YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 3 9002 06447 2146 YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 1941 THE LIFE WILLIAM PENN. THE LIFE COMPILED FROM THE USUAL AUTHORITIES AND ALSO MANY ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS. By Mrs HUGHS, Author of Ornaments Discovered, The Cousins, 13 This may fairly be conjectured from what soon after took place, as it certainly led to nio#t unjustifia ble outrages against the ruling authority. An order came down to Oxford from Charles the se cond, that the surplice should be worn, according to the custom of ancient times, which operated so disagreeably upon William "Penn's ideas of the simplicity and spirituality of the Christian religion, that, engaging Robert Spencer and some otfiers of his associates to join him, he fell upon those stu dents who appeared in their surplices, and tore them violently off their backs. It was impossible that an outrage of so unwarrantable and shameful a nature could be overlooked. The college took it up, and William Penn and several of his com panions were expelled. This act of a rash and im petuous mind, and which could only be excused on the plea of his youth and inexperience, gave great displeasure to his father, who received him very coldly on his return home. Nor was the admiral's displeasure a little increased by observing the turn 'which his son's mind had taken, and -the desire which he shewed to avoid all gay and fashionable society and to associate only with those of a serious and religious disposition. Foreseeing a destruction to all the schemes of ambition which he had formed for his son, and which his sitiiation and connections in life gave him so fair a prospect of realizing, the admiral be- 14 came exceedingly impatient; and; after endeavour ing in vain*to overcome him by argument, he adopted a mode of discipline more consistent with his habits as a commanding officer, than with his character either as an affectionate father or a rea sonable being — and had recourse to blows. These, however, failing, as it was natural they should, for bodily inflictions can have little influence on the mind except in hardening it against the opposing party, he at length turned him out of doors. But though of rather a hasty temper, the admiral was possessed of an excellent disposition, and could not, therefore, fail to be soon convinced of the error of his proceedings — particularly as his wife, who was a most amiable woman, used every means in her power to soften his anger towards his son. Overcome by such powerful advocates as his own affection and his wife's intercessions, the offender was at length pardoned, and a plan adopt ed to wean him from his old connections, which, with a mind less firm and steady than the one which was to be conquered, would most certainly have produced the desired effect. Deeming it proba ble that a change of scene, and in particular the gaiety of French manners, might have a powerful effect in counteracting the increasing gravity of his mind, he was sent to France with some persons of rank who were then going on their travels. 15 His first place of residence was Paris, but from his short stay there it may be concluded that the gaiety and dissipation of that place did not suit his turn of mind. He afterwards resided some months, during the years 1662 and 1663, with "his compa nions, at Saumur. It appears he had been induced to go thither for the sake of enjoying the conversa tion and instruction of the learned Moses Amy-' rault, who was a protestant minister of the Calvi- nistic persuasion, professor of divinity at Saumur, and at this time in the highest estimation of any divine in France. From Saumur he directed his course towards Italy, and had arrived at Turin, when he received a letter from his father desiring his return, as he was himself ordered to take com mand of the fleet against the Dutch, and wished his son to take care of the family during his ab sence. Though his religious principles were as firm as ever, he returned home with manners much more accordant with his father's wishes than those with which he had departed. He had become more lively, and had acquired a polish and courtly de meanour which was the natural consequence of having mingled more with the world. As it was deemed desirable on his return from the continent that he should make himself ac quainted with the laws of his country, he entered himself, at his father's request, a student at Lin coln's Inn. The breaking out of the plague, how- 16 ever, obliged him to relinquish his new pursuit in about a year, as it was necessary, for self pre servation, that he should leave London. It is pro bable, however, that short as this time was, the knowledge' which he then obtained was highly serviceable to him in future life, and that he then acquired the rudiments of thosS principles of law "arid equity which were afterwards so conspicu ously displayed. There can be little doubt that, as his situation in life was too independent to make it necessary that he should follow a profession, his father's motive for directing his attention to the study of the law was a wish to occupy his mind and preserve him from, returning to his former ha bits and associates. But his mind appears to have been too firmly bent upon the cause he had es poused, to be diverted from his object. On the contrary, it broke forth with renewed force from its temporary suppression. He again became se rious, and mixed only with grave and religious people. His father, on his return, immediately observed the change ; and, still feeling the same determina tion to break Up his son's connections, he sent him off to Ireland. He was induced to make choice of this country on account of his acquaintE^nce with the duke of Orhiond, (who was the lord lieute nant,) as well as with many others of his court. The duke was a man of graceful manners, lively 17 wit, and cheerful temper ;' and his court was gay and splendid ; so that the admiral imagined his son could scarcely fail, in such society, to forget his early habits, and gradually acquire new tastes and pursuits. But this scheme proved as futile as the former ones ; his religious sentiments remained un shaken, and every thing he saw tended to confirm his determination to a serioUs life. And here it is impossible not to pause and admire the firmness of that mind which could thus resist such powerful and manifold temptations, and steadily persevere in keeping itself unspotted from the world. • The admiral, again disappointed though not overcome, had recourse to another expedient. He had large estates in Ireland, of which he deter mined to give his son the sole management, know ing that it would at once keep his time fully em ployed, and detain him at a distance from all his En glish connections. And here he found that, though unshaken in his resolution where his conscience told him that it was his duty to oppose, this opposition did not arise from any unwillingness to comply with his wishes ; but that on the Contrary he performed the duties of his commission with scrupulous diligence. But an accident occurred at this time which produced very important con sequences. Being accidentally on business at Cork, he heard 18 that Thomas Loe (the layman who has before been mentioned as having made a great impression on his mind) was to preach at a meeting of the Qua kers in that city, and he found it impossible to resist the temptation of going to hear him. The dis course .happened to be from the following words : " There is a faith which overcomes the world, and there is a faith which is overcome by the world." The subject seemed so peculiarly fitted to the struggles which he had so long undergone, that it made a strong impression on his mind ; and, though he had not before shewn a preference to any parti cular sect, he from that day favoured the Quakers. In consequence of this preference, he began to attend their public meetings^ But he soon found, from the prejudices of the times, that he had cho sen a thorny and rugged road. On the 3d of September 1667, being at one of these meetings, ihe was apprehended on the plea of a proclamation issued in 1660 against tumultuous assemblies, and carried before the mayor. As his dress did not correspond wi|h that of the society, he was offered his liberty on condition of giving bond for his good behaviour ; but not choosing to do this he was sent, with eighteen others, to prison. Soon after his commitment, he wrote a letter to lord Orrery, then president of the council of Munster, from which it will not, it is presumed, be unaccep table to make an extract, as nothing can give so 19 true a picture of his mind as his own forcible lan guage ; and when it is considered that he was at the time of his writing it only in his twenty-third year, it is impossible to read it without being struck with the justness of the reasoning and the modera tion of the language in so young a man, and one too who had so much cause for complaint. After arguing against his imprisonment as a point of law, he proceeds thus: "And tho' to dissent from a na tional system, imposed by authority, renders men hereticks, yet I dare believe your lordship 's better read in reason and theology than to subscribe a maxim so vulgar and untrue, for imagining most visible constitutions of religious government suited to the nature and genius of a civil empire, it cannot be esteemed heresy, but to scare a mul titude from such enquiries as may create divisions fatal to a civil policy, and therefore at worst de serves the name only of disturbers. "But I presume, my lord, the acquaintance you have had with other countries must needs have fur- nish'd you with this infallible observation, that diversities of faith and worship contribute not to the disturbance of any place where moral unifor mity is barely requisite to preserve the peace. It is not long since you were a good solicitor for the liberty I now crave, and conclude no way so effec tual to improve or advantage this country as to dis pense with freedom in things relating to conscience ; 20 and I suppose were it riotous or tumultuary, as by some vainly imagined, your lordship's inclination, as well as duty, would entertain a very remote opinion. My humble supplication therefore to you is, that so malicious and injurious a practice to innocent Englishmen may not receive any counte nance or encouragement from your lordship ; for as it is contrary to the practice elsewhere and is a bad argument to invite English hither, so with sub mission will it not resemble that clemency and English spirit that hath hitherto made you ho nourable." This letter, as far as he was himself concerned, answered the desired end ; for the earl immediately ordered his release. The report that he had«become a Quaker was soon conveyed to his father by a nobleman then resident in Ireland, and the admiral immediately sent for him home. Though there was not, at first sight, any thing in his appearance which seemed to confirm the report, it was not long be fore it was placed beyond a doubt by his renunci ation of the customs of the world, and particulau'ly that of taking off the hat, as well as his commu nion with those only of his own peculiar views. The admiral had now tried his last expedient, and could no longer contain himself. Coming to a di rect explanation with his son, the scene is de scribed by Joseph Besse (the first biographer of William Penn) as having been exceedingly in- 21 teresting. "And here," says he, "my pen is diffident of her abilities to describe that most pa thetic and moving contest which was between his father and him : his father, actuated by natural love, principally aiming at his son's temporal honour ; he, guided by a divine impulse, having chiefly in view his own eternal welfare : his father, grieved to see the well accomplished son of his hopes, now ripe for worldly promotion, voluntarily turning his back upon it ; he, no less afflicted to think a com pliance with his earthly father's pleasure was in consistent with his obedience to his heavenly one : his father, pressing his conformity to the customs and fashions of the times ; he, modestly craving leave to refrain from what would hurt his con science : his father, earnestly entreating him, and almost on his knees beseeching him to yield to his desire ; he, of a loving and tender disposition, in an extreme agony of spirit to behold his father's concern and trouble : his father, threatening to disinherit him; he, humbly submitting to his fa ther's will therein : his father, turning his back on him in anger ; he^ lifting up his heart to God for strength to support him in that time of trial." Convinced that it was in vain to attempt any farther to alter the general views of his son, the admiral agreed to give up the point, provided he could obtain one slight concession ; which was, that he would consent to sit with his hat off in his i 3 22 own presence, and in that of the king and the duke of York. William desired time to consider this proposition ; and perhaps it is to be regretted that he could not bring his mind to comply with it. His reasons, however, no doubt appeared sufficiently cogent to authorize his refusal ; for we find that, after being permitted to retire to his own chamber to consider the matter seriously, he declared his inability to comply. His answer, though couched in terms of the tenderest affec tion and filial submission, was more than his father could bear ; and, giving way to the violence of his anger, he once more turned his son out of doors. However we may regret William's refusal to yield to this apparently trifling mark of submission to his father's wishes, it is impossible not to reve rence the conscientious principles which dictated it. The deprivations to which it exposed him puts all doubt of the sincerity of his motives out of the question ; and we cannot, therefore, but sympa thize with him when we find him thrown upon the world, without even the means of support. He had no private fortune, nor had he been brought up to any trade or profession. But though his sudden change from affluence to poverty could not but have affected him very deeply, his chief con cern arose from the idea of having broken the peace of so worthy a parent. He bore his situa tion, however, with great resignation, supporting 23 himself with the comforts which religion afforded ; and it was not long before he found that, even in this forlorn state, he was not entirely deserted. His mother kept up a private communication with him, supplying him with money from her own purse, and several other kind friends also came with assistance. In 1668, being then twenty-four years of age, he came forward in the important character of a minister of the gospel, having before joined in membership with the society of Quakers. Soon after this time, he became involved in a contro versy with the minister of a Presbyterian congrega tion in Spitalfields, the particulars of which we will not attempt to detail ; suffice it to say, that as his opponent refused to give him an opportunity of a personal discussion of his sentiments, he de termined upon doing it by means of the press. He therefore published "The Sandy Foundation Shaken," in which he treated many of what were considered important points of religion, particu larly the doctrine of the trinity, in a manner which gave 'great offence to many. Amongst those who took umbrage at it, the bishop of Lon don was the most conspicuous. By this means it became an affair of public animadversion, and William Penn was soon afterwards apprehended, and sent a prisoner to the Tower. 24 In his confinement he was treated with great severity. He was not only kept a close prisoner, but forbidden the sight of any of his friends ; in addition to which he was told, that the bishop of London was resolved he should either publicly recant or die in prison. But he who for conscience sake had suffered himself to be driven from the roof of a parent whom he loved and revered was not to be subdued by such a threat. In his reply to the bishop, instead of making any mean concessions, he gave him to understand, " that he would weary out the malice of his enemies by his patience ; that great and good things were seldom obtained with out loss and hardships; that the man who would reap and not labour must faint with the wind and perish in disappointments; and that his prison should be his grave before he would renounce his just opinions; for that he owed his conscience to no man." Whilst confined in the Tower he amused him self, as well satisfied his conscience, by writing; and produced at this time his " No Cross, no Crown" — as well as another work, called " Innocency with her Open Face," intended as an explanation of "The Sandy Foundation Shaken," which he un derstood had been much misrepresented. Soon after the publication of " Innocency with her Open Face," he was discharged from the Tower, after having been a prisoner there for seven months. 25 His discharge came suddenly from the king, who had been prevailed upon by the duke of York to grant it. It is not known whether his liberation was occasioned by a request from his father or was granted merely in compliment to him; but there is every reason to believe that he owed it simply to his family connections and not to any conviction of his innocence on the part of his per secutors. We are happy to observe, that about this time his father began to shew signs of relenting. His son's steady perseverance in the p^th he had cho sen, notwithstanding the many hardships he had undergone, no doubt convinced the admiral of his being actuated by strictly conscientious principles; and, under such a conviction, it was scarcely pos sible that his resentment should continue. We do not find, however, that he yielded at this time further than by permitting him to come to his house ; for he still refused to see him, but gave him a commission to execute some business for him in Ireland. This commission was cheerfully receiv ed ; for William, no doubt, felt happy in being able thus, to testify his readiness to obey the wishes of his father as far as it was in his power to do so without injuring his conscience. , Whilst in Ireland his time was divided between the execution of his father's business and what he 3* 26 deemed a due attention to his religious concerns, particularly in visiting those of his poor brethren who were in prison for conscience sake. To these, however, visits of sympathy were not the only kind ness which he shewed. He drew up an account of their Cases in the form of an address, and pre sented it with his own hand to the lord lieute nant, and exerted so much zeal himself, as well as interesting his father and many other people of power in their favour, that he at length obtained an order in council for their release. On his re turn from Ireland, a complete reconciliation took place between him and his father, to the joy of all concerned, but particularly of his mother, and he once more fixed his residence under the paternal roof. In the year 1670 the Conventicle act was pas sed by parliament, which prohibited Dissenters from worshipping God according to their own ideas of duty. It is believed to have originated with some of the bishops, and must ever be a last ing stain upon the memory of those by whom it was suggested. But it is not to be supposed that the laws of man, however arbitrary, would have power to deter William Penn from pursuing the path which he believed to be right. Accordingly, he and several others proceeded as usual to the meeting house in Gracechurch street, which they found guarded by a band of soldiers. Not being 27 allowed to enter, they remained about the door, where they were joined by others till they became a very considerable assembly. William Penn now began to preach, but had not gone far before he and another of the society, named William Mead, were seized by constables, who produced warrants signed by Sir Samuel Starling, then lord mayor. They were immediately conveyed to Newgate, there to await their trial at the next session of the Old Bailey. On the first of September the trial came on ; and though it is in our power to give only a cur sory view of the proceedings, it is hoped that the slight sketch which will be found here will not fail of interesting our readers. The jury, who were impanelled, and who deserve to have their names handed down to the respect and gratitude of future generations, were, Thomas Veer, Edward Bushel, John Hammond, Charles Milson, Gregory Walklet, John Brightman, Wil liam Plunistead, Henry Henley, James Damask, Henry Michel, William Lever, and John Baily. The indictment stated, amongst other false hoods, that the prisoners had preached^ to an un lawful, seditious, and riotous assembly; that their meeting had been by previous agreement ; and that it had been by force of arms, to the great terror 28 and disturbance of many of his majesty's liege sub jects. Little was done the first day. The priso ners, after having been brought twice into court, were set aside, to wait till the conclusion of some other trials, as a further mark, no doubt, of con tempt and scorn. On the third, they were again brought to the bar. One of the officers, as they entered, pulled off their hats ; at which the lord mayor was exceedingly irritated, and in a stern voice ordered him to put them on again. On his being obeyed, the recorder fined each of the prisoners forty marks, observing that their being there with covered heads amounted to a contempt of court. The witnesses were then called in and exami ned. The substance of the testimony which they gave was, that, on the fifteenth of August, they had seen William Penn speaking to about four hun dred people, assembled in Gracechurch street, but could not make out a word he said. That Wil liam Mead had also been heard to say something, but nobody could tell what. This testimony be ing given, William Penn acknowledged that both he and his friend were present at the time and place mentioned. Their object in being there was to wojship God. " We are so far," says he, " from recanting, or declining to vindicate the assembling of ourselves to preach, pray, or wor ship the eternal, holy, just God, that we declare 29 to all the world, that we do believe it to be our in dispensable duty to meet incessantly upon so good an account ; nor shall all the powers upon earth be able to divert us from reverencing and adoring our God who made us." As soon as he had pro nounced these words, Brown, one of the sheriffs, exclaimed, that he was there not for worshipping God, but for breaking the law. William Penn declared that he had broken no law, and desired to know by what law he was prosecuted. The recorder answered, " The common law." Wil liam begged to know where that law was to be found. The recorder replied, that he did not think it worth while to examine all the adjudged cases for so many years which they called common law, to satisfy his curiosity. Penn answered, very significantly, that if the law were common, he thought it should not be so hard' to find out. After a grieat deal of insolent and unjust beha viour on the part of the mayor and recorder, and a great deal, of manly and pertinent argument on the part of Penn, they again remanded him to prison. But hearing a part of the charge to the jury as he was retiring, he made a stop, and, rais ing hia voice, exclaimed aloud, "I appeal to the jury, who are my judges, and this great assembly, whether the proc.eedings of the court are not most arbitrary, and void of all law, in endeavouring to give the jury their charge in the alienee of the 30 prisoners. I say it is directly opposite to, and de structive of, the undoubted right of every English prisoner, as Coke on the chapter of Magna Charta speaks." But this remonstrance had no effect ; the prison ers were forced to their cells. The jury were now ordered to agree upon their verdict. Four, who shewed themselves disposed to favour the prison ers, were abused and actually threatened by the recorder. They were then all of them sent out of court. On being summoned again, they deliv ered their verdict unanimously, Guilty of speaking in Gracechurch street. The magistrates on the bench now loaded the jury with reproaches. They refused to take the verdict, and immediately ad journed the court, sending them away for half an hour to reconsider it. That time having expired, th% court again sat. The prisoners were summon ed to the bar, and the jury again called upon for their verdict. It was given in the same as before, with this difference only, that it was then in writ ing with the signature of all their names. The magistrates, enraged beyond measure at the conduct of the jury, did not scruple to express themselves in the most abusive terms in open court. The recorder then addressed them as follows: "Gentlemen, you shall not be dismissed till we have a verdict such as the court will accept; aijd 31 you shall be locked up without meat, drink, fire, and tobacco : you shall not think thus to abuse the court : we will have a verdict by the help of God, or you shall starve for it." William Penn remon strated against the injustice of thus seeking to ter rify the jui-y into changing their verdict. Then, turning to the jury, he said emphatically, "You are Englishmen. Mind your privilege. Give not away your right." In this manner they proceeded, — the court al ternately calling upon the jury for their verdict, and- then remanding them to confinement because it was not such as they liked, till the fifth day. The jury had then been two days and two nights without refreshment of any kind. But they ex- •hibited even amidst such hardships an example of the steady independence of an English jury which must ever be an honour to their country. Despairing of a verdict more in unison with their wishes, these arbitrary persecutors were obliged to shift their ground ; and, pretending that both the prisoners and the jury had refused to pay the court fines, which they, however, had levied without a shadow of justice, they ordered them all to New gate. As no confinement was likely to induce William Penn to comply with an unjust extortion, it is impossible to say how long he might have re mained a prisoner had not his father sent the mo ney privately and thus procured his liberation. 32 The jury, we find, were soon after released, as their confinement was. proved to be illegal. The oppression and persecution which William Penn had experienced had served greatly to en dear him to the heart of his father. Of his excel lent moral qualities and amiable dispositions he had always been well persuaded ; but when he saw a son whom he esteemed and loved, however wide ly he had differed from him in religion, reviled, persecuted, and imprisoned, his heart clung to him with more than usual affection. In addition to these circumstances, his own health had long been declining, and he had no hope of recovery. Under the pressure of sickness and premature old age, which had been brought on by change of climate and hard service, his bosom panted for the kind* and tender ofiifces of an affectionate son. During his illness, every day's experience seemed to ren der that son dearer to him, and being well aware that, with the religious opinions which he enter tained, the existing laws of the country would continually expose him to suffering, he determined to make a death bed request to the duke of York, that-he would both grant to him his own and en deavour to procure the king's protection. To this request a satisfactory answer, promising their ser vices, was received from both. A short time after this his son was thus addressed by him : " Son Wil liam, I am weary of the world ! I would not live 33 over my days again, if I could command them with a wish ; for the snares of life are greater than the fears of death. This troubles me, that I have of fended a gracious God. The thought of this has followed me to this day. Oh ! have a care of sin ! It is that which is the sting both of life and death. Three things I commend to you : — First, let no thing in this world tempt you to wrong your cop- science. I charge you do nothing against your conscience ; so will you keep peace at home, which will be a feast to you in a day of trouble. Secondly, whatever you design to do, lay it justly, and time it seasonably ; for that gives security and dispatch. Thirdly, be not troubled at disappointments ; for if they may be recovered, do it ; if they cannot, trou ble is then vain. If you could not have helped it, be content ; there is often peace and profit in sub mitting to Providence; for afflictions make wise. If you could have helped it, let not your trouble exceed instruction for another time. These rules will carry you with firmness and comfort through this inconstant world." This venerable old man seems to have met the immediate approach of death with exemplary calm ness. Looking at his son with the most compos ed countenance, he said, " Son William ! if you and your friends keep to your plain way of preaching, and keep to your plain way of living, you will make an end of the priests to the end of 4 34 the world. — Bury me by my mother. — Live all in love. — Shun all manner of evil — and I pray to God to bless you all ; and he will bless you all." He expired very soon after. We cannot but ad mire the amiable ingenuousness of the admiral's last words. And as his frank avowal of his errors proves them to have arisen from irritability of tem per rather than badness of heart, it is impossible not to accept his conduct afterwards as a full atonement. Indeed it is scarcely possible to wonder at the conduct which he pursued when we consider the peculiar circumstances of the case. Accustomed as the admiral had been to a gay and licentious court, where the self denying spirit of religion was altogether unknown, it is not to be wondered that its angelic form, when brought forward to his view in the character of his youth ful son, was mistaken for obstinacy and self will. For who could have expected that one so young, and at a period too when vice was fashion, dissi pation elegance, and a dereliction of principle wit and spirit, should have courage to look upon the glittering baubles of rank, titles, and splendour by which he was surrounded in their true light, and casting them all behind him aim only at that true greatness of soul which genuine piety alone , can bestow. We find however that, when time had proved the firmness of his son's principles and the purity of his motives, he yielded gradually to their influence, and at length died in the con- 35 viction that his son had chosen the only certain road to happiness. The death of his father put William Penn into the possession of an annual income of fifteen hun dred pounds sterling, a sum which, at that time, was sufficient to render him not only independent but rich. But though now placed in affluence, without any claims upon his public exertions except what his active and ardent mind suggested, he was as little disposed as ever to rest from his labours ; but spent a considerable time after the death of his father in travelling about and practis ing the duties of a public minister. On his return to London he experienced another of those violent outrages against liberty and the rights of conscience by which he had before been visited. Whilst preaching in a meeting house belonging to the Quakers, in Wheeler street, he was pulled down from his place and conducted to the Tower by officers sent for the purpose. It was not long before he was brought up for exami nation before Sir John Robinson, one of those gentlemen who had been on the bench on his former trial. It appears that, so far from being ashamed of the part he had then taken, this officer of justice, whose duty it was to protect the rights and liber ties of his country, was fully disposed to act it over again. Being baffled in his other attemptat 36 convicting him, he had recourse to extorting from his prisoner the oath of allegiance, well knowing that his religious opinions forbade his taking it ; whilst a. refusal to do so, when legally offered, was imprisonment by law. William Penn refused, as he expected ; when a long conversation ensued, in which Penn argued with him for some time with great coolness, till his illiberal persecutor, ventur ing to impeach his moral character, his whole- frame seemed to be set on fire, and, with all the ardour of conscious innocence, he exclaimed, " I make this bold challenge to all men, women, and children upon earth, justly to accuse me with having seen me drunk, heard me swear, utter a curse, or speak one obscene word, much less that I ever made it my practice. I speak this to God's glory, who has ever preserved me from the power of these pollutions, and who from a child begot an hatred in me towards them. But there is nothing more common than, when men are of a more severe life than ordinary, for loose persons to com fort themselves with the conceit, that these were once as they themselves are ; and as if there was no collateral or oblique line of the compass, or globe, from which men might be said to come to the arctic pole, but directly and immediately from the antarctic. Thy words shall be thy burthen, and I trample thy slander as dirt under my feet." The conversation ended by sir John Robinson in forming him that he must send him for six months 37 to Newgate, at the expiration of which time he might come out. To which William Penn im mediately replied, "And is that alH Thou well knowest a larger imprisonment has not daunted me. I accept it at the hand of the Lord, and am contented to suffer his will. Alas ! you mistake your interest. This is not the way to compass your ends. I would have thee and all men know, that I scorn that religion which is not worth suf fering for, and able to sustain those that are afflict ed for it. Thy religion persecutes, and mine for gives. I desire God to forgive you all that are concerned in my commitment, and I leave you all in perfect charity, wishing your everlasting salva tion." — After this he was conducted to Newgate to undergo the punishment to which he was sen tenced. During the time of his imprisonment he kept himself constantly employed in writing, and at the expiration of the period of his confinement he took a journey to Holland and Germany, for the purpose of spreading his religious principles ; but no very important particulars are handed down of his proc eedings whilst abroad. Soon after his re turn home, he married Gulielma Maria Springett, the daughter of sir William Springett of Darling, in Sussex — a lady much admired for the superiority both of her personal and mental endowments. 