree zvith the Captain of a Proa bound for Salp for pur passage to that Place — Are taken by flim to Tpmbpo, and de livered to Tuan Hadjee, ivhp is made acquainted pith our Duplicity,. 1 UAN HADJEE having some business at. Tornbobi about one day's sail south of Dumpalis, 43 I declined going with him, and desired to he al lowed- to stay behind, as it was a convenient place for fishing. He promised to call for us in about twenty days ; but at the expiration of fifteen days there came in a proa whjch was bound to Solo, a small island in the Philippine Islands, seven days' sail from us. I immediately agreed with the accorder (or captain of the proa} to take us to Solo:— knowing that English ship% annually arrived there, and not being far from Manilla, I thought we might stand a better chance of getting off soon, But, to my great surprise, when we got on board the proa, he di? rected his course to Tomboo, where he delivered us up to Tuan Hadjee, and there disclosed all our intrigues with him. I waited upon the old man according to the pustom ofthe country; and when he questioned me as to whither I was proceeding^ answered that it was my intention to make my escape, for that I could not think of staying here. If, how ever, he would carry us away, I had much rati er go with him to Solo, or Macassar. On this he spoke to me very roughly ; and two pirate cap tains coming up at the moment, they eiitirely drew his attention from me. We now found ourselves so much neglected by the old priest, and by the rest of the natives, that it almost broke my heart. I sat still in their -company. for the space of an hour, and then could , 44 not help bursting into tears, on reflecting that these blaek savages should exercise rule over me. One of them perceiving that I was crying (for I could not conceal my tears) spoke of it to the old man, who immediately inquired of me what was the matter. I told him that this was not the way to treat an Englishman ; that I had been guilty of no crime ; an'd that it was my de sire to get home to my wife; and not to stay among these savage people.. I at the same time sobbed lustily ; which so much affected the old man, that he^ajso burst into tears. He then clasped me in his arms, and vowed that whilst he had a mouthful to eat, I should, have a part. This mark of kindness made a deeper impression on me than any thing thatj had ever happened to me among them. The old priest called for supper, and ordered me. some, which was very acceptable. Here we staid eight or ten days, but with little expectation of his taking us away; for I believe that he had not the power equal to his inclination, this place. being, under the direction of the rajah of Dun gally. We came to a resolution to .seize a canoe, and to make a bold attempt to go to Macassar the , first opportunity. I accordingly again went to work, and made five paddles ; and sent out our: four men to pound or beat rice out of the husk for the natives, and for which, service they would 45 receive a share. In the course of two days they had collected five or six quarts. Being at all times unwilling to touch private (property (and to this good quality I believe we were not a little indebted for our safety, and many little kindnes ses) I formed the project of -stealing the rajah's canoe, which was a very nice one L, but he, per haps suspecting our design, ordered it to be orawn Up near to his own house, at some distance from the sea. , Fortunately, however, there came on that day into the river, up to Tomboo, a pirate's proa, which had a very fine canoe. I went immediately to borrow the canoe to go fishing, with. The people granted me the use of it, the distance not being great. I caught several fish, which I shared with them, and at the same time asked for the canoe to fish again at night. It was re fused, with this intimation, that I might use it in the day-time, but not in the night. It wa„s, however, out intention to steal her that night. The proa to which she belonged lay by the side of a steep bank, and the canoe astern. We all went to bed quietly, and lay until near twelve o'clock : it being a fine moonlight night, all the girls were sitting in the open air, spinning or dancing. After they had retired to sleep, I came out bf the house, and directed my course towards the proa, where the canoe lay, leaving orders in the house with our people, that if I 4G succeeded in seizing it, they Were to come round to tha beach, which was not far off. On drawing'near to the proa, I heard some* people talking in it, who had riot gone to sleep. I, however, went to the canoe, which Was made 'faft to the stern of the proa, with rhy fishing-line in my hand ; so that, if I had been Caught, I Bftighfe have said that I was going to fish. Nd person, however, either saw or heard me ; for T loosened the canoe very gently, and was cautious not to make the leas't noise. I gently pushed ber out into the river, and brought her round to the beach, which (as I observed before) was at but a srrtall distance, where I met With our four people, Wha had brought with them- the re mainder of our small stock or effects, which was Very trifling indeed, and consisted of only four quarts of rice, and two of sago ; and the sago could not be used, as it was unbaked. I had been much distressed how we should5 contrive to make afire, and had been attempting^ to devise some method of procuring it. Luckily, however, I found the blade of a Dutch knife,' about six inches long, which struck fire very Well. This to me was an invaluable treasure. I alsb pro-* cured a flint, and had begged from the natives1 some tinder, which they made from the bark of a tree. We put the tinder in a box* made of two1 pieces of bamboo. By cutting, off between the? joints, and taking off the outside of one piece and- 47 the inside of another, we made a canister. The natives strike fire with a piece of bamboo, and a piece of china, but we were not sufficient adepts in this art. CHAP. XI. We arrive~ at a small Island, where we cannot procure any zvater — Captured and taken to Pamboon, where we are stripped — Conducted to the house of the Rajah, who, after an Exa mination, zoishes to detain us. W Eonce more shoved off with our canoe, and directed our course for a small island about three-' leagues distant in the bay5 where we landed at day-break. Here we could not procure any waten We next directed our course to a point: of land, where we: knew there were no in habitants. Here we met with a little water, and repaired our canoe, which was become very leaky, We then directed our course south,, to wards. Macassar, which was: then about five de grees to the. southward. After being three days at sea, there came on a strong wind, from, the southward, hy which we, were; all nearly lost; I therefore, thought of going.1 on shore in some place where there: should be no 4S inhabitants. Unfortunately, however, just as we were going to land, we discovered a small proa at, no great distance, rowing towards us with all their might. I immediately tacked, and stood off; but the proa soon got' up her sails and masts, and came close along side of us to wind ward. I knew all the Malays on board well. They asked me whither I was bound. I answered them to Macassar, when they immediately told me that I must Come back. They had then taken in their sail, and were running along before the wind close to us. They ordered us on board. Perceiving that she was Weakly manned, having only five men on board, and that they did not exceed our number, I was determined not to be taken by them : therefore all hands turned to,. and we rowed directly to windward. They at first attempted to follow us, but after a few mi nutes they changed their intention ; for, as their ' proa was heavy, with only five men, they could not row to windward so fast as we could in the carioe. They therefore got up their sail again, and ran in shore. , The wind still blowing hard, and making a heavy sea, our canoe was again in great danger. I therefore resolved to go on shore at a distance from the proa. Being desirous of avoiding any inhabitants, and after a good look-out not per ceiving any, we went on shore at a place called Tannamare, about ten or twelve leagues to the 43 south of Travalla. Having landed, and hauled up our canoe, we kindled a fire, and intended to cook some rice. One of our men, in paddling on shore, unfortunately broke his paddle, and on going along the beach to get a stick to mend it, when at a v distance from us, he was seized by two Malays, Who brought him to our canoe. To my great surprise I recognized them both ; one of them being the captain of the proa that had brought me from Parlow to Travalla. He im mediately inquired whither I was going, and what I did there. I told him that I was bound to Macassar, and at the same time laid hold of my large knife and a spear. He asked me if the knife was a good one. I told him that it was. He then desired him to let me examine it ; but I refused. He now insisted that we should re turn. I told him that we were determined not to go back; and all hands jumping into the canoe, we put off. He then told us, that if we would go to a small distance along the beach, he would supply us with some fish, for that he had a weir there. But I found no inclination to listen to him, fearing there might be more Malays thefe. We had now topass the place where the proa lay that had chased us ih the morning ; but night coming, pn, it favoured us; and there being a heavy squall, with thunder, lightening, and rain, at the, same time, it proved of great service tous, E 50 for we were xt\ want of Water, having none. We passed the proa in the squall and in the dark, and rowed all that night along shore. By day-light we had got a great distance to the southward. We saw nothing now for two or three days to distress us, as that part of the island appeared barrenand uninhabited. ~ On the eighth day after we left Tomboo we drew near a part of the island of Celebes which Was very thickly inhabited, and the land ap peared to be cultivated. We passed by many towns, and saw many, proas in their harbours. We landed at a retired place, and attempted to procure some fresh water to our little raw rice. We had just got a draught each, when three canoes were discovered coming to the very place where we were. We immediately shoved off, without getting any more, and kept on all day. , Just as the sun went down we discovered two canoes, not far from us, which were fishing. We immediately ran close along side of them, intending to inquire how far ^Macassar was di stant; but, as soon as they perceived us to be white men, and coming towards them, they made the, best of their* way on shore. I called'. out to them to stop ; and they desired us to' come on shore. But, having no inclination to do so, and seeing two proas at a distance lying at anchor, I made towards one of them. As I perceived only one old man on board, I asked 51 him/where the captain was. He answered that he was below, and asleep. He went down and awaked him. The captain came on deck with a spear in his hand. Without speaking a word to me, he called three or four men, who were below, and who also immediately ran upon deck with spears, The captain asked me whence we came, and to what place we were bound. I told him ; and that we were going to Macassar. I then in quired the distance to that place. He told me that it would take a month and a day to, reach it. I told him it was not true. He then invited me to come on board his . proa, or to go on shore ; both of which I refused ; and, wishing him a good night, we made the best of our way off. He instantly called to the shore to send off a canoe; which they immediately did; and, four hands jumping into her, they gave us chase. We did the best we could, and put out to sea ; and, after continuing to chase us until between ten and eleven o'clock at night, we at length lost sight of them, and stood in towards the land again. In the morning, at day-light, we discovered a number of fishing canoes, two of which made- towards us. We let them come alongside, as there was only one man in each. One of them, an old arid very intelligent man, came on board. "I put the same -question to him respecting Macas sar. He at first said tha| it would take me -i E 2 52 thirty, days to reach there, and at the same time asked me to go on shore to see the rajah ; but this I declined. I next asked him how many days it would take a proa to go to Macassar. He was at first loth to answer me,, but at last told me that proas could go there in two days. This was joyful news indeed to us, and. it cheered up our spirits amidst, all our distresses^ and fa tigues. We left this canoe and directed our course along the coast. We had a fine wind, but no sails. At evening, just as the sun was setting, we perceived a proa full of men set off from the shore. She rowed very fast, and soon came alongside. Without hesitation they caught hold of our canoe, and four or five of thera jumped into her, and nearly overset her. All my hopes were again vanished, and we were once more taken prisoners by the Malays. They told us that we must immediately go to the rajah, for that he had sent them after us. Finding .ourselves overpowered by so great a number of them, we were obliged to submit, and reluctantly obeyed their order. They took us on shore, to the town of Pamboon ; and the moment we landed they stripped us of every thing we wore ; which indeed was Httle enough. They then conducted us to the. rajah's house, where all the head men of the place were met. I was there examined from whence I came,, and 53 - to what place I was bound; My answers were the same as before ; I also told them that I must go immediately, and muff, not be stopped. We were now become so familiar with dangers and with captures, and were also so much nearer Macassar than we could possibly have expected, after so many narrow escapes, that we became more and more desperate and confident, from the persuasion that we should at last arrive at our "destined port. The rajah of Pamboon then asked me if I un derstood a musket well. Having experienced the inconvenience of owning it at Dungally and at Parlow, I answered him in the negative. He then showed me a hundred guns, and wanted me to stay to take charge of them; but I declined it. He then said that all white men understood them. I told him that sailors did not understand the musket, but that soldiers did ; and that I was not a soldier. He then asked me if I would not have a wife, and remain there. This I refused. His wife, who was a young girl, came and sat down near me; atthe same time telling the rajah, that she should be glad to see a white child. She then asked me to sleep with her. To this also I told her " No," She then called her sister, and about twenty .other girls, and causing them all to sit down, de sired me to take my choice. I told her " None;" and rising up, wished her a good night, and went ¦out ofdoorsj where they soon brought me some sup- 54 per. After supper we laid down and slept on the, ground the remainder of the night, and were guarded by about twenty people. CHAP. XII. Leave Pamboon, and arrive at Macassar. XN the morning I again waited upon the rajah of Pamboon ; and speaking the Malay tohgue very well, I begged that he would send us to Ma cassar. , I assured him that the governor had sent for me, and that I must go there as soon as pos sible. I at the same time told him, that, if he detained me, the governor would stop all his proas at Macassar. After thinking on it a short time, he called the captain of a proa that was bound there, and delivered me and my- men to him, telling him, at the same time, that if he could get any thing for us, he might take it; if not, that he might let us go. The proa not being ready, we staid two or three days at this place, quite overcome with our many hardships and fatigues in the canoe. The sun had so burnt my shoulder, having no shirt, as to lay it quite bare, and produce a bad sore. Here I caught cold, and was soon attacked by a violent fever. By the time the prpa was ready to sail, I' 55 was not able to stand. I was, however, carried down, and put into a canoe, and from thence con veyed on board the proa. Here they laid me upon the deck, without a mat, clothes, or any kind of covering. The nights were cold, with frequent showers of rain, and the days very hot. 1 was then so ill that I believe I should have died, if the hopes of reaching Macassar had not kept me alive. The thoughts of it cheered and kept up all our spirits. We now left Pamboon, which is about ninety or a hundred miles froiiri Macassar, and belonging to a tribe called Tramany. In the course of three days we arrived at a small island called San Bot- tam, within about nine leagues of Macassar, where I was left two days on board of the proa. They would not allow us to gb on shore, but for what reason I do not know. I then called to me George Williams, requesting him to go on shore — and if 'they refused him, either to swim or steal a canoe —and to acquaint the rajah that I was on board the proa, and very sick, and that I wanted to come on shore. Williams soon returned to. me, with the joyful tidings that the rajah would send imme diately for us ; which he did in the course of -half.an hour, by sending his son on board -with a note to^the captain of the proa, to deliver us up immediately, and to let us come onshore. We were instantly released, and conducted to the rajah or head man; to whom I related my 56 story, arid told him that we wanted to go im mediately to Macassar. The rajah observing our miserable situation, ordered us some- rice; and at the same time directed a proa to be got ready that afternoon to convey me and my people away. We set off just before night, but did not reach Macassar until the following day. We landed on the 15th of June, 1795, after a voyage of about nineteen days from Tomboo, and after having been two years and five months in captivity; the reckon ing which I had kept during that time being wrong only one day. CHAP. XIII. Our Joy at arriving at Macassar, flnd our friends ly Reception greatly encreased by the hu mane and generous Conduct of the Governor and Inhabitants until our Departure for Ba tavia — Our Arrival and Reception at that Place. I Cannot express my feelings at the happy mo ment of deliverance of myself and four companions in affliction. We returned thanks to Providence for his goodness ; and I could only compare my situation to that of Joseph, which from my earliest infancy had made the strongest impression on my rrirrid. 57 Upon landing at Macassar, we were guarded by about twenty men. This was, however, a needless precaution ; for nothing could have induced us to attempt running away. The governor was much surprised at our state and appearance^ and we were no less so in again beholding beings something like ourselves, after living so long in such a manner amongst so many tribes. The governor's name was William Pitts Jacobson, a native of Amsterdam, and a man of a respectable family. He asked me to what place I belonged, and whether I could speak Dutch or French. I answered that I could speak neither; but I told him that I could converse in the Malay tongue ; and as he was master of the Malay, I be gan my story. On observing my situation, and that my back was bumf to the bone, the tears of this good man ran down his cheeks. He left us, retired into his house for a few minutes, and ordered a servant to give me and each of my men a- glass of gin. He soon, however, returned, bringing a pair of trou-. sers "and a jacket belonging to his son, which he gave to me, with three rupees in cash; then sending for his linguist; he directed him to take me to his own house, and to supply me with every thing I wanted, saying that he would dis charge the expence. The governor also ordered my four companions to be lodged with the com- 58 pany's sailors, and to have as much as they re quired. l I partook of a good supper at the linguist's, and soon after was sent for to the house of a Mr. Sisos, a rich merchant, who was very kind to me, and gave me a black satin jacket, a pair of trousers, a hat, a shirt, and handkerchiefs. I then returned to the linguist's, where I was washed, had my head combed, and put on clean clothes, which were the first that I had worn for two years and five months. I had also a good bed, which greatly refreshed me ; and I now began tp think myself a Christian, and in a Chris tian country. In the morning I was carried to the court house, with my men, where we all underwent a separate examination. I was then conducted back tome linguist's, and on the day following was sent for again by the governor, who asked me if I had enough to eat. Then sending for his tailor, he ordered him to measure me for two jackets, two pair of breeches, and a coat, made of nankeen. He also gave me seven pair of stock ings, seven pair of shoes, and four br five pair of trousers. The governor desired me to call upon him again in two days, which I did ; when he in formed me that he should soon'send me away., At this time he gave me more clothes, and two rupees in each. On returning to the linguist's, 59 quite overcome with the governor's kindness, I found ariother tailor waiting for me : he had been sent by the company's captain to measure me for a new suit of clothes. In two days'- time the tailor brought me- a su perfine broad-cloth coat, two waistcoats, and two pair of breeches, with two fine shirts, and two neck cloths.; all ofwhich were presented to me by the company's captain, Mynheer Alstromei*. Soon after, the governor's tailor brought the clothes presented me by the governor. This gave me a good stock, and more than I had ever seen or known during my captivity. The sailors were also well fed, ahd clothed with jackets, trousers, and shirts, both by the governor and the com pany's captain. I was visited by all the head men of the place, Who frequently made me presents : and I had in a great measure recovered my health and spirits. This afternoon I received an order from the governor to wait upon him the next morning; which 1 did at five o'clock. He then informed me that we should go away in the course of two days, and at the same time promised tofurnifli us with provisions to last the voyage." I returned to the linguist's, and in a few mi nutes myself and my people were sent for into the fort; to get our provisions. These consisted of .salted beef, rice, arrack, fish, vinegar, &c. The day now approaching when we were to 60 embark, I waited on the governor, in the new clothes he had given me, to thank him for his great kindness to us, and to receive from him a bill of bur expenses ; when he informed me that there was no bill, and that what I had received he freely gave me. He then asked me if I wanted any thing more. I told him " No," and that we had every thing in plenty as to all kinds of stores. On taking my- leave of this good governor, I again thanked him with a grateful heart. As I was going away, he gave me eighteen rupees in cash, and, on parting, burst into tears. I was overcome by this kindness. I had not gone far, when he. called me back, and again asked me if I wanted any thing more. I told him that I did not, for that we had every thing in plenty. He then said, " Ja dat is bra," which is, " That is good," clapping at the same time both his hands upon his belly, and shaking it heartily. He was a tall and lusty man, and I shall never forget our parting. He requested me, if I should ever return' to that place, to call upon him, for that his doors would be always open to me. He then gave me letters to the general of Batavia, stating the situation in which we came to Macassar, and desired me to let him know how they treated us there. . I returned to my friend John Sennett, the linguist, who had proved- a friend indeed to me, 61 and then dressed myself in the clothes which Mynheer Alstromer, the company's captain, had given me, to thank him for his great kindness to me and my people. He was at dinner with his' wife and two children. On approaching his house he rose from table, knowing that the proa was ready for our departure. I immediately stepped up to pay my respects and to take my leave. I offered him at the same time my hand, •saying, that it was not in my power to make him any satisfaction for all his kindness to me, beyond thcthanks of a grateful heart, and a fervent wish that none of his sons might ever undergo the same hardships which we had done. . His feelings were so much affected, that he desired me to stand, still, and he and his wife immediately burst into* tears. He then retired for a short time into another room, but soon returned, bringing eight rupees, which he gave me, and, taking me by the hand, wished me not only safe to Batavia^ but at the same time desired that I would send him a letter when I arrived there. This I did by the return of the proa. I left Macassar with a full heart, and, for the moment, had forgotten all my sufferings among the Malays. We embarked on the first day of July, 1795, having received several presents from a number ofthe inhabitants, who had seen us 62 and pitied our situation. I shall always think and speak of Macassar with gratitude. The captain of the proa, although a Malay; was an agreeable man. We had a passage of ten days, and arrived at Batavia the llth day of July, 1795. I went on shore, and delivered my letters for the general to the shabandei;, who immediately forwarded them to the general. He conducted me to a hotel, telling me that he should carry me to the governor in the morning; which he did about ten o'clock. When the governor saw me, and had perused the letters he asked me some few questions, such as, " to what place I had been bound — how long I had been among the Malays— and where I wanted to go?" — I told him " to Ma nilla ;" said that I had been a prisoner two years and a half, and now wanted to go to Bengal. He then asked me for the bill of my expenses at Macassar, and the amount of them; I told him that there was none, for that the governor and the company's captain bad made me a present of every thing. He then ordered the shabander to conduct me to the hotel again. 