4* 38 After this marriage, they took up their residence at Rickmansworth in Hertfordshire. Though possessed of ample means for enjoying a life of retirement and leisure, William Penn was far from partaking of its allurements ; for, hav ing entered on the important office of a minister of the gospel, he was far from seeking to escape its fatigues : his time was spent in preaching, writing, and vindicating the cause of the oppressed. Amongst his writings at this time are two letters written to two women of quality, in Germany, who had shewn great liberality in granting asylums to persons that had been persecuted for their reli gion, as well as having evinced great seriousness of disposition themselves. These ladies were the princess Elizabeth, daughter of the deceased Frederic the fifth prince palatine of the Rhine and king of Bohemia and granddaughter of king James the first; and Anna Maria de Homes, countess of Homes, the friend and companion of the former. In addition to his other avocations, he about this time became a manager of colonial concerns in New Jersey in North America; a situation which proved of the utmost importance in bringing him, by degrees, to the formation of a colony of his own. The nature of his situation was that of joint trus tee for a person of the name of Byllinge, who had 39 purchased Lord Berkeley's share of the above mentioned colony, but who, having impoverished himself by the purchase, was obliged to deliver over his property in trust for his creditors, and had earnestly solicited William Penn to accept the charge in conjunction with Gawen Laurie of Lon don and Nicholas Lucas of Hertford, two of the creditors. His new office required great exertion, and, with his usual alacrity, he immediately plunged into business. His first step was to agree with sir George Carteret, the proprietor of the other half of New Jersey, about the division of the province. The eastern half, which was tolerably well peo pled, was allotted to the latter, and the western, in which no settlements had yet been made, was re served for Byllinge : from this division they took the names of East and West New Jersey. It was now necessary to form a constitution for those who might settle in the new colony, and this task fell almost exclusively upon William Penn. The great outline of his laws may not be uninte resting, as a specimen of the liberality and good sense of their framer. The people were to meet annually to choose one honest man for each pro prietary. Those who were thus chosen were to sit in assembly, and were there to make, alter, and- repeal laws. They were there also to choose a 40 governor or commissioner with twelve assistants, who were to execute those laws, but only during the pleasure of the electors. Every man was to be capable both of choosing and being chosen. No man was to be arrested, imprisoned, or con demned in his estate or liberty but by twelve men of the neighbourhood. No man was to be impri soned for debt, but his estate was to satisfy his creditors as far as it would go, and then he was to be set at liberty to work again for himself and family. No man was to be interrupted or mo lested on account of his religion. By these sim ple outlines, " he hoped that he had laid a founda tion for those in after ages to understand their liberty both as men and Christians, and by an ad herence to which they could never be brought into bondage but by their own consent." Having made these and other arrangements, he and his colleagues circulated a letter, in which they particularly invited those of their own reli gious society to become settlers. We shall give an extract of this letter as an illustration of that conscientious integrity for which William Penn was so remarkable, as well as that liberality and tenderness towards the feelings and opinions of others which he not only always inculcated but invariably practised. After a concise description of the place and an explanation of their right and title, this letter proceeds thus — 41 " As to the printed paper, some time since set forth by the creditors as a description of that province, we say, as to two passages in it, they are not so Clearly and safely worded as ought to have been, particularly in seeming to hint, the winter season to be so short time, when, on fur ther information, we hear it is sometimes longer, and sometimes shorter, than therein expressed : and the last clause, relating to liberty of con science, we would not have any to think that it is promised or intended, to maintain the liberty of the exercise of religion by force of arms ; though we shall never consent to any the least violence on conscience, yet it was never designed to en courage any to expect by force of arms to have liberty of conscience fenced against invaders thereof. " And be it known unto you all, in the name and fear of Almighty God, his glory and honour, power and wisdom, truth and kingdom, is dearer to us than all visible things ; and as our eye has been single, and our hearts sincere, in the living God, in this,, as in other things, so we desire all whom it may concern, that all groundless jealousies may be judged down and watched against ; and that all extremes may be avoided on all hands by the power of the Lord ; that nothing which hurts or grieves the holy life of truth in any that goes or stays may be adhered to, nor any provocation given to break precious unity. 42 " This am I, William Penn, moved of the Lord to write unto you, lest any bring a temptation upon themselves or others ; and, in offending the Lord, slay their own peace. Blessed are they that can see and behold him their leader, their orderer, their preserver, and conducter in staying and going, whose is the earth and the fulness thereof, and the cattle upon a thousand hills. And, as we formerly writ, we cannot but repeat our request unto you, that, in whomsoever a desire is to be concerned in this intended plantation, such would vi^eigh the thing before the Lord, and not headily or rashly conclude on any such remove ; and that they do not offer violence to the tender love of their near kindred and relations, but soberly and conscien tiously endeavour to obtain their good will, the unity of friends, where they live, that, whether they go or stay, it may be of good favour before the Lord, and good people, from whom only can all heavenly and earthly blessings come." The spirit of forbearance and kindness that^s here displayed cannot be too deeply studied, or too closely imitated, by all the friends of peace of the present day. For if there was a danger of its being violated at that time, when but a few friends were to be associated together in a place where they would be removed almost beyond the reach of temptation, how much more must there now be when a numerous population produces 43 all the variety of opinion incident to the human mind, and where a thousand temptations lie in wait to entice the yielding heart from the divine rule of " do as ye would be done unto." In the commencement of the year 1677 we find that WiLLLiAM Penn had removed from his house at Rickmansworth, and had taken possession of another at Worminghurst, in Sussex, where in the quiet of retirement he occupied himself with his usual diligence in the affairs of his new colony. It interested his attention both on account of the person for whom he acted, and as affording him a more extensive sphere of usefulness. The circu lar letter above mentioned had been the means of his receiving many applications for shares in the new settlement, and he and his colleagues at length determined to appoint and send over com missioners who should be empowered to purchase lands of the Indians, to adjust rights, to lay out allotments, and to administer, for the first year, the government according to the spirit of the laws laid down. They then made proposals for the immediate sale of the lands, which, on account of the high esteem in which William Penn was held, were no sooner made than aecepted ; and it was not long before nearly two hundred persons set sail for their new territories. But, amidst his engagements of this nature, he 44 was called upon to interest himself about affairs of a more domestic nature. The Catholics having acted in many respects in such a manner as to ex cite the strongest alarm and suspicion, the various acts which had been passed against them began to be enforced with the utmost rigour. Unfortunately for the other Dissenters it was difficult to make a distinction, as they all came under that denomina tion, though the laws had been intended for the Catholics only. The hardships to which they were thus exposed at length came under the considera tion of parliament, and a clause was added to a bill, at that time about to be passed against Po pery, discriminating between Protestant Dissen ters and Papists, and clearing those by the law who were willing to take the oath and subscribe the declaration contained in it. Still, however, the situation of the Quakers continued the same ; for, their religion forbidding them to swear, they were deprived of the intended benefit. William Penn, therefore, drew up a petition, requesting that, in the discriminating clause then under consi deration, the word of a Quaker might be taken in stead of his oath, with the proviso, however, that if any such person should be detected in a false hood he should undergo the same punishment as if he had taken a false oath. On the petition being presented, he was admitted to a hearing before a committee of the house of commons, vvhen he made the following address : 45 "If we ought to believe that it is our duty, ac cording to the doctrine of the apostle, to be always ready to give an account of the hope that is in us, and this to every sober and private inquirer, cer tainly much more ought we to hold ourselves ob liged to declare with all readiness, when called to it by so great an authority, what is not our hope ; especially when our very safety is eminently con cerned in so doing, and when we cannot decline this discrimination of ourselves from Papists with out being conscious to ourselves of the guilt of our own sufferings, for so must every man needs be who suffers iriutely under another character than that which truly belongeth to him and his belief. That which giveth ihe a more than ordi nary right to speak at this time, and in this place, is the great abuse which I have received above any other Bf my profession ; for of a long time I have not only been supposed a Papist, but a seminary, a Jesuit, an emissary of Rome, and in pay from the pope ; a man dedicating my endeavours to the in terests and advancements of that party. Nor hath this been the report of the rabble, but the jealousy and insinuation of persons otherwise sober and discreet. Nay, some zealots for the Protestant religion have been so far gone in this mistake, as not only to think ill of us, and decline our con versation, but to take courage to themselves to prosecute us for a sort of concealed Papists; and the truth is, that, what with one thing and what 5 46 with another, we have been as the woolsacks and common whipping stock of the kingdom : all laws have been let loose upon us, as if the design were not to reform, but to destroy us; and this not for what we are, but for what we are not. It is hard that t«e must thus bear the stripes of another inte rest, and be their proxy in punishment ; but it is worse that some men can please themselves in such a sort of administration. But mark : I would not be mistaken. / am tar from thinking; it fit, be cause I exclaim against the injustice of whipping Quakers for Papists, that Papists should be whip ped for their consciences. No : for though the hand, pretended to be lifted up against them, hath, I know not by what discretion, lighted heavily upon us, and we complain, yet we do not mean that any should take afresh aim at them, or that they should come in our room; for we must give the liberty we ask, and cannot be false to our princi ples, though it were to relieve ourselves; for we have good will to all men, and would have none suffer for a truly sober and conscientious dissent on any hand. And I humbly take leave to add, that those methods against persons so qualified do not seem to me to be convincing, or indeed adequate to the reason of mankind ; but this I sub mit to your consideration. To cqnclude : I hope we shall be held excused of the men of that (the Roman Catholic) profession in giving this distin guishing declaration, since it is not with design to 47 expose them, but, first, to%pay that regard we owe to the inquiry of this committee, and, in the next place, to relieve ourselves from the daily spoil and ruin which now attend and threaten many hun dreds of families, by the execution of laws which, we humbly conceive, were never made against us." The justice and liberality of this Speech made a considerable impression on his hearers ; and the attention which he had received induced him to address the committee a second time, from the idea that there were other subjects on which he could give them a satisfactory explanation, and ni£^ke both himself and those whose cause he es poused better known. He therefore addressed them again in the following words : " The Candid hearing our sufferings have feceiv- ed from you, and the fair and easy entertainment you have given us, oblige me to add whgttever can increase your satisfaction about us. I hope you do not believe I would tell you a lie. I am sure I should choose an ill time and place to tell it in ; but I thank God it is too late in the day for that. There are some ''here who have known me formerly. I believe they will say I was never that man : and it would be hard if, after a voluntary neglect of the advantages of this world, I should sit down in my retirement short of common truth. 48 " Excuse the length|Df my introduction ; it is for this I make it. I was bred a Protestant, and that strictly too. I lost nothing by time or study. For years, reading, travel, and observation, made the religion of my education the religion of my judgment. My alteration hath brought none to that belief; and though the posture I am in may seem odd or strange to you, yet I am conscien tious ; and, till you know me better, I hope your charity will call it rather my urihappiness than my crime. I do tell you again, and here solemnly de clare, in the presence of Almighty God, and be fore you all, that the profession I now make, and the society I now adhere to, have been so far from altering that Protestant judgment I had, that I am not conscious to myself of having receded from an iota of ^ny one principle-maintainedJjy-^hose-first Protestants and reformers of Germany, and our own martyrs at home, against the see of Rome. On the contrary, I do with great truth assure you, that we are of the same negative faith with the ancient protestant church ; and upon occasion shall be ready, by God's assistance, to make it ap pear, that we are of the same belief as to the most fundamental positive articles of her creed too : and therefore it is we think it hard, that though we deny in common with her those doctrines of Rome so zealously protested against (from whence the name Protestants), yet that we should be so unhappy as to suffer, and that with extreme se- 49 verity, by those very laws on purpose made against the maintainers of those doctrines which we do so deny. We choose no suffering ; for God knows what we have already suffered, and .how many ; sufficient and trading families are reduced to great poverty by it. We think ourselves an useful peo ple ; we are sure we are a peaceable people : yet if we must still suffer, let us not suffer as Popish recusants, but as Protestant Dissenters. " But I would obviate another objection, and that none of the least that hath been made against us, namely, that we are enemies to government in general, and particularly dissatisfied to that which we live under. I think it not amiss, but very rea sonable, yea^jmy duty, now to declare to you, and this I do %itn good conscience, in the sight of Almighty God, first, that we believe government to be God's ordinance; and next, that this present government is established by the providence of God and the law of the land, and that it is our christian duty readily to obey it in all its just laws, and wherein we cannot comply through ten derness of conscience, in all such cases not to re vile or conspire against the government, buLwith christian humility and patience tire out aUrmis- takes about us, and wait the better information of those who, we believe, do as undeservedly as se verely treat us ; and I know not what greater 5* 50 security can be given by any people, or how any government can be easier from the subjects of it. "I shall -conclude with this, that we are so far from esteeming it hard or ill that this house hath put us upon this discrimination ; that, on the con trary, we value it, as we ought to do, a high favour, and cannot choose but see and humbly acknowledge God's providence therein, that you should give us this fair occasion to discharge our selves of a burden we have not With more patience than injustice suffered but too many years under. And I hope our conversation shall always manifest the grateful resentment of our minds for the justice and civility of this opportunity^ and so I pray God direct you." ^ These two speeches had the desired effect of removing a considerable degree of suspicion which had existed against the Quakers as disaffected subjects. The consequence was, the committee agreed to insert a clause, to the purport William Penn had suggested^iin the bill then, in agftation. This clause was reported to the house of commons, and^ctually passed there, after which it was car- riecMo the house of lords ; but before it had pas sed a third time through that assembly the parlia ment was prorogued, and the clause thus rendered useless. 51 About this time (in the year 1681) he became ^^gig^in the arrangement of his father's affairs, and finding that the government owed the suih of sixteen thousand pounds sterling to him as his father's executor for arrears of pay and for money advanced, he proposed that instead of its being paid to him in cash the king should make over to him by letters patent a tract of land situated on the west side of the river Delaware in North America. There is no doubt that he was first led to this idea by the knowledge which he had gained of the country in his management of West Jersey. * He was besides both anxious to have a secure retreat to offer those who were suffering under the perse cutions in which he knew so' well how to sympa thize and to establish such a form of government as should, as he says, serve as an example to other nations. It was not merely that he desired to fa vour and protect his own particular party, for he, as his biographer Proud expresses himself, like a " universal father, opened his arms to all mankind, without distinction of sect or party. In his re public it was not the religious creed, but personal merit, that entitled every member of society to the protection and emolument of the state ;" and these sentiments he himself thus confirms : ,'; And now give me leave to say, I have served the Lord, his truth and people, in my day, to my ability, and not sought myself, though much spent 52 myself; so has he firmly made me to believe, that I shall not, even outwardly, go witho^my re ward ; I see his blessed hand therein that has bles sed my faith and patience and long attendance with success. And because I have been some what exercised, at times, about the nature and end of government among men, it is reasonable to ex pect that I should endeavour to establish a just and righteous one in this province; that others may take example by it ; — truly this my heart de- sir- .. For the nations want a precedent: and till vice'' and corrupt manners be impartially rebuked and punished,, and till virtue and sobriety be che rished, the wrath of God will hang over nations. I do, therefore, desire the Lord's wisdom to guide me, and those that may be concerned with me ; that we may do the thing that is truely wise and just." And again : "For my country, I eyed th^Lord in obtaining it ; and mor^ was I drawn inward to look to him, and to owe it to his hand and power, than to any other way ; I have so obtained it, and desire to keep it; that I may not be unworthy of his love ; but do that which may answer his kind Provi dence, and serve histruth and people : that an ex ample may be set up to the nations : there may be room there, though not here, for such an holy ex periment." 53 And a contemporary writer thus expresses him self, when speaking of William Penn's becoming proprietor of Pennsylvania : " Mr William Penn, an eminent Quaker and a gentleman of great knowledge and true philosophy, had it granted to him at this time ; which he designed for a retreat or asylum for the people of his religious persuasion, then made uneasy at home through the bigotry of spiritual courts, &c. Mr Penn, therefore, carried thither with him a large embarkation of those Quakers ; afterwards, from time to time, joined \m many more from Britain and Ireland. At his first arrival there he found many English families in it, and consider able numbers of Dutch and Swedes ; who all rea dily suhmitted-J^o-lMB-^wiwc— and—eiLc&llent regula tions ; which highly merit to be known by all persons who would apply to colonizing. The true wisdom, as well as equity, of his unlimited tolerations of all religious persuasions, as well as his kind, just, and prudent treatment of the native Indians; also his laws, policy, and government; so endeared him to the planters, and so widely spread the fame of his whole economy, that, although so lately planted, it is thought, at this day (about the year 1760), to have more white people in it than any other colony on all the continent of English America, New England alone excepted." sT This application for the land met with consider able opposition, but was at length decided in his favour; and he was, by charter dated at Westmin ster the 4th of March 1681 and signed by writ of privy seal, made and constituted full and absolute proprietor of the tract of land which he had point ed out, and invested with the power of ruling and governing it according to his judgment. The charter was made out under the name of Pennsyl vania, a name fixed upon by the king as a token of respect to admiral Penn, though much against the wishes of the son, who was apprehensive of its being construed inl^ a proof of ostentation in him self, and was desirous of having it called either New Wales or Sylvania only ; but the king said it was passed, and that he would take the naming of it upon himsei^^^deterniiiratioirtbi- which-jKe can not but feel obliged to him, since all must be gra tified at having the name of its venerable founder thus held in honourable remembrance throughout the state. Having now become the proprietor of a colony of his own, William Penn found it necessary to resign his charge of West New Jersey. This, however, he did with less reluctance, as he had brought it, by this time, to such a state of maturity that it was likely to go on without his assistance. He had sent over about fourteen hundred people, of whom those who were come to an age to have 65 a character were all persons of great respectabi lity. The town of Burlington had been built. Farms had taken the place of a wilderness of trees. Roads had been made. Religious meeting houses had been reared instead of tents covered with can vas. The town was under the government of a respectable magistracy, and the Indians in the vicinity converted into friendly and peaceable neighbours. Under these flourishing circum stances, he felt little regret at leaving it and turn ing Jiis attention to his new concern, which he commenced by drawing up an account of the pro vince granted him under the great seal of England. To this account he annexed a copy of the char ter, as well as the terms on which he meant to dispose of his land. In addition to this, he added the following admonition : " I desire all my dear country folks, who may be inclined to go into those parts, to consider seriously the premises, as well the inconveniency as future ease and plenty; that so none may move rashly, or from a fickle, but Irom a solid, mind, having above all things an eye to the providence of God in the disposing of them selves ; and I would further advise all such at least to have the permission, if not the good liking, of all their near relations, for that is both natural and a duty incumbent upon all. And by this, both na tural affections and a friendly and profitable cor respondence will be preserved between them, in all which I beseech Almighty God to direct us; that his blessing may attend our honest endeavours, and then the consequence of all our undertakings will turn to the glory of his great name, and all true happiness to us and our posterity." We have in this admonition a striking display of the amiable and conscientious character of him by whom it was issued; and cannot but be struck with the contrast which we find in it to the proposals but too common in the present day of those wh® are ambitious of becoming founders of new colonies, but unfortunately commence their undertaking by setting ^religion, law, and morality at defiance. He shews, by the terms in which all his proposals are couched, his conviction that a strict adherence to every religious and moral obligation can alone give permanency to any undertaking ; and we, who now live in the second century from the establish ment of his noble project and are witnesses of the unparalleled success with which it has been crown ed, cannot fail to admire and revere ||,he wisdom of him by whom it was planned. These reflections apply with peculiar force at this time, when at tempts are making to settle communities and form bonds of union under a system the leading articles of which reject every religious principle and social obligation. The history of these fanatical move ments to overturn the settled order of society will shew that whatever is intended for the permanent 57 amelioration of society must have its foundations laid deep in Christian morality. Man was born with a nature which requires' the ties of religion, family, and friendship, to satisfy the cravings of his heart. He may increase in wealth and power ; he may extend his possessions to such a distance as to gratify his pride and almost satiate his ambition ; but unless the heart approve the means which have been used, and the natural affections be kept in constant exercise, time will soon prove that he re quires a more solid groundwork on which to rest his hopes of happiness than any thing on which he has founded theni. Amongst the stipulations to be agreed upon be fore the purchase of land, were many very admira ble regulations — such as, that one acre of trees should be left for every.five that were cleared, and that oaks and mulberries should, in particular, be preserved, as necessary for -the production of silk and the building of ships. But our respect for the -wisdom and prudence of the governor is especially excited by the provisions, he made respecting the Indians. " In their behalf," we are told by Clark- son, " it was stipulated, that, as it had been usual with planters to overreach them in various ways, whatever was sold to them in consideration of their furs should be sold in the public market place, and there suffer the test, whether good or bad: if good, to pass; if not good, not to be sold 6 58 for good ; that the said native Indians might nei ther be abused nor provoked. That no man should, by any ways or means, in word or deed, affront or wrong any Indian, but he should incur the same penalty of the law as if he had committed it against his fellow planter; and if any Indian should abuse, in word or deed, any planter of the province, that the said planter should not be his own judge upon the said Indian, but that he should make his complaint to the governor of the pro vince, or his deputy, or some inferior magistrate near him, who should to the utmost of his power take care with the king of the said Indian, that all reasonable satisfaction should be made to the said injured planter ; and that all differences between planters and Indians should be ended by twelve men, that is, by six planters and six Indians, that so they might live friendly together, as much as in them lay, preventing all occasions of heart burn ings and mischief." There is no doubt that the humanity and love of equity which formed so conspicuous a part of William Penn's character would without any pre vious experience have led him to a similar mode of conduct towards these children of the forest to that which he adopted, but he must likewise have been greatly confirmed in his judgment by their conduct towards the settlers of New Jersey, of whom Proud in his History of Pennsylvania gives 59 . an interesting account, and one which is calculated to make the most sceptical acknowledge their right to be treated as rational beings. It appears that some violent disorders had taken place be tween some Indians and the servants of some of the settlers ; and the natives, who, till corrupted by European vices, had never shewn any thing but the most friendly dispositions, finding that the cause of the evils which had arisen was drunkenness, had the resolution themselves to petition that the selling of ardent spirits might be absolutely pro hibited. A circumstance which presents a forci ble lesson to their more enlightened brethren of almost every civilized country. When ignorant of the nature and effects of strong liquors, intoxi cation in these poor Indians could not be called a crime; but when those who are well aware of their fatal consequences persevere in sacrificing every present and future good to this destructive vice, there is no such excuse to be offered for them. Happy would it be for the world, if even at this day mankind would receive a lesson from these unlettered savages, who, fearful of not having re solution to withstand temptation if still presented to them, earnestly requested to have it removed, whilst those who proudly boast of superiority in knowledge and refinement, vainly self confident, instead of seeking to avoid the allurement, pre tend boldly to face it, and only discover their own weakness by falling again and again into the . 60 fatal snare. Whilst possessed of so little virtue themselves it is not to be supposed that Europeans would feel much disposed to guard that of their Indian brethern ; we cannot thereibre be surprised to find that their request was not complied with, nor yet that the natives became but too readily victims to the snare, or rather yielded with inordi nate fondness to its enticements : but we must ever regret that so large a portion of their vices is to be thus ascribed to those whose duty it was, not only to guard them from an accumulation of crime, but to endeavour to soften their natures and en lighten their darkened minds. But this noble effort may almost be said to be the glory of Wil liam Penn alone, and his stipulations in their favour must ever be an honour to both his heart and head. In the present civilized state of so ciety it is a truth generally acknowledged, that all ranks and nations of men have a right to the justice and humanity of their fellow crea tures ; though it must at the same time be con fessed that whilst the right is acknowledged in words it is but too frequently denied in practice. But so long back as the sixteenth century, and in deed to a much later date, such claims were sel dom even thus far admitted ; power was the only rule of action ; and the poor uncultured savage was made to resign his dearest natural rights to the arbitrary will of European despots. Whilst justice and humanity were thus withheld from 61 those whose situation offered the most urgent ap peal for their exercise, the name of William Penn, the warm advocate of the oppressed, the dispenser of justice, and tho protector of liberty, shone forth in the western horizon like a splendid meteor, whose radiance was reflected on his native land ; and cold indeed must have been the heart that did not kindle with the fervour of esteem and admira tion. Determined to treat the Indians as rational be ings, who were capable of understanding and feel ing the language of kindness and good will, he addressed a letter to them, and sent it by the ear liest settlers that went over. This letter, we are persuaded, will be read with pleasure, as a speci men of the gentleness and benevolence of the heart which dictated it. London, 8th Mo. 1681. "My Friends, " There is a great God, and Power, which hath made the world and all things therein, to whom you and I and all people owe their being and well being, and to whom you and I must one day give an account for all that we have done in the world. " This great God has written his law in our hearts, by which we are taught and commanded to 6* 62 , love, and to help, and to do good to one another. Now this great God hath been pleased to make me concerned in your part of the world ; and the king of the country where I live hath given me a great province therein : but I desire to enjoy it with your love and consent, that we may always live together as neighbours and friends ; else what would the great God do to us, who hath made us (not to devour and destroy one another, but) to live soberly and kindly together in the world ? Now, I would have you well observe, that I am very sensible of the unkindness and injustice which have been too much exercised toward you by the people of these parts of the world, who have sought themselves to make great advantages by you, rather than to be examples of goodness and patience unto you. This I hear hath been a mat ter of trouble to you, and caused great grudging and animosities, sometimes to the shedding of blood, which hath made the great God angry. But I am not such a man, as is well known in my own country. I have great love and regard toward you, and desire to win and gain your love and friendship by a kind, just, and peaceable life ; and the people I send are of the same mind, and shall in all things behave themselves accord ingly ; and if in any thing any shall offend you or your people, you shall have a full and speedy satisfaction for the same, ,by an equal number of just men on both sides, that by no means you 63 may have just occasion of being offended against them. "I shall shortly come to see you myself, at which time we may more largely and freely confer- and discourse of these matters. In the mean time, I have sent my commissioners to treat with you about land and a firm league of peace. Let me desire you to be kind to them and the people, and receive the presents and to^ns which I have sent you, as a testimony of my good will to you, and of my resolution to live justly, peaceably, and friendly with you. " I am your loving friend, " William Penn." In a letter of instructions which he wrote at the same time, for the agents whom he sent over to take possession, he discovers so much tenderness towards those who were venturing their fortunes with him, and such caution, judgment, and fore sight in various other particulars, especially in the laying out of the great city as he prophetically calls it, that we deem ourselves particularly for tunate in being allowed to make the following ex tracts from the original which is in the possession of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. "Instructions givenby me William V^yy, proprie tor and governor of PWinsylvania, to my trusty 64 and loving friends, William Crispin, John Be- zar, and Nathaniel Mien, my commissioners for the settling of the present colony this year trans ported into the said province : — "That so soon as it shall please Almighty God to bring you well there, you take an especial care of the people that shall embark with you, that they may be accommodated with conveniences as to fopd, lodging, and safe pla^s for their goods, concern ing which my cousin William Markham, my deputy and now on the spot, will in a good measure be able to direct, that so none may be injured in their healths or estate^ in which if you find the Dutch, Swedes, or English of my side hard or griping, tak ing an advantage of your circumstances, give them to know that they will hurt themselves thereby, fdr you can for a time be supplied on the other side, which may awe them to moderate prices. "That having taken what care you can for the people's good in the respects above stated, let the rivers and creeks be sounded on my side of Delaware river, especially upland, in order to set tle a great town, and be sure to make your choice where it is most navigable, high, dry, and healthy, that is, where most ships may best ride, of deepest draught of water, — if possible, to load or unload at the bank or quay side v^ithout boating or littering of it. ' .-•{ '- 65 "It would do well if the river coming into that ereek be navigable at least for boats up into the country, and let the situation be high, at least dry and sound, and not swampy^ which is best known by digging up two or three earths and seeing the bottom. "Such a place being found out for navigation, healthy situation and good soil for provision, lay out ten thousand acres contiguous to it in the best manner you can as the bounds and extent of the liberties of the said town. "Be tender of offending the Indians, and hearken by honest spies if you can hear that any body in veighs the Indians not to sell, or to stand off an^ raise the value upon you. You cannot want those that will inform you ; but, to soften them to me and the people, let them know that you are come to sit down lovingly among them. Let my letter and conditions with my purchasers about just dealing with them be read in their tongue, that they may see we have their good in our eye equal with our own interest, and often reading my letter and the said conditions, then present their kings with what .I^send them and make a friendship and league with them according to those conditions, which carefully observe, and get them to comply with you. Be grave: they love not to be smiled upon. 66 "Be sure to settle the figure of the town so as that the streets hereafter may be uniform down to the water from the country bounds : let the place for the store house be on the middle of the quay which will yet serve for market and state houses too. This may be ordered vvhen I come, only let the houses be built on a line or upon a line as much as may be. " Pitch upon the very middle of the plat where the town or line of houses is tp be laid or run, fac ing the harbour and great river, for the situation of my house, and let it be not the tenth part of the town, as the conditions say (viz.) that out of every hundred thousand acres shall be reserved to me ten. But I shall be Contented with less than a thirtieth part, to wit three hundred acres, whereas several will have two by purchasing two shares, that is ten thousand acres, and it may be fitting for me to exceed a little. " The distance of each house from the creek or harbour should be in my judgment a measured quarter of a mile, at least two hundred paces, be cause of building hereafter streets downwards to the harbour. " Let every house be placed, if the person pleases, in the middle of its plat as to the breadth 67 way of it, that so there may be ground on each side for gardens or orchards or fields. That it may be a green country town which will never be burnt, and always be wholesome. " I judge that yp must be guided in your breadth of land by what you can get that is unplanted and will be parted with ; but, so far as I can guess at this distance, methinks, in a city, each share to have fifty poles upon the front to the river and the rest backward will be sufficient. But per haps you may haVe more and perhaps you will not have so much space to allow; herein follow your land and your situation, being always just to pro portion. " Be sure to keep the conditions hereunto af fixed, and see that no vice or evil conversation go uncomplained or' punished in any, that God be not provoked to wrath against the country." Not long after this, William Penn had the mis fortune to lose his mother. The death of a tender affectionate parent must ever be a severe trial to such a son, and to his mother he owed a more than common debt of gratitude. She had ever acted the part of a mediator between his father and him self, and had supported and comforted him during the time that he was banished from the paternal roof The grief which he experienced on this oc- 68 Gasion had a considerable effect on his health, though we cannot but suppose he resigned him self to the afflictive dispensation with the submis sion becoming a Christian. He was however drawn from the contemplation of this melancholy event by the attention which his colonial concerns required. His first care was to secure the posses sion both of the land first granted, and of another portion lying contiguous to it, and which was ob tained from the' duke of York. He next drew up and published a frame of government or constitu tion of Pennsylvania, to which he annexed a pre face which shews how dieeply the subjects of law and government had engrossed his attention. A short extract from this preface we will here insert, believing that the just and philosophical senti ments which it contains are not beyond the com prehension even of juvenile readers. " But, lastly, when all is said, there is hardly one frame of government in the world, so ill de signed by its first founders, that in good hands would not do well enough ; and story tells us, that the best in ill ones can do nothing that is great and good ; witness the Jewish and Roman states. Governments, like clocks, go from the motion men give them ; and as governments are made and moved by men, so by them they are ruined too. Wherefore, governments rather depend upon men than men upon governments. Let ifften be good, 69 and the government cannot be bad. If it be ill, they toill cure it. But if men be bad, let the govern ment be never so good, they will endeavour to warp and spoil it to their turn. " I know some say, let us have good laws, and no matter for the men that execute them. But let them consider, that though good laws do well good men do better ; for good laws may want good men, and be abolished or invaded by ill men ; but good men will never want good laws, nor suffer ill ones. 'Tis true good laws have sonie awe upon ill ministers, but that is where these have not power to escape or abolish them, and where the people are generally wise and good : but a loose and de praved people (which is to the question) love laws and an administration like themselves. That therefore which makes a good constitution must keep it; namely, men of wisdom and virtue, quali ties that, because they descend not with worldly inheritances, must be carefully propagated by a virtuous education of youth, for which after ages will owe more to the care and prudence of founders and the successive magistracy, than to their pa rents for their private patrimonies. " These considerations of the weight of govern ment, and the nice and various opinions about it, made it uneasy to me to think of publishing the ensuing frame and conditional laws, foreseeing 7 70 both the censures they will meet with from men of different humours and engagements, and the occasion they may give of discourse beyond my design. " But next to the power of necessity, which is a solicitor that will take no denial, this induced me to a compliance, that we have, with reverence to God and good conscience to men, to the best of our skill contrived and composed the frame and laws of this government to the great end of go vernment, to support power in reverence with the people, and to secure the people from the abuse of power, that they may be free by their just obe dience, and the magistrates honourable for their just administration ; for liberty without obedience is confusion, and obedience without liberty is sla very. To carry this evenness is partly owing to the constitution, and partly to the magistracy. Where either of these fail, government will be subject to convulsions ; but where both are wanting, it must be totally subverted : then where both meet, the government is like to endure, which I humbly pray and hope God will please to make the lot of this of Pennsylvania. Antien." As the time for his setting sail drew near, how ever, the claims of conjugal and parental affection began to weigh heavy on his heart. The important subject of education could not fail to be looked 71 upon by him, with such a mind as he possessed, in the serious light it deserved, and he no doubt felt considerable reluctance to leave his children at a time when his guiding hand might be of so much consequence to their future character, as well as to throw the whole of such a charge upon his wife. To make up, in the best way in his power, to his children for the loss of his personal iostruc- tion, and to his wife of his assistance, he determin ed to leave them his best advice in writing, which he did in the following letter, the careful perusal of which we cannot too earnestly recommend to our young readers : " My dear Wife and Children, "My love, which neither sea, nor land, nor death itself, can extinguish or lessen towards you, most endearedly visits you with eternal embraces, and will abide with you for ever: and may the God of my life watch over you, and bless you, and do you good in this world and for ever ! — Some things are upon my spirit to leave with you in your re spective capacities, as I am to one a husband, and to the rest a father, if I should never see you more in this world. " My dear wife ! remember thou wast the love of my youth, and much the joy of my life ; the most beloved, as well as most worthy, of all my earthly comforts : and the reason of that love was more 72 thy inward than thy outward excellencies, which yet were many. God knows, and thou knowest it, I can say it was 'a match of Providence's making ; and God's image in us both was the first thing, and the most amiable and engaging ornament in our eyes. Now I am to leave thee, and that with out knowing whether I shall ever see thee more in this world, take my counsel into thy bosom, and let it dwell with thee in my stead while thou live'st. " First: Let the fear of the Lord and a zeal and love to his glory dwell richly in thy heart; and thou wilt watch for good over thyself and thy dear children and family, that no rude, light, or bad thing be committed: else God will be offended, and he will repent himself of the good he intends thee and thine. "Secondly : Be diligent in meetings for worship and business; stir up thyself and others herein ; it is thy duty and place : and let meetings be kept once a day in the family to wait upon the Lord, who has given us much time for ourselves : and, my dearest, to make thy family matters easy to thee, divide thy time, and be regular: it is easy and sweet ; thy retirement will afford thee to do it : as in the morning to view the business of the house and fix it as thou desirest, seeing all be in order; that by thy counsel all may move, and to thee ren- der an account every evening. The time for work, for vvalking, for meals, may be certain, at least as near as may be : and grieve not thyself with care-* less servants ; they will disorder thee ; rather pay them, and let them go, if they will not be better by admonitions ; this is best to avoid many words, which I know wound the soul, and offend the Lord. "Thirdly; Cast up thy income and see what it daily amounts to ; by which thou mayest be sure to have it in thy sight and power to keep Vvithin com pass : and I beseech thee to live low and sparingly till my debts are paid ; and then enlarge as thou seest it convenient. Remember thy mother's ex ample, when thy father's public spiritedness had worsted his estate (which is my ease).* I know thou lovest plain things, and art averse to the pomps of the world; a nobility natural to thee. I write not as doubtful, but to quicken thee, for my sake, to be more diligent herein, knowing that God will bless thy care, and thy poor children and thee for it. My mind is wrapt up in a saying of thy father's, 'I desire not riches, but to owe no thing;' and truly that is wealth, and more than enough to live is a snare attended with many sor rows. I need not bid thee be humble, for thou art so ; nor meek and patient, for it is much of thy natural disposition : but I pray thee be oft in re tirement with the Lord, and guard against en croaching friendships. Keep them at arm's end ; for it is giving away our power, aye and self too, 7* 74 into the possession of another; and that which might seem engaging in the beginning may prove a yoke too hard aind heavy in the end. Wherefore keep dominion over thyself, and let thy children, good meetings, and friends, be the pleasure of thy life. " Fourthly : And now, my dearest, let me re commend to thy care my dear children; abunr dantly beloved of me, as the Lord's blessings and the sweet pledges of our mutual and endeared af fection. Above all things endeavour to breed them up in the love of virtue, and that holy plain way of it which we have lived in, that the world in no pari of it get into my family. I had rather they were homely than finely bred as to outward behaviour ; yet I love sweetness mixed with gra vity, and- cheerfulness tempered with sobriety. Religion in the heart leads into this true civility, teaching men and women to be mild and cour teous in their behaviour, an accomplishment worthy indeed of praise. " Fifthly : Next breed them up in a love one of another : tell them it is the. charge I left behind me ; and that it is the way to have the love and blessing of God upon them ; also what his portion is who hates or calls his brother fool. Sometimes separate them, but not long; and allow them to send and give each other small things to endear 75 one another with : Once more I say, tell them it was my counsel they should be tender and affec tionate one to another. For their learning be liberal. Spare no cost ; for by such parsimony all is lost that is saved : but let it be useful knowledge, such as is consistent with truth and godliness, not cherishing a vain conversation, or idle mind ; but ingenuity mixed with industry is good for the body and mind too. I recommend the useful parts of mathematics, as building houses or ships, measur ing, surveying, dialling, navigation ; but agricul ture is especially in my eye : let my children be husbandmen and housewives ; it is industrious, healthy, hOnest, and of good example : like Abra ham and the holy ancients, who pleased God and obtained a good report. This leads to consider the works of God and nature, of things that are good ; and diverts the mind from being taken up with the vain arts and inventions^ of a luxurious world. It is commendable in the princes of Ger- inany, and the nobles of that empire, that they have all their children instructed in some useful oc cupation. Rather keep an ingenious person in the house to teach them, than send them to schools, too many evil impressions being commonly re ceived there. Be sure to observe their genius, and do not cross it as to learning : let them not dwell too long on one thing ; but let their change be agreeable, and all their diversions have some little bodily labour in them. When grown big, have 76 most care for them ; for then there are more snares for them both within and without. When mar riageable, see that they have worthy persons in their eye, of good life, and good fame for piety and understanding. I need no wealth, but sufficiency ; and be sure their love be dear, fervent, and mu tual, that it may be happy for them. I choose not they should be married to earthly covetous kin dred; and of cities and towns of concourse be ware ; the world is apt to stick close to those who have lived and got wealth there : a country life and estate I like best for my children. I prefer a decent mansion of an hundreBpounds per annum before ten thousand pounds in London, or such like place, in a way of trad§. In fine, my dear, endeavour to breed them dutiful to the Lord, and his blessed light, truth, and grace, in their hearts, who is their Creator, and his fear will grow up with them. ^ Teach a child,' says the Wise Man, ' the way thou wilt have him to walk, and when he is old he will not forget it.' Next, obedience to thee, their dear mother ; and that not for wrath, but for conscience' sake; liberal to the poor, pitiful to the miserable, humble and kind to all; and may my God make thee a blessing, and give thee com fort in our dear children ; and in age gather.thee to the joy and blessedness of the just (where no death shall separate us) for ever ! — '" " And now, my dear children, that are the gifts 77 and mercies of the God of your tender father, hear my counsel and lay it up in your hearts ; love it more than treasure and follow it, and you shall be blessed here and happy hereafter. « " In the first place, ' remember your Creator in the days of your youth.' It was the glory of Israel in the second of Jeremiah : and how did God bless Josiah because he feared him in his youth ! and so he did Jacob, Joseph, and Moses. O, my dear children, remember and fear and serve him who made you, and gave you to me and your dear mo ther ; that you may live to him and glorify him in your generations ! " To do this, in your youthful days seek after the Liord, that you may find him ; remembering his great love in creating you ; that you are not beasts, plants, or stones, but that he has kept you, and given you his grace within and substance without, and provided plentifully for you. This remember in your youth, that you may be kept from the evil of the world : for in age it will be harder to overcome the temptations of it. " Wherefore, my dear children, eschew the ap pearance of evil, and love and cleave to that in your hearts which shews you evil from good, and tells you when you do amiss and reproves you for it. It is the light of Christ that he has given you for 78 your salvatiop. If you do this, and follow my counsel, God will bless you in this world and give you an inheritance in that which shall never have an end. F(% the light of Jesus is of a purifying nature ; it seasons those who love it and take heed to it ; and never leaves such, till it has brought them to the city of God that has foundations. O that ye may be seasoned with the gracious nature of it ! Hide it in your hearts, and flee, my dear children, from all youthful lusts ; the vain sports, pastimes, and pleasures of the world ; ' redeeming the time because the days are evil !'— You are now beginning to live. — What would some give for your time ! Oh ! I could have lived better, were I, as you, in the flower of youth. — Therefore love and fear the Lord, keep close to meetings, and de light to wait on the Lord God of your father and mother, among his despised people, as we have done; and count it your honour to be members of that society, and heirs of that living fellowship which is enjoyed among them, for the experience of which your father's soul blesseth the Lord for ever. " Next, be obedient to your dear mother, a wo man whose virtue and good name is an honour to you ; for she hath been exceeded by none in her time for her plainness, integrity, industry, huma nity, virtue, and good understanding; qualities not usual among women of her worldly condition and 79 quality. Therefore honour and obey her, my dear children, as your mother, and your father's love and delight ; nay love her too, for she loved your father with a deep and upright love, choosing him before all her many suitors : and though she be of a delicate constitution and noble spirit, yet she descended to the utmost tenderness and care for you, performing the painfiilest acts of service to you in your infancy, as a mother and a nurse too. I charge you, before the Lord, honour and obey, love and cherish your dear mother. " Next, betake yourselves to some honest in dustrious course of life, and that not of sordid covetousness, but for example and to avoid idle ness. And if you change your condition and marry, choose, with the knowledge and consent of your mother if living, or of guardians, or those that have the charge of you. Mind neither beauty nor riches, but the fear of the Lord, and a sweet and amiable disposition, such as you can love above all this world, and that may make your habitations pleasant and desirable to you. "And being married, be tender, affecti^ate, patient, and meek. Live in the fear of the Lord, and he will bless you and your offspring. Be sure to live within compass ; borrow not, neither be be holden to any. Ruin not yourselves by kindness to others; for that exceeds the due bounds of 80 friendship, neither will a true friend expect it. Small matters I heed not. ^' Let your industry and parsimony go no farther than for a sufficiency for life, and to make a pro vision for your children, and that in moderation, if the Lord gives you any. I charge you help the poor and needy; let the Lord have a voluntary share of your income for the good of the poor, both in our society and others, for we are all his creatures ; remembering that ' he that giveth to the poor lendeth to the Lord.' "Know well your incomings; and your outgo ings may be better regulated. Love not money nor the world : use them only, and they will serve you ; but if you love them, you serve them, which will debase your spirits as well as offend the Lord. "Pity the distressed, and hold out a hand of help to them ; it may be your case ; and as you mete to others God will mete to you again. " Be humble and gentle in your conversation ; of few words, I charge you ; but always pertinent when you speak, hearing out before you attempt ,to answer, and then speaking as if you would per suade, not impose. 4ii " Affront none, neither revenge the affronts that 81 are done to ydu ; but forgive, and you shall be for given of your Heavenly Father. "In making friends consider well first; and when you are fixed be true, not wavering by re ports nor deserting in affliction, for that becomes not the good and virtuous. " Watch against anger, neither speak nor act in it; for, like drunkenness, it makes a man a beast, and throws people into desperate inconveniences. "Avoid flatterers, for they are thieves in dis guise; their praise is costly, designing to get by those they bespeak ; they are the worst of crea tures; they lie to flatter, and flatter to cheat; and, which is worse, if you believe them you cheat yourselves most dangerously. But the virtuous, though poor, love, cherish, and prefer. Remem ber David, who asking the Lord, ' Who shall abide in thy tabernacle'? who shall dwell upon thy holy hilH' answers, 'He that walketh uprightly, work- eth righteousness, and speaketh the truth in his heart; in whose eyes the vile person is contemned, but honoureth them who fear the Lord.' " Next, my children, be temperate in all things ; in your diet, for that is physic by prevention; it keeps, nay, it makes people healthy, and their ge neration sound. This is exclusive of the spiritual 8 82 advantage it brings. Be also plaiif in your appa rel ; keep out that lust which reigns too much over some ; let your virtues be your ornaments, remem bering ' life is more than food, and the body than raiment.' Let your furniture be simple and cheap. Avoid pride, avarice, and luxury. Read my 'No Cross, no Crown.' There is instruction. — Make your conversation with the most emiment for wis dom and piety ; and shun all wicked men as you hope for the blessing of God, and the comfort of your father's living and dying prayers. Be sure you speak no evil of any, no, not of the meanest ; much less of your superiors, as magistrates, guar dians, tutors, teachers, and elders in Christ. " Be no busy bodies ; meddle not with other folk's matters, but when iri conscience and duty pressed ; for it procures trouble, and is ill manners, and very unseemly to wise men. "In your families remember Abraham, Moses, and Joshua, their integrity to the Lord ; and do as you have them for examples. "Let the fear and service of the living God be encouraged in your houses, and that plainness, sobriety, and moderation in all things, as becom- eth God's chosen people ; and as I advise you, my beloved children, do you counsel yours, if God should you give any. Yea, I counsel and command 83 them as my posterity, that they love and serve the Lord God with an upright heart, that he may bless you and yours from generation to generation. " And as for you, who are likely to be concern ed in the government of Pennsylvania and my parts of East Jersey, especially the first, I do Charge you before the Lord God and his holy angels, that you be lowly, diligent, and tender, fearing God, loving the people, and hating covetousness. Let justice have its impartial course, and the law free passage. Though to your loss, protect no man againstit ;l[br you are not above the lav^,T)ut the law above you. Live therefore the lives yourselves you would have the people live, and then you have the right and boldness to punish the transgressor. Keep upon the square, for God sees you : therefore do your duty, and be sure you see with your own eyes, and hear with your own ears. Entertain no lurchers, cherish nO informers for gain or revenge ; use no tricks ; fly to no devices to support or cover injus tice ; but let your hearts be upright before the Lord, trusting in him above the contrivances of men, and none shall be able to hurt or supplant. "Oh! the Lord is a strong God, and he can do whatsoever he pleases ; and though men consider it not, it is the Lord that rules and overrules in the kingdoms of men, and he builds up, and pulls down. I, your father, am the man that can say, 84 'He that trusts in the Lord shall not be confound ed. But God, in due time, will make his enemies be at peace with him.' "If you thus behave yourselves, and so become 'a terror to evil doers and a praise to them that do well,' God, my God, will be with you in wisdom and a sound mind, and make you blessed instru ments in his hand for the settlements of some of those desolate parts of the world, which my soul desires above all worldly honours and riches, both for you that go aiyljou that stay ; you that govern and you that are governed^; that in the end you may be gathered with me to the rest of God. " Finally, my children, love one another with a true endeared love, and your dear relations on both sides, and take care to preserve tender affec tion in your children to each other ; often mar rying within themselves, so as it be without the bounds forbidden in Gods' law, that so they may not, like the forgetting unnatural world, grow out of kindred and as cold as strangers ; but, as be comes a truly natural and Christian stock, you and yours after you may live in the pure and fervent love of God towards one another, as becometh brethren in the spiritual and natural relation. " So, my God, that hath blessed me with his abundant mercies, both of this and the other and 85 better life, be with you all, guide you by his coun sel, bless you, and bring you to his eternal glory ! that you may shine, my dear children, in the fir mament of God's power with the blessed spirits of the just, that celestial family, praising and admir ing him, the God and Father of it, for ever. For there is no God like unto him ; the God of Isaac and of Jacob, the God of the prophets and apos tles, and martyrs of Jesus, in whom I live for ever. " So farewell to my thrice dearly beloved wife and children ! " Yours, as God pleaseth, in that which no wa ters can quench, no time forget, nor dis tance wear away, but remains for ever. "William Penn. " Worminghurst, fourth of sixth month, 1682." A renewal of the persecutions against the Qua kers in England offered strong inducements to many of them to accompany Willlam Penn in the voyage for which he was now preparing to his new colony ; so that about a hundred persons, chiefly Quakers, sailed with him, in the ship Welcome, in the month of August 1 682. During the passage he had considerable exercise for his benevolence in consequence of the small pox, which broke out with 86 so much violence amongst the passengers, that no less than thirty of them died. William Penn, as might be expected, behaved with great humanity, and E|.dministered comfort in various forms to the sufferers. At length after a passage of a little more than six months they had the satisfaction of finding themselves in the river Delaware, which they sailed up, amidst loud acclamations of welcome from the Dutch and Swedes who were settled on its banks as well as the English whom he had sent over the year before, to take possession of the land in his name. On the 24th of October William Penn landed at Newcastle in Delaware, a day which ought ever to be held in grateful remembrance by the inhabitants of Pennsylvania, and ought to be commemorated on every returning anniversary. " While our brethren of Massachusetts," says one who, though not a native of this country, has asso ciated himself so closely with her honour and prosperity that she now proudly claims him as her own, " commemorate every year, in the dreary time of winter, the landing of their ancestors on the barren rock of Plymouth, which their gratitude has consecrated to perpetual veneration ; shall we suffer the epoch of the arrival of our great founder and his venerable band of followers to pass away unnoticed*?" After taking possession of the country and mak ing various other necessary arrangements, he cal- 87 led a general assembly in order to confirm all the laws and regulations previously agreed upon in England. To pretend to particularize all the ar ticles of the constitution or code of laws which was then adopted would be equally inconsistent and incompatible with our plan. We cannot however forbear mentioning a few of those leading points which shew so conspicu ously the wisdom, benevolence, and prudence, of the lawgiver. And here, as in every instance, we find his fundamental and governing principle was religion, — that vital religion which takes its root in the heart and governs the actions by its own pure spirit. Equally free therefore from arbitrary restrictions and from that baneful laxity of princi ple which under the pretence of liberality seeks to undermine the whole Christian plan, he, at the same time that he admitted liberty of conscience to all, made it a necessary requisite that those who were appointed to any public offices or places of trust should not only be of good moral characters but also professed Christians. Thus, though he did not pretend to dictate to his fellow Christians in what particular mode they should worship and serve their Creator, he took care to shew that he considered those who lost sight of their duty to the great Governor of the universe as but little to be trusted in their transactions with their fellow creatures. Another article was that public schools 88 should be erected, and that every child should be taught to read and write 'till arrived at the age of twelve, after which he was to learn some useful trade or profession, and so be preserved at once from the dangers of ignorance and the temptations of idleness. With regard to the criminal laws, as he very justly considered that the great object of punish ment was the reformation of the offender, he only admitted of the infliction of death in cases of mur der or treason against the state ; and in all other cases solitary confinement and useful employment. Many other laws, equally liberal, humane, and wise, were made and confirmed. " The assem bly," says Mr Wharton in his Discourse before the Society for the Commemoration of the Landing of William Penn, " which met at Upland or Ches ter in December 1682, and which in a session of three days — about the length of a modern speech — adopted a constitution and passed sixty-one laws, ought to occupy a distinguished station in our his tory." Not considering the king's grant a sufficient authority for taking possession of the country, without its being likewise ceded to him by the native inhabitants themselves, William Penn had empowered his commissioners, on their first com- 89 ing over to treat with them for the purchase of the land, which treaty it now became necessary for him to confirm. Mr Rawle, in an address delivered before the Historical Society of this city, says, when speak ing on this subject, that "William Penn did not first set the example of these acts of strict justice, although he closely conformed to the best exam ples of others. In Europe he has frequently been applauded for having led the way, but he himself never claimed this credit, and his other merits are sufficiently great to bear the destitution of this." We believe however that it may safely be affirm ed that he was the first to treat them with that tender and protecting kindness which was so well calculated to soften and improve their natures. We do not find him making any sudden or violent efforts to convert them to Christianity whilst their minds were yet unfit for the reception of it ; but as a skilful husbandman would seek to prepare the ground before he put in the seed, so we find this wise and judicious man striving first to gain their confidence, aiming no doubt at leading them gra dually, by a love of the fruits, to seek for them selves the same "tree of knowledge from which they found him to have derived so much, and which was intended by its great planter to over shadow all the nations of the earth. That such effects might have been produced is no very ex- 90 travagant supposition, if all the successors of William Penn had preserved the same undevia- ting and conscientious line of conduct towards these unfortunate people ; for many very interest ing proofs are to be found of the affection and gratitude for the great Onas* which was felt many years after by those whose forefathers had received this kindness. In the following note from Proud we have seve ral striking expressions of their gratitude : — " At a treaty, held with the Six Nations, at Phi ladelphia, in July 1742, in goTernor Thomas's administration, Ganassatego, chief of the Ononda- gos, said, ' We are all very sensible of the kind regard which that good man, William Penn, had for all the Indians.' * This word, in the language of the Iroquois or Six Nations, means a quill. It is probable that the companions of William Penn thus interpreted his name to the Indians. The Delawares called him Miquon, which in flieir language means the same thing. But the trae signification of William Penn's name belongs to the Welsh or Celtic language, from which it is derived. In that ancient tongue, the word Pen means a head, and metaphorically a leader or chief. If this had been known to the Indians, they would not have called our venerable founder by the insignificant name of quill, but would have given him that of Sakima, a sachem or chief, by which his dignity and influence would have been increased. But perhaps he was unwilling to take that honourable distinction, as we know he objected to giving his name to Pennsylvania. — JVote by Mr Du Ponceau. 