63 CHAP. XIV. My four Companions are engaged by the' Captain of an American Ship — Captain Sands makes me his' Chief -JWate — We set sail, and arrive al Calcutta — My History is circulated there — / procure the' Command of a Country-Ship, and su perintend the Repair of her— Unexpected Meet ing with Captain Hubbard, who presses me to sail zvith him to the Mauritius — / accept his Offer, and we arrive there — An Instance of his honourable Conduct — At the' Mauritius I suc ceed Captain Hubbard in the Command of the ' ' Ship. XiAVING been protected and preserved through many dangers by a kind Providence, good fortune now began to smile on us ; and a num ber of events have happened to me since, which were as equally unexpected as our deliverance. My history is short, and may be of service to others. My four seamen were no sooner landed than I engaged them on board the Betsy,, an American ship, of and. bound to Boston, my native town. She was Commanded b/ a captain Miller, who Was greatly in want of hands, and promised to be kind to them. They wished much to go with "me ; but I told them that I had no ship, and, having brought them to a Chris- 64 tian country, they must now take care of them selves. While1 at Batavia we met with a few Malays whom We had known in some of the parts that we had visited. They recollected us, and were not a little surprised to find us here. Having discharged my duty towards , my men and fellow-sufferers, I now began to think of myself. While at Batavia I discovered an old acquaintance, a captain Sands, who commanded a country-ship, and who was going to Bengal. He made me his chief-mate, and gave me many presents. After I had faithfully dis charged all our expenses at Batavia, and at the hotel, for myself and . my people, I embarked with captain Sands in The American, an American ship, on the 20th day of July, 1795; and, after touching at two or three ports, arrived at Calcutta about the 20th of September in the same year. Through captain Sands my story soon circu lated at Calcutta, t where I had many friends, being well known to captain Blythe, and other gentlemen belonging to that place, Our ship having discharged her cargo, I was now at liberty, and soon got the command of a coun try-ship, then in dock under repair-. I was daily employed in watching over her workmen, when an American ship arrived at Bengal, which, to my great surprise and joy, was commanded by my old friend captain Hub- 65 bard; the very captain with whom I had sailed' about three years before in the Enterprise, when We lost hirri in our boat in the Straits of Macas sar. Such a meeting was quite unexpected to us both, and particularly so fo myself. He had chariged his ship, ¦ though in the same employ, for a vessel called the America, and in which I had formerly sailed as an officer to different parts of India. He was quite overjoyed to see me ; and told me that he had given up the boat for lost, after having waited for us three days in vairt. He had discerned our fire, but had sup posed it to be made by the Malays. Captain Hubbard pressed me to go with hitn to the Mauritius, and promised that on our arrival there I should succeed him in the com mand of his ship. My circumstances being Very low, and the ship which I ,had the Care of not being likely to come out of dock for near three months, I accepted this offer. I sailed with him in The America the 1st day of January, 1796, and in forty-two days arrived at our destined port, where We discharged our cargo. Whilst with him, he convinced me that he had not forgotten me in my absence ; for he had sent to my wife/ or, as he supposed,' my widow^ by an American captain bound to Boston, all my Clothes, and the wages that were due to me, and took the captain's receipt — which I valae riel a little : the receipt runs thus : F i 66 " Isle of Fiance, Sept. 10th, 1795. **¦' Received of Mr. Henry Hubbard the sum of fifty Spanish dollars, which I promise to lay out to the best' advantage, and account with the widow, of Mr. David Woodard, deceased. " Enoch Sweet." My wife must have suffered'a great deal: but I - knew that she was in gpod hands, and would never be in Want, as my great friend and patron, Thomas Russel, esq. of Boston, had always been kind to me, and had promised she should not want. At the Mauritius I'met with three' of my old mess-mates and fellow-sufferers — John Cole, George Williams, and William Gideon : the other, named Robert Gilbert, had gone forward to America. As may be supposed, we were, not a little glad to see each other again. Being now in a more prosperous situation than when we first parted, I furnished them -with clothes and shoes. Captain Hubbard kindly recommended me to the owner of his ship, who was an. American, and I was appointed to the command., of her. She was (as 1 observed before) called The Amer rica, one of the very ships that I had made some voyages in India as an officer, before my mis fortunes. •67 i CHAP. XV. / sail to the Isle of Bourboii— Passage round the Cape of Good Hope — Heavy Gales of Wind- Receive much Damage — Put into St. Helena for Repairs — Wait on Captain Ellison, who kindly assists us — We leave St. Helena, and direct our Course fpr the Island of Ascension — Leave it, and arrive at tlie Isle qf Wight — / zvrite to my Wife, and td my Owners, and set off for London — / deliver my Letters to Mr. Vaughan, who questions me concerning my Voyage — His kind Treatment of me — He ad vises me to publish my Narrative— -Reflexions — I write again to my Wife and to my Owners ¦—Hear of the Death of Mr. Russell— I zvrite Letters of Thanks to Captain* Ellison, the Governor of Macassar, and Mynheer Al- stromer. JL SAILED from the Mauritius in The America in ballast, and proceeded to the Isle of Bourbon,' where we took in a full cargo of cotton and cof fee on account of my owners, who where towns men and Americans, I sailed from thence the 10th of April, 1796, and was bound to a neutral port in Europe, having directions to touch first at the Isle of Wight for orders. F 2 68 On my passage round the Cape of Good Hope I met with heavy gales of wind, which damaged my ship, and obliged me to put into Sjt. Helena for repairs and fresh provisions. I arrived there on the 26th day of May, when I paid my respects, as customary, to the governor, who offered me every assistance. I then waited upon captain Ellison, who commanded his Britannic majesty's ship Standard, of 64 guns, and who was then lying there, waiting to convoy a fleet of Indiamen home.. Captain Ellison kindly of fered the assistarice of caulkers and carpenters, and every thing I stood in need of. By this means I completed my^business in a few days ; and the fleet- being now ready to 'Sail, I left St. Helena the 1st day of June, 1796, in com- - pany with the Standard man of war, having under her convoy thirteen East-Indiamen, nine country-ships, two South-Sea whalers, and one Portuguese, all homeward bound. After leaving St. Helena two days, and finding the fleet to sail very slow, and the sugar-ships being deeply laden and heavy sailers, while mv own vessel was copper-bottomed, and sailed ex ceedingly wejl, I hauled out of the fleet about' twelve o'clock that night,, and directed, my course for the Island, of Ascension, being in want of provisions, and having been unable to procure any at St. .Helena. Here I spent two days in fishing,, and trying 69 to catch turtle. I caught some fish, and killed a great number of birds with sticks, -but no tur tle. We then left this island, which is un inha bited, *and made the best of our way to the Isle of Wight; where I arrived on the 27th day of July, 1796, in the harbour of Cowes, and gave the first intelligence of the sailing of the East- India fleet from St. Helena; which arrived safe about a week after. Finding a vessel at Cowes bound for Bostori, I wrote to my wife and to my owners. I set off the same day for London, with letters from my owners to the house to whom I was addressed, and where orders were to be lodged for me to proceed to a market. I delivered my letters to the house of Messrs. Vaughan and Son, to whom I was consigned ; and Mr. William Vaughan, after the common questions about my voyage, drew out from me that I had been a prisoner among the Malays. This gentleman was so much struck with my story and adventures, that, he kindly took, me into his house while I remained in London, and prevailed upon me to have the Narrative of my misfortunes committed to writing, that it might, as he said, be " an encouragement and an example to other men, whenever they should fall under similar difficulties." At his request I have given this plain, simple F 3 70 Narrative ; and I sincerely hope none may ever undergo the trials I have had. I believe that feW men have had more diffi culties to encounter, from the want of food, sleep, clothing, and from enemies, than myself and -my companions. But a firm reliance on a kind Providence supported me through all my dangers ; and 1 have learned one lesson, which we seamen should never forget — it is that of hope and of perseverance. Ihad always a full confidence in leaving the country, and every escape gave me fresh hope of getting away from the Malays. Ihad, how ever, many difficulties to encounter; and, at times, the command over my own men was no . very easy thing. On the whole, I have- much reason to be satisfied with them. I kept up their spirits and my own, and never communi cated to them my anxieties. My griefs and my meditations were to myself: and I thank God for his kind protection of me. With respect to the natives, I endeavoured to avoid in myself, and amongst my men, every thing that could give offence, or provoke quar rels. Whenever any difficulty occurred, I found it best to go to the head rajah, or the priests; and when I or my people had done any thing wrong, I always found it better to be good friends, than 71 to enter into needless contests with the na tives. AVhenever I could, by respect, confidence, and kindness, gain their friendship, I did it; and I believe it -was owing to this cause that we fared even so well as we did, aided by our friend and priest Tuan Hadjee, who was a man much re spected, arid who lightened our burdens, though he could not procure our liberty. I wrote again in London, by a vessel going to Boston, to my wife and my owners ; and was much concerned on my arrival in Europe to find that my great friend Mr. Russell, of Boston, was dead; and was pleased- to hear of the re-. sped that had been paid to the memory of so good a man by every class of people attendinghis funeral. I wrote a letter of thanks to captain Ellison for his civilities and kindness, on his arrival in England; ahd have also written letters of ac knowledgements to William Pitts Jacobson, go vernor of Macassar, and Mynheer Alstromer, the company's captain, for their great kindness and humanity to me and iny people, that our gratitude should be known to the world. David Woodard. 72 Copy of a Letter from Captain David Woodard to the Honourable the Court of Directors of the Dutch East-India Company, at Amster dam. " London, August 23d, 17<">6. " HONOURABLE SIRS, _ ' **' " I CANNOT leave London without expressing to this honourable court my public and most grateful acknowledgements for the humane and liberal treatment which myself and four seamen experienced at Macassar, after our escape and deliverance from -the Malays in the Island of Celebes. " Five seamen and myself lost our ship in our boat in the Straits of Macassar ; and after having been without water or food for vmany days, we surrendered ourselves to the natives, after they had killed one of our men. They kept me and my companions prisoners for two, years and a half, during which time we experienced many hardships and misfortunes, being destitute of clothes, with short copimons, and without most of the comforts of life. Our escape was provi dential; and when myself and my four seamen arrived at Macassar we were destitute of clothes, and were worn down by distress, fatigue, and want of ndurishment. We found the most libe ral and friendly treatment from the honourable William Pitts Jacobson, governor of Macassar, 73 and from Mynheer Alstromeif, the company's Captain, who not only clothed and fed us, but gave us money, and also dispatched us in a proa to Batavia, free of all expenses to myself and my unfortunate companions. I shall ever retain a grateful sense of their kindness and benevo lence towards us in our misfortunes. " I beg you will forward the enclosed letters pf thanks to Macassar, and that you will be pleased to make ¦ ublic this testimony of our gratitude in such manner as to this honourable court may seem meet. In behalf of myself and -my fellow- sufferers, I am,. . . " Honourable Sirs, " Your most obedient " and obliged humble Servant,; " David Woodard;" Copy of a Letter from Captain David Woodard _ to the Honourable William Pitts Jacobson, Governor of Macassar. " London, August 23d, 1796. ' sis, " IT is owing to your- kindness and humanity that I am now arrived in England ; and I have 1 ° taken, through the honourable court of directors of the Dutch East-India company, the earliest 74 opportunity of returning you my sincere and grateful thanks for the liberality and attentions which myself and four seamen experienced from you at Macassar, after our miraculous and pro vidential escape from the Malays. You clothed me and fed me, and gave me the means of find ing my way to Batavia ; and from thence I went to Bengal,, and at last have found my way to Europe. I. shall, in behalf of myself and fellow- sufferers in distress, ever retain the warmest sense of gratitude for the great kindness which you and the inhabitants of Macassar bestowed upon us in the midst of our misfortunes and dis tresses. * " I beg you will accept of my most fervent wishes for your welfare and prosperity ; and my best prayers, that those who have been my pro tectors and deliverers, may never know what it is to stand in want of that assistance which we have received at your hands. " I beg you will remember me kindly to Mr. J. Sennett, the linguist, who proved himself a kind friend to me when under his roof; also to Mr. Sisso, and to all who assisted me in my dis tresses. " I am, with great respect, Sir, " Your much obliged " and most obedient Servant, " David WoOdard." -75 Copy of a Letter from Captain David Woodard to Mynheer^ Alstromer, Captain in the Ho nourable Dutch East-India Company's service, at Macassar. London, August 23d, 17£)6. " SIR, " I AM happy to inform you that I arrived at Batavia, and afterwards at Bengal, where I found a number of my friends who were kind, to me. I ara now in London, after having experienced many more pleasant adventures than when I first landed at Macassar. I cannot, however, but take the earliest opportunity of returning you my most sincere and grateful thanks for the kind and liberal treatment I received at your hands, and to assure you that I shall never for get them. My four seamen I put on board a ship at Batavia that wanted hands ; and when I had taken care of them, I embarked in a ship bound to Bengal. I am now in London, going home to my wife and friends. I beg to be re membered to all your kind family ; and that you will accept of my best prayers for all their good ness to me, hoping that none of them may ever know or feel those distresses aod misfortunes which we experienced. " I am, with great respect, Sir, " Your most obedient Servant, &c- "David Woodard,." A SHORT ACCQUNT OF THE ISLAND OF CELEBES, 8c. 8c. PART THE SECOND. CHAP. I. Description of the Island, ils Harbours, Rivers, Tozvns, 8c. — Guarantala — Priggia — Cape Dundo — Sawyah — Dumpdlis — Tomboo — Par- lozo — Dungdlly — Travdlla -^- Tannamare— Cosselaur — Pamboon — Macassar —Tremany arid Maloyps Tribes. X HE island of Celebes differs much in it's form from the accounts hitherto given pf it, and has been but little frequented. 1 have attempted a rude description of it, as far as I could collect from my own observations, having travelled the western side of it, by land or by canoes, from Cape Dundo, which is about two degrees north of the line, to Macassar, which is in five degrees south latitude. , The eastern coast I did not visit, but 78 have gained my information from those" who were the' best informed among the Malays. I have given a draught of the island, and of sorrie of its bays and harbours, from traversing the coast, sometimes in canoes, and sometimes by land, both with the natives and without them ; also from the observations I made in my passage from Tomboo to Macassar; and from a recollection of the coast in beating up the straits forty-two days in the ship before 1 was lost. The draughts have no pretensions to be con sidered as accurate surveys, being taken under many disadvantages, and even without instru ments. Imperfect as they are, they may, how ever, serve as some guide fo those who unfortu nately, like myself, may be driven upon the coast. On the north-east side of the island is an im mensely large bay, where there .are two -Dutch settlements.; one of them is called by the' Ma lays Guarantala, a sea-port town, situated on the north side of this bay, hear which is a gold mine. The other is called Priggia, at the bottom of the bay, on the south side of it, and a little way up the country. Its distance from Parlow, which is across the island, is about three days' journeyj br seventy miles. On the south side of the island is another large deep bay, but which, from shoals and rocks, is not navigable except for small proas. The west- 79 em shore of this bay is inhabited by a rich and populous tribe called the Tabogees, and by the Dutch Buccanees, or Buggeses. The land between these two southern and eastern bays forms a peninsula, and- is inhabited by a tribe called the Boreo ; but of them I can give no account. The western coast of this island I can describe, having lived among the Malays for two years and five months. It is inhabited by many tribes, some of whom are populous, and the towns are numerous,. It is, in general, a bold coast, and contains a number of very fine harbours and bays. The island of Celebes is divided into many na tions or tribes, and the Dutch rather possess par ticular ports, with a limited influence, than that of a strong and general government over the Jsland. Macassar/ Gaua, Guarantala, and Prig gia, are the four principaFsettlements belonging to the Dutch. They had' little or no connexion with the parts I frequented. I learned that, about five years before! was there, the Dutch had atterhpted to take the town of Tolatola, . which is a considerable place on the north end of the island, situated on a fine harbour, abounding with fish, and surrounded by a plentiful country. Near this town is a gold mine, one day's journey up towards the mountains. This account 1 re ceived from many respectable Malays, who have been at the mine. 80 WESTERN COAST. Harbours, bays, towns.] - Cape Dundo isa point of land ©n the north-west side of the island, which ships going through the Straits of Maca*ssar make as a headland of departure. The land is high, and the shore bold. Sawyah is a fine, deep, sandy bay, open* to west winds, a little to the south of Cape Dundo, for ships of any burden/ On the south side ofthe bay is a small island which my good* friend Tuan Hadgee granted to fhe, and called, in compli ment, Steersman's Island. Between this and 1 the main, is a narrow channel, of about ten fathoms water. It is a safe harbour, and shel tered from all winds. Plenty of fresh water is to be had on the main. There are no inhabitants nearer than Sawyah, ' which is on the north side ofthe bay, and about five miles inland. It is a town situated oii a ' small rivulet, and has littie trade beyond making sago. Dumpdlis is a fine, large, open, deep bay, a little to the southward of Sawyah, into which two fresh water rivers' empty themselves. On enter ing this bay on the north side, care must be taken, as there is a shoal about two leagues fronr the main. There are two towns «in this bay, one called Dumpalis, at the bottom of the bay, and an- 81 other which is on the north- east side of it. There is good anchorage off Dumpalis, and from ten to twelve fathoms water, with a sandv bottom. The south shore of this bay is bold, with high black cliffs, and covered with wood. Here is plenty of Indian corn, rice, pompions, plantains, sweet potatoes, and yams. It is also a considerable place for fishing; at which the people are very expert, and catch great variety. The natives from the country come to trade with black merchants who reside here. They purchasetobacco, white cloths, knives, cresses, iron, opium, &c. In return, they exchange gold-dust, and an article in medicine called t im post, which is composed of the testicle ofan animal which they dry in the sun ; and, when it gets a little dry, it is laid in a dish ; they then kill- a fowl, let it bleed over it, and again put it into the sun to dry. After this has been several times repeated, it is put into a bamboo made like a canister, to keep out insects, and sold to the Dutch at a great price. *• The natives here fight with poisoned barbed arrows, shot out of blown guns, made of black ebony, of about four or five feet in length. They are very expert in the use of them, and kill at the distance of twenty yards. The poison operates quickly; and the person who is shot soon dies in great pain, with his body much swelled. — While at Dumpalis we had much 82 thunder and lightning, at which the people Were greatly alarmed. I also witnessed three earth quakes, the shocks of which were very severe. When a storm ceases, the whole town shouts- for j°y* Tomboo — js a fine open bay, the southernmost point of which is a long promontory or point of land running a considerable way out to sea, and. just under the line. This point of land is not inhabited. The bay is exposed to the westerly winds, which prevail during four months of the year, from the middleof November to the mid dle of March. In this bay are eight or nine small islands, the two largest ofwhich I visited. The distance between these islands is a quarter of a mile, with a channel between them of ten fathom water. The largest of the islands is about five miles in circumference, and has, a bold steep shore, where a ship can lie alongside and heave down. It abounds in large trees, of man goes, mahogany, bully, bamboos, and reeds. The harbour between the islands is sheltered from all winds, and abounds in great plenty of fish. Here we caught keymers — a large shell fish, about the bigness of a peck or half a bushel, which is good eating, and much valued by the Malays. ; The natives catch them either by diving for them, or else by introducing a piece of bamboo into the shell when open, to prevent its shutting: they take a second dive, cut put 83 the fish with a knife, and bring it up. We caught one ; but it was so large as to endanger our canoe. The town of Tomboo is on' a river on the north-east part of the bay, at some distance from the sea, with a few houses, at the mouth of the river, which are resorted to by piratical proas, who here procure water and provisions. The town is scattered, containing about one hundred and fifty houses, and inhabited by about seven hundred people, who have a few small-arms for protection. About two days' journey from the town, and up the country, is a gold mine, which belongs to the rajah of Dungally. I have seen the gold brought from thence, and it is very fine. I remember to have seen in the hands of the ra jah, a piece of native gold of nine pennyweights, which he weighed in my presence with weights purchased from the Dutch. The trade is carried on here by barter, and is the same as in the other Malay ports. Its products are rice, Indian corn, tobacco, co coa-nuts, and jacks in great plenty. In return, they take white cloths, powder, flints, muskets, iron, brass wire, and cotton, in its native state, which they manufacture themselves. The people of Tomboo, like those of most ofthe other towns, sell their provisions indiscriminately when there is great plenty of them, and are frequently obliged g 2 - 84 to purchase from other places, and are at times reduced to great want. They are a warlike people ; they are the off spring of the Tremany tribe,, and are under the protection of the rajah of Dungally, who, when. at war, calls upon them for men and assistance. Between Tomboo and Dungally are several small towns which are of no importance, and contain but few labourers. Parlozv—- The mouth of Parlow Bay is about ,one degree south ofthe line, and is more shel tered from the sea than the other bays. The town and hill of Dungally are situated on the' extremity of the southern cape or entrance into this bay, which is about twenty miles long. The town of Parlow is situated on a river, about half a mile from the bottom of the bay. The south east part of the bay is the best anchorage both for large and small vessels, and is well sheltered against, all winds but the north-north-west, which blow in the monsoon months. The westers shore is shoal water, with coral rocks. — The rice- grounds at Parlow are on a long Hat valley, or run of land, about five miles broad, and fifteen deep, having a river running through the middle of the same. The land and sea-breezes prevail here all the year round. The river, in spring tides, rises nine feet, and in neap tides about six feet. This is a bar river; but above and abreast 85 of the town there is plenty of water, and at low water it is three fathoms deep. The trade is nearly the same as in the other towns. From this place their proas trade to al most all parts through the Straits. Some go to Macassar, others to Batavia, and some to Ma lacca, which is at a very great distance. They have been knov\n to reach as far as Prince of Wales's Island, in the Straights of Malacca; but this is not frequently done. During rny stay here, a large firoa arrived from Malacca, which brought white cloths, opium, gunpowder, guns, iron, steel, brass-wire, and sundry articles. At Parlow they have many kinds of artificers, who work according to their conntry fashion. There are blacksmiths and carpenters ; gold smiths and silversmiths are also amongst them, who make rings, ear-rings, and other trinkets. Many rich black merchants live here. It is the residence ofthe rajah of the tribe of the Uncuil- laSj and is not under the dominion of Dungally, with whom it is frequently at war.' Dungdlly — is on ihe south point of land which forms one side of the bay of Parlow. The town is strongly defended by a fort ona hill, in which there are about fifteen swivel guns, thirty blun derbusses, and two hundred small arms. The in habitants of Dungally are descendants from the Tremany tribe, and command great part of the land and northern territory belonging to the 86" Uncuilla tribe. The people are warlike and en terprising. The town is the residence of the head rajah, and is a place of considerable trade. HerCis good anchorage ; the town bearing south west. There is great plenty of fish. .Num bers of alligators infest this place, and indeed the whole coast. The Malays call- them car- pooners. When at- Dungally I have often observed some of the northern 'stars, paiticularly the Pointers, over a large mountain situated in the northern headland, which forms the south part of the bay of Tomboo. This mountain I conceive may be forty or fifty miles from Dungally, and due north. Travdlla — the first town we were carried to when we surrendered to the Malays, is situated on a small creek at the head of a little inlet or bay, in about 1° 10" south latitude.' It is under the dominion of the rajah of Parlow, and by land about nine miles south of Dungally. The town is small, containing about two hundred inhabi tants, and' has but little trade. The country abounds in cocoa-nuts, and grows Indian-corn, pompions, sweet potatoes, yams, and sago; but no rice. The coast is bold. Taunamare-»-\s a small village belonging to Travalla, and about nine leagues to the south ward of it. It is an inland place, without trade or commerce, and under the jurisdiction of the 87 rajah of Parlow, being separated from the valley of Parlow by a ridge of mountains. Cosselaur — is about 100 miles from Travalla to the southward. I have been informed that it is a very fine place, producing plenty of rice, In dian-corn, callivances, ora small'black-eyed pea, 8jc. It belongs to the rajah of Parlow. Pamboon — This is the chief town of the Tre- many tribe, which is the next to. the southward from the Uncuillas. I should estimate it to lie at about one hundred miles from Macassar. It is not fortified, but is an open road, and a bad harbour. The Trernanies are a very ancient and numerous independent tribe. They keep a great many proas, and raise Indian-corn, but no rice. They, cultivate cotton, and manufacture great quantities of. cloth, which they barter for rice. and gold-dust. They trade in their proas to Ma cassar, Batavia, &c. The Tremany tribe have many, muskets in their possession, which they purchased from the Dutch. The territory of the Maloyos tribe is situated in the south-west part ot the island. They are subjected to' the Dutch, to whom they pay tri bute. The country abounds in sheep, cattle, horses and goats, and produces much rice. This tribe employs a great number of«fishing proas, which they keep among the islands and shoals to catch trepins, a kind of fish which lie at the bottorh of the shoals. They are as big round as 88 a man's arm, and some as large as a man's leg, of a gristly nature, and of a black colour. The na tives catch them with little spears. When carried on shore, and cut open, they takeN out the inside, entrails and all* put the fish into a boiler, and boil them until the outside skin comes off. They are then taken out, and placed upon a stage, . when a fire is made under them : here they re main until they are smoked, and become hard and dry. When they are fit for market, they are Sold to the Chinese. This tribe, from its great nearness to the Dutch settlements, has greater intercourse and trade with them than any of the other tribes, arid is more under their power and influence. — I ob served, when at San Bottam, destitute as we were, that I had greater respect and attention paid than we could have expected, — from the circumstance, I believe, of being so near Macas sar, from my knowledge of the Malay tongue - and manners, and from being a white man. The head rajah of this tribe lives at Macassar. Macassar — is a harbour difficult of access, from its channel being surrounded by many banks and islands. The harbour itself is good, and the an chorage on a fine mud. The town is pleasant, healthy, and of some size and strength. It con tains about two hundred and fifty whites, and ten thousand blacks, cf which two thousand are capable of bearing arms.- It has a respectable 89 fort built of stone, and trenched round. The Climate is very warm but healthy. It lies in la titude five degrees south. Macassar is a Dutch settlement, and ruled by a governor, a governor fiscal, a company's cap- tain? and a captain of artillery. I shall always speak with the greatest gratitude of the humane treatment we met with here. No foreign vessels are permitted here, except a Chinese junk, which arrives annually. It pro duces but little revenue to the company, beyond the sale of goods. CHAP. II. \ Climate — Produce of the Island — and Mode of Cultivation. J3EING situated so much under the line, the climateof Celebes is warm, but in general healthy. From the low swampy si tuation of the rice-grounds, however, the inhabitants are sometimes affected with 'agues. They have eight months of line weather. The rainy and least healthy season is from the middle of November to the middle, of March, and is attended by strong gales from the westward, here called monsoons. During these, 90 'the current sets to the southward in the middle of the straits, but along shore there is a regular, tide. The products of the country are Indian-corn, ride, sago, jacks, cocoa-nuts, pompions, black pepper, callivances or beans, mellons, plantains,- &c. These are in a tolerable state of cultiva tion. — The/ Malays have divisions of fields by fences, and a distinction of property, which is well preserved ; but that which belongs to the rajah or .priest is always looked upon as sacred. Many of the rice grounds are made on sloping lands, -where the natives form little canals at about twenty yards distance from each other, in order to water the grounds. These divisions are levelled by carrying the higher part of the land to the lower, so as to form steps. This is per formed by women and children, by means of small baskets. The land is overflowed six inches deep for about fourteen or sisteen days, when it becomes very moist. They then turn in about twenty bullocks, used to the employment, which are driven round and round the rice-fields to make the land poachy. The Malays term it pruning. This being done, they let the water in, which overflows it again, and renders the land fit for planting. The rice is then taken from the bed of its growth, and transplanted into these rice-fields by the Malay women, who .stick the plants into the mud eight inches, asunder. The 91 grounds are constantly 'watered until the rice is half grown, when the shade of the rice keeping the ground moist, the land is no longer over flowed When ripe, it is cut bv hand, one spear at a time. It is then put up into bunches that will produce about a quart. When dry it is put into stacks, and covered with mats. In this state it remains for about fourteen days,, when it is carried home, or into the house provided for it, and cleaned as wanted. Their implements of husbandry are plain and few, consisting of a hoe, a knife, and an axe. The ground is dug by two sticks as large a The trees are large and in great plenty ; out of the- large ones the proas are made. — Black ebony, bullet trees, cocoa-nut trees, abound ; mangoe trees, and rattans, are also" in great plenty. Their ground provisions, and vegetables, are yams, sweet potatoes, and callivances, or a kind of bean. The sugar cane is much larger here than any I have ever seen in the West-India islands, al most all of which I have visited. The Malays cut the cane into joints, peel the outside skin, and pound the joints in large mortars, by which means they become soft. The cane is then pressed, and the liquor boiled until it comes to a certain thickness. It is then taken off, cooled, and put into cudgaree pots, in which it is kept until-wanted to make sweetmeats, for they use it in nothing else. Thir sweetmeats do not keep long. They have bees in plenty, which hwe in trees : they make fires around them until the bees are destroyed, and then cut down the trees for the wax and honey. 9* CHAP. III. Accouiit of the Quadrupeds— Birds — and Fishes. J- HE island is well stocked with horses* buffa loes, cattle, deer, sheep ; also with hogs, goats, cats, and monkies. , The horses are a small black breed, but active. Their saddles are made with cloth. The natives ride hard, and the backs of their horses, from the mode of riding, are generally sore. The Malays set a great value upon their horses, which are considered .worthy of being sent as presents from one rajah to another. Cows they eat; but I could never prevail on them to milk either them or goats : they seldom slay their cattle, but cut off the hide with the meat. Buffaloes are numerous; they are wild, are hunted, and good eating. The country abounds1 wtth wild hogs; but the natives being Mahometans, never eat them. Goals are in plenty, and are eaten, but are never milked. Their sheep are large, resembling those of the Cape. They have hair, but no wool. They are driven into yards every night. If the Malays 95 have occasion to kill a sheep, it is carried to the priest of the village. The animal is there held by two men; and the priest taking his knife, lays it to the throat of the animal : he then calls on Mahpmet to bless it ; and if Mahomet hear npt, he calls upon Abraham. This done, be riiakes two cuts across the throat to the bone. The animal is then laid on a large bunch of cocoa- nut or other dried leaves, and covered with the same: a fire is then applied, and the hair is burnt off. The animal is now carried to the water to be washed; after which it is opened, and the inside is taken out. The bowels, the skin, and the liver, are esteemed the best parts ; but the liver is preferred to them all. The sheep is then carried to the own er's house. He sends a portion of it to the priest, either before or after it is cooked: if after, itis usually accompanied with rice. Their birds are pigeons, parrots, parroquets, tame and wild ducks; .but they never eat ducks and wild fowls. They have a bird as large as a turkey, whose eggs are in much esteem. The head resembles that of a Muscovy duck, except in the bill, which is like that of t,he turkey. These birds fly with great, strength and noise. Here is plenty of wild fowl, ofwhich I have caught many by means of a swinging noose or trap, made fast to the end of a small bough, which I trailed near the ground, wTith some Indian corn to entice them. . 96 X)ne of the dicks would drop, on the bird's get ting through this noose ; and on his treading on a little trap I made, the bough would fly up, with the fowl hanging by its leg. I did not dare to take him at the time, from his m„aking a great/ noise, and from fear ofthe Malays ; but when he was spent, I went, at night and secured him. By this contrivance we got many a meal. I once caught one of their game-cocks in this manner, and was near being punished in consequence of "• . ,, The coast and rivers abound with shell and other fish. Barracoutas are in great plenty, also mullets, groupers, sprats iri abundance, dog-fish, eels, and sharks ; of the last the natives eat the tail. There are plenty of turtle : though the na tives do not eat them, they catch them for the sake of their tortoiseshell, which they can scale , off without injury to the animal, and lej it escape again. Of the shell the natives make rings, and bangles or bracelets for the wrists or ancles. I here became expert in taking off the shell, and one day begged of some Malays a turtle which they had caught and stripped, but it was refused to me. -I then applied to the rajah : he did not seem to be quite pleased with the re quest, but gave it me. We ate part, and salted and dried the remainder, which we found to be very good. The natives are expert divers, and 91 good fishermen. Their fishing-tackle is made of cotton, which is fine, hard, and s-trohg, and stif fened by a gum which keeps out the water. Their hooks are principally made by the natives themselves of brass wire, and barbed. They are Of different sizes, and are' baited with shrimps. They also make seines, or nets, from the skip of the leaf bf a tree. They have also weirs, which they place across the rivers, and catch the fish iri wicker-baskets. • Here I learned the art of basket-making, in which the leaves of the cocoa-nut and sago trees . are erhployed. These baskets were serviceable iri holding any thing I had begged, and also to carry with us into the woods in gathering mangoes, which begin to ripen about the month of Novem ber. CHAP. IV. 'Description of the Persons:, Dress, and Mode of Living of the Inhabitants, ivith other Par tieu* i lars. ± HE men and women of the island of Cele bes are not tall, nor handsome in their persons, but short and thick set. They haVe a flattish face, but not thick lips. Their colour is of a yel- H 08 lowish copper, or reddish yellow i their manners are not graceful ; and they are revengeful and jea lous. . The rnen are very ingenious with edged tools. They are warriors, attend to the field, and the building of houses,, canoes, and proas, in which they are very expert. ' The women are engaged in cooking, pound ing, of. rice, and com, going to the gardens, and attending to all domestic concerns. The children are kept under no fear or order, and are punished from, the whim or caprice of their parents. I have often seen a mother, when, displeased, throw stones and billets of wood afc her children. The men are capable of carrying, great bur dens on their backs, enduring great fatigues*, and of fasting a long time ; and will with ease tra vel forty or fifty miles a dayO They are long-lived,. and live temperately. Intoxication is not frequent among thern,.. though they are occasionally exhilarated by drink ing toddy, which they collect from the cocoa-nub tree in the following manner : The branches on which the nuts grow, whens young,, are taken and tied together,, and the nut is riot suffered to grow upon them. The sprouts are cut off at about one foot from the end ; and under these they fix a bamboo* into Which the . toddy runs. The bamboo -is emptied night and morn- - ¦ ¦ t>§ irigi arid the branches are cut away about one- eighth of art inch at a time ; which creatirig a fresh wounds the liquor runs again, and is again caught in like manner. In a dry season the roots of the tree are watered to increase the toddy, which runs with great freedom in this manner" The liquor ih itself h agreeable and intoxicating. The dress of the men is simple, the climate not requiring much clothing. It consists of short breeches, half Way down the thighs, and drawn tight, to keep out insects; and those who can afford it, wear a country cloth as a -wrapper : some even go to the expense of a white cloak, which they put on occasionally when dresseci. The women wear a wrapper, with a short gown made of red silk gauze, if to be had ; if not, they are ornamented with bangles, made of large brass wire, round their ancles and wrists. The young Women of fashion or consequence wear their left thumb-nail to a great length, and wear over it a case, except when they are full dressed. Some of the rajahs and priests wear wooden shoes to keep their feet from the wet. These are made with a wooden pin, with a head stuck in the upper soal of the shoe, and which is kept on the foot by keeping, the pjn ' of it betwixt tht great and the next toe, and by some managemertt^ of the toes themselves. Their mode. of living and cookery is simple i fa a2 ' 10Q consists of rice, cocoa-nuts, sago, arid Indian corn j the latter they often boil into ommank They eat but two meals a day; one about twelve o'clock at noon, the other just after sunset. They com monly dress their food in Dutch copper kettles, or in their own country pots, made of clay, but which do not long stand the fire- It is customary to cover their dishes when at meals "with a lid made of the riissa leaf, which much resembles that of the sago-tree *• these leaves are dyed in ornamental colours, and are often in laid. They look very neat, and last a long time. It is a custom to eat with their right hand, and wash with the left. Their modes of life are simple, and their dis orders are few. They do not understand much of physic. They pretend to cure a great deal by enchantment. The betel-nut is their principal me dicine. ' If any part ofthe body beitiipaki, the patient sends for the rajah, who, .oil his arrival, feels the place, and taking a large quid of the betel- nut, and pronouncing some ' words to himself, blows it on the place affected ; which is esteemed a perfect cure. But if the complaint be a fever, they often bring. in a drum, which is beaten by two men.: one at each end. If that do not suc ceed, they sometimes beat a brass kettle, which they continue beating until the recovery or death ofthe patient. If the latter, ,the kettle and drurri, 101 are. immediately thrown out bf the house: the drummer and physician are turned out also. I was once present at this drumming prescrip tion, and witnessed the death of a poor girl. An old rajah once applied to me to be cured ; but I shook my head, and told him that it was not in my power, as he was too old to be cured.' A young priest was one day working in his proa in the heat of the sun, which brought on a violent head-ach. He applied to me to be cured. Well knowing that his complaint was nothing more than the effect of the heat of the sun, I pro posed to bleed him ; a custom with which the natives were not acquainted. He was at first much afraid ; but at last consented, on my assur ing him, that, if he died, or received any injury, my life should answer for it. I then sharpened to a point a cock's gaff or spur, and bled him. He, and those about him, were at first much alarmed at the sight of the blood. But I encou raged them ; and after-bleeding him, and taking a pound of blood, I loosened his bandage, and bound up the wound, ordering him to remain quiet for two or three days. He found himself much better the next day, and wanted to go to work; but I would not permit him. In two days his head was less heated, and he went to work as usual. : Afterwards many patients applied to me ; but I did not choose to lose the reputation of curing 102 a young priest, or run the risk of my life. I therefore left off practice, and would bleed no , more. The Malays have a notion, tbat, if a man can eat when he is sick, he will recover ; if not, that he will die, I, however, saw two or three men who were wounded in the battle of Dungally eat very heartily of rice, but who did not recover, The natives bathe twice a day in fresh-water rivers. This is, however, sometimes dangerous, on account of alligators, whjch infest the whole qoast, and frequent the mouths of rivers. The women bathe twice a day : once in the morning, immediately after rising. When bathed, the hair is put up in a smooth manner : they then pick a flower or sprig of some kind, which they fasten on the top of the head ; they also gather two little blossoms of flowers just in bloom, and put them in their ears, through the holes where they wear their ear- rings. This is the dress of the" ' day ; and they reckon it a token of good luck. When the rajah's wife goes to bathe, she isat-- tended by four or .five respectable women of the place ? and she never appears in public but with these attendants. ,It is the custom for women to bathe the second day after they are delivered ; but they prefer salt •water to fresh. They are fond of colours, and love those that are strong, brigtit, and gaudy; suCh. as red and 103 yellow. They have the art of dyeing, and set their colours very well, but do not expose them much to wet. They make cotton cloths, which they weave; and they are very good and strong. Cotton grows •in great abundance, which they clean by a kind cif turning machine, and doit -very well. if it CHAP. V. Government— Wars — Swearing of Allegiance-^- Punishments and Slavery. AMONGST these people the government is arbitrary. There is one head rajah, who rules over many Others. He resides in a house which stands separately from any other building. . Near it is his judgement-seat, where he spends the greater part of the day; and all who have busi ness1 with him apply there. When a rajah dies, his eldest son succeeds him. Any one desirous of speaking with the head rajah, must go to his judgement-seat.: on approaching it, the person squats down, and makes his obedience, which is by putting both his hands together and then. carrying them up to his forehead.' The rajah then asks him his business, which he delivers. , ; io* The rajahs are dressed in what they call a se- goun, which is a wrapper and a pair of short trousers; and they wear a handkerchief round their heads. Their priests wear a turban. Wars are not frequent with these pedple. When one rajah is going, to war with another, he consults with the priest, to know if he shall be successful. The priest demands of him when he had the first notion or idea of it, and upon turn ing to a little book, which he keeps for the pur pose,, he tells him he will or will not be success ful. If the priest says in the > affirmative, the ra jah proceeds ; if not, the rajah puts up with the affront which the other rajah had given him.. When a rajah goes to , war; he applies to the priest, for a bill of safety, which he gives him. It is written (I believe) in Arabic letters. Some bind it,on tbe arm, some, on tthe forehead, with the faith that while , they carry it about, them they shall not be killed. The men are courageous, cunning, and enter prising. They despise cowards, Prisoners taken in war are made slaves, .and, sold. They are va lued at from twenty to: thirty dollars each. Their arms consist of a Cress, which is.a long -iron dagger with a short handle ; the tips of which are sometimes presented by. rajahs as great pre sents, where men have been courageous. These tips are made from the end of the horns of cattle; 105 6nd, whenever bestowed in reward of valour, are jnuch valued. Their spears, the growth of the betel-tree, are about eight feet long, and shod with iron. They never suffer their spears to go out of their hands, but strike their objects with great nicety-*. A caliavo is a shield made of wood, which the warrior uses in battle. When the rajah of Dungally made war with the rajah of Padow, he gave a feast ; and, being present at it, 1 was witness to his calling in all people who- were there, and were not of nis tribe,, to swear allegiance ; which was done in the following, manner :— They cleared a piece of ground six or eight yards square, and at one end of it made up a fence of sago limbs, three feet high, behind which the rajah Arvo sat on a mat. Tuan Hadjee, being a foreigner, and a head man, first swore allegiance. This he did by tak ing a cress and shield, and going through the manoeuvres of war with great violence arid agita tion ; narning the different tribes that were or ever had been at war with the rajah; vowing vengeance on them and allegiance to him. He then dropped the cress and shield, and, proceed ing to the rajah, seated himself by his side. - Another took • up the cress and shield, and, tearing his handkerchief from his head, and pull- * Vide the plate (No. >5) for drawings. lOp- ing his hair oyer his face, went through the same ceremony, but appeared to be in the greatest rage, and sometimes sticking the cress irito the fence near where the rajah was. Having gone through the ceremony, he laid down the cress and shield ; when they were taken up by others in succession, until all had taken allegiance. If a man has committed a trifling offence which does not deserve death, he is sold for a slave to pay the trespass : part of the purchase-money goes to the rajah. If the sale of this man does not pay the amount, his wife and children are also sold. The highest price for a young man is about thirty dollars, or 6l. 15s. sterling* The cost of others is according to their quality- If a Malay has stolen any thing from the rajah or priest, he is sold out of the country ; but if the crime be a small one, he is sold at home. The expense of maintaining slaves is very trifling. The climate being warm, they need few clothes, and their wants are few. The expense of main taining and clothing a slave may be about three pounds a year, and his labour is bestowed on cleaning grounds, raising provisions, and in com mon dbmestic purposes. 107 CHAP. VE Religion— Mode of Worship— Marriages and Burials. 1 HE natives profess the Mahometan religion. They keep the sabbath onthe Friday. Their men are circumcised, but not the women, and they detest Christians. The priests have great power over the people, and even over their rajahs. At day-break the priests rise, wash their feet, arms, and ears : they then put their hands to their ears, and cry, " Oh wackabuck ! wacka- buck !" which is calling to God~ to- hear them. They then stoop, and make their next speech— (t Oh Madama sU ma la ! ' After which they fall on their knees, and make a third speech, putting their heads to the ground, then rise again, and make another speech on their knees. They after wards wave their heads with a long swing, crying " Oh Hela la, Hela la !" and wag their heads at the same time, which keep pace with their speech. This is performed for half an hour, their voices growing lower and lower, and their tongues going faster and faster : at length they make a long swing, and end their prayer by putting up both bands and wiping their face' with them. These ceremonies are observed by the heads 108 of private families ; and, on their Sabbath, the priests have a meeting with the heads of the fa milies, and go through the same ceremony. Great respect is shown to the new moon. — They show great deference to the priests* and Tuan Hadjee being the high priest, and having travelled to Mecca, was everywhere treated with the utmost respect. Tuan is the name for a priest, and tuan had jee for high priest, or a man who has been on a pilgrimage to Mecca. Tuan mooda is a young priest. When I was there, my friend Tuan Had jee was high priest.* * To Tuan Hadjee we were much indebted for great kind nesses; and I believe we Owed much of our preservation to him. / Tuan Hadjee often spoke to me of the. English, and fre quently told me, that he had been on a voyage of discovery from-Ba-lanbangan to Papua, or New Guinea, in an English sloop;, commanded by captain Parest (so called by Tuan Had- i jee, though his real name was Forest) ; and that while he was gone, the Malays had. taken Balanbaugan. Tua» Hadjee had formerly been a great pirate out of "the island of Micandano : he had alsoljeen engaged with a nation "at "the taking of Oreo, a Dutcli settlement in the island of Bantang, in the Straits of Malacca. He there commanded a proa of four carriage guns ; and after that siege took to pi racy. He told me that he had assisted in the capture of seve ral Dutch sloops, and a great number of Tabogees, or Ulack. merchants' proas : and that, in the chase of one of them, he overset his own proa, when he lost his all,*- which was in value about two thousand dollars ; and tkat he was thus reduced tGi his present low state. : 109 A man is allowed to marry as many wives as he can maintain : he builds a house for every woman, as two wives never live together. One! of them, I believe the iirst, inherits his estate. If a man has an inclination to take a wife, he makes application to the head rajah;, who calls together all his chiefs ; and if the parents of both parties consent, the bridegroom makes a present to the father ofthe bride. During the time of the war between the inha bitants of Dungally and Parlow, a piratical proa arrived at Dungally from Magindano, or Minda- neo: she was owned by a rajah, named Tomba, who was an elderly man, and who was then on board with his son, a young man about twenty He was about sixty years of age ; and his family consisted of a wife about sixteen years- of age ; two sons grown up, by a former wife ; and seven servants,- whom he had purchased. Dungally was his principal place of residence, where he lived comfortably ; but he often took jaunts fram one town to ano ther ; and at all places was well received and much respected, from his being a tuan hadjee. We were not unmindful to pay him great attention, as it not only gave him weight and respect amongst the Malays, but created a stronger attention from him to us. Though he never aided us in making, our escape, he made our situation more comfortaWe ; and I am bound to he thus thankful to him. From being able to speak the Malay language, I often used to converse with him ; and I found him intelligent, and that he had been a great traveller and voyager. He was very fond of drafts, and played the game well — but he was rather nettk-d wh,en I occasionally got the better of hinu , * 110 years of age: both the rajah and all the people in tbe proa were well acquainted with Tuari - Hadjee, <( as he had lived formerly in Magin- dano. Tbe son of rajah Tomba saw the daughter of Tooa, the rajah of Durigally, who had resigned the government to his son Arvo, who was now become the reigning rajah of Dungally. The young man fell in love with this rajah's daughter, who was a fine girl, about nineteen years of age, and applied to Tuan Hadjee for his assistance. The priest was employed in the negotiatiqn for several days ; when it was agreed that the young man, or his father, rajah Tomba, should give three brass swivel guns, and twenty pieces of white cloth, which was reckoned a great dowry. The parties were all taken to the longar, or house of public business, and there carefully examined, before consent was obtained to give the young woman in marriage. The wedding was a singular as well as a splen did and interesting sight. I can only shortly de scribe it thus — When the day was appointed for the marriage, all the war men of the place were armed ; and about one o'clock in the day, the young man, with the rajah his father, and all the men belonging to the proa, came on shore armed, as if for battle. Tuan Hadjee and the rajah Arvo of Dungally met them as they came on shore. They conducted them to a small shed. Ill which had been raised for the occasion. Tuan Hadjee there dressed the young man with a long pair of silk trousers, and put on him five silk gowns of different colours, a small silk cap, and over that a turban. To complete this dress, with out which he was not properly equipped, he put a wrapper over all. Being now accoutred, he -was placed on the outside of the shed. The rajah of Dungally was stationed next to him ; Tuan Hadjee next to the rajah of Dungally; and next to Tuan Hadjee the most respectable man of the proa. About twenty of the best men from the proa were picked out as a guard to walk before the bridegroom : they were all armed, according to their custom, with spears and shields. The pro cession began from the beach to the town, which was not at a great distance. At the same time about thirty men, armed with spears and shields, ran out of the town to oppose them, or to repre sent a sham fight, which they performed exceed ingly well, but gradually retreated towards the" town, while the party of the rajah and his son kept advancing till they arrived at the gate ofthe town. . i A palempore, or a piece of chintz, was ex tended across the gateway, as if to prevent their entrance, until the rajah's son had made some present to the men of Dungally. He therefore was obliged to give- them some betel-nut and 112 some serrie, which they cheto* with the betel j and they withdrew the palempore. He then advanced about two rods furthef, when the palempore was again put across ; and, at the same time his people* and those of the ra jah of Dungally, appeared to shew* the greatest anger against each other, by darting their spearls x>ver each other's heads,- till the young rajah made a second present. The Dungally people theft again withdrew the palempore, when the son ad^- •vaneed a little further ; and so continued till he reached the house where the bride was. He then went up the steps to go into the" house ; but there was again a palempore held across the door, which obliged him to make an other stop. Here they detained him for some time, wanting now a larger present. He took out of his pocket a handful of serrie and betel- nut, holding it out at some distance ; and all anxiously reaching for it, they neglected the pa lempore, and let one end drop ; when he stepped in without giving the serrie and the betel. This caused great laughter, and the spectators gave a general shout. The son was then conducted into the large room where the bride was waiting for him, and immediately seated himself by the side of her. The house was directly crowded by all the head and respectable men of the place.' Tuan Hadjee, who had followed the proces* 113 sion, now "entered, and placed himself at the end of the room opposite to the bride and'bridegroom, to perform the marriage ceremony. He first mar ried the bridegroom to the bride, telling him that he must provide a house and servants for her, and treat her well. He then married her to him, by charging her to forsake all other men for his sake, to be attentive to him, and to acknowledge him to be her superior. This being ended, they made a salam, or thanks. Tuan Hadjee then began to sing a certain tune, which was musical, lively, and pleasing, and used only on similar occasions. At the close -he was accompanied by all the guests. This being finished, supper was brought in. The bride and bridegroom ate out of the same dish, for the first time ; and the rest of the com pany as they could, three or four together. After supper, it growing dark, the bride and bridegroom were conveved to their apartment, which was richly hung with palempores. One or two bamboos' of water were brought to them, and they were left for that night, and for seven days, during which time the bride and bridegroom are never seen in public. Water was carried to them »ight and morning, to wash, aud victuals daily, in profusion. They were visited, but were not Seen out in public during this time. When the rajah Tomba left Dungally, his son remained behind; but when I left the place he 114 talked of going home, though without his wife. , I was once present at a marriage at Tuari Had^ jee's house, -which he had given up to a young couple; arid where they kept their apartment four days. I never saw the Malays kiss each other, or their children, but they would smile upon them;. The parents,v however, often played with their children when voung-. When a chief or rajah dies, the body is con veyed immediately to the longar, or great house of public business, and on its way the people sing and throw stones before it, carrying at the same time all their instruments of war ; and every person possessed of a palempore, which is a co vering of a bed, like our coverlids,, hang it round the longar so as to cover it completely. They also make fans of white cloth, at the dead man's expense. Four girls sit on one side of the corpse,. and four on the other,, fanning it, for the space of two days and, one night. Two lamps are kept burning near the corpse By this time the corpse - becomes offensive: it is therefore put into a coffin, which it generally is the custom for the rajahs to furnish themselves with in their lifetime. If not, a canoe is made. use of- in which, after, cutting off both h-& ends,. tlie body is placed '. 115 When the corpse is moved from the longar, it is accompanied by all the war-men and warriors of the place, who, carrying their spears, guns, arid all their war-instruments, and going before the corpse,i make a sham fight, brandishing their Spears in the air to keep off Satan, or the deyil. The coffin is elegantly covered with white cloth, with a frame made of bamboo, the size of a tent;, and when it arrives at the grave, which is generally about four feet deep, it is immedi ately placed in it. The head priest then sits down by the side .of the grave, the priest next in rank to him standing at his left, hand, and the next to that priest on his left hand : the three next in rank stand behind these three, arid then three behind them ; and so on in rotation. The priests all say their prayers at the same time, shaking their heads, and crying " Oh Hela la ! Hela la !" that is, " Oh my God, my God !" This ceremony lasts for about half an hour, the tone of their voices growing lower and lower, and the shaking of their heads faster and faster, and all at the same time and in the same direction, until they make a full stop. All now leave the grave, and the four or fiv@ men who dug it, fill it up, and keep watch there for that night, having a fire close to the grave. In the morning a house is erected, contiguous to this spot, wherein the widow of the deceased stays one month, or one moon : they also en- 116 close a space round the grave, and erect a shed over it. The widow is accompanied by all the young women of her own kindred, and those of the deceased. Some of them stay with her all the time. It is also a general rule with this nation, after the chief has been dead one month, and the wi dow is about to leave the house near the grave, to assessor a woriian or girl, that is to kill her in .a most barbarous manner. Two young chiefs begin the business by plunging their spears into the victim ; and their example is immediately fol lowed up by a number of other chiefs, who, ac companying their vehemence with the war shout, cover the body with Wounds. They at length put off her head in honour ofthe rajah, and present it to his successor. The victim meets her fate with .firmness, it being deemed an honour to die on ac> count of the rajah. CHAP. VII. Manners and Customs — Diversions, 8c. 8c. ClRCUMCISION is common among the Ma lays. The males are circumcised at about fifteen, or one year before they are cassered. All the young men and women are cassered. 