91 "At this treaty, these Indians thus expressed themselves respecting James Logan, which fur ther shews the sense and gratitude of that people when they are well treated : ' Brethen, we called at our old friend James Logan's in our way to this city, and, to our grief, we found him hid in the bushes, and retired through infirmities from public business. We pressed him to leave his re tirement, and prevailed with him to assist once more, on our account, at your councils. We hope, notwithstarrdirig his age and the effects of a fit of sickness which we understand has hurt his consti tution, that he may yet continue a long time to assist this province with his counsels. He is a wise man, and a fast friend to the Indians. And we desire, when his soul goes to God, you may choose in his room just such another person, of the same prudence and ability in counselling ; and of the same tender disposition and affection for the In dians In testimony of our gratitude for all his services, and because he was so good as to leave his country house and follow us to town, and be at the trouble, in this his advanced age, to attend the council, We present him with this bundle of skins.' "After the governor had concluded, James Lo gan replied to that part of the speech which re lated to him, and said — ' That, not only upon the account of his lameness, of which the Indians 92 themselves were witnesses, but on account of another indisposition which about three years since had laid him under an incapacity of expres sing himself with his former usual freedom, he had been obliged to live retired in the country. But that our first proprietor, the honourable Wil liam Penn, who had ever been a father and true friend to all the Indians, having above forty years since recommended them to his particular care, he had always, from his own inclination as well as from that strict charge, endeavoured to con vince all the Indians that he was their true friend; and was now well pleased that after a tract of so many years they were not insensible of it. He thanked them kindly for their present, and hear tily joined with them in their desires that the go vernment may always be furnished with persons of equally good inclinations, and not only with such but also with better abilities, to serve them.' " " At a council held with the Seneca and other Indians, in Philadelphia, in July 1749, in the ad ministration of James Hamilton, Ogaushtash, in part of his speech, thus expresses himself, ' We recommend it to the governor to tread in the steps of those wise people who have held the reins of government before him in being good and kind to the Indians. Do, brother, make it your study to consult the interest of our nations ; as you have so large an authority, you can do us much good, 93 or harm ; we would, therefore, engage your influ ence and affections for us ; that the same harmony and mutual affections may subsist during your go vernment which so happily subsisted in former times, nay from the first settlement of this pro vince by our good friend the great William PENfT.' " At a treaty held at Easton, in Pennsylvania, with the Indians, in 1756, in Governor Morris's administration, Teedyuscung, the Delaware chief, spoke as follows : ' Brother Onas, and the people of Pennsylvania. We rejoice to hear from you that you are willing to renew the old good understand ing, and that you call to mind the first treaties of friendship made by Onas, our great friend, de ceased, with our forefathers, when himself and his people first came over here. We take hold of these treaties with both our hands, and desire you will do the same ; that a good understanding and true friendship may be re-established. Let us both take hold of these treaties with all our strength we beseech you. We, on our side, will ctirtainly do it.' Again, on concluding a peace, in July, the same year, Teedyuscung said, — ' I wish the same good spirit that possessed the'good old man, Wil liam Penn, who was a friend to the Indians, may inspire the people of this province, at this time.' " These instances sufficiently prove that the In- 9 ' 94 dian heart is not thp stern inflexible material that is often represented. It may sujt those whose in terest it is to oppress, to cry out against their sa vage and untameable natures ; but let all go upon the principles of kindness and justice ; let all seek to establish a bond of brotherhood and good will, leaving to these poor persecuted beings the little that yet remains to them ; and we doubt not it will goon be found that there exists not amongst them a heart so hard that it cannot be melted by kind ness. A time and place having been appointed, Wil liam Penn, accompanied by a few of his friends, met the Indians, and gave them in purchase for their land such articles of merchandize as they deemed an equivalent for it, entering at the same time into a solemn engagement, to treat them in every respect as friends and brothers. Lt is much to be regretted that a particular account of the whole transaction has not been handed down to posterity. Tradition, however, informs us that it took {ilace under an elm tree of extraordinary size, which grew on the banks of the Delaware, near a large Indian settlement called Shackaraax- on, where Kensington now stands. This tree was blown down in the storm of 1810, and the trunk after its fall was examined and measured, and found to be twenty-four feet in circumference, and its age two hundred and eighty-three years. 95 Of course every branch and fibre of a tree which had canopied the head of a man who had done so much honour to his species^ could not fail to be held almost as sacred. It has consequently been distributed not only over this but other countries, in the form of walking sticks, snuff boxes, and a variety of other articles. A large piece was sent to John Penn, of Stoke Park in England, which was made an ornament for one of his apartments, having the following inscription engraved on it to tell the history of its honours. " A remnant of the great Elm, under which the Treaty was held between William Penn and the Indians, soon after his landing in America, A. D. 4682,-and which grew at Kensington, near Phila delphia, till the autumn of the year 1810, whenTt fell during a storm. Was presented to his grand-' son, John Penn, Esq." "Mr West, who has introduced this tree into his celebrated picture representing the treaty, has mentioned a peculiar mark of respect shewn-^. to it, in more recent times, in the following words : — ' This tree, which was held in the highest ve neration by the original inhabitants of my native country, by the first settlers, and by their descen dants, and to which I well remember about the year 1755, when a boy, often resorting with my school fellows, [the spot being the favourite one for as- 96 sembling in the hours of leisure,] was in some danger during ?'le American war of 1775, when the British possessed the country, from parties sent out in search of wood for firing; but the late general Simcoe, who had the command of the dis trict where it grew, from a regard for the character of William Penn, and the interest which he took in the history connected with the tree, ordered a guard of British soldiers to protect it from the axe. This circumstance the general related to me, in answer to my inquiries concerning it, after his re turn to England.' " It is a feeling, as inseparable from our natures as it is favourable to virtue, to hold in reverence everyjhing and place which is connected with a great event, and the more lengthened the line of perspective along which they are looked back upon by the eye of posterity, the more sacred the relics become. And hence it is that we feel an inipatience, almost amounting to irritation, when we think of the "holy associations connected with this tree and the spot where it grew being de- stroyed^by any doubts being suggested of its hav ing been the actual spot on which the treaty was made. Such doubts have however been started, and as every thing calculated to remove them, and to confirm the belief that tradition has been faith ful to her trust, cannot fail to be interesting, we shall avail ourselves of the information collected 97 by an active member of the Historical Society on the subject, and give a number of letters from per sons whose recollections carry them back to con temporary witnesses, which appear to us to set the subject at rest. " My Respected Friend, " After asking thy excuse for so long delay ing to answer thy letter of the 5th inst. and which was partly occasioned by my desire to furnish thee from the papers in our possession with some evi dence that the original treaty was held at Shacka- maxon, under the shade of the venerated elm, which I have no doubt was really the case, not withstanding that I have not been able to find the casual mention of the circumstance in our papers, for it would probably have only been casual, James Logan not attending the Proprietor until his second voyage hither. The family of Penn in England could, I should suppose, furnish proof of the place where this transaction so honourable to their illustrious ancestor was held, together with many other particulars highly gratifying to those^ who delight to look back upon the infancy of our state, — for I have no doubt but that they possess a very great mass of information on every subject connected with the establishment of the colony. "I never could account for the propensity of some to unsettle every received opinion, either 9* 98 on subjects which though speculative are of the highest importance to the comfort as well as to the well-being of every individual and to society, or on those minor topics which, like the present instance, have afforded so much innocent satisfac tion in consecratingj'as it were, a local spot sacred to the recollection of the dignity of moral virtue. But in the present instance I believe they have no thing on which to found their opinion that the first treaty was held at Chester : My honoured mother was born near to that town and passed the first part of her life there, was well acquainted with its oldest inhabitants, some of whom had been con temporaries of William Penn, and I may add, was well qualified from her inquiring mind and excel lent memory to have known such a tradition, had it existed ; which she would have treasured up and often mentioned, with that of the proprietor's residence at Robert Wade's during his first visit. The dwelling which was thus honoured was called Essex House, and stood on the other side of Chester Creek, its very ruins have long disappear ed : only two or three pine trees mark the spot, and I have formerly seen a ball and vane which had be longed to the old building and had been preserv ed by some of the descendants of Robert Wade, who (I have heard) were enjoined by the will of some of the family to do so, in a hope of the man sion's being rebuilt, when they were to be again re placed on its turret. 99 " I hope, my kind friend, thee will excuse the ir- relativeness of the above to thy question respect ing the scene of the treaty, which had it been at Upland, (now Chester) I think there is no doubt but it would have furnished an article in the Swe dish records. We were once in possession of a book of the records of the courts held under their government prior to the arrival of William Penn, which, (if I remember aright) my dear Dr Logan gave into the hands of the late Samuel White, Esq. of Delaware, to place in the archives of that state. " I am with great respect, thy affectionate friend, "D. LOGAN. " Stenton, 29th 5th mo. 1 825. " Roberts Vaux, Es^-" " Philadelphia, I9th May, 1825. " Dear Sir, " The Swedish writings mention the treaty of Penn with the Indians, and their great respect for him; but nothing as to the locality. Circum stances make it highly probable that it was held at > (now) Philadelphia, as being pretty far into the country, and, by its site, destined for a capital. The first assembly being held at Chester is not an argument for its having been there, because In- 100 dian concerns could not have been objects previ ous to many inquiries about them. "If a monument is to be erected, Philadelphia is, undoubtedly, the proper place. "Your respectful servant and friend, "NICHOL. COLLIN. " Roberts "Vaux, Esq." "Belmont, September 6th, 1825. " Mr Dear Sir, " At your request", but with much diffidence as to the subject you mentioned, to wit: — the place of holding the first grand treaty with the In dians by William Penn ; I can only say that, from early youth to this day, I have always understood and believe, that the treaty in 1682 was held at Shackamaxon, now Kensington. When a boy, I have resorted to the great elm tree opposite the house in which President Palmer resided, in olden ' times ; and have always confided in the then un contradicted tradition, that under that tree the treaty was held. The place had been an Indian jivvillage ; but one less in importance than a settle ment opposite thereto, at now Cooper's point, in New Jersey ; where a very large village or town had been. Indian graves, arrows, stone axes, or namental trinkets, cooking vessels, and every indi- 101 cation of Indian residence, were found on both sides of the Delaware ; but on the eastern side, in the greatest plenty. I never heard at that time of day, nor since, that the fact was disputed, until you now inform me that doubts exist on the sub ject. " I can only relate my early impressions ; which were those of my contemporaries. I had the most authentic opportunities of knowing Indian history, and the transactions between the proprietaries of Pennsylvania and the Indians ; my uncle, Richard Peters, having been during, I believe, thirty-five or forty years, the secretary of the province, and the confidential agent of the proprietaries. I was -R}'dehTtcquainted~witlrhis officiaT duties ; and had access to the office papers. He had the chief con cern in the Indian department, and I have no doubt but that I could have put any question re lative to treaties, or other Indian affairs, at rest in my early life. But now I can only recall past impressions ; and those, as to the point in ques tion, have uniformly been as I have stated. " William Penn was one of uncommon forecast and prudence in temporal concerns. You will see in his Biography, page 121, Vol. I. that he had the precaution in the 8th month, 1681, (in the fall of which year he arrived in the Delaware) to write, from London, a most friendly and impressive let- 102 ter to the Indians; calculated to prepare the way for his arrival among them in his province. No doubt, and I think I remember the early impres sion I had, that he pursued such cautionary mea sures on his first coming into Pennsylvania. You will see in the same book, in Vol. II.* that he gives a minute account to his friends in England of the Indians in 1683 ; and says that he had made him self master of their language ; so as not to need an interpreter. This shews a familiar and frequent intercourse with them. I was pleased, in the same letter, to see that our wise predecessors used oxen, and not horses, in their ploughs. I wish the pre sent race of farmers were equally and generally as wise and economical. The crops were then ^nore abun3anrtKanr1rf"our days. From one bushel- of barley sown, they reaped forty, often fifty — and sometimes sixty. Three pecks of wheat sowed an acre. All this is, to the point in hand, but in fa vourite interlude. He gives also an account of the native grapes, which he eulogizes ; and an nounces his intention to establish a vineyard. Peaches were in great plenty among the natives ; and very good. ...rx^^,.^-- " He gives an account of the Dutch and Swe dish settlers, between whom there was much jea lousy. It is well known that both of these settlers * Penn's Works, in 2 vols, printed in 1726. 103 established forts, for their defence against the na tives, and probably to overawe each other. The Dutch deemed the Swedes and Finns intruders. The first inhabited the lands on the bay; and the Swedes " the freshes of the river Delaware," as high as Wicacoa, within half a mile of Philadel phia. " It appears that the seat of his government was first established at Upland; or Chester; where se veral of his letters are dated. Now I have always understood that Talks with the Indians, prepara tory to a final arrangement by a conclusive treaty, were held at Upland or Chester. But it is almost indisputably probable, if general tradition did not confirm the fact, that William Penn chose to hold this treaty beyond the reach of any jealousy about the neighbourhood of fortified places, and within the lines of his province, far from such places ; and at a spot which had been an Indian settlement, familiar to, and esteemed by, the natives; and where neither Swedes nor Dutch could be sup posed to have influence ; for with them the In-,j dians had bickerings. This view of the subjects gives the strongest confirmation to the tradition of the treaty being held at Kensington; and the tree, so much hallowed, afforded its shade to the par ties in that important transaction. The prudent and necessary conferences or talks, preparatory to the treaty, if any vestiges of them now remain, 104 may have given the idea that the treaty was held at Upland, " The name and character of William Penn, denominated by the Indians Onas, was held in ve neration, through a long period, by those who had opportunities of knowing the integrity of his deal ings and intercourse, especially by the Six Na tions, nvho considered themselves the masters of all the nations and tribes with whom he had deal ings in his time, and his successors thereafter who adhered to the policy and justice practised by him. At Fort Stanwix, fifty-seven years ago, I was present when the Delawares and Shawanese were released by the Iroquois or Six JYations, (ori ginally ^ue,) from the subordination in which they had been held from the time of their having been conquered. The ceremony was called " taking off the petticoat," and was a curious spectacle. When I was adopted into the family of a Tusca- rora chief, at the time of the Treaty of Fort Stan wix, he made to me a speech, in the style used on such occasions ; in which he assured me of his af fection ; and added, that he was pleased with my being " one of the young people of the country of the much respected and highly esteemed Onas,''^ which means a quill or pen. He gave to me one of his names — Tegochtias. He had been a cele brated warrior, and had distinguished himself on expeditions, toilsome and dangerous, against the 105 Southern Indians. The feathers and desiccated or preserved birds, called by the Indians Tegochtias, i. e. Paroquets, were brought home by the war parties as Trophies. The feathers decorated the Moccasins (whereof I had a pair presented to me,) mixed with porcupine's quills in beautifully orna mented workmanship. If there be any thing in my Indian name of Paroquet ludicrous in our es timation, I shall not b.e ashamed of it, when the great and good Penn was denominated, not a whole bird, but merely a quill. My moccasins cost me an expensive return in a present the ce remony required ; but I considered the singular honour conferred on me richly deserving remune ration ; though, in fact, I was more diverted than proud in the enjoyment of the amusing and curi ous scene, and had no doubt but that this expect ed remuneration was an ingredient in the motive leading to my adoption. My nation is reduced, as is all that confederacy, to a mere squad — if not entirely annihilated; though at that time it (the confederacy) could bring 3000 warriors into the field. One race of men seems destined; to extinT, guish another; and, if so, the whites have amply fulfilled fAeir destiny. I wish, however, that the present treaty makers had the bust of William Penn, made from the elm tree, with a scroll super scribed " Penn's Exemplary Treaty," constantly before their eyes. It%ould be as monitory on this part of their duty as the portrait of Washington 10 '¦: 106 is exciting in all others. The remaining aborigines of our country are doomed, sooner or later, to the like extinction their departed predecessors have experienced. If, in any instance, they seem to be stationary ; begin to establish farms, and exercise civilized occupations ; they must be removed, (to accommodate an intruding white population,) to the wilderness; and recover their former habits. But I see William Penn adopts the idea that they are oi Jewish origin. And, if they are of Israel- itish descent, it is in the decrees of providence, that, like all other Jews, they must be homeless wanderers ; dispersed throughout all the regions of the earth. Even now, in our day, a portion of these copper coloured Ishmaelites, if so they be, are to be compelled to wander far away, and leave their cultivated homes, to satisfy the sordid cupi dity of speculating land jobbers. But if their fete be, in the immutable decrees of heaven, so deter mined, unworthy executioners often consummate judgments. " Very sincerely yours, "RICHARD PETERS. " Roberts Vaux, Esq." "Belmont, November 3, 1825. " Mr Dear Sir, " I met my old friend David H. Conyng- ham a day or two ago. We fell into conversa- 107 tion on olden times, and, among other reminis cences, the elm tree at Kensington was discussed: Both of us remembered our boyish amusements, and, among them, our bathing at the three stores and on a. sandy beach near the famous elm. It stood then majestically on a high and clean bank, with a fine area around it ; but, in a later period, the bank has been washqd away. His recollec tions and mine (earlier than his by a few years) go back between sixty, and seventy years. No person then disputed the fact, that this elm was the tree under which Penn's treaty was held. But Mr Conyngham remembers distinctly the fre quent visitations of Benjamin Lay* to the scene of our s.ports. He was, as you know, eccentric and singular ; but not deficient in understanding and chronicling all remarljable events. He must have known some of the contemporaries of William Penn. After dilating on the worth-and virtues of that good man, and . particularly as they applied to his treatment of the natives; he would call on * " Benjamiri Lay came to Pennsylvania in 1731, at the age of 54 years, less than fifty years after Penn's treaty in lesaj'^and was no doubt personally acquainted with individuals who knew the fact of the locality of that tiansaction. Lay's benevolent character and pur suits were such, as to render the, tree, and the interesting event con- , nected with it, peculiarly gratifyipg to him ; and as it was his con stant practice to cultivate and cherish in the minds of young persons a love of truth, of justice, and of good will to men, by familiar and forcible illustrations, I place great confidence in the accuracy of his knowledge in this respect, R. V. 108 the boys ; point to the elm tree ; and enjoin them to bear in mind, and tell it tp their children, , that under that tree Penn's treaty was held ; and they should respect it accordingly. " Yours very sincerely, . " RICHARD PETERS. " Roberts Vaux, Esq.." But even the evidence of these letters, satisfac tory as it is, appears less decisive than that of the great West, who in painting his historical picture of the treaty cannot be supposed to have allowed himself any liberty that was not sanctioned by fact ; and as his grandfather was one of the friends who attended William Penn on the occasion, we are sure that he had high authority to rest upon. We rejoice therefore that the evidence has been considered sufficiently satisfactory to the gentle men of the Penn Society to induce them to erect on the spot a neat marble monument, the unosten tatious simplicity of which is emblematic of the deed that it is meant to commemorate. Of the treaty from which this spot derives its ho nour, many writers, of different nations andof diffe- irent religions and political opinions, have spoken in the highest terms of praise that were ever bestowed upon any thing of the kind before or since. Vol taire says, "This was the only treaty between 109 those people and the Christians that was not ra tified by an oath, and that was never broken." " William Penn thought it right," remarks the Abbe Raynal, " to obtain an additional right by a fair and open purchase from the aborigines ; and thus he signalized his arrival by an act of equity which made his person and principles equally be loved. — Here it is the mind rests with pleasure upon modern history, and feels some kind of com pensation for the disgust, melancholy, and horror, which the whole of it, b'ut particularly that of the European settlements in America, inspires." "Being now returned," says Robert Proud, in his History of Pennsylvania, " from Maryland to Coaquannoc, he purchased lands of the Indians, whom he treated with great justice and sincere kindness. — It was at this time that he first en tered personally into that friendship with them, which ever afterwards continued between them, and which for the space of more than seventy years was never interrupted, or so long as- the Quakers retained power in the government. His conduct in general to these people was so engag ing, his justice in particular so conspicuous, and the counsel and advice which he gave them were ' so evidently for their advantage, that he became thereby very much endeared to them, and the sense thereof made such deep impressions on their un derstandings, that his name and memory will 10* 110 scarcely ever be effaced while they continue a people." Colonies of Dutch and Swedes, to the number of between two and three thousand, had previously occupied the territory of which William Penn had now become the proprietor ; and these, toge ther with the English who had come over with his commissioners the preceding year, received him with every demonstration of joy. The day after his arrival he called them together in the court house belonging to the Dutch, and explaining, to them his object in coming over, gave them" every assurance of his kindness and good will, andof his determination to continue to them theii- rights, both civil and religious. It would neither come within the limits, nor agree with the object of this work, to enter into the particular arrangements which he made for the government of the pro vince ; but we will avail ourselves of the permis sion which has been kindly given to us by one to whom we owe many obligations, to make a few extracts from a manuscript containing a History of Pennsylvania* from its earliest period, and which gives an inter'esting account of the peaceable man ner in which it was first founded, and the promp- * This history is a translation from the German by P. S. DirPon- ceau, Esq. who we hope will be induced to publish it, as It appears to he simple, concise, and perspicuous-.' Ill titude of action which always marked the charac ter of its lawgiver. " The first colonial assembly," says the histo rian, "was called to carry into execution the plan of government agreed upon in England; yet a notable alteration therein took place at the very beginning. The freemen of the colony were sum- mohed to appear in person, but instead of this they chose twelve men for each of the counties into which Penn had divided the country, consequently only so many as were necessary according to that plan to constitute one of the branches of the legis lature. Nothing else could be done than to admit the apology that the freemen made, founded on the smallness of their numbers, on their agricul tural avocations, and their want of experience in matters of government. "Penn had himself recognized the principle, that there must be a people before there is a go vernment,- and that the people must be free and united, that their government may be durable; he therefore was not displeased to see the change which took place in the number of the representa-,; tives. The Assembly also unanimously agreed'-" that each county should send in future three mem bers to the council and six to the assembly. All the other business was transacted with the same unanimity; and the assembly separated after a ses- 112 sion of three days, in which the most cordial harmony prevailed. In that short period they not only granted the request of the lower coun ties which had desired to be united to the prov ince, extended the rights of citizenship to all the inhabitants, and provided an easy mode for the naturalization of foreigners that might here after migrate into the country; but they discussed a code of laws for the province, and after mak irig a few amendments finally enacted it." Again the same writer says—" The spirit of or der, industry, and economy, by which Pennsylva nia always so nobly distinguished herself before the other colonies, was produced by her early laws. It succeeded beyond all the expectations of the founder. In the first year nearly thirty ships arrived with emigrants from England and Wales, who settled themselves along the Delaware up to the lower falls*. They were mostly Quakers, who were not only induced to migi-ate by the respect which they bore to William Penn's character; but also by the oppression to which they continued to be subject in England, where they were con stantly vexed by the ecclesiastical courts in conse quence of their refusing to pay tithes and other church dues. They were soon followed by some Irishmen and Hollanders, and by the first German * The Falls of Trenton. 113 emigrants, quakers from Griesheim in the Palati nate, who formed German Town. " The first settlers had considerable difficulties to encounter, because they had to learn by expe rience the best and most convenient manner of set tling a wilderness ; and many felt the want of pro visions, from which they were not seldom relieved by the humanity of the Indians. The want of horses at this early period was found a very great hardship. The christian resignation and courage of these pious adventurers, and the hope of raising to the Lord a free and holy people, enabled them to surmount every obstacle. Penn wrote to his friends in England a circumstantial account of the situation of his province, which indeed shewed only the fair side, and that in the clearest light. .It produced the desired effect: but the hopes which he entertained of introducing the culture of the vine into Pennsylvania by means of French vine dressers, and also glass and linen manufac tories, and tl^e whale fishery, were not realized. " Hitherto the province had been considered as * a numerous family under the guidance of abeloved father, and indeed William Penn deserved this'i name as well for the moderate use which he made of. his prerogatives as for the .paternal, care with which he pursued every object that tended to the benefit of those who were subject to his govern- 114 ment, which was particularly shewn in the founda tion of the city of Philadelphia." In the planning of this city, which William Penn, with a prophetic voice, always^denominated the Great City, he evinced that judgment, fore thought, and methodical arrangement, which form ed so conspicuous a part of his character, and its unprecedented increase and present opulence and beauty .will stand as monuments to future ages of the wisdom of the great mind by which it was plan ned. It was not long before the population of the colony was increased by the arrival of so great a number of emigrants from England that there might perhaps have been some danger of their suffering considerable inconvenience for want of provisions, had it not been for the kind attention of the Indians, who, considering theWf^s the chil-- dreii of Onas, were ready to hunt for them or do any thing in their power to assist them. It may easily be supposed, however, that even with the best aid that could be procured, there must yet have been many difficulties to be encountered by .people who had hitherto been accustomed to all the comforts and luxuries of Europe, and were now removed to a wilderness where the^ hand of cultivation had never yet appeared. It may also. be very readily imagined, that he who undertook to be the leader of this body of adventurers and to organize them into a regular sopiety must have had 115 many trials to undergo, and many occasions on which it was necessary both to bear and forbear. Yet though far from being insensible to them, and at all times expressing his feelings and sentiments with manly firmness, he at the same time posses sed thaf governing principle of religion which led him to meet every trial with a meek and becoming ¦ spirit. Thus we -find him, about this time, ex pressing himself in the following manner in a let ter to a friend : " I bless the Lord I am very well, and much sa tisfied with my place and portion; yet busy enough, having much to do to please all, and yet to have an eye to those that are not here to please themselves. " I have been at New York, Long Island, East Jersey, and Maryland, in which I have had good and eminent service for the Lord. " I am now casting the country into townships for large lots of land. I have held an assembly, in which many good laws are passed. We could not stay safely till the spring for a government. I have annexed the territories lately obtained to the province,' and passed a general naturalization for strangers ; which hath much pleased the peo ple. — As to outward things, we are satisfied ; the land good, the air clear and sweet, the springs 116 plentiful, and provision good and easy to come at; an innumerable quantity of wild fowl and fish : in fine, here is what an Abraham,* Isaac, and Jacob would be well contented with ; and service enough for God, for the fields are here white for harvest. O, how sweet is the quiet of these parts, freed from the anxious and troublesome solicitations, hurries, and perplexities of woeful Europe!" And again to some^ one who appears to have cast some reflections upon him he says— ^ " Well ; the Lord is a God of righteous judg ment. Had I indeed sought greatness, I had staid at home, where the difference between what I am here and what was offered and I could have been there in power and wealth, is as wide as the places are. — No : I came for the Lord's sake ; and there fore have r stood to this day, well and diligent and successful, blessed be his power ! Nor shall I trouble myself to tell thee what I am to the peo ple of this place in travails, watchings, spendings, and to my servants every way freely, not like a selfish man. I have many witnesses. To con clude : It is now in Friends' hands. Through my travail, faith, and patience, it came. If Friends here keep to God in the justice, mercy, equity,- and fear of the Lord, their enemies will be their footstool : if not, their heirs, and my heirs too, will lose all, and desolation will follow. But, blessed 117 be the Lord, we are well, and live in the dear love of God, and the fellowship of his tender hea venly Spirit; and our faith is for ourselves and one another, that the Lord will be with us a King and Counsellor for ever. " Thy ancient though grieved friend, "William Penn." There is a letter addressed to Lord North, writ ten a short time after this, which has been recently printed by the Historical Society from the origi nal in their possession, giving some' account of the state of the colony at that time, which cannot fail to be interesting : — " Mr Noble Friend, " It hath been sometimes a question with me whether writing or silence would be more ex cusable, for it is an unhappiness incident of great men to be troubled with the prospects of those their power and goodness oblige; but because I had rather want excuse for this freedom than be wanting of gratitude to my benefactor, I deter-^ mined to render my most humble thanks for the many favours I received at the Lord North's hand, in the passing and great despatch of my patent. I thank God I am safely arrived, and twenty-two sail more ; the air proveth sweet and good, the land fertile, and springs many and pleasant. We U 118 are one hundred and thirty miles from the main sea, and forty miles up the freshes. The town plat is a mile long and two miles deep; on each side of the town runs a navigable river, the least as broad as the Thames at Woolwich, the other above a mile ; about eighty houses are built, and I suppose above three hundred farms settled as contiguously as may be. We have had since last summer about sixty sail of great and small ship ping, which we esteem a good beginning : a fair we have had, and weekly market, to which the ancient lowly inhabitants come to sell their pro duce to their profit and our accommodation. I have also bought lands of the natives, treated them largely, and settled a firm and advantageous correspondency with them ; who are a careless, merry people, yet in property strict with us, though as kind as among themselves ; in coun sel so deliberate, in speech short, grave and elo quent, young and old in their several class, that I have never seen in Europe any thing more wise, cautious and dexterous ; 'tis as admirable to me as it may look incredible on that side of the water. The weather often changeth with notice and is constant almost in its inconstancy. Our trees are sassafras, Cyprus, cedar, black walnut, chesnut, oak black, white, red, Spanish and swamp the most durable; divers wild fruits, as plum, peach, and grape, the sorts divers. Mineral of copper and iron in divers places. I have only to add. 119 that it would please the Lord North to smile fa vourably upon us, a plantation so well regulated for the benefit of the crown, and so improving and hopeful by the industry of the people, th^t since stewards used to follow such enterprizes in an cient times at least encouragement and counte nance might b(|jyielded to us., whose aims shall in every thing be bounded with a just regard tothe king's service; and we think we may reasonably hope, that, England being the market both of our wants and industry in great measure, there is in terest as well as goodness of our side. I have pardon to ask for a poor present I make by the hand's of the bearer my agent and kinsman Capt. Markham ; all I have to say is this ; 'tis our coun try produce, and that of old time offerings were valued by the heart that made them. I end with a congratulation of the honour the king hath join ed to thy great merit, and my sincere and most affectionate wishes for thy prosperity ; being one of those many whom thy goodness hath obliged to own and approve, as really I am, "Thy very sensible, thankful friend and servant to my poller, «WM PENN. "Philadelphia, the Mth V bth mo. July, 1683. \ " To THE Lord Keeper North." 