117 This is done by filing their teeth, and blackening them ; which is reckoned an ornament. I was once present at Dungally when the rajah's daughter was cassered. He gave a feast on the occasion, which consisted of boiled rice, fish, and sweetmeats, the last of which are delicious. Wishing to partake of the feast, on the morning of one of these, entertainments I once spoke to my good old friend Tuan Hadgee. He told me to be silent, and I took the hint. When the rajah and the heads had finished eating, I drew near to them and showed myself to the old man, who immediately halloed to me by my name, " Steersman, merri de cini" that is, " come here." He at the same time took up one of the cases of the dimes, and all the sweet meats out of his own difli, and out of the rest that were near him, ; and, putting the contents of them into one dish, presented it to me. I carried the present to my own house, and di vided it amongst my people. It was a treat in deed, and gave us a hearty meal. I afterwards contrived to.be near at hand at these little feasts, and we by that means fared better than in common. Their greatest feasts were their harvest feasts. They bring a large timber tree full of branches, with the leaves stripped pff, into the middle of the town, and there stick it into the ground with the ends of the branches cut off. They 118 then procure limbs from the cocoa-nut or sago" trees, and slitting them, tie one end of a limb on one bough, and fhe other end on another, so that the leaves of the cocoa-nut may hang down. In this manner they garnish the whole tree. They then boil rice, which^they put into leaflets of the cocoa-nut tree, and tie one of these baskets to every leaflet. In the afternoon, when the tree is thus deco» rated, every person in the town" provides a good dish of rice, and fish, or fowls, &c; for thefeast. About sun-set the Malays begin to affemble and dance round the tree. The old people form the first or outer circle, while the men of war and their wives are in an inner circle; and again, within them, all the young men and girls. In this manner they dance till about twelve o'clock, when they take their suppers on the ground where they had danced, the place being illumi nated by a large fire, and, if it is not windy, also ,by copper or brass lamps. After supper they return to dancing for a short time, and soon after all hands fell to stripping the tree of the rice; and when the scramble is over, which is the principal part of the diversion, the feast is finished. At lect. They have a convenient pit made for the purpose, and understand the business perfectly well., They cut off the spurs of the cocks, and tie a steel Spur or gaff to , the bottom of the. foot, in such a manner that they stand firm and strong ; they only put it on one foot, which is conimonly the right. After this sport is over, which comtrionly lasts until sun-set, every man returns to his house to supper; after which he goes to the longar, or large house, where they execute their public business : and here they spend half the night in gambling, either at dice or at cards. During this time the women are employed in *- fpinning cotton, which is in great plenty and very fine in many parts. ' The Malays ride on horseback ; and their sad dles are made of cloth, stuffed with cotton, like 123 our pillions. They ride fast, but never make ufe of horses in battle. They tether or confine their horfes with a rope of several fathorris: one end of this, witha running noose, is put round the neck, and the other staked to the ground. These animals have soon the sagacity to di'sentangle themselves from the rope whenever the noose hurtsthem. When horses get loofe, the Malays catch them with some ad dress, by putting a noofe on the end of a pole, and slipping it over the animals' heads. The breed is small and active, but -not fleshy : the na tives, however, eat them. The Malays hunt deer with dogs, sometimes on horseback and sometimes on foot : they go out in parties, and the men, stationing themselves, strike at the deer as they pass, or shoot at them with. guns.. - - BRIEF VOCABULARY OF T^IE MALAY LANGUAGE. Sal am? - - '- How do you do ?. Buoy ... Tnnna - - ' - - I am very well. Land. Cayo - Wato - Wood. Stone. Ire - Water. » Appee - Lout - - Fire. The sea. Fulo An island. Copatl, or Capal San Pan - A ship, A boat. Ayo - The sun. Button . - - The moon. Popie Room, or Booma - The stars. A house. Jara - A horse Curriboa - A bullock. Palam poam curriboa - A cow, or she bullock, Palam poam - A she or female. Bavee - A hog. Boil na vou, or else cabie - A goat. Beenbecr - A sheep. LacJci lacki - A1 man. Polam-poaril Arna •¦-- A woman. -A child. 125 MartV Tombola - 'Death. - Music. ' Arantola. - | God. Ougan - - - Rain. Mahomed, (that is, " God will 7 ,, , . „ ' f Mahomet. come agai^ ') - - J Satan ** - ... Devil. Marea - A cannon. Snappar • r Nantucker - A musket, or gun. - ~A swivel. Pisou ¦¦ - A knife. Vio Cress - A looking-glass. - A sword, or dagger,. Unbuno Amos - r - A spear. - Gold. Ringee - A dollar. Passeer - Iron. Tuan , - , Tuan Hadjee r Cuind - - • - A priest. - High priest. - Cloth. Banna - Thread: Mejoa An aiigis - - - "Pogunto Puncliurie - - A cook. - A tear. - Thunder. - Theft. Bucharre - War. Teda bucharre - Peace. ' Tou rajah curritacg Moda Tua - To write to tlie rajah - Young. - Old. Pangang Teda pangang Ougan • Bannia ougan - Long. - Short. - Rain. - Wet. Teda ougan Partus , - - Dry. - Hot 126 Dinging - Cold. Eyo - ^ - - Yes. Teda - No. Capallo - Head. Paule - - Arms. Boclia - Legs. Tie - Belly. Bonnia socket - Very ill. Buoy - Very well. Ciou - An oar. Liar - A sail. . Accorder - A captain. Jeremoude A mate.i Ouran ¦ - A sailor. Tedoer - To sleep. Majolancruss - To run. Piggie dejaro - To ride. Mqjolan - To walk. Ouchou toau, piggie de ire - To swim. Mundeo - To bathe. Barrut - Winds— South. Timalout - Weft. Tarra - Eaft. Bossa ire - High Water. Teda bossa ire - Low Water. Ire dclout, or Ire gura - Salt Water. Seda gara - Fresh water.' Proa - A merchant's proa, Carer * - - - A privateer. San pan, or elfe lepa lepa - A canoe. Echon ' - i - Fish. Satoo ... - One. Dua - -Two. Tega - -Three. Ampa - Four. 127 Leema - Jive. Nam ... - Six. Tujou - Seven. Delapa - Elgin. Sambelan - Nine. Sopoulo - - t - Ten. Dua poulo - Twenty. Tega poulo .- * - - Thirty. Ampa pc ulo - -, - Forty, Lema poulo - Fifty. Nam poulo - Sixty. Tujou poulo - Seventy. Delapa poulo - Eighty. Samb.elan poulo- - Ninety. Seratos. - Hundred. Mille - Thousand. Harri ini - To-day. Esso - To-morrow. Sautou bulon - A month. Sapua duo bulon, or else sauta town. J A year. Demingo «¦ - Sunday. ' Sautoo harri abysh , - Yesterday. Demana tuan? - Where is the tuan- ? Teda de room - He is not at home. Demana majolan chou ? Where are you going £ Disa/ma de room -. - Yonder to the house. Apa >mau chou ? - What do you want ? Muchon - Something to eat. Sauna maou muchon ? - Will you.- eat? Apa rrtau nassi brjagou f - Will you have rice ov earn > if asi buoy .'- Rice is good. Coco buoy - •Plantain is good. , Ochau maou piggie- delot ambe. } . echon - I want to go a-fishing. Quchou piggie mundto - I want t* go to bathe. 128 Y Piggie room de rajah Ochou maou via Tuan Hadjee Demanna didolam de Dun gaily? Addajov, or tedajou f - - Joa _ . . Tedajou cediqui ¦- Chou muchon bannia Narra ty cormi - Ada umpoii ? - •• Cidequi Banya ... Panboun chou ... Teda panboun Ochou menta timiloca Ochou menta clappar Ochou menta nassi Ochou menta triboli Jang a tachou - Merri decini Me cap cil pitcher Capdl abysh - Ochou menta chidegru. mu- \ chou j Nara ty cormi Langce Ochou maou teda Ochou adda Ingris, Bengal, ~i .commi de room j Ochou maou piggie Macassar ' - Souso palam poam cifrr buoy meechan ana cifrrabo { . Etou ouran toude dolan Jang assouca I want to go to the rajah. . I want to fee Tuan Hadjee. r Whicli is the way to Dun- { gaily? _ Is it far, or is it not far ? It is far. It is not far. You eat a great deal. I was very hungry. Have you got any money ? Little.A great deal. You lie. I do not lie. Give me some potatoes. Give me some cocoa-nuts. Give me some rice. Give me some pompions. Do not be afraid. Come near.. I am cast away. I have lost my ship. Give me food. I am hungry. I am tired. I want to' sleep. f-I am English, come fiom {. Bengal. I am going to Macassar. TYou should milk your cows, \ and give it to your chil- t dren for breakfast. fA pilot: — (that is, " this \ man knows the way.") Be contented. \l19 THE above account has been committed to writing by Mr. William Vaughan, at his re queue (Signed) David Woodard. London, Ausjuli 17y6'. THE NARRATIVE CAPT. t)AViD WOODARD, Wc. fifir. , PART THE THIRD. -{The foll'oioing miscellaneous Information zvas procured at different Times from Captain, Woodard.) 1 HE accounts which captain Woodard gave" of the ages and constitution, and the effect which hunger, arid thirst, and hardships had upon! himself and his men, were plain, but interesting. He stated that he himself was born at Boston in America, was aged thirty- seven', and from his youth brought up to fh'e' sea, and was well ac quainted with the East and West Indies— that he had frequently' been at Liverpool and Bristol —that his life had been an active one — and that he had undergone and could endure great hard ship and fatigue — That Gideon was from Salem in America, aged twenty-five, apt to despond, but -proved to be an excellent beggar amongst k 2 132 the Malay*; — That John Cole was- of Boston, aged nineteen, and a good lad— That William son, aged twenty-four, was from London, good- hearted, and, he thinks, the son of a bricklayer — That Gilbert, aged twenty, was from Bristol, and had from some cause or other left his father, who was a captain of a ship; but that his real name was Engledue or Ingerdon — That Millar was a Scotch -lad, aged twenty-two, stout and enter prising. He sincerely regretted Millar's being ' killed by the Malays, as he had more resources about him than the other men*. . He stated that their boat was four-oared, and witha sail — that they had neither food nor water, and only a bottle of brandy, as related in the Nar rative. — that the weather was ^frequently rainy and squally; and that he and his men rowed, watched, and slept by turns ; that they com plained of hunger and thirst,' but mostly of the latter — that the nightly dews were very strong and cold, but he conceived they were beneficial to them. The little memorandums I took down the night before he left London, of some of the daily fluctuating hopes, fears, and sensations of himself and his men while in the boat, were in teresting, but are at present mislaid; but they '"Three of these were Americans, and perhaps their habits or impression about the customs and manners of an Indian life were so familiar to them, as -to have reconciled themselves and their companions to the Malays, and their modes of life. JE, 133 have made too strong an impression on my mind easily to be forgotten. Their brandy was ex hausted the second day — The third day they amused themselves with the hopes of their own 'ship — The fourth day the men began to com plain greatly of hunger and thirst, and to look at each other with anxiety and distress — The fifth was axday of gloom arid despondency, and of his men looking so ghastly and wijd at each- other, that he began to apprehend that ideas of desperation had been floating in the minds' of some of them, that might prove fatal, if they con tinued much longer in their present wretched state : and that when his lads attacked one of the proas to get some ears of Indian-corn, they said, " they might as well die by the Malays a's by bu?ger-" Various means were devised and thought of to counteract the great thirst which they felt. , That, for himself, to preserve the moisture in his mouth, he-kept a bit of lead* in * Bits of leather, old shoes, wood, &c. have been univer sally tried in voyages of hardships of this kind ; and in many cases they have been also swallowed — and perhaps with some good effects — from the powers of the stomach attaching themselves tp these substances, and tending in a degree to lessen the pajn or effect of the gastric juices working upon the. 'coat of- the stomach. In sharks arid other fishes, and beasts of prey, bones, bits of wood, and other substances, havebeen frequently found in various states of perfection and disso lution. I leave to those better -informed on these subjects, iH it, and thought he found benefit from it. He also svvallowed a little bit of wood. His mouth was parched; and his body, and those of his men, were heated and uncomfortable. That they did not make much mrine ; which some drank, but which he neyer did. He often rinsed hh , mouth with salt water, but did rioj: swallpw it — and that they were all very costive. As to him self, he did not sleep much; but he thought the activity of body and mind served to, amuse him.. Captain Woodard recollected to have heard that captain Inglefieki, in his distresses, had dis couraged despondency by the telling of stories* and the singing of songs, &c. He himself prac tised' and- recommended the same with success, and found that this conduct produced. rnuch tran- -quillity, cheerfulness, and perseveranqe ; and when they were tired, he advised them to sleep,, but always Some one to keep watch. Captain Woodard,. who was. rather of a serious- turn, said that the history of Joseph and his brethren often dwelt "upon his own mind with confidence and , pleasure, and' that he frequently related, it to his companions, with Inglefield's, Narrative, and the story of the Black-Hole at Calcutta; and that they always produced the to explain Qauses. I only content myself with the observa tions, arid 'to state facts. — E? * 135 most happy and powerful effects on them ; they frequently calling upon him to repeat therh again, and as often questioning him whether' they were true. To these and other stories he' was firmly convinced they greatly owed their perseverance and preservation. He had always a firm persuasion, in his own miftd, that he should^ get back to hisown country, and see his wife again. These were always the Uppermost in his imagi nation, and he lived to accomplish it. He con stantly refused taking a wife amongst the Ma lays, and often spoke of the interest which Mynheer Altromer's wife 'took about his own' wife, and that she repeatedly expressed a- wish to hear about him and his wife when he got home. Iri person, captain Woodard was tall and fair ; a man of few words ; temperate in his living, seldom taking any wine, and scarcely- ever ex ceeding a glass ; and whenever called upon for' a toast he always gave his good friend William Pitts ' Jacobson. He was rather seriously in clined, apd placed xgreat faith and dependence' upon dreams, and sometimes entertained opi nions about' them that were not interesting enough to relate. When he first arrived, though iri the month of August, and, in a- very warm summer, yet, having lived so long under the' equator, he frequently felt the effects of cold in the morning and' evening,, and when out of the sun ; and by giving him fires, warmer clothing,1 136 and flannel next his skin, he found a great aire-' ration. He was prevailed upon. to wear, between his shirt and waistcoat, a newspaper, or a sheet of brown paper, which he ever after found of great benefit, and particularly in his way down to Gravesend, during which time he always wore it and his great coat, on deck*. When captain Woodard was questioned in what manner a boat should be equipped on quitting her ship at sea, he stated that he should, to guard against accidents, recommend Jief having a .compass? glass, boat-hook, and axe ; a hammer, nails, tinder and box, knives, and a boiler or kettle ; a gun, fishing-tackle, rope, and spare sail ; their biscuits and water to be in kegs ; some tobacco, money, and a bottle or two of brandy- or rum ; a boat cloak, and, if conve nient, a spare plank. That with these a boat's crew would survive many a storm and much dis tress. On captain Woodard's being informed that it was customary for the India company to give, fhe Lascars in their servicfe, while in Europe, cloth ing and other necessaries until they were sent * The shepherds in Spain, who attend their flocks along the great range of sheep-walks that run through that country, to guard against the fluctuations of climate, and of night and day, and alfo of particular winds, commonly drefs themfelves in leathern jackets to keep out the cold. — Vide Town/end's Travels-. 137 back, he readily adopted the idea, and gave clothing to his own men, expecting that they would feel the cold weather in or on the coast of America before he returned with them to India. A few days before captain Woodard's depar ture, some of his own Malays stole his boat and left him. The boat was found above Westmin ster-bridge, and brought to him again about two days after ; but the men did not return so soon. When" he had punished them, on being asked if he had never in his time stolen a rajah's boat, he smiled at the question, and said it was neces sary to keep up discipline and authority over his men, and particularly as two of his Lascars were truly savage, and would be ripe for any mischief. I carried captain Woodard one Sunday to my father's house in the country (when the family were absent from home), accompanied by Dr. Vernon, a young physician, then attend ing St. Thomas's hospital, and now in respect able practice in,Jamaica, and who had given me kindly, with Mr. William Johnson, much assistance in taking down the Narrative in writ ings When there, we suddenly resolved on having a Celebes treat, instead of returning to town to dinner. The product of the garden, and what we could get, served us for dinner, under a cherry-tree, where we amused ourselves for some hours, and for pur desert plucked the fruit -as we sat, and in committing to paper fas a considerable part of the manners and customs' ofthe country. He stated that this put him in mind of a Malay feast^ and of his friend Tuan Hadjee ; but that he felt himself infinitely hap pier- here than at' Celebes. The afternoon before he left London, he was prevailed upon to have his- shade taken, it being so much the fashion of the day for a man to present., his head with his book, I have given his profile opposite to the title page ; but the likeness of most importance would be an imita-' tion of his conduct Under similar difficulties. After captain Woodard's Narrative had been> committed to writing,. I then gave him a num ber of Voyages and Shipwrecks to read which' greatly resembled his own, particularly those df Inglefield, Bligh, Wilson, Riou, Boys, and others: and, to convince him. that I had been acquainted with his friend Tuan Hadjee, Ialso lent him captain Forrest's Voyage from Balam- hangan to the Spice Islands. He told me that;he had-wept over Iibglefield and Bligh, because he felt' their cases as his own; that Forrest's Voyage about Tuan Hadjee had been read with surprise; and he had often wondered before, in. his- own mind, how I should ha*^e c6me to have known so. much about him, and about himself, for that he had conceived my list of questions .had been all pointed personally at him. He often expressed as. rriuch to Dr. Vernon. and (Mr. William- John-*' 1,39 spn, believing I must have been in that part of the world, or that I must hav.e heard of the par ticulars of his, story be.fpre. Captain Forrest speaks of Tuan Hadjee as a man of consequence and of influence, and of hav- ing^ found him. of grea,t service. The; following character, of him, is taken from his Voyage tpthe Moluccas— vide page 8 : — " I had, one person of rank,, education, and gpod, behaviour withme, Tuan Hadjee. He had several, of, his.; own,cpuntry. with him, his slaves and vassals, for' whpm he, drew pay ; and. who often, took liberties, against whiqh I found it im prudent to. remonstrate. This person had made a pilgrimage tp, Meeqa, He., was a? relation of the sultan ; of, Batphian, and was-, well rewarded before he came on board, by Mr. Herbert (the governor of, Balambangan), who made, him a captain of buggesses ; haying besides great ex pectations. I knew.T could depend on his fide lity, and that.he would be of great service in the voyage, having formerly been at Dory, Harbour, on the coast of Guinea. Without such a person I should, have heeri ln danger from a Malay- crew; especially as L had property; on hoard to bear the expense of the voyage, victualling, &c. I. made my account- from , the. beginning, that wherever I found, people, I- should there find provisions; and. I, thapk God. we wexc not dis" appointed." , 1*0 He immediately felt the propriety, when sug gested to him, of writing letters of thanks to Wil liam Pitts Jacobson, the governor of Macassar ; to his friend Mynheer Alstromer; aijd also to the Dutch East India company. The letters* when written and signed, were forwarded ; one set to the Duteh East-India company, through 'Mr. Adams, the then American minister at the" Hague ; another set through the English East- India company; and the third set, signed by himself, are now ih riiy own possession, and co pies of them are annexed to the Narrative. I accompanied him in his ship from his moor ings down to Gravesend, in order to make some observations on the then crowded state of the river Thames, connected with a plan of docks for the improvement and accommodation ofthe port of London, and that I "might also see him in his own element, and at the head of his Malay crew. We were two days in getting down ; in which time he discovered signs of a good and an active intelligent seaman; and that he was never above putting his hand to any thing. In our passage down he startled on passing by a particular ship ; and, on pointing her out to me, said, " that it was to that vessel he owed all his misfortunes in the Sti-aits of Macassar: that he had been before informed that this ship was coming here loaded with rice, on the India company's account, in the time of our scarcity." HI He declined giving the name of the captain, as he really believed he was truly ashamed of his conduct; — " that he had afterwards seen him in India, where the story had made great noise." By a little address I got my curiosity satisfied from him the next day, without his being aware of it. I shall, however, be equally cautious of giving the name of the ship or captain, only hoping, if ever this narrative should fall into the hands ofthe latter, that it may'prove a caution to him in future. On relating captain Woodard's case to Mr. Leard of the royal navy*, he mentioned, that a relation of his, just returned from the West In dies, had been somewhere amongst the Malays, and had experienced many hardships, and that he had sketched out a little account of the same. On his mentioning his name, and some leading circumstances, I questioned him if his relation had not belonged to Bristol, and if he had not changed his name, as I should be almost inclined to suspect he might have been one of Woodard's * Mr. Leard is a respectable master in the royal navy, well known for his nautical and professional abilities. In l/i)2 he furveyed the-island of Jamaica under Admiral Affleck ; and assisted, with colonel Beaufoy and Mr. Daniel Brent, in mak ing a spt of ingenious and useful experiments in Greenland dock, on the velocities of floating bodies, for the use. of the Naval Architectural Society, and publiihed by them at Mr. Sewell's, bookseller, Cornhill. 142 companions. His answering that he had, arid that his real name was Irigledue, an appoint ment Was made : and it was singular enough to find that Mr. Engledues had been one of Woodard's party; and that, after he had read this Narra tive, he confirmed the same, and could make no alterations beyond a few trifling verbal ories of no moment, though he Could have added many new facts. I read with pleasure his own little account, which was a very short one ; but I have made no alteration or addition to Woodard's Narrative in consequence of it. Captain Badcock* a gentleman of experience and information, and well knoWn iri America and the East Indies, and Owner and cOrnrriander of the ship Mary, from Batavia, that discharged her cargo in London in 1796, frequently stated that he had known captain Woodard in India, and that he was well acquainted with his story, and that, he believed the Narrative yery correct. On captain Woodard's arrival in Boston, his owners sent him in another ship to Batavia, where he afterwards met, asi have learnt, onepf the sons of Mynheer Alstromer, who was glad to see him; and also several Malays, with Whom he had been, or from whom he had run, arid who were all much surprised to see him again. He had often rnentioned, that, to a man who had funds and friends, knowing the coast, people, and markets, and having his vessel well guarded, / 143 and being always on the watch, that he could carry on a very good trade ; but . these things I leave to those who wish to embark in them. Avarice, and a thirst for specie, being predomi- , nant amongst these Malays, he said there were great risks attending it; but he himself should feel little, knowing the people and country ; and , when he and his men had loft their dollars, and had lived some time there, he did not feel much danger or risk amongst them. I understand captain Woodard is now retired upon a little farm near Bolton, with a decent independence, I cannot better close this Third Part than by inserting an extract of a letter from captain Woodard, giving a description of a part of the world, on the western coast of North America, that is but little known, trusting it may not be unacceptable to navigators to have a better knowledge of the- Gulph of California. His letter was dated from 'Manilla, in February 1803. '< To W. Vaughan, Esq. London. Manilla, February 1803. DEAR SIR, _ I EMBRACE this opportunity of writing to you..... I am now returning from a hong voyage, and during my rout I have paid a visit to Chili, Peru, and Mexico, and up the Gulph of 'California further than any En glish vessel was ever known to be, and was visited by 144 the governor and head men of New Mexico, and treated in thfe most civil manner. I made a discovery of. a fine port up the gulph, and a good harbour, .which"! think would be of use to the public in general. It lies in lat. 28° N., and is good anchoring, and a safe harbour against all winds; and, I think, deferves a place in your Naval Gazetteer. It is called Port Guimar. It lies in lat. 28° N., on the east side of the Gulph of Ca lifornia. Care must be taken, sailing up the gulph, not to come too near the east shore, as there are feveral low sandy points on that side, and subject to heavy squalls from the highland that lies back. Keep the west shore in view till in lat. 27° 45' N. and then steer in east till you bring a high ridge of ragged land to bear N. N. E. and a small island plain in sight, which bears from the point of high land west; then steer for the easternmost part of the high land, which will appear as if there was a river that divides it from the other high land; but it is nothing more than a tract of low larid, that begins at the sea, and runs back thirty or forty miles. As you draw near the land, you will begin to raifc the tops of the trees. Tbe harbour lies on the east point of the high lapd. It is surrounded on the north and vv*est part, to S. S. W., by very high land ; and on the «ast by this low land, as above; and on S. E. by Pelican Island^ which is high and bold. In going into the harbour you must leave Pelican Island on the starboard hand. The passage is narrow, but perfectly safe, and good anchor age, in a calm. The course in is N. N. W. till vou open a large' white house; then let go the anchor in five fathoms, mud and sand. The town is but small, and lies about ten miles up the bay. You must moor N. W and S. E. It is a good place for refreshments, and very "cheap. 145 TESTIMONIALS OF AUTHENTICITY. To W. Vaughan, Esq. London. 1 HAVE read the Narrative of Captain David Woodard, containing an account of. his suffer ings and misfortunes amongst the Malays, which perfectly corresponds with the general leading facts, which I have frequently heard from him self, and from captain Hubbard and captain Millar, in the Isle of France; and particularly from the latter, who was captain" of the Betsey, and who gained his information from the four searrien that captain Woodard had put on board that ship at Batavia. I am. commander of the American ship calle'd the Ascension, was loaded at Bourbon, at the same time as the America, captain Woodard, and bound to Europe ; and we lay next to each other for near a month ; and as he wanted a chief mate to come to Europe, I spared, him one of my officers. A question hav ing arisen respecting wages that might be due to captain Woodard from the ship Enterprise, I was appointed a referee with captain Millar, to de cide upon the same ; but it was afterwards set tled without any reference. From What I know of captain Woodard, I believe the representations in his Narrative are worthy of credit. (Signed) Samuel Chace. London, September 17, 1796. 146 To W. Vaughan, Esq. London. SIR, I HAVE read the Narrative of Cap tain David Woodard with pleasure, and it is nearly the same account I have frequently heard him give while we lay at Cowes together. We sailed from the Isle of France in the same employ, though I sailed from thence before he arrived from Bengal.. I have frequently heard Captain Badcock, and captain Hubbard, both Americans, who were in the Isle of France while I was there, and who are men of veracity, and much known and respected in India, speak ofthe sufferings of captain Woodard and his men amongst the Malays; -and Ihave had the same account from two of the seamen that had been captain Woodard's fellow-sufferers; and all ac counts agree in, the same leading points;., only that captain "Woodard has been too diffident in relating his own sufferings and hardships. . . SIR, I am Your most obedient, Humble Servant, (Signed) • Elisha Shepherd. Cowes, 6th November,- 17£)6,2 J?rig Susan. 5 APPENDIX. ADVERTISEMENT. / A HIS Appendix only professes to give short abstracts of fome remarkable cases applicable to the object of this collection, to shew the fre quency and extent of abstinence, and the im portance of perseverance and subordination in moments of distress. The statements are taken, as near as the abbreviations would permit, in the words and meaning of the authorities pro duced. The two first cases are^ I believe, originals, and, of their kind, interesting; and peculiarly ap plicable to this publication. >, For Robert Scotney's case I am indebted to- Mr. Mellish, the owner of the Europe India- , man, who gave me a copy of captain Gilston's, letter to him. I am also much obliged to Mr. , Paulin, of Ratcliff-Highway, a respectable cha racter, for two letters to him confirming this ac count. One was from his son, the fourth mate of that ship, who took the account from Robert Scotney ; the other from Mr. Patfison, another officer on board, whjch nearly corroborates these l 2 148 advertisement. two letters, and' adding one particular, cha racteristic of British searrien, that the crew of that ship had raised a subscription for the pcor fellow of one hundred and fifteen guineas. My worthy friend, John Inglis, esq., the East-India director, was obliging, enough to procure me the copy at, the India-house, of the Calcutta Gazette containing the second case. The list at the end of the Appendix contains" a selection of a number of voyages, shipwrecks, hardships and escapes, at sea or on shore, applU cable to the intention and object of this publi cation. Dr. Lind's Advice to Seamen follows this In dex, and a plan for a Society for promoting the Preservation of Ships and of Lives closes the whole. APPENDIX. (No. I.) I-J^ No. I. ROBERT SCOTNEY'S CASE. ?Thc following Account *.ms received by 3fessrs. Peter -end Williami Mdlish, on the 10th- of March, 1804, from Captain Gil-son, of their Ship Europe, on his Voyage to Madras. " ON the 2gth of June, 1803, in lat. 29° S., lon.- 22°, we saw in the morning a strange sail, and on nearing it, to our surprise found a small vessel. schooner-rigged, but only her foremast with stay-sail. Not a person did we see till we were close to it, when a most miserable wretch appeared. We sent the boat for him, it .blowing very fresh, and with great difficulty got him on board ; when in. a day or two after he told us the following tale: — ' That his name was Robert Scotney — had belonged to the brig Thomas, captain Gardner — had left England March 4, 1802, fbr the South Seas; — that after touching at several places, they arrived at Staten-land, where they remained seven months, -during which time they raised on the boat we met him in; and he being second mate of the ship, was appointed in pharge of her, with three others; — that they left Staten- land the latter end of January, in company with the John brig, of Boston, for Georgia, with- this boat to keep company ; from thence they steered for Tristan de Cijnhat, a small island in the South Seas : on the 14:h of April, in a gale of wind, was parted from the brig,- and in * Situated, by Dalrymple's accjiratfi charts, lat. 31° 22', long. \3 °JT. W. &0 APPENDIX. " (No. I.) the same gale he lost the three men that were with him, they being washed overboard, and every' thing that was on deck. At that time he had only three pounds of flour, six pounds of bread, one piece of meat, with two hogsheads of water; — that he prolonged his life with that, and some whale-oil — to the time we fell in with him — seventy-five days. He is quite recovered, and en tered in the ship." Extract of a Letter from Mr. Paulin, the fourth Offi cer qf The Europe, to his Father, dated Madras Roads , September 8 , 1803. "Iam happy in an opportunity of giving a more perfect account of the poor fellow we picked up at sea, than my friend Mr. Pattifon could, as I have the parti culars from himself. In laying the particulars of his situ ation before you, I shall at once gratify your curiosity, and interest your feelings in behalf of the unfortunate suf ferer. His name is Robert Scotney, a native of Spalding in Lincolnshire." About half past eight, A. M.*$ we saw a small boat on our starboard -bow, which upon nearing, we difco- vered, to have only one sail set, and otherwise to be a perfect wreck. No one was observed to be on her deck, until, upon hailing her, a wretched object presented himself, apparently in a most distressed situation, and in the posture of imploring our assistance. A boat was immediately sent on board her, with Mr. Mackeson, the second officer, who returned with him, having sent the wreck adrift. 1 Twenty-ninth of June, lat. 29° S. Ion. 22°. APPENDIX. (No. I.) 151 " By the poor man's account, it seems he sailed from London as second mate of the brig Thomas of Lon don, commanded by captain Gardner, belonging to Bro- derick and Co., of Wapping, on the 4th of March, 1802, bound to the Southern Ocean on the whale-fishery. That, after touching at several places on their outward- bound voyage, they arrived at Staten-land, where they continued six or seven, months, and got about seven ot eight hundred skins. In the course of that time they rose upon her long-boat, lengthened and decked her, and converted her into a shallop, of which they gave him the command, and put three other seamen on board under him, with orders to accompany the brig to the island of Georgia*, where they were bound, to procure seals and sea-elephants. They accordingly left ¦Staten-land the end of January, in company with the brig, and after eleven days' passage arrived at the island ©f Georgia, where they remained about two -months, and 3«ft it the beginning of April — their own brig and another brig (the John of Boston) in company — and Stood for the island of Tristan de Ciinha f, " On the 14th of April they were parted from their consort in a heavy gale of wind. He lost his three hands, who were washed overboard by a tremendous sea, from which he himfelf narrowly escaped, having the moment before gone below for a knife to cut away some rigging. At that time he had on board only three pounds and a half of meat, three pounds of flour, six pounds of bread, and two hogsheads of water, which were all more or less damaged by the gale; some * Situated in about lat. 54° 30' S., long. 30° 40' W. f Dalrymple'* Charts, Tristan d/Acunha Islands afe mtuated, in lat. 37° 22', long. 13"1 IT W. 152 APPENDIX. (No. I.) whale-oil remaining at the bottom of tbe casks, and a small quantity of salt. On this seanty pittance, and without any means of dressing even that, he prolonged his existence' for the surprising period of seventy-jive dtys. " He likewise emptied a medicine-chest he had on. board, and got out of it some burning medicine, which he found made his body a little comfortable and warm, as he never had his clothes ofF. He was almost con stantly wet. " When we fell in with him he was shaping a course for the Cape of Good Hope, having missed the island of Tristan de Cunha, to which it was his intention to have proceeded for the purpose of rejoining his consort, whom he expected to have found there. His debility was, however, so great, that he had been for several days previous incapable of going into the hold of his vessel for what Jittle sustenance then remained-, or of managing the s.ail should a change of wind bare happened*. " He then lived mostly on tobacco, which He took an amazing quantity of ; and when he came on board, both his cheeks were swelled out amazingly with the pernicious quality he had in his mouth, and which he seemed to suck with convulsive agony. " The appearance of this poor wretch, when he was hauled up -the side (for he could not walk), deeply af fected every one: he had entirely lost the use of his extremities — his countenance was pallid and emaciated; and it was the opinion of our surgeons that he could not have prolonged his existence two days longer. * It appears that the man was steering when the veffel fell in with him, he therefore could only manage the helm, but probably not the fail. APPENDIX. (No. II.) 153 rt It is not necessary to enlarge upon the tharikfulness of the poor fellow for his preservation, or that he ex perienced every possible assistance which his situation required, and which, I make no doubt you.will hear with pleasure, proved successful.'" The letter of Mr. Pattison contains nearly tbe same account, but with the addition of what is trulv charac teristic of British seamen, that the sailors of the Europe raised a purse for the poor fellow of ope 'hundred and fifteen guineas. flo. IL Extract from the Supplement to the Calcutta Gazelle, Thursday the 8th July,, iS02; " SUFFERINGS OF SOME DESERTERS. " LETTERS lately received from St. Helena give a most singular and affecting narrative respecting six de serters from the artilleiy of that island. Their extraor dinary adventures produced 'a court of inquiry on the 12th of December last, when John Brown, one of the survivors, delivered the following account upon oath before captain Desfontaine, president, lieutenant B. JJodson, and ensign Young. " < In June 1799 I belonged to the first company of artillery, in the service of this garrison, and on the 10th 134 APPENDIX. (No. II.) of that month, about half an hour before parade time M'Kinnon, gunner and orderly of the 2d company, asked me if I was willing'to go with him on board of an American ship called the Columbia, Captain Henry Lelar, the only ship then in the Roads. After some conversation I agreed, and met him about seven o'clock at the play-house, where I found one M'Guinn, of major's .Seal's company — another man called Brig- house — another called Parr— and the sixth, Matthew .Conway. " ' Parr was a good seaman, and said he would take us {o the island of Ascension, or lay off the harbour till the Columbia could weigh anchor and come out. We went down about eight o'clock to the West Rocks, where the American boat was waiting for us, manned with three American seamen, which took us alongside the Columbia. We went on board — Parr went down into the cabin ; and we changed our clothes after having been on board half an hour., " ' Brig-house and Conway proposed to cut a whale- boat from' out ofthe harbour, to prevent the Columbia from being suspected; which they effected — having therein a coil of rope and five oars, with a large stone she was moored by. This happpened about eleven at nh>;ht. " 'We observed lanterns passing on the line towards the Sea-Gate, and hearing a great noife, thought we were missed and searched for. We immediately em barked in the -whale-boat, with twenty-five pounds of breadin a bag, and a small keg of water supposed to contain about thirteen gallons, one compass, and one~ quadrant, given to us by the commanding officer of the Columbia; but in our hurry, the quadrant was either / left behind, or dropped overboard. APPENDIX. (No. IT.) 155 <( i -*v*vTe then left the ship, pulling with two oars onlv, to get a-head of her. The boat was half full of water, and nothing to bale her out. In this condition we rowed out to sea, and lay off the island a great distance,- ex pecting the American shi* hourly. " ' About twelve o'clock the second day no ship ap pearing, by Parr's advice we bore away, steering, N. bv W., and then N. N. W., for the island of Ascen sion, using our handkerchiefs "-as substitutes for sails. We met with a gale of wind, which continued two' days. The weather then became very fine, and we supposed we had run about ten miles an hour. M'Kin- non kept a reckoning with pen; ink, and paper sup plied by the Columbia, as also charts and maps. " 'We continued our course till about the 18th in the morning, when we saw a number of birds, but no land. About twelve that day, Parr said he was sure we must be past the island, accounting it to be eight hun dred miles from St. Helena. We then each of us took our shirt, and with them made a 'small sprit-sail, and laced our jackets and trousers together at the waistband to keep us warm ; and then altered our course to W. by N., thinking to make Rio.de Janeiro on the American coast. Provisions running very short, we allowed ourselves only one ounce of bread for twenty- fo'Ur hours, and two mouthfids of water. "'We continued until the 2<5th, when all our provi sions were expended. On the 27th M'Quinn took a piece of bamboo ih his mouth to chew, and we all followed his example. On that night, it being my turn to steer the boat, and remembering to have read of persons in our situation eating their shoes, I cut apiece off one of mine ; but it being soaked with salt water, I was obliged to spit it out and take the inside sole, which I 156 Appendix. (No. n.) ate part of, and distributed to the rest, but found no benefit from it. "'On the istof July Parr caught a dolphin with a gaff that had been left in the boat. We all fell on our knees and thanked God for his goodnefs tous. We tore ifp the fish, and hung it to dry : about four we ate part of it, which agreed with us pretty well. On this fish" we subsisted till the 4th,' about eleven o'clock, when, rinding the whole expended, bones and all, Parr, my self, Brighouse, and Conway, proposed to scuttle the boat, and let her go down, to put us out of our mi sery. The other two objected, observing that God, who had made man, always found him something'to e^t. ""* On the 5th, about eleven, M'Kinnon proposed, that it would be butter io cast lots for one of us to die, in order to save the rest ; to which we consented. The lots were made — William Parr, being sick «two days before with the spotted fever, was excluded. He wrote the numbers out, and put them' in a hat, which we drew out blindfolded, and put them in our pockets. Parr then asked whose lot it was to die: — none of us knowing what number we had in our pockets — each one praying to God that it might be his lot. It was agreed that No. 5 should die, and the lots being unfolded — M'Kinnon's was No. 5> " ' We had agreed, that he whoselotit was should bleed himself to death ; for which purpose we had provided ourselves with nails sharpened, which we got from the boat. M'Kinnon with one of them cut himself in three places in his foot, hand, and wrist, and praying to God to forgive him, died in about a quarter of an hour. " ' Before he was quite cold, Brighouse with one of those nails cut a piece of flesh offhis thigh, and hung APPENDIX. (No. IT.) 157 it up, leaung his body in the boat. About three hours after, we a!l ale of it — only a very small bit. This piece lasted us until the 7th. We dipped the body every two hours, into the sea, to preserve it. Parr hav ing found a piece of slate in the bottom ofthe boat, he sharpened it on the other large stone, and with it cut another prece of the thigh, which lasted us until the 8th : when, it being my watch, and observing the water about break of day to change "colour, I called the- rest, thinking we were near shore ; but saw no land, it not being quite day-light. "'As soon as day appeared, we discovered land right a-head, and steered towards it. About eight in the morning we were close to the shore. There being a very heavy surf, we endeavoured to turn the boat's head to it; but being very weak, we were unable. Soon after the boat upset ! myself, Conway, and Parr got en shore. M'Quinn and Brighouse were drowned. " ' We discovered a small hut on the beach, in which. were an Indian and his mother, who spoke Portuguese; and I, understanding that language, learnt that there was a village, about three miles' distance, called Bel mont. This Indian went to the village, and gave in formation that the French had landed ; and, in about two hours, the governor of the village (a clergyman), with several armed men, took Conway and Parr pri- goners, tying them by their hands and feet, and slinging them on a bamboo-stiek ; and in this manner took them to the village. I, being very weak, remained in the hut some time, but was afterwards taken. " ' On our telling them we were English, we were immediately released, and, three hammocks provided. We were taken in them to the governor V house, who let us. lie on his own bed,, and gave us milk and rice to 158 APPENDIX. (No. II.) eat; but not having eaten any thing for a considerable time, We were lockjawed, and continued so till the 23d ; during which time the governor wrote to the governor ¦ of'St. Salvador, who sent a small schooner to a place called Porto Seguro, to take us to St. Salvacfer. We were conducted to Porto Seguro on horseback, passing ¦ ¦ tbrough Santa Croix, where we remained about ten days. Afterwards we embarked ', and, on our arrival at St. Salvador, Parr, on being questioned by the go vernor, answered ' that our ship had foundered at sea, and we had saved Ourselves in the boat ; tbat the ship's name was the Sally of Liverpool, and belonged to his father, and was last from Gape-Corfe Castle, on the coast of Africa, to touch at Ascension- for turtle, and then bound for Jamaica.' Parr said he was the captain. " ' We continued at St. Salvador about thirteen days, during which time the inhabitants made up a subscrip tion of COO/, each man. We then embarked in the Ma ria, a Portuguese ship, for Lisbon ; Parr, as mate ; Coilway, boatswain's-mate ; myself, being sickly, as passenger. In thirteen days we arrived at Rio de Ja neiro. Parr and Conway sailed for Lisbon, and I was left in the hospital. In about three months, captain El- phinstone of the Diomede pressed me into his majesty's service, giving me the choice of remaining on that sta tion, or to proceed to the admiral at the Cape. I chose the latter, and was put, with seven suspected deserters, on board the Ann, a Botany-bay ship, in irons, with the convicts. When I arrived at the Cape I was put on board the Lancaster, of sixty-four guns. I never en tered! I at length received my dischargg ; since which I engaged, in tne Duke of Clarence as a seaman. I was determined' to give myself up the first opportunity, in order to relate my sufferings to the naen df this gar- • APPENDIX. (No. III.) 159 rison, to deter them from attempting so mad a scheme " In attending to the above narrative, as simple as it is aflecting, we cannot help noticing the justice of Pro vidence, so strikingly exemplified in the melancholy fate of M'Kinnon, the deluder of these unhappy men, and tiie victim of his own illegal and disgraceful scheme. May his fate prove a memento to soldiers and sailors, and a useful, though awful, lesson to the encouragers and abettors of desertion !" No. III. CAPTAIN INGLEFIELD'S NARRATIVE. THE Centaur, captain Inglefield, and four ships of tlie line, part, of a large convoy from Jamaica to En gland, foundered at sea, in a dreadful hurricane, in Sep tember 1782. Captain Inglefield, and the officers and crew, did every thing possible for the preservation of their lives and ship, from the 16th to the 23d of September; when the Centaur, by repeated storms, became a wreck, and was in a sinking state. Some of the men appeared perfectly resigned to their fate, and requested to be lashed in their hammocks ; others lashed them selves to gratings and small rafts; but the most promi nent idea was, that of putting on their best and cleanest clothes. The booms were cleared, and the cutter, pin nace, and yawl were got over the ship's side." Captain Inglefield and eleveu others 'made their escape in the 1 60 APPENDIX. (JNo. HI.) pinnace; but their condition was nearly the same with that of those who, remained in the ship ; and at best appeared to be only a prolongation, of a miserable exis tence, - "They were in a leaky boat, with one of' the, gunwales stove, in nearly the middle of the ocean, without compass, quadrant; sail, great coat, or cloak ; all very thinly clothed, in a gale of wind, wilh a great s;ea running." In half an hour they lost sight of the ship $ but before dark a blanket. was discovered in the 'Eoat,. of which they' made a sail, and scudded tinder it all night, expecting to be swallowed up by every wave. They were two hundred and fifty or two hundred and sixty leagues from Fayal. ' Their stock consisted of " a bag of bread, a small ham, a single piece of pork, two quart-bottles of water, and a few French cordials." Their situation became truly miserable, frem cold and hunger. On the fifth day their bread "was nearly all spoiled by salt water j and it was necessary to go to allowance — one biscuit divided into twelve morsels, for breakfast ; the same for dinner. Tbe neck of a bottle broke off, with the cork in, served for a glass ; and this filled with water, was the ajlow- ance for twenty-four hours^ for ea,ch man. This was done without partiality or distinction. But we must have perished- ere this, had we not caught six quarts of rain-water ; and this we could not have been blessed with, had we not found in the boat a pair of sheets, which by accident had been put there." On the fifteenth day that they had been in the boat, they h;.d only one day's bread, and one bottle of water remaining of a second supply of rain. Captain Ingle field states : " Our sufferings were now as great as hu man strength could bear ; but we were convinced that good spirits were a, better support than great bodily APPENDIX. (No. III.) .161 .'Strength ; for on this day, Thomas Matthews, quarter- master, the stoutest man in the boat, perished from hunger and' cold. On the day before, he had som- plained of want of strength in his throat, as he ex pressed it, to swallow his morsel ; and in the night drank salt water, grew delirious, and died without a groan. " As it became next to a certainty that we should all perish in the same manner in a day or two, it was some what comfortable to reflect, that dying of hunger was not so dreadful as our imagination had represented. Others had complained of the symptoms in their throats; sojme had drank their own urine; and all but myself had drank salt water. Despair and gloom had been hjtherto successfully prohibited ; and the men, as the evenings closed in, had been encouraged by turns to sing a song, or relate a story, instead of a supper. This evening it was found impossible to do either. At night they were becalmed, but at midnight a breeze sprung up; but being afraid of running out of their course, they Waited impatiently for the rising sun to be their. compass. On the sixteenth- day their last bread and water had been served for breakfast ; when John Gregory, the quarter-master, declared with much confidence he saw land in the south-east, at a great distance. They made for it, and reached Fayal at about midnight, having been conducted, into the road by a fishing-boat : but they were not, by the regulation of the port, permitted to land till examined by the health officers. They got some refreshments of bread, wine, and wa ter in the boat, and in. the morning of the seventeenth day landed ; where they experienced every friendly attention from the English consul, whose whole employ- • M 1P2 APPENDIX. (No-. IV.) ment for many days was contriving the best means of restoring them to health and strength. Some of the stoutest men were obliged to be supported through the streets ; and for several clays, with the best and most comfortable provisions, they rather grew worse than better. A court-marlial was held at Portsmouth on the 21st of January 1783, on the loss ofthe Centaur; when the court honourably acquitted captain Inglefield,, as a cool, resolute aud experienced officer; and that he was well supported by his officers and ship's company ; and that their united exertions appeared to have been so great and manly, as- to reflect the highest honour on the whole, and to leave the deepest impression on the minds ¦ of the court ; — that more could not have possibly been done to have preserved the Centaur from her melancholy ' fate. Captain John Inglefield!s Narrative was printed far J.Murray, in 1783. It was this Narrative and others that captain Woodard so often related, and with such success. ' No. IV. WILLIAM BOYS'S NARRATIVE OF THE LUX EMBOURG GALLEY. THE Luxembourg galley, of twenty -six guns, caught fire, in her voyage from Jamaica to London, on, ;the'25th of June 1727, in lat 41*45', long. 90° 30';.at least one hundred and twenty leagues distance from the nearest land. Sixteen men, were lost with tlie ship when. appendix. (No. IV.) 1 63 she blew up. Captain Kellaway and twenty-two men escaped in tbe boat, "without having a morsel of vic tuals, drop of drink, mast, sail, or compass;" having on - board three oars, a piece of a blade of an oar, a tiller, and some rope-yarn. They made a sail of three frocks, a shirt and a broken oar. Twice they saved as much water as gave them, in the whole, three pints to each man. They were reduced to the utmost distress : some drank their own urine ; but the quantity evacuated was very inconsiderable. Some drank salt water; others only washed their mouths with it, but swallowed none. Thev were at last reduced to the dreadful ne cessity of eating three of the hearts of their deceased companions, and to drink the blood of "four of them that had died — making about four pints: In these mo ments of their distress, subordination was preserved ; and " the seamen never touch'eda drop until the captain, mate, and surgeon had been fi-rst served. On the seventh day their number was reduced to twelve ; and on the twelfth day to eight. *¦ Beirig driven out to sea in a storm, they now "de spaired of ever reaching land. They took a formal leave of each other, and laid themselves down in their, boat with a dead body, which they had not strength to throw overboard ; having first taken down their sail to throw over them ; it being now, from despair, of no further use to them. William Boys, then the second mate of the ship, and who had only escaped in his shirt and drawers, in an account drawn up by himself thus states : — " After a while, finding myself uneasy, and wanting to change my posture, about one in the afternoon, laying my hand on the gunwale to raise myself a little, and in the act of urning, I thought I saw" land, but said nothing till I was M,S 164 appendix. (No,. IV.) perfectly satisfied of its realitv, having frequently suf fered the most grievous disappointment in mist-iking fog-banks for land. Wheu I cried out, ' Land, land l* and we were all convinced that it was so— good God I what were our emotions and exertions ! From the lowest -state of desponding weakness, we were at once raised to •testacy, and a degree of vigour that was astonishing to ourselves. We hoisted sail imtnediatelv. The boat swain, who was the strongest man in the boat, crawled to the stern, and took -the tiller. Two- others found strength to row; from which we had desisted the four preceding days through weakness. At four o'clock another man died*; and we managed to throw both, the dead bodies overboard. " The land, when I first discovered it, was six leagues- off. The wind was favourable, and with sail and oars we went three or foar knots. About six they perceived a shallop, which at first lay-to for them ; but when close on, board, they found to their great grief and astonish ment that she hoisted sail again-, and was in the act of leaving them, until their piteous and expressive moans brought; them to again ; when they took the boat in tow. The shallop had mistaken them for Indians, or rather, as they afterwards told them, that 'they did not know at first what to think of them, as from the whole of their aspects, they looked unaccountably horrible and dismal. They gave them biscuit? and water; but the latter only was acceptable, as they had lost all appe tite for solid food. William Boys, and six others, ... * This poor fellow was a foreigner, -who, on hearing fonie diipujte " about negro boys, and not perfectly understanding what passed, con ceived they were debating about throwing him overboard, and from that time had grown delirious. His unhappy condition created much trouble, ^.jfld.added to their affliction. appendix. (No. VI.) 165 landed at Old St. Lawrence Harbour, Newfoundland,; on the evening of the 7th of July, 1*727. A plain but interesting narrative of this remarkable case was drawn up by William Boys,' and afterwards printed by his son, in 1787. The father had been a midshipman in the navy, but had not then served his time out. He was made a lieutenant in 1735. Admiral Vernon made him a captain in 1741, and he was made a post-captain in 1743: had commanded in Succession the Torrington of 40 guns ; the princess Louisa, of 6*0 ; the Pearl of 40; and the Royal, So vereign, of 100 guns. While in the latter ship, he was appointed commander in chief of -the ships in the Thames and Medway, and commissioned to wear a broad pendant at the Nore. On the 4th of July, 1761, he was appointed lieutenant governor of Greenwich Hos pital, and died in that situation March the 4th, 1774. He^ was a good sailor and a good man. His son, relates that the lieutenant-governor had to the day of hi& death held a firm belief in a superior Providence, and that " he commemorated his escape annually by private acts of de votion, and almost a total abstinence from food durino- twelve successive days, beginning at the 25th of June." The Narrative was printed fur J. Johnson, No. 72; St. Paul's Church-yard, in 1787, and was attested by all the survivors. — Thomas Serimsour, one of them, a surgeon, lived at North Cray, Dartford, in Kent,, was a pattern of probity and benevolence, and died December the 4th, 1784, aged eighty. William Gibbs, the carpenter, another, died at Lis bon, as master of a man of war, about 1735. — And George Mould, a third of the survivors, was a seaman 16*6 appendix. (No. V.) brought into Greenwich Hospital by lieutenant-gover nor Boys, and died th'ere, February the 21st, 1782, aged 82. No. V. LIEUTENANT BLIGH'S NARRATIVE. THIS narrative is too remarkable for" its sufferings, and successful perseverance under the most trying cir cumstances, ever to be forgotten — holding out to navi gators, in the strongest colours, a line of .conduct truly worthy of imitation. We have seen courage and enter prise braving all dangers ; but in, the story of Bligh and of his companions, we see nineteen men baselv left to their fate, to struggle for life and existence in an open boat twenty-three feetlong, without arms, and almost without food, at nearfour thousand miles from a friendly port, and of eighteen of them surviving to reach the island of Ti mor, after encountering miraculously the severest hard ships and trials: A short account is given of it, without entering too much into details, .as a warning and an example in cases of abstinence, perseverance, and obedience. The Bounty sloop, lieutenant Bligh, had been sent out to Otaheite, to carry the bread-fruit tree to the West Indies. Having procured their plants, the ship left that island on the ,4th of April, 1789, navigated with forty -five hands; and on the 28th of that month a mu tiny broke out, headed by Christian and others, who forced captain Bligh and eighteen men into an open boat, in the open seas, and there left them to their fate. Their stock of provisions consisted of " one hundred and fifty pounds of bread, thirty two pounds of pork, . appendix. (No. V.) 167 six quarts of rum, six bottles of wine, twenty eight gal- lods of water; and four empty barricoes." They first stopped at