120 The greatest interruption to the, tranquillity of which he speak| with so much satisfaction ap pears to have arisen from the conduct of his neigh bour Lord Baltimore, the proprietor of Maryland, with respect to the boundaries of their respective provinces. As the chief interest that this contro versy now possesses arises from^he manner in which William Penn vindicated his own rights,. as giving a further display of his character, we will avail ourselves of two more letters contained in in the same volume from which the last was taken, always preferring when it is in our power to let him speak for himself, as no words can give so good an idea of his powerful, polished, and cor rect mind as his own energetic and 'perspicuous language. " Philadelphia, 2d of 12 mo. Feby, 1683. " My Noble Friend, "^ It cannot be strange to a Lord of so much experience, that in nature all creatures seek succour against might; the young from their old and the feeble from the strong, and that the same nature, by reciprocal instinct, in.s.pires the old to prptect their young, and the strong the weak of their own kind. This, my noble Lord, is much of my case and this trouble ; and to whom can I go, with more reason and hope than to him that hath, with so much honour and truth and a perpetual success, 121 been the kind and constant patron of my just cause ! - Let this therefore, noble Lord, meet with thy usual favour; which will add to the many bonds I am under, as affection and gratitude to thy just interest and service. " My last to the Duke brought with it a copy of a demand made by the Proprietor of Maryland, with my answer to it, another of which I have pre sumed to inclose, and pray that somebody may be commanded to read it at thy rising or undressing, as being too long for a time of business, and yet the matter would not admit of more contraction. I dare humbly hope that the king's right, that of his royal highness, and what their grace and fa vour have made mine, against the pretensions of that Lord, will appear in my. answer, with a more than ordinary force and evidence. To which I pray leave briefly to add, first, that the land in question was never demanded by him of those in possession, till by silence and omission forfeited ; the lower parts of this river and bay having never been asked for of the Dutch for six and twenty years, much less reduced; if a title [9] by neglect in an improved country, here more,, where the wildness of the soil rendereth it not- above the six tieth part to that which is laboured and improved. The upper part of this river, from Christina river to the falls, was never demanded of the Swedes nor Dutch neither, since they reduced it ; which 11* 122 is now about thirty years from when the crown of England took it in the 1664 as I take it, and has . been since held jure belli ac pacis. This is not all; he never run his line, these fifty years that he hath had his grant — a default never to be placed to the account, of the possessor, nor yet to the crown, for granting it to another ; non-improve ment and neglect of fixing bounds making the loss just on his side, were his pretensions otherwise right ; for as there is no transgression where no law is, so where there are no bounds set, nor pos sessor found, nor any claimant appears, there can not (with submission) be any title against the planter. Nay, it is the practice of all these parts of America, and was the express condition in all the Duke's patents to the free men planters of his colony, they settling and improving the premises. In the next place, what he seeks never was, as well as it is not, in his possession, consequently never cost him any thing to improve, nor has he lost any income by its being mine. To this I add that he doth not want it : he hath 200 miles (for two de grees) upon both sides of the bravest bay in the world, Chepapeak, while I have but one side of an inferior one, and none at all, it seems, if he could have his will, to the ruin of (perhaps) the most prosperous beginnings in America. I have but two creeks that ships of two hundred tons can en ter out of the river for harbourage ; he has forty (and to spare) that ships of five hundred tons can 123 enter and ride in. And- though this argument ought not to prevail against absolute right, yet, in a case circumstanced as this of mine is, I hope that pru dence and proportion, together with my arguments of contrary right, will more than even the scale. With God I leave it, and my noble friends : but, if I am herein disappointed, it will be a ruinous voyage to me, having spent, in my preparations, transport and maintenance of the quality of Go vernor, aye and the government too, with the ap pendant charges, a vast sum more than ever I re ceived; and I hope and believe the King and Duke, by favour of my noble friend, will never suffer me to fall short of the most important part of the grant and country, and which that Lord hath no right to, want of, nor loss by. And now, my noble friend, give me leave to value myself to the Du^e by so acceptable a proxy as the Lord of Rocnes- ter in his affairs of New York: he must indeed re member the humble advice I gave him, when in his closet he asked me my opinion of the selling of New York, what I wrote to him frOm hence in that affair, and the zeal and respect I have , shewn in his service herein, and that not without success (though' any one will think I did notplaythe cun ning man in it); and I cannot suffer myself to be lieve that a prince of his generous and steady temper will permit so fatal a stroke to come upon my honest interest, nay his own, (and that of no 124 small moment to New York, for it is the garrison's grainery,) as to let that Lord go away with the only river and bay I have any interest in, who, besides that he has no right to them, needs them not, never had them, and So loses nothing by the want of them, I humbly conceive is neither more able nor willing to serve the Duke there or here. I have done : only please to remember what I told the king at Windsor, who graciously permitted me to render him my thanks and take my leave of him, to wit, that if ever any unhappy occasion came to try the truth of the assurance I gave the king of the quakers' unfactious and peace able principles towards him and^iis government, my life and estate on it they would not derogate from my character ; that if I could lie to any I would not choose to do it to him, whose goodness had not only obliged me but also put me more within his power to be even with me. This, it seems, is but too soon confirmed by the madness and folly of some evil and restless men. God de fend these "kingdoms from blood and' misery, and send us peace in our days; which I humbly wish my noble friend to think upon in behalf of my peaceable friends, lest men, even disinterested, that look on, should say with too much truth that in England, in times of danger, there is no odds in being innocent. I shall add no more but my best wishes, and that I am with much zeal and 125 affection, my noble friend, thy most obliged and fiiithful friend, " WM PENN. " If I may, please to give my most humble duty to the King and. Duke. " FoK the Earl of Rochester*." " My Noble Friend, "It is -an unhappiness small folks are ex posed to, that the discharge of their duty is an in crease of their debt. I am one of those, who am obliged to this acknowledgmentj and yet the free dom of making it needs an apology; but I take comfort in this, that I have to do with a very mer ciful creditor, one that is as easy to forgive as ready to oblige; which is all the defence I shall make for myself in the liberty I take. I hope my agent hath presented thee with my last and the respects I bear so honourable a friend. I did in that give some account of our condition here, which (thanks be to God) mends upon us. Our • It is right to mention that this nobleman was not the Lqrji Ko- chester who was the favourite companion pf Charles the Second, since the courteous manner in which William Penn addresses himself to this nobleman would give a very unfavourable impression of his character, were it supposed to have been used to one so un worthy of respect as was the dissolute companion of that dissolute monarch. 126 capital town is advanced to about 150 very tole rable houses for wooden ones ; they are chiefly on both the navigable rivers that bound the ends or sidesof the town. .The farmers have got their winter corn in the ground. I suppose we may be 500 farmers strong. I settle them in villages, di viding five thousand acres among ten, fifteen or twenty families, as their ability is to plant it. Ger- mans,*Dutch and French , are concerned in our prosperity with, their own; for here are come three parties (one of each) as spies to the multitude, they say, behind, that on their report will also em bark with us. The Germans are fallen upon flax and hemp, the French on vineyards. Here grow wild an incredible number of vines, that though savage and so not so excellent, beside that much wood and shade sour them, they .yield a pleasant grape, and I have drank a good claret, though small and greenish, of Capt. "Rappe's vintage of the savage grape. The only interruption I meet with is from the unkindness of my neighbour pro prietor the Lord Baltimore, who not only refuseth compliance to the king's commands, and the grant he and the dulie have graciously made me, but as impatient of the decision of our joint sovereign, would anticipate that by indirect ways of his own, who, to say true, by the course of his affairs, yields him as little regard as ever he can; he tak- eth himself to be a prince, that, even to his fellow subject and brother proprietdr, can of right deter- 127 mine differences by force, and we have been threatened with troops of horse (which are fine things to the wood) to reduce tliose parts in my possession to his power and greatness, aye though king and duke had them quietly before, and so were pleased to deliver them to me. And till I had preached another doctrine to him, as that the king was lord chief justice and high sheriff of America, that he finally must judge, eject and give possession, he refused to go with u^ to king and counsel ; saying he had nothing t^do with king and counsel, but would take his right where he could get it. He also told me, my patent had a proviso and exception of appeals, but his had not. I told him, that omission was not a privilege but a prejudice in my opinion'; however sovereignty was reserved I was sure, and, if the king was not appealable from Maryland, he was not sovereign of Maryland, but the Lord Baltimore. This soft ened him a little to his duty, and now he pre tends to refer, as do I, with an entire submission. Mf case I send as an answer to his demand ; to which I oifly pray leave to add, that he never was in possession, and he consequently loses nothing by the want of it that he never had. Further, he never claimed it, not of the Dutch for twenty-six years after Jiis grant, nor of the Swedes for seven and forty years, the one having the upper part of the river, the other, to wit the Dutch, the lower and all the bay : which in an improved country is 128 a forfeiture by omission and neglect; n»ore itmust be in a wild place, where the land is not the six tieth part to the labour. To this I add, he never run his line, nor fixed his bounds ; and with sub mission, where there are no boundaries, possess ors, nor claimant, but long ifnquestioned possess ion on another side, there can be no title pleadable against the planter ; the maxim of the civil law holding good in this case. Quae nullius sunt in bonis dantur^cupanti. But this is not all; he needs it not; i do; without it I have nothing, and without it, ho hath forty brave harbours, having 200 miles for two degrees of the bravest bay in the world, Chesapeak, and that on both sides, replen ished with many stately rivers and coves for the biggest ships. I have' two that ships of two hun dred tons perhaps may enter out of the river ; in the bay, none, but for small craft; and where right is, to be sure prudence and proportion will more than even the scale. I must (without vanity I can) say, I have led the greatest colony into America that ever any man did upon a private credit, and the most prosperous begiftnings that ever were in it are to be found among us; and if this lord (who may remember that his country was cut out of Virginia, to the great abatement of the interest of that province, and this not for debt, or salaries due, but as mere grace) shall carry away this poor ewe lamb too, my voyage will be a rui nous one to me and my partners, which God de- 129 fend. An*d, my honourable friend, I shall only. pray that my case may be remembered and recom mended to the king by my noble friend the mar quis of Halifax. I am not to be blamed for this liberty, when it shall be q.onsidered how great a place his wit, honour and abilities have with the king, and how much, and with' what success, he hath acted the friend to my poor concerns. I hope the innocency of our friends at this juncture hath not dishonoured the lord.of Halifax's former favours to them; as I take confidence to believe, that the. innocency of men shall protect them in England with their superiors in evil times, else the .odds would be little in being such. I say no more, but pray God to reward all thy favours to them and me, and to give me leave to value my self upon the character of "My Noble Friend, "Thy very affect, cordial friend to serve thee, "W. P. c " Philadelphia, the 9th of the } r I2th month, 1683. 3 " To the Marquis or Halifax." But amidst his useful and various avocations, William Penn received accounts from England which gave him great concern. It appeared that the persecutions against the Dissenters, and parti- 12 130 cularly the Quakers, were still carried on with great violence. Many particular instances coming to his knowledge in which that peaceable sect had undergone fines and imprisonment on account of their religion, he at length determined to return to England, and endeavour, by his own personal in terest, to improve their condition. Before this could be done, however, there were many arrangements to be made in his infant set tlement, which he immediately commenced with great diligence. That which he had most at heart was to improve, to the utmost of his power, the acquaintance and good-will of the Indians, as well as to forward, their civilization and improvement. For these purposes he held frequent conferences with them, so that we find before the time of his departure he had entered into treaties of amity with nineteen different tribes. Such was his anxiety for the good of these poor people, and with such ear nestness did he pursue it, that we are told by one of his^ biographers, "he laid out several thou sand pounds to instruct, support, and oblige them." His reward was suCh as must have been most gra tifying to'his benevolent heart — that of love and confidence to him and his successors, which was handed down from generation to generation. His next care was to forward, as much as pos sible, the buildings which were to form the city, 131 as well as to appoint the necessary officers, and in vest them with proper authority fof the government of public affairs during his absence. He then set sail for England, and, after a favourable pas- age, landed October 1684 within seven mile^ of his own house, and had the happiness of finding his wife and children in perfect health and, com fort. He lost no time after his arrival before he set about accomplishing the chief object of his re turn, and had even obtained a promise from the King to do something for the people for whom he pleaded ; but the death of Charles the Second soon after rendered his endeavours abortive. James the Second, whilst Duke of York, having promised Admiral Penn to be a friend and protec tor to his son, a considerable degree of intimacy had grown up between them, which William Penn now thought it desirable to cultivate as much as possible. For this purpose, he took lodgings for himself and family at Kensington, where he was dis tinguished by his Majesty. as a favourite friend and counsellor. The influence he possessed, however, he exerted almost entirely for the benefit of those who suffered on account of religion; and one of his first applications was in favour of the ven erable John Locke, who had been deprived, by the command of the late King, of his place as student of Christ-Church, Oxford, with all its rights and benefits, on account of his opposition to Popery and 132 and arbitrary power. His application was so far successful, that the King empowered William Penn to inform Locke, who was then in Holland, that he might return to England, and should be pardoned. That great man, however, declined to accept the offer, considering that to receive a par don would be to acknowledge himself guilty. Perhaps few situations can be more trying to any man's honour and integrity, than that of basking in the sunshine of royal favoUr ; and it is most grati fying to see how well William Penn bore the test of its fiery ordeal. A passage from Gerard Croese proves the strength of his mind on such an occa sion : — " William Penn was greatly- in favour with the King, the Quakers' sole patron at Court, on whom the hateful eyes of his enemies were intent. The King loved him as a singular and entire friend, and imparted to him many of his secrets and counsels. He often honoured him with his company in pri vate, discoursing with him of various affairs, and that not for one but many hours together, and de laying to hear the best of his peers who at the same time were waiting for an audience. One of these being envious, and impatient of delay, and taking it as an affront to see the other more regarded than himself, adventured to take the freedom to tell his majesty, that when he met with Penn he thought 133 little, of his nobility. The king made no other reply, than that Penn always talked ingeniously, and he heard him willingly. Penn, being so^highly favoured, acquired thereby a number of friends. Those also who formerly knew him, when they had any favour to ask at Court, came to, courted, and entreated Penn to promote their several requests. Penn refused none of his friends any reasonable office he could. do for them; but was ready to serve them all, but more especially the Quakers, and these wherever their religion was concerned. It is usually thought, when you do me one favour readily, you thereby encourage. me to expect a se cond. Thus they ran to Penn without intermis sion, as their only pillar and support, who always caressed and received them cheerfully, and effected their business by his interest and' eloquence. Hence his house and gates were daily thronged by a numerous train of clients and suppliants desiring him to present their addresses to his majesty. There were sometimes there two hundred and more. When the carrying on these affairs re quired money for writings, such as drawing things out into form and copyings, and for fees and other charges which are usually made on such occasions, Penn so discreetly managed matters, that out of his own, which he had in abundance, he liberally discharged many emergent expenses." As often happens however to those who labour 12* p 134 for the good of others, his returns were far from being such as he deserved. The well known attachment of James the Second to the Catholic religion, and the marks of favour v^hich William Penn, received from him, threw a suspicion on that excellent man of being secretly a friend to that cause to which his patron was known to be sO much devoted. This suspicion ^ave great alarm to the Protestants, who were very naturally appre hensive of a renewal of the persecutions from which in former reigns they had suffered so much ; and. knowing the great intimacy which existed be-' tween William Penn and the King, they soon adopted the opinion that he was himself a Papist, aud that all his influence with the King would consequently be exercised to strengthen the Ca tholic cause. Amongst those who entertained this opinion and even ventured to give open ex pression to it was the respectable Dr Tillotson, afterwards archbishop of Canterbury ; and as the opinion of such a man, both On account of his high station, and still higher character, could not fail to have great weight with all who heard it, Wil- LI.4.M Penn thought it necessary to take some ac tive measures to refute it,"and therefore wrote to Dr Tillotson in the following terms; — " Being often told that Dr Tillotson should sus pect me, and so report me, a Papist, I think a Jes uit, and being closely prest, I take the liberty to ask 135 thee if any such reflection fell from thee. If it did, I am sorry one I esteemed ever the first of his robe should so undeservedly stain me, for so I call it ; anjl if the story be false, I am sorry they should abuse Dr Tillotson as well as mysplf without a cause. I add no more, but that I abhor two princi ples in religion, and pity those that own them. — ' The first is obedience upon authority without con viction, and the other the destroying them thai dif fer from the for God's sake. Such a religion is without judgment, though not without teeth. Uni on is best, if right : else charity; and, as Hooker said, the time will come when a few words spoken with meekness, humility, and love, shall be more^ acceptable than volumes of controversies, which commonly destroy charity, which is the very best, part.of the true religion; I mean not a charity that can change with all, but bear all, as I can Dr Tillotson in vvhat he dissents from me, and in this reflection too, if said, which is not yet believed by thy Christian true friend, " William Penn." To this Dr Tillotson replied : — " HoNO-tJHED Sir, " The demand of your letter is very just and reason'able,r and the manner of it very kind ; therefore, in answer to it, be pleased to take the ¦ following account : 136 " The last time you did me the favour to see me at my house, I did, according to the freedom I always use where' I profess any friendship,' ac quaint you with something 1 had heard of a cor respondence .you held with some at Rome, and particularly with some of the -Jesuits there. At which you seemed a little surprised ; and, after some general discourse about it, you said you would call on me some other time, and speak fur ther of it. Since that time I never saw you, but by accident and in passage, where I thought you always declined me, particularly at Sir William Jones's chamber, which was the last time, I think, I- saw you ; upon which occasion I took notice to him of your strangeness to me, and told what I thought might be the reason of it, and that I was sorry for it, because I had a particular esteem of your parts and temper. The same, I believe, I have said to some others, but to whom I do not so particularly remember. Since your going to Penn- sylyania I never thought more of it, till lately be ing in some company, one of them pressed me to declare whether I had not heard something of ybu which had satisfied me that you were a. Papist? I answered. No ; by no means. I toldhim what I had heard, and what I said to you, and of the strangeness that ensued upon it ; but that this ne ver went further with me than to make me suspect there was more in that report which I had heard than I was at first willing to believej and that if 137 any made more of it^ I should look upon them. as very injurious both to Mr Penn and myself. - " This. is the truth of that matter; and whenever you will please to satisfy me that my suspicion of the truth of that report I had heard was ground-; less, I will heartily beg your pardon for it. I do fully concur with you in the abhorrence of the two principles you mention, and in your approba tion of that excellent, saying of Mr Hooker, for which I shall ever highly esteem him. I have en deavoured to make it one of the governing princi ples of my life, never to abate any thing pf huma nity and charity to any man for his difference from me in opinion, and particularly to those of your persuasion, as several of them have had experi ence. ¦ I have been ready upon all occasions to do them all offices of kindness, being truly sorry to see them so hardly used; and though I thought them mistaken, yet in the main I believed them to be very honest. I thank you for your letter, and have a just esteem of the Christian temper of it, and rest your faithful Friend, " Jo. Tillotson." William Penn's liberal, independent, and man ly answer cannot fail to be read with pleasure : — " Worthy Friend, " Having a muc.h less opinion of my own 138 memory than of Dr Tillotson's truth, I will allow the fact, though not the jealousy ; for, besides that I cannot look strange where I am well used, I have ever treated the name of Dr Tillotson with another regard. I might be grave, and full of my own bu siness. I was also then disappointed by the Doc tor's ; but my nature is not harsh, my education less, and my principles least of all. It was the opinion I have had of the Doctor's moderation, simplicity, and integrity, rather than his parts or posts, that al ways made me set a value upon his friendship, of which perhaps I am better judge, leaving the latter to men of deeper talents. I blame him nothing, but leave if to his better thoughfs, if, in my affair, his jealousy was not too nimble for his charity. If he can believe me, I should hardly prevail withi my self to endure the same thought of Dr Tillotson on the like occasion, and less. to speak of it. For the Roman correspondence I will freely come to con fession : I have not only no such thing with any Jesuit at Rome (though Protestants may have with out offence), but I hold none with any Jesuit, priest, or regular in the world of tha,t communion. And that the Doctor may see what a novice I am in that business I know not one any where. And yet, when all this is said, I am a Catholic, though not a Roman. I have bowels for mankind, and dare not deny others what I crave for myself, I mean liberty of the exercise of my religion ; thinking faith, piety, and providence a better security than 139 (force and that if truth cannot prevail with her own weapons all others will fail her. " Now, though I am not obliged to this defence, and that it can be no temporizing now to make it; yet that Dr Tillotson may see how m:uch I value his good opinion, and dare own the truth and myself at all turns, let him be, confident I am no Roman Catholic, but a Christian, whpse creed is the, Scripture, of the truth, of which I hold^ a no bler evidence than the best, Church authority in the world ; and yet I refuse not to believe the por ter/ though I cannot leave the sense to his discre tion ; and when I should, if he offends against those plain methods of understanding God hath made us to know things by, and which are insepa rable from us, I must beg his pardon, as I do the Doctor's, for this length, upon the assurance he hasgiven me of his doing the like upon better in-' formation ; which that he may fully have, I recom mend him to my ' Address to Protestants,' from p. 133 to the end, and to the first four chapters of my ' No Cross No Crown,' to say nothing. of our most unceremonious and unworldly way of worship and their pompous cult; where at this time I shall leave the, business with all due and sensible, acknowledgments to thy friendly temper, and assurance of the sincere wishes and respects of thy affectionate, real friend, 'i William Penn." 140 This letter produced so full a conviction on the mind of the liberal Tillotson, that lie had done injustice to William Penn, that a very friendly intercourse afterwards took place between them. The suspicion however was still entertained by many others, and a letter being sent to William Penn, in which those opinions were expressed and Dr Tillotson's name mentioned in connection with , it, William Penn wrote the following note to his -friend, enclosing the letter which he had re ceived : — " WoBiTHY Friend, " This should have been a visit ; but being of opinion thatDr-Tillotson is yet a debtor to me in this way, I chose to provoke him to another let ter by this, before I made him one ; for though he was very just and obliging when I last saw him, yet certainly no expression, however kindly spo ken, vvill so easily and effectually purge me from the unjust imputation some people cast upon me in his name, as his own letter will do. The need of this he will better see when he has read the in closed, which coming to hand since my last, is, I presume, enough to justify this address, if I had no former pretensions. And therefore I cannot be so wanting to myself, as not to press him to a letter in my just defence,, nor so uncharitable to him as to think he should not frankly write what he has said, when it is to -right a man's reputation 141 ahd disabuse the too credulous world. For to me it seems from a private friendship to become a mo ral duty to the public, which, with a person of so great morality, must give success to the reasona ble desire of thy very real friend, "William Penn." To this Dr Tillotson gave the following satis factory answer : — " Sir, "I am very sorry that the slispicion I had entertained concerning you, of which I gave you the true account in my former letterj hath occa sioned so much trouble and'incorivenience to you : and I do now declare with great joy, that I am fully satisfied that there was no just ground for that sus picion, and therefore do heartily beg your pardon for it. And ever since you were pleased to give me that satisfaction, I have taken all occasions to vindicate you in this matter ; and shall be ready to do it to the person that sent you the inclosed, whenever he will please to come to me. I am very much in the country, but will seek the first opportunity to visit you at Charing Cross, and re new our acquaintance, in which I took great plea sure. I rest your faithful friend, " Jo. Tillotson." 13 142 The exertions which William Penn made in behalf of his suffering brethren were not confined to thoseof his own peculiar denomination; but ex tended to all those who suffered on account of their religion : nor was it long before he reaped the benefit of his exertions in favour of the suffer ing Christians, by the King and his council issuing a proclamation of pardon to those who were in prison on account of their consciences. He had no doubt aided this object in the minds of the council by a work which he at this time published, called a "Persuasive to Moderation." But it is probable the gradual influence of his conversations with the King, when this great object was always kept in view, had a much more powerful effect. The consequences of this proclamation were most happy to the Quakers, as it was the means of re storing no less than twelve hundred conscientious and suffering people to their families and friends many of whom had been several years in confine- mep* After this happy event, William Penn resolved on a tour to the continent, to visit the several churches there. On setting out he was commis sioned by the King to visit the Prince of Orange, at the Hague, and endeavour to gain his compli ance to a general religious toleration in, England, together with the removal of all tests, — a commis sion which it may well be imagined he most joy- 143 fully undertook. He then visiteivarious parts of the continent ; after which he. returned again to England, further to promote, by his interest at court, the spread and Confirmation of religious liberty. Indeed, so entirely was his heart engaged in this great cause, that he resolved to remain in England till it was completed, though all the ac counts which he had received from America prov ed that matters stood greatly in need of his pre- • sence, support, and direction. He had reason to hope, however, that it would not be long before he saw religious toleration established as the law of his native land, which would enable him to return with much greater satisfaction and honour to the land of his adoption. But, unfortunately, the King, whilst he shewed himself anxious to procure gen eral religious liberty, proved himself at the same time so decided a Catholic, that ithe people were in duced to believe his only object was to favour the Papists, and in these suspicions William Penn was so much involved, that many were afraid to ac knowledge his acquaintance, whilst others, whose minds were of a more independent character, re monstrated with him on the subject. Amongst the latter was a Mr Popple, who was intimate both with him and John Locke, and whose letter with Wil liam Penn's answer we will give as specimehs of an elevation of mind, and elegance of composition, far beyond the age in which they lived : — 144 " To the Honourable William Penn, Esq. Pro prietor and Governor of Pennsylvania. " Honoured Sir, " Though the friendship with which you are pleased to honour me doth afford me sufficient opportunities, of discoursing with you upon any subject, yet I choose rather at this time to offer unto you in writing some- reflections which have occurred to my thoughts in a matter of no com mon importance. The importance of it doth pri marily and directly re,spect yourself and your own private concernments; bnt it also consequently and effectually regards the King, his government, and even the peace and settlement of this whole nation. I entreat you therefore to bear with me, if I endeavour in this manner .to give somewhat more weight unto my words than would be in a transient discourse, and leave them with you as a subject that requires your retired consideration. " You are not ignorant that the part you have been supposed to have had of late years in public affairs, though without either the title, or honour, or profit, of any public office, and that especially your avowed endeavours to introduce among us a general and inviolable liberty of conscience in matters of mere religion, have occasioned the mis takes of some men, provoked the malice of others, and in the end have raised against you a multitude 145 of enemies, who have unworthily defamed you with such imputations as I am sUre you abhor. This I know you have been sufficiently informed of, though I doubt you have not made sufficient reflection upon it. The consciousness of your own innocence seems to me to have given you too great a contempt ofsuch unjust and ill-grounded slan ders; for, however glorious it is and reasonable for a truly virtuous mind, whose inward peace is founded upon that rock of innocence, to despise the empty noise of popular reproach, yet even that sublimity of spirit may sometimes swell to a re- _ provable excess. To be steady and immovable in the prosecution of wise and honest resolutions, by all honest and prudent means, is indeed a duty that admits of no.exception: but nevertheless it ought not to hinder that, at the same time, there be also a due bare taken of preserving a fair reputa tion. ' A good name,' says the Wise Man, ' is bet ter than precious ointment^' If is a perfume that recommends the person whom it accompanies, that procures him every where an easy acceptance, and that facilitates the success of all his enterprizes: and for that reason, though there were no' other, I entj-eat you, observe, that the care of a man's re- ' putation is an essential part of that very same duty that engages him in the pursuit of any worthy design. " But I must not entertain you with a declama- 13* 146 tion upon this general theme. My business is to represent to you more particularly those very impu tations which are cast upon yourself, together with some of their evident consequences; that, if possi ble, I may thereby move you to labour after a re medy. The source of all arises from the ordinary aftcess you have unto the King, the credit you are supposed to have with him, and the deep jealousy that some people have conceived of his intentions in reference to religion. Their jealousy is, that his aim has been tosettle Popery in this nation, not only in a fair and secure li'berty, but even in a predomi nating superiority over all other professions: and from hence the inference follows, that whosoever has any part in the councils of this reign must needs be popishly affected; but that to have so great a part in them as you are said to have had, can hap pen to none but an absolute Papist. That is the direct charge: but that is not enough; your post is too considerable for a Papist of an ordinary form, and therefore you must be a Jesuit : nay, to confirm that suggestion, it must be accompanied with all the circumstances that may best give it an air of probability ; as, that you have been bred at St .-Omer's in the Jesuits' college; that you have taken orders at Rome, and there obtained a dispensation to marry; and that you have since then frequently officiated as a priest in the celebration of the mass at Whitehall, St James's, and other places. And this being admitted, nothing can be too black to 147 be cast upon you. Whatsoever is thought amiss either in church or state, though never so con trary to your advice, is boldly attributed to it; and, if other proofs fail,- the Scripture itself must be brought in to confirm, 'That whosoever offends in one point (in a point especially so essential as that of our too much affected uniformity) is guilty of the breach of all our laws.' Thus the charge of Popery draws after it a tail like the et ccdera oath, and by endless innuendos prejudicates you as guil ty of whatsoever malice can invent, or folly be lieve. But that charge, therefore, being removed, theinferences that are drawn from it w^. vanish, and your reputation will easily return to its former brightness. "Now, that I rnight the more effectually per suade you to apply some remedy to this disease, I beseech you. Sir, suffer me to lay before you some of its pernicious consequences. It is not a trifling matter for a person, raised as you are above the common level, to lie under the prejudice of so gene ral a mistake in so important a matter. The gene ral and long prevalency of any opinion gives it a strength, especially among the vulgar, that is not easily shaken. And as it happens that you have also enemies of a higher rank, who will be ready to im prove such popular mistakes by all sorts of malici ous artifices, it must be taken for granted that those errors will be thereby still more confirmed, and 148 the inconveniences that may arise from thence no less increased. This, Sir, I assure you, is a me lancholy prospect to your friends ; for we know you have such enemies. The design of so universal a liberty of conscience, as your principles have led you to promote, has offended many of those whose interest it is to cross it. I need not tell you how many and how powerful they are ; nor can I tell you either how far, or by what ways and means, they may endeavour to execute their revenge. But this, however, I must needs tell you ; that, in your present circumstances, there is sufficient ground for so much jealousy at least as ought to excite you to use the precaution of some public vindica tion. This the tenderness of friendship prompts your friends to desire of you ; and this the just sense of your honour, which true religion does not extinguish, requires you to execute. " Pardon, I entreat you. Sir, the earnestness of these expressions; nay, suffer me, without offence, to expostulate with you yet a little further. I am fearful lest these personal c'onsiderations should not have their due weight with you, and therefore I cannot omit to reflect also upon some more ge neral consequences of your particular reproach. I have said it already, that the King, his honour, his government, and even the peace and settle ment of this whole nation, either are or have been concerned in this matter : your reputation, as you 149 are said to have meddled in public affairs, has been of public concernment. The promoting a gene ral liberty of conscience having been your parti cular province, the aspersion of Popery and Jesuit ism, that has been cast upon you, has reflected upon his majesty for having made use^ in that affair, of so disguised a personage as you are sup posed to have been. " It has weakened the force of your endeavours, obstructed their effect, and con tributed greatly to disappoint this poor nation of that inestimable happiness, and secure establish ment, which I am persuaded you designed, and which all good and wise men agree that a just and inviolable liberty of conscience would infallibly produce. I heartily wish this consideration had been sooner laid to heart, and that some demon strative evidence of your sincerity in the profes sion you make had accompanied all your endea vours for liberty. " But what do I say, or what do I wish for •? I confess that I am nowstruckwith astonishment at that abundant evidence which I know you have constantly given of the opposition of your princi ples to those of the Romish church, and at the little regard there has been had to it. If an open profession of the directest opposition against Po pery ,'that has ever appeared in the world since Po pery was first distinguished from common Christi anity, would serve the turn, this cannot be denied 150 to all those of that society with which you are joined in the duties of religious worship. If to have maintained the principles of that society by frequent and fervent discourses, by many elabo rate writings, by suffering ignominy, imprison ment, and other manifold disadvantages, in de fence thereof, can be admitted as any proof of your sincere adherence thereunto ; this, it is evi dent to the world, you have done already. Nay, further; if to have inquired, as far as was possible for you, into the particular stories that have. been framed against you, and to have sought all means of rectifying the mistakes upon which they were grounded, could in any measure avail to the set ting a true character of you in men's judgments, this also I know you have done. For I have seen under the hand of a reverend dean of our English church (Dr Tillotson) a full acknowledgment of satisfaction received from you in a suspicion he had entertained upon one of those stories, and to which his report had procured too much credit. And though I know you are averse to the pub lishing of his letter without his express leave, and perhaps may not now think fit to ask it, yet I am so thoroughly assured of his sincerity and can-" dour, that I cannot doubt but he has already vin dicated you in that matter, and will (according to his promise) be still ready to do it upon all oc casions. Nay, I have seen also your justification from another calumny of common fame, about your 151 having kidnapped one, who had been formerly a monk, out of your American province, to deliver him here into the hands of his enemies ; I say, I have seen your justification from that story under that person's own hand ; and his return to Penn sylvania, where he now resides, may be an irrefra gable confutation of it to any that will take the pains to inquire thereinto. "Really it afflicts me very much to consider that all this does not suffice. If I had not that -particular respect for you which I sincerely pro fess, yet I could not but be much affected, that any man, who had deservedly acquired so fair a reputation as you have formerly had, whose inte grity and veracity had always been reputed spot less, and whose charity had been continually ex ercised in serving others, at the dear expense of his time, his strength, and his estate, without any other recompense than what results from the con sciousness of doing good : I say I could not but be much affected, to see any such person fall in nocently and undeservedly under such unjust re proaches as you have done. It is a hard case ; and I think no man that has any bowels of huma nity can reflect upon it without great relentings. " Since therefore it is so, and that something remains yet to be done — something more express, and especially more public than has yet been 152 done — for your vindication ; I beg of you, dear Sir, by all the tender efficacy that friendship, either mine or that of your friends and relations together, can have upon you ; by the due regard which hu manity, and even Christianity, obliges you to have to your reputation ; by the duty you owe unto the King; by your love to the land of your nativity; and by the cause of universal religion, and eternal truth ; let not the scandal of insincerity, that I have hinted at, lie any longer upon you; but let the sense of all these obligations persuade you to gra tify your friends and relations, and to serve your King, your country, and your reUgion, by such a public vindication of your honour, as your own ¦prudence, upon these suggestions, will now shew you to be most necessary and most expedient. I am, with unfeigned and most respectful affection, Honoured Sir, " Your most humble and most obedient servant, " William Popple." ANSWER. " Worthy Friend, " It is now above twenty years, I thank God, that I have not been very solicitous what the world thought of me : for since I have had the know ledge of religion from a principle in myself, the first and main point with me has been to approve 153 myself in the sight of God through patience and well-doing : so that the world has not had weight enough with me to suffer its good opinion to raise me, or its ill opinion to deject me. And if that had been the only motive or consideration, and not the desire of a good friend in the name of many others, 1 had been as silent to thy letter as I use to be to the idle ahd malicious shams of the times : but as the laws of friendship are sacred with those that value that relation, so I confess this to be a principal one with me, not to deny a fri-end the sa tisfaction he desires, when it rhay be done without offence to a good conscience. "The business chiefly insisted upon is my Po pery, and endeavours to promote it. I do say then, and that with all sincerity, that I am not only no Je suit, but no Papist; and, which is more, I never had any temptation upon me to be it, either from doubts in my own mind about the way I profess, or from the discourses or writings of any of that religion. And in the presence of Almighty God I do declare, that the King did never once, directly or indirpctly, attack me, or tempt me, upon that subject, the many years that I have had the advantage of a free access to him; so unjust, as weH as sordidly false, are all those stories of the town ! " The only reason, that I can apprehend, thef have to repute me a Roman Catholic, is my fre- 14 154 quent going to Whitehall, a place no more forbid to me than to the rest of the world, who yet, it seems, find much fairer quarter. I have almost continually had one business or ether there for our Friends, whom I ever served with a steady solicitation through all times since I was of their communion. I had also a great many personal good offices to do, upon a principle of charity, for people of all per suasions, thinking it a duty to improve the little in terest I had for jhe good of those that needed it, especially the poor. I might add something of my own affairs too, though I must own (if I may with out vanity) that they have ever had the least share of my thoughts or pains, or else they would not have still depended as they yet do. "But because some people are so unjust as to render instances for my Popery, (or rather.hypocri- sy, for so it would be in me,) 'tis fit I contradict them as particularly as they accuse me. I say then solemnly, that I am so far from having been bred at St Omer's, and having received orders at Rome, that I never was at either place, nor do I know any body there ; nor had I ever a correspondence with any body in those places : which is another story in vented against me. And as for my officiating in the King's chapel, or any other, it is so ridiculous as well as untrue, that, besides that nobody can do it but a priest, and that I have been married to a woman of «ome condition above sixteen years (which no priest 155 can be by any dispensation whatever), I have not so much as looked into any chapel of the Roman religion, and consequently not the King's, though a common curiosity warrants it daily to people of all persuasions. " And, once for all, I do say that I am a Protes tant Dissenter, and to that degree such, that I chal lenge the most celebrated Protestant of the English ' church, or any other, on that head, be he layman or clergyman, in public or in private. For I would have such people know, tis not impossible for a true Protestant Dissenter to be dutiful, thankful, and serviceable to the King, though he be of the Roman Catholic communion. We hold not our property or protection from him by our persuasion, and therefore his persuasion should not be the mea sure of our allegiance. I am sorry to see so many, that seem fond of the Reformed Religion, by their disaffection to him recommend it so ill. Whatever practices of Roman Catholics we might reasonably object against (and no doubt but such there are), yet he has disclaimed and reprehended those ill things by his declared opinion against persecution, by the ease in which he actually indulges all Dis senters, and by the confirmation he offers in Par liament for the security of the Protestant religion and libej-ty of conscience. And' in his honour, as well as in my own defence, I am obliged in con science to say, that he has ever declared to me it 156 was his opinion; and on all occasions, when Duke, be never refused me the repeated proofs of it as often as I had any poor sufferers for conscience sake to solicit his help for. " But some may be apt to say, ' Why not any body else as well as I 9 Why must I have the preferable access to other Dissenters, if not a Pa pist?' I answer, I know not that it is so.— But this I know, that I have made it my province and business; I have followed and prest it; I took it for my calling and station, and have kept it above these sixteen years ; and, which is more (if I may say it without vanity or reproach), wholly at my own charges too. To this let me add the relation my father had to this King's service, his particular favour in getting me released out of the Tower of London in 1669, my father's humble request to him upon his death bed to protect me from the in conveniences and troubles my persuasion might .expose me to, and his friendly promise to do it, and exact performance of it from the moment I ad dressed myself to him ; I say, when all this is con sidered, any body, that has the least pretence to good nature, gratitude, or generosity, must needs know how to interpret my access to the King. Perhaps some will be ready to say, ' This is not all, nor is this yet a fault ; but that I have been an adviser in other matters disgustful to the kingdom, and which tend to the overthrow of the Protestant 157 religion and the liberties of the people.' — A likely thing, indeed, that a Protestant dissenter, who from fifteen years old has been (at times) a sufferer in his father's family, in the University, and by the government, for being so, should design the de struction of the Protestant religion ! This is just as probable as it is true that I died a Jesuit six years ago in America. — Will men still suffer such stuff to pass upon them 9 — Is anything more fool ish, as well as false, than that because I am often at Whitehall, therefore I must be the author of all that is done there that does not please abroad'? — But, supposing some' such things to have been done, pray tell me, if I am bound to oppose any thing that I am not called to do"? I never was a member of council, cabinet, or committee, where the affairs of the kingdom are transacted. I have had no office, nor trust, and consequently nothing can be said to be done by me ; nor, for that reason, could.I lie under any test or obligation to disco ver my opinion of public acts of state ; aud there^r fore neither can any such acts, nor my silence about them, in justice be made my crime. Volun teers are blanks and cyphers in all governments. And unless calling at Whitehall once a day, upon many occasions, dr my not being turned out of no thing (for that no office is), be the evidence of my compliance in disagreeable things, I know not what else can, with any truth, be alleged against me. However, one thing I know, that I have 14* 158 evQj-y where most religiously observed, and endea voured in conversation with persons of all ranks and opinions, to allay heats, and moderate ex tremes, even in the politics. It is below me to be more particular ; but I am sure it has been my en deavour,, that if we could not all meet npon a re ligious bottom, at least we might upon a civil one, the good of England, which is the common inte rest of King and people; that he might be great by justice, and we free by obedience; distinguish ing rightly, on the one hand, between duty and slavery; and, on the other, between liberty and licentiousness. " But, alas ! I am not without my apprehension of the .cause of this behaviour towards me, and in this I perceive we agree ; I mean my constant zeal for an impartial liberty of conscience. But if that be it, the cause is too good to be in pain about. I ever understood that to be the natural right of all men ; and that he that had a religion without it, his religion was none of his own. For what is not the religion of a man's choice is the religion of him that imposes it; so that liberty of conscience is the first step to have a religion. This is no new opinion vi'ith me. I have writ many apologies within the last twenty years to defend it, and that impartially. Yet I have as constantly declared that bounds ought to be set to this freedom, and that morality was the best; and that as often as 159 that was violated, under a pretence of conscience, it was fit the civil power should take place. Nor did I ever think of promoting any sort of liberty of conscience for any body, which did not preserve the common Protestancy of the kingdom, and the ancient rights of the government ; for, to say truth, the one cannot be maintained without the other. " Upon the whole matter, I must say, I love England; I ever did so; and that I am not in her debt. I never valued time, money, or kindred, to serve her and do her good.- No party could ever bias me to her prejudice, nor any personal interest oblige me in her wrong : for I always abhorred discounting private favours at the public cost. " Would I have made my market of the fears and jealousies of the people, when this King came to the crown,. I had put twenty thousand pounds into my pocket, and an hundred thousand into my province; for mighty numbers of people were then upon the wing : but I-waved it all ; hoped for bet ter times; expected the effects of the King's word for liberty of conscience, and happiness by it : and till I saw my friends, with the kingdom, delivered from the legal bondage which penal laws for relir gion had subjected them to, I could with no satis faction think of leaving England, though much to my prejudice beyond sea, and at my great expense here, having in all this time never had either of- 160 fice or pension, and always refusing the rewards or gratuities of those I have been able to oblige. '^ If, therefore, an universal charity, if the assert ing an impartial liberty of conscience, if doing to others as we would be done by, and an open avow ing and steady practising of these things, in all times, and to all parties, will justly lay a man un der the reflection of being a Jesuit, or Papist of any rank, I must not only submit to the character, but embrace it too ; and I care npt who knows, that I can wear it with more pleasure than it is possible for them with any justice to give it me. For these are corner stones and principles with me; and I am scandalized at all buildings which have them not for their foundations. For relig'ion itself is an empty name without them,- a whited wall, a painted sepulchre, no life or virtue to the soul, no good or example to one's neighbour. Let us not flatter ourselves; we can never be the better forour religion, if ourneighbourbe the worse forit. Our fault is, we are apt to be mighty hot upon spe culative errors, and break all bounds in our resent ments; but we let practical ones pass without re mark, if not without repentance : as if a mistake about an obscure proposition of faith were a greater evil than the breach of an undoubted precept. Such a religion the devils themselves are not with out; for they have both faith and knowledge; but their faith doth not work by love, northeir knowledge 161 by obedience. And if this be their judgment, can it be our blessing 9 — Let us not then think religion a litigious thing, nor that Christ came only to make us good disputants, but that he came also to make us good livers : sincerity goes further than capacity. It is charity that deservedly excels in the Christian religion; and happy would it be if where unity ends, charity did begin, instead of envy and railiiig, that almost ever follow. It ap pears to me to be the way that God has found out and appointed to moderate our differences, and make them at least^armless to society; and there fore I confess, I dare not aggravate them to wrath and blood. Our disagreement lies in our appre hension or belief of things ; and if the common enemy of mankind had not the goveining of our affections and passions; that disagreement would not prove such a canker, as it is, to love and peace in- civil societies. "He thatsuffers his difference, with his neigh bour about the other world to carry him beyond the line of moderation in this, is the worse for his opinion, even though it be true. It is too little considered by Christians, that men may hold the truth in unrighteousness; that they may be ortho dox, and not know what spirit they are of. So were the apostles of our Lord : they believed in him, yet let a false zeal do violence to their judg- 162 ment, and their unwarrantable heat contradict the great end of their Saviour's coming. Love. " Men may be angry for God's sake, and kill people too. Christ said it, and too many have practised it. But what sort of Christians must they be, I pray, that can hate in his name who bids us love, and kill for his sake that forbids killing, and commands love, even to enemies '? " Let not men, nor parties^ think to shift it off from themselves. It is not thisprinciple, nor that form, to which so great a defection is owing, but a degeneracy of mind from God. Cliristianity is not at heart ; no fear of God in the inward parts ; no awe of his divine omnipresence. Self pre vails, and breaks out, more or less, through all forms but too plainly, (pride, wrath, lust, avarice,) BO that though people say to God, Thy will be done, they do their own ; which shews them to be true Heathens, under a mask of Christianity, that believe without works, and repent without forsak ing ; busy for forms, and the temporal benefits of them; while triie religion, which is to visit, the fa therless and the widow, and to keep ourselves un spotted from the world, goes barefoot, and like Lazarus is despised. Yet this was the definition the Holy Ghost gave of religion, before synods and councils had the meddling with it and mo delling of it. In those days bowels were a good 163 part of religion, and that to the fatherless and wi dow at large. We can hardly now extend them to those of our own way. .It was said by him that could not say amiss, ' Because iniquity abounds, the love of many waxeth cold.' Whatsoever di vides man's heart from God separates it from his neighbour; and he that loves self more than God can never love hisneighbour as himself. For (as the apostle said) 'If we do not love him whom we have seen, how can we love God whom we have not seen. "O that we could see some men as eager to turn people to God, as they are to blow them up, and set them one against another! But, indeed, those only can have that pure and pious zeal, who are themselves turned to God, and have tasted the sweetness of that conversion, which is to power, and not to form; to godliness, and not to gain. Such as those do bend their thoughts and pains to appease, not increase heats and animosities; to exhort people to look at home, sweep their own houses, and weed their own gardens. And in no age or time was there more need to set men at work in their own hearts than this we live in, when so busy, wandering, licentious a spirit pre vails ; for, whatever some men may think, the dis ease of this kingdom is sin, impiety against God, and want of charity to men. And while this guilt is at our door, judgment cannot be far off. 164 "Now this being the disease, I will briefly offer two things for the cure of it. • "The first is David's clean heart and right spirit, which he asked and had of God: without this we must be a chaos still : for the distemper is within; and our Lord said, all evil comes from thence. Set the inward man right, and the outward man cannot be wrong ; that is the helm that governs the human vessel ; and this nothing can do but an inward prin ciple, the light and grace that came by Christ, which, the Scriptures tell us, enlightens every one, and hath appeared to all men. — It is preposterous to think that he, who made the world, should shew least care of the best part of it, our souls. No : he that gave us an outward luminary for our bodies, hath given us an inward one for our minds to act by. We have it ; and it is our condemnation that we do not love it, and bring our deeds to it. 'Tis by this we see our sins, are made sensible of them, sorry for them, and finally forsake them. And he that thinks to go to Heaven a nearer way will, I fear, belate his soul, and be irrevocably mistaken. There are but goats and sheep at last, whatever shapes we wear here. Let us not therefore, dear friend, deceive ourselves. Our souls are at stake; God will not be mocked; what we sow we must expect to reap. There is no repentance in the grave ; which shews that, if none there, then no where else. To sum up this divinity of mine : It is 165 the light of Jesus in our souls, that gives us a true sight of ourselves, and that sight that leads us to re pentance ; which repentance begets humility, and humility that true charity that covers a multitude of faults, which I call God's expedient against man's infirmity. " The second remedy to our present distemper is this : Since all of all parties profess to beheve in God, Christ, th,e Spirit, and Scripture ; that the soul is immortal ; that there are eternal rewards and punishments; and that the virtuous shall re ceive the one, and the wicked suffer the other: I say, since this is the common faith of Christendom, let us all resolve in the strength of God to live up to what we agree in, before we fall out so misera bly about the rest in which we differ. I am per suaded, the change and comfort, which that pious course would bring us to, would go very far to dis pose our natures to compound easily for all the rest, and we might hope yet to see happy days in poor England, for there I would have so good a work begun. . And how it is possible for the eminent men of every religious persuasion (especially the present ministers of the parishes of England) to think of giving an account to God at the last day without using the utmost of their endeavours to moderate the members of their respective commu- liicns towards those that differ from them, is a mystery to me. But this I know, and must lay it 15 166 at their doors ; I charge also my own soul with it ; God requires moderation and humility from us ; for he is at hand, who will not spare to judge our impatience, if we have no patience for one ano ther. The eternal God rebuke (I beseech him) the wrath of man, and humble all under the sense of the evil of this day; and yet (unworthy as we are) give us peace for his holy name's sake. " It is now time to end this letter, and I will now do it without saying any more than this : Thou seest my defence against popular calumny ; thou seest what my thoughts are of our condition, and the way to better it ; and thou seest my hear ty and humble prayer to Almighty. God to incline us to be wise, if it were but for our own sakes. I shall only add, that I am extremely sensible of the kindness and justice intended me by my friends on this occasion, and that I am for that, and many more reasons, " Thy obliged and affectionate friend, "William Penn." We know from history that the consequence of the King's mode of proceeding, and his well known attachment to the Catholic cause, was that a tumult was excited, which ended in the flight of the King into France, and the establishment of, William of Orange and his consort Mary on the throne. 167 Great was the change which William Penn now experienced. Lately the friend and favour ite of the King, and the channel through which those who had favours to ask sought to present their requests, he now saw himself the object of suspicion and contempt, and threatened even with those persecutions himself which he had taken so much pains to remove from others. His mind na- turally*turned, under these circumstances, to his own quiet and peaceful home in America; and it may weH be imagined, that his heart panted for the sweets which it promised him. But the' fear of appearing to deserve the suspicions of Popery which now rested upon him deterred him from availing himself of the asylum which it offered, and made him resolve to remain for the present where he was — guarded by the armour of an innocent heart and well spent life. But these did not prove sufficient to protect him from evil; for, whilst walk ing soon after through Whitehall, he was sent for by the Lords of the Council, then sitting. In his examination he protested that "he had done no thing but what he could answer before God, and all the princes in the world ; that he loved his country and the protestant religion above his life, and had never acted against either; that all he had ever aimed at in his public endeavours was no other than what the Prince himself had, declar ed for; that King James had ever been his friend, and his father's friend; and that in gratitude he 168 himself was the King's, and did ever, as much as in him lay, influence him to his true interest." This manly and frank declaration was of .little service to him, and he was obliged to give security for his appearance on the first day of the next term; after which he was discharged. When the time, however, arrived for his answer ing to the charges made against him, not otic per son could be found to substantiate them. Not a single being could be found who would say he was a Papist or a Jesuit, or that he had, in a single in stance, aided the late King to establish Popery or arbitrary power ; so that he was, of course, ac quitted. Soon after this event,, he had the pleasure of seeing the toleration act passed by King, Lords, and Commons; and though it was far from being equal to his wishes, it was still a very happy change in the state of the country. Dissenters of every denomination were " now excused from certain penalties if they would only take the oaths to government. They were allowed to apply for warrants for those houses in which they intended to worship ; and the magistrates were obliged to grant them; and, provided they worshipped in these with the doors not shut, they were not to be mo lested." For the Quakers, this act contained a more particular exemption in relation to oaths; so 169 that there was at once an end to all the troubles, imprisonments, and hardships, which had so long harassed, the country. This event must have been most highly gratifying to one who had laboured so hard for its accomplishment. That it Owed its origin in a great measure to his endeavours there can be little doubt, as he had made a great impres sion on the Prince of Orange, now King William, whilst at the Hague, as well as having been the means of drawing many of his countrymen into its support, both by his conversation and wri tings. After this accomplishment Of his wishes, his mind turned with renewed interest towards Amer ica. He had found it necessary, since his depart- ture, to make various changes in his mode of government, and had only a short time before appointed a new deputy governor. It seemed, however, that his personal presence would afford the most likely means of settling all disputes, and of putting an end to all dissatisfaction; he there fore determined upon resuming his place amongst them as soon as he saw the new act of toleration received and sanctioned by the voice of the peo ple. But no sooner was this the case, and he had commenced his preparations for his intended voyage, than he was arrested by a body of mili tary, and again brought for examination before the Lords of the Council. 