Tofoa, one of the friendly Islands, lat 19° 41 S., long. 23°, for water and provisions, to carry them to the East Indies. The natives proving.hostile, they made their escape from thence with the loss of pne man, who was killed. They next resolved to go to the island of Timor, twelve hundred leagues off, without a hope of relief beyond what they might collect at New Holland. Their, stock on leaving Tofoa was now reduced, for eighteen men, to about one hundred and fifty pounds of bread, twenty-eight gallons of water, twenty pounds of pork, three bottles of wine, and .five quarts of rum. They 'all solemnly agreed to live upon one ounce of bread and a quarter of a pint of water per day. A few cocoa- nuts and some bread fruit were on board, but the latter was trampled to' pieces The men were divided inlo< watches, and they returned thanks to God for their mi raculous escape. The second day was stormy; and, to lighten the boat, every thingwas thrown overboard that could be spared, except, two suits of clothes to each. A teaspoonful of rum, and a quarter of a bread-fruit, was served out for dinner, with a determination to make their provisions last out eight weeks. The sixth day their" allowances were delivered out by a pair of scales made of two cacoa-nut shells, and the weioht of a pistol ball of bread was' served out, making one twenty-fifth part of a pound of sixteen ounces, or two hundred and seventy-two grains, at a meal. The ninth day they were served regularly with one twenty-fifth of a pound of bread, and a quarter of a pint of water at morning, noon, and sun-set ; and this' 168 appendix. (No. V.) day with half an ounce of pork for dinner to eadh, which was divided into three or four mouthfuls. The eleventh day it -rained, and was cold ; and the i men began to be dejected, full of wants, and without the means of relief. Their clothes were wet through, which they stripped off, and wrung though salt .water ; by which, means they felt a warmth which they could not have had while Wet with rain*. * The fourteenth day they -passed by islands they dared not touch at, for fear of the natives, having beeii in other places pursued^ w^iich rather encredsed their misery. A general run of cloudy wet weather was con sidered as a great blessing of Providence, as the hot weather would have Caused them to have died with) thirst. Being so constantly covered with rain or sea, they conceived it protected them from that dreadful calamity. The nineteenth day the men seemed half dead, and their appearances, were horrible. Extreme hunger wai now very great. No one suffered from thirst, nor had they much inclination to drink, that desire being satis fied through the skin ; and the little sleep they got was- in the midst of water. Two spoonfuls of rum were served out this morning, with their usual allowance of1 bread and- water. At noon the sun broke out, which rejoiced every one. In the afternoon they were co vered with rain and salt water — the cold was extreme — * Lieutenant Bligh afterwards frequently practised it with great benefit, and states that the preservation of their health during sixteen days of continued heavy rains, was owing to this practice of wringing! their clothes out as often as they became filled with rain ; and that the men felt a change more like that of dry clothes than could have been imagined ; that they often repeated it, and it gave -great refreshment and warmth. appendix. (No. V.) 1*69 sind every otic dreaded the approach of night. Sleep, though longed for, gave but little comfort. Lieutenant Bligh himself almost lived witbpYif it. The next morn ing the weather abated', and a large allowance of rum was given out. The twenty-second day the weather was bad, and the men in rneat distress, and in expectation that such another night as their last would put an end to their lives. Several seemed to be no longer able to support their sufferings. Two tea-spoonfuls of rum were served out; after whicb, with the wringing their clothes, and their breakfast of bread and water, they became a little refreshed. The weather abated, all hands were re joiced, and they ate their other scanty nieals with more satisfaction than for some time past. The twenty-third day. The fineness' of the morning produced cheerful countenances, and they experienced, for the first time, for fifteen days past, comfort from the warmth of the sun. They stripped, and hung up their cloths to dry'; which were now so threadbare as to keep neither cold nor wet out. They sato many birds, a sure sign of being near land. The state of their provisions this day, at their usual rate of allowance, wbuld have lasted for nineteen days longer, when they hoped to reach the island of Timor. But as it was possible they might be obliged to go to Javar they reduced their allowance to nrake their stock hold out for six weeks. The necessity of the case was stated, and every one cheerfully agreed to receive one twenty-fifth of a pound of bread for breakfast, and. the same for dinne'r ; and by omitting supper they had forty- three days' allowance. ¦*" The twenty fourth day. A bird the size-of a pigeon, was caught, and. divided into eighteen portions. They 170 appendix. (No. V.) also caught a booby, which was killed for supper, and its blood given to three of those who were most di stressed for want of food ; and, as a favour, an allowT ance of bread was given out for supper ; and they made a good supper, compared with their usual fare. The twenty fifth day they caught another booby. The weather was fine; and they thought Providence appeared to be relieving their wants. The meri were overjoyed at this addition to their dinner. The blood was given to- those who most wanted food. To make their bread a little savoury, many dipped it frequently in salt water, while others broke theirs into small pieces, and ate it in their allowance of water, out of a cercoa- nut shell, with a spoon — ceconomically avoiding to take too large a piece at a time ; so that they were as long at dinner as if they had been at a more plentiful meal. The serenity of the weather was not without its in convenience, and distress now came of another kind# The sun was so powerful that the men were seized with languor, and faintness, which made life to some indif ferent. The twenty-sixth day they passed by much drifted wood, and caught two boobies, whose stomachs con tained several flying-fish and small cuttle-fish. They were considered as valuable prizes, and . were divided, with their maws, into eighteen portions, in addition te their common allowance. Lieutenant Bligh was happy to see that with this every person thought he had feasted. In the evening, they saw a gannet ; and, as the clouds remained fixed in the west, they had no doubt of being near to land ; and they all amused themselves by conversing on the probability of what they should find. appendix. (No. V.) 171 The twenty-eighth day they made an island, in lat.' 12° 39' S., long, (by account) 40° 35' W. of Tofoa, which they called Restoration Island, where they found plenty of water and oysters, which were so fast to the rocks that they were obliged to open the shells. They made some excellent stews of them, mixed with bread and a bit of pork, by means of a copper pot which they found on board, and a tinder-box that had been thrown into the boat on turning off. Each person received a full pint. The men, though weak, appeared much re freshed, and in spirits, with a hope of being able to sur mount the difficulties they had to encounter. The diseases of the people were, a dizziness in the head, a weakness of joints, and violent tenesmus — few ofthe men having had "an evacuation by stool since they had left the ship ; — but the complaints of none were alarming. Every one retained marks of strength that, with a mind possessed of a tolerable share of fortitude, seemed able to bear more fatigue then they imagined they should have in their voyage to Timor. The men were not permitted to expose themselves to the heat of the sun, but to take their short sleep in the shade : they were cautioned about takino- berries or fruit, •which, unless eaten by birds, were not deemed wholesome. Some suffered by neglecting this caution. The twenty-ninth day, » finding themselves disco vered by the natives, they said prayers, and embarked. Their stock of bread, according to their last mode of allowance, was a 25th of a pound at breakfast and at dinner. / The thirtieth day they landed on another island, and parties were sent out for supplies. But a spirit bf dis content began to discover itsejf amongst some, and from 172 appendix. (No. V.) one man in particular; but it was instantly' checked, and every thing became quiet again. Each person got this day a full pint and half of stewed oysters and clams, thickened with small beans, which the botanists called a species of dolichos. The thirty-first day, Mr. Nelson the botanist was taken very ill with violent pairis in his bowels, ldss' of sight, much drought* and an inability to walk. This was partly owing to Heat arid fatigue, and not retiring to sleep in the shade; or to improper fodd. The little wine that remained was of real use. With a few pieces of bread soaked in half a glass of wine occasionally, he continued to mend ; and- it was found at last not neces sary to continue the wine. For six days they coasted along New Holland, and, on landing, got occasionally supplies of oysters, birds, and water. These, though small, with rest, and be ing relieved from many fatigues,- preserved their lives ; but, even in their present state, they were deplorable objects. The thirty-third day from their leaving Tofoa, which was the 3d of June, they again launched into the open ocean for the island of Timor. Lieutenant Bligh was happy to find that no one was so much affected with their miserable situation as himself; but that the men seemed as if they were embarked on a voyage to Timot in a vessel sufficiently calculated for safety and conve nience. This confidence gave him pleasure ; and to this cause did he attribute their preservation. Every one was encouraged to believe that eight or ten days would bring them to Timor; and, after prayers, their allowance of. water was served out for supper. The thirty-sixth day, the state of stores on hand, at their former rate of serving, was equal to nineteen days' APPENDIX. (No. V.) 173 .allowance, at three times a day ; and there being now every prpspect pf a quicjc passage, their suppers were again granted. The thirty-seventh day the sea was high, with much rain, and the night cold. The surgeon and an old h'ardy seaman, appeared to be giving way very fast. They were assisted by a t^as^oc®ful or two of the wine at a time, which had been carefully saved, ex pecting such a melancholy necessity. The thirty-eighth day they caught a small dolphin, which was their first relief of this kind. Two ounces were delivered out to each man this day, and the re mainder was reserved for the next day. The thirty-ninth day the men were beginning to complain generally; and by the feelings of all, they were convinced that they were but too well founded. The surgeon and the old seaman had a little wine given to them ; and encouraged with the hopes of reaching Ti mor in a very few days, on their preserit fine rate of ' sailing., "Phe fortieth day, in the morning, after a comfortless night, there was such a visible alteration in many of the people, as to occasion many apprehensions. Ex treme weakness, swelled legs, hollow ghastly counte nances, a more than common inclination to sleep^ and an apparent debility of understanding, " seemed to indicate an approaching dissolution. The surgeon and the old seaman were the most miserable of objects. A few teaspoonfuls of tbe little , wine that remained, greatly assisted them": hope was their principal sup port; and birds and rock-weed showed they were not far from land. On the forty-first day every one received his accus tomed allowance, and an extra supply of water to those 174 APPENDIX. (No. V.) who wanted it. By. observation, they found they had now passed the meridian of the eastern part of Timor j which gave great joy. On the forty-seoond day, the l'2th of June, at three in the morning, 'they discovered Timor, at two leagues' distance. It- was impossible to describe the joy it dif fused. It appeared scarcely credible to themselves, that, in an open boat, so poorly provided, they should have been enabled to reach the coast of Timor in forty- one days after leaving the island of Tofoa; having in- that time run the distance of 3,618 miles; and that, notwithstanding their extreme distress; no one should have perished on the voyage. Some of the natives brought them some Indian corn, and pilots to conduct them to Coupang. They were becalmed, and the men were obliged to try at the oars, which they used with some effect. On the 14 th of June they reached Coupang, where they received every attention humanity and kindness could dictate. Nothing but the strictest observance of the cecp- nomy of their provisions, and sacredly keeping to their agreements, and due subordination and perseverance, - could have saved lieutenant Bligh and his men. Such had been their attention to these points, that, when they arrived at Timor, there remained on hand eleven- days' provisions tohave carried them on to Java, if they had missed this island. The quantity of provisions with which they left the ship was not more than would have been consumed in five days, without such precautions. APPENDIX. (No. VI.) 175 No. VI JOHN DEAN'S NARRATIVE, THE Suflex Indiaman sprung a leak off the east of the Cape of Good Hope, in the year 1738. The cap tain and officers, and part of the crew, plundered and deserted her, and went on board the Wincbester, her consort, leaving John Dean and fifteen brave men in the Sussex, who resolved to stay with the ship and bring her into port, conceiving she ought not to have been abandoned and deserted. They repaired her leak, and carried her into Madagascar ; but, on going from thence to Mofambiquu, she afterwards unfortunately struck on a rock, on the Bassas de India, lat. 23°, long. 41°, loft herrudder, .and was finally lost. In this state, John Dean, with eight men, resolved to try their fate in their pinnace, while the remainder de termined to remain on board and share the fate of the s.hip. The pinnace got stove; and three of the men out pf the eight were drowned ; the remainder drifted into shoal water, as did apart of the pinnace, which ~ the survivors converted into a raft. The next day the ship also parted and drifted nearer shore. John Dean and four men then committed themselves to sea on their little raft, and were seventeen days getting on shore to Madagascar. Their stock consisted of a piece of pork, part of a butt of water, and three small crabs found afloat at sea. The men daily returned thanks to God for their mira culous escape. Tbey resided for many months in dif- IT'S APPKNOIX. (Mo. VI.") ferent parts of Madagascar, where three of them died. John Dean found his way in an English ship bound to Bengal and came from thence to England ; when he sent his narrative to the East-India company, who granted him a, pension, and had his picture taken ; which is now hanging tip in one of the committee rooms at the India-house. He died December 17, 1 7-47- N. B. Extracted from John Dean's Narrative, which was published by C. Corbett, Fleet-street, 17^0. No VII. THE ESCAPE OF MR. DOMINICUS, AND A BOY, CALLED WILD FRENCH.- SOME time about the years 1727 or 1730, a ship, under the command of Robert Jenkins*, was shipwrecked in the Mediterranean. An orphan youth of the name of Wild French, had attached himself to Mr. Dominicus (after wards captain ofthe Delaware East-Indiaman), and had been -instructed by him in writing, and the first rudi ments of nautical education. On the ship's striking in a heavy gale, Jenkins applied to his patron to use his endeavours to save the boy — who answered, that as it was not possible the ship could hold together many minutes in such a storm, the probability was tbat he should be unable to preserve his own life, and , still less a chance * Robert Jenkins was afterwards celebrated by the trouble sir Ro bert Walpole's administration experienced from Jenkins's having been taken by the Spaniards, and having his ear cut oiff ; which occasioned an altercation with the court of Spain, and perhaps induced Walpole to get Jenkins the command of an Indiaman, to. silence him, and prevent a cla mour which might have brought on a Spanish wai-. APPENDIX. (No. VII.) 177 of preserving another ; but that he would try ; and in stantly lashed the lad, then about twelve years of age, to his left arm. There was scarcely time for this operation before the ship went to pieces. Mr. Dominicus secured himself as well as he could to a piece of plank from the deck; and in this situation remained about twenty-four hours at the mercy of the elements, without food, water,' or any refreshment; and was at last driven on shore on the coast of Barbary, and sent, together with Wild French, into slavery by the Algerines; — from whence they were releasee! by the interference, of the British con sul, who by accident heard of the circumstance. Mr. Dominicus was afterwards an officer in the Harrington, in the East-India company's service, with 'captain Jen kins, and took young French witb him. The latter afterwards entered into the royal navy, and arrived to the rank of master and commander, haying acquired a handsome fortune ; but, being disgusted at some younger officers' being promoted before him, left the naval ser vice, and resided at Greenwich, where he died about three or four years since (about 1800) at a very advanced age. I am indebted to George Dominicus, esq. of the East- India-house, for this, interesting article respecting his fathec. 178" APPENDIX. (No. VIII.) No. VIIL AN ACCOHNT OFTHE ESCAPE OF MESSRS. CARTER, SHAW, AND HASRETT. ON the 29th of June, 1 795, the ship Shah Horma- z'rer, *of Calcutta, in company with the Chcsterfieltf whaler, sailed from Norfolk Island, bound to Batavia,, •with a resolution to explore a passage between New Hol land and New Guinea, in which they succeeded; and discovered an island, in lat. 90 39' 30', long. 142° 59', which they called Tate Island. Two boats were dis- 'patched to make a survey. They found it inhabited, and the natives making very friendly signs for the seamen to come on sbore -; but, as they were not armed, they did Hot then land. The natives- afterwards came themselves- on board, and bartered bows, arrows, and spears, fax pen-knives, beads, &c. ;.' and, from their behaviour* while on board, seemed hofpitab.Ie and humane. In their visit they stole' a hatchet, wh'f»h eventually proved n'early fatal to Mr. Shaw, tbe chief officer of the Ches terfield-,' who was sent on-shore-, onthe 2d of July, with a boat; with captain Hill, Mr. Carter, Mr. Haskett, and four seamen, to make observations on the soil, pro-, ducts, and inhabitants of this island ; carrying with; • them articles for presents and trade, and also arms for protection. The natives shewed much apparent kind ness ?.nd hospitality, assisting them in landing, and kissing their hands frequently, . but "with a view, as it afterwards proved, of getting them in" their power to' rob and to kill them. The natives treacherously sur- appendix. (No. VIII.) 179 ounded these a-entlemen °n shore, and the people in the boat, and attacked them. Mr. Carter, without pro vocation, received a blow on the head, and was felled to the grpund, with the hatchet that had been ftplen. Mr. Shaw got also wounded. Mr. Haskett discharged his musket,, and the natives fled. The party reached their boat, calling out to thp.se on board to fire ; but the natives had killed captain Hill and one seaman, and soon after two others were found floating on the water with their throats cut. With difficulty Mr. Shaw, Mr; Car ter, and Mr. Haskett got on board their boat, which they found had been plundered of all their provisions, boat -cloaks, and their water all started; and that the fourth "sailor was lying dead in" the boat, mangled in a most shocking manner. Fortunately these gentlemen got off with the boat with much difficult}*, after keeping off the natives with their muskets; and by means of a sail they had not been plundered of, they made the best of their way. Mr. .Carter, from the loss of blood, was obliged to lie at the bottom of the boat after his wounds had been bound up by handkerchiefs. The body of the murdered seaman was committed to the deep ; and they returned thanks to the Almighty for their deliverance. They found that they had that night drifted out to sea, and that their boat had been plundered of their compass as well as supplies, and that nothing had been left but a great-coat and some knives and scissars. Mr. Shaw, who was the only navigator, stated, as the wind was fair, they might reach the island pf Timor in about teh days. They therefore committed themselves 'to Providence. On the third day of their escape from the canni bals of Tate Island, Mr. Carter's wound was so pain. n 2 ISO APPENDIX. ' (No. V.) ful that he wished it examined. On cutting away h is hat and his hair, which were clotted together, it was found- to be in the back part of the head, and appeared to have been done by means of the hatchet. After the wound had been washed with salt water, it was tied up with a piece of a shirt, and Mr. Carter found himself much relieved. They discovered an island and natives ; but, as the fate of their companions was too fresh in their minds, they declined any intercourse with them, or the offer of a fish from one of the negroes, though they had been fifty-two hours without breaking their fast. Mr. Shaw and Mr. Haskett relieved each other every two hours at the steer oar. On the fifth day they caught two small birds:- one was divided into three parts, and eaten with the utmost avidity : the other bird was reserved for another aneal*. Even with this small share of subsistence their spirits were" considerably raised. They still continued to steer to the westward; the sun being their guide by day, and.the stars by night. On this night they resolved', being near shoal water, with breakers, to come to, and rest themselves for the night, in five fathom water. On the sixth day in the morning they discovered 'and on both skies of them, which at first greatly din- ;Ouraeed them ; but perceiving a current, they found a passage between these islands, but no inhabitants. Mr. Shaw and Mr. Hasket landed in search of water j and -finding a hole full,, they drank heartily ef it;- but when they had filled their keg, they found it as brackish as, -the -water alongside. — Mr... Carter's wound becoming very , painful, it was again dressed with salt water ; anti- three pieces of tbe skull were found to have worked* APPENDIX. (No. VIII.) 181 out : they did not relate this circumstance to him, but gave him every assurance ofhis doing well. The throat of the remaining bird was cut, and ap plied to Mr. Carter's mouth ; and, it yielding a few drops of blood, it gave him great relief. The body was afterwards divided. On the seventh day they were so much reduced as to be under the necessity of drinking their own urine. Though disagreeable, thev found relief from it. About nine o'clock at night Mr. Shaw and Mr. Haskett found themselves so weak, and so overcome with sleep, that they lashed the oar and found tbe boat went along very steadily. After joining in prayer " to the Al mighty, to whose protection they committed them selves, they lay down, and had a refreshing sleep. Oc casionally, however, they could not refrain from start ing up, to look out for land or danger." The eighth day they resumed the labour of the oar, which was encreased by a heavy swell ; and Mr. Shrfw held out hopes of seeing land in a day or two. They discovered shoal water, witb breakers, and the sea fre quently broke over them : this rendered Mr. Carter's case truly deplorable, as he could not, from extreme weakness and inability, move from the bottom of tbe boat, which was so full of water that it was with the utmost difficulty he could keep his head above it. To add to their distress Mr. Haskett was knocked out of the boat; but he was fortunately saved, with theutmost exertions of Mr. Shaw, by putting an oar under his arm, and, lifting him up, as by a lever, until' taken on board again. On the ninth day they got clear of the shoals, and launched once more into the ocean ; on which occasion they again relied on Providence for their deliverance. 182 APPENDIX. (No. VIII.) Mr. Carter's wound was again dressed and washed, and four pieces more of borte taken from his skull, and assurances given that it was looking well. — They were in greater distress than ever for water. They were growing disconsolate, and were making up their minds to meet death with fortitude, having given up every hope of surviving another day, when Mr. Haskett eagerly ex claimed that he saw " land." This revived their hopes, and they made for it, conceiving it to-be the island of Timor.- They saw natives, who beckoned them to come on shore ; but they were fearful of landing, from past experience," until Mr. Shaw, telling them they might as well trust to being well received on shore as perish at sea (which they must have done by the next day), they agreed to, run in for the.bay, and that Mr. Haskett should remain in the boat, and Mr. Carter and Mr. Shaw should go on shore in search of water. Mr. Carter, on being helped out, not being able to stand, was helped in again, and the other two advanced to the natives — one with the water keg, the other with a mus ket. They were overjoyed when they heard the na tives call out "Bligh, Bligh !" Recollecting that cap tain Bligh was very humanely treated at Timor, they had no doubt left but' that they had the gpod fortune to touch at the same place. The natives gave Mr. Shaw a baked yam, which he found it impossible to eat on account of- his throat being so exceedingly parched, until he had quenched his thirst at a spring to which they carried him. They then filled their keg.and ran to Mr. Carter, who was calling out for water with the greatest eagerness. The natives looked upon them the whole time with the greatest astonishment. On the word Timor, which the natives repeated, they pointed to the southward, and then to a prow on APPENDIX. (No. VIII.) }83 t-he beach, intimating that they would convey them thi ther. In consequence of which, two muskets, and a number of knives and scissars that remained in the boat, were given them. , In their passage to Timor they were chased by a prow ; on which they hoisted sail, and stood over the reef with their boat, and escaped from her. Night ap proaching, and the party finding themselves much far .tigued, they hauled their sheet aft, and lashed their oar, as customary with them, when their boat went along shore very steadily. They then lay down to sleep, and were iu the morning refreshed with the smell of spices couveyed by the land wind. Mr. Carter was so much revived that he several times exclaimed, "Keep up your hearts, my boys ! We shall dine with the governor of Coupang to-day." But from shoals and points they were disappointed. " The water they had drunk tended likewise to increase their appetites. They were forced at night1, notwithstanding, to pursue the same method they had formerly adopted, in order to obtain sufficient rest to enable them to go through. the fatigues of the day." On the eleventh day Mr. Shaw, from the force of the sea on the steer oar in his weak state, unluckily fell overboard ; but, by holding the gunwale until Mr. Has kett came to his assistance, he was with great exertior* got into the boat again. As they were unable to weather the point which they saw a-head, .they determined to run into a small bay, with an intention to land,, when the' natives came running towarefs them, and beckoned them on shore, called out " Bligli, Bligh*?' They were helped out of * Mr. Dalrymple supposes that this consolatory word was probably hje, or good : but whatever was the inter, retation of the word, the cont duct of the natives proved humane and hospitable. — E. 184 APPENDIX. (No. VIII ) their boat by the natives, and made to sit down. Cocoa- nuts, yams, and Indian corn were given them, which were received with gratitude ; while the natives were gazing upon the famished sufferers with silent astonish ment, and inviting them by signs to eat. Mr. Carter begged his wound might be dressed, which was now done, with fresh water: and when Mr. Shaw unbound his wound, he found it nearly healed. By assistance the party were led up to the town, at the top of a steep hill, accessible only by two perpendi cular ladders, up which they were lifted by their guides. They were taken to the chief's house amidst an immense concourse of people, who came to view these strangers ; when they were again presented with corn, yams, and toddy to drink. — after which the chief pressed them to take rest. They were a little alarmed at seeing two men watching at the door, notwith standing the chief -had placed himself between them and the men, and had a spear by his side. Mr. Shaw got up at night and went out at the door, to see if they would prevent him going further, but was agreeably surprised to find they only waited lest any thing should be wanted. On the morning of the 14th of July, being the twelfth day, they were again- presented with Indian. corn, yams, and toddy ; and on enquiry found that they were in the island of Sarrett, which was separated from Timor-land ; and that they had been upon that island when they first refreshed themselves : thatTana- 'bor was to the northward of it, and that a prow came yearly to trade there. This information greatly re lieved them : and they found with pleasure the natives humane and hospitable. For one fortnight no occur rence of moment" happened, except the loss of a pair APPENDIX. (No. VIII.) 185 of scissars, stolen by one of the children. " As they were, very serviceable in cntling the hair round Mr. Carter's wound, the chief was informed of the circum stance ; and he immediately called a council, consist ing of the elders of the community, when, after an hour's debate, they withdrew, and on the day, following the scissars \yere returned. " On the 25th of July' Mr. Carter's wound was entirely healed, after having had thirteen pieces of the frac tured