15* 170 The present charge against him was that of holding a correspondence with the late King, who was then in France; on hearing which, he begged to appeal to King William in person. This was granted, and a letter produced frOm King James to him, which had been intercepted. On being questioned concerning it, he "acknowledged, with the frankness of a manly and innocent mind, that the King's motive for writing that letter appeared evidently to be, to induce him to endeavour to re place him on the throne ; but that it had been written without his knowledge or concurrence; and that, much as he loved the late King, and felt obliged to him for all his former marks of friend ship, he had too sincere an interest in the welfare of his country, and felt too strongly the duty he owed the state, to think of being instrumental iii restoring Ms lost crown. This defence brought such conviction to the mind of the King, that he was inclined to acquit him immediately ; but ob jections being made to this by some of the Coun cil, he was ordered to give bail for his appearance at the next Trinity Term, after which he was al lowed to go at large as before. Again the time for his appearance in court arrived, and again, no one coming forward against him, he was honour ably acquitted. Once more at liberty, he again began to think of returning to America; when, in consequence of 171 a threatened invasion by the French during King William's absence in Ireland, the Queen was obli ged to exert herself for the defence of the nation. And, in order to strike terror into the hearts of the supposed conspirators, s^he published a proclama tion for apprehending many suspected persons, amongst whom was William Pt:nn. Here then we see this excellent man again an inhabitant pf a prison, where he lay for some time. At length being brought before the Court of King's Bench, he was again acquitted; for, though some appear ed in evidence, nothing could be proved against him. It cannot be wondered at that he now turned with sickening anxiety towards the peaceful shades of America. Harassed and persecuted in a coun try which he had spent his life in endeavours to serye, he longed for a distant and more friendly home. The object fdr which he had crossed the Atlantic was in a great measure accomplished, and he felt himself authorized to seek that security for his person in Pennsylvania which seemed to be denied him in his native country. Just at the time that he was almost ready for departure, George Fox, the great founder of the - society of Quakers, died in London ; and he had the satisfaction of performing the last offices of friendship to him whilst living, as well as of 172 attending his remains to the grave — where he spoke for a considerable time to about two thou sand persons. Little did he imagine that at that very moment emissaries were again employed to denounce him as an enemy to his country. An infamous fellow of the name of Fuller, who was afterwards declared by Parliament to be " a cheat and an impostor," came forward and made accusa tion against him upon bath, in consequence of which persons were sent with a warrant to appre^ hend him even at the funeral of his friend. " For tunately, however, they had mistaken the time and arrived too late. There was now no alternative but that of the vessels, which had many emigrants ready to em bark in theni, sailing without him, as he could not with honour, under present circumstances, leave the kingdom. To have done so, by way of avoiding the execution of the law, would have been useless, as he was equally subject to it in America as in England. But, had that not been the case, his mind would have revolted from it, as hav ing the appearance of flying from the punishment which he knew himself not to deserve. Equally prudent, however, as spirited, he was no way dis posed to throw himself in the way of his enemies, and therefore determined to keep himself in re tirement—where, though he might easily be dis covered by those who wished to find him, he would 173 cease to force himself upon the public attention. Influenced by these considerations, he took a pri vate lodging in London, where study, religious ex ercises and the visits of a few friends combined to cheer and lighten his hours of retirement. The subject of most serious regret to him was, the bad effect of his absence on the affairs of the province, where differences had arisen which he alone was capable of adjusting. Jealousies had been excited which would probably never have been known had he been himself at the head of the government; for the candour, openness, and im partiality of his conduct were peculiarly well cal culated to remove every suspicion, and hush every rising discontent. His personal assistance, how ever, it was now out of his power to give, so that his only resource was to send his best advice and most affectionate admonitions by letter. Among the friends who visited him in his retire ment was John Locke. This great philosopher had come over to ^gland in the same fleet which had brought the Prince of Orange, and now came forward with the same~ offer of services which Wil liam Penn had made him in similar circumstances. But Locke received the same answer which he had then given ; for, conscious that he had done nothing which required pardon, William Penn re- 174 fused to accept it, and thus imply ah acknowledg ment of guilt. When he had been about six weeksin retirement,! a second proclamation was issued for his appre hension, on the plea of his having lieen engaged with Dr Turner, Bishop of Ely, and James Gra- hame, in a conspiracy with the Earl of Clarendon, the Viscount Preston, and others, to bring James the Second back to England; but he continued to keep himself quietly in his lodgings : and it is remarkable, that though no extraordinary privacy was observed, he was never disturbed by consta ble, magistrate, or officer of justice of any kind. During this period he was actively employed in writing, as the only means then in his power of ser ving his fellow creatures, for whose benefifit was constantly his delight to labour. But in the midst of this employment, his apprehensions were ex cited by an event which seemed to threaten a de structive blow to his domestic happiness. His wife's health had long been deolining, but was now in a very alarming state. The difficulties, and hardships which her husband had encountered and still laboured under had proved too much for her strength to bear, and her life seemed likely to prove the sacrifice.^ ' Still, however, the measure of his misfortunes 175 was not completed, but other and severe trials awaited him. The account of the disturbances and discontents which had arisen in his province had reached the ears of his enemies, and had been eagerly seized upon by tfiem as a means of accomplishing his ruin- For this purpose it had been. industriously circulated, and pains hadJseen taken to impress the minds of the King and Queen vvith the belief, that he was incapable of governing — and that nothing could save Pennsylvania from ruin but taking it out of his hands. The success of his enemies was equal tp their wishes ; and a commission was granted by William and Mary to Colonel Fletcher, the Governor of New York, to take upon himself the government of Pennsylvania, of which William Penn was wholly deprived. It is impossible for description to do justice to such a situation as that to which this excellent man was now reduced.. Deprived at once of all the fond expectations he had enjoyed of governing a vir tuous and happy people; his fortune lost vvith the province in which it had been vested; dashed from the high station which he had lately enjoyed in the smiles of royalty ; slandered and reviled by his ene mies, and looked upon with coldness and suspi cion even by those who had formerly been his friends ; a tender and affectionate Wife sinking ra pidly under the misfortunes which had thus accu mulated upon her husband — what could have sup- 176 ported him under such circumstances but that which can sustain and comfort under every trial '? Religion, that friend which he had chosen in his earliest youth, was now his consolation and his support. With this, and with the balm of a spotless conscience, he was resigned and patient, receiving all as from the hand of Him who is able to make " all things work together for good." He now anxiously wished to hasten to Pennsyl vania, that he might still be near to watch over the constitution he had so carefully formed, and to take care that no infringements might be made upon its rights and liberties, without a protest against it either by himself or others. But here, besides the illness of his wife, another difficulty arose : his circumstances had become so embarras sed, that he knew not how to accomplish his wishes; so that his continuance in the country where he had met with nothing but hardship still remained as much a matter of necessity as it had ever been. At length a few of those great men who had long known and esteemed him were roused to a sense of the injustice under which he suffered. They therefore went in a body to the King, and pleaded his cause with so much effect, that his^ Majesty (who had previously known and respected him) gave them an order for him to be immedi- 177 ately set at liberty. But it does not appear that William Penn was himself quite satisfied with the mode of his release, as he afterwards obtained per mission to make his own defence before the King and many of the Lords of Council ; after which he was honourably acquitted. His restbration to public esteem was a subject of peculiar satisfaction at this crisis ; for the health of his wife was now in so hopeless a state, that there was no other prospect than of a speedy ter mination to her existence. To see her husband restored to his place in society must have been a balm to her wounded bosom ; and though her own frame had sunk under the calamities that had be fallen him, an amiable miijd, such as hers is repre sented to have been, must have rejoiced, in the prospect of usefulness which still seemed to lie be fore her beloved partner. Hei" decline was gra dual, and her death composed, tranquil, and resign ed. She expired in the arms of her husband, who thus speaks of her in a memorial he drew up after her death: "I hope I may say she was a public as well as a private loss ; for she was not only an excellent wife and mother, but an entire and con stant friend, of a more than common capacity, and great modesty and humility; yet most equal, and undaunted in danger; religious as well as ingen uous, without affectation; an easy mistress and good neighbour, especia,lly to the poor ; neither 16 178 lavish nor penurious; but an example of industry, as well as of other virtues : therefore our great loss ; though her own eternal gain." After the death of his wife, he devoted himself for some time almost entirely to the care of his family, to which he felt that he had to act the part of a double parent; and in no point of view what ever does this great man appear to more advantage than in the character of a father. Deeply impres sed with a sense of the importance of the duties which devolved upon the head of a family, we have already seen a beautiful exam'ple of his solicitude for his children ih the letter he wrote to them, even at the time that he was pressed bj such a variety of engagements. Indeed, the whole of his domestic character is of such a nature as to shed a beautiful and captivating lustre over all his public exertions. Steady and persevering as he was in all his un dertakings, it is not to be supposed that he cjould resign one that had taken such hold of his heart as the government of his province and territories had done, without an effort to recover it. For this purpose, soon after his honourable discharge, he sent a petition to the King to have it restored to him. This petition we are happy to say was successful, and not only so, but the instrument by which it was restored was worded in a manner 179 highly creditable to him; for it declared, "that the disordersand confusion into which the pro vince and territories liad fallen had been occa sioned entirely by his absence from them." From this time he began rapidly to recover i^ the esti mation of his countrymen ; for the base character of Fuller had become fully known, and he had under gone the disgrace of the pillory for crimes which deserved a still more severe punishment. His duties as a public minister now called Wil liam Penn for a time from home, when he visited the counties of Gloucester, Somerset, Devon, and Dorset, holding meetings almost daily at the most considerable towns, to which the people flocked in great numbers. From, this time nothing particular seems to have occurred to him till the beginning of the year 1696, the third from the death of his wife, when we, find him again entering into the marriage state with Hannah, daughter of Thomas Callowhill, and grand-daug.hter of Dennis HoUister, two eminent merchants of the city of Bristol, who had both joined the religious society of Quakers. - Soon after this event, his happiness met with a severe shock from the death of his eldest son, a very promising young man,, who had just passed his twentieth year. As his disorder was consumption, his decegse had no doubt been long antipipated, but as he possessed most amiable and engaging 180 manners and dispositions, and had also made great attainments in learning, his loss could not but be severely felt by his relatives and friends. To this, beloved son William Penn acted the part of a tender and affectionate nurse, attending him con stantly, with the kindest solicitude, for the last three months of his life. And, after receiving his last breath on his bosom, he gratified the natural feel ings of a parent by giving to the world an account of his exemplary resignation and piety, during his long and trying illness. From this time to the year 1 690, though actively employed in preaching and writing, the life of William Penn presents no very important incid ent. At this period, however, we find him prepar ing to resume his personal charge of the govern ment of Peniisylvania, to which place he sailed with his wife and children in September 1699. They had a long and tedious voyage of three months, which however proved eventually fortun ate for them, as it detained them from Philadelphia at the time that it was visited by a contagious dig- temper which was fatal to many of its inhabitants. We have a letter* before us at this moment from * This extract, with all the further letters and extracts which we shall insert, is taken from " Selections from the Correspondence of the Hon. James Logan, copied from the Originals by Mrs Deborah Lo gan ;" to whom we are obliged for the use which' we now make of them. 181 one Isaac Norris, a highly respectable inhabitant of the city at that time, of whom William Penn, in a letter written some years afterwards, says that he was a masterpiece for his education. In this letter the state of the city is thus described : — "In my last letter I advised something of it be ing sickly here, which affliction it has pleased the almighty and allwise God still to continue very sorely upon us, which causes many to bow before Him. There is not a day, nor a night has passed for several weeks but we have the account of the death or sickness of some friend or neighbour. It hath been sometimes very sickly, but I never be fore knew it so niortal as now. About ten days ago there was reckoned nine persons lay dead at the same time, and I think seven or eight this day lay dead together." Fortunately for William Penn and the compa nions of his voyage, we find that this affliction had entirely passed away before their arrival, as ap pears by another letter from the same hand, which says, after announcing thearrival of the proprie tary and his family, " Our place, through great mercy, is very healthy again ; and an extraordi nary moderate and open fall." We shall add an interesting account of William Penn's arrival, and the manner in which he was received ; which is given in a letter from his secretary James Lo- 16* 182 gan to William Penn, Jun. the only surviving son of the proprietary by his first wife, who being mar ried remained in England : — " The highest terms I could use would hardly give you,an idea of the expectation and welcome that thy father received from the most of the ho- n^ster party here. Friends generally concluded that after all their troubles and disappointments, this province now scarce wanted any thing more to render it completely happy. The faction that had long contended to overthrow the settled con stitution of the government received a universal damp, yet endeavoured what mischief they could by speaking whispers that the proprietary could not act as governor without the King's approba tion and taking an oath, as oljliged by act of par liament, but that in a great measure soon blew over. Colonel Quarry, judge, and John Moore, advocate of the admiralty^ the two ringleaders, went down to the water side among the crowd to receive the governor at his landing, who not seeming to regard the very submissive welcome they gave him, and taking notice of an old ac quaintance that stood by them, expected nothing but almost as open hostility from the proprietary as they were at before with Colonel Mackham, es pecially having heard that copies of Colonel Quar ry's letters to the Admiralty at home against the government were also brought over. 183 " Directly from the wharf the governor went_to his deputy's, paid him a short formal visit, and from thence with a crowd attending to meeting, it be ing "about 3 o'clock on First day afternoon, where he spoke on a double account to the people, and prayingj concluded it. From thence to Edward Shippen's, where we lodged for about a month." The dissensions which are likewise touched upon in this letter, and which at the time called so loudly for the wise and judicious head of the com munity, have long since lost their interest; but were it even otherwise, this is not the place for enter-. ing into a discussion of them, where the only aim is to sketch the character of William Penn, not to giye a history of his colony; whilst those who are desirous of having a more circumstantial ac count of the transactions of the infant community, may easily have their curiosity gratified by a pe rusal of the regular histories of those times. Not equally irrelevant to our subject are the characters of those whom he had chosen as his intimate as sociates, for there is perhaps no way by which a more correct view may be given of the mind that it is our endeavour to pourtray, than by sketching the characters of some of those who accompanied him to this Country, and who were the most nearly connected with him. This task is for two reasons peculiarly agreeable, the one, because it is always delightful to speak of excellence, and the other. 184 because we have before us a picture of that ex cellence sketched by pencils far superior to any we could ourselves have employed on the occa sion. The person most intimately connected with this great man — his wife Hannah Penn — appears to have been a woman in every respect worthy of being the friend and companion of so great a cha racter. For the sake of pourtraying her merits in the glowing colours of the energetic writer to whom we have before referred, who spoke from personal knowledge, and evidently under the im pulse of strong feeling ; we will anticipate a little our dates, and give two extracts from letters writ ten on the eve of William Penn's second return to his native country. At this time Isaac Norris thus expresses himself: — » " The governor, wife and daughter, well-^their little son is a lovely babe — his wife is a woman extremely well beloved here; exemplary in her station, and of an excellent spirit, which adds lus tre to her character; and has a great place in the hearts of good people." Again, after expressing himself in terms of great respect and affection of the governor, he speaks thus of his, wife : — " She is beloved by all, I believe I may say to the full extent ; so is her leaving us heavy and of 185 real sorrow to her friends. She has carried her self under and through all wijh a wonderful even ness, humility and freedom. Her sweetness and goodness has become her character, and is indeed textraordinary. In short, we love her, and she de serves it." The person who stood next to his excellent wife in the confidence of the governor whilst lin this country was his secretary Logan, of whom we have the following beautiful sketch by the same pen which not only copied the " Selections" from which we have been permitted to make so many valuable extracts, but has also enriched them with many important notes : — " James Logan, whose services to the public and to William Penn, the illustrious founder of Penn- sylvania, were so many and so important, was born at Lingan in Ireland the 20th of the 8th month 1674. His femily were originally of Scot land, and were very opulent until the crown seized the estates, alleging that Sir Robert Logan was implicated in the conspiracy of the Earls of Gow- rie. His father Patrick Logan had received a university education,, being designed for the church ; but becoming convinced of the religious principles of the people called Quakers, he relin quished his profession, and went over to Ireland with his wife, where he settled and educated his 186 children. The abilities of this son must have been early apparent, for he speaks of having at tained the Latin, Greek, and some Hebrew be fore he was thirteen years of age, and also that in his sixteenth year, having met with a book of the Leybourns on mathematics, he made himself mas ter of that science without any manner of instruc tion. He had been put apprentice to a conside rable linen draper in Dublin, but the Prince of Orange landing, and the war in Ireland coming on before he was bound, he was r-eturned to his parents, and went -over with them first to Edin burgh, and then to London and Bristol. Here, he says, whilst employed in instructing others, he im proved himself in the Greek and Hebrew ; he also learned French and Italian with some Spanish, and he notices that he went three months to a French master to learn pronunciation without which he was sensible he should never be able to speak it; and this he says was the only money he ever paid for instruction, for though he had his course of humanity, as it is called, from his fa ther, yet he could safely say that he never gave him the least instruction whatsoever more than he gave to his other pupils. In 1698 he had a pros pect of engaging in a trade between Dublin and Bristol, and had commenced it with a good pros pect of success, w-hen in the spring of 1699 Wil liam Penn made proposals to him to accompany him to Pennsylvania as his secretary ; he submit- 187 ted this offer to the consideration of his friends who disagreed in their judgment, himself decided in. its favour, and accordingly sailed with Wil liam Penn, 3 September 1699; in the Canterbury, Fryers master. Their voyage was prosperous, and they arrived in Philadelphia the beginning of the 10th month, December, following. "The then adverse state of his affairs caused the stay of the Proprietor to be but short; for in less than two years he returned to England leaving his secretary invested with many important offices, which he discharged with singular fidelity and judgment ; he was secretary of the province, com missioner ^of property, for some time president of the council, and afterwards chief justice of Penn sylvania. " Notwithstanding his life was thus devoted to bu siness, Ije found time to cultivate his love of science, and at length was permitted to enjoy the treasures of knowledge which, he had acquired in a truly dig nified retirement at his seat of Stenton near*-Ger- mantown. He corresponded with the literati in various parts of Europe, and received at his house all strangers of distinction or repute who visited Pennsylvania. He was ako the patron of inge nious men and cpnstantly-«xerted himself to pro cure for merit its well earnedmeed : Dr Franklin experienced his protection and friendship, and it 188 was to him that Thomas Godfrey first imparted his ideas of the celebrated quadrant which ought to to bear his name instead of that of Hadley. The instrument was submitted to the inspection of James Logan who procured it to be taken to sea, and finding its value greatly exerted himself (though without effect) to have the merit of the invention aiKl its promised reward secured to its real author. "The confidence which William Penn reposed in the abilities and integrity of his secretary is abundantly evinced in his letters to him. Fidelity, integrity, and disinterestedness were eminently conspicuous in his character, which was indeed of that sterling worth, that needs no meretricious or nament. "The aborigines whose concerns were consign ed to his care by William Penn paid an affecting tribute to his worth, when in his advanced age they intreated his attendance on their behalf at a treaty held at Philadelphia in 1742, where they publicly testified by their chief Cannassatego their satisfaction for his services and sense of his worth, calling him a wise and good man, and ex pressing their hopes that when his soul ascended to God one just like him might be found for the good of the province and their benefit. 189 " Besides his published works there is an essay on moral philosophy still extant in manuscript and letters on a variety of subjects which shew the deep research of which the mind of this great man was capable, and it is pleasing to reflect that although he suffered more than the usual infirmities of age (having injured himself severely by a fall some years before) yet his mind was sustained in undi minished excellence. He was eminently happy in domestic life, his wife being a most amiable lady, and his children dutiful and affectionate. After a retirement of several years from public bu siness, he finished his useful and active life at his seat of Stenton, October the 31st, 1751, having just entered into the 77th year of his age. "He left the valuable library which bears his name a legacy to the public. Such at least was his intention, and his children after his death ful filled the bequest," Many others might be mentioned whose names we recognize at this day in their descendants, and whose fair fame has been handed down without a blemish; Ijut there would be no end to the list were we once to outstep the limits of Penn's ow n immediate household. It was the intention of the proprietary on his second emigration to this country, to make it the 17 190 place of his future residence, and to devote the remainder of his life to rearing and nourishing his infant colony. One of his first cares was to bring two bills before the assembly, for the suppression of piracy and illicit trade, and his next to improve the good understanding that subsisted between the new settlers and the native inhabitants of the country, which he sought chiefly by trying to ci vilize the Indians themselves — not, however, by forcing a religion upon them, the sublime nature and principles of which they were altogether in capable of comprehending, but by leading them on by gradual instruction to the adoption of that highest species of refinement, an imitation of the example of our Divine Teacher. On every occasion the powerful mind of this great man took at once a philosophical view of every subject that it embraced; and hence we find him^ in his plans of government not enacting a severe code of laws, with the idea that crime was to be prevented by the dread of punishment alone ; but justly conceiving that ignorance is the sole cause of crime, he sought to prevent it by impressing on the minds of those whom he wished to benefit the beauty of virtue, as well as the inexpediency of vice; and for this purpose he earnestly set about forming plans for educating thC youth of the co lony, and leading them to virtue by a knowledge of the paths which they ought to pursue, rather than by frightening them from those which they ought to avoid. Education he knew to be the 191 foundation stone of that sublime moral fabric which he was anxious to erect, and which he hoped would prove not only a blessing to those who helped to raise the superstructure, but a beacon light to conduct others to a secure and peaceful harbour. Much is it to be wished that the execu tive powers of the present day were equally con vinced of the importance of a system of public education, and that the means, not simply of learn ing to read and write, but of acquiring from well qualified teachers a solid and useful course of education, were within the power of every child in the state. The erection of schools Would then supersede the necessity of building penitentiaries, and this city, which was nominated- by its benevo lent foutider the scene of brotherly love, would indeed become the seat of peace, piety, and learn ing. • William Penn's ideas on this subject we have in his own powerful language, when he says, "That, therefore, which makes a good constitu tion must keep it, viz. men of wisdom and virtue, qualities that, because they descend not with worldly inheritances, must be carefully propagated by a virtuous education of youth, for which after ages will owe. more to the care and prudence of founders and the successive magistracy, than to their parents for their private patrimonies." 192 ¦ And again, "Upon the whole matter, I take the freedom to say, that if we would preserve our go vernment, we must endear it to the people. To do this, besides the necessity of present, just, and [.wise things, we must secure the youth: this is not to be done but by the amendment of their way of education ; and that with all convenient speed and diligence. I say, the government is highly oblig ed : it is a sort of trustee for the youth of tlj^ king dom, who, though now minors, yet will have the government when we are gone. Therefore de press vice, and cherish virtue ; that through good education they may become good; which will truly render them happy in this world, and a good way fitted for that which is to come. If this be done, they will owe more to your memories for their education than for their estates." ? The idea of what constitutes a good education he has given us in the following excellent reflections: " If one went to see Windsor Castle, or Hampton Court, it would be strange not to observe and re member the situation, the building, the gardens, fountains, &c. that make up the beauty and plea sure of such a seat. And yet how few people know themselves. No, not their own bodies, the houses of their minds, the most curious structure of the world ; a living, walking tabernacle ; — nor the world of which it was made and out of which it is fed, which would be so much our benefit, as 193 well as our pleasure to know. We cannot doubt of this when we are told that ' the invisible things of God are brought to light by the things that are seen,' and consequently we read our duty in them to him that is the Great and Wise Author of them, ; as often as we look upon them, if ^e look as we should do. The world' is certainly a great arid stately volume of natural things, and may be not improperly styled the hieroglyphics of a better. „But alas! how very few leaves of it do we serious ly turn over ! This ought to be the subject of the .education of our youth, who at twenty, when they should be fit for business, know nothing of it. It would go a great, way to caution and di rect people in their use of the World, that they were better studied and knowing in the creatioft of it. For -how could men find the conscience to abuse it, while they should see the Great Creator look them in the face, in all and every part there of." Another of William Penn's favourite objects was the improvement of the city, which had in creased, during his absence, with amazing rapidity. At the time of his quitting it for England it consist ed of a hundred houses, and on his return he found it to contain seven hundred. The calamitous visi tation, however, of the yellow fever, which it had experienced a short time previous to his arrival, proved that great care was necessary to preserve 17* 194 the health of the inhabitants, and for this purpose he made various judicious arrangements with re spect to the free ventilation and cleanliness of the city. His own house was in Second Street, where the house of Robert Wain, Esq. now stands, but his chief pleffee of residence was at Pfennsbury,- which is described in the following manner in a note by the same pen to which we have before ac knowledged our obligations : — "Pennsbury house was built in the manor of that name situated in a bend of the river Delaware, being the easternmost point of Pennsylvania, the land of an excellent quality, and the situation ex ceedingly pleasant. The house was standing since my memory and some of the old furniture in it, though in a very neglected and decayed con dition ; for a long time an apartment was kept there for the agent of the family when he visited the estate, and he described the beds and linen as having been excellent. When I was a child I remember going with my mother to visit one of her friends, who had madea pilgrimage to Penns bury and had brought away, as a relic, a piece of the old bed then still standing : it was of holland and closely wrought with a needle in a small pa;t- tern with green silk, it was said to be the work of his daughter Letitia. Some years eifterwards, du ring the revolutionary war, a person of my ac quaintance was there when the house had fallen 195 in and was in ruins, a hedge pear tree growing among them. I have since seen the situation ; but nothing ofthe mansion remained, the materials hav ing been taken away : an old malt house and some other outbuildings were still standing, and an avenue of walnut trees planted along the road. There are beautiful islands in Jhe river, which here makes a considerable bend. I thought the situa tion very pleasant. "The mansion was represented as being large and handsome for the time it was built, the frames and other work being brought from England. It was leaded, with probably a cistern of the same, from whence the tradition that there was a fish pond on the roof, which I remember to have ^heard. The garden was large, and laid out with pastures and good fruit treesj,'- f- '' From Pennslfury he rnade frequent excursions both in the character of a minister of religion, and on visits to the Indians. He also received fre quent visits from them, and at one time we hear of his being .present at an Indian feast. The en tertainment was given by the side of a beautiful spring, carpeted, probably, with soft grass, and canopied, we are told, by the overshadowing branches of lofty trees. Their repast consisted of venison for which several bucks were killed, and hot cakes of wheat and beans. Dancing con cluded the entertainment. His visit was returned 196 by kings and queens, who, we may be well assur ed, would experience, at his house, all the hospi tality he could exercise. About this time, during one of his journeys through the territories as a minister, an anecdote is recorded of him which, though trifling in its na ture, we cannofthink of passing unnoticed. On his road he overtook a little girl, who was walking from Derby to Haverford to meeting. Haying in quired whither she was going, and being informed, he desired her to get up behind him,- and brought his horse to a convenient place for her to mount. Thus with his little companion on the bare back ofthe horse, and without either shoes or stockings, did the Governor of Pennsylvania proceed to the town to which he was going. We h-ave great plea- sure.in relating this little incident as a proof of the simplicity of his manners and the kindness of his disposition; qualities which are too seldom seen in persons of his ability and elevated rank : for few men are aware how mucLthe most distinguished talents and titles are ornamented by courteousness and humility. We often hear of minds capable of comprehending vast and important subjects, and of accomplishing undertakings which will hand their names down to posterity ; but we seldom have the gratification which William Penn's character affords, of marking the union of the most distin- 197 guished abilities, with dispos,itions the most amia ble and engaging. During the vvhole of his residence here, things appear to have gone on in the most peaceable and satisfactory manner; and happy would it have been both for him and those whom he had come to govern, had he been permitted to remain amongst them : but though so warm a friend to peace, the comforts of it never seem to have been his portion for any length of time, and we conse quently find that before he had been above two years in this country, his tranquillity was again interrupted. It appears that the Governors at home having become jealous of the growing influence of the Proprietary Governors in America, had formed a plan for buying them off. For this purpose a bill was brought into the House of Lords. The hard ship of this measure was remonstrated against by those owners of land in Pennsylvania, who were at that time in England, afld they solicited a ces sation to the proceeding till William Penn could arrive and answer for himself This intelligence was immediately despatched to America, and could not fail of being exceedingly distressing to one who had the goOd of the province so much at heart, andhadonly asyet commenced the 198 improvements in which his feelings were so warmly engaged. He had also every reason to believe ^hat, in the unfinished state in which things still remained, without his presence and authority tran quillity would not long be maintained. Not to go to England, however, would be to subject his go vernment to total dissolution; and, therefore, as the less evil, he decided