skull taken out. " They remained in perfect health until the 25th of November, when Mr. Carter caught a fever, and died December 10, 1793, much regretted by his friends Shaw and Haskett, as well asJby the riatives of Timor- land." The survivors waited for the annual trading prow from Banda, which arrived, to their great joy, on the 12th of March, 1794. They sailed from Timor island the 10th of April, and arrived at Banda the Ist of May, where the governor received them with the utmost hospitality, and procured them a passage to Batavia, where they arrived the 10th of October, 179L It appears, from an additional article in the Oriental Eepertorv, that the two ships, after waitiiig six days for their boat, making signals and firing guns, they sent two armed boats to shore, after their companions The natives came down, but indicated a different dis position from that which they displayed oh their first interview, and gave the. people in the boats to under stand that the other boat had gone to the westward ; at the same time endeavouring to decoy the present party to come on slicre. One of the savage leaders 186 APPENDIX. (NO. VIII.) wielded an axe, the handle of wihich being painted red, identified it as the property of Mr. Shaw, and left little doubt as to the fate of him and his friends. The' two boats rowed round the island, which is about eight miles long and five broad, but without making any discovery. On their wishing to get one of the natives,' in order to gain intelligence, they were attacked by a shower ofarrows, which was returned by the discharge of a blunderbuss, which killed one man and dispersed the remainder. Night coming on, the boats returned to the ship. In order to punish treachery, and to deter these savages for the future, it was resolved to detach- three boats from the ships, on the ioth of July, with forty-two men including Lascars, when the natives retired. In their searches on shore they found the great-cdats, lanthern, and pieces of linen, of their friends — and several human skulls, and strings of dried human hands; which left them no doubt of the fate of their companions. The men in the boats, as a punishment for their con duct, destroyed their houses and huts, and burnt six teen large canoes. < This interesting article was extracted from the Oriental Repertory, page 521, under the head — "From the Bengal Hircarrah, vol. 1, No. 8, March 17, 1795," giving " an Account of the Escape of Messrs. Carter^ Shaw, and Haskett, taken from a Manuscript Diary." This publication was lent to the editor by A. Dal rymple, esq., a gentleman well known for his voyages and discoveries, and the accuracy ofhis charts in the Indian seas. Mr. Dalrymple also furnished the editor with the case of captain Herbert Sutherland, whom 'he had - appendix. (No. IX.) 187 formerly known in the Indian trade, whose vessel foundered in the passage to Bengal, out of the sight of land. Being a corpulent man, he continued -swim ming, or rather floating on the water, till fortunately a vessel took him up. This event captain Sutherland^ mentioned to Mr. Dalrymple. He was afterwards murdered by some Arab sailors in the Gulf of Persia. No. IX. The following remarkable case zeas taken from the ori ginal documents in the hands of Captain Bartlett, who obligingly furnished fhe Editor with them. He was at the time captain of the town guard of Kingston, in Jamaica, and now fills a-respectable situation un der the West-India company, at the docks at the Isle of Dogs. The original documents are now in fhe Editor's hands. EXTRACT FROM THE KINGSTON NEWS PAPERS. " Kingston, Jamaica, "September 10, 1787. " ON Thursday morning an open canoe was seen drifting on shore near Old Harbour. Upon reaching the beach, two gentlemen went to the spot, where they beheld, in the bottom of the canoe, a negro boy lying. upon his face, and apparently a white man resting his head upon the boy, seemingly without either" sense or motion. ' -Both bodies were naked, having made use of their clothes to form a kind of sail. Upon inspect ing these miserable objects, they found they were in 188 APPENDIX. (No. IX.) life, and immediately had them conveyed to a negrri hut near the spot, giving, them such nourishment as hey could take. In the mean time a messenger was dispatched to Kingston^ informing Paul Phipps, esq. [then chief magistrate], who instantly sent and had them conveyed with care to Kingston. The white man was put into the parish hospital, and the negro boy given into the care of captain Bartlett, the commander of the town guard. Their bodies were in the most miserable, emaciated, and loathsome state. After two days of rest, they were so far recovered as to be able to relate their story. "On the 16th of August they had been out fifhing in the canoe, when a heavy squall drove Jthem off the land, without having either food or water on board. They soon lost sight of the island, and were for nine-„ teen days tossed at the mercy of the waves ; during all which time they had only two flying fishes to -subsist upon, which jumped into their boat. They received the water as it fell in the" sail they made of their clothes, which served them for drink. A subscription was set on foot for the white man, by captain Bartlett, which soon amounted to a sum sufficient to purchase such ne cessaries as he wanted, and to carry him back to his home, at Grenada. To Captain Robert Bartlett, Jamaica. (By favour of Mr. Dawson.) " Grenada, July 18, 1788. « SIR, " BY a letter, dated Kingston, Jamaica, 29th of Sep tember 1787, written to me by Mr. Paul Phipps, your APPENDIX. (No. IX ) I SO late chief judge, I understand that you were so obliging as to take charge of a negro boy of .mine named Mark, who was in the month of August last driven off this coast in a canoe, with one Elias Bascomb. Permit me now to make my acknowledgements to you for the trouble you" have taken in this business., and to assure you that it will afford me particular pleasure to render you any service in my power in this part of, the world. "As I wish to have the boy, in order to make his life comfortable, and to make him some 'amends for the hardships he may have suffered during.his nineteen days' passage in an open canoe, exposed to the heat of the" sun, and the violence of the weather that prevailed about the time he was driven off the coast, and without food or water, I have given the bearer of this letter, Mr. George Dawson, a power-of-attorney to receive him from you ; and I shall be particularly obliged to you tq deliver the boy to him, as he returns to Grenada the lat ter end of this year, and will take particular care of the- boy until his arrival here. " I am, sir, "Your most obedient " And very humble servant, u Ben.~Webster." " Kingston, Jamaica, September lt, 178*?. " RECEIVED of captain Robt. Bartlett, a negro boy slave named " Mark," the property of Benjamin Webster, esq. ofthe island of Grenada. He was drivea off the said island of Grenada in August 1787. After be ing nineteen days at sea, landed in this island with one Elias Bascomb, a white man. I received the said negro igO APPENDIX. (No. X.) boy by virtue of a power-of- attorney, given me by tbe said Benjamin Webster, esq., dated the 1 8tb of July 1 788, as will appear by the registry of it in the secretary's office at Spanish-town. " George Dawson." -No.X. LADY HOBART PACKET, CAPT. FELLOWES. THIS packet, on her voyage from Halifax for En gland, struck against an island of ice, and foundered, on the morning of Tuesday the 28th of June 1803, in lat, 46° 33', long. 44°, being then three hundred and fifty leagues distant from Newfoundland. The captain, with twenty-eight passengers and creW, had just time to save themselves in the cutter and jolly-boat, before she went down. During this calamity themen behaved with acool- ness, composure, and obedience to orders, that could not be surpassed : and one of the' men, while the boats were hoisting out, emptied a demi-jean (or bottle) of rum of five gallons, for the purpose of filling it with water, and which afterwards, proved their greatest supply. Captain Fellows, three Ladies, captain Thomas of the navy, and fourteen others, embarked in the cutter, twenty feet long, and two feet six inches deep, and brought her gunwale to within six1 or seven inches of the water. The master, lieutenant- colonel Cooke of the guards, and nine others, took' to the jolly-boat,- fourteen feet long, fivefeet three indies wide. N Their provisions, &e. consisted of between forty and fifty pounds-of biscuit; the demi-jean with five gallons APPENDIX. (No. X.) 191 of water, a small jug of the same, part of a small barrel of spruce beer, a demi-jean of rum, a few bottles of port wine, two compasses, a quadrant, and spy-glass ; a small tin mug, and a wine-glass ; a tinder-box and deck- lantern, and candles, and some matches, kept in a blad der (by which they were enabled to steer by night), and a few nails and tools. No one was permitted to take more than a great coat or a blanket, with the clothes on his back. It was agreed that their allowance should be served out with the strictest" ceconomy, at the rate of half a biscuit and a glass of wine each per twenty-four hours; and that the water should be kept in reserve. The tar paulin of the main-hatchway, which had been thrown into the boat, was cut into lengths to form a bulwark against the waves, and proved of great service ^o them. Prayers were regularly said by one of the ladies. Their bag of biscuit got damaged by salt water, which made it necessary to curtail their allowance, and which was cheerfully agreed to. Part of a cold ham was found on board; but, after a taste of it being given, it was thrown overboard, lest it should increase their thirst with out the means of allaying it. The weather was at times cold, wet, and with fog and sleet. The cutter could sail, but had only two oars. The jolly-boat, which had three oars and a small sail, &e., was obliged to be taken frequently in tow. The third day they were much benumbed with wet and extreme cold; and the ladies were then prevailed upon to take the stated allowance of spirits, which they had before refused. It afforded them immediate relief. . The fourth day was stormy, foggy, and with heavy seas, and the spray of the Sea free2ing as it flew. over the boats. All felt a depression of spirits. In. the com- 192 APPENDIX. (NO. X.) mencement of the storm, the cutter having shipped a heavy sea, was obliged to cast off the jolly-boat's tow- rope; when she was soon lost in a fog, which occasioned muchHistress, and particularly as fhe had on board a, "considerable part of their stores, the quadrant and spy glass. The men began to be dejected, but were roused to duty and to exertion. The ladies behaved with great heroism, and afforded ihe best examples of patience and fortitude. All joined in prayers; which tranquillised, their- minds, and afforded them the best "consolatory hopes of bettering their condition. The fifth day it rained, ami was so cold that those in the boat could scarcely move; their hands and feet be came swelled and black, from their confined state, and exposure to the weather. At day-break one-third of a -wine-glass of rum and a quarter of a biscuit were served out ; and at noon some spruce beer, which afforded great relief. This day they discovered a sail ; and, by means of one" ofthe ladies' shawls, they made a' signal; and, on near ing, it was found, with great joy, to be their jolly-boat. The sensations of joy and disappointment were beyond expression. The distresses in each boat during the sepa ration of two nights, had been nearly equal. The jolly- boat was again taken-in tow, and a more equal distribu tion of provisions was made. Those hopes which had been buoyed up to the highest pitch, now began to lose their effect, and de spondency succeeded to a state of artificial strength, to such a .degree, that neither entreaties nor argument Could rouse some of the men even to the common exer tions of sailing. Many who drank salt water, contrary to advice, 'became delirious, and were seized wifh cramps and twitchings of the stomach and bowels. A APPENDIX. (No. X.) 1Q3 French captain on board seemed to have suffered the most. The sixth day, cold, wet, hunger, and thirst, rendered their situation truly deplorable. The French captain, in a fit of despondency and delirium, jumped overboard and instantly sunk. Another man, in the jolly-boat, who was delirious, was obliged to be lashed to the bottom of the boat. This event deeply affected them all ; and the most tri fling accident was sufficient to render their irritable stale more painful. Captain Fellowes himself was seized with such a melancholy, that he lost all recollection of his situation for many hours ; a violent shivering seized him, which' returned at intervals, and rendered his state very alarming. He now enjoyed, for the first time, three or four hours' sound sleep ; a perspiration came on ; and when he awoke, it was as from.a dream, free from deli rium, but painfully alive to all the horrors that surrounded him. The sea continued to breakover the boats so much, that those who had force enough, were obliged to bale without intermission. The boat was too much ennvded; and the greater part of the crew lay in water upon the boat's bottom. The dawn of day brought no relief but its light: they had as yet never seen the, sun but once; and those who had had a few hours' interrupted sleep, awoke alive to the wretchedness of their situation. In the evening, rock-weed, and birds, such as are fre quently eaten by the fishermen on the Banks of New foundland, were seen, which afforded great hopes ; and the few who were able to move, were now called upon, and roused, to make their last efforts to save themselves- bv rowing, and to take every advantage ofthe little breeze they then had. ' o 194 APPENDIX. (No. X.) v They had been six days a.nd s,ix nights constantly wet ahd cold, without any other sustenance than a quar ter of a biscuit and one glass of fluid for 'twenty-four hours ; and their stock would not, with the greatest . ceconomy, have lasted two days longer; and their wa ter, which had been touched but once, could not hold out much longer. In' the night they had been under the necessity of casting off the jolly-boat's tow-rope, to induce her crew to exert themselves by rowing. Seventh day. Their separation in the night gave great uneasiness. The sun rose in view for the secpnd time since they quitted the ship. During the seven days they had been in their boats, they could take no obser vation of sun, moOn, or stars, and could not dry their clothes. When the fog dispersed, they saw land at a mile distance, and at the same moment their jolly-boat and a schooner in shore standing off towards them. Their sensations were, at that moment interesting and > affecting, and joy discovered itself in various ways* All joined with great devotion in thanks to Heaven fof their miraculous escape. The schooner, being now within hail, took both the boats in tow, and landed their crews in the evening- af Island Cove, in Conception Bay. The men could with great difficulty be restrained at first from taking large and repeated draughts of water *: inconsequence ofwhich several felt great inconvenience; but being, afterwards more cautious, no other bad effects, followed. Every attention and kindness were pa.id to these twenty-nine miserable objects. Vide " Captain Fellowes's Narrative ofthe Loss ofthe I»ady Hobart Packet," printed for Stockdaje, 1803. APPENDIX. (N6. XI.) I95 No. XI. THE LOSS OF THE PANDORA FRIGATE. THE Pandora frigate, captain Edwards, 'was sent out after the mutineers of the Bounty sloop, lieutenant Bligh. At Otaheite ten of these men were found 5 and the ship, in the pursuit of her voyage, struck on a reef of rocks* on the 28th of August, 1791. Ninety-nine men were saved out of the wreck, including the tea prisoners. The whole number embarked in four boats belonging to the ship ; viz. a pinnace of eight oars, two six-oared yawls, and one launch. The ship got off the reef a few hours after she struck, and was brought to an anchor; but, filling with water, sunk about sun-rise on the 2gth. The boats were directed to rendezvous at Coupang in the island of Timor. The two yawls separated from Captain Edwards in the pinnace, whd arrived, at that place on the 16th of September by their account, or the 17th by the account of time at that place. Each man's allowance was about three ounces of biscuit per day for the first three days : it was afterward^ reduced to two ounces per day, and three small glasses of water or wine. There was no meat saved from the wreck — at least not enough to admit of a mouthful to each person. With this scanty proportion of sustenance, it was re marked that their great sufferings- arose more from deficiency of drink than the want of food. This dif- * Near the coast of New Guinea, about 1 100 miles from the island of Timor. OS 196 ALPENDIX. (NO. XI.) ' ference might have arisen in part from the excessive heat of the climate. A very few of the youngest persons on board, on the contrary, suffered most from the want of food. Before captain Edwards drank any liquid, he made a constant practice of washing his mouth with salt water, but was very careful of not swallowing any of it, as it was well known that it "would increase the thirst, and that it would be .in other respects injurious. He thought he perceived refresh ment from wrapping himself up in a cloak^ dipped in salt water. Every person embarked in the boats ar- ' fived alive at Timor, and in tolerable good health, ex cept as to bodily strength, which was considerably re duced. The Editor has been indebted to tbe kindness of Ad miral Edward Edwards, who commanded the Pandora at the time she struck, for the above interesting intelli gence. There was an account of this remarkable case pub lished by Mr. Hamilton, the surgeon ofthe ship, in the year 1793, and also some statement given in the An nual Register for the year 1792, page 2d, part 18. APPENDIX. (No, XII.) 197 No. xrr. : -.71 • 'i '¦!".¦>, , , ->. NARRATIVE OF CAPT. KENNEDY'S LOSING HIS VESSEL AT SEA, AND HIS DISTRESSES AFTERWARDS, COMMUNICATED TO HIS OWNERS. " We sailed from Port Royal, in Jamaica, on the 2tst day of December last [1768], bound for White haven ; but the twenty-third day having met with a hard gale at north, we were obliged to lay-to under a fore sail for the space of ten hours, which occasioned the vessel to make more water than she could free with both pumps. Under this situation we set sail, in hopes of being able to make the island of Jamaica 'again, which from our reckoning we judged lay about ten leagues to the eastward. But in less than an hour's time the water overflowed the lower deck ; and we could scarcely get into the yawl (being thirteen in number) before the vessel, sank ; having only with much difficulty been able to take out- a keg containing about sixteen pounds of biscuit, ten pounds "of cheese, and two bottles of wine; with which small pittance we endeavoured to make the land. But the wind continuing to blow hard from the north, and the sea running high, we were obliged, after an unsuccessful attempt of three days, lo bear away for Honduras, as the wind seemed to favour us for that course, and it being the only visible means we had of preserving our lives. On the seventh day we made Swan's island ; but being-destitute of a quadrant iga APPENDIX. (No. XII.) and other needful helps, we were uncertain what land it was. However, we went on shore, under the flatter ing hopes of finding some refreshments; but, to our un speakable regret and heavy disappointment, we only found a few quarts of brackish water in the hollow of a rock, and a few wilks. Notwithstanding there was no human nor visible prospect of finding water, or any other of the necessaries of life, it was with the utmost reluctance the people quitted the island ; but being at length prevailed upon, with much difficulty and through persuasive means, we embarked in the morning, with only six quarts of water, for the Bay- of Honduras. Between the seventh and fourteenth days pf our being in the boat, we were most miraculously supported, and at a time when nature was almost exhausted, having nothing to eat or drink. Yet the Almighty Author of our being furnished us with supplies, which, when se riously considered, not only serve to display his bene ficence, but fill the mind with admiration and wonder. Well may we cry out, with the Royal Wise Man — ;"Lord, ,what is man, that thou art mindful of him ? or the son of man, that thou visitest him ?" " In the evening the wild sea-fowls hovered over our heads, and lighted on our hands when held up to re ceive them. Of these our people, eat the flesh and drank the blood, declaring it to be as palatable as new milk. I eat twice of the flesh, and thought, it very good. ' "It may appear very remarkable that, though I nei ther tasted food nor drink for eight days, I did npt feel, the sensations of hunger or thirst ; but on Xhefourteentji, in the evening, my drought often required me to gargle , my mouth with salt water; and on the fifteenth it, in creased; when hapnily for us! we made land, which appendix. (No. XII.) 199 proved to be an island called Ambergris, lying at a small distance from the main land, and about fourteen leagues to the northward of St. George's Quay (where the white people reside) in the Bay of Honddras; though the want of a quadrant and other necessaries left us still in suspense. We slept four nights on this island, and every evening' picked up wilks and conchs for next day's provision, embarking every morning, and towing along the shore to the southward. On the first evening of our arrival here wc found a lake of fresh Wafer, by which we lay all night, and near it buried one of our people. " On walking along the shore we found a few cocoa- nuts, which were full of milk. The substance of the nuts we eat with the wilks, instead of Bread, thinkino- it a delicious repa t, although eaten raw — having no im plements whereby to kindle a fire. From the great sup port received by this shell-fish, I shall ever revere the name. "On the third day after our arrival at this island, we buried another of our people, which, with four who died on the passage, made six who perished through hunger and fatigue. " On the fifth day after our arrival at Ambergris, we happily discovered a small vessel at some distance, un der sail, which we made for. In the evening got on board' her; and in a few hours (being the teiith of Ja nuary j, we arrived on St. George's Quay, in a very lan guid state. " I cannot conclude without making mention of the great advantage I. received from soaking my clothes twice a day in salt wetter, ahd putting them on without wringing. "It was a1 considerable time before I could make the 200 APPENDIX. (No. XII.) people comply with this measure ; though, from seeing the good effects it produced, they afterwards, of their own accord, practised it twice ajlay. To this discovery I may with justice impute the preservation of my own life, and that of six other persons, who must have perished but for its being put in use. " The hint was first communicated to me from the perusal of a treatise written by Dr. Lind, and which I think ought to be commonly understood and recom mended to all sea- faring people. " There is one very remarkable circumstance, and worthy of notice, which is, that we daily made the same quantity of urine as if we had drank moderately of any liquid;" which must be owing to a body of water being absorbed through the pores of the skin. The saline particles remaining in our clothing became encrusted by the heat of our bodies and that of the sun, which Cut and, wounded our posteriors, and, from the intense pain, rendered sitting very disagreeable. But we found, upon washing out the saline particles, and frequently wetting our clothes without wringing (which we prac tised twice a day), the skin became well in a short time ; and so very great advantage did wc derive from this practice, that the violent drought went off: the parched tongue was cured in a few minutes after bathing and washing our clothes ; at the same time we found our selves as much refreshed as if we had received some actual nourishment." Quer y.— Whether bathing in salt water would not be of infinite service in hot burning fevers, and break the too great adhesion of the blood, which is the cause of inflammatory fevers ? It is to be remarked, that the four persons who died APPENDIX. (No. XIII.) 201 in the boat drank large quantities of salt water, and they all died delirious — but those who avoided drinking it had no such symptoms. — [Fide Annual Register for 1769, vol. xii., p. 190.] No. XIII. THREE SISTERS, NAZBY. " THE Three Sisters, Nazby, from Liverpool for Onega, was lost in lat. 71° North, long. 4° West, be tween two pieces of ice, in which the vessel was entan gled from the 8th to the 10th ult., when, the ice open ing, she sank ; but, in the mean time, the master and crew, having got some provisions and water into the boat, and a few spars, with some of the planks torn from the quartet-deck of the vessel, they formed a kind of plat form or deck to the boat, being laid like a flat roof of a house ; which covering, vvith canvass, served to throw off the water she was continually shipping, as well as to preserve the people from the inclemency of the weather. In this manner did these unfortunates, sixteen in num ber, by the help of two poles set up as masts, and sails' fixed to them, shape their course for Shetland, which they reached on the 19th, greatly distressed for want of water : when having got refreshment, they the following dav set sail in the boat for Liverpool, where they arrived in safety (though greatly fatigued) on Saturday laft." Taken from the Morning Chronicle, July 8, 1797. 202 APPENDIX. , (No. XIV.) No. XIV. CASE OF FOUR MEN PICKED UP AT SEA ON A PIECE OF A WRECK. Extract from the London Gazette of May 23, 1778. " IN a letter from captain Vincent, of his Majesty's sbip Yarmouth, to admiral Young, at Antigua, he ac quaints him of his having had an action on the 7th of March wilh the Randolph, an American frigate of* thir ty-fix guns and three hundred and five men, in which she blew up ; and that on the 12th they discovered a piece of a wreck with four men on it, waving ; who proved to be part of those who had been in the ship that blew up, and had nothing to subsist on from that time but by sucking the rain water that fell on a piece of a blanket, which they luckily had picked up." APPENDIX. (No. XV.) 203 Cases oj Abstinence and Hardships on Shore. No. XV. J. Z. HOLWELL, Esq.'s Account of the BLACK- HOLE at CALCUTTA, in June 1756. MR. HOLWELL, one of the survivors of the one hundred and forty-six persons confined in the Black- Hole at Calcutta, states — " that numbers died by suf focation and thirst, and that only twenty-three survived the miseries of that dungeon. That their situation, suf ferings, and feelings, were beyond description ; — that ' Water, water !' was the general cry ; but the few skin fuls that had been furnished by an old soldier on the out side, served only to increase their thirst; — and that, from his experience of its effects, Mr. Holwell deter mined to drink no more, but to keep his mouth moist by sucking the perspiration out of his shirt-sleeves, and catching the drops as they fell from his head and face, amidst an immense perspiration. That he was unhappy if any escaped ; and one of his companions observing the expedient for allaying of, thirst, robbed him from time to time of a considerable part of his store. This gentleman afterwards acknowledged that he owed his life to tbe many comfortable draughts which he derived from him. Mr. Holwell, before he adopted this mode, at tempted to drink his own urine; but it was found in tensely bitter, and a second taste could not be endured ; but no Bristol water could be more pleasant or safe than his own perspiration. — Annual Register, vol. i., 1758, page 278. 204 APPENDIX. , (No.' XVI.) No. XVI. Sir WILLIAM HAMILTON'S Account of the EARTHQUAKE at CALABRIA, in 1788. SIR W. -HAMILTON, amongst many remarkable instances of the abstinence of men and of animals, during the time of this earthquake, states, that " the prince of Cariati showed him two girls, one of about sixteen years pf age, who had remained eleven days without food under the ruins of a house at Oppido. She had a child of five or si--: months old in her arms, which died the fourth dav. The girl gave him a clear account of her sufferings: — that, having a light through a small opening, she had kept an exact account ofthe number of days she had been buried ; — that she did not seem to be in bad health ; drank freely, but had, when he saw her, a difficulty in swallowing any thing solid. The .other girl was eleven years of age — she remained only six days under the ruins."— -Philofophical Trans-. actions for 1783: vol. Ixydii. page 169. APPENDIX. (No. XVII.) ' 205 No. XVII. ON THE EFFECTS OFFAMlNE. By Dr. Percival. Dr. Percival, in a paper on this subject, published in the Manchester Memoirs for 1785, states several cases qf longevity and abstinence — Folio 483. l.— CASE OF THOMAS TRAVIS— SEVEN DAYS IN A PIT. "ON Saturday December the 4th, 1784, about eight o'clock in the morning, Thomas Travis, a collier, aged twenty-seven, went into a coal-pit ninety yards in depth, when the sides of the pit fell in, where he was cut off from all supplies of the external air; and the quantity pf earth was so great as to require six days to remove it. On Thursday the passage was compieated . but from the foulness of the vapours, no one ventured into the works. On Friday several men entered the mines, and followed Travis by the traces of his own working. On Saturday afternoon, about four o'clock, he heard them, and implored speedy assistance. They found him lying on his belly; and on raising his head, he looked at the men, and addressed one of them by name. His eyes were swoln, and every one was shocked atthe appearance of them. — They prevailed upon him to have a handkerchief tied round his head, staling that fhe light might be dangerous and offensive to 'him. Salts were held tp his nostrils. He soon complained of the handkerchief/ and desired it to be removed, which 206 APPENDIX. (No. XVII.) was complied with. But his eyes were then sunk in their sockets, and he was then and ever afterwards unable to distinguish a candle. ,He took a table-spoon ful of water-gruel every ten or fifteen minutes. When first discovered, his hands and feet were very cold, and with no pulsation at the wrist ; but his pulsation became more sensible and stronger, when he had been rubbed, and had got eovered with blankets. Two men laid by his side,( to communicate warmth : and on putting his hands into their bosoms, he expressed his sense of being comfortable, and slept when not roused to take nourishment. He remained in this situation many hours ; and on Sunday morning, the eighth day, at one o'clock, he was carried to his own house, put to bed, well covered, and fed with chicken broth. Weakness rendered him indifferent to nourishment, and he con tinued to doze and to sleep, and with an increasing pulse; He said he felt dissolution at hand, and expired soon .after without a struggle, and in a few minutes." 2d. Case.— AN EXPERIMENT OF HOW LONG FOWLS WOULD LIVE WITHOUT FOOD', AND HOW LONG ON WATER ONLY. Dr. Percival states, that, in famine, life may be protracted, with less pain and misery, by' a moderate al lowance of water ; and on recording some experiments that had been tried " to ascertain the facts of fasting on fowls, it was observed, that none to which drink was denied were able to support life beyond the ninth day ; whereas one indulged with water li»ed more than twenty days." APPENDIX. (No. II.) 20? 3d. Case.— EXPERIMENT Of, A PHYSICIAN. Dr.' Percival also relates the case of a young physi cian from Geneva, when a student at Montpelier, " who , fasted three days and four nights, with no other refreshment than a pint of water daily. His hunger was keen, but never painful. During the first and second days of his abtinence, and the two following days, he perceived only a fainlness when he attempted either bodily or mental exertion. A sense of coldness was diffused over his whole frame, but more particularly affected the extremities. His mind was in an unusual state of pusillanimity, and he experienced a great tendency to tears, whenever he recollected the circum stance which had been tlie occasion ofhis fasting. The first food he took was veal broth, which had something of an intoxicating effect, producing a glow of warmth, and raising his spirits so, as to render him ashamed ef his despondency." 4th Case,— QF HUNGER, ITS SENS*ATIONS,AND RECOVERY. f Is that of a captain of a ship, that endured the extre mity of hunger, and who was the only person that had not lost his senses when they received accidental relief. That at first the pains were great, and almost insup portable. That after the sixthy day (for they had water in the ship,, which kept them alive so long) he was rather in a state of languor than desire, and did not wish much for food, except when he saw others eating ; and that, for a while, revived his appetite, 208 APPENDIX. (No. XVII.) though with diminished importunity. That the latter part of this time, when his health was almost destroyed, a thousand strange, images rose upon his mind, and his senses gave him wrong information. Perfumes ap peared to have a foetid smell, and every thing he looked at a greenish hue. He looked 6n food with loathing instead of desire; and it was not till after four days that his stomach was brought, to its natural tone ; when the violence of his appetite returned, with a sort of canine eagerness. 5th.— REMARKS AND ADVICE.' It is said the American Indians make a composition of tobacco-juice, shells of snails, cockles, and oysters, calcined, whenever they undertake a long voyage, and are likely to be without provisions. Dr. Percival also states, that Dr. Franklin has ad vised, when a scarcity of water at sea occurs, that mariners should bathe themselves in tubs of salt water; and that he had observed, that, however thirsty he had been before his immersion into water for the amusement of swimming, he never continued so afterwards ; and recommends the apparel of sailors being dipped in the sea, with a confidence of there being no danger of catching cold. APPENDIX. (No. XVIII.)* 209 No. XVIII. OF THE ABSTINENCE AND ESCAPE OF A DOG. The following Narrative may not be uninteresting. "IN 1789, when preparations were making; at St. Paul's for the reception of his majesty, a favourite bitch followed its master up the dark stairs ofthe dome.' Here all, at once it was missing, and calling and whis tling were to no purpose, Ni}ie weeks after thisj all but two days, some glaziers were at work in the cathe dral, and heard, amongst the timbers which support the dome, a faint noise. Thinking it might be some un fortunate human being, they tied a rope round a boy,. and let him- down near the place whenee the sound came. At the bottom he found a dog lying on its side, the skeleton of another dog, and an old shoe half eaten. The humanity of the bpy led him to rescue the animal from its miserable situation, and it was ac cordingly drawn up. Much emaciated and scarcely able to stand, the workmen placed it in the porchof the church, to die pr live as it plight happen. This was about ten o'clock in the morning. Some time after the dog was seen endeavouring to cross the street at the top of Ludgate-hill ; but its weakness was 50 great, that, unsupported by a wall, it could not accomplish st. The miserable appearance of the dog again excited the compassion of a boy, who carried it over. By the aid ofthe houses it was enabled to get to Fleet-market, and over two or three narrow crossings in* its way to Hoiborrr-bridge; and about eight o'clock in the evening p *10 APPENDIX. (No. XVIII.) it reached its master's house in Red -lion- street, Hoi* born, and laid itself down on the steps, having been ten hours in its journey fro ai St. Paul's to that place. The dog was so much altered — the eyes being so sunk in the head as to be scarcely discernible — that the master would not encourage his old faithful companion, who,. when lost, was supposed to weigh twenty pouflds, and\ now only weighed three pounds fourteen ounces. " The first indication it gave of knowing its toaster, was by wagging its tail when he mentioned the name Phyllis. " For a long time it was unable to eat or drink, and it was kept alive by the sustenance it received from its mistress, who used to feed it with a tea-spoon. At length it recovered. " Should it be asked, ' How did this animal live nine weeks without food ?'— This was not the case. She was in whelp when lost, and doubtless ate fier offspring. The remains of another dog, killed by a similar fall, were likewise found, that, most probably, were converted by the survivor to the most urgent of all natural pur poses; and when this treat was done, the shoe suc ceeded, which was almost half devoured. What famine and a thousand accidents could not do, was effected a short time after by the wheels of a coach, which •unfortunately went over her, and ended the mortal days of poor Phyllis." — Daniels's Rural Sports, vol, i-, p. 28. **W*BWDI*Xf (No. XIX.) 211 No. XIX. A FAVOURITE CAT was lost from a house at Canon- tniry, Islington, in May 1700, for three weeks and either two or four days ; when a neighbour's servant, who was about to light the drawing-room fire at her master's house, was somewhat startled at a faint noise she heard in the chimney ^ and pn putting up the iron at the top of a (register) stow h was found that the noice proceeded from the poor cat, who was nearly ex hausted. I should observe, that there had been no fire in the stoVe for tihe above-mentioned period, at !east$ "but there is no certainty as to the time the cat had been in the chimaey. It is conjectured that some workmen employed at tbe house where the cat be longed, threw her down the chimney where she was found. She had kittens at the time, who did not know their mother in her dirty shabby condition, and spit at her. The eat could touch nothing but a little water when she was first talcen home, but is now perfectly recovered, The circumstance of her having kittens, proves that ^she must have been in a situation, for the time she was absent from them, from which she could not extricate herself. (This -Kcownt was given by a friend.] » 9 212 APPENDIX. (NO. XX.) No. XX. REMARKABLE CASE OF THE EFFECTS OF LONG ABSTINENCE. IN the second volume of the medical Communica tions, Dr. Robert Willan reported a case of abstinence perhaps the most remarkable, and of longer continu ance than any upon record. A young man of a studious and melancholy turn of mind, troubled vvith some symptoms of indigestion, and internal cpmplaints ; and aided, perhaps, by the strength of imagination, and by some mistaken notions about re ligion ; resolved to cure himself by abstinence. He withdrew himself suddenly from his business and friends, and "took lodgings in an obscure street, and re solved to abstain from all solid food, and only to moiitejt his mouth from time to time with water, slightly fla voured with the juice of oranges. After three days' ab stinence, the craving for food subsided, and he pursued his studies without further inconvenience. He used no exercise, slept but little, and spent most of the night in reading The quantity of water used each day was from halfa-pintto a pint; and the juice only of two oranges, to flavour the water, served him a week. He made, urine in moderate quantity, which was clear, and without sediment. He had a natural stool on the second day of this course, and again on the for tieth day; but, after that, no more; though he per sisted twenty days longer without any variation in his APPENDIX. (No. XX.) 213 plan. During the last ten days of it, his strength failed rapidly; and, finding himself unable' to rise from his bed, he began to be alarmed. He had hitherto flat tered himself that his support was preternatural, and had indulged his imagination with the prospect of some great event, which he expected would follow this re markable abstinence. But his delusion vanished, and he .gradually found himself wasting and sinking to -the grave. About this time his friends found out his retreat, and prevailed upon him to admit the- visits of a respectable- clergyman, who convinced him ofthe fallacy of his vi sionary ideas; and succeeded, finally, in obtaining his consent to any plan that might be conducive to his re covery. Dr. Willan, a respectable physician, was then called in for advice ; and visited him on the 23d of March, 1786, and on the sixty first ofhis fast. The doctor found him reduced, to the last stage of ex istence ; and he states, " that' his whole appearance suggested the idea of a skeleton, prepared by drying the muscles upon it in their natural situation. His eyes were not deficient of lustre; his voice was sound and clear notwithstanding his general weakness, but at tended with great imbeeility„of mind. i He had undertaken in his retirement to copy the Bible in short-hand, with short arguments prefixed to each chapter. He showed to the doctor the work exe cuted nearly as far as the Second Book of Kings, and that he had made some improvements in short-hand writing. From the 23d to theSSth of March, he was so much recovered under a proper regimen, that he could easily walk across the room ; but on the 29th he lostjjis recollection, and ultimately- died on the 2gth of April, nature being quite exhausted. £ 14 APPENDIX. (Ho. XX .J Dr. Willan believes that this young .gentleman's cane" bf fasting is longer than any recorded in the annals of physic ;, and that he could scarcely have supported him self throagh it, except from an enthusiastic turn of mind nearly bordering upon insanity, the effect of whicft^ in fortifying the body against coldTand hunger* is so well' known. He also relates, in the same communication, two other „ eases— -owe of abstinence, of an insane person who lived forty- seven days, witfroBt taking any thing but a pint and a half of water per day. That he stood constantly in the same position for thtrty-ergh*: days of "that time, and during the remaining eight he was obliged to lie down through weakness, and then took nothing, refus ing even water. Tbat when he first began to eat again, he recovered his reason for a time,' but s6oh relapsed." A second case in the Edinburgh Medical' Essays, Vol. vi-., is of a young girl > fasting thirty-four days at pne time, and fifty-four at another time, occasioned by spasms or obstructions. Dr. Willan further remarks, that, though few cei-i- crnsions ofimportance, with respect to medical practice, can be deduced from such extraordinary eases, it is npt amiss to have ascertained, for what length of time the human constitution is able to support itself under Abstinence*, Though the fwove case prfived eventually imsiicce^g- pul, this is a wonderful instance of the powers of nature * Vide Medical Cbmmiiniciuons, vol- ii. p. 113; printed, in l'7PO»fof J. Johnson* St. Paul's Church-yard. APPENDIX. (No. XXI.) &15 in the case of abstinenae. It might be farther observed, that, in fevers and insanity, abstinence from food is often frequent and long, or almost without any sustenance -beyond that of medicine ; and that there are many rer markable cases of people, animals, and birds, sleeping a great length of time, without waking or taking any . food or nourishment. No. XXI. DR. LIND'S ADVICE TO PREVENT THE WANT OF PROVISIONS AT SEA. DR LTND, in his Treatise to prevent the Want of Provisions at Sea, states, that tvi-o pounds of salep, and the same of portable soup, will afford a wholesome diet to one person for a month ; and recommends every ship to carry a quantity of these articles to sea, as they woiald be found extremely bene ficial when, through fire, shipwreck, or other accidents, the crew were obliged to have recourse to their boat. He supposes, were a boat furnished with eleven gal lons of water, two pounds of salep, and two pounds of portable beef soup, for each man, that it is probable none would die of hunger, or thirst, for at least a month ; during which time the daily allowance per man would be more than a quart of water, eleven ounces of strong salep paste, and an ounce of portable soup. The soup should be allowed to melt in the mouth ; and in that small quantity, if properly made, would be contained the nourishing juices of above three quarter* 216 AI>PENDIX. (No. XXL) of a pound of beef. In cases of great extremity tbe salep might be mixed with salt water, and be sti)i equally wholesome. The salep sells for about four shillings and six-pence per pound, and the portable soup at two shillings and six-pence per pound. . : A4 a careful precaution, he recommends ships to have constantly a cask of water in the boat, 'or upon deck ; and the same precaution respecting the salep and soup being at hand in case of fire, or other acci dents at sea, when it might not be possible to go down into the hold for water or provisions.-"/)-/*. Lind on Hoi Climates. appendix. (No. XXII.) 217 No. XX I r. Hints for a Society for promoting the Means of preserving Ships and Lives in the Moments of Danger and Accidents. " SOCIETIES might be formed, and premi ums given, for the best nautical and practical essays on the various branches dependent on navigation. ....Accounts might be invited, of the numberless accidents that have arisen, occasioned by shipwrecks, loss of masts, rigging, sails, and rudders ; and also from leaks, and short allow ances of p'ro visions, with the remedies and sub stitutes that have, been applied, A selection of them might be made for the use of the navy and merchants' service, which might serve as a vade mecum in moments of distress and danger: and to a work, of so, much utility and humanity, the admiralty might perhaps be induced to give en couragement and information. The loss of rud ders, and remedies applied, might be instanced' in the case ofhis majesty's ship the Lion, captain Cornwallis. " The losses of masts,, and sails are innumera ble; -and it is. some comfort to those in such di stress to observe, that ships under jury masts sel dom founder, but ride out the storm like other S!8 appendix. (No. XXII.) ships ; and, if they do not make such dispatch in their voyage, they never invite danger by a press of sail. " Seamen should be impressed with the danger and folly of deserting ships upon the first alarm, when compared with the still greater risks they run from open boats in the middle of the ocean* with short commons, and no port at hand ; also, that ships have been frequently brought into port when deserted by their crews, and that others have been lost only because they have been de serted. A seanlaa should never abandon Hope — it should be bis. motto as well as his sheet- anchor. He should be strongly impressed with ihe idea, that the buoyancy of a ship in itself, in all cases, will keep her long afloat when leaky-; that ships will even swim a long time when the water within is almost level with the sea without; and that cargoes are in themselves frequently buoyant. The preservation of the Guardian man of war, captain Riou, is a wonderful instance of hardship, perseverance, and safety. The narra tive's of captains Inglefield, Bligh, and Wilson, with many others, might be brought to encou rage confidence, and banish despair. " Health to seamen is a great point of nautical as well as of national irnportance ; and with all pur precautions hitherto, it is still capable of further improvements. Had captain Cook's voyages been. only undertaken with the idea of experiments- as APPENDIX. (No. XXII.) s I g to health, instead of discoveries, . they would have proved a national object, and a blessing to society, by adding to the lives, health, and hap piness, of a useful class of men both to the navy and to commerce. " Seamen are as prodigal of life, as they are df their purse ; and it is incumbent upon us to add to their security and life, when they risk so> much for our wealth and conveniency. Ships should be induced to take in a larger stock of provisions than customary ; and it would be a happy discovery if we could make some improve ments in the salting and preserving of provi sions." %* This extract is taken from a little piece that made its appearance in the year 1791, in- a collection of miscellaneous tracts upon naval ar chitectural subjects, in all its various branches, printed, in two volumes, for J. Sewellj Cornhill, sanctioned by an institution for the encourage ment and pursuit of thofe ..objects. These vo lumes contain many useful and important com munications of discoveries and experiments rela tive to these subjects. Some of the committee and friends of this institution occasionally fur nished hints which they conceived might be use ful, and ^the paper in question was among others submitted to the public by one of that body. 820 APPEN-DIX. (No'. XXII.) The subject being again revived, I would with pleasure be ready, with other friends, to join in promoting an institution that cannot but be pro ductive of the most important benefits to the public and to society. Communications- well authenticated, sent under cover, through Mr. Johnson, bookseller, 72, St. Paul's Church-yard, will be thankfully received. 221 A LIST OF A HUMBER Of ACCIDENTS, SHIPWRECKS and ESCAPES, Where great Hardships and Difficulties have been encountered, and which many have survived by Perseverance. accidents, &c. No. I, LOSS, of the Cen taur MATT OF WAR, Sept. 1782. Capt. Ingle/ield's ac count, printed for J. Mur ray, 17S3. II. Lieut. Bligh's narrative, ¦from his quittingthe Boun ty sloop, until his arrival at the island of Timor. III. Qenuine account of the .*-. loss of the Sussex India- " iman, off the coast of Ma dagascar, in 1738. — Vide Johnf)ea7i's account, print ed tVr T. Cooper in 1740. REMARKS. Vide Appendix, Case No. III. for the miraculous escape of Capt. Inglefield and ele ven others, in an open boat, ¦300 leagues from land, al most without food, and ar riving in seventeen days at Fayal. Vide Case No. V. of this af fecting narrative, which states that eighteen men arrived In an open boat at Timor, after a passage of forty-one days. Vide Case No. VI. of the Ap pendix. 2<22 ACCIDENTS, &C. ~ IV. An account of the escape of Messrs. CARTER, SHAW, and HASKETT, from the Coast of New Gujnea, to Timor Island, in an open boat, irrl79^' Vide Oriental Repertory, vol.i. No. IX. March 17, 1795, and the Oriental Re pertory, page 521.", V. Capt. KENNEDY'S nar rative of the loss of his ship at sea, and of the distresses of himself and crew in an open boat : communicated • to his owners. — Vide An nual Register, vol. xii. page 19 1, for 1769. REMARKS. Vide Case, No. VIII. Appendix. of the VI. Capt. BARTLETT'S ac- -eount of, a white man and a negro boy, taken up in a canoe, nineteen day* from Grenada to Jamaica without food. VII. The loss ofthe Pan dor a ikigat E,on avoy agerou nd the world in .1790 to 1792. By Mr. George Hamilton, fhe surgeon. Printed for W. Phorson of Berwick, and Law of London, 1793. VIII. The case of ROBERT SGOTN EY, seaman, lg03. IX. The account of some deserters from St. He lena. — Calcutta Gazette, July 8, 1802. Vide Case No. XII. ofthe Ap pendix. (^ apt. Kennedy gives a sensible and an intelligent account in his interesting narrative, which is well worthy- attention. He and his crew were eight days without food, and seven of them landed in the bay of Honduras on the. fourteenth day.- The bathing of clothes in salt-water he has par ticularly recommended to seafaring men ; \ and also their reading Dr. Lind's Treatise relating to seamen. Vide Case No. IX. of the Ap pendix. Vide Case No. XI. in the Appendix, for the account given by Capt. Edwards, now Admiral Edwards, to the editor. Vide Case No. I. in the Ap pendix, for a singular ac count of a man living in a boat for seventy-five days alone, with short provisions. Vide Case No. II. in the Ap pendix, for this Narrative. 22S ACCIDENTS, &C. X. C&se ui jour seamen ofthe Randolph frigate, picked up at sea on a raft, after btingy«w days witli out food. XI. Case of Mr. DOMINI CUS, and a boy called WILD FRENCH. XII. Loss oftheWAGER MAN o F w a R , Capt . Cheap,\ n the South Seas, in May, 1740. Four separate accounts were published of this shipwreck. 1st. By John Bulkeley and John Cummins, late gunner and carpenter. Printed for Jacob Robinsen, 1743. Vide Case No. Appendix. . XIV. of the 2d. Isaac Morris's ^midship man) narratiye of himself and seven others, .left on shore in an uninhabited Vide Case No. VII. ofthe Ap pendix • pf their escape from shipwreck by swim ming to shore, and of their. captivity ^nd release. 1st. This ship was one of Commodore Anson's squa dron to the South $eas, wrecked on an uninhabited island, lat. 47°,long.sr40'. On the 13th of September, 1740, Bulkeley and Cum-, mins, and others, to the number oi eighty-one souls, embarked in the long-boat converted into a shallop, a cutter and thelong-boat;out ofwhich only thirty arrived the 28th January, 1741, at Rio La Grande, afterhaving lost their cutter and long- boat,andencounteringmany hardships, and lost many lives. Eleven men were left on shore in one place, by mutual consent ; and Isaac Morris and seven others were left on shore and abandoned in another place, in lat. 37° 25', long, €5°. Bulkeley and Cummins, and some few others only^ ever reached England. 2d. Isaac Morris and his party were left on shore the 14th, of January, 1741, and tra velled far up the coun- 224 •- ! 'ACCI.DENTS, &C. -' REMARKS. part of Patagonid.with their try; where they resided a. adventures. Printed for S. long time, encountering Birt, London ; and A. To* great hardships. Three of zer of Exeter. tfiem arrived in England the 8th of July, 174:6. 3d; Alexander Campbell's nar- 3d and 4th. Capt. Cheap, rative ; midlhipman. Print- ; Lieut. Byron, and A. Camp ed for W-. Owen. 1747. bell, with seventeen others, 4th. Hon. John Byron's narra- being left behind byBulkeley tive-; mid (hipman. Pi'iflt-. andhis party ,they,withtheir ed for Baker and Leigh, barge and yawl, made their 176&. way f°r Chili. Four ma riners were left behind in one spot, who cheered their companions in the barge en parting. At another , - place six went oft' in the - barge ; and when the party arrived at Chili, they were reduced to five. Captain Cheap, Lieut. Byron, and Mr. Hamilton, arrived- in England in 1746, by one route, and Lieut. Campbell by another, in May 1746. The crew met with almost a3 melancholy a fate -as the ur.f'.irtu;i;ite ship: very few of them ever reached Eng land. Their hardships and . sufferings from climate, du ties, uad want of food, were great. But the spirit of disunion, mutiny, and in subordination, that pre vailed, occasioned or en- '.* crease;-, most of their ca; 1'amities. XIII. Dumpier s Voyages. — These voyages, and the his- Roo-ers's Voyages. tories bi the Buccaneeers of those times, contain many purious and interesting re- la tit ;,s o-i sh'r wrecks, and distresses i'cr [.. -'.visions. XIV. Lo&s ofthe Investi- These vessels v.' .ere S"ut out te g ATOR,thePoRPOiSE,;iud diicovei the unknown parts the Cato. Vide the Morn- of New Holland, liiethst 225 accidents, &c. ing Herald paper in May or June, 1804. XV. Narrative of the De portment of Barthelemy and Pichegru, and others, to Cayenne, in 1797. -By General Ramel. Printed for Wright, 1799- XVI. Loss ofthe Antelope pa.cket, Capt. Wilson, off the Pelew Islands, in 1783. Published by Keate. XVII. Loss ofthe Dodding- ton East-Indiaman, on a rock near the Cape of Good Hope, ou the 17th of July J 755. — Vide Annual Re gister, vol. i. p. 297, for 1758. XVIIt; Loss of the Juno ; wrecked on the coast of Pegoiij June 1797 * — Vide William Machay's second officer's account. Printed forDebrett, 1798. XIX. Loss of the Fazy Allum near Cape Orfoy, in 1801. — Vide Asiatic Re gister j vol. i. page 17, for 1S02. XX. Loss ofthe Gros venor, Indiaman on the coast of Africa, 4th of August 1782. • Vide Alexander Dal rymple, Esq's, accountjtaken REMARKS. vessel being rotten, was condemned at Port Jackson. The other two were wreck* ed 800 miles from that port, and the men saved after marry hardships. Contains an account of theit voyage from France to Cayenne, and theirinterest- ing escape from, thence, with great hardships. This interesting narrative is too well known to need any comments. Vide Intro duction, page xxv. Twenty-three persons were *aved out of 270, and re sided on an island near seven months, encountering great hardships, and sus taining themselves by kill ing birds, fishing, &c. ; and at times ; were greatly re* duced. living upon twO ounces of bread per day. This account is given by the son in a letter to his father, a minister in Sutherland- shire; and contains the singular preservation of fourteen of her complement oh the wreck j without food, during a period of twenty - three days. Part of the crew saved, after having endured great hard.* ships. 226 ACCIDENTS, &C. REMARK*.- from fbu*: survivors. Print ed for J.- Sewell, Cornhill, 1785. William Ilubberley's Account of ditto. Narrative of two sailors' Ac count of ditto. Printed for B. Pownall, 1783. John Hyne's Account of ditto* By George Carter. Printed fbr Lane, 1791. XXI. Loss of the ship Her cules, Captain Benjamim '• Strout, on the coast "<^f Caffraria, the sixteenth of ; June, 1796 ; witli the tra vels ofthe survivors through the country. Printed for Johnson, I79S". XXII. Shipwreck of the Not tingham galley. By :., « , John Deane, commander. '• Printed in 1711 and 1726. « - ?£ - XXIII. Loss of the.LiTCH- ;< ';i*.\ I* 1 e l v m'a n o f w a it , Capt.- ¦',' ' Barton, on the coast' of Africa, and part ofthe crew carried into slavery. By Lieut. Sutherland. ' Pub lished by T. Davis, 17oS. XXIV. Capt. David Harri son's account ofhis. dis- ¦ • '¦ ^ * tresses and deliverance in '• the Peggy, 'from Fayal to New York. — Vide Annual , Register, vol. ix. page 183, for 1766'. XXV. Less of the A n"s avd Mary, HARDSHIPS ON SHORE. hardships. XLIII. J. Z HOLWELL'S, esq. Account of the Black Hole of Calcutta, ia June, 1756. — VUe Annual Register, vol. i. page 278, for 1758. \XLIV. Sir WILLIAM HA- * MILTON's Account ofthe Earthquake at Calabria. — Vide Philosophical Trans actions, 1783, vol. Ixxiii, page 169. XLV. Dr. PERCIVAL'S Ac count of the effects of Pamin-e, in a communica tion to the Philosophical. SocTt^jy at Manchester, Ja nuary 6, 1785. — Vide their Memoirs, vol. ii. pajre 4S3". Printed in 178$. XLVI. The Case of a dog shut up in St. Paul's church yard. — Vide XLVII. The Case of a cat. REMARK'S. Vide Case No. XV. of tlie Ap pendix, where is ah account that only twenty-three siir- vived out of one hundred and forty-six thrown into this dungeon ; and of Mr. Holwell's sustaining himself by the perspiration drop ping from his body. This was one of the narratives that Capt. Woodard used to relate to his company ons. VideCase No. XVI. of tha Appendix. Vide Case No. XVII. Appen dix, for the case of a collier , buried in a coal-mine seven days. Also for fume other- cases. Vide Case tfo. XVIII. Ap pendix. Vide CaseNo.XIX. Appendix. 232 jrAKi>»iri*?s. XLVHI. ROBERT EAST- BURNE'S Sufferings and Escape from the I n d i .a n s in North America. — Vide An nual Register, vol. i. page 301, for 1758. XLIX. WILLIAM OKE- LEY'S NARRATIVE of himself and four others, and their recovery from slavery at Algiers, in 1/64; or Ebenezer, or A small monument of great mercy in their delivery. Printed - for Auckland, Keith, and Dilly, in 1764. I,, Suffering of.DE ST.GER- MAIN and his companions, ' in the Desert of Egypt. — Annual Register, vol. xxiii. page. 54 ;. 1780. ¦IA. A Chinese contrivance to keep those above water who do not know how to swim . — Annual Register, vol. iv. page 141 ; I761-. LIL GREATHEAD'S LIFE BOAT. REMARK^.; The accounts of all traicl-, lers who havebeen amongst; or whp have lived amongst, the Indians, give extraor-i dinary instances of absti nence, fatigue, and hard ships of an Indian life. * A useful discoveVy, that has been the means of saving many lives. Parliament has voted to the ingenious contriver of this boat 20001. And Alexander, the em peror of Russia, the great promoter of public im- - provementsj has sent him a handsome diamond ring, as a token of his respect. Plate II IhibU'hai /••- tJohmon,inJilPauJi Huarh h'rA.-Mr -i /.'*.>;. A JMkrvkant Proa under Sail. Published by IJoiintoa.uiStPauli Church lard, July 91,1824, T.Gmder Srtd$> Tlatelll. -d Merchant Proa ; wi'tk a Calbin, on J)edc ; 8c the Sail handed , er ivlUd up ,- tying ai Anchor. N?tto d.lmplemaubs of War k Shields. ¦3 yhrtl.Ju^.' m, 1804. JCOmder ScuZp &fi* afl