on going. After appointing a deputy governor, and mak ing such other arrangements as the . time would permit, he set sail with his wife and family, leav ing James Logan behind, who was empowered to act for him in various important capacities ; and landed in England after a passage" of six weeks. He had been about two years in Pennsylvania, during which time it is said by Besse, in an account of his life prefixed to a collection of his works, that "he had applied himself to the affairs of government, always preferring the good of the country and its inhabitants to his own private in terest, rather remitting than rigorously exacting his lawful revenues ; so that, under the influence of his paternal administration, he left the province in an easy and flourishing condition." Soon after this, we find him involved in difficulties of a new kind; for he now began to be assailedby pecu niary embqfrassments, in addition to the many others which had afflicted him. 199 It is much to be lamented, that the most liberal and active benefactors -of mankind have so often had cause to repent of their generosity, and that the ingratitude of those whom they were anxious to serve haS rendered them in the end severe suffer ers. Such was the case with William Penn, in return for his generous and indefatigable exertions in the service ofthe Jersey and Pennsylvanian col onists. His expenses, as may well be supposed, had been enormous; but the colonists uiigrate- fully neglected to make him those pecuniary re turns which were his legal right, and on which he himself depended. These difficulties are referred to with great feel ing by James Logan, where he says, " The ac count of^thy circumstances -and the exigencies I know thou must labourunder there; with the diffi culties I am oppressed with here through the great decay of trade and the poverty ofthe planters from twhom chiefly we receive our pay, makes my life soiuncomfortable that it is not worth the living, I am ground on all sides. I know it is impossible to satisfy thee thus, arid the condition of our af fairs will not enable me to do better." < And in a letter dated a short time after this, Wil- L||||(i, Penn says himself, vvhen writing to James Logan, " I have not had one penny towards my support since the testing of the two ships I ad- 200 vised thee of, and have lived in town ever since I came over, at no small expense ; having not been three months of the twenty I have been in Eng land absent from court." In another letter, he says, " My exigencies indeed are very pressing, but I had rather be poor with a loving people than rich with an ungra^ful one." In the same letter from which we have made this extract, he speaks of having received intelli gence of the death of Governor Hamilton, and of his being about to send over a young man of the name of Evans to supply Hamilton's place, who was to be accompanied by his eldest son William. His motive for sending his son over to. this coun try, besides that of giving him an opportunity of becoming acquainted with a people and place of which he was likely at a future day to be the head, appears to have been to remove him froiri the temptations vvhich surrounded him in his native country, and which he d«es not appear to have possessed such strength of mind as would enable him to withstand, as may be gathered from an ex tract from one of his father's letters to James Lo gan on the subject, where he says when speaking of his son's intended visit, " Immediately take him to Pennsbury, and there give him the true state of things, and weigh down his levitia^as well as temper his resentments; and inform his understanding; since all defends upon it, as well 201 for his future happiness as in measure the poor country's. I propose Isaac Norris, young Ship- pen, and the best and most noble and civilized of others for his conversation ; and I hope Colonel Markham and cousin Ashton and the Fairmans may come in for a share, but the first chiefly. Watch him, outwit him, and honestly overreach him for his good. Fishing, little journeys (as to see the Indians, &c.), will divert him; and intreat friends to bear all they can, and melt towards him, at least civilly if not religiously ! He will-confide in thee. If S. Carpenter, Richard Hill, and Isaac Norris would gain his confidence, and tender Grif fith Owen (not the least likely, for he feels and sees), I should rejoice." This visit, however, was far from proving ser viceable either to the son or the country. The fault may probably not have been entirely his, though as we find that his character afterwards was far from being such as it ought to have been, it is but fair to presume that his conduct here had been very reprehensible. His stay in the country, however, was not long; for having been involved in some fray, for which he was publicly exposed, he was so highly offended at the treatment which he had received that he left the country very soon after. Such a termination to a visit from which he had no doubt fondly anticipated very different results, could not fail to be exceedingly painful to 18 202 the father in whichever light he viewed the affair. We find him, as is natural, disposed in a great measure to take his son's part, and conseqiiently find him expressing himself with great indignation in a letter to James Logan upon the subject : — " Pray carefully penetrate to the bottom of the design of affronting my son. Had I not orders to turn out David Lloyd from the lords justices'? and to prosecute and punish him, and send word what punishment I inflicted, and that part of it should be that he was never after capable of any employ in the country 1 and does he endeavour my ruin for not obey ing'? buf offering him to cover him self in the profits under any tolerable name, and did I not do almost as much for -^ and had orders to treat him sharply for *? and has he forgot how I prevailed with to drop the prosecution? and has forgot the boons I have made him many a day*? Well, all's well that ends well. But if those illegitimate Quakers think their un worthy treatment no fault towards me, they may find that I can upon better terms take their ene mies by the hand than they can mine, and unless the honest will by church discipline, or the go vernment (whilst it is mine) take these Korahs to task and make them sensible of their baseness, 1 must, and will do so. In short, upon my know ledge of this winter's assembly, I shall take my last measures. When the prosperity that attends the 203 country is talked of, and what they have done for me or allowed my deputies that have supported them against their neighbour's envy and church at tempts there and here, they seem struck with admi ration, and must either think me an ill man, or they an ungrateful people. That which I expected was 300 or 400 per annum for the governor, and to raise for other charges as they saw occasion: and if they will not do this willingly, they may find they must give a great deal more whether they will or not. I only by interest have prevented a scheme drawn up to new model the colonies. I was told so by a duke and a minister too, for in deed if our folks had settled a reasonable revenue I would have returned to settle a queen's govern ment and the people together, and have laid my • bones with them, for the country is as unpleasant to me as ever, and if my wife's mother (who is now very ill) should die, I believe not only my wife and our young stock, but her father too would in cline thither. He has been a treasure to Bristol, and giving his whole time to the service of the poor friends first, till they made 8 per cent of their money, and afterwards the city poor, by act of parliament, where he has been kept in beyond forms, he has so managed to their advantage that the Bristol members gave our friends, and my fa ther in law in particular, an encomium much to their honour in the house. Well ! God Almighty forgive, reclaim, amend, and preserve us all. Amen." 204 Yet he adds a little farther on in the same letter : " I justify not my son's folly, and less their pro vocation: but if his regards to your government does not hinder him, he has a great interest to ob tain it with persons of great quality, and in the ministry too, and he is of a temper to remember them ; though I fear they did design the affront to me more than to him, which renders the case worse." The part which David Lloyd is spoken of as hav ing acted towards the son is far from being the greatest injury that he did the father ; for it appears that, from motives which we shall not presume to penetrate, he drew up in his capacity of recorder of the Assembly, a complaint against the govern ment, which he forwarded to England with a view of taking the power out of William Penn's hands, which complaint he signed in the name of the As sembly, though it was afterwards proved that he was himself the only one concerned in the trans action. The circumstance, however, of his being the only person engaged in this ungrateful and unworthy act was at first unknown to William Penn, who wrote on the occasion a letter addres sed to Roger Mompesson, Esq. which we give here, less on account of the transaction of which it treats than on account of the amiable, manly, and discriminatiug mind which it displays in the wri ter:— "Honoured Friend, " It is a long time since I have been oblig* ed with any letter from thee, and then so short that had not others furnished me with thy American character, I had been at a loss to answer the in quiries of thy friends; but by my son I received one more copiously informing me of those affairs that so nearly concern both the public and my personal and family good, and for answer to the greatest part thereof, I desire thee to observe. First,. That (with God's help) I am determined to stand firmly to both, and for that reason will nei ther turn an enemy to the public, nor suffer any under the style of the public good to supplant mine. I do entirely refer my concerns, both as to the legality and prudence thereof (not only in go vernment but property) to thy judicious and judi cial issue, so that it may hold water with thy learn ed and honouralble friends of both parties. I went thither to lay the foundation of a free colony for all mankind that should go thither, more especir ally those of my own profession, not that I would lessen the civil liberties of others because of their |)ersuasion, but screen and defend our own from any infringement on that account. The charter I granted was intended to shelter them against a violent or arbitrary government imposed upon us : but that they should turn it against me that in tended their security thereby, has something very 18* unworthy and provoking in it, especially when I alone have been at all the charge as well as dan ger and disappointment incoming so abruptly back and-defending ourselves against our enemies here, and obtaining the Queen's gracious approbation of a governor of my nominating, and commission ing the thing they seemed so much to desire. But as a father does not use to knock his Children on the head when they do amiss, so I had much ra ther they were corrected and better instructed than treated to the rigour of their deservings. I therefore earnestly desire thee to consider of what methods law and reason will justify, by which they maybe made sensible of their encroachments and presumption, that they may see themselves in a true light in their just proportions and dimensions. No. doubt but their follies have been frequent and- big enough in the city to vacate their charter, but that would be the last thing, if any thing would do. I would hope that in the abuse of jjower, pu nishing of the immoderate offenders -should in struct others to use it well. But doubtless from the choice of David Lloyd, both for speaker and re corder, after the affront he gave in open court to the authority of the crown in the late reign, which he owned but never repented of, and forTvhich the lords justices of England commanded me to have him tried and punished, and to send them word what punishment I inflicted ; as also the choice of 207 for that confessed himself - to defraud the king of his customs (for which he is punishable at this day); there is an excess of vanity that is apt to creep in upon the people in power in America, who having got out ofthe crowd in which they were lost here, upon any little emi- nency there, think nothing taller than themselves but the trees, and as if ther^ was no after superior judgment to which they should be accountable; so that I have sometimes thought that if there was a law to oblige the people in power in their re spective colonies to take turns in coming over to England, that they might lose themselves again amongst the crowds of so much more considerable people at the Custom House, Exchange, and West minster Hall, they would exceedingly amend' in their conduct at their return, and be much more discreet and tractable and fit for government. In the mean time, pray help to prevent them from destroying themselves. Accept of my comriiis- sion of chief justice of Pennsylvania and the ter ritories. Take them all to task for their con tempts, presumption, and riots. Let them know and feel the just order and economy of govern ment, and that they are not to commaiid, but to* be commanded according to the law and constitu tion ofthe English government ; and till those un- . worthy people, that hindered an establishment upon thee as their chief justice, are amended or laid aside, so as thou art considered by law to thy 208 satisfaction, I fully allow thee twenty pounds each session, which I take to be at spring and fall; and at any extraordinary session thou mayst be called from New York unto, upon mine or weighty causes, having also thy viaticum discharged, let me en treat thee as an act of friendship, and as a just and honourable man. More particulars expect from James, for I perceive time is not to be lost. "JMow I must condole thy great loss in thy wife and' thy brother, the particulars of which must re fer thee to her brother and our common friend C. Lawton. Thy letters inclosed to me I delivered, and was well enough pleased to see that one of them was directed to Lord S '¦. I write no news, only I find that moderation on this side of the water is a very recommending qualification — nothing high church nor violent whig, neitheir seeming to be the inclination and choice of the present ministry.. I wish pur people on your side had no worse dispositions. " I cannot conclude this letter till I render theft (as I now do) my hearty acknowledgments for all •the good advices thou hast given for the public and my private good ; especially thy sentiments to the governor upon thr6e preposterous bills, fool ishly as well as insolently presented him by David Lloyd at the last Assembly. Let him part with nothing that is mine, for had he passed them they 209 would never have been confirmed here, but he might have spoiled himself. What a bargain should I have made for my government with the crown after such a bill had taken from me the very power I should dispose of! I will say no more at this time but that I am with just regards, " Thy very affectionate and faithful friend, " William Penn. "Hyde Park, nth of 12th mo. 1704-5." After having mentioned David Lloyd, only to speak of his unworthy conduct, we cannot deny ourselves the pleasing task of recording the change which afterwards took place in his sentiments to wards the proprietor, especially as we can give it in the beautiful language in which it is expressed in a note by the same pen to which we have be fore been obliged, and which speaks of him thus : " Some years after this we find him in a kind and friendly disposition of mind;, assisting James Lo gan in ascertaining the proprietary, title to the Lower Countries, and it is soothing to observe the characters of men, who have, like him, hitherto been swayed by prejudice or passion, that when the evening of life advances, the storms which have agitated them subside, and the soul, like the sun of the natural world, emerging from the clouds 210 which have obscured it, illuminates the horizon with its parting beam, and the day closes in sere nity and peace." In the year 1707 William Penn found himself involved in still greater pecuniary embarrassments than any that he had yet experienced, in conse quence of the dishonesty of a steward to whom he had entrusted his concerns with too unlimited a confidence. On this person's death his affairs were placed in the hands of executors, who made such a demand upon William Penn's property as he was resolved to resist, and consequently became involved in a law suit. On account, however, of some papers that he had imprudently signed, in compliance with the wishies of his steward, with out having properly inquired into their nature, this suit was given against him. The general sen timent was that he was miich aggrieved : yet a sub ject on which there could be two opinions could not fail to be exceedingly painful to his upright and honourable mind; particularly as it ended in his being obliged to live within the limits of the Fleet Prison, till an arrangement /;ould be made of his affairs. From these circumstances he was obliged to mortgage his province of Pennsylvania for the sum of JS6,Q00, which money was princi pally advanced by his own religious society; a certain proof we deem it, that his difficulties were the result of undeserved misfortunes. 211 We cannot be at all surprised to find that his ^health suffered materially from such an accumula tion of troubles. Deceived by those in whom he had confided; embarrassed in his affairs, and dis appointed in the failure of a Chancery suit, by which, though he knew himself to be right, his re putation was greatly endangered; obliged to mort gage his province,- and, in addition, exposed to many mortifications on account of a renewal of disturbances in that province, he could scarcely fail, at the advcmced age of sixty-seven, to totter under his burden. Religion, indeed, might ena ble him to endure these affiictions with humble and pious resignatioii ; but the body partakes not of the heavenly flame which animates the mental structure,, so that when severely oppressed, it shews its destructible nature by sinking under its load. But hpwever his health may have declined, his mind still resisted the pressure of the burdens whch seemed to accumulate upon it. Isaac Nor ris, who was at that time in London, in speaking of him says, "A.fter all I think the Fable of the Palm good in him. ' The more he is pressed the more he rises.' He seems of a spirit fit to bear, and rub through difficulties, and as thou observes his foundation remains." Indeed such will ever be the case wfith those whose actions are the result of genuine benevolence, and whose minds are sup- 212 ported by that steadfast sense of religion which, so far from forsaking us in time of need, only gains increased strength from the disappointments and mortifications to which all worldly schemes are liable. His object in the settlement of this state had been to prepare a home for the persecu ted Christian, where he might worship his Maker in the way that his conscience directed; and he well knew that the God whom he sought thus to serve would not leave him unrewarded, even though pains and trials should be his only return from his fellow men. And thus we find him breath ing the words of piety, love and peace, in a para graph of a letter to James Logan written whilst imprisoned and persecuted and apparently forsak en by all men: — "Give honest and wise Samuel Carpenter, Caleb Pusey, S. Masters, Griffith Owen, and I hope Thomis Story too, my dear love, not forgetting Captain Hill and his sweet wife; in deed all that love the truth in its simplicity my love is for and forgiveness for the rest. — My pod has not yet forsaken, nor yet forgotten me in all respects. Blessed be his name !" From this time to the year 1712 we find but few incidents of importance connected with this nar rative. He seems to have preserved his usualac- tivity in all his various avocations till that time when his usefulness was stopped by a fit of apo plexy, which stamped its ravaging effects on his 213 memory and understanding. His decline was easy and gradual, and though he was for four years rendered incapable of business, he retained, during nearly the whole of that period, sufficient conscious ness to enjoy the society of his friends, and to unite with them in the exercises of religion. During this period of helplessness, which must have been par ticularly painful to one who had been accustomed to spend a life of such unremitting activity, he had a kind and faithful nurse, steward, and ama nuensis in his amiable and affectionate wife. We have an admirable letter before us from that ex cellent woman to James Logan, dated in 1716, which we are persuaded will be read with plea sure by all who have a gratification in seeing the feminine virtues ennobled by vigorous intellect and active usefulness : — " Ruscomb, the 2d of 2d mo. 1716. "This is to accompany a little present to thy wife, viz. a small case of bottles, in which there is two of convulsion water, one strong, the other small enough for children without mixing. She should have had it sooner, but that London, Bristol, nor Ruscomb could afford, one half pint ready made, nor would the season allow of making it till now, and therefore I have now made a quan tity for thy wife to accommodate herself and JFriends as occasion requires : it is an extraordinary 19 214 medicine and what I may not make again for many years. I hope it will come in time enough to be of service to your dear little girl, whom I heartily wish you comfort in, and shall be glad to hear her life and health is continued to you, and yours to her. / " I design this with the case to the care of Cle ment Plumstead, from whom I had thy kind pre sent of skins, which Peggy with myself very kindly accepts from thee, and it was delightful also to my husband, as is always any thing from that country to which he holds his love and good Wishes through all his weakness, and which, through mer cy, does not much increase on him, though now and then a little fit of disorder in his blood makes me fear worse is coming. But he has hitherto been preserved in a sweet and comfortable frame of spi rit, and very comfortable in himself, and I enjoy him as a great mercy to me and mine, but the want of his direction in his public and family af fairs, you there, as well as myself here, are bi^t too sensible of. I have now been at London ad vising with my friends what may be done for your relief and the help of that country which is now so lamentably managed. All generally conclude no way like that of resigning the government wholly to the crown, with the provisos my hus band has made; and which Thomas Story says are as much as Could be expected, and at least as 215 much as can be attained, for he struggled hard for them, and I do not expect any that come after him will be able to do more of better than he did. Therefore we have all reason to wish it were so confirmed, but as that cannot be done this ses sion, and your case requiring speedy thought, we have under our consideration thr^e that offer as go vernors in case of a change, and neither of the three is James Coutty, nor can I hear his name has been so much as mentioned for the place — to be sure he will not be chosen by us, but perhaps one of the three may, who has a very good character for a judi cious, considerate, and wellnatured man — a man said to be above the world and the little tricks of it. Indeed if he answers but the character I have of him, and from a considerable man too, I think you will be happy under his administration, and hope you will make him easy if he comes. But how to get hira commissionated and approved, is a ta^, and I must say the people of Pennsylvania have been wanting to themselves in not appointing an agent or two to discourse with me, and then correspond with you and solicit your affairs here. Such a person or persons, considering the circum stances of things, would certainly have been of great use to you and ease to me, who am but a woman, and by the indisposition of my husband have the whole load of a large family's affairs — indeed I may say of a double family, for so in rea lity it is, because the person thou mentioned in 216 one of thine as reformed is, notwithstanding all their pretences, but exactly ditto. I wish I could say otherwise, I might then have, in many respects, help and ease from some of the burdens which I now labour under. But he has now put himself out of the way of every thing, except the enjoy ment of that which has brought him to where he is. My daughter Penn is here, and gives her love to thee, as also does my dear husband. We are sorry Rebecca Blackfan gives no better en couragement from Pennsbury, she mightily com plains for want of money. I desire thou wilt see that Peter Evans does not wrong her, for he has firmly bound himself to Edward Blackfan, his exe cutor, &.C. in a hundred pound bond, to pay her £20 per annuffl^ a copy of which, if I can get time, I purpose to send thee by Clement Plum- stead, as also another letter in answer to some of thine, but 'tis hard for me to get time from my husband to write, and to do it before him dodls but make him thoughtful when otherwise he would be very easy and comfortable, as he generally is when business is not in his view. " I told thee in my last I had left John at Bris tol with my cousin Webb, where he goes on well, if he can but have his health. My othej- four children are as yet with me, and through mercy well, as is the rest of the family. But you will doubtless by these ships hear ofthe death of poor 217 Thomas Lloyd, who has left a melancholy widow aud six fine children, some of whom I fancy will go by this opportunity to their nearest relations with you. I hope Sybella Masters will also return to hers : all her friends, I believe, in these parts wish it, and I trust she is prevailed on to attempt it for the good of herself and family. I shall say no more now, but designing another letter, I close this with true kind love to thee and wife, from " Thy real friend, "H. Penn," We see, by what is said by this affectionate wife of the manner in which her husband's feelings were affected at the sight of business in which he was unable to assist, that his mind still retained a portion of its native activity. This however gradu ally forsook him, and from that time to the 30th of July 1718 his existence appears to have been little more than a blank, and nothing seems to have been wanting, but the extinction of the last spark which continued till that day to flicker in his feeble frame, to blot him out from the number of the living. After tracing the rise and gradual progress of any thingso beautiful as the mind of this great man, a re gret bordering on melancholy steals over us on arri ving at its close. We are unwilling to admit the idea, that one so good, so excellent, so calculated to con duce to the happiness of others, was withdrawn from 19* 218 a world that so much required the influence ofsuch an example ; and that regret would amount even to agony, were it not for the reflection that the virtue which we have been contemplating, elevated and noble as it appears to us, was but the dawn of a higher excellence which was removed only to be perfected in higher and happier spheres. As we naturally feel desirOus of being further acquainted with the person and manners of those whose cha racters we admire, we read with interest the de scription which is given of William Penn. We are told that in his person he was tall and athletic, and that in his youth he was exceedingly fond of manly sports. In more advanced age, though iii- clined to corpulency, he was uncommonly active, and is said to have been a fine looking, portly man. That his address and general deportment were graceful and elegant, may be gathered from what is said by one of his friends, when speaking of his son on his first arrival in this country, who thus expresses himself: "Our young landlord, to say true in my judgment, discovers himself his father's eldest son: his person, his sweetness of temper, and elegance of speech, are no small demonstra tions thereof" This however might easily have been presumed, independent of such testimony, from a recollection of what his education had been. Indeed, in the consideration of William Penn's character, this circumstance ought ever to be kept in view, as giving it additional lustre, by 219 proving that native energy of mind which had power to rise even above the all-powerful influ ence of example and education. This great and governing principle was a love of truth and jus tice. For this he gave up not only the allure ments of a court and the fascinating temptations of riches and power, but what was to him still more valuable, the protection and favour of an affectionate parent : for this he endured impri sonment, persecution and scorn; for this he forsook his country; and for this he exposed himself to all the trials and mortifications which must ever at tend the amalgamation of different dispositions and interests in forming a home to which truth might resort with confidence, and where justice might hold her balance, to be swayed only by the laws of equity. Had power or self-aggrandizement been his object, he might doubtless have acquired it in a much higher degree in his native country, where the government was corrupted, and the smiles of its monarch were ready for his acceptance. But that sense of religion, which took possession of his mind at so early an age, taught him to judge of these things by their real value, not by their meretricious glare; and led him to aim through life at a nobility beyond the power of kings to bestow. From the persecutions which he himself experienced he learned a lesson of mercy to 220 others, and was ready to hail as friends the wise and good, to whatever denomination they might belong. " Salute me, (says he in a letter to James Logan) not only to my declared friends, but to the mode rate and ingenuous whatever name they bear." In another place he says, in speaking of a per son by whom he was sending letters to this coun try : " He is a great enemy to Friends, a reviler. Let kindness teach him his mistakes." And in another we find the following passage : " I went thither to lay the foundation of a free colony for all mankind that should go thither ; more especi ally those of my own profession. Not that I would lessen the civil liberties of others because of their persuasion, but screen and defend our own from any infringement on that account." This general kindness and good will had no effect however in leading him to palliate vice or coun tenance injustice; for we find him at all times most unqualified in his disapprobation of every species of immorality. His ideas on government we have spoken of more than once, and have shewn by his own words the philosophical view which he took of the subject. We have an example, moreover, of the manner in which he was in the habit of summing up a number of important principles in a few con cise sentences, in the following passage from one of his letters to James Logan : — " Give no occa- 221 sion of discontent to the inhabitants, nor yet court any selfish spirits at my cost and my suffer ing family's. Distinguish tempers and pleas, and let realities, not mere pretences, engage thee. Repress real grievances ; suppress vice and fac tion; encourage the industrious and sober; and be an example as well as a commander, and thy authority will have the greater weight and accep tance with the people." On his piety it is equally unnecessary here to enlarge : for he proved by every word and action, that religion was with him not a mere profession, or a favourite hypothesis that he. wished to sup port, but a governing principle, which accompa nied him through all the scenes and transactions Of life, comforted him in sickness, and closed his eyes in death. When we reflisct upon how much he accom plished, the many volumes which he wrote, his zeal as a minister of religion, his activity as a go vernor,, and the active part that he took in all public questions, we are astonished to think that the life of one man, even though protracted as his was to the age of seventy-four, could have allow ed time to accomplish so much. But the consi deration, affords us a striking proof of the import ance of a methodical arrangement of time, of which he was always particularly sensible. These 5522 are the bold outlines of the picture : and when to them is added all the finer shading which is to be derived from a fulfilment of the social and rela tive duties of an affectionate husband, a tender parent, and a faithful friend, accompanied by a pleasing cheerfulness of manner and great per sonal neatnessjwho will hesitate to hold him up as a pattern to the rising generation "? Or what youthful mind, after becoming acquainted with his sterling worth, rigid principle, liberal sentiments, and kind affections, can fail to experience the glow of no ble emulation, or to turn from the subject with a determination to go and do likewise '? And let the youthful reader remember that every virtuous as piration, every noble resolve, will tend to the ob ject so dear to every American heart, the perma nent independence of his native country : since, though he never may be called upon to act as a statesman or legislator, there is still a sphere, however small, surrounding every individual, in which the influence of example will promote the cause of virtue ; and virtue alone will secure the permanent well-being of any country. Fortune may favour, natural advantages may assist, and laws may restrain ; but a virtuous and enlightened people can alone present a bulwark that no ene my can destroy. 223 By a will made in 1712, a few months previous to the first fit of apoplexy, for he had three, he left his estates in England and Ireland to his son William and his daughter Letitia, the children of his first wife. The government of his province of Pennsylvania and the territories, and the powers belonging to them, he devised to his particular friends, Robert Harley, Earl of Oxford and Earl Mortimer; and William, Earl Powlett, upon trust, to be disposed of to Queen Anne, or to any other person, to the best advantage — and to be applied in such manner ias he should afterwards direct. , " He then devised to his wife Hannah Penn, toge ther with eleven others, and to their heirs, all his lands, rents, and other profits in America, upon trust, to dispose of so much thereof as should be sufficient to discharge all his debts, and, after pay ment of them, to convey to his daughter Letitia, and to each of three children of his son William, (namely, Guilielma Maria, Springett, and Wil liam,) ten thousand acres of^and, (the forty thou sand to be set out in such places as his trustees should think fit,) and then to convey fill the rest of his landed property there, subject to the pay ment of three hundred pounds a year to his wife for her natural life, to and amongst his children by her, (John, Thomas, Margaret, Richard, and 224 Dennis, all minors,) in such proportions and for such estates as his wife should think fit. All his personal estate in Pennsylvania and elsewhere, and arrears of rent due there, he devised to his wife, whom he made his sole executrix, for the equal benefit of his and her children." Subsequently to making the foregoing will, William Penn had agreed to part with his pro vince to government, for £12,000. But the crown lawyers having given a joint opinion, which was adopted by government, that the agree ment for sale in 1712 was made void by his inabi lity to execute the surrender in a proper manner — not only the province, but the government of it, descended to his sons John, Thomas, and Richard. FINIS. 1 '"s.''